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T H E
P A P E R S
O F
T H O M A S JEFFERSON
THE
PAPERS OF
Thomas Jefferson Volume 9 1 November 1785 to 22 June 1786 J U L I A N P. B O Y D , M I N A R. B R Y A N ,
EDITOR
ASSOCIATE
EDITOR
PRINCETON, N E W JERSEY PRINCETON U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS 1954
Copyright, 1954, by Princeton University Press ISBN
0-691-04541-0
Third Printing, 1974 Fourth Printing, 1993 ISBN 13 978-0-691-04541-2 (cloth)
Printed in the United States of America
D E D I C A T E D TO T H E M E M O R Y OF
ADOLPH
S.
OCHS
P U B L I S H E R OF T H E N E W Y O R K T I M E S 1896-1935 WHO B Y T H E E X A M P L E OF A R E S P O N S I B L E P R E S S E N L A R G E D AND F O R T I F I E D T H E J E F F E R S ONIAN OF A F R E E
CONCEPT
PRESS
ADVISORY
COMMITTEE
FISKE KIMBALL, FRANCIS
CHAIRMAN
L. B E R K E L E Y , JR.
SOLON J. BUCK L . H. B U T T E R F I E L D GILBERT
CHINARD
HENRY S T E E L E
COMMAGER
H A R O L D W. D O D D S LUTHER
H. E V A N S
A. W H I T N E Y
GRISWOLD
BRECKINRIDGE
LONG
A R C H I B A L D MAC L E I S H DUMAS
MALONE
BERNARD
MAYO
R I C A R D O A. M E S T R E S S A M U E L E. MORISON H O W A R D W. S M I T H D A T U S C. S M I T H , J R . I P H I G E N E OCHS S U L Z B E R G E R W I L L I A M J. VAN S C H R E E V E N LAWRENCE JOHN
C. W R O T H
C. W Y L L I E
CONSULTANTS
AND
STAFF
PROFESSOR ARCHIBALD T . MAC A L L I S T E R , Consultant in Italian PROFESSOR RAYMOND S. W I L L I S , Consultant in Spanish FRANCE C. R I C E , Consultant in French HOWARD C. R I C E , JR., Consultant, Princeton University Library DOROTHY S. EATON, Consultant, The Library of Congress LAURA B. STEVENS, Proof editor DOROTHY D. W H I T E , Secretary
GUIDE TO
EDITORIAL
APPARATUS 1. TEXTUAL
DEVICES
The following devices are employed throughout the work to clarify the presentation of the text. [...], [....] [...] ,[....] 1
[
]
1
One or two words missing and not conjecturable. More than two words missing and not conjectur able; subjoined footnote estimates number of words missing. Number or part of a number missing or illegible.
[roman]
Conjectural reading for missing or illegible is doubtful.
[italic] (italic) [ ]
Editorial comment inserted in the text. Matter deleted in the MS but restored in our text. Record entry for letters not found. 2. DESCRIPTIVE
SYMBOLS
The following symbols are employed throughout the work to describe the various kinds of manuscript originals. When a series of versions is recorded, the first to be recorded is the version used for the printed text. Dft
Dupl MS N PoC PrC RC SC Tripl
draft (usually a composition or rough draft; later drafts, when identifiable as such, are designated "2d Dft," &c.) duplicate manuscript (arbitrarily applied to most docu ments other than letters) note, notes (memoranda, fragments, &c.) polygraph copy press copy recipient's copy stylograph copy triplicate
All manuscripts of the above types are assumed to be in the hand of the author of the document to which the descriptive symbol pertains. If not, that fact is stated. On the other hand, the followvii
matter.
A que
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APPARATUS
ing types of manuscripts are assumed not to be in the hand of the author, and exceptions will be noted: F C file copy (applied to all forms of retained copies, such as letter-book copies, clerks' copies, &c. ) T r transcript (applied to both contemporary and later copies; period of transcription, unless clear by implication, will be given when known) 3. LOCATION
SYMBOLS
The locations of documents printed in this edition from originals in private hands, from originals held by institutions outside the United States, and from printed sources are recorded in self-ex planatory form in the descriptive note following each document. The locations of documents printed from originals held by public institutions in the United States are recorded by means of the sym bols used in the National Union Catalog in the Library of Congress; an explanation of how these symbols are formed is given above, Vol. 1 : xl. The list of symbols appearing in each volume is limited to the institutions represented by documents printed or referred to in that and previous volumes. CLU
William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, University of California at Los Angeles CSmH Henry E . Huntington Library, San Marino, California Ct Connecticut State Library, Hartford, Connecti cut CtY Yale University Library DLC Library of Congress DNA The National Archives ICHi Chicago Historical Society, Chicago IHi Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield MB Boston Public Library, Boston MH Harvard University Library MHi Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston MdAA Maryland Hall of Records, Annapolis MeHi Maine Historical Society, Portland MHi: A M T Adams Family Papers, deposited by the Adams Manuscript Trust in Massachusetts Historical Societv viii
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MiU-C
William L . Clements Library, University of Michigan MoSHi Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis MWA American Antiquarian Society, Worcester NBu Buffalo Public Library, Buffalo, New York NHi New-York Historical Society, New York City NK-Iselin Letters to and from John Jay bearing this symbol are used by permission of the Estate of Eleanor Jay Iselin. NN New York Public Library, New York City NNC Columbia University Libraries NNP Pierpont Morgan Library, New York City NNS New York Society Library, New York City NcD Duke University Library NjP Princeton University Library PBL Lehigh University Library PHC Haverford College Library PHi Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadel phia PPAP American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia PPL-R Library Company of Philadelphia, Ridgway, Branch PU University of Pennsylvania Library RPA Rhode Island Department of State, Providence RPB Brown University Library Vi Virginia State Library, Richmond ViHi Virginia Historical Society, Richmond ViU University of Virginia Library ViW College of William and Mary Library V i W C Colonial Williamsburg, Inc. WHi State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison 4. OTHER
ABBREVIATIONS
The following abbreviations are commonly employed in the an notation throughout the work. Second Series The topical series to be published at the end of this edition, comprising those materials which are best suited to a classified rather than a chronological arrangement (see Vol. 1: xv-xvi). T J Thomas Jefferson ix
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T J Editorial Files Photoduplicates and other editorial materials in the office of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Princeton University Library T J Papers Jefferson Papers (Applied to a collection of manuscripts when the precise location of a given document must be furnished, and always preceded by the symbol for the institutional repository; thus "DLC: T J Papers, 4:628-9" represents a document in the Library of Congress, Jefferson Papers, volume 4, pages 628 and 629.) PCC Papers of the Continental Congress, in the National Archives R G Record Group (Used in designating the location of documents in the National Archives. ) S J L Jefferson's "Summary Journal of letters" written and received (in D L C : T J Papers) SJPL "Summary Journal of Public Letters," an incomplete list of letters written by T J from 16 Apr. 1784 to 31 Dec. 1793, with brief summaries, in an amanuensis' hand (in D L C : T J Papers, at end of S J L ) . 5. SHORT
TITLES
The following list includes only those short titles of works cited with great frequency, and therefore in very abbreviated form, throughout this edition. Their expanded forms are given here only in the degree of fullness needed for unmistakable identification. Since it is impossible to anticipate all the works to be cited in such very abbreviated form, the list is appropriately revised from volume to volume. Atlas of Amer. Hist., Scribner, 1943. James Truslow Adams and R. V. Coleman, Atlas of American History, N.Y., 1943 Biog. Dir. Cong. Biographical Directory of Congress, 1774-1927 B.M. Cat. British Museum, General Catalogue of Printed Books, London, 1931—. Also, The British Museum Catalogue of Printed Books, 1881-1900, Ann Arbor, 1946 B.N. Cat. Catalogue général des livres imprimés de la Bibliothèque Nationale. Auteurs. Burnett, Letters of Members Edmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress Cal. Franklin Papers Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in the Library of the American Philosophical Society, ed. I. Minis Hays
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cvsp
Calendar of Virginia State Papers . . . Preserved in the Capitol at Richmond DAB Dictionary of American Biography DAE Dictionary of American English DAH Dictionary of American History DNB Dictionary of National Biography Dipl. Corr., 1783-89 The Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States of America, from the Signing of the Definitive Treaty of Peace . . . to the Adoption of the Constitution, Washington, Blair & Rives, 1837, 3 vol. Evans Charles Evans, American Bibliography Ford
Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Writings of ThomasJeffer
Fry-Jefferson Map The Fry & Jefferson Map of Virginia and Maryland: A Facsimile of the First Edition, Princeton, 1950 Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89 Louis Gottschalk, Lafayette (1783-1789), Chicago, 1950 Gournay Tableau gênerai du commerce, des marchands, nêgocians, armateurs, &c., . . . années 1789 & 1790, Paris, n.d. HAW Henry A. Washington, ed., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Washington, 1853-1854 Hening William W . Hening, The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia Henry, Henry William Wirt Henry, Patrick Henry, Life, Correspondence and Speeches Jcc Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789, ed. W . C. Ford and others, Washington, 1904-1937 JHD Journal of the House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia (cited by session and date of publication) Jefferson Correspondence, Bixby Thomas Jefferson Correspondence Printed from the Originals in the Collections of William K. Bixby, ed. W . C. Ford, Boston, 1916 Johnston, "Jefferson Bibliography" Richard H. Johnston, "A Contribution to a Bibliography of Thomas Jefferson," Writings of Thomas Jefferson, ed. Lipscomb and Bergh, xx, separately paged following the Index. L & B Andrew A. Lipscomb and Albert E . Bergh, eds., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, "Memorial Edition," Washington, 1903-1904 xi
between
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L.C. Cat. A Catalogue of Books Represented by Library of ment, 1948 Library Catalogue, 1783 Jefferson's MS list of books owned and wanted in 1783 (original in Massachusetts Historical Society) Library Catalogue, 1815 Catalogue of the Library of the United States, Washington, 1815 Library Catalogue, 1829 Catalogue. President Jefferson's Li brary, Washington, 1829 MVHR Mississippi Valley Historical Review OED A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles, Oxford, 1888-1933 PMHB The Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography Randall, Life Henry S. Randall, The Life of Thomas Jefferson Randolph, Domestic Life Sarah N. Randolph, The Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson Sabin Joseph Sabin and others, Bibliotheca Americana. A Dic tionary of Books Relating to America Sowerby Catalogue of the Library of Thomas Jefferson, compiled with annotations by E . Millicent Sowerby, Washington, 1952-53 Swem, Index E . G. Swem, Virginia Historical Index Swem, "Va. Bibliog." Earl G. Swem, "A Bibliography of Vir ginia," Virginia State Library, Bulletin, viii, x, X I I (19151919) T J R Thomas Jefferson Randolph, ed., Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, from the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Char lottesville, 1829 Tucker, Life George Tucker, The Life of Thomas Jefferson, Philadelphia, 1837 Tyler, Va. Biog. Lyon G . Tyler, Encyclopedia of Virginia Biog raphy Tyler's Quart. Tylers Quarterly Historical and Genealogical Magazine VMHB Virginia Magazine of History and Biography Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Am. Rev. The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, ed, Francis Wharton WMQ William and Mary Quarterly
xii
Congress
CONTENTS Guide to Editorial Apparatus Jefferson Chronology
vii 2
continued From John Adams, 1 November Jefferson's Account of the Stanhope Affair [1 November] From John Christian Senf, 1 November From John Jay, 2 November From Charles Thomson, 2 November [From Richard O'Bryen, 3 November] From Nicolas & Jacob van Staphorst, 3 November From John Adams, 4 November From Borgnis Desbordes, Frères, 4 November To William Carmichael, 4 November To Richard O'Bryen, 4 November From John Adams, 5 November To Castries, 5 November To John Paul Jones, 5 November From William Carmichael, 6 November From Daniel and Theodorick Fitzhugh, 7 November From William Carmichael, 8 November [From Gazaigner de Boy er, 9 November] From Favi, 10 November From the Abbés Arnoux and Chalut, 11 November [From Thomas Boylston, 11 November] To Daniel and Theodorick Fitzhugh, 11 November To André Limozin, 11 November To William Wenman Seward, 12 November From the Abbés Arnoux and Chalut, 13 November To Lafayette, with Thomas Boylston's Proposal lea. 13 November] From Lister Asquith, 14 November To Vergennes, with State of the Case of the William & Catherine, 14 November From James Madison, 15 November From Samuel Henley, 16 November From Edward Bancroft, 18 November xiii
3 4 7 8 9 10 10 10 12 13 17 18 22 23 23 25 25 25 26 26 26 27 27 27 28 29 31 31 38 39 40
CONTENTS To John Adams, 19 November To Abigail Adams, 20 November To Jean Baptiste Huron, 20 November To Vergennes, 20 November From André Limozin, 21 November From Jean-Armand Tronchin [after 22 November] To Lister Asquith, 23 November From William Drayton, 23 November From Abigail Adams, 24 November To Borgnis Desbordes, Frères, 24 November To Jean Diot & Cie., 24 November To J. A. Gautier, 24 November From Ferdinand Grand, 24 November [From André Limozin, 24 November] From De Laflotte, 25 November To Thomas Eider, 25 November To André Limozin, 25 November To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr., 25 November To Jean-Armand Tronchin [ca. 25 November] To John Adams, 27 November To Samuel Henley, 27 November From Lister Asquith, 28 November [To André Limozin, 28 November] From André Limozin, 28 November To Philip Mazzei [28] November From Borgnis Desbordes, Frères, 30 November From Vergennes, 30 November From John Adams, 2 December From John Banister, 2 December [From André Limozin, 2 December] To Vergennes, 2 December To David Humphreys, 4 December From Lister Asquith, 5 December From Antoine-Félix Wuibert, 5 December From C. W. F. Dumas, 6 December [From the Commissioners of the Treasury, 6 December] From Geismar, 6 December From Neil Jamieson, 6 December [From André Limozin, ca. 6 December] From P. Tourtille Sangrain, 6 December From Neil Jamieson, 7 December xiv
41 47 49 50 51 52 52 53 53 55 56 56 57 57 57 58 59 59 60 61 65 66 66 67 67 72 72 73 75 76 76 77 77 78 79 80 81 82 82 82 83
CONTENTS From John Jay, 7 December From John Langdon, 7 December To William Carmichael, 8 December [To Gazaigner de Boyer, 8 December] [To P. Tourtille Sangrain, 8 December] From Diodati, 9 December From John Jay, 9 December From Janet Livingston Montgomery, 9 December [From Richard O'Bryen, 9 December] From Jean Baptiste Pecquet, 9 December To John Adams, 10 December From David Ramsay, 10 December To Abigail Adams, 11 December To John Adams, 11 December To Francis Eppes, 11 December From George Gilmer, 11 December To James Monroe, 11 December From David Humphreys [ca, 12 December] From Antoine-Félix Wuibert, 12 December From John Adams, 13 December From Lister Asquith, 14 December From Jean Diot & Cie. [14 December] From Pierre-André Gargaz, 15 December From Patience Wright, 15 December From Cosimo Mari, 16 December From William Carmichael, 17 December From Garreau, 17 December From William Robeson, 18 December Jefferson's Amplification of Subjects Discussed with Vergennes [ca. 20 December] From Abigail Adams, 20 December From John Adams, 20 December To William Robeson, 21 December From William Stephens Smith, 21 December To Vergennes, 21 December [From Richard Cary, 22 December] To the Governor of Georgia, 22 December To Garreau, 22 December To the Georgia Delegates in Congress, 22 December From Barré, 23 December From Cosimo Mari, 23 December XV
83 84 85 86 86 86 86 87 88 88 88 89 90 91 91 93 94 96 97 97 98 99 99 101 102 103 106 107 107 115 116 118 118 119 120 120 121 121 122 123
CONTENTS To John Jay, 24 December From Borgnis Desbordes, Frères, 26 December From La Rouerie, 26 December From Antoine-Félix Wuibert, 26 December To Abigail Adams, 27 December To John Adams, 27 December From Anne Cleland Kinloch, 27 December From Capello, 28 December [From H. Fizeaux & Cie., 29 December] From Castries, 30 December [From John Jay, 30 December] From Buffon, 31 December [From Frichet, 31 December] From Francis Hopkinson, 31 December From Abbé Morellet [ca. December] Queries Concerning Trade with the French Colonies [ca. December]
123 124 125 125 126 126 129 129 129 130 130 130 131 131 133 134
1786 From Lister Asquith, 2 January From Borgnis Desbordes, Frères, 2 January To John Jay, with Report on Conversations with Vergennes, 2 January To Francis Hopkinson, 3 January From La Rochefoucauld, 4 January To George Washington, 4 January To David Humphreys, 5 January To John Paul Jones, 5 January From Philip Mazzei, 5 January From Francis Coffyn, 6 January From Jean Nicolas Démeunier, 6 January From La Lande, 6 January From John Paul Jones, 6 [January] To Archibald Cary, 7 January To Francis Eppes, 7 January To John Sullivan, 7 January To George Washington, 7 January To William Whipple, 7 January To Borgnis Desbordes, Frères, 8 January xvi
135 136 136 146 150 150 152 153 154 154 155 156 156 158 159 160 160 161 162
CONTENTS To Castries, 9 January From Cambray, 10 January [To Cosimo Mari, 10 January] [To Philip Mazzei, 10 January] From George Wythe, 10 January To John Adams, 12 January To John Adams, 12 January To Nathanael Greene, 12 January To La Rouerie, 12 January To Lister Asquith, 13 January To Barré, 13 January From Borgnis Desbordes, Frères, 13 January To Cambray, 13 January To William Carmichael, 13 January [To Frichet, 13 January] To Thevenard, 13 January From Thomas Barclay, 14 January From Pierre-André Gargaz, 14 January From Louis Guillaume Otto, 15 January From Lister Asquith, 16 January To John McQueen, 16 January From William Temple Franklin, 18 January From Vergennes, 18 January From John Adams, 19 January From John Banister, 19 January From John Jay, 19 January From James Monroe, 19 January To Cambray, 20 January To Vergennes, 20 January From Jean Nicolas Démeunier, 21 January From Neil Jamieson, 21 January From Lewis Littlepage, 2[1 January] From La Rouerie, 22 January To John McQueen, 22 January From James Madison, with Enclosure, 22 January From Jean-Armand Tronchin, 22 January From Thomas Barclay, 24 January To John Bondfield, 24 January To Francis Eppes, 24 January To the Governor of Virginia, 24 January To John Jay, 25 January xvii
162 164 164 164 165 165 167 167 169 169 170 170 171 171 173 173 174 175 176 177 178 178 180 181 184 185 186 191 192 192 193 193 193 194 194 209 209 210 211 212 215
CONTENTS To David Rittenhouse, 25 January To Archibald Stuart, 25 January To John Banister, 26 January To William Buchanan and James Hay, 26 January From William Carmichael [ca. 26 January] [To Charles Dilly, 26 January] To Francis Hopkinson, 26 January To La Rouerie, 26 January To the Commissioners of the Treasury, 26 January To David Ramsay, 26 January To John Bartram, with Enclosure, 27 January From C. W. F. Dumas, 27 January To Benjamin Franklin, 27 January To David Howell, 27 January To John Jay, 27 January To James Monroe, 27 January To David Ramsay, 27 January From John Adams, 28 January To James Currie, 28 January From David Humphreys, 30 January From C. W. F. Dumas [31 January] From Ferdinand Grand, 1 February To C. W. F. Dumas, 2 February William Carmichael to the American Commissioners, 3 February [From Henry Skipwith, 3 February] From William Carmichael, 4 February From John Walker, 4 February To Antonio Giannini, with a List of Seeds Wanted, 5 February To Nicholas Lewis, 6 February From Philip Mazzei, 6 February To John Adams, 7 February [To Archibald Cary, 7 February] [From La Rouerie, 7 February] From John Ledyard, 7 February [To Thomas Mann Randolph, 7 February] From Lafayette [before 8 February] To James Bowdoin, 8 February To Thomas Cushing, 8 February To James Madison, 8 February From Teresa Murphy, 8 February To Joseph Nourse, 8 February xviii
215 217 219 220 223 223 224 224 225 228 228 230 232 233 233 236 238 238 239 241 242 243 243 244 250 250 251 252 255 256 258 260 260 260 261 261 262 263 264 271 272
CONTENTS To James Warren, 8 February To Lafayette, 9 February To Francis Lewis, 9 February To James Madison, 9 February From Nicolas & Jacob van Staphorst, 9 February [From Thomas Boylston, 10 February] From Thevenard, 10 February From George Wythe, 10 February From Abigail Adams, 11 February From C. W. F. Dumas, 12 February From Favi, 12 February From Edward Bancroft, 13 February From William Stephens Smith, 13 February John Lamb to the American Commissioners, 16 February P. R. Randall to the American Commissioners, 17 February From John Adams, 17 February From Hilliard d'Auberteuil, 17 February [From Madame d'Anterroches, 19 February] From Lister Asquith, 20 February To Hilliard d'Auberteuil, 20 February To Lafayette, 20 February To Rayneval, 20 February To Thevenard, 20 February From John Adams, 21 February To Edward Bancroft, 21 February From Joseph Jones, 21 February From Thomas Barclay, 24 February From John Adams, 25 February From Thomas Boylston, 25 February To Edward Bancroft, 26 February From C. W. F. Dumas, 27 February From James Lyons, 27 February From Thevenard, 27 February From Burrill Carnes, 28 February From C. W. F. Dumas, 28 February From John Paul Jones, 28 February To Vergennes, 28 February From Thomas Boylston [1] March From Zachariah Loreilhe, 1 March From John van Heukelom & Son, 1 March [ To Madame d'Anterroches, 2 March ] xix
273 273 274 274 275 275 276 276 277 279 280 280 281 283 284 285 288 289 290 290 291 293 294 295 295 296 298 298 299 299 301 302 302 303 303 305 307 307 308 308 311
CONTENTS [To Giovanni Fabbroni, 2 March] From David Humphreys, 2 March To James Monroe, 2 March [To Nicolas & Jacob van Staphorst, 2 March] To Rayneval, 3 March To Ferdinand Grand, 4 March From John Sullivan, 4 March [To Lister Asquith, 5 March] To Borgnis Desbordes, Frères, 5 March From David Hartley, 5 March To John Jay, 5 March [To Rayneval, 5 March] From Rayneval, 5 March To Martha Jefferson, 6 March From Lafayette [ca. 6 March] From Francis Hopkinson, 8 March From Suffren, 8 March From John Banister, Jr., 11 March From Madame d'Anterroches, 12 March To John Jay, 12 March John Adams to Carmarthen, 13 March From Thomas Barclay, 13 March To David Humphreys, 14 March From Louis Joseph de Beaulieu, 17 March From David Humphreys, 17 March From André Limozin, 17 March From William Macarty, 17 March From Samuel Henley, 18 March From James Madison, 18 March From Lafayette, with "Avis au Comité du Commerce," 18 [19] March [From La Rouerie, 19 March] From William Short [19? March] From Lister Asquith, 20 March From Thomas Barclay, 20 March From Benjamin Franklin, 20 March An Interlude at Dolly's Chop House [21 March?] From Nathaniel Tracy, 22 March From Thomas Barclay, 23 March From William Temple Franklin, 26 March From William Short, 26 March XX
311 311 312 312 312 313 314 314 314 315 316 317 317 318 318 320 322 322 323 325 327 327 328 328 329 330 330 331 332 337 346 347 348 348 349 350 352 352 353 353
CONTENTS From the Rev. James Madison, 27 March American Commissioners to John Jay, 28 March From Nicolas Darcel, 28 March From C. W. F. Dumas, 28 March From Francis Hopkinson, 28 March To William Short, 28 March From John Lamb, 29 March From Ferdinand Grand, 30 March [From Alexander McCaul, 30 March] From Thomas Barclay, 31 March From David S. Franks, 31 March
355 357 359 360 361 362 364 365 365 365 366
[From William Jones, 31 March]
367
To William Short, 3 April Notes of a Tour of English Gardens [2-14 April] American Commissioners to Carmarthen, 4 April [From David Humphreys, 4 April] From Thomas Barclay, 5 April William Carmichael to the American Commissioners, 5 April From LeJeune, 5 April From Charles Thomson, 6 April [From Nathaniel Tracy, 7 April] From St. Victour & Bettinger, 8 April From Jean Nicolas Démeunier, 9 April Thomas Barclay to the American Commissioners, 10 April From C. W . F. Dumas, 11 April [From Francis Eppes, 11 April] William Carmichael to the American Commissioners, 13 April [From Lucy Necks, 17 April] [To Lucy Necks, 18 April] From the Captains of American Ships at L'Orient, 19 April To Alexander McCaul, 19 April From American and French Merchants at L'Orient, 21 April From Lister Asquith, 21 April [To George Rogers Clark, 22 April] To Francis Eppes, 22 April To Anna Scott Jefferson, 22 April To Richard Henry Lee, 22 April To Nicholas Lewis, 22 April To Charles Thomson, 22 April To John Jay, 23 April
368 369 375 376 376 377 378 379 380 381 382 383 384 385 385 386 386 386 388 390 393 395 395 397 397 399 400 402
xxi
CONTENTS To John Jay, 23 April From Sir John Sinclair [24 April] American Commissioners to John Jay, 25 April Negotiations for a Treaty of Amity and Commerce with Portugal [Mch.-Apr. 1786] To James Madison, 25 April From Théophile Mandar, 25 April To Sir John Sinclair, 25 April To Carmarthen [ca. 26 April] From C. W. F. Dumas, 27 April [From Alexander McCaul, 28 April] From William Stephens Smith, 28 April From Pierre Dessin, 29 April From Lister Asquith, 1 May From Francis Hopkinson, 1 May From David Ramsay, 3 May To Vergennes, 3 May From Wilt Delmestre & Co., 3 May To Richard Cary, 4 May To John Page, 4 May To John Paradise, 4 May To William Stephens Smith, 4 May To William Carmichael, 5 May From John Jay, 5 May From John Jay, 5 May To André Limozin, 5 May To Théophile Mandar, 5 May From Malesherbes, 5 May From Lucy Ludwell Paradise, 5 May To Jean Baptiste Pecquet, 5 May To Thevenard, 5 May To John Banister, 6 May From Simon Bérard, 6 May To William Drayton, 6 May To C. W . F. Dumas, 6 May C. W. F. Dumas to Humphreys and Short, 6 May To Henry Skipwith, 6 May To William Temple Franklin, 7 May To Elbridge Gerry, 7 May To David Humphreys, 7 May [To Janet Livingston Montgomery, 7 May] xxii
403 405 406 409 433 435 435 436 436 437 437 438 439 439 440 442 443 444 444, 446 447 448 450 450 451 452 452 454 455 455 457 457 461 462 463 464 466 467 469 470
CONTENTS To Louis Guillaume Otto, 7 May To the Commissioners of the Treasury, 7 May From André Limozin, 8 May To Thomas Pleasants, 8 May To David Ross, 8 May From Ezra Stiles, with Enclosure, 8 May To John Banister, Jr., 9 May To Louis Joseph de Beaulieu, 9 May From the Commissioners of the Treasury, 9 May To Francis Hopkinson, 9 May From Francis Lewis, 9 May To Le Veillard, with Enclosures, 9 May To William Macarty, 9 May To John McQueen, 9 May From John Jay, 10 May To James Monroe, 10 May From Louis Guillaume Otto, 10 May To Charles Thomson, 10 May To John Adams, with Enclosure, 11 May From Francis Lewis, 11 May From James Monroe, 11 May From William Duer, 11 May To Wilt Delmestre & Co., 11 May From John Banister, with a Note from Anne Blair Banister, 12 May To John Jay, 12 May From James McHenry, 12 May From James Madison, 12 May To St. Victour & Bettinger, 12 May From De La Serre, 13 May From St. Victour & Bettinger, 13 May P. R. Randall to the American Commissioners, with Enclosures, 14 May From St. Victour & Bettinger, 14 May From Lister Asquith, 15 May From William Macarty, 15 May From John Adams, 16 May From William Carmichael, 16 May To John Adams, 17 May To John Bondfield, 17 May From Louis Joseph de Beaulieu, 17 May To Pierre Dessin, 17 May xxiii
470 471 471 472 473 476 478 479 479 482 483 483 498 498 499 499 504 505 506 509 510 512 512 513 514 516 517 523 523 524 525 536 537 537 538 538 540 540 541 542
CONTENTS From D'Estaing [From Patrick Henry, 17 May] To Rayneval, 17 May To William Stephens Smith, 17 May From Thevenard, 17 May From William Carmichael, 18 May From P. R. Randall, 18 May To J . A. Gautier, 19 May From J . A. Gautier, 19 May John Lamb to the American Commissioners, 20 May From André Limozin, 21 May From William Stephens Smith, 21 May From William Stephens Smith, 21 May To Lister Asquith, 22 May To Borgnis Desbordes, Frères, 22 May [From Martha Jefferson Carr, 22 May] From John Wayles Eppes, 22 May From Mary Jefferson [ca. 22 May?] To John Jay, 22 May To LeJeune, 22 May To Antoine-Félix Wuibert, 22 May From John Adams, 23 May Thomas Barclay to the American Commissioners, 23 May [From Francis Eppes, 23 May] To John Jay, 23 May From John Paradise, 23 May From Troyes, 23 May To Louis Joseph de Beaulieu, 24 May To Giovanni Fabbroni, 24 May From Ebenezer Gearey, Jr., 24 May From Teresa Murphy, 24 May [To Thomas Walpole, 24 May] To John Paradise, 25 May From Thomas Barclay, 26 May From John Bondfield, 27 May To John Jay, with Enclosure, 27 May To John Jay, 27 May From Vergennes, 27 May From Charles Bellini, 29 May From André Limozin, 29 May To Lucy Ludwell Paradise, 29 May From St. Victour & Bettinger, 29 May xxiv
542 544 544 545 545 546 547 548 548 549 554 554 557 558 559 560 560 560 561 563 563 564 566 567 567 570 570 571 571 572 578 578 578 580 581 582 590 590 591 591 592 593
CONTENTS To Archibald Cary and Others, Introducing John Paradise, 29 May 593 To George Wythe, 29 May 594 To John Adams, 30 May 594 To John Adams, 30 May 595 From Ebenezer Gearey, Jr., 30 May 595 From Teresa Murphy, 30 May 596 From Vergennes, with Regulations Concerning Tobacco, 30 May 597 To Lewis Alexander, 31 May 598 To John Bondfield, 31 May 599 Circular Letter to Francis Coffyn and Others, 31 May 599 To the Governors of Virginia and Maryland, 31 May 599 To John Jay, 31 May 600 To Vergennes, 31 May 601 From Thomas Boylston, May 601 From Lafayette 602 [From Troyes, 1 June] 602 To Clérisseau, 2 June 602 From Clérisseau, 2 June 603 Clérisseau's Account of Expenditures for Architectural Plans, &c, 2 June 603 From La Morlière, 2 June 604 To La Morlière, 3 June 604 From Francis Coffyn, 4 June 605 To William Stephens Smith, 4 June 605 From John Banister, Jr., 5 June 606 [From Francis Coffyn, 5 June] 607 From Jean Baptiste de Gouvion, 5 June 607 From Ebenezer Gearey, Jr., 5 June 607 From David Humphreys, 5 June 608 From John Lamb, 5 June 610 From John Adams, 6 June 611 To Breteuil, 7 June 613 From Guiraud & Portas, 8 June 613 From Richard O'Bryen and Others, 8 June 613 From Ebenezer Gearey, Jr., 9 June 622 From Antonio Giannini, 9 June 623 From Lewis Alexander, 10 June 624 Thomas Barclay to the American Commissioners, 10 June 626 From John Bondfield, 10 June 627 From Burrill Carnes, 10 June 628 [From Delahaie, 10 June] 629 XXV
CONTENTS From Thomas Barclay, 12 June [From Borgnis Desbordes, Frères, 12 June] From Ebenezer Gearey, Jr., 12 June To Stael de Holstein, 12 June From William Stephens Smith, 12 June From Nicolas & Jacob van Staphorst, 12 June To James Buchanan and William Hay, 13 June Instructions for Unpacking the Model of the Virginia Capitol, with Invoice [ca. 13 June] Memorandum of Customs Paid on Model for the Virginia Capitol [13 June] To Ebenezer Gearey, Jr., 13 June To André Limozin, 13 June From Ebenezer Gearey, Jr., 14 June From Benjamin Hawkins, 14 June To John Banister, Jr., 15 June To Lafayette, 15 June Passport to William Langborn, 15 June From André Limozin, 15 June From De Riario, 15 June From William H. Sargeant, 15 June To John Adams, 16 June From William Carmichael, 16 June To Jean Diot & Cie., 16 June From John Jay, 16 June [From Mary Walker Lewis, 16 June] To André Limozin, 16 June From André Limozin, 16 June From James Monroe, 16 June To William Stephens Smith, 16 June From Edward Bridgen, 17 June To Borgnis Desbordes, Frères, 17 June To Lafayette, 17 June From Daniel and Theodorick Fitzhugh, 18 June From Ebenezer Gearey, Jr., and John Arnold, Jr., 19 June From James Madison, 19 June To William Carmichael, 20 June To John Lamb, 20 June To P. R. Randall, 20 June From Antonio Giannini, 21 June [To Francis Coffyn and Others, 22 June] xxvi
629 629 630 631 634 635 636 637 638 638 639 640 640 642 643 643 644 644 645 645 647 649 650 651 652 652 652 655 656 656 656 657 658 659 665 667 667 668 £69
ILLUSTRATIONS FACING PAGE MODEL OF T H EVIRGINIA STATE CAPITOL
226
Model in plaster, executed by Bloquet after the JeffersonClérisseau plans for the building. Although the plans for the capitol were completed in January and forwarded with Jefferson's letter to William Buchanan and James Hay, 26 Jan. 1786, q.v., the model was not ready for shipping until June and was further delayed at Le Havre; it was not in fact shipped from France until almost a year after the plans were sent, by which time the building in Richmond had progressed beyond the windows of the first story. See Clérisseau to Jefferson, 2 June 1786 (two letters and account); instructions for unpacking the model, under 13 June 1786; memorandum of customs paid on the model, same date; André Limozin to Jefferson, 19 Dec. 1786; Jefferson to Buchanan and Hay, 26 Dec. 1786; Edmund Randolph to Jefferson, 28 Jan. 1787. (Courtesy of the Virginia State Library.) MAISON CARRÉE A T NÎMES
226
Engraving from J. G. Legrand's edition of Clérisseau's Antiquités de la France (Paris, Didot, 1804). When Jefferson decided to use this Roman structure, which he considered "the best morsel of antient architecture now remaining," as a model for the Virginia capitol, his knowledge of it was derived solely from drawings—especially those in the 1778 edition of Clérisseau's Antiquités. Hefirstvisited Nîmes in March 1787, and on 20 March wrote to Mme. de Tessè from that place: "Here I am, Madam, gazing whole hours at the Maison quarrée, like a lover at his mistress. The stocking-weavers and silk spinners around it consider me as an hypochondriac Englishman, about to write with a pistol the last chapter of his history." See Jefferson to James Madison, 1 Sep. 1785; to Buchanan and Hay, 26 Jan. 1786; to Mme. de Tessè, 20 Mch. 1787. PARIS AND ENVIRONS,
ca.
1787
227
This map, published by Le Rouge, shows the immediate neighborhood of Paris as Jefferson knew it. The new wall of the farmers-general, under construction during Jefferson's residence in the city (see Jefferson to Mrs. Bingham, 7 Feb. 1787), is here indicated by a single black line marked "Nouveaux Murs." Beyond this, the main highway to Brittany leads westward through the suburbs of Chaillot, Passy, Auteuil, across the Seine at Sèvres, through Chaville, to Versailles (at lower left). The road to Normandy, continuing the axis of the Champs Elysées (where Jefferson lived in the Hôtel de Langeac), skirts the Bois de Boulogne, crosses the Seine by the Pont de Neuilly, then, leaving Suresnes and Mont Calvaire to the south, leads to St. Germain en Laye (left margin). The road to Picardy, taken by Jefferson when he went to England and to Holland, leads north out through the suburb of St. Denis. The road to Orléans, leading south, is shown here as far as Berni, the xxvii ;
ILLUSTRATIONS FACING PAGE
site of Calonne's country residence, where the American Committee met and adopted the "resolutions of Berni" concerning the tobacco trade (see Jefferson to Jay, 27 and 31 May 1786; Vergennes to Jefferson, 30 May 1786). (Courtesy of the Bibliothèque Historique de la Ville de Paris, through Howard C. Rice, Jr.) L A F A Y E T T E ' S "AVIS A U C O M I T É " AS R E P R O D U C E D BY A NEW M E T H O D O F E N G R A V I N G
386
Lafayette's "Résumé" of his advice on the American tobacco trade was first delivered orally at a meeting of the American Committee, probably early in March of 1786, and put in writing while Jefferson was in London. Lafayette then had copies reproduced in facsimile by the "Hoffman process," one copy of which—the only uncorrected copy known to be extant—he enclosed in his letter to Jefferson of 19 Mch. 1786, q.v., where this document is printed in full. For the Hoffman process, see Jefferson to David Rittenhouse, 25 Jan.; to Benjamin Franklin, 27 Jan.; to James Currie, 28 Jan.; to Ezra Stiles, 1 Sep. 1786 (the latter in Vol. 10). (From copy in TJ Papers, courtesy of the Library of Congress.) MODELS B Y B O U L T O N &: WATT O F GRIST M I L L S D R I V E N B Y STEAM POWER
387
The Albion Mill at Blackfriars Bridge which captivated Jefferson's imagination in London in 1786 and caused him to speculate upon the future use of steam power in America (see Jefferson to Thomson, 22 Apr., 17 Dec. 1786) was destroyed by fire in 1791. The above models in wood were of the rotative type of engine developed in 1783; these were acquired from the Boulton & Watt firm by the Science Museum, London, in 1876, and, in the words of Boulton's biographer, "there cannot be any doubt that these were Boulton's schemes" (H. W. Dickinson, Matthew Boulton, Cambridge, 1937, p. 122). (British Crown Copyright; from an exhibit in the Science Museum, London, through courtesy of H. A. Salter, Deputy Museum Superintendent. ) F I N A L P A G E O F T H E PROPOSED T R E A T Y W I T H P O R T U G A L
This final text of the proposed treaty with Portugal, the negotiations for which were the prime reason for Jefferson's hurried trip to England in March 1786, was prepared just prior to Jefferson's return to Paris. Since there was no reason to doubt that the treaty would be ratified, he signed it on 25 Apr., the day before his departure from London, and left this copy with Adams. The impression of the seal reproduced here is one of several seals known to have been used by Jefferson during his lifetime. He probably had it made shortly after he went to Paris and examples of it are to be found intact on several letters of this period. See American Commissioners to John Jay, 25 Apr. 1786; projet of a treaty with Portugal, same date. See also TJ's Autobiography, Ford, i , 90, in which the assertion is xxviii
418
ILLUSTRATIONS FACING PAGE
made that De Pinto signed the draft treaty; this, however, must have referred to the duplicate copy of the final text which De Pinto's courier transmitted to Portugal—a copy that was pre sumably signed by all three ministers. See Adams to TJ, 16 July 1786. (Courtesy of the Adams Manuscript Trust and the Massachusetts Historical Society.) PLAN O F MOUNDS A T T H E M O U T H O F T H E MUSKINGUM
RIVER
419
This plan (enclosed in Ezra Stiles' letter to Jefferson, 8 May 1786, q.v.) was described by Stiles: "Plan of Works or Mounds of Earth & Lines of Circumvallation covered with Forest Trees, at the Entrance of the River Muskingham into the River Ohio: taken 1786 by Gen. Parsons & communicated to Ezra Stiles. May 5 1786." Samuel H. Parsons' speculations concerning the mounds and their builders are to be found in his letter to Stiles of 27 Apr. 1786 (enclosed in Stiles' letter of 8 May). (Courtesy of the Library of Congress.)
xxix
VOLUME 9 1 November 1785 to 22 June 1786
JEFFERSON
CHRONOLOGY
1743 • 1 8 2 6 1743. Born at Shadwell. 1772. Married Martha Wayles Skelton. 1775- 76. In Continental Congress. 1776- 79. In Virginia House of Delegates. 1779-81. Governor of Virginia. 1782. His wife died. 1783- 84. In Continental Congress. 1784- 89. In France as commissioner and minister. 1790-93. U.S. Secretary of State. 1797-1801. Vice-President of the U.S. 1801-09. President of the U.S. 1826. Died at Monticello. VOLUME 9 November 1785 to June 1786 1785 23 Nov. Elected a member of the South Carolina Society for Promoting and Improving Agriculture. 27 Nov. Sent John Adams suggestions for a treaty with Portugal. 30 Nov. Obtained abatement of duties on American whale-oil imported into France. Nov.-Dec. Abbé Morellet began translating Jefferson's Notes on the State of Virginia. 9 Dec. Had conference with Vergennes on commerce. 30 Dec. Houdon returned to Paris from America. 1786 6 Jan. Jean Nicolas Démeunier asked TJ to assist him in compiling an article on the United States for the Encyclopédie Méthodique. 16 Jan. Act for religious freedom passed by the Virginia General Assembly. 26 Jan. Sent plans for the capitol and prison at Richmond to the directors of public buildings for Virginia. 6 Mch. Left Paris, ca. 6-13 Mch. Lafayette wrote his "Avis au Comité" on the tobacco trade. 11 Mch. Arrived in London. 17 Mch. Presented at the Court of St. James. 2-14 Apr. Made tour of the gardens of England. 25 Apr. Signed treaty with Portugal. 26 Apr. Left London. 30 Apr. Arrived in Paris. 11 May. Sent John Adams proposal for a treaty with Austria. 17 May. John Lamb returned to Madrid. 24 May. Committee on American commerce met at Berni and adopted resolutions on the tobacco trade.
JEFFERSON
CHRONOLOGY
1743 • 1 8 2 6 1743. Born at Shadwell. 1772. Married Martha Wayles Skelton. 1775- 76. In Continental Congress. 1776- 79. In Virginia House of Delegates. 1779-81. Governor of Virginia. 1782. His wife died. 1783- 84. In Continental Congress. 1784- 89. In France as commissioner and minister. 1790-93. U.S. Secretary of State. 1797-1801. Vice-President of the U.S. 1801-09. President of the U.S. 1826. Died at Monticello. VOLUME 9 November 1785 to June 1786 1785 23 Nov. Elected a member of the South Carolina Society for Promoting and Improving Agriculture. 27 Nov. Sent John Adams suggestions for a treaty with Portugal. 30 Nov. Obtained abatement of duties on American whale-oil imported into France. Nov.-Dec. Abbé Morellet began translating Jefferson's Notes on the State of Virginia. 9 Dec. Had conference with Vergennes on commerce. 30 Dec. Houdon returned to Paris from America. 1786 6 Jan. Jean Nicolas Démeunier asked TJ to assist him in compiling an article on the United States for the Encyclopédie Méthodique. 16 Jan. Act for religious freedom passed by the Virginia General Assembly. 26 Jan. Sent plans for the capitol and prison at Richmond to the directors of public buildings for Virginia. 6 Mch. Left Paris, ca. 6-13 Mch. Lafayette wrote his "Avis au Comité" on the tobacco trade. 11 Mch. Arrived in London. 17 Mch. Presented at the Court of St. James. 2-14 Apr. Made tour of the gardens of England. 25 Apr. Signed treaty with Portugal. 26 Apr. Left London. 30 Apr. Arrived in Paris. 11 May. Sent John Adams proposal for a treaty with Austria. 17 May. John Lamb returned to Madrid. 24 May. Committee on American commerce met at Berni and adopted resolutions on the tobacco trade.
T H E PAPERS OF
THOMAS JEFFERSON
From John Adams DEAR SIR Grosvenor Square Nov. 1. 1785. Your Favour of the 18th. did not reach me, till last night. I am glad the Doctor has arrived safe and in so good health, and would fain hope he may contribute to compose the jarring Parties in Pensilvania, as well as assist in improving the Union of the States. Mrs. Rucker has a Letter from her Sister at New York, which mentions the Arrival of Mr. Otto, so that I think Madame la Comtess de Doradour may be satisfied that the Comte her Husband is arrived. I have been told that the Court of France has contracted with an House at Nantes for supplying their Navy, with American Masts. As this is an affair somewhat interesting, to Great Britain as well as to France and the United States, I should be obliged to you for the Particulars. I wish the Report may be true, and that it may be soon followed by Arrangements for illuminating their Cities with our fine White Sperma Cœti Oil, and their Churches and Families with our beautifull Sperma Cœti Candles. Pray what is the Reason that the Virginians dont learn to sort their Tobacco at home, that they may be able to furnish the French with such Parts of their Produce as are adapted to that Markett, without obliging the Farmers general to think of going to Holland, or coming to England to purchase them. There is a considerable Loss to our Country, in Freight, Insurance, Commissions and Profits, arising from this indirect Commerce and you know as We are poor We ought to be ([Economists: but if we were rich it would not be wise nor honourable to give away our Wealth without Consideration and Judgment. General Arnold is gone out to Hallif ax, with a Vessell and Cargo, of his own, upon what kind of Speculation I know not. Some say 1
3
1
N O V E M B E R
1785
that not associating with British Officers, not being able to bear a Life of Inactivity, and having a young Family to provide for, he is gone to seek his Fortune. Whether it is a political Maneuvre or not, I wish that Mr. Deane, Mr. Irvin, Mr. Chalmers and Mr. Smith, were gone with him. The Doctrine of these Gentlemen is that this Country and her Commerce are so essential to the U . States that they cannot exist without them, and that the States can never unite in any measures of Retaliation, nor in any Plan to encourage their own Navigation Acts, and they find Persons enough who have an ardent Passion to believe what is so conformable to their Wishes. If our Country is so situated that she must consent that G. Britain shall carry all our own Produce, to the West India Islands, to Canada, to Nova Scotia, to Newfoundland and to Europe too, We must be humble. When We are willing they should carry half our own Produce, it is not very modest for them to insist upon carrying all. It is reported that the Ariel has been sent out, express, since the News of the Hurricane, to carry orders for admitting American Vessells to the English West India Islands: but for what time and under what restrictions I know not. Captain Bell arrived at Philadelphia, on the 14. Sept. the same day with Dr. F . and is said to have made a good Voyage. This is the third Ship from India, and Insurance is making here upon four oth[er ships bo]und the same Way. The former could not be insured under twfelve Per] Cent. These are done at Seven. My dear Sir Adieu, J O H N ADAMS RC ( D L C ) ; addressed; postmarked "4 N O " ; MS torn when seal was broken and a few words have been supplied in square brackets from F C (MHi: A M T ) ; in hand of Miss Abigail Adams. Recorded in S J L as received 9 Nov. 1785. i FC reads "Houses."
Jefferson's Account of the Stanhope Affair The assault committed in Boston on Capt. Stanhope commander of the British frigate Mercury having been given in several Euro pean papers according to the London state of it, candour obliges us to present to the eye of our readers, the same transaction as stated in depositions on oath taken by the order of that government in which it happened. Two citizens of Massachusets, of the names of Dunbar and Lowthorp, living near Boston were taken prisoners by the English during the late war. They were transferred from 4;
1 NOVEMBER
1785
one vessel to another and at length to the Mercury commanded by this Capt. Stanhope. He endeavored to force them to do duty against their country as sailors on board his ship. This they refused and for their refusals he had them frequently whipped and other wise illtreated in the most cruel manner. The ship going to Antigua to refit, he put all his prisoners into jail, and among the rest Dunbar and Lowthorp, first giving Dunbar 24. lashes. Peace took place and these prisoners got home under the general liberation. They were quietly pursuing their occupations at home when they heard that Capt. Stanhope of the Mercury was come to Boston. This brought fresh into their minds the barbarities they had suffered from him, and kindled their indignation. They immediately went to Boston, sought for Stanhope and met him walking with some of his officers in the Mall. Dunbar stepped up to him and asked him if he recollected him, and the whippings he had given him when a prisoner on board his ship? And, having brought no weapon with him, struck at him with his fist. Stanhope stepped back, and drew his sword. The people collecting, interposed and kept the parties asunder. Stanhope retreated till he got to the door of a Mr. Morton; and there Dunbar, seeing him likely to escape, made a last violent effort to seize him, but the high sheriff was by this time arrived, and interposed and protected Stanhope from injury. The assailants withdrew as did the people also, every man to his home. Here ended all acts of force. Capt. Stanhope then thought proper to write those letters which have been published in the several papers of Europe. On this transaction the following observations are made. By the laws of England an assault on any person whatever, whether citi zen or alien can be punished only by the judges in the ordinary course of law. The king can no more interfere than any private individual. And the mode of punishment for an offence committed even against an ambassador or other diplomatic character entitled to the protection of the laws of nations was formerly the same, as where it was against any other foreigner or a citizen. Hence it happened that in the reign of Q. Anne in the year 1704. when the Russian Ambassador in London was arrested for debt by an in dividual and it was found that the ordinary course of punishment prescribed by the laws was not sufficiently impartial, the English parliament passed an act directing another course of punishment for offences committed on Ambassadors and other public ministers entitled to the protection of the law of nations. Still however, all 1
[5
1 NOVEMBER
1785
other foreigners not of the diplomatic character, remain punishable only in the ordinary course of law, and when such [an event] happens in England as that now under consideration it is punished by the judges only. The American states having on their first establishment adopted the system of British law, it follows that the assault on Capt. Stanhope in Boston is punishable in the same way as a similar assault on any foreigner in England would have been; and the answer of Govr. Bowdoin to Stanhope was precisely the answer which the king of England must have given on a similar application. Let us contrast the conduct of Mr. Stanhope, captain of the frigate Mercury, with that of the Count de Rochambaud Lieutenant general of the armies of the king of France and his Commander in chief in America: and tho' Capt. Stanhope 'knows not of any station more respectable than that he has the honor to fill' one who does not think the captain of an English frigate quite the first man of the world, must beg pardon of Count de Rochambeau for presuming for a moment to place his name in such com pany. When this high officer was returning with his victorious army from the capture of York town and of Ld. Cornwallis and his army in that, he happened in passing thro' the state of New York to encamp on the farm of a private citizen, and some of his souldiers, notwithstanding their general good behaviour and the great attention of his officers, burnt some of the fencing and did some other damage to the farm. The owner (who was a tory, for no whig would have done what he did) took out a writ, and de livered it to the sheriff who arrested Count de Rochambeau at the head of his army. The Count asking what was to be the next step the Sheriff explained to him that he must either give security for his appearance before the court to answer the complaint of the farmer or be carried by him to prison, such being the voice of the law, which in that country is superior to all other. The Count, without the smallest hesitation, gave security for his appearance in court, and without obliging the farmer to prosecute his suit, appointed a person to concur with him in an estimate of the damage, and paid it: an act which while it shewed the temper and sound sense of this great man did him more honour in the eyes of the Americans, and rendered him more dear to their hearts than if he had slaughtered for them thousands of their enemies. It was a triumph of law which will never be forgotten in America. It will not be pretended that the French nation want knowlege of their rights, or the spirit or force to vindicate them. But they saw that whatever might be the 2
6
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1785
malice of the individual who had instituted this process, it was nevertheless regular and therefore they never complained of it. PrC ( D L C ) ; undated. A four-page translation of TJ's account, in Italian and in the hand of Philip Mazzei, is in the Luzac Papers, Bibliotheek der Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden, Leyden, Holland. It was evidently among the papers left with Jean Luzac as reported by Mazzei in his letter to T J of 6 Feb. 1786, but it is not clear why he bothered to put into Italian a manuscript intended for a newspaper published in French. Mazzei may have had with him the original from which the present PrC was made. This is evidently the manuscript account of the Stanhope affair that T J drafted for publication "in a public paper to counteract the impressions of the London papers and Mercure de France" ( T J to Abigail Adams, 20 Nov. 1785). The entry in S J P L is clearly in error in placing the manuscript under 27 Nov. 1785. An account of the Stanhope case was published in the Gazette de Leide for 6 Dec. 1785 as an "Extrait d'une Lettre de Boston du 24. Septembre," but this was not TJ's statement. On 4 Nov. the same paper quoted an account A C C O R D I N G T O T H E LONDON STATE O F I T : "La manière, dont le Capitaine Stanhope s'est conduit à Boston, est l'objet actuel des réflexions de nos Politiques. Le plus grand nombre vante jusqu'aux deux la fermeté, qu'il a fait paroître à l'égard du Gouverneur Bowdoin. On ajoute même, que sa conduite a mérité une récompense signalée du Souverain: On l'auroit, dit-on, justifié dans toutes les mesures qu'il auroit pu prendre pour maintenir l'honneur du Pavillon Britannique contre l'insolence et le délire des Bostoniens." That the "Bostoniens" were not altogether blameless in the affair is indicated by evidence supporting the charge by Stanhope that he had received "insults and disgraceful indignities offered by hundreds in this town to me and my Officers . . . as well
as the most illiberal and indecent language with which the newspapers have been filled" (Stanhope to Bowdoin, 1 Aug. 1785; J C C , xxrx, 641). Newspaper appeals to popular prejudice began immediately on Stanhope's arrival. The Connecticut Courant for 18 July 1785 quoted a Boston paper of 14 July: "On Tuesday last arrived here from Halifax the British frigate Mercury for a freight of livestock, and three transports are hourly expected for the same laudable undertaking. When the virtuous citizens of Boston reflect that this supply is intended for their most inexorable enemies, who have wantonly insulted our citizens with every indignity in their ports, they will doubtless treat their proposals with that contempt which they justly deserve." A week later the Courant quoted the Boston paper in what amounted to an incitement to mob violence: "We need not caution our country-brethren against letting their stock go. Seventy head of cattle, we hear, will be on board a transport lying on Tilestone's wharf tomorrow or next day at farthest." Congress sent the Stanhope-Bowdoin correspondence in a circular to the governors of the states, directed Adams to lay the matter before the British government, and a year later Rufus King was able to assure the Massachusetts House of Representatives that the "business had been noticed in a manner suitable to the dignity of this state" (Burnett, Letters of Members, vin, No. 516). Newspapers on both sides were intemperate, but the two governments treated the matter with prudence. See Abigail Adams to T J , 20 Dec. 1785. i T J deleted the following at this point: "presenting his face fiercely." 2 T J deleted at this point: "to name Mr. Stanhope in the same breath with him."
From John Christian Senf SIR
Havre Novr. 1st. 1785
I take the Liberty to inform your Excellency, that after I have been about two and twenty Days at this Place, waiting in vain for 7
2 NOVEMBER
1785
Captain Laroque's Vessel to depart (consigned to Mr. Limozin from a Merchant of Rouen) I shal set out to Day for POrient, to go with the first Paquet to New York. Mr. Limozin hath advertised the Vessel to sail the 15th. of last Month, but the Captain assured me, He never intended to go before the 30th. Octr. The contrary Winds wil continue, as usual in this Country, for some time. And if the Winds should become good tomorrow, I may judge by Ap pearance the Ship is not ready yet for Sea. I am sorry the Fitzhughs are partly induced to wait for this Vessel. They may have a disagreable Passage in a Merchant Ship in the Winter Season and on the Coast of North America, much more as the Captain never has been there. The Vessel, which was intended for Virginia, is gone back in the Bason to be repaired. Three Days ago a Ship arrived here from Virginia, and shall depart again for Norfolk, as Captain Robeson says, in the Course of fourteen Days. Please remember me to Colo. Humphry and Mr. Madsy [Mazzei]. I have the Honor to be with perfect Respect and Estime, Your Excellency's most obedt. and most humble Servant, C H . S E N F Colo. RC ( D L C ) . Recorded in S J L as received 4 Nov. 1785.
From John Jay DR. SIR New York 2nd. November 1785 My last to you was of the 15th. September, since which I have been honored with yours of the 12th. July by Doctr. Franklin. He arrived at Philadelphia in as good Health as when he left France; but travelling by Land being painful to him, we have not had the Pleasure of seeing him here. We have been for some Time past looking in vain for a french Packet. Late Advices of the Algerines having commenced Hostili ties against the United States, make us anxious to receive Letters from you, and to know whether Capt. Lamb is still absent. Dupli cates of the Papers he was charged with will be sent Tomorrow to Mr. Adams by a Passenger in the English Packet. The English give us some Trouble on our eastern Borders. The true River St. Croix is disputed, and they wish to extend their Jurisdiction to Lands actually held by Massachusetts. Mr. Adams has Instructions to represent this Matter to the british Court and endeavour to get the Dispute amicably terminated. 8
2
N O V E M B E R
1785
Our frontier Posts still remain occupied by british Garrisons, nor are we informed when they will be evacuated. The late Requisition of Congress has been sent you. Another Copy and the subsequent public Papers accompany this. The Measures of the Legislatures at their ensuing Sessions will be very interesting; and you shall be informed of them. The Convention respecting Consuls still lays before Congress, and I have as yet no orders on that Subject. Mr. Houdon is the Bearer of this. Congress think of employing him, but he is not prepared to make an Estimate of the Expence of the Statue they have voted, so that this Matter must rest for the present. A fœderal Court to decide the Claims of Massachusetts on part of New York is forming; and there is Reason to hope that disagreeable Business will be finally concluded. I have the Honor to be &ca: JOHN JAY FC (DNA: R G 59, PCC, No. 121). Dft (NK-Iselin). Recorded in S J L as received 30 Dec. 1785, by Houdon. Enclosure: Broadside of Congress' report on requisitions for 1785, 27 Sep. 1785, a copy of which was enclosed in R. H. Lee to T J , 29 Oct. 1785.
From Charles Thomson D E A R SIR Newyork Novr. 2. 1785 I have received your several favours of Feby 8 June 2 1 and July 1 4 and also a copy of your Notes by Mr. Houdon, for which I am much obliged. It grieves me to the soul that there should be such just grounds for your apprehensions respecting the irritation that will be produced in the southern states by what you have said of slavery. However I would not have you discouraged. This is a cancer that we must get rid of. It is a blot in our character that must be wiped out. If it cannot be done by religion, reason and philosophy, confident I am that it will one day be by blood. I confess I am more afraid of this than of the Algerine piracies or the jealousy entertained of us by European powers of which we hear so much of late. However I have the satisfaction to find that philosophy is gaining ground of selfishness in this respect. If this can be rooted out, and our land filled with freemen, union preserved and the spirit of liberty maintained and cherished I think in 2 5 or 30 years we shall have nothing to fear from the rest of the world. Mr. Houdon has been to Mount Vernon and taken the Bust of 9
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our Amiable General. He exhibited it to the view of Congress. It appears to me to [be] executed in a masterly manner. I acknowl edge my want of skill to judge of performances of this nature. But there is in the air and attitude of this something that pleases me. Most other pictures seem to have their attention turned on the objects around them; but in this the Artist by elevating the chin and countenance has given it the air of one looking forward into futurity. But I will not venture any criticisms for fear of betraying my ignorance. Our good old friend Dr. F . is arrived safe and well and honoured with the chair of President of Pensylvania. All parties concurred in the choice. I hope it will be comfortable as it is honorable. As to matters within my circle they jog on as usual. Though many occurrences have happened which would be subject of conversation, there are few worth troubling you with in a letter. As to public matters I take it for granted you are well informed through the proper channel. You see by the journal that the duties of my office are much enlarged. I am with great esteem & regard Dear Sir Your affectionate friend & Servt., CHAS. THOMSON RC ( D L C ) ; addressed and endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 30 Dec. 1785.
From Richard O'Bryen {Algiers, 3 Nov. 1785. Recorded in SJL as received 16 Dec. 1785. Not found.]
From Nicolas & Jacob van Staphorst Amsterdam, 3 Nov. 1785. Acknowledge receipt of TJ's letter of 25 Oct.; they are grateful for his advice and are anxious to be of service to him. RC ( D L C ) ; 2 p.; in a clerk's hand, with the signature of the firm; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 8 Nov. 1785.
From John Adams DEAR SIR Grosvenor Square Nov. 4. 1785 Mr. Preston has at last found and sent me your Letter. Dr. Bancroft spoke to me, about Commodore Jones's Demand upon io;
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Denmark: but upon looking into the Papers we found that the Commodore is recommended by Congress wholly to the Minister at the Court of Versailles, so that We were apprehensive our Powers would be disputed. The Danish Minister however was not here; I offered to go with Dr. Bancroft to the Charge D'Affairs, and speak to him upon the Subject. But the Doctor thought it would be safest to follow the Intentions of Congress, and write to Jones to request you to speak to the Chargé D'Affairs of Denmark at Paris. I know nothing of the subject more than you. The offer of 10,000 £ was made to Dr. Franklin alone. All that you or I can do is to speak or write to the Minister or Chargé D'Affairs and receive his Answer. The Surrender of the Prizes to the English was an Injury to Jones and his People and to the U . States and ought to be repaired. Will you be so good as to send me the Ordonnance du Roi of 18 Sept., establishing Bounties upon Salt Fish of the French Fisheries and Imposts upon foreign Fish in the Marketts of the French Islands and in Spain, Portugal and Italy? The Portuguese Minister told me yesterday that his Court did not choose to treat in France, but I have learned from another Quarter that he has written for and expects full Power to treat here. This you will keep to yourself. As soon as any Proposals are made to me, I will send them to you. But I am every day more and more sensible, We must confine our Exports to our own ships, and therefore shall be afraid to let any more foreign ships into our Ports, without a rich equivalent for it. We must encourage our Manufactures too. All foreign nations are taking an ungenerous Advantage of our Symplicity and philosophical Liberality. We must take heed. I dont doubt that all the Courts of Europe would join my Friends the Abbes, in their Prayer that We may be perpetually poor, not indeed like them with a desire that We may be perpetually virtuous, but that Europeans may have all the Profit of American Labour.— Our Countrymen I fancy, have more wit, if they have not so much Wisdom as Philosophers with them or so much Patience under insidious Policy, as Courtiers would be glad to find in them. With the most cordial Esteem, your Friend & Sert., J O H N ADAMS RC ( D L C ) ; addressed; MS torn when seal was broken and one or two words have been supplied from FC (MHi: AMT); in the hand of Miss Abigail Adam«. Recorded in S J L as received 16 Nov. 1785, "by Wright" (see Seward to T J , 25 Oct. 1785).
11
From Borgnis Desbordes, Frères Brest ce 4 Nov. 1785 Nous avons l'honneur de vous prévenir que nos amis Messrs. Diot et compe. de Morlaix nous ont prévenus que d'après Leur entretient avec Le Sr. Asquith qu'ils ont apris que leur affaire avoit été porté au Siege des Traktes en cette Ville et que les Srs. Gillard et Floch de maisonneuve étaient les avocats et procureur des susdits; nous avons été les voir sur le Champ et voicy ce qu'ils nous ont Repondu. "Le capitaine Ameriquain saisi et arrettée avec son Equipage nous a dès premiers tems de sa Détention adressée toutes ses pieces pour travailler à sa Deffance, ensuitte nous les a redemandé, après nous en a renvoyé une partie parmi lesquels manquent les essentiels. Nous les luy avons demandés et nous sommes encore à Les recevoir. "Cette affaire ne se poursuit pas, elle n'est pas aventageuse pour les prisonniers. Ils succomberont, même en plaidant icy parcequ'un Edit du roy Declare prohibée et deffend à tous Bâtiments Etrangers audessous de 30 Tonneaux, sous quelque pretexte que ce soit D'approcher des Cottes et Ports de france à peine d'etre saisi et arrettée, &c, &c, &c. "Celuy du Sr. Asquith est dans ce cas, et ce qui rend encore sa cause plus mauvaise est qu'il n'avait pas son plain Chargement, et ayant été observe un ou deux Jours à la coste par Les Employés des Fermes, on augure delà qu'il avait mist à terre une partie de sa Cargaison avent d'Etre prie. Bref cette cause ne semble pas Suportable; ils ne peuvent que se réplier sur Leur Déclaration à L'amirautés mais qui ne semble pas encore faitte comme ils la desireroient. Maigre cela on peut en tirer quelques parties, parce qu'à suposer qu'il y aurait quelques phraze mal rendue on peut les attribuer à L a Différance de L a Langue et à L'Incapacitté de L'Interprette. Mais il veaudrait mieux, ont il suivi, que cette affaire soit porté de suitte au Conseil ou mieux au Cabinet du ministre afin que l'on puisse DeRoger à la Loix et sauver les malheureux qui semblent de Bonne Foy avoir été porté par L a Tempette et détourné de leur premiere route, ayant eut leur Compas Dérangée et dans le cas de ne pouvoir leur Servir, il n'est pas étonnant qu'ils Se Soyent perdus. Ainsi il veaut mieux engager Mr. Leur Embassadeur à traiter cette affaire à paris que de L a faire suivre dans notre Tribunal." Voila Le Raisonnement du procureur et avocat du Sr. Asquith
MONSIEUR
1
2
12
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d'après Lequel vous pouvez prendre une Dessision et Demander Les pieces relatif à cette affaire Au Dt. Sieur Asquith si vous l'avisez bon. Ou si malgré la mauvaise opinion de Leur conseils vous voulez faire suivre icy donnez nous Vos ordres. Nous Solliciteront tous les membres de cette Justice qui assez rarement ne Séloignent pas des ordonnances et Règlement, Crainte de Destitution; dailleurs II est question de Tabac et cette Branche se traitte toujour avec rigeur contre les Contrévenans. Nos susdits amis ont payé aux prisonniers à Raison de 20s. par Jour par chaque homme et continueront ainsi que Vous l'avez ordonnée; et ensuite qu'il y aura une petite Somme ils s'en Rembourseront sur nous par Traitte dudit Sr. Asquith que nous Vous ferons passer. Nous avons Lhonneur d'Etre avec un proffond Respect Monsieur Vos très Humbles et très obéissants Serviteurs, BORGNIS D E S B O R D E S frères 3
RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed; originally dated "Octobre" but overwritten to read "Nov." TJ's record in S J L for 8 Nov. of receipt of a letter from this firm dated "Oct. 4" evidently refers to the present letter. T r (DLC: T J Papers, 16: 2742-4, and DNA: PCC, No. 87, I , 548-51); extracts in Short's hand; undated and without indication of the writer or addressee; the latter is accompanied by an English translation by
John Pintard. T r (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx; T r in D L C ) ; extract. See T J to Vergennes, 14 Nov. 1785; T J to Jay, 8 July 1786. 1 Preceding six words are not in T r . 2 Text of T r ends here, except for the brief passage noted below. 3 The words "dailleurs II est question . . . les Contrévenans" are in T r .
To William Carmichael DEAR SIR
Paris Nov. 4. 1785.
I had the honor of writing you on the 18th. of October and again on the 25th. of the same month. Both letters, being to pass through the post offices, were confined to particular subjects. The first of them acknoleged the receipt of yours of Sep. 29. At length a confidential opportunity arrives for conveying to you a cypher; it will be handed you by the bearer Mr. Lambe. Copies of it are in the hands of Mr. Adams at London, Mr. Barclay who is proceeding to Marocco and Mr. Lambe who is proceeding to Algiers. This enables us to keep up such correspondencies with each other as may be requisite.—Congress in the Spring of 1784. gave powers to Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin and myself to treat with the Barbary states. But they gave us no money for them, and the 13
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other duties assigned us rendered it impossible for us to proceed thither in person. These things having been represented to them they assigned to us a certain sum of money, and gave us power to delegate agents to treat with those states and to form preliminary articles, but confining to us the signing of them in a definitive form. They did not restrain us in the appointment of the agents; but the orders of Congress were brought to us by Mr. Lamb. They had waited for him four months, and the recommendations he brought pointed him out, in our opinion, as a person who would meet the approbation of Congress. We therefore appointed him to negocíate with the Algerines. His manner and appearance are not promising. But he is a sensible man and seems to possess some talents which may be proper in a matter of bargain. We have joined with him, as secretary, a Mr. Randall from N. York in whose prudence we hope he will find considerable aid. They now proceed to Madrid merely with the view of seeing you as we are assured they will receive from you lights which may be useful to them. I hear that d'Expilly and the Algerine ministers are gone from Madrid. Letters from Algiers of Aug. 24. inform me we had two vessels and their crews in captivity there at that time. I have never had reason to beleive certainly that any others had been captured. Should Mr. Lambe have occasion to draw bills, while in Spain, on Mr. Adams, you may safe[ly] assure the purchasers that they will be paid.—An important matter detains Mr. Barclay some days longer, and his journey to Madrid will be circuitous. Perhaps he may arrive there a month later than Lamb. It would be well if the emperor of Marocco could in the mean time know that such a person is on the road. Perhaps you may have an opportunity of notifying this to him officially by asking from him passports for Mr. Barclay and his suite. This would be effecting two good pur poses at once if you can find an opportunity.—Your letter of Sep. 2. did not get to my hands till these arrangements were all taken between Mr. Adams and myself and the persons appointed. That gave me the first hint that you would have acted in this business. I mean no flattery when I assure you that no person would have better answered my wishes. At the same time I doubt whether Mr. Adams and myself should have thought ourselves justifiable in withdrawing a servant of the United states from a post equally important with those which prevented our acting personally in the same business. I am sure that, remaining where you are, you will 14
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be able to forward much the business, and that you will do it with the zeal you have hitherto manifested on every occasion. Your intercourse with America being less frequent than ours from this place, I will state to you generally such new occurrences there as may be interesting, some of which perhaps you will not have been informed of. It was doubtful, at the date of my last let ters whether Congress would adjourn this summer. They were too thin however to undertake important business. They had begun arrangements for the establishment of a mint. The Dollar was decided on as the Money unit of America. I beleive they proposed to have gold, silver and copper coins descending and ascending decimally; viz. a gold coin of 10. dollars, a silver coin one tenth of a dollar (equal to a Spanish bit) and a copper of one hundredth of a dollar. These parts of the plan however were not ultimately decided on. They have adopted the late improvement in the British post office, of sending their mails by the stages. I am told this is done from N. Hampshire to Georgia and from N. York to Albany. Their treasury is administered by a board of which Mr. Walter Livingston, Mr. Osgood and Doctr. Arthur Lee are members. Governor Rutledge, who had been appointed minister to the Hague in the refusal of Governor Livingston, declines coming. We are incertain whether the states will generally come into the proposi tion of investing Congress with the regulation of their commerce. Massachusets has passed an act the first object of which seemed to be to retaliate on the British commercial measures, but in the close of it they impose double duties on all goods imported in bot toms not wholly owned by citizens of our states. N. Hampshire has followed the example. This is much complained of here, and will probably draw retaliating measures from the states of Europe, [if] generally adopted in America or not corrected by the states which have adopted it. It must be our endeavour to keep them quiet on this side the water under the hope that our countrymen will correct this step: as I trust they will do. It is no ways akin to their general system.—I am trying here to get contracts for the supplying the cities of France with whale oil by the Boston merchants. It would be the greatest relief possible to that state whose commerce is in agonies in consequence of being subjected to alien duties on their oil in Great Britain which was heretofore their only market. Can any thing be done in this way in Spain? Or do they there light their streets in the night? A fracas which has lately happened in Boston becoming a serious is:
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matter I will give you the details of it as transmitted to Mr. Adams in depositions. A captain Stanhope, commanding the frigate Mercury was sent with a convoy of vessels from Nova Scotia to Boston to get a supply of provisions for that colony. It had hap pened that two persons living near Boston, of the names of Dunbar and Lowthorp, had been taken prisoners during the war and transferred from one vessel to another till they were placed on board Stanhope's ship. He treated them most cruelly, whipping them frequently in order to make them do duty against their country as sailors on board his ship. The ship going to Antigua to refit, he put all his prisoners into jail, first giving Dunbar 24 lashes. Peace took place and the prisoners got home under the general liberation: these people were quietly pursuing their occupa tions at home when they heard that Stanhope was in Boston. Their indignation was kindled. They immediately went there, and, meet ing Stanhope walking in the Mall, Dunbar stepped up to him and asked him if he recollected him, and the whipping him on board his ship. Having no weapon in his hand, he struck at Stanhope with his fist. Stanhope stept back and drew his sword. The people interposed and guarded him to the door of a Mr. Morton to which he retreated. There Dunbar again attempted to seize him, but the high sheriff was by this time arrived, who interposed and pro tected him. The assailants withdrew, and here ended all appearance of force. But Capt. Stanhope thought proper to write to the Gov ernor, which brought on the correspondence published in the papers of Europe. Lest you should not have seen it, I inclose it as cut from a London paper, which tho' not perfectly] exact, is substantially so. You will doubtless judge that Governor Bowdoin referred him properly to the laws for redress, as he was obliged to do, and as would have been done in England in a like case. Had he appl[ied] to the courts, the question would have been whether they would have punished Dunbar? This must be answered now by conjecture only; and to form that conjecture every man must ask himself whether he would not have done as Dunbar d[id] and whether the people should not have permitted him to return to Stanhope the 24 lashes? This affair has been stated in the London papers with out mixing with it one circumstance of truth. In your letter of the 27th. of June you were so good as to tell me you should shortly send off some of the books I had taken the liberty to ask you to get for me and that your correspondent at Bayonne wou[ld] give me notice of their arrival there. Not having 16
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heard from him, I men[tion] it to you lest they should be stopped any where. I am with the g[reat]est respect Dr. Sir Your most obedt. humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) ; illegible words have been supplied in brackets from the text printed in T J R , I , 350-3. Recorded in S J L as sent "by Lambe." Enclosure: Clipping from an unidentified London newspaper containing the StanhopeBowdoin correspondence. See TJ's statement of the case, printed under 1 Nov.
1785. T J also sent by Lamb a copy of C Y P H E R which he had promised Carmichael. Carmichael had suggested that this be one used by Adams; presumably, therefore, Lamb carried a copy of Code No. 8 (see Carmichael to T J , 2 Sep. 1785; T J to Carmichael, 22 Aug. 1786). A
To Richard O'Bryen SIR Paris Nov. 4. 1785. I wrote you a short letter on the 29th. of September acknowleging the receipt of yours of Aug. 24. from Algiers, and promis ing that you should hear further from me soon. Mr. Adams the American minister at London, and myself have agreed to authorise the bearer hereof Mr. Lamb to treat for your redemption and that of your companions taken in American vessels, and, if it can be obtained for sums within our power, we shall have the money paid. But in this we act without instruction from Congress, and are therefore obliged to take the precaution of requiring that yourself bind your owners for yourself and crew, and the other captain in like manner his owners for himself and crew, and each person separately make himself answerable for his own redemption in case Congress requires it. I suppose Congress will not require it: but we have no authority to decide that, but must leave it to their own decision, which renders necessary the precautions I have mentioned, in order to justify ourselves for undertaking to redeem you without orders. Mr. Lamb is instructed to make no bargain without your approbation and that of the other prisoners each for himself. We also direct him to relieve your present necessities. I wish you sincerely a speedy deliverance from your distresses and happy return to your family; and am Sir Your most obedient humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) ; at foot of text: "Capt. Richard Obrian."
17
From John Adams DEAR SIR Grosvenor Square November 5th. 1785 The Chevalier de Pinto, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, from Portugal, after a long absence by leave of his Court is lately arrived here from Lisbon. Upon several occa sions, when I met him at Court and upon visits, he told me that he had orders from his Court to confer with me upon the Project of a Treaty between the United States and Portugal, but he [nev]er descended to Particulars till yesterday, when he called upon me and s[aid] that before he left Lisbon his Court had learned that I was in England and had charged him to enter into conference with me, concerning that Project of a Treaty, which had been transmitted to his Court by the Comt de Lusi. That the Portuguese Ministry, notwithstanding their high Esteem for their Ambassador in France, knowing that he lived in the Country, and was in dis tress, did not choose that the Negotiation should be any longer conducted by him, but had committed the Project to their Envoy at the Court of England and had instructed him to assure me that the Court of Lisbon was sincerely desirous of entering into a Treaty of Commerce with the United States of America, a Power with which it was more convenient for Portugal to Trade than any other. But there were some things in the Plan proposed which were inadmissible, particularly the Americans could never be admitted into the Brazils. It was impossible, it was the invariable maxim of their Court to exclude all Nations from those Territories, and hav ing himself served for some years as Governor General of one of the Brazils he knew it was a Policy from which his Court could never upon any Consideration depart, that it was a great compli ment to him to be prefered to the Comt de Lusi for the Conduct of such a Negotiation, that he made no Pretentions to such merit, but readily acknowledged the superiority of the Ambassador; but it was the pleasure of his Court and he had no right to dispute it. I answered, that I had no authority to treat, but in conference with Mr. Jefferson, the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court of Versailles; that the full Powers to treat with Portugal, was to Mr. Jefferson and me jointly; that I could con clude nothing without his Concurrence, nor Carry on any Confer ences without Communicating them to him; to this I supposed he could have no objection. He said none at all. His first instruction was he said to confer with me concerning 18
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the Mutual Wants and several Productions of our Countries which might be the objects of Commerce. His Countrymen wanted he said Grain.— I asked if they did not want Flour? He said he was not precisely instructed concerning Flour, but they had Mills in Portugal which they wished to employ. I replied that in every Negotiation, I thought there ought to be a mutual Consideration of each others profits and Losses advantages and disadvantages, so that the result might be equitable and give sattisfaction on both sides; that a Commerce founded upon Compacts made upon this Principle would be carried on with more Pleasure, and to better effect; that we had Mills which we wished to employ, as well as Portugal, and Mills as Costly and as Good as those of any Nation. In this respect our pretentions were mutual and equal, but there were other Particulars in which without any benefit to Portugal the loss to the United States would be very great. The Commodity was more difficult to preserve in Grain than in Flour. It was more exposed to the Insect, and to heat both at home and upon the Passage, by which means the loss upon Wheat was much greater than that upon Flour; that it would not be equitable then, for Portugal to receive Wheat to the exclusion of Flour; that this was a point of so much Importance that it, would facilitate the Treaty and encourage the Commerce, if his Court should think fit to agree to receive our Flour. He said he had not precise instructions but he would write to his Court particularly upon this Point.— The next article wanted by the Portuguese was Lumber of various sorts, particularly staves for Pipes in large Quantities. They wanted also Shiptimber, Pitch, Tar and turpentime, Pot Ash for their Manufactures of Glass, Iron, Masts Yards and Beausprits, Furrs, Ginseng and above all salt Fish. The Consumption of this article in Portugal he said was immense and he would avow to me that the American salt Fish was prefered to any other on account of its Quality. Here you see said the Chevalier de Pinto is a Cata logue of Articles, which the Portuguese will want in larger or smaller Quantities: now what are the Articles you can take in America in Exchange? It behoves my Nation to inquire what they can supply yours with, otherwise the ballance in your favour may be to ruinous to us. It happens unluckily for Portugal that the Americans have no Occasion for our Principal Commodities which are Tobacco, Rice, Indigo and the Produce of the Brazils. I replied, that the United States had been used to take Consider able Quantities of Maderia, Lisbon and Port Wines, Fruits, Olive 19
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Oil, Salt &c. He asked why we could not take Tea, from Lisbon? They imported from the East large quantities, and very good. The English East India Company had purchased of them this year Teas to the amount of forty thousand Pounds, and he thought they could sell it to us cheaper than we bought it elsewhere. They could supply us likewise with all other East India Goods. Perhaps we intended to supply ourselves by a direct Trade to India: he was glad to hear that our first Enterprises had suc ceeded: but if we continued to take any Part of our Consumption from Europe, they could supply us as cheap as any other Nation. Sugar too, the Produce of the Brazils, they could furnish to us of as good quality as English or French and much cheaper. If we should think of Manufactures amongst ourselves they could supply us with Wool of the same quality with the Spanish, and Coton in any quantities we might want. If we made Chocolate, they could sell us Cocoa; indeed they had Woolen Manufactures and could afford us Cloth as good and as cheap as other Nations. These were things I replied in which the Merchants on both sides should speculate. If the United States should proceed in the Plan already begun of encouraging their own Manufactures, the raw Materials of Wool and Coton would be in demand, and if they persevered in their Measures for encouraging their own Navigation they would want large quantities of Hemp, Sail Cloth &c. from the Baltic, and for what I knew they might find their account in taking sugars, Coton, Cocoa &c. at Lisbon to Carry as remittances to Petersbourg and Stockholm. They might even upon some occasions Purchase Tobacco, Rice and Indigo, for the same markett as well as the Mediterranean, if that scene should be open to our Ships. But all these things would depend upon the Facilities given to our Commodities by the Treaty. Nothing would contribute so much to promote the Trade as their receiving our Flour without Duties or Discouragements. Our ready built ships too, were an Article of Importance to us.— He said he did not know that our ready built ships were prohibited. I asked if they could not take our White sperma Ceati oil, to burn in their Lamps or for any other uses. He said no, they had such an abundance of Oil made in the Coun try of Olives which grew there, that they had no occasion for their own sperma Ceati Oil which they sold to Spain; they had now a very pretty sperma Ceati Whale Fishery which they had learn'd of the New Englanders and Carried on upon the Coast of the Brazils. I asked if they could not take our sperma Ceati Cándeles 20
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and burn them in their Churches. He said they made some Wax in Portugal and some in the Brazils but he would own to me it was not enough for their Consumption. The surplus they bought in Italy and Barbary at a dear rate. At length I observed to the Chavelier that Portugal abounded in two articles which would be extremely agreeable and convenient to my Fellow Citizens in which she might allways Ballance Ac counts with us to our intire satisfaction, whether she would take more or less of their Comodities. These were Gold and Silver, than which no kind of Merchandise was in greater demand or had a higher reputation.— The Chavel[ier] thought the taste of his Countrymen so much like ours that they had rather pay us in any thing else. I added if the Conduct of the Court of St. James should oblige the United States to make a navigation Act their Commerce with Portugal must increase. A Navigation Act? says he, why there is not a Nation in Europe that would suffer a Navigation Act to be made in any other, at this day. The English Navigation Act was made in times of Ignorance When few Nations Cultivated Com merce and no Court but this understood or cared any thing about it. But at present all Courts were attentive to it. For his part if he were Minister in Portugal he would not hesitate to exclude from her Ports the Ships of any Nation that should make such an a[ct]. I replied that I did not mean a Navigation act against any Nation but this: but if the English persevered in inforcing their Act against us, We could do no other than make one against them. The Chave lier said we should be perfectly in the right: the Courts of Europe had a long time cried out against this Act of the English. If it were now to begin, it would not be submitted to. This observation is just, it may be carried further. I dont beleive the British Navigation Act can last long, at least I am persuaded if America has spirit enough, Umbone repellere Umbonem— that all other Nations will soon follow her Example, and the apprehension of this would be alone sufficient, if thinking Beings Governed this Island to induce them to silence America by giving her sattisfaction. But they rely upon our Disunion and think it will be time enough when We shall have shewn them that we can agree. The Chavelier Concluded the Conference by saying that he would write to his Court for further information and instructions, and as I understood him for full Powers. But before he went away, he said he had Orders from his Court to inquire of me what were 21 ;
5 NOVEMBER 1 7 8 5 the sentiments of Congress upon the Head of Ministers and Con suls, whether they would send a Minister and Consul to Lisbon. His Court had a Mind to send some body to the United States, But Etiquette required that Congress should send in return to Portugal. I answered that in the Project of a Treaty which was in His Pos session there was an Article that each Party should have a right to send Consuls, so that when the Treaty was concluded Portugal would be at Liberty to send when she would. As to Ministers I had no instructions, but there could be no doubt that if their Majesties of Portugal thought proper to send an Ambassador of any denomi nation he would be received by Congress with all the respect due to his Character and his sovereign. He said if there was a treaty there ought to be Ministers. I could not make answer to this par ticular for want of instructions, but Congress had as yet but few Ministers abroad and indeed they had not found many Gentlemen disposed to quit the delight of their own Families and Connections and the Esteem of their Fellow Citizens for the sake of serving in Europe, and here ended the Conversation. Your Friend, J O H N ADAMS RC ( DLC ) ; in the hand of Miss Abigail Adams; signed by Adams. The projet of a treaty with Portugal had been T R A N S M I T T E D T O H I S De Souza (see Commissioners to De Souza, 9 Sep. 1784).
COURT
by
To Castries SIR Paris Nov. 5. 1785. I have had the honor of receiving your Excellencyfs] letter of October the 28th. inclosing copies of Captain Jones receipts of an hundred and five thousand one hundred and eighty five livres, three sols, six deniers, and seventy five thousand eight hundred and fifty three livres eighteen sols four deniers prize money of the Bon homme Richard and the Pallas, which I shall take the first opportunity of conveying to Congress. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the highest respect and esteem Your Excellency's Most obedient and most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) .
22
To John Paul Jones DR. SIR Paris Nov. 5. 1785. The resolution of Congress of Oct. 29. 1783. is the only one I have seen on the subject of the Danish business. That is directed expressly to 'the Ministers plenipotentiary of the U.S. at the court of Versailles empowered to negocíate a peace.' It is true that I had the honour of being named in that commission and was preparing to come when we received news of the signature of the preliminary articles. I then desired to be excused and was excused on the 1st. of Apr. 1783. so that at the date of the instruction the 29th. of October following I was not of the description of those to whom it was addressed. This has made me consider my meddling with this business as improper even in conjunction with the other gentlemen, and would certainly prevent my undertaking it singly. This cir cumstance, with that of there being no Danish minister here nor expected here till next spring, added to the other that Mr. Adams is the only person in Europe really authorized to apply to the court of Denmark, and that he is better acquainted with the subject than myself, induced me to wish it could be negotiated at the court of London. I shall with the utmost chearfulness do any thing I can, if in the course of the business I can be of any service. I shall send to Mr. Adams by the first opportunity a copy of my letterato him supposed to be miscarried. I am with great esteem Dear Sir your most obedient humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON 1
RC (The Rosenbach Company, New York, 1946); at foot of text: "Commodore Jones." PrC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. i This word interlined in substitution for "time," deleted.
From William Carmichael DEAR SIR San Lorenzo, 6th. Novr. 1785 I received on the 2d. Inst, from the Person to whom it was in closed your favor of the 18th. Ulto. I have expected with impatience the arrival of the person or persons of whom you promised to write me fully and to furnish me the means of conveying safely my senti ments to your Excellency. Since my last I have received further Intelligence from Algiers. Our Affairs with that Regency demand instant attention. I am afraid their Cruisers now at Sea will add to the distress of our Commerce. These corsairs have appeared on 23
6
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the coast of Portugal. A small Squadron of that nation put to sea in search of them as also some Maltese frigates who happened to be at Cadiz, when they passed the Streights of Gibraltar. I have no letters from Congress. Indeed I am totally neglected and feel too much for my health and tranquillity this neglect. I know Mr. Drayer by reputation and have the history of his political life. I shall not fail to show him every mark of civility on his arrival which your recommendation commands, in presenting him at the same time the proper compliments on your part. The same reason which prevented your Excellency from entering into details denies me the satisfaction of giving you some interesting occurrences which have transpired since I had the honor to address you. I am happy to hear of Dr. Franklin's Arrival and wish that he may end his days with that Otium cum dignitate which his past life hath merited. The only son of the Prince of Asturias has been danger ously ill now 16 days. It is feared that he will not recover. His Death will give rise to political Speculations, altho' the Father and Mother are of an age to promise still a male successor. I take the Liberty of mentioning to you the Venetian] Ambassador who you will see shortly at Paris, Capello. His manner of life is I presume entirely different from yours, but as you will see him at the Ct. de Vergennes Table and at Court, I wish you to mention to him that I had recommended you to cultivate his friendship. He is by no means deficient in Understanding, but [is] Extremely addicted to Women and play. In seeing him you will not easily give credence to my first assertion for he will remind you of the Lines of Pope "He crawls to his purch on tottering knefes] and envies every sparrow that He sees." The Latter he understands perfectly and that Talent at Paris is a passeport to What is called good Company. He has always treated me well. He neither speaks tolerably french or Spanish nor even Italian so that you will not have much conversation with him. I have the honor to be With great respect Your Excys. Most Obedt. & Hble. Sert., W M . CARMICHAEL 7th. Novr. The Infant has favorable Symptoms to day which give great pleasure to the Royal Family. RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed in an unidentified hand. Recorded in S J L as received 20 Nov. 1785.
24
From Daniel and Theodorick Fitzhugh Le Havre, 7 Nov. 1785. Though they were informed that Limozin's vessel would sail 15 Oct., her departure was scheduled from the begin ning for 30 Oct. The delay has consumed all their funds, and they can not pay their hotel bill. Barclay has already helped them to some extent, but they must again reluctantly apply to him and to TJ for additional loans. RC (MHi); 4 p.; endorsed: "Dani. & Theod. Fitzhugh." Recorded in S J L as received 10 Nov. 1785.
From William Carmichael SIR Sn. Lorenzo 8th. Novr. 1785 I this day received the Letter your Excellency did me the honor to write me the 25th. Ulto, and in consequence I have made an application for the passports requested. Until I see the Gentlemen in question I cannot give my opinion of the probable success of their Business. I hope that in their instructions, proper Attention has been paid to the friendly offers of this Court. If not I foresee considerable inconveniences. I have nothing to add to what I wrote you last night, but that this comes by a courier dispatched by the Portuguese Ambassador. I have the honor to be With great respect Your Excellencys Obedt. & Most Humble Sert., W M . CARMICHAEL RC ( D L C ) . TJ's record in S J L under 20 Nov. 1785 of receipt of a letter from Carmichael dated "Nov. 5" evidently refers to the present letter; Carmichael's "8" in this instance could easily have produced such an error.
From Gazaigner de Boyer IGaillac, 9 Nov. 1785. Recorded in SJL as received 1 Dec. 1785. Not found; TJ's Account Book for 21 Dec. 1785 contains the following entry: "Paid Mr. Andrier for le sieur Gazaigner 74 -8-9 for a barrique of wine de Gaillac dit du Cocq which contains 215 bottles. It took bottles of Bordeaux to fill it up. Note this is the wine which Mr. Adams had bought, and which he desired me to take. I am still to pay him 40f paid by Horatener & co. of Rouen for expences of transportation duties &c."] tt
25
From Favi Paris ce 10. 9be. 1785 D'après vos observations sur les changements que la Cour de Toscane avoit proposé sur quelques articles du Traité d'amitié, et de commerce entre Les Citoyens des Etats-Unis de l'Amérique, et les sujets Toscans, elle a dressé une nouvelle Minute de cette Convention et m'a chargé d'avoir L'honneur de vous la communiquer. J'ai celui de vous L'envoyer cy jointe, et de vous observer, qu'il n'y a de changé que quelques expressions, qui n'altèrent pas Le fonds, ny la substance des articles. Si vous L'approuvés, Monsieur, ma Cour est prête à condurre ce Traité, et il ne dépendra que de vous de choisir l'endroit pour la Signature soit Paris, soit Florence. Je vous prie, Monsieur, de vouloir bien me faire savoir, quel est votre désir à cet égard pour que je puisse en faire part à la Cour de Toscane. J'ai l'honneur d'etre avec le plus grand respect Monsieur Votre très humble, et très Obéissant Serviteur, FAVI MONSIEUR
RC (DNA: PCC, No. 86). Recorded in S J L as received 10 Nov. 1785. Enclosure (DNA: PCC, No. 86): "Nuova Minuta del Trattato," in a clerk's hand, in Italian; 42 pages; endorsed by Short:
"Projet of a Treaty with the Grand Duke of Tuscany." See Commissioners to Favi, 8 June 1785; T J to Adams, 19 Nov. 1785.
From the Abbés Arnoux and Chalut 11 Nov. [Í755]. Extend dinner invitation to T J and David Humphreys for that day on the part of Chalut de Verin of the farmersgeneral; they are to be at the Place Vendôme at two o'clock. D'Estaing will also attend. The Abbés are grateful to T J for forwarding the letter from Adams. RC (MHi); 2 p.; dated "Vendredi l i e . 9bre."; addressed.
From Thomas Boylston {Rouen, 11 Nov. 1785. Recorded in SJL as received 1 3 Nov. 1785. Not found. This letter possibly enclosed Boylston's proposals to T J , which T J in turn transmitted to Lafayette (see under 1 3 Nov. 1 7 8 5 ) ; it was on 9 Nov. that Boylston wrote John Adams: "I have stated some proposals and laid 'em before the Marquis De Fiat and Mr. Jefferson to be introduced to the minister" (MHi: AMT). See T J to Adams, 1 9 Nov.
1785.]
26
To Daniel and Theodorick Fitzhugh GENTLEMEN
Paris NOV. 11. 1785.
I received last night your favour of the 7th. and put this under cover to Monsr. Limouzin desiring him to furnish you with four hundred livres which I will pay to his order on sight. I trouble you with some other letters, and would be obliged to you to inform me when you think you shall probably sail as I would still wish to write to Mr. Jay. I really condole with you on your delay, which the season of the year renders so interesting. I wish you a safe voiage; a pleasant one I know you cannot have: and am with much esteem Gentlemen your most obedt. hble. servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi); at foot of text: "Messrs. Daniel & Theodoric Fitzhugh at Havre." The "other letters" that T J evidently sent with this have not been identified; no let ters for America were recorded in S J L from the time the Fitzhughs left Paris until 11 Nov., save that to Madison of 28 Oct. 1785.
To André Limozin SIR Paris Nov. 11. 1785. I received last night a letter from the Mr. Fitzhughs informing me that the delay of their departure occasioned them to be in want of money. If you will be so good as to furnish them with four hundred livres I will repay it to your bill on me on sight. Be pleased to mention in the bill that it is for so much paid to them by my order. I pray of you the further trouble of delivering them the inclosed letter and have the honour to be with much respect Sir Your most obedient humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi). Enclosure: See preceding letter.
To William Wenman Seward SIR
Paris Nov. 12. 1785.
I received the honor of your letter of the 25th. Ult. written by desire of the Associated company of Irish merchants in London and return you thanks for the kind congratulations you express therein. The freedom of commerce between Ireland and America is undoubtedly very interesting to both countries. If fair play be given to the natural advantages of Ireland she must come in for 27
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a distinguished share of that commerce. She is entitled to it for the excellence of some of her manufactures, the cheapness of most of them, their correspondence with the American taste, a sameness of language, laws and manners, a reciprocal affection between the people, and the singular circumstance of her being the nearest European land to the United states. I am not at present so well acquainted with the trammels of the Irish commerce as to know what they are particularly which obstruct the intercourse between Ireland and America, nor therefore what can be the object of a fleet stationed in the Western ocean to intercept that intercourse. Experience however has taught us to infer that the fact is probable because it is impolitic. On the supposition that this interruption will take place you suggest Ostend as a convenient entrepot for the commerce between America and Ireland. Here too I find myself, on account of the same ignorance of your commercial regu lations, at a loss to say why this is preferable to L'Orient which you know is a freeport and in great latitude, which is nearer to both parties, and accessible by a less dangerous navigation. I make no doubt however that the reasons of the preference are good. You find by this essay that I am not likely to be a very instructive cor respondent: you shall find me however zealous in whatever may concern the interests of the two countries. The system into which the United states wished to go was that of freeing commerce from every shackle. A contrary conduct in Great Britain will occasion them to adopt the contrary system, at least as to that island. I am sure they would be glad if it should be found practicable to make that discrimination between Great Britain and Ireland which their commercial principles, and their affection for the latter would dictate. I have the honour to be with the highest respect for yourself and the company for whom you write, Sir Your most obedient & most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Recorded in S J L under this date as addressed to Seward at "74. Haymarket. London."
From the Abbés Arnoux and Chalut Paris, 13 Nov. 1785. Extend dinner invitation to T J and his party for that day on the part of Chalut de Verin of the Farmers General; they hope "qu'il ne lui restera aucune raison de refus." 28
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RC (MHi); 2 p.; dated: "dimanche 12. 9bre. 1785"; addressed. Since 12 Nov. 1785 fell on a Saturday, the date of this letter has been corrected to the 13th. T J evidently had declined the invitation for Friday, 11 Nov., but if he did so in writing, the letter has not been found.
To Lafayette, with Thomas Boylston's Proposal [ca. 13 Nov. 1785] Mr. Boylston proposes to bring to France this next year from 100 to 500 tons of Spermaceti whale oil on the following terms. 1. Government to remit all duties on it to permit him to take freight back to the W . Indies and there to take sugar and molasses for the U.S. He will lay out half the price received in the productions and manufactures of France and will sell them at auction in America, obliging himself to take first cost and charges for them if that and no more shall be offered. If government give him the indulgences abovementioned he will bring the oil, tho' he should find no contract for it at present. These propositions respect a future supply of oil. Will the Marquis de la Fayette be so good as to think of them, and to assign me a moment when I can wait on him and converse on the subject? He will see, in the other paper, Boylston's observations more at length. TH: J. E N C L O S U R E
The Dutys on this Cargo of Oil now in port being remitted I would propose for another season, to import from America, a quantity of Spermacity Whale Oil, from one hundred to five hundred Tuns, accord ing as the sucess of the Spermacity Whale Fishery in America may be. 1st. The terms I propose are, the duties of which the Oil is now charged with, of all and every kind, to be remitted, and be imported free. 2d. Some order of Goverment to be given to promote the consumption of this Oil in preference of other cheap ordinary Oil in lighting the City which is by far the best for that purpose, than any other and I think the most profitable also for the same end. 3. The mony to be paid, on delivery, in the port it Arrives at in France, to me or some person Acting in my behalf. The mony so paid as above for the Oil I engage to invest one half in Goods, to be purchased, in France of such kind, as I shall judge 29
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best, and most suitable for the American market, I intend to send them to. The other mony, I propose as a fund to enable me to make good my payments, in purchasing the Oil in following Seasons in America, which cannot be affected immediately with Goods, which require some length of time, to be sold, and the mony collected, till which the Goods will not be of any Assistance, or Advantage in buying Oil, which is bought in America of poor Whale-men, who must have the mony paid down, at the very moment of purchase. 6. The Goods bought here in France, I propose to give direction to my Agents in Boston, to sell them at public Auction to the higest bider, to raise mony to be invested in new Purchases of oil. I shall order them put up for sale at prime Cost and charges, without any advance or profit for myself. This will make the Goods come to the purchasers and consumers, so very cheap, as will induce them, to buy 'em in preference to any other which may be on the Market and Rivals to them. This practice being repeated, will habituate the Americans, to the use of the French Goods to all others (which is gaining a very essential point) as people will always buy those Merchantdize which cost them the least. 7. The Ships which are to be employ'd to bring the Oil to France will be two or more, one of which will be more than sufficient, to carry the French Goods to America. The other must be provided for, or Return empty to Boston, which will be a dead expensive weight on the Oil, and clogg the easy and profitable circulation of the business. To Remedy this and ease the Negotiation or business of this evil, I pro pose to have a licence for the Ship to go from the port in France to the French West Indies taking what freight she can Obtain for said place, and on her Arival in the West Indies to purchase in my own Account a Cargo of Mollases and Sugar, and from thence to proceed for Boston. Here the Ship for one Year will have ended her Voyage. This will be one years business, and will serve as an experiment, by which the utility and benefit to Government may be asertained. And if the parties find it advantageous may be pursued for one or two years more. 8. These proposals is to be to me exclusively, so that I may not be embarrassed, or counteracted by any other Persons interfering with me during the time of one Year. 9. The sale of the Oil to be by Liquid Measure; and bought and sold by no other in America, and to buy by one Measure and to sell by another confounds and perplexes the seller, and he knows not, when he has a fair Offer for his Oil. This measure is 252 gals. ^ Tuns which I propose to be used, instead of dry Measure which is by weight. A liberal and generous price should also be encouraged, by Government to be given for it. 10. I f these proposals are agreed to, it will be necessary to be as speedy as possible, as I shall write immediately to my friends in Boston, to send me Invoices of such Goods, as are most vendable and such as will turn to the best Account. These Invoices should be here early, in 30
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order to have the Goods ready engaged, to be Ship'd, on the Return of the Vessell which brings the Oil. 11. The parties here on one hand being a superb, August, Wealthy Empire, cannot receive any injury from these arangements; on the other hand, being a private Merchant susceptable of the least error, or mistake, some indulgency to prevent his suffering by them, may be pray'd for. Dft ( D L C ) ; undated, but written soon after Boylston submitted his pro posal, which probably was written be tween 6 and 11 Nov. 1785 (see Lafay ette to Boylston, 4 Nov., cited in note to T J to Adams, 19 Nov. 1785; Boyls ton to T J , 11 Nov. 1785); TJ's letter, therefore, was evidently written after 11 Nov. and certainly before 17 Nov. 1785 (see below; also T J to Adams, 19 Nov. 1785). Boylston's proposals (DLC) are entirely in his hand and evidently a rough draft. It is possible that T J did not submit either this letter or Boylston's MS to Lafayette and that, instead, he dis cussed the matter in person with him. Certainly he was opposed to the idea of "wasting . . . efforts on individual applications," preferring instead to es tablish broad policies "on general ground" and to have them apply equally to all merchants ( T J to Adams, 10 Dec. 1785). What Boylston sought, of course, was an exclusive privilege simi lar to that which Robert Morris ob
tained early in 1785 with respect to tobacco, and T J was as firmly opposed to such privileges as he was to the existence of the monopoly exercised by the farmers-general. Yet it was "un négociant de Boston," Boylston him self, who constituted the peg on which the negotiations hung for the time be ing. T J left the direct negotiations to Lafayette because, as he explained to Adams, "the jealousy of office between ministers does not permit me to apply immediately to the one in whose de partment this was" (same). Lafayette pursued the matter with vigor and on 17 Nov. Calonne replied that he had proposed to the king to reduce the duty on fish oil imported by Americans in French or American bottoms to the same as those enjoyed by the inhabit ants of the Hanseatic towns according to the treaty of 1716 (extract of letter from Calonne to Lafayette, 17 Nov. 1785; D L C : T J Papers, 16: 2745). See notes to T J to Jay, 2 Jan. 1786; Sangrain to T J , 6 Dec. 1785.
From Lister Asquith St. Pol de Léon, 14 Nov. 1785. Asquith has heard nothing from TJ since his letter of 12 Oct., but he encloses a letter from Picrel inform ing him that the case is to be settled at Paris. Diot says he has written TJ of this and thinks, since the arrangements were made in Brest, that Desbordes could give Asquith more information than he. At the advice of the judge of the admiralty, Asquith this day petitioned Castries and Calonne. RC ( D L C ) ; 1 p. Recorded in S J L as received 20 Nov. 1785. Enclosure not found.
To Vergennes, with State of the Case of the William @f Catherine SIR Paris Nov. 14. 1785 I take the Liberty of troubling your Excellency on Behalf of six Citizens of the United States who have been for some Time confined 31
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in the Prisons of St. Pol de Léon, and of referring for particulars to the inclosed State of their Case. Some of the material Facts therein mentioned are founded on the Bill of Sale for the Vessel, her Clearance from Baltimore and her Logbook. The Originals of the two last and a Copy of the first are in my Hands. I have also Letters from a Merchant in Liverpool to Asquith which render it really probable that his Vessel was bound to Liverpool. The other Circumstances depend on their Affirmation, but I must say that in these Facts they have been uniform and steady. I have thus long avoided troubling your Excellency with this Case in Hopes it would recieve its Decision in the ordinary Course of Law; and I relied that that would indemnify the Sufferers if they had been used unjustly: but tho' they have been in close Confinement now near three Months it has yet no Appearance of approaching to Decision. In the mean Time the Cold of the Winter is coming on, and to Men in their Situation may produce Events which would render all Indemnifica tion too late. I must therefore pray the Assistance of your Excel lency for the Liberation of their Persons, if the established Order of Things may possibly admit of it. As to their Property and their personal Sufferings hitherto, I have full Confidence that the Laws have provided for their Discussion some Tribunal where Justice will be done them. I inclose the Opinion of an Advocate forwarded to me by a Gentleman whom I had desired to obtain from some judicious Person of that Faculty a State of their Case. This may perhaps give a better Idea than I can of the Situation of their Cause. His Enquiries have led him to believe they are innocent Men, but that they must lose their Vessel under the Edict which forbids those under 30 Tons to approach the Coast. Admitting their Innocence as he does, I should suppose them not the Objects on whom such an Edict was meant to operate. The essential Papers which he says they redemanded from him and did not return, were sent to me at my Desire. I have the honour to be with Sentiments of the most profound respect Your Excellency's Most obedient and most humble Servant, T H : JEFFERSON E N C L O S U R E
The Case of Lister Asquith Owner of the Schooner William 6f Catherine, Wm. McNeil Captain, Wm. Thompson, Wm. Neily, Robert Anderson Mariners and Wm. Fowler, Passenger. Lister Asquith, a Citizen of the State of Maryland, having a Law suit depending in England which required his presence as involving in 32
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its Issue nearly his whole Fortune, determined to go thither in a small Schooner of his own that he might at the same Time take with him an Adventure of Tobacco and Flour, to Liverpool, where he had com mercial Connections. This Schooner he had purchased as of 59-J Tons as appears by his Bill of Sale, but she had been registered by her Owner at 21 Tons, in Order to evade the double Duties in England to which American Vessels are now subject. He cleared out from Baltimore for Liverpool the 11th. of June 1785 with eight Hogsheads of Tobacco and sixty Barrels of Flour. But run aground at Smith's Point, sprung a leak and was obliged to return to Baltimore to refit. Having stopped his leak he took his Cargo on board again, and his Health being infirm he engaged Capt.* Wm. McNeil to go with him and on the 20th. of June, sailed for Norfolk in Virginia, and on the 22d. came to in Hampton Road at the Mouth of the River on which Norfolk is. Learning here that Tobacco would be better than Flour for the English Market, he landed fifty Barrels of his Flour and one Hhd. of tobacco which he found to be bad, meaning to take instead thereof nine Hogsheads of Tobacco more. But the same Night it began to blow very hard, with much Rain. The 23d. the Storm became more heavy, they let go both their Anchors but were driven notwithstanding from their Anchorage, forced to put to Sea, and to go before the Wind. The Occurrencies of their Voiage will be best detailed by short Ex tracts from their Logbook. June 24. The Weather became worse; one of the foreshrouds and the foremast carried away. 25. Shifted their Ballast which threw them on their Beam-ends, and shipped a very heavy Sea. Held a Consultation, the Result of which was that Seeing they were now driven so far to sea, and the Weather continuing still very bad, it was better to steer for Liverpool, their Port of Destination tho' they had not their Cargo on Board, and no other Clearance but that which they took from Baltimore. 29. The first Observation they had been able to take. N . Lat. 38° 13'. 30. Winds begin to be light, but the Sea still very heavy. July 5. Light Winds and a smooth Sea for the first time, in Lat. 43° 52'. 9. Spoke a French Brig, Comte d'Artois, Capt. Pierre Monreaux from St. Maloes, in Distress for Provisions, relieved her with three Barrels of Flour. Aug. 6. Thick Weather and Strong Wind. Made the Land's End of England. 7. Unable to fetch the Land, therefore bore off for Scilly and came to with both Anchors. Drove notwithstanding, and 1
2
3
5
* This was the officer who on the Evacuation of Fort Mifflin after the British had passed the Chevaux de Frise in the Delaware, was left with 15 Men to destroy the Works,* which he did and brought off his Men successfully. He had before that been Commander of the Rattlesnake Sloop of War, and had much annoyed the British Trade. Being bred a Seaman, he has returned to that Vocation.
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obliged to get up the Anchors, and put to Sea, running Southwardly. 8. Made the Land of France but did not know what Part. Here the Logbook ends. At this time they had on board but ten Gallons of Water, five Pound of Bread, 2 or 3 lb. of Candles, no Firewood, their Sails unfit to be trusted to any longer, and all their materials for mending them exhausted by the constant Repairs which the Violence of the Weather had called for. They therefore took a Pilot aboard who carried them into Pont du Val, bu£ being informed by the Captain of a Vessel there, that the Schooner was too sharp built ( as the American Vessels mostly are ) to lie in that Port, he put out immediately and the next Morning the Pilot brought him to Anchor in the Road of the Isle de Bas. He went immediately to Roscoff, protested at the Admiralty the true State of the Case, and reported his Vessel and Cargo at the Custom house. In making the Report of his Vessel he stated her as of 21 Tons according to his Register. The Officer informed him that if she was no larger, she would be confiscated by an Edict which forbids all Vessels under 30 Tons to approach the Coast. He told the Officer what was the real Truth as to his Register and his Bill of Sale, and was permitted to report her according to the latter. He paid the usual Fees of 10 7s. and obtained a Clearance. Notwithstanding this he was soon visited by other Persons, whom he supposes to have been Commis of the Fermes, who seised his Vessel, carried her to the pier, and confined the Crew to their Vessel and half the pier, putting Centinels over them. They brought a Gauger who measured only her Hold and Part of her Steerage allowing nothing for the Cockpit, Cabbin, Forecastle, and above one half of the Steerage which is almost half of the Vessel, and thus made her Contents (if that had been of any Importance) much below the Truth. The Tobacco was weighed and found to be 6487* lb., which was sent on the 18th. to Landivisiau, and on the 19th. they were committed to close Prison at St. Pol de Leon, where they have been confined ever since. They had when they first landed some Money, of which they were soon disembarrassed by different Persons who in various Forms undertook to serve them. Unable to speak or understand a Word of the Language of the Country, friendless and left without Money, they have languished three Months in a loathsome Jail, without any other Sustenance, a great Part of the Time, than what could be procured for three Sols a Day which have been furnished them to prevent their perishing. They have been made to understand that a criminal Process is going on against them under two heads, 1. as having sold Tobacco in contraband, and, 2. as having entered a Port of France in a Vessel of less than 30 Tons Burthen. In support of the first Charge they understand that the Circumstance is relied on of their having been seen off the Coast by the Employés des Fermes one or two 6
7
tt
* A hogshead of Tobacco weighs generally about 1000 lb. English equal to 917. lb. French. The seven Hogsheads he Sailed with would therefore weigh according to this Estimate 6423 lb. They actually weighed more on the first Essay. When afterwards weighed at Landivisiau they had lost 84 lb. on being carried into a drier Air. Perhaps too a Diiference of Weights may have entered into this apparent Loss.
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Days. They acknowlege they may have been so seen while beating off Pontduval till they could get a Pilot, while entering that Port, and again going round from thence to the Road of the Isle de Bas. The Reasons for this have been explained. They farther add that all the Time they were at Pontduval they had a King's Officer on board, from whom as well as from their Pilot and the Captain by whose Advice they left that Port for the Isle de Bas, Information can be obtained by their Accusers (who are not imprisoned) of the true Motives for that Measure. It is said to be urged also that there was found in their Ves sel some loose Tobacco in a Blanket, which excites a Suspicion that they had been selling Tobacco. When they were Stowing their loading they broke a Hogshead as is always necessary and is always done to fill up the Stowage and to consolidate and keep the whole Mass firm and in Place. The loose tobacco which had come out of the broken Hogshead they repacked in Bags: but in the Course of the Distress of their dis astrous Voiage they had imployed these Bags, as they had done every Thing else of the same Nature, in mending their Sails. The Condition of their Sails when they came into Port will prove this and they were seen by Witnesses enough to whom their Accusers, being at their Liberty, can have Access. Besides, the Sale of a Part of their Tobacco is a Fact which had it taken Place might have been proved. But they deny that it has been proved or ever can be proved, by true Men, be cause it never existed. And they hope the Justice of this Country does not permit Strangers, seeking in their Ports an Asylum from Death, to be thrown into Jail, and continued there indefinitely, on the Possi bility of a Fact, without any Proof. More especially when, as in the present Case, a demonstration to the Contrary, is furnished by their Clearance, which shews they never had more than 8 hhds. of tobacco on board, of which one had been put ashore at Hampton in Virginia as has been before related, and the Seven others remained when they first entered Port. I f they had been Smugglers of Tobacco, the opposite Coast offered a much fairer Field, because the Gain there is as great; because they understand the Language and Laws of the Country, they know its Harbours and Coasts, and have Connections in them. These Circumstances are so important to Smugglers that they do not expect an Instance has ever occurred of the contraband of Tobacco attempted on this Side the Channel by a Crew wholly American. Be this as it may, they are not of that Description of Men. As to the second Charge that they have entered a Port of France in a Vessel of less than 30 Tons Burthen, they in the first Place observe that they saw the Guager measure the Vessel and affirm that his Method of measuring could render little more than half her true Con tents: but they say further, that were she below the Size of 30 Tons, and, when entering the Port, had they known of the Alternative of either forfieting their Vessel and Cargo or of perishing at Sea, they must still have entered the Port: the Loss of their Vessel and Cargo being the lesser Evil. But the Character of the Lawgiver assures them that the Intention of his Laws are perverted when misapplied to Per sons, who under their Circumstances, take Refuge in his Ports. They 35
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have no Occasion to recur from his Clemency to his Justice by claiming the Benefit of that Article in the Treaty which binds the two Nations together, and which assures to the Fugitives of either from the Dangers of the Sea, a hospitable Reception and necessary Aids in the Ports of the other, and that without measuring the Size of their Vessel. Upon the whole they protest themselves to have been as innocent as they have been unfortunate. Instead of Relief in a friendly Port they have seen their Misfortunes aggravated by the Conduct of Officers who in their Greediness for Gain can see in no Circumstance any Thing but Proofs of Guilt. They have already long suffered, and are still suffering, whatever scanty sustenance, an inclement Season, and close Confinement can offer most distressing to Men who have been used to neither, and who have Wives and Children at Home participating of their Distresses: they are utterly ignorant of the Laws and Language of the Country where they are suffering; they are deprived of that Property which would have enabled them to procure Counsel to place their Injuries in a true Light; they are distant from the Stations of those who are appointed by their Country to patronize their Rights; they are not at Liberty to go to them nor able to have Communication thro' any other than the incertain Medium of the Posts; and they see themselves already ruined by the Losses and Delays they have been made to incur, and by the failure of the original Object of their Voiage. They throw themselves therefore on the Patronage of the Government and pray that its Energy may be interposed in Aid of their Poverty and Ignorance, to restore them to their Liberty and to extend to them that Retribution which the Laws of every Country mean to extend to those who Suffer injustly. 8
RC (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E . U., X X X ) ; in Short's hand, signed by T J ; at head of text: "M D[e] R[ayneval]." PrC (DLC: T J Papers, 16: 272830); in Short's hand, except for place, date, and caption in TJ's hand; lacks complimentary close and signature. T r (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx); in French; endorsement shows that this translation and state of the case were sent to Calonne, 9 Dec. 1785. Tr (DNA: PCC, No. 87, I ; also in No. 107, i ) . Enclosures: (1) Copy of Borgnis Desbordes, Frères to T J , 4 Nov. 1785. (2) State of the case of the William fcf Catherine: MS (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx); in Short's hand; undated; endorsed at head of text: "Joint à la lettre de Mr. Jefferson du 14. 9bre. 1785." T r (DNA: PCC, No. 87, I ; also in No. 107, i ) . In D L C : T J Papers, 16: 2731-41 there are nine leaves making up a full text consisting of ( 1 ) PrC of first four pages of T r in DNA: PCC, No. 87; (2) one leaf in Short's hand (not a PrC) whose recto and verso bridge the gap in text between the foregoing and the following,
and ( 3 ) PrC of last six pages of MS in Arch. Etr. Aff. T J sent a copy of the state of the case to Asquith on 23 Nov. 1785, and he also sent a copy of the present letter and the state of the case to Jay, 8 July 1786. Entry in S J L reads: "Vergennes. Asquith's case."
36
In DLC: T J Papers, 17: 2909 there is an undated outline of the case in TJ's hand. In preparing this outline, T J drew on the letters of Asquith, Desbordes, Gillard and Floch, and Mehegan. Some of the variations between the outline and the state of the case are indicated in the notes below. T J checked off each item of the outline as he covered it in the state, but there were some not so checked. Among the latter were statements drawn from the letter of Desbordes of 4 Nov. 1785 and from the letter of Gillard and Floch quoted therein. Under the heading "Objections and Answers" in the outline were some points that T J evidently did not think it necessary to include in the state of the case: "Obj. Steelyards on board. Ans. It
14 N O V E M B E R was a bay vessel which always carry steelyards. These with her when bought. . . . Obj. Shells on the ballast stones. Ans. Shells in America as well as France. Obj. The fish in these shells were alive. Ans. The vessel had made a great deal of water the whole way. This they say. . . . Obj. Tonnage re ported at . Ans. Bill of sale stated her at 59f tons. The French guager only measured her hold and part of her steerage from inside to inside; al lowed nothing for the cockpit, cabbin, forecastle and above one half the steer age, which is almost half the vessel. The clearance was obliged to be by the register and that had been taken out by a Capt. Chas. Harrison at 21. to save expences and port charges in Eng land where the Americans pay double duties as foreigners." This MS is re ferred to in the notes below as the Out line. 1 Outline reads: "a little Bay-vessel of his own." In Asquith's reply of 5 Dec. to TJ's letter of 23 Nov. 1785 enclosing a copy of the state of the case, he re marked: "the only relations in your Coppy which is not right are. 1st. The Register, which was taken out by Capt. Chas. Harrison (when I was sick) un known to me for 21 Tons (as he in formed me to save port charges), but he did not own any part of her. 2nd. The 25th [i.e., 24th] when we carried away our foremast fore shroud, but did [not] carry away our foremast, which are the only mistakes in it." See note 5. The flour was taken on board on 17 June and the tobacco on 20 June. See note 5. Either the log of the Wil liam Catherine or the clearance papers or TJ's statement based on them must be in error here. According to the log, the cargo must have been taken on board after she "run aground at Smith's Point, sprung a leak and was obliged to return to Baltimore to refit." In one part of Outline T J made the following remark: "He cleared out from Balti more and sailed June 11th. Run ashore at Smith's point and sprung a leak. Returned to Baltimore, hove her down and stopped the leak. Health being bad, took on board Capt. McNeil. Sailed again the 20th." 4 Outline adds at this point: "when evacuated Nov. 1777." s In Outline T J first abbreviated the substance of the log as follows: "Drove out to sea before cargo on 2
3
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board, and without any clearance but that from Baltimore. Sails not in a con dition to stand the coast, so bore away for destination. Made lands end of Eng land, but could not fetch it. Bore away for Scilly and came to anchor but blew so hard were obliged to put to sea. Made land of France but knew not what part. Had only 10 galls, water. 4 or 5 lb. bread, 2 or 3 lb. candles. No firewood. Sails not fit to trust any longer. . . ." T J evidently felt that the state of the case would appear more convincing if he quoted directly from the log. However, it is obvious that his quotation is not exact. The entry for 24 June was cited by Asquith as being an error (see note 2). Moreover, he omitted the entries from 17 to 24 June, possibly because of the inconsistency indicated in note 3. The excerpts from the log, as recorded in the Outline, are as follows: "June 17. Took on board 60. barrels flour. June 20. Took on board 8. hhds. tobo, and sailed for Norfolk. [June] 22. Came to in Hampton road. Sent ashore 50. barrels flour and 1 hhd. tobo. bad. Proposed to take in 9 hhds. tobo. more. Began to blow hard and rain. [June] 23. Heavy storm. Driven from their anchors and go before the wind. [June] 24. Weather grows worse. One of the fore shrouds carried away. Lost the foremast. [June] 25. Shifted ballast which hove them on their beam ends. Shipped a heavy sea. A consultation, result that being so far driven to sea it was better to steer for destination. [June] 30. First observation they had been able to take. 38°-13\ [June] 30. Winds begin to be light, but sea con tinues heavy. July 5. Light wind and smooth sea for the first time. In 43°52'. [July] 9. On bank N.F.L. spoke Fr. brig. Comte d'Artois from St. Ma loes, Capt. Pierre Monreaux in distress. Relieved her with 3. barr. flour. Aug. 6. Thick weather and strong gale. Made land's end of England. [Aug.] 7. Found could not fetch the land. Bore off for Scilly and came to anchor with both anchors. Drove. Got up the anchors and put to sea. Run to Southwd. [Aug.] 8. Made land of France, but did not know what part." Clearly, this is not an exact transcript of the log of the Wil liam &f Catherine, but a statement based on her log and on Asquith's let ters. There are thus at least three stages of the "log" in TJ's hand: (1) as abbreviated in substance in Outline and as quoted at the beginning of this
15 N O V E M B E R note; (2) as set down in Outline and "quoted" with exact dates, and (3) as given in the state of the case. « All other texts read: "4 or 5." 7 Preceding four words are not in either T r in DNA: PCC. In Outline T J made the following remarks: "His reg ister and original bill of sale he sent to Brest. Went to the Admiralty office
1785
and protested the real state of his case, and reported the vessel by the Register. The officer told him if she was no more, she would be confiscated. He was alarmed, told the real truth as to her register, and was allowed to report her according to the bill of sale." s Preceding nine words are not in either T r in DNA: PCC.
From James Madison DEAR SIR Richmond Novr. 15. 1785. I acknowledged from Philada. your favor of the 11 of May. On my return to Orange I found the copy of your notes brought along with it by Mr. Doradour. I have looked them over carefully myself and consulted several judicious friends in confidence. We are all sensible that the freedom of your strictures on some particular measures and opinions will displease their respective abettors. But we equally concur in thinking that this consideration ought not to be weighed against the utility of your plan. We think both the facts and remarks which you have assembled too valuable not to be made known, at least to those for whom you destine them, and speak of them to one another in terms which I must not repeat to you. Mr. Wythe suggested that it might be better to put the number you may allot to the University into the library, rather than to distribute them among the Students. In the latter case the Stock will be immediately exhausted. In the former the discretion of the pro fessors will make it serve the Students as they successively come in. Perhaps too an indiscriminate gift might offend some narrow minded parents. Mr. Wythe desired me to present you with his most friendly regards. He mentioned the difficulty he experiences in using his pen as an apology for not giving these assurances himself. I postpone my account of the assembly till I can make it more satisfactory, observing only that we are at work on the Révisai, and I am not without hopes of seeing it pass this Session with as few alterations as could be expected. Some are made un avoidable by a change of circumstances. The greatest danger is to be apprehended from the impatience which a certain lapse of time always produces. Mr. W . Maury informs me that Master P. Carr has read at Williamsbg. Horace, some of Tully's select orations, Greek Testament, iEsops fables in Greek, ten books of Homer, and is now beginning Xenophon, Juvenal and Livy. He has been 1
2
3
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also employed on the French. Your other Nephew is at Hampden Sidney. I have no particular account of him. RC ( D L C : Madison Papers); unsigned; partly in code. Noted in S J L as received 18 Jan. 1786, "by the [. . .] & post." 1 This and subsequent words in italics, with the exception noted below, are written in code and were decoded interlineally by T J ; his decoding has been verified by the editors, employing
Code No. 9. 2 The preceding eight words are interlined in substitution for "it will," deleted. It is not possible to determine whether this was done in 1785 or many years later when Madison received his letters back from TJ's estate and revised many of their expressions, These two words are underscored in MS. 8
From Samuel Henley M Y DEAR S I R Rendlesham. Novr. 16. 1785 I was favoured in the beginning of this month with your two obliging letters, and have to return you a thousand acknowledg ments for the sentiments of regard they contain, which neither length of time, change of situation, nor the convulsions which have torn asunder the bands that once held our united countries, appear in the least to have altered. Remotely as I am situated from publick life, the notices you have so kindly given me of some of our friends concerning whom I have been unable to learn anything so long, were particularly grateful; but the brevity with which you mention your own family hath cast a shade over my imagination, and lead me to suspect what, I hope, after all, may not have happened. It was with in finite regret that I heard you had been in this kingdom. I trust it will not be the last time as well as the first of your visiting it. I should be inexpressibly happy to see you in this habitation, the precincts of which I think would be the more pleasant to you as bearing no inconsiderable resemblance to Virginia. Mrs. Henley would be happy to receive Your daughter, and pay her every instance of attention. Is it not possible that you may make an excursion to England thro' Flanders and Holland? If so, you will land near us, and shall find me at the water's edge to receive you. The alterations made in the College at Williamsburg, I much approve, and am happy to hear of its flourishing state. It is with pleasure I reflect, notwithstanding the inconveniences I have ex perienced from my connexion with it, that I was the first person who endeavoured to place the mode of education in it upon its proper basis; nor (must I confess) would the only mark of favour 39
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the College could confer, I mean the honorary degree of Doctor of Laws, be unacceptable to me on this account. Sorry as I was to find that the books and prints which I had collected with such care and pleasure were devoted to the flames, it was no small diminution of my concern to find that some of them were in your hands. I am perfectly satisfied with the value set upon them and in conformity with your request have directed a friend to draw upon you on my account for the sum mentioned. His name is Johnson, his draft will be dated the 18th. or thereabout, payable at a month. Have you any commissions that I can execute in England? I shall be happy to obey you. Literary intelligence I will readily com municate to you or procure you books if you can point out a con veyance. Mr. Gwatkin I have not seen f[or] some years, his situa tion is not altogether so pleasant as I could wish; but hope it will one day be better. I had lately a letter from Mr. Bradford who is now at Cambridge. He mentions in the warmest terms your polite ness, for which I sincerely thank you both on his account and my own. With the truest esteem I am, My dear Sir, Your most obliged & obedient servt., S. H E N L E Y RC (MHi); addressed to T J at the "Cid de Sac Taitbout à Paris . . . post pd to London"; postmarked: "Wood Bridge," "Angleterre," and " N O 22." Henley, a clergyman, schoolmaster, and minor poet, had been professor of
moral philosophy at the College of Wil liam and Mary from 1770 to 1775. There is no evidence that an honorary degree of any sort was ever awarded him ( D N B ; W M Q , 1st ser., xxvi, 22631).
From Edward Bancroft No. 12 Villiers Street York Buildings M Y DEAR SIR London 18th. Novr. 1785. Mr. Paradise who married one of the Daughters of the late Col. Ludwell of Virginia, and who is a Gentleman very justly esteemed for his integrity and benevolence of heart has requested me to Sollicit the favour of your Countenance and Assistance, in accel erating the payment of about one thousand Pounds, due to him upon the Securities of the State of Virginia, now in the Hands of his Steward there, Mr. Paradise has been invariably and zealously attached, to the cause of the United States, and very early went over and took the Oaths of Allegiance to them, in Paris: but having until within these few months been deprived of all benefit from his Estates in Virginia since the year 1775, he has from time to time sold out his property in the Funds, for his subsistence and that of 40 ;
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his Family, and has not only exhausted this resource but incurred some Debts, which from the general discredit that in this Country, at this time, attends every thing and every body connected with America, are become very troublesome and more especially in his present ill Health. Could Mr. Paradise obtain what is due to him from the State of Virginia, it would releive him from this Embarrasment and enable him to remove thither, as he is desireous of doing. He therefore earnestly hopes that you will have the goodness to represent his situation either to the Government of Virginia, or to some of your friends there, in such way as may be most likely to procure him the desired relief. I[n] Conveying you this request I know not how far it may be practicable to obtain payment to any individual particularly from these or any other Considerations: I am however so Confident of Mr. Paradise's merit and so anxious for his releif from Embarrasments, the more distressing, because he has been so little used to them, that I cannot refuse joining my intreaty to his that you will favour him with your Countenance and interference as far as you can with propriety: I am indeed happy in thinking that your own benevolence will strongly incline to do it, since the Obligations I am already under to you, do not intitle me to incur an additional one by giving you this trouble and the more especially as I can do so little in return. I shall however hope for some future opportuni ties, of at least shewing my sense of your favours and manifesting the respectful Attachment & sincere devotion with which I have the honor to be My Dear Sir Your most faithful & Obedient Humble Servant, EDWD. BANCROFT R C ( D L C : Madison Papers); endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 27 Nov. 1785. It would be interesting to know in detail what O B L I G A T I O N S Bancroft was already under to T J , who, along with Franklin, Deane, and Adams, evidently never knew what Arthur and William Lee had correctly suspected—that Ban-
croft was a British spy. But Bancroft gave T J able assistance in the long, involved, and troublesome history of the financial affairs of the Paradises (see Malone, Jefferson, I I , 209; A . B . Shepperson, John and Lucy Paradise of London and Williamsburg, Richmond, 1942).
To John Adams DEAR SIR
Paris Nov. 19. 1785.
I wrote to you on the 11th. of Octob. by Mr. Preston and again on the 18th. of the same month by post. Since that yours of Sep. 25. by Mr. Boylston, Oct. 24. Nov. 1. and Nov. 4. have come safe 41
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to hand. I will take up their several subjects in order. Boylston's object was first to dispose of a cargo of sperma ceti oyl which he brought to Havre. A secondary one was to obtain a contract for future supplies. I carried him to the M. de la fayette. As to his first object we are in hopes of getting the duties taken off which will enable him to sell his cargo. This has led to discussions with the ministers which give us a hope that we may get the duties taken off in perpetuum. This done, a most abundant market for our oyl will be opened by this country, and one which will be abso lutely dependant on us, for they have little expectation themselves of establishing a succesful whalefishery.Perhaps it is possible they may only take the duties off of those oils which shall be the produce of associated companies of French and American merchants. But as yet nothing certain can be said. I thank you for the trouble you have taken to obtain insurance on Houdon's life. I place the 3 2 £ - l l s to your credit, and not being able as yet to determine precisely how our accounts stand, I send a sum by Colo. Smith which may draw the scales towards a balance. The determination of the British cabinet to make no equal treaty with us, confirms me in the opinion expressed in your letter of Oct. 24. that the U.S. must pass a navigation act against Great Britain and load her manufactures with duties so as to give a preference to those of other countries: and I hope our assemblies will wait no longer, but transfer such a power to Congress at the sessions of this fall. I suppose however it will only be against Great Britain, and I think it will be right not to involve other nations in the consequences of her injustice. I take for granted the commercial system wished for by Congress was such an one as should leave commerce on the freest footing possible. This was the plan on which we prepared our general draught for treating with all na tions. Of those with whom we were to treat, I ever considered England, France, Spain and Portugal as capitally important; the first two on account of their American possessions, the last for their European as well as American. Spain is treating in America, and probably will give us an advantageous treaty. Portugal shews dispositions to do the same. France does not treat. It is likely enough she will chuse to keep the staff in her own hands. But in the mean time she gave us an access to her W . Indies, which tho' not all we wished was yet extremely valuable to us: this access indeed is much wounded by the late arrets of the 18th. and 25th. of Sep tember, which I inclose to you. I consider these as a reprisal for 1
2
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the navigation acts of Massachusets and New Hampshire. The minister has complained to me officially of these acts as a departure from the reciprocity stipulated by the treaty. I have assured him that his complaints shall be communicated to Congress, and in the mean time observed that the example of discriminating between foreigners and natives had been set by the Arret of Aug. 1784. and still more remarkeably by those of Sep. 18. and 25. which in effect are a prohibition of our fish in their islands. How ever it is better for us that both sides should revise what they have done. I am in hopes this country did not mean these as permanent regulations. Mr. Bingham, lately from Holland, tells me the Dutch are much dissatisfied with those acts. In fact I expect the European nations in general will rise up against an attempt of this kind, and wage a general commercial war against us. They can do too well without all our commodities except tobacco, and we cannot find elsewhere markets for them. The selfishness of England alone will not justify our hazarding a contest of this kind against all Europe. Spain, Portugal, and France have not yet shut their doors against us: it will be time enough when they do to take up the commercial hatchet. I hope therefore those states will repeal their navigation clauses except as against Great Britain and other nations not treating with us. I have made the enquiries you desire as to American shiptimber for this country. You know they sent some person (whose name was not told us) to America to examine the quality of our masts, spars &c. I think this was young Chaumont's business. They have besides this instructed the officer who superintends their supplies of masts, spars &c. to procure good quantities from our Northern states, but I think they have made no contract: on the contrary that they await the trials projected, but with a determination to look to us for considerable supplies if they find our timber answer. They have on the carpet a contract for live oak from the Southern states. You ask why the Virginia merchants do not learn to sort their own tobaccoes? They can sort them as well as any merchants whatever. Nothing is better known than the quality of every hogs head of tobacco from the place of it's growth. They know too the particular qualities required in every market. They do not send their tobaccoes therefore to London to be sorted, but to pay their debts: and tho they could send them to other markets and remit the money to London, yet they find it necessary to give their Eng lish merchant the benefit of the consignment of their tobacco to 43
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him (which is enormously gainful) in order to induce him to continue his indulgence for the balance due. Is it impossible to persuade our countrymen to make peace with the Nova scotians? I am persuaded nothing is wanting but advances on our part; and that it is in our power to draw off the greatest proportion of that settlement, and thus to free ourselves from rivals who may become of consequence. We are at present co-operating with Gr. Br. whose policy it is to give aliment to that bitter enmity between her states and ours which may secure her against their ever joining us. But would not the existence of a cordial friendship between us and them be the best bridle we could possibly put into the mouth of England? With respect to the Danish business you will observe that the instructions of Congress, article 3. of Octob. 29. 1783. put it entirely into the hands of the ministers plenipotentiary of the U.S. of A. at the court of Versailles empowered to negotiate a peace or to any one or more of them. At that time I did not exist under this description. I had received the permission of Congress to decline coming in the spring preceding that date. On the 1st. day of Nov. 1783. that is to say two days after the date of the instruction to the Commissioners Congress recommended J . P. Jones to the Minister Plenipotentiary of the U.S. at Versailles as agent to sollicit under his direction the paiment of all prizes taken in Europe under his command. But the object under their view at that time was assuredly the money due from the court of Versailles for the prizes taken in the expedition by the Bon homme Richard, the Alliance &c. In this business I have aided him effectually, having obtained a definitive order for paying the money to him, and a considerable proportion being actually paid him. But they could not mean by their resolution of Nov. 1. to take from the Com missioners powers which they had given them two days before. If there could remain a doubt that this whole power has resulted to you, it would be cleared up by the instruction of May. 7. 1784. article 9. which declares 'that these instructions be considered as supplementory to those of Octob. 29. 1783. and not as revoking except where they contradict them.' Which shews they considered the instructions of Octob. 29. 1783. as still in full force. I do not give you the trouble of this discussion to save myself the trouble of the négociation. I should have no objections to this part: but it is to avoid the impropriety of meddling in a matter wherein I am unauthorised to act, and where any thing I should pretend to con44
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elude with the court of Denmark might have the appearance of a deception on them. Should it be in my power to render any service in it, I shall do it with chearfulness, but I repeat it that I think you are the only person authorised. I received a few days ago the Nuova minuta of Tuscany which Colo. Humphrys will deliver you. I have been so engaged that I have not been able to go over it with any attention. I observe in general that the order of the articles is entirely deranged, and their diction almost totally changed. When you shall have examined it if you will be so good as to send me your observations by post, in cypher, I will communicate with you in the same way and try to mature this matter. The deaths of the Dukes of Orleans and Praslin will probably reach you through the channel of the public papers before this letter does. Your friends the Abbés are well and always speak of you with affection. Colo. Humphries comes to pass some time in London. My curiosity would render a short trip thither agree able to me also, but I see no probability of taking it. I will trouble you with my respects to Doctr. Price. Those to Mrs. Adams I wit ness in a letter to herself. I am with very great esteem Dr. Sir Your most obedient and most humble servt., T H : J E F F E R S O N 3
RC (MHi: A M T ) . PrC ( D L C ) . E n closure: Copy of the arrets of 18 and 25 Sep. 1785, the first granting pre miums for the encouragement of French merchants carrying dried cod-fish to the West Indies and to the European ports of Italy, Spain, and Portugal; and the second raising the tax imposed on codfish imported into the West Indies from foreign fisheries (Sowerby, Nos. 2297, 2 2 9 8 ) . Entry in S J P L reads: "Adams John. Boylston. Whale oil. Houdon. Engld. Treaties. Navigation acts of Mass and N . H . French arret. Ship timber, tobacco. Nova Scotia. Dan ish business. Tuscan treaty." A few days earlier B O Y L S T O N had reported to Adams: "On my arrival my first care was without loss of time to deliver your several favors. I then went immediately on business, and soon found I was engaged in a much more arduous and difficult undertaking, than I had conceived; instead of being re ceived with open Arms, which I thought the business I had come to promote would have entitled me to, the con trary was the case. T h e French has set their faces against the very plan, I had in view. T h e Whale Fishery is now the
45
Hoby-Horse of the present Minister, and to encourage that, he wishes to have no foreign importation. T h e ex tract of a Letter ( a copy of which you gave me) you received from America, proposing terms for the admitting a quantity of Spemacity Oil into France, was not the inclination of the Minister of France (as the Marquis de Fiatte and M r . Jefferson assured me) but was teazed into it, to gratify and get rid of the person who importunately solicited for it. This method, the only one (and a bad one too) I must take: all up hill work, and the success uncertain. How ever that nothing should be unattempted . . . on my part, I have stated some proposals and laid 'em before the Mar quis De Fiat and M r . Jefferson to be introduced to the minister" (Thomas Boylston to Adams, 9 Nov. 1785; M H i : AMT). For an excellent account of the ef forts of Lafayette and T J in connection with B O Y L S T O N ' S O B J E C T , see Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89, p. 202-5, 208-9, where, however, Boylston is er roneously identified as W . N . Boylston owing to a faulty endorsement on L a fayette's letter to Thomas Boylston of
19 N O V E M B E R
1785
4 Nov. 1785, in which he said: "Agré- N U T A O F T U S C A N Y that he set down able to Appointment, I Have seen Mr. the following comparison to be found Tourtille Sangrain this Morning, and in D L C : T J Papers, 12: 2156: at the same time I acquainted Him a "In the 4th. article of the Original friend of Mine was every Hour Expect- draught of the treaty proposed between ing a Ship load of Sperma Cœti oil his highness the Grand Duke of TusBound to the Havre de Grace. I told cany and the United states of America Him He would Most particularly oblige was the following passages: 'and thence me to Give My friend the preference in to take the produce, manufactures and His purchases. I added that the oil was merchandize of the other, which all the of the Best Kind, and fitted for the said citizens or subjects shall in like french taste, and told Him He must manner be free to sell them, paying in immediately offer the Highest price, be- both cases &c.' cause I knew my friend Had other "In the Counterproject proposed on Means advantageously to dispose of His Cargoe. Inclosed you will find the the part of Tuscany it stood in this proposals He thought proper to Make, form, 'e di là prendere i prodotti, maniwhich I requested Him to write down fatture e mercanzie, degli altri, quali and Sign. You will find that He En- tutti detti cittadini o sudditi saranno gages for Above 300,000 p. french nelV istessa maniera liberi di venderle, Weight, at the price of fifty five french pagando in ambedue i casi &c' livres for Each Hundred of Weight, "In the Nuova minuta in the 3d. arprovided the oil, upon His examination, ticle (being the 4th. of the former) it Appears to Him well qualified. Mr. stands 'e di là comprare, acquistare e Sangrain tells me you will not find so prendere i prodotti, maniffatture e mergood a price elsewhere, but I would canzie di qualunque luogo ed origine, advise you to Make further Enquiries. pagando in tutti i detti casi &c' where In the Mean while Your Captain Might we observe an omission of the words Come to town with a Sample of the oil, 'quali tutti detti cittadini o sudditi saand I will introduce You to Mr. Tour- ranno nelF istessa maniera liberi di tille Sangrain whom we May then per- venderle' haps prevail upon to Contract for a "In the same article it is necessary greater Quantify, and to Any person to omit *o l'importazione e esportazione that May promote your purposes. . . . de' generi, o' and again *e rispetto a' Any thing that depends upon me, My generi &c to the end. It will then stand dear Sir, you May entirely Command. 'Quelle determinazione pero che una You are an American, a Bostonian, and delle parti facesse per limitaro la facoltà the National object you pursue is Next de trasportare sopra certi bastimenti i to My Heart" (Lafayette misdated the generi dichiarate non ammissibile sopra letter "october the 4th 1785"; and the i medesimi dovranno esser notificate all' endorsement by J . L . Boylston at a altra, perché i respettivi suddite e citlater date erroneously assumed that it tadini ne siano informati.' was addressed "to W. N. Boylston"; Art. 5. (6th of original) the words MWA). Lafayette, of course, allowed *o persone* between 'effetti' and 'siano' his zeal to tempt him beyond the limits which are in all the preceding draughts of strict accuracy when he gave San- are omitted. grain the impression that Boylston's Art. 7. of the former draughts is the vessel had not yet arrived at Havre. He 18th of the new. also, presumably, could not have known Art. 18 and 9 are put into the 7th that the oil "was of the Best kind" 16th. is made the 8th. when it appears that samples were still 11th. is made the 10th. wanting, and it is not likely that Boyls25th. is made the 11th. ton had, or that Lafayette was aware 26th. is made the 12th. and of, "other Means advantageously to dispose of his Cargoe." But there is no very differently and doubtfully exdoubt that the marquis fully earned pressed 13th. is new the encomium of Nathaniel Barrett con14 [is] 2d of the draught cerning a similar undertaking: "The 15 is 13th. of the draught Marquis de la fayett has been inde16. is 14th of the draught fatigable in this Business" (Barrett to 17 is 15 Adams, 29 Jan. 1786; MHi: A M T ) . 18 is 7. It was evidently soon after T J made 19 is 17 these observations on the N U O V A M I 20 is 19. but the new reserves
46
20 N O V E M B E R a right to ties. 21. 22. 23.
deny asylum by future trea is 20 of the draught is 22 is 21. sect. 2. If less than
24 hours i1 we propose P r o P -fa ™ 086
K
« " { we A* ey
24. is 23. 'pescatori' omitting 'non armati' 'villagge o luoghi' omitted 25 is 24. prison ships omitted soldati for comuni"
1785
1 This and the preceding word inter lined in substitution for "no idea," de leted. 2 The following was deleted at this point: "and I am not without hope that besides opening her European markets to our whale oil, clear of duty, she may be induced to take." 3 T J first wrote "I should like," and then erased the words and wrote "My curiosity."
To Abigail Adams D E A R MADAM
Paris Nov. 20. 1785.
I have been honoured with your two letters of Octob. 19. and 25. by Mr. Fox and Doctor Rodgers since the date of my last. I am to thank you for your state of Stanhope's case. It has enabled me to speak of that transaction with a confidence of which I should otherwise have been deprived by the different state of it in the public papers and the want of information from America. I have even endeavored to get it printed in a public paper to counteract the impressions of the London papers and Mercure de France. I do not yet know however whether it will be admitted.—Your letter to Mr. Williamos I immediately sent to him. The illness which had long confined him, proved in the end to be mortal. He died about ten days ago. Mr. Adams's letter of the 4th. instant informs me that Mr. Preston had at length found my letter to him. I hope he has also found, or that he will in time find that which I took the liberty of writing to you. It was to pray you to order me a dozen shirts, of exactly the quality of the one sent, to be made in London. I gave for that lOMOs the aune, and wished to be able to judge of the comparative prices in the two countries. The several commissions you have been so good as to execute for me, with what Mr. Adams has paid for insuring Houdon's life leave me considerably in your debt. As I shall not get so good an opportunity of making a remit tance, as by Colo. Smith, I trouble him with thirty two Louis for you. This I expect may place us in the neighborhood of a balance. What it is exactly I do not know. I will trouble you to give me notice when you receive your plateaux de dessert, because I told the marchand I would not pay him till you had received them; he 47
20 N O V E M B E R
1785
having undertaken to send them. I give you so much trouble that unless you find some means of employing me for yourself in return I shall retain an unpleasant load on my mind. Indeed I am sensible this balance will always be against me, as I want more from Lon don than you will do from Paris. True generosity therefore will induce you to give me opportunities of returning your obligations. Business being now got through I congratulate you on the return of Colo. Smith. I congratulate you still more however on the ex treme worth of his character, which was so interesting an object in a person connected in office so nearly with your family. I had never before had an opportunity of being acquainted with him. Your knowlege of him will enable you to judge of the advantageous impressions which his head, his heart, and his manners will have made on me. I begin to feel very sensibly the effect of the derangement of the French packets. My intelligence from America lately has become more defective than it formerly was. The proceedings of Congress and of the assemblies there this winter will be very interesting. The death of the Due d'Orleans has darkened much the court and city. All is sable. No doubt this is a perfect representation of their feelings, and particularly of those of the Duc de Chartres to whom an additional revenue of four millions will be a paultry solace for his loss. News from Madrid give much to fear for the life of the only son of the Prince of Asturias. Colo. Humphries comes to take a view of London. I should be gratified also with such a trip, of which the pleasure of seeing your family would make a great part. But I foresee no circumstances which could justify, much less call for, such an excursion. Be so good as to present my respects to Miss Adams and to be assured yourself of the sincerity of the esteem with which I have the honour to be Dear Madam Your most obedient & most humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON RC (MHi: A M T ) ; endorsed. PrC (DLC). William Stephens Smith's E X T R E M E WORTH
OF .
.
.
CHARACTER
was
SOOn
to become interesting to the Adams family privately as well as officially. Of his future son-in-law John Adams had written in April: "Our Friend the Mar quis, whom I love, altho' I fear he has been instrumental in introducing bad Fashions among us, informs me that Mr. Smith is appointed Secretary of Legation to London. This Gentleman is
48
to me a total Stranger. An Aide de Camp, and a Knight of Cincinnatus, a Correspondent of the Marquis and his brother Humphreys. I see the Necessity of his being a prudent Man and of my being so too. But he shall be treated by me with all the Kindness and attention that becomes the Relation between us. Humphreys has all the qualifications for his office which can be expected from an aide de camp and a knight of Cincinnatus. His Genius, Taste, and Knowledge are distinguished, and his
20 N O V E M B E R heart is excellent" (Adams to Gerry, 28 Apr. 1785; MHi: AMT). The letter was recorded in the letter-book that
1785
Smith would presently be obliged to use, as wily John Adams must have anticipated when he composed the words.
To Jean Baptiste Huron SIR Paris Nov. 20. 1785. I will endeavor to give you the best information I can on the subject of your enquiries about the 200,000 acres of land in the counties of Fayette, Montgomery and Ohio which Mr. Pentecost and his partner oblige themselves to have conveyed to you by patents or otherwise as a security for 8000£ Pennsylvania money, and which you are desired to sell. By the term 'patent' I presume they had not in contemplation to satisfy this obligation by the purchase of lands already patented. If they had, there is good land enough in those counties to make up more than this quantity. But they are too dear to be bought on a speculation of selling them again in Europe. But I presume they meant to locate land warrants on 200,000 acres of the lands in those counties still remaining unappropriated. Of barren lands there are a sufficiency there to make up that quantity, which are yet unappropriated, and will for ever remain so; because they are worth nothing. But if they meant to engage that they would locate and convey to you 200,000 acres of good lands in those counties and which were unpatented at the date of their engagement, I am of opinion you will be disappointed. It is at least four years since a gentleman of my acquaintance, as well acquainted with that country as any man in it, and who had land warrants for 8000 acres only, informed me he was obliged to take it in small parcels of one, two, or three hundred acres in among the mountains wher ever they could be found, all the bodies of good land having been already located. Later information has given me reason to conclude that the whole of the lands in those counties, fit for culture have been patented or covered by locations for a considerable time. My opinion is therefore that you will not be safe in entering into abso lute engagements for the conveiance of such a quantity of lands, till you know that they are obtained: and that the instrument you possess gives no specific pledge for your money; and is no more in fact than an obligation for it's repaiment. I have the honour to be Sir Your most obedient humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Recorded in S J L as addressed to: "Jean Baptiste Huron. Hotel
49
et rue Cinq, diamants. See copy." Entry in S J P L reads: "Huron. Pontecost's [sic]
20
NOVEMBER
200.000 acres land." If Huron's E N were in writing, the MS has not been found, the present letter being the only communication that is known QUIRIES
1785
to have passed between the two men. The ED
GENTLEMAN . . . W E L L WITH
THAT
COUNTRY
been Thomas Walker.
ACQUAINT
may have
To Vergennes SIR Paris Nov. 20. 1785. I found here on my return from Fontainebleau the letter of Octob. 30. which your excellency did me the honour there of in forming me had been addressed to me at this place, and I shall avail myself of the first occasion of transmitting it to Congress, who will receive with great pleasure these new assurances of the friendly sentiments which his Majesty is pleased to continue to wards the United States. I am equally persuaded they will pay the most serious attention to that part of your excellency's letter which mentions the informa tion you have received of certain acts or regulations of navigation and commerce passed in some of the United states, which are in jurious to the commerce of France. In the mean time I wish to remove the unfavourable impressions which those acts seem to have made, as if they were a departure from the reciprocity of conduct stipulated by the treaty of February 6. 1776. The effect of that treaty is to place each party with the other always on the footing of the most favored nation. But those who framed the acts probably did not consider the treaty as restraining either from discriminating between foreigners and natives. Yet this is the sole effect of these acts. The same opinion as to the meaning of the treaty seems to have been entertained by this government both before and since the date of these acts. For the Arret of the king's council of August 30. 1784. furnished an example of such a dis crimination between foreigners and natives importing salted fish into his Majesty's dominions in the West Indies; by laying a duty on that imported by foreigners, and giving out the same in bounty to native importers. This opinion shews itself more remarkeably in the late Arrets of the 18th. and 25th. of September, which in creasing to excess the duty on foreign importations of fish into the West Indies, giving the double in bounty on those of natives, and thereby rendering it impossible for the former to sell in competition with the latter, have in effect prohibited the importation of that article by the citizens of the United states. 50
2 1 NOVEMBER
178 5
Both nations perhaps may come into the opinion that their friendship and their interest may be better cemented by approaching the condition of their citizens reciprocally to that of natives, as a better ground of intercourse than that of the most favoured nation. I shall rest with hopes of being authorised in due time to inform your Excellency that nothing will be wanting on our part to evince a disposition to concur in revising whatever regulations may on either side bear hard on the commerce of the other nation. In the mean time I have the honour to assure you of the profound respect and esteem with which I have the honour to be Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON je pense comme vous que nous n'avons plus aucune suite à donner à cette discussion, et qu'il suffira d'attendre que cette disposition des Etats unis ait son effet; ce que nous ne tarderons pas à apprendre par nos relations de l'Amérique Septentrionale" (Castries to Vergennes, 18 Dec. 1785; F C in Arch. Nationales, Aff. Etr., B , 439, fol. 72. RC in Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx). Some months later Otto wrote to Gov. Sullivan of New Hampshire: "It is not unknown to you that it is evidently contrary to our treaty, and that we might have followed this undesirable measure by establishing, either in the colonies or in France, extraordinary laws against New Hampshire shipping. Mr. Jefferson having counted on the efficacy of CONDITION OF THEIR CITIZENS RECIPthe recommendations of Congress in R O C A L L Y T O T H A T O F N A T I V E S . Vergennes sent to Castries a copy of the this matter has positively assured my present letter, and commented: "Je dois government that this law has been revous ajouter qu'il m'a informé depuis pealed; on the other hand your deleverbalement, que les règlements dont gates have given me hope that there nous avions à nous plaindre, venoient would be no difficulty in repealing this d'etre revoques. Vous jugerez dès lors law at the June session and Mr. Long que nous n'avons aucune suite ultérieure has written particularly of it to the à donner a cette affaire" (Vergennes to President of your state. I beg you to Castries, 16 Dec. 1785; Arch. Aff. Etr., kindly aid this measure as much as is Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx). T J , of course, in your power, and to consider that you anticipated here; for an explanation of will render an essential service to the his verbal assurance to Vergennes, see two nations in having repealed a law the report of his conversations of Dec. which is contrary to the fundamental 1785; T J to Jay, 2 Jan. 1786. In re- principles of our treaty" (Otto to Sulliplying to Vergennes, Castries wrote: van, 8 May 1786; Otis G. Hammond, "Mr. Jefferson vous ayant dit depuis ed., Letters and Papers of John Sullique ces règlements avaient été révoqués, van, Concord, N.H., 1939, m, 449).
RC (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E . U., X X X )i at head of letter in Vergennes' hand "M. De R[ayneval]"; with a French translation which reads at head of text: "[En]voyé copie à M. de Castries [le 1]6 Xbre. 1785." PrC ( D L C ) . Tr (DNA: PCC, No. 107, I ) . Entry in SJPL reads: "Vergennes. Navigation acts." TJ's visit to Fontainebleau was a brief one. He had left Paris on 26 Oct. and was back there by 1 Nov. (see entries in Account Book and S J L for the latter date). T J seems here to be referring to the idea advanced in the enclosure to his letter to Adams of 28 July 1785 that it would be better for both nations if they approached T H E
m
From André Limozin Le Havre, 21 Nov. 1785. Acknowledges TJ's letter of 11 Nov. and promises to forward its enclosure to the Fitzhugh brothers by the 51
22 N O V E M B E R
1785
Andrew, which sails for Norfolk within the next two weeks. Before they sailed on 10 Nov., the brothers "found them selves in the most disagreable Circumstance possible for Gentlemen of Honor." On Barclay's recommendation they had applied to Limozin for 1,000 livres to pay their passage, though he gave no assurance of how Limozin would be reimbursed but later did provide them with a letter of credit for 120 livres, "which sum was not sufficient to pay for their expense here altho' they have been very often at my house to dine with me." Having heard of the large sums which he had advanced other Americans and were never returned ("for that reason, I had resolved to not lend one farthing more"), the Fitzhughs were reluctant to approach Limozin for further funds. One of the brothers finally revealed their circumstances and said that if Limozin did not advance them twenty guineas, they would lose their space on the ship and also their passage money. They promised that if Barclay did not repay him, T J would. He now has their draft on Barclay dated 4 Nov.; according to Barclay's instructions, Limozin will make TJ the drawee instead. He appends his account of the expenses totalling 68 17s 6d. for the three trunks and boxes shipped on the Eolus, for which he charges TJ's account. tt
RC (MHi); 6 p.; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 23 Nov. 1785. Enclosure (MHi). Limozin also rendered an account (MHi) on 20 July 1787 which included the charge for the trunks.
On 21 Dec. 1785 T J made the following entry in his Account book: "Paid Messrs Payen frères Theodorick and Daniel Fitzhugh's bill of exchange for 480^ in favor of Monsr. A. Limozin."
From Jean-Armand Tronchin [Paris, after 22 Nov. 1755.] Formal note announcing his presentation on 22 Nov. 1785 to the King and the royal family as minister from the republic of Geneva. RC ( D L C ) ; 1 p.; in French; undated.
To Lister Asquith SIR Paris Nov. 23. 1785. I have received your letter of the 14th. inst. It was not till the 8th. of this month that I could obtain information from any quarter, of the particular court in which your prosecution was instituted, and the ground on which it was founded. I then received it through the hands of Messrs. Desbordes at Brest. I have sent to the count de Vergennes a state of your case, of which the inclosed is a copy. I wish you would read it over and if there is any fact stated in it which is wrong, let me know it, that I may have it corrected. I at 52
24 N O V E M B E R
1785
the same time wrote him an urgent letter on your behalf. I have daily expected an answer which has occasionned my deferring writing to you. The moment I receive one you may be assured of my communicating it to you. My hopes are that I may obtain from the king a discharge of the persons of all of you: but probably your vessel and cargo must go through a process. I have sincerely sympathized with your sufferings, and have taken every step in my power to get into the right line for obtaining relief. If it will add any comfort to your situation and that of your companions to be assured that I never lose sight of them, and leave nothing undone to extricate you, you have that assurance. I am Sir Your very humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Entry in S J L reads: "See copy"; at a later date T J added: "(copy lost or mislaid)." Enclosure: Copy of TJ's state of the case of the William fc? Catherine, printed above as enclosure to T J to Vergennec, 14 Nov. 1785. See Desbordes, Frères to T J , 4 Nov., 1785.
From William Drayton SIR Charleston, South Carolina Novr. 23d. 1785. As Chairman of the Committee of the South Carolina Society for promoting and improving agriculture and other rural Concerns, I am directed to inform your Excellency, that you are unanimously elected an honorary Member of that Society; and I herewith transmit to your Excellency a Copy of an Address and their Rules, publish'd at their Institution. I have the Honour to be with great Respect Your Excellency's most obedient & most humble Servant, W M . DRAYTON RC ( D L C ) . Recorded in S J L as received 26 Feb. 1786. Enclosure: A copy of Address and Rules of the SouthCarolina Society for Promoting and Improving Agriculture and other Rural Concerns, Charleston, 1785 (Sabin No. 80039); see Chalmers S. Murray, This Our Land: The Story of the Agricultural Society of South Carolina, Charleston, 1949, p. 79-84. T J evidently was under the mistaken
impression that he was corresponding with William Henry Drayton, who had died in 1779. In writing to William Drayton on 6 Feb. 1787 T J noted on the PrC of his letter: "William Henry Drayton," and the entire correspondence is so entered in the Index to S J L . In S J L itself, however, the present letter and TJ's reply of 6 May 1786 are under "Wm. Drayton."
From Abigail Adams SIR Grosvenor Square Novr. 24th. 1785. I hope if the Marquiss de la Fayette is returned to Paris he may be able to give us some account of Colin. Smith for whom we are 53
24 N O V E M B E R
1785
not a little anxious, having no intelligence from him since the begining of September when he wrote that he should tarry at Berlin till the reviews were over which would be by the 20th. of that month and then should make the utmost expedition to Paris where his stay would be six days or six Hours according to the intelligence he should meet with there from Mr. Adams. Ten weeks have since elapsed and not a Line or Syllable respecting him has come to hand. In all that time we have been daily and hourly ex pecting his return. We should have been still more anxious, if the Spanish Minister had not informed us that by a Letter which he received from Colin. Miranda early in Septemr. he wrote him that he had some thoughts of going to Vienna. Colin. Miranda's friends are allarmed about him and have been here to inquire if we could give any account of him. We are now daily more and more anxious because we cannot account for Coll. Smiths long absence but by sickness or some disaster, and even then we ought to have heard from him or of him. You will be so good Sir as to give us every information in your Power as soon as may be. We suppose you have made an excursion to Fontainbleau by our not having heard from you for a long time. Mr. Preston found the Letters he supposed to have been taken out of his Trunk, amongst his Linnen ten days after his arrival. Your orders shall be executed to the best of my abilities. Inclosed is a Letter which I found a few days ago respecting the Wine which you was so kind as to take. Mr. Adams is uncertain whether he requested you to Pay to Mr. Bonfeild on his order 319 Livres for a Cask of Wine which he procured for him and of which he never received any account untili his arrival here. If Mr. Barclay has not done it Mr. Adams would be obliged to you to pay it for him. A Vessell arrived this week from New York and brings papers to the 16 of Octr. They contain nothing material. A Letter from Mr. Jay informs us that no Minister was yet appointed to the Hague, but that Mr. Izard and Mr. Madison were in Nomination, that the rage for New States was very prevalent, which he appre hended would have no good effect. He wished the Ministers abroad to bear testimony against it in their Letters to. Congress. In this Country there is a great want of many French comodities, Good Sense, Good Nature, Political Wisdom and benevolence. His Christian Majesty would render essential service to His Britanick 54
24 N O V E M B E R
1785
Majesty if he would permit Cargoes of this kind to be exported into this Kingdom against the next meeting of Parliament. The Treaty lately concluded between France and Holland and the Conduct of England with respect to America proves Her absolute deficiency in each Article. Compliments to the Gentlemen of your Family from Sir your Humble Servant, A ADAMS RC ( D L C ) ; in the hand of Miss Abigail Adams, signed by her mother; postmarked: "Angleterre" and " N O 25"; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 1 Dec. 1785. Enclosure not identified; but see Gazaigner de Boyer, 9 Nov. 1785. Smith had attended the Prussian army maneuvers with his friend, the Venezuelan patriot, C O L L N . M I R A N D A , whom he had evidently known in America and who was one of his intimate companions in London. Shortly after arriving there, Smith had written to his old commander, Baron Steuben: "I dined with Waddington in Company with Miranda who Loves you and I believe is making fair weather with the Court of Spain. We went together to the Royal Circus, which breaking up
about 10. we took Coach to Vauxhall and passed an hour in that Gay Circle" (Smith to Steuben, 15 June 1785; NHi: Steuben Papers; Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89, p. 195-6). This was evidently not an isolated moment of gaiety. Early in September Matthew Ridley wrote from London to his future wife, Catherine W. Livingston: "Colonel Smith is entirely in the gay Circle. He keeps his Chariot. Will a Secretary's Appointment afford this? I know the Ambassador complains that he cannot make his appointment do; and I sincerely believe him" (5 Sep. 1785; MHi: Ridley Papers). This may help explain Smith's delayed return from the maneuvers; but see T J to Abigail Adams, 20 Nov. 1785, for his favorable opinion of Smith.
To Borgnis Desbordes, Frères ce 24me. Nov. 1785. à Paris J'ai eu l'honneur de recevoir, Messieurs, la lettre du 4me. Novembre que vous avez bien voulu m'adresser, et j'ai tardé de vous faire mes remerciments des soins dont vous avez la bonté de vous charger des prisonniers Américains, en espérant toujours de recevoir une ordre pour leur élargissement et de me profiter de votre adresse pour le faire passer avec certitude à leurs mains. Mais n'en ayant pas encore obtenu je ne puis pas plus longtems différer les justes remerciments que je vous dois, et que je vous prie de bien vouloir agréer, ainsi que de l'hommage des sentimens respectueux avec lesquelles j'ai l'honneur d'etre Messieurs votre tres-humble et tres-obeissant serviteur, T H : JEFFERSON RC (PPAP); endorsed at head of letter: "Rep[ondu]. Le 30." PrC ( D L C ) .
55
To Jean Diot 8c Cie. GENTLEMEN
Paris Nov. 24. 1785.
Your favor of Octob. 26. came safely to hand and should sooner have been acknowleged, but that I have wished at the same time to convey through your hands whatever indulgence the govern ment would be pleased to grant to the American prisoners to whom you have been so kind as to extend your attention. Having as yet however been unable to procure any order in their favor I cannot longer delay returning my thanks for your goodness to them and assuring you of the sentiments of respect with which I have the honour to be gentlemen Your most obedient and most humble servt.,
T H : JEFFERSON
RS. I avail myself of your address to convey a letter to Mr. Asquith. PrC ( D L C ) . Enclosure: T J to Lister Asquith, 23 Nov. 1785. Diot's F A V O R 26, recorded in S J L as received 4 Nov. 1785, has not been found.
OF
OCTOB.
To J. A. Gautier SIR Paris Nov. 24. 1785. I received your letter last night and meant to have answered it this morning, but it escaped me. I really am at a loss what to say. I do not consider myself as having any authority to direct the application of the public money except where it relates immediately to my own transactions. My private opinion is that the present bill should be governed by what has been the usual proceeding between Mr. Carmichael and Mr. Grand. If he has usually written letters of advice, I should be afraid of imposition when bills come (more than once too) without letters of advice. Protesting it too for want of advice leaves you at liberty to pay it when due if you receive advice in the mean time. But if Mr. Carmichael has usually drawn his bills without giving advice of them and they have been paid, I see no reason for beginning now to reject them. In either case it would be well to write to Mr. Carmichael. I am with much esteem Sir Your most obedt. humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) ; at foot of letter: "Monsr. Gauthier." Entry in S J L for a letter of this date to Ferdinand Grand unquestionably refers to the present letter (see Grand to T J , following). Entry in S J P L reads: "Gawthier. Carmichael's bills." Gautier's L E T T E R L A S T N I G H T has not been found.
56
From Ferdinand Grand SIR Paris 24th. 9bre. 1785 In Consequence of the letter which you did me the honour of writing me this morning I thought that I could not but decline paying Mr. Carmichael's Bill, as I am not impowered to discharge his Drafts for account of the States, but was on the contrary enjoined Several times by Mr. Morris not to pay any Sum except upon his own Bills, which Directions the present Commissioners of the Treasury have not altered. I shall write next post to Mr. Carmichael on this Subject and I regret that the Bill was not presented untili it was due, as it would have afforded time Sufficient to have his answer. I am with much Respect Sir your most obedient humble Servant, GRAND RC ( D L C ) . Not recorded in S J L . In D L C : T J Papers, 14: 2510 there is an "Extrait de L a Lettre de M. Houdon, Philadelphie 14 7re 85" which was copied from a letter from him to Grand and which reads as follows: "Come je dois employer mon temps à travailler plustôt quà tout autre Chose je vous Suplie de mexcuser auprès de Monsieur Jefferson de ce que je ne lui écris pas dans cet Instant et de vouloir bien le prevenir que le Capitaine qui sest Chargé de nos persones nà pu attendre nos Effets. Ce qu'il yá de pire pour moy ainsy que pour mon Monde est que nous avons été réduit à n'avoir que nos Sacs de nuit ce qui nous à nécessité dacheter du Linge pour nous Embarque. Icy il faut avec bien plus de Nécessité encore nous vêtir de pied en tete et pendant quon travaillera á nous
couvrir, nous Chercherons des mattieres en attendant les nôtres que nous attendons à tout moment. Je Crois que les premieres Lettres que ma remis Monsr. Jefferson sont dans nos Malles restées au havre mais les dernières sont avec nous. M. Grand à reçu quatre Lignes de M. franklin qui s'est mieux porté pendant les 7 semaines de Sa traversée que dans une semaine a Passy. Il assure Monsieur Jefferson de son res [pect]." This extract, apparently copied by one of Grand's clerks, must have been handed to T J by Grand or enclosed in a letter from him toward the end of 1785. Chinard, Houdon in America,
p.
xviii, 23, prints the name as "Giraud" and suggests that it may have been addressed to William Temple Franklin. But see note to T J to Governor of Virginia, 11 July 1785.
From André Limozin [Le Havre, 24 Nov. 1785. Recorded in SJL as received 1 Dec. 1785. Not found.]
From De Laflotte Ce 25 Novembre 1785. M. De Laflotte s'est présenté chez Monsieur Jefferson, Ministre Plénipotentiaire des Etats unis de l'Amérique Septentrionale, pour 57
25
NOVEMBER 1 7 8 5
avoir l'honneur de le voir et de lui faire part qu'il vient d'être accrédité auprès du Ministère de Sa Majesté très chrétienne, en qualité de Résident des Villes Anséatiques. RC ( D L C ) ; addressed.
To Thomas Elder SIR Paris Nov. 25. 1785. Your letter by Doctor Lyons has been safely delivered me. Mr. Short on his arrival here from Virginia had informed me that the young Mr. Randolphs were either gone or going to Edinburgh and since that I have received the same information from Doctor Currie in a letter. I consider that really as the best position in Europe for the acquisition of real science: and that it will be very unfortunate for the young gentlemen if the health of Mr. T . Randolph should render it necessary to change it. Should this be the case, the change will doubtless be for the South of Europe, and of course for a country in which a language is spoken to which they will not for a long time be sufficiently familiarised to prevent their losing the greatest portion of the instruction which will be delivered them by way of lecture. I suppose they have been advised to go through courses of chemistry, botany, natural history, natural philosophy, astronomy and mathematics. Ethics, law and other branches of that nature can be as well acquired from books as lectures. But if health requires this change of station, it is surely to be submitted to as being the first consideration. In this case the question would probably be whether to remove them to some place of education in the Southern part of this country, or in Italy. The climate of Geneva would not answer probably: and I know of no place in the South of France where education will receive any considerable help. I should not hesitate to prefer Rome, where all the advantages can be obtained which may be at Geneva, and where moreover there is a genial climate like their native one, classical ground to tread on which will occasion them to derive new instruction and new delight from every page of the Latin poets and historians, articles and processes of culture adapted to the temperature of their own country, and lessons in painting, sculpture and architecture constantly before their eyes and which no other place can offer. If boarded in a French family they may at the same time acquire the habit of speaking that language. You will judge how58
25
N O V E M B E R
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ever of the solidity of these reasons and act accordingly. I feel an anxiety for the success of these gentlemen as well from my friend ship for their parents as the desire that they may be rendered useful to our common country: and I shall be happy to render them any service I can in whatever place or plan of education may be adopted for them. I am with great respect Sir Your most obedient humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi). Entry in S J L reads: "Thos. Elder. See copy. Mrs. Millar's. George's square. Edinburgh." None of Currie's letters to T J con veyed T H E S A M E I N F O R M A T I O N about the Randolphs; possibly Currie had written to Short concerning them. On 17 Oct. 1785 Currie wrote Short: "I took an Opportunity of writing you a few lines by the June packet from New York enclosed in Mr. Jeffersons letter
of same date" (DLC: Short Papers). Currie obviously referred here to a let ter to Short of 5 Aug. 1785 which he enclosed in one to T J of the same date. In that letter he wrote: "Miss L Ran dolph desires her best Compliments to you, and seems to speak of Mr. Jeffn. Occasionally with Some Emotion"; but Currie added nothing in that letter about the Randolph brothers (same).
To André Limozin SIR Paris Nov. 25. 1785. I received the day before yesterday your favor of the 21st. and thank you for your care of my letter to the Mr. Fitzhughs. In mine of Nov. 11. addressed to you I took the liberty of asking you to furnish them with four hundred livres and to draw on me for the money. Instead of this you will be pleased to consider the twenty guineas (mentioned in your letter) as advanced at my request and to draw on me for that sum, expressing in your bill that it is for so much advanced them. I think you will find that you have not misplaced your indulgences to these young gentlemen. They are very good youths, and their father is a very able man. I will beg the favor of you to draw on me in a separate draught for the 68 17s-6d which you have been so kind as to pay for me for the trans portation of the packages I sent to Havre. I have the honour to be with great respect Sir Your most obedi ent humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON tt
PrC
(MHi).
To Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr. DEAR SIR
Paris Nov. 25. 1785.
I am sorry to hear, by letter from Mr. Elder, that your health is infirm, and that it is likely to become necessary on that account 59
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1785
for yourself, your brother and cousin to remove to the continent of Europe. Edinburgh had the two advantages of possessing science in as high a degree as any place in the world, and of conveying it in your native tongue. Places may be found on the continent which may rival it in some branches of science, and perhaps in those most interesting to you: but you will lose from the imperfect compre hension of what is delivered in a language not familiar to you. The difficulties of the language will be added to those of the science. However health is the first object. I have ventured to suggest to Mr. Elder reasons for preferring Rome to any other place on the continent. I have been led to take this liberty by my sincere friend ship to your parents and my wishes that the talents with which nature has endowed you may be properly developed and cultivated so as to render you useful to your country and an ornament to your family. The favourable accounts I receive of your genius and good dispositions have attached me to your success in life, and they will ensure that success if properly improved. Honesty, knowlege and industry are the qualities which will lead you to the highest emploiments of your country, and to it's highest esteem, and with these to that satisfaction which renders life pleasant, and death secure. You will perceive by my preaching that I am growing old: it is the privilege of years, and I am sure you will pardon it from the purity of it's motives. I shall be happy to hear from you sometimes, and will consider it as a proof that you are not deterred at the prospect of a sermonizing correspond ent. I did not know till Mr. Elder's letter informed me that Mrs. Randolph was at Boston. I am pleased to hear that the change of climate is becoming serviceable to her. Be so good as to present me in affectionate terms to your brother and cousin and to be assured yourself of the sincere attachment with which I am Dear Sir Your friend & servant, T H : JEFFERSON RC ( D L C ) ; at foot of letter: "Mr. T . Randolph." PrC (ViWC); second page of MS is worn and faded at the top, obliterating the first line.
To Jean-Armand Tronchin [ca. 25 Nov. 1785] Monsieur Jefferson, ministre plénipotentiaire des etats-unis d'Amérique, est venu pour avoir l'honneur de voir Monsieur Tronchin et lui faire son compliment sur ce qu'il a été presenté à 60
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leur Majestés et à la famille royale en qualité de Ministre de la republique de Geneve. Dft ( D L C ) ; undated. The date has been assigned from Tronchin's announce ment of his accreditation on 22 Nov. 1785, printed above under that date. Not recorded in S J L .
To John Adams DEAR SIR
Paris Nov. 27.
1785.
Your favor of the 5th. came to hand yesterday, and Colo. Smith and Colo. Humphries (by whom you will receive one of the 19th. from me) being to set out tomorrow, I hasten to answer it. I sincerely rejoice that Portugal is stepping forward in the business of treaty, and that there is a probability that we may at length do something under our commissions which may produce a solid benefit to our constituents. I as much rejoice that it is not to be negociated through the medium of the torpid uninformed machine at first made use of. I conjecture from your relation of the confer ence with the Chevalier de Pinto that he is well informed and sensible. So much the better. It is one of those cases (perhaps no others exist) where the better the interests of the two parties are understood, the broader will be the bottom on which they will connect them. To the very judicious observations on the subjects of the con ference which were made by you, I have little to add. 1. Flour. It may be observed that we can sell them the flour ready manufactured for much less than the wheat of which it is made. In carrying to them wheat, we carry also the bran, which does not pay it's own freight. In attempting to save and transport wheat to them, much is lost by the weavil, and much spoiled by heat in the hold of the vessel. This loss must be laid on the wheat which gets safe to market, where it is paid by the consumer. Now this is much more than the cost of manufacturing it with us, which would prevent that loss. I suppose the cost of manufacturing does not exceed seven per cent on the value. But the loss by the weavil, and damage on ship board amount to much more. Let them buy of us as much wheat as will make a hundred weight of flour. They will find that they have paid more for the wheat than we should have asked for the flour, besides having lost the labour of their mills in grinding it. The obliging us therefore to carry it to them in the form of wheat, is a useless loss to both parties. 1
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Iron. They will get none from us. We cannot make it in competition with Sweden or any other nation of Europe where labour is so much cheaper. Wines. The strength of the wines of Portugal will give them always an almost exclusive possession of a country where the sum mers are so hot as in America. The present demand will be very great if they will enable us to pay for them; but if they consider the extent and rapid population of the United states they must see that the time is not distant when they will not be able to make enough for us, and that it is of great importance to avail themselves of the prejudices already established in favor of their wines and to continue them by facilitating the purchase. Do this and they need not care for the decline of their use in England. They will be indé pendant of that country. Salt. I do not know where the Northern states supplied them selves with salt, but the Southern ones took great quantities from Portugal. Cotton and wool. The Southern states will take manufactures of both: the Northern will take both the manufactures and raw materials. East-India goods of every kind. Philadelphia and New York have begun a trade to the East Indies. Perhaps Boston may follow their example. But their importations will be sold only to the coun try adjacent to them. For a long time to come the states south of the Delaware will not engage in a direct commerce with the East Indies. They neither have nor will have ships or seamen for their other commerce. Nor will they buy East India goods of the North ern states. Experience shews that the states never bought foreign goods of one another. The reasons are that they would, in so doing, pay double freight and charges, and again that they would have to pay mostly in cash what they could obtain for commodities in Europe. I know that the American merchants have looked with some anxiety to the arrangements to be taken with Portugal in expectation that they could get their E . India articles on better and more convenient terms, and I am of opinion Portugal will come in for a good share of this traffic with the Southern states, if they facilitate our paiments. Coffee. Can they not furnish us of this article from Brazil? Sugar. The Brazil sugars are esteemed with us more than any other. Chocolate. This article when ready made, and also the Cacao 62
27 NOVEMBER
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becomes so soon rancid, and the difficulties of getting it fresh have been so great in America that it's use has spread but little. The way to increase it's consumption would be to permit it to be brought to us immediately from the country of it's growth. By getting it good in quality, and cheap in price, the superiority of the article both for health and nourishment will soon give it the same pref erence over tea and coffee in America, which it has in Spain where they can get it by a single voiage, and of course while it is sweet. The use of the sugars, coffee, and cotton of Brazil would also be much extended by a similar indulgence. Ginger and spices from the Brazils, if they had the advantage of a direct transportation might take place of the same articles from the E . Indies. Ginseng. We can furnish them with enough to supply their whole demand for the E . Indies. They should be prepared to expect that in the beginning of this commerce more money will be taken by us, than after a while. The reasons are that our heavy debt to Gr. Britain must be paid before we shall be masters of our own returns, and again that habits of using particular things are produced only by time and practice. That as little time as possible may be lost in this négociation I will communicate to you at once my sentiments as to the alterations in the draught sent them, which will probably be proposed by them, or which ought to be proposed by us, noting only those articles. Art. 3. They will probably restrain us to their dominions in Europe. We must expressly include the Azores, Madeiras, and Cape du verd islands some of which are deemed to be in Africa. We should also contend for an access to their possessions in America according to the gradation in the 2d. article of our instructions of May 7. 1784. But if we can obtain it in no one of these forms, I am of opinion we should give it up. Art. 4. This should be put into the form we gave it in the draught sent you by Doctr. Franklin and myself for Great Britain. I think we had not reformed this article when we sent our draught to Portugal. You know the Confederation renders the reformation absolutely necessary; a circumstance which had escaped us at first. Art. 9. Add from the British draught the clause about wrecks. Art. 13. The passage 'Nevertheless &c. to run as in the British draught. Art. 18. After the word 'accident' insert 'or wanting supplies of provisions or other refreshments,' and again instead of *take refuge' : 63
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insert 'come' and after 'of the other' insert 'in any part of the world.' The object of this is to obtain leave for our whaling vessels to refit and refresh on the coast of the Brazils, an object of immense im portance to that class of our vessels. We must acquiesce under such modifications as they may think necessary for regulating this indulgence, in hopes to lessen them in time, and to get a pied-àterre in that country. Art. 19. Can we get this extended to the Brazils? It would be precious in case of a war with Spain. Art. 23. Between 'places' and Svhose' insert 'and in general all others' as in the British draught. Art. 24. for 'necessaries' substitute 'comforts.' Art. 25. add 'but if any such Consuls shall exercise commerce &c. as in the British draught. We should give to Congress as early notice as possible of the reinstitution of this négociation, because in a letter by a gentleman who sailed from Havre the 10th. inst. I communicated to them the answer of the Portuguese minister through the Ambassador here, which I sent to you. They may in consequence be taking other arrangements which might do injury. The little time which now remains of the continuance of our commissions should also be used with the Chevalr. de Pinto to hasten the movements of his court. But all these preparations for trade with Portugal will fail in their effect unless the depredations of the Algerines can be pre vented. I am far from confiding in the measures taken for this pur pose. Very possibly war must be recurred to. Portugal is in war with them. Suppose the Chevalier de Pinto was to be sounded on the subject of an union of force, and even a stipulation for con tributing each a certain force to be kept in constant cruize. Such a league once begun, other nations would drop into it one by one. If he should seem to approve it, it might then be suggested to Congress, who, if they should be forced to try the measure of war, would doubtless be glad of such an ally. As the Portuguese négocia tion should be hastened, I suppose our communications must often be trusted to the post, availing ourselves of the cover of our cypher. I am with sincere esteem Dear Sir Your friend & servt., T H : JEFFERSON RC (MHi: A M T ) ; endorsed. PrC ( D L C ) . Entry in S J P L reads: "Adams J . Treaty with Portugal." The T O R P I D U N I N F O R M E D M A C H I N E was Count de Souza de Coutinho, Por-
64
tugúese ambassador at Versailles. The DRAUGHT SENT THEM was that addressed by the Commissioners to De Souza, 9 Sep. 1784, and the D R A U G H T SENT
Y O U B Y DOCTR.
FRANKLIN
.
.
.
27 N O V E M B E R FOR GREAT BRITAIN was enclosed in Franklin and T J to Adams, 8 July 1785. For the exchanges between the American Commissioners and the Portu guese Ambassador and for the extent to which TJ's suggested alterations
1785
were incorporated in the final text, see the draft of a treaty with Portugal, printed under 25 Apr. 1786. i The words enclosed in parentheses are deleted in PrC.
To Samuel Henley DEAR SIR
Paris Nov. 27. 1785.
I receive this moment your kind letter of the 16th. and a private opportunity to London offering tomorrow morning, I avail myself of it to acknowledge the receipt. Mr. Johnson's draught of which you advise me shall be punctually honoured. The fears you are so kind as to express on the subject of my family, are but too well founded. The domestic loss I sustained was the only circumstance which could have brought me to Europe. Being here, my stay will perhaps be of some years. I should be very well pleased to visit England, and it is among possible events. In such a case I shall be particularly gratified should circumstances permit me to see you. I should surely endeavor to force them to do it. I mean to assume no merit when I assure you that I considered no man personally as an enemy during the late revolution. I should have little merited the esteem with which you were pleased to honour me had I been capable of that. Nor did I ever apprehend that narrow view of the contest in you. I enquired for you on every occasion, but Mr. Brad ford was the first who could give me any certain account of you. I thank you for your kind offers of service. I find it better to get new English books thro' the booksellers here than to attempt to have them brought from London myself. Literary news however will always be acceptable, as well as news of your family and your self. As you express a satisfaction at the information I gave you of some occurrences in Virginia I would willingly add to the detail but a bad memory and an incertainty how far you may have been already informed almost deter me. Among the dead, of your ac quaintance, I recollect the following. R. C. Nicholas, Everard, Tazewell, Peyton Randolph, Colo. Byrd, Farley, Emani. Jones, L . Burwell of Kingsmill, L . Burwell of Gloster, Colo. Warn. Lewis and the revd. T . Price of Gloster, Gawen Corbin, and Ryland Randolph. To enumerate marriages would be endless because, you know, every body marries there. The mention of two however will be pleasing to you, that of Miss Blair with Colo. Bannister, and of 65
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a daughter of J . Page with a son of General Nelson. I will add a third, of a brother of Geni. Nelson with the Miss Taliaferro whom you knew a very small girl at Mr. Wythe's. These recollections prove my friend, that we are no longer young. Those whom we knew children have now their children and are pressing us towards a door out of which they must follow us. However you are wise; for while I am wasting life, you are enjoying it in the only state in which it admits of joy. No-body wishes you more sincerely a long continuance of it. I pray you to make my respects acceptable to Mrs. Henley. Tho I have not the happiness of an acquaintance with her, I claim thro' you the right of sincerely wishing her well. Accept yourself cordial assurances of the esteem with which I am Dear Sir Your friend & servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) .
From Lister Asquith St. Pol de Léon, 28 Nov. 1785. They have now been in prison for fourteen weeks "and yet have no appearance of our releasement without you have got it finished at Paris." Asquith heard from Desbordes, Frères that they had written to T J advising him to try to have the case settled by the French ministry. "As they [the Farmers-General] could find noflawagainst us for smugling they now pretend we were stopped on account of coming into port under tonnage on a law that was made many years before the Revolution and openly declares the Alliance is nothing to them." But for TJ's assistance, the officers would have "starved us to their own Terms.'" TJ's letter of 14 Sep. mentioned a compromise settlement with the Farmers-General, but the prisoners have not been approached. Though their fate "cannot exceed the Torments of Suspense . . . my greatest trouble is the thoughts of my unhappy Family," for he heard that the vessel in which they left America ran ashore and he knows nothing of their situation. He begs TJ's help against "a set of the worst of Men who have no regard to the Faith of the Nation or the Laws of Humanity . . . and the English smuglers . . . they use far better than us." They are all suffering severe colds; unless relief comes soon, "a few weeks more will put an end to all our troubles." RC ( D L C ) ; 3 p.; addressed, in Asquith's hand: "A Son Excellence Le Chevalier Jefferson Ambassadeur des Etats unis de l'Amérique A L a Cour," with a forwarding address in another hand: "en son hotel a Paris." Recorded in SJL as received 6 Dec. 1785.
To André Limozin [Paris, 28 Nov. 1785. Entry in SJL reads: "Limozin. For Mazzei's trunk." Not found. 1 66
From André Limozin Havre de Grace 28th. November 1785 I received yesterday the Letter your Excellency hath Honored me with the 25th. of this Month. My Friends Messrs. Payen Brothers Merchants, rue Tiqueton No. 7 will present you a draft of Messrs. Fitzhughs on you in my behalf and unto my order for the Four Hundred and Eighty Lyvers they have had of me, and you will see that the said draft acknowledgeth it is for money they have had of me for their own want and Use. As to the article of 68* 17s 6 I shall let it lye by till another opportunity offers to be usefull to you and to inlarge our account. Whenever I shall be usefull to you, I beg of your Excellency to not Spare me. I am with the most respectfull regard, Your Excel lency's Most obedient & very Humble Servant, A N D W . L I M O Z I N
MOST HONORED SIR
RC (MHi); addressed in part at foot of text to T J at "son Hotel a la Grille de Chaillot Paris." Not recorded in S J L .
To Philip Mazzei DR. SIR Paris Nov. 1785. You desire me to give you an idea of the Origin and Object of our court of Chancery, the Limits of it's jurisdiction, and it's Tendency to render property and liberty more or less secure in a country where that security is infinitely valued. The purpose for which you require this obliges me to be concise, as indeed does my situation here, where, as you know, I am without books which might enable me to enter into details. I shall confine myself there fore to general description only. The terms of this, if presented to professors of the law, would furnish matter for abundant excep tions. But these should be suppressed by the reflection that we mean only to sketch for foreigners a general idea of this court. The system of law in most of the United states, in imitation of that of England, is divided into two departments, the Common law and the Chancery. The Common law is a written law the text of which is preserved from the beginning of the 13th. century downwards, but what pre ceded that is lost. It's substance however has been retained in the memory of the people and committed to writing from time to time in the decisions of the judges and treatises of the jurists, insomuch 67
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that it is still considered as a lex scripta, the letter of which is suf ficiently known to guide the decisions of the courts. In this de partment the courts restrain themselves to the letter of the law. Antiently indeed, before the improvement or perhaps the existence of the court of Chancery, they allowed themselves greater latitude, extending the provisions of every law not only to the cases within it's letter, but to those also which came within the spirit and reason of it. This was called the equity of the law. But it is now very long since certainty in the law has become so highly valued by the nation that the judges have ceased to extend the operation of laws beyond those cases which are clearly within the intention of the legislators. This intention is to be collected principally from the words of the law: only where these are ambiguous they are per mitted to gather further evidence from the history of the times when the law was made and the circumstances which produced it. In antient times, when contracts and transfers of property were more rare, and their objects more simple, the imperfections of this administration of justice according to the letter of the law were less felt. But when commerce began to make progress, when the transfer of property came into daily use, when the modifications of these transfers were infinitely diversified, when with the im provement of other faculties that of the moral sense became also improved, and learnt to respect justice in a variety of cases which it had not formerly discriminated, the instances of injustice left without remedy by courts adhering to the letter of the law, would be so numerous as to produce a general desire that a power should be found somewhere which would redress them. History renders it probable that appeals were made to the king himself in these cases, and that he exercised this power sometimes in person, but more generally by his Chancellor, to whom he referred the case. This was most commonly an Ecclesiastic, learning being rare in any other class at that time. Roman learning, and a prejudice in favour of Roman institutions are known to have been a leading feature in the ecclesiastical character. Hence it happened that the forms of proceeding in the court of Chancery and the rules of it's decisions were assimilated to those of the Roman law. The dis tinction in that system between the jus praetorium, or discretion of the Praetor, and the general law is well known. Among the Romans and in most modern nations these were and are exercised by the same person. But the Chancellors of England, finding the ordinary courts in possession of the administration of general law, 1
: es
28 N O V E M B E R
1785
and confined to that, assumed to themselves by degrees that of the jus praetorium, and made theirs be considered as a court of con science, or of equity. The history of the struggles between the ordinary, or common law courts, and the court of equity or Chancery would be beyond our purpose. It is sufficient to say that the interpositions of the Chancellor were at first very rare, that they increased insensibly, and were rather tolerated from their necessity, than authorised by the laws in the earlier periods of history. L d . Bacon first introduced regularity into their proceed ings and Finch, Earl of Nottingham, in the reign of Charles the 2d. opened to view that system which has been improving from that time to this. The power of that court as acknowleged at this day, is to relieve 1. where the Common law gives no remedy. 2. where it's remedy is imperfect. 3. where it would do injustice by comprehending within it's letter cases not within it's reason, nor intended to have been compre hended. But this court whilst developing and systematising it's powers, has found, in the jealousy of the nation and it's attachment to cer tain and impartial law, an obstacle insuperable beyond that line. It has been obliged therefore to establish for itself certain barriers as the limitations of it's power, which, whenever it transcends, the general judicature, which superintends all the courts and receives appeals from them, corrects it's encroachments and reverses it's decisions. This is the house of Lords in England, and the Court of Appeals in Virginia. These limitations are 1. That it cannot take cognisance of any case wherein the Common law can give complete remedy. 2. That it cannot interpose in any case against the express letter and intention of the legislature. If the legislature means to enact an injustice, however palpable, the court of Chancery is not the body with whom a correcting power is lodged. 3. That it shall not interpose in any case which does not come within a general description and admit of redress by a general and practicable rule: this is to prevent partiality. When a Chancellor pretends that a case is distinguished from all others, it is thought better that that singular case should go without remedy, than that he should be at liberty to cover partial decisions under pretence of singular cir cumstances, which ingenious men can always invent. Hence all the cases remediable in chancery are reduced to certain classes. When a new case presents itself, not found in any of these classes it is 69
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dismissed as irremediable. If in the progress of commerce, and of the developments of moral duties the same case is presented so often that the Chancellor can seize certain leading features which submit it to a general description, and shew that it is a proper object for the application of some moral rule, here is a new class of cases formed, and brought within the regular relief of the court of Chancery, which thus continues the administration of justice pro gressive almost in equal pace with the progress of commerce and refinement of morality. One practice only is wanting to render this court completely valuable. That is that when a class of cases has been formed, and has been the subject of so many decisions in the court of Chancery as to have been seen there under all circum stances, and in all it's combinations, and the rules for it's decision are modified accordingly and thoroughly digested, the legislatures should reduce these rules to a text and transplant them into the department of the common law, which is competent then to the application of them, and is a safer depository for the general admin istration of justice. This would be to make the Chancery a nursery only for the forming new plants for the department of the common law. Much of the business of Chancery is now actually in a state of perfect preparation for removal into the Common law. It has often been predicted in England that the Chancery would swallow up the Common law. During many centuries however that these two courts have gone on together, the jurisdiction of the Common law has not been narrowed in a single article; on the contrary it has been enlarged from time to time by acts of the legislature. But jealousy uncorrected by reason or experience, sees certainty whereever there is a possibility, and sensible men still think that the danger from this court overweighs it's utility. Even some of the states in our Union have chosen to do without this court, and it has been proposed to others to follow their example. In this case, one of two consequences must follow. Either 1. The cases now remediable in Chancery must be left without remedy, in which event the clamours for justice which originally begat this court, would produce it's re-institution; or 2. the courts of Common law must be permitted to perform the discretionary functions of the Chancery. This will be either by adopting at once all the rules of the Chancery, with the consent of the legislature, or, if that is witheld, these courts will be led, by the desire of doing justice, to extend the text of the law according to it's equity as was done in England before the Chancery took a regular form. This will be 70
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worse than running on Scylla to avoid Charybdis. For at present nine tenths of our legal contestations are perfectly remedied by the Common law, and can be carried before that judicature only. This proportion then of our rights is placed on sure ground. Relieve the judges from the rigour of text law, and permit them, with pretorian discretion, to wander into it's equity, and the whole legal system becomes incertain. This has been it's fate in every country where the fixed, and the discretionary law have been committed into the same hands. It is probable that the singular certainty with which justice has been administered in England, has been the consequence of their distribution into two distinct departments. Unhappily for that country, however, a very unexpected revolution is working in their laws of late years. Ld. Mansfeild, a man of the clearest head and most seducing eloquence, coming from a country where the powers of the common law and chancery are united in the same court, has been able* since his admission to the bench of judges in England, to persuade the courts of Common law to revive the prac tice of construing their text equitably. The object of former judges has been to render the law more and more certain, that of this per sonage to render it more incertain under pretence of rendering it more reasonable: no period of the English law, of whatever length it be taken, can be produced wherein so many of it's settled rules have been reversed as during the time of this judge. His decisions will be precious in those states where no Chancery is established: but his accession to the bench should form the epoch, after which all recurrence to English decisions should be proscribed in those states which have separated the two courts. His plan of rendering the Chancery useless by administering justice in the same way in the courts of Common law has been admirably seconded by the celebrated Dr. Blackstone, a judge in the same department, who has endeavored seriously to prove that the jurisdiction of the Chancery is a chaos, irreducible to system, insusceptible of fixed rules, and incapable of definition or explanation. Were this true it would be a monster whose existence should not be suffered one moment in a free country wherein every power is dangerous which is not bound up by general rules. Before I end my letter I will further observe to guard still more effectually against the dangers apprehended from a court of Chancery, the legislature of Virginia have very wisely introduced into it the trial by jury for all matters of fact. I have thus gone over, with much rapidity, the subject of your 2
3
5
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enquiries; yet I fear I have been more lengthy than you wished. You can, however, extract such of these details as will fulfill your object, neglecting those which go beyond it. I shall close therefore with assurances of the sincere esteem with which I am Dear Sir Your friend & servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . The date, left blank in MS, is entered in S J L as 28 Nov. There are numerous alterations in text, chiefly in matters of phraseology; some of these were made by T J after PrC had been made from R C . The more significant alterations are indicated below. Mazzei took full advantage of TJ's authorization to E X T R A C T S U C H O F
1 This word interlined after PrC had been made, and "were" deleted. 2 This word interlined after PrC had been made, and "judiciary" deleted. 3 This word interlined after PrC had been made, and "soundest" deleted. 4 Preceding three words interlined after PrC had been made, and "been able" deleted. & After T J had made PrC, he wrote at the foot of last page the two preTHESE DETAILS AS W I L L F U L F I L L YOUR OBJECT. The complete letter (more ceding sentences ("His plan of renderproperly an essay) was translated by ing . . . by general rules") and the Mazzei and, with a few additional connecting words ("Before I end my phrases of his own, published without letter I will further observe"), which acknowledgment in his Recherches his- he keyed to the text at this point. toriques et politiques sur les EtatsUnis, Paris, 1787, n, 101-12.
From Borgnis Desbordes, Frères Brest, 30 Nov. 1785. They acknowledge receipt of TJ's letter of 24 Nov. They have forwarded the packet received with it to Diot & Cie. at Morlaix and enclose a translation of a letter from Lister Asquith which they have answered. The situation of the prisoners is the same, but Desbordes will inform TJ as soon as anything important occurs. "En attendant ces malheureux ont besoin de votre Sollicitation en Leur faveur." RC ( D L C ) ; 2 p.; in a clerk's hand, with the signature of the firm. Recorded in S J L as received 5 Dec. 1785. Enclosure: Lister Asquith to Borgnis Desbordes, Frères, 14 Nov. 1785 (Tr in DLC; in French; without indication of addressee).
From Vergennes A Versailles le 30. 9bre. 1785. Vous êtes sûrement informé, Monsieur, qu'un négociant de Boston, ayant amené en france des huiles de baleine, n'a pu trouver à les vendre à cause des droits imposés sur cette espèce de marchandise, droits qui sont acquittés par toutes les nations, à l'exception des villes anséatiques. M. le Contrôleur-général, touché de la perte qu'éprouveroit le négociant dont il s'agit, si on l'assujettissoit 72
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à la rigueur au payement du droit en question, s'est déterminé à en rendre compte au Roi. E t Sa Majesté vient de décider que le négociant de Boston ne seroit assujetti qu'au droit que payent les villes anséatiques, c'est-à-dire, 7 . 10s. au lieu de 12 . par barique, et que dorénavant jusqu'au 1er. Janvier 1787. il ne sera payé que le premier droit pour les huiles de poisson de la pêche des habitants des Provinces-unies, à la charge que ces huiles seront apportées en franee par des navires françois ou américains, et que l'origine en sera constatée par un certifficat du Magistrat des lieux, légalisé par nos Consuls. Je m'empresse, Monsieur, de vous faire part de cette disposition. Je ne doute pas que vous n'y trouviez une nouvelle preuve de l'affection du Roi pour les Provinces-unies, et de l'intérêt constant que Sa Majesté prend à leur prospérité. J'ai l'honneur d'être très-sincèrement, Monsieur, votre très-humble et très-obéissant Serviteur, D E VERGENNES tt
RC ( D L C ) . F C (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx; T r in D L C ) ; lacking complimentary close and signature. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 87, i ) ; in Short's hand; with an English translation labeled at head of text: "No. 3." Tr (DNA: PCC, No. 107, i ) . Recorded in S J L as received 1 Dec. 1785. Thomas Boylston was, of course, the N É G O C I A N T D E B O S T O N ; see notes to T J to Lafayette, 13 Nov. 1785. The phrase was drawn from Calonne's letter to
tt
Vergennes setting forth Lafayette's appeal in behalf of Boylston and explaining the background of tariff protection on whale oil as a policy to encourage the national fisheries. Calonne concluded by asking Vergennes to inform "M. Jefferson de ces nouvelles dispositions en faveur du commerce des Etats-unis" (Calonne to Vergennes, 24 Nov. 1785; Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx; T r in D L C ) .
From John Adams DEAR SIR Grosvenor Square Dec. 2. 1785. Mr. Nathaniel Barrett, a Gentleman of a respectable Family in Boston, of a fair Character and long Experience in Trade, will have the Honour to deliver you this Letter. He comes to France for the express Purpose of negotiating with proper Persons concerning the Proposals of Monsieur Tourtille de Sangrain, relative of Sperma Cœti oil. I beg Leave to recommend him and his Business to your Attention. I mean this however as mere matter of Form, as I know very well, that your Zeal for the Support of our Whale Fishery, would have been Introduction enough for Mr. Barrett to you, without any Interference of mine. With great Respect and Esteem, I have the Honour to be Dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant, J O H N ADAMS 73
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à la rigueur au payement du droit en question, s'est déterminé à en rendre compte au Roi. E t Sa Majesté vient de décider que le négociant de Boston ne seroit assujetti qu'au droit que payent les villes anséatiques, c'est-à-dire, 7 . 10s. au lieu de 12 . par barique, et que dorénavant jusqu'au 1er. Janvier 1787. il ne sera payé que le premier droit pour les huiles de poisson de la pêche des habitants des Provinces-unies, à la charge que ces huiles seront apportées en franee par des navires françois ou américains, et que l'origine en sera constatée par un certifficat du Magistrat des lieux, légalisé par nos Consuls. Je m'empresse, Monsieur, de vous faire part de cette disposition. Je ne doute pas que vous n'y trouviez une nouvelle preuve de l'affection du Roi pour les Provinces-unies, et de l'intérêt constant que Sa Majesté prend à leur prospérité. J'ai l'honneur d'être très-sincèrement, Monsieur, votre très-humble et très-obéissant Serviteur, D E VERGENNES tt
RC ( D L C ) . F C (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx; T r in D L C ) ; lacking complimentary close and signature. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 87, i ) ; in Short's hand; with an English translation labeled at head of text: "No. 3." Tr (DNA: PCC, No. 107, i ) . Recorded in S J L as received 1 Dec. 1785. Thomas Boylston was, of course, the N É G O C I A N T D E B O S T O N ; see notes to T J to Lafayette, 13 Nov. 1785. The phrase was drawn from Calonne's letter to
tt
Vergennes setting forth Lafayette's appeal in behalf of Boylston and explaining the background of tariff protection on whale oil as a policy to encourage the national fisheries. Calonne concluded by asking Vergennes to inform "M. Jefferson de ces nouvelles dispositions en faveur du commerce des Etats-unis" (Calonne to Vergennes, 24 Nov. 1785; Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx; T r in D L C ) .
From John Adams DEAR SIR Grosvenor Square Dec. 2. 1785. Mr. Nathaniel Barrett, a Gentleman of a respectable Family in Boston, of a fair Character and long Experience in Trade, will have the Honour to deliver you this Letter. He comes to France for the express Purpose of negotiating with proper Persons concerning the Proposals of Monsieur Tourtille de Sangrain, relative of Sperma Cœti oil. I beg Leave to recommend him and his Business to your Attention. I mean this however as mere matter of Form, as I know very well, that your Zeal for the Support of our Whale Fishery, would have been Introduction enough for Mr. Barrett to you, without any Interference of mine. With great Respect and Esteem, I have the Honour to be Dear Sir, your most obedient and most humble Servant, J O H N ADAMS 73
2 DECEMBER RC ( D L C ) . F C (MHi: A M T ) ; in the hand of Miss Abigail Adams. Re corded in S J L as received 13 Dec. 1785. On this same day Adams wrote a similar letter introducing Barrett to the Abbés Arnoux and Chalut, and to La fayette he wrote that Barrett's "Charac ter and Connections are very good, and his long acquaintance with Commerce qualifies him particularly for the Busi ness entrusted to him, which is the proposition of Mr. Tourtille de San grain, relative to our Sperma Coeti oil. As that is a child of your own you will naturally have affection enough for it to take it and Mr. Barrett with it under your protection" (both letters dated 2 Dec. 1785; MHi: A M T ) . Adams re garded Barrett's arrival at this timely juncture as "a lucky Event," not only because he was a more judicious nego tiator than the driving Thomas Boyls ton, who possessed what T J called "a little too much hastiness of temper," but also because Barrett's "errand was to get the whale business . . . put on a general bottom instead of the particular one which had been settled . . . the last year for a special company" ( T J to Adams, 10 Dec. 1785; Adams to T J , 20 Dec. 1785; T J to Gerry, 11 May 1785). Lafayette had opened up the subject of the trade in whale oil with some merchants in Boston late in 1784, and Tristram Dalton had reported to Adams at once that Lafayette "had it in contemplation to endeavor to intro duce the Use of our fish oil in France, as a counter-balance to the high duty laid on that Article by G. B. . . . On this plan I can form no Judgement, but I can frame a most sanguine wish. Such a Step must affect G. Britain in a tender point" (Dalton to Adams, 21 Dec. 1784; 21 July 1785; MHi: A M T ) . In the late summer of 1785, while Boylston was setting out on his own individual effort, a number of mer chants in Massachusetts showed their attitude toward the proposition that La fayette had induced Tourtille de San grain to make. Writing at their request on the general state of New England trade, Stephen Higginson informed Adams that the "proposal is such as will not readily be complied with in its present form. No price is fixed, but it is to depend upon the current price at the time and place of delivery. It may however be ripened into something soon that may be beneficial to the Con tractors and to the fishery. Should an arrangement take place for introducing 74
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our Oil into France, it may give rise to Conventions for receiving our other ex ports. This will very naturally lead to our receiving their exports in return, and should France become a mart for our exports and we habituated to the use of their manufactures, the British may afterward repent their having re fused a reasonable connexion with us, but they will then find it impossible perhaps to recover our Trade. The proposition for receiving our Oil is evi dence that the French have such Ar rangements in View, and will tend to detach us still more from Britain and strengthen our connection with them. . . . The British will judge whether this be an interesting consideration to them or not" (Higginson to Adams, 8 Aug. 1785; see also William Gordon to Adams, 4 Oct. 1785; MHi: A M T ) . What the merchants thought the mat ter might be "ripened into . . . soon" became apparent in a letter written to Adams a few weeks later by Royall Tyler: "The French Propositions re specting the purchase of our Whale Oil are generally Acceptable. Our Politi cians applaud the French Conduct in this Instance, as the most Politick Com mercial Manoeuvre they have ever Dis played, and the most adequate to the purpose of Detaching us from our Brit ish Commercial Connections. There will be no Mercantile Company formed in this state, in consequence of their prof fers, but our Merchants propose send ing Mr. Nathaniel Barrett, son of Dea con Barrett to France to negotiate Privileges for the people at large . . ." (Tyler to Adams, 15 Oct. 1785; MHi: AMT). Barrett, while in passage in the Ceres that had brought T J to Eu rope in 1784, explained his mission more explicitly: "The present unsettled state of our Commerce, the backward ness of Gentlemen on our side of the water to engage in Companies, the un certainty of the Value to be obtained for the Oil, and especially the disad vantage of receiving Goods for pay, chosen by persons, who cannot be Judges of the Quallities suitable for our Market, all operate against engag ing in the Contract as proposed. A number of Gentlemen, however, who wish to engage on their separate Ac counts with spirit into this Business, and who, if the same privellidges can be procured to Individuals as are pro posed to a Company, are fully equal to it, have induced me to engage in a Negotiation for the purpose." Barrett
2 DECEMBER concluded by asking Adams for letters of introduction to the "Marquis de la fayette, Mr. Jefferson, or any others whose Influence you think would pro mote this purpose" (Barrett to Adams, Nov. 1785; T r in MHi: A M T ) . An objective that had developed out of a spirit of retaliation to the British Navigation Acts and a desire to pro mote trade relations with France, and including principles of free competition as opposed to the kind of exclusive privilege sought by Boylston, was bound to enlist TJ's enthusiastic sup port. Within a few days after his arrival in Paris, Barrett reported to Adams: "I am happy in acquainting you that I have before me a prospect of effecting something which may ma terially promote the Trade of our Coun
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try thro' the Exertions of the Marquis de la fayette in Conjunction with Mr. Jefferson, to the kind Attention and politeness of both whom, I am under the highest Obligations" (Barrett to Adams, 10 Dec. 1785; this letter was carried with TJ's to Adams of the same date; MHi: A M T ) . Early in the new year he informed Adams that in his own name and in behalf of others in America he had contracted for oil to the amount of 400,000 livres per an num for six years at a price that he thought reasonable, that Messrs. Le Couteulx had guaranteed payment, and that "The Marquis de la fayett has been indefatigable in this Business" (Barrett to Adams, 29 Jan. 1786; MHi: AMT; see Sangrain to T J , 6 Dec. 1785).
From John Banister DEAR SIR
Deer. 2d. 1785
I am greatly obliged by your attention to Jack from whom I have had no letter since his arrival at Avignon. Our Post is so uncertain that I have not thought it prudent to risk any letters for France by that Conveyance to N. York, to go in the Packet, and this is the first ship that has Sailed from this Place for several Months. The inclosed are put under your Protection as I do not know how to convey them without giving you the Trouble. Our Assembly is now sitting but have come to no final deter mination upon the important Subject of the Taxes, but as usual many speculations prevail, some thinking the national honor con cerned in a punctual payment of Taxes, that so all publick engage ments both foreign and domestic may faithfully be complied with. Others upon more popular views and perhaps less informed, are for putting off the evil day alledging the impossibility of complying with the Requisitions of Government from a Scarcity of circulating money, owing to the fall in the price of Tobacco. The Kentuckey People have petitioned for and will be allowed a seperation from this State. I wish they had originally been a distinct People. The Inhabitants of these States are greatly alarmed at the hostility of the Algerines, which puts a stop to our eastern Trade to Spain, and all Countries in the Mediterranean. I should be much obliged by being informed what prospect we have of accommodating this 75
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matter, for it is of the utmost Consequence to our grain trade, which is now the more interesting as Tobacco so much declines in value; besides this disadvantage our maritime Carriage, goes into the hands of those whose interest it is to depress us by becoming our Carriers, and such a Connection in Commerce with so great a naval power will in the end prove destructive to us, unless some remedy is applied in time. I hope the climate of Europe will be agreeable and salutary and that you may enjoy every happiness is the wish of Dr. Sir Your Excellency's most obed. Servant, J BANISTER Mrs. Banister presents her respects. In a letter to her Mrs. Thompson regrets the not having seen you at Titchfield, which was owing to a Servant's not delivering a Message to you as she in tended. RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed: "Bannister J . senr." Recorded in S J L as received 1 Feb. 1786. The I N C L O S E D have not been identified, but were probably letters for his son. M R S . T H O M P S O N was Mrs. Banister's sister; see T J to Banister, 14 Aug. 1786.
From André Limozin [Le Havre, 2 Dec. 1785. Recorded in SJL as received 5 Dec. 1785. Not found.]
To Vergennes SIR Paris Dec. 2. 1785. I have had the honour of receiving your Excellency's letter of November the 30th. in which you are pleased to inform me of the late abatement of the duties on all fish oils, made from fish taken by citizens of the United States and brought into this kingdom, in French or in American bottoms: and I am now to return thanks for this relief given to so important a branch of our commerce. I shall take the first occasion of communicating the same to Congress, who will receive with particular satisfaction this new proof of the king's friendship to the United states, and of the interest which he is pleased to take in their prosperity. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the most profound respect your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON
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RC (Arch. Aff. Etr., Paris, Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx); at head of letter in Ver gennes' hand: "M De R[ayneval]." PrC (DLC: T J Papers); without signature. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 87, i ) ; in Short's hand. PrC (DLC: T J Papers). T r (DNA: PCC, No. 107, I ) .
To David Humphreys DEAR SIR
Paris Dec. 4. 1785.
I inclose you a letter from Gatteaux observing that there will be an anachronism, if, in making a medal to commemorate the victory of Saratoga, he puts on General Gates the insignia of the Cincin nati which did not exist at that date. I wrote him in answer that I thought so too: but that you had the direction of that business, that you were now in London, that I would write to you and probably should have an answer within a fortnight, and that in the mean time he could be employed on other parts of the die. I supposed you might not have observed on the print of General Gates the insignia of the Cincinnati, or did not mean that that particular should be copied. Another reason against it strikes me. Congress have studiously avoided giving to the public their sense of this institution. Should medals be prepared to be presented from them to certain officers and bearing on them the insignia of the order, as the presenting them would involve an approbation of the institu tion, a previous question would be forced on them, whether they would present these medals? I am of opinion it would be very dis agreeable to them to be placed under the necessity of making this declaration. Be so good as to let me know your wishes on this sub ject, by the first post. Mr. Short has been sick ever since you left us. Nothing new here since your departure. I imagine you have American news. If so, pray give us some. Present me affectionately to Mr. Adams and the ladies and Colo. Smith, and be assured of the esteem with which I am Dr. Sir Your friend & servant, T H : JEFFERSON RC (A. S. W. Rosenbach, Philadelphia, 1946). Entry in S J P L reads: "Humphreys David. Medals." Neither the L E T T E R F R O M G A T T E A U X nor the one that T J W R O T E H T M I N A N S W E R has been found, and neither is recorded
in S J L . TJ's notes, memoranda, and designs for medals authorized by Congress are to be published in the Second Series of the present edition (see Vol. 1: xv-xvi).
From Lister Asquith St. Pol de Léon, 5 Dec. 1785. Acknowledges TJ's "kind and most exceptionable Letter." He is relieved to know T J has received the neces77
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sary papers and finds only two errors in TJ's statement of his case: "1st. The Register which was taken out by Capt. Charles Harrison (when I was sick) unknown to me for 21 Tons (as he inform'd me, to save port charges), but he did not own any part of her. 2nd. The 25th. [i.e., 24th] when we carried away our foremast fore Shroud, But did [not] carry away our foremast which are the only mistakes in it. We flatter ourselves and are well assured that as we now come to have a right hearing that the Laws of a civilized nation which have humanity for their Basis, will never permit the innocent and unfortunate to be ruined by self interested men who have not the least regards to the laws of nature or the Laws of humanity. . . . We are not able (or ever shall) to express our gratitude to you for your kind endeavors to serve us." RC ( D L C ) ; 2 p.; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 13 Dec. 1785.
From Antoine-Félix Wuibert Cape Français, Santo Domingo, 5 Dec. 1785. Though unknown to TJ, he appeals to him, as a loyal citizen of the United States, concerning his rights. Born at "Mézières-sur-Meuse en Champagne," he left his large family many years ago and lived some time in Santo Domingo with "un parent fort-Respectable, M . Du Portal, Lieutenant général des armées du Roy." After this relative's untimely death, Wuibert was left without resources and went to America, where he took part in the Revolution. While chief engineer with the rank of lieutenant-colonel, to which he was appointed in 1776 at Washington's request, he was captured. What he suffered at the hands of the enemy "n'est rien au prix de la gloire qu'on acquierre en defendant les droits de L'Humanité." Such persons as Lafayette, John Adams, Du Portail (his commanding officer), and Wuibert's father would all attest and add to what he tells TJ. Though the enemy inflicted many hardships on him to induce him to abandon the American cause, "Je le lui pardonne . . . en faveur des grands et généreux procédés qu'il a eu pour moi par la Suite et Cela Seul doit me Suffire pour avouer que la Nation Anglaise est unique et Respectable." During his intervals of liberty in the war years, Wuibert served under John Paul Jones on the Bonhomme Richard as "Commandant-enchef des Volontaires." He submits the roll of the crew but refers T J for details of their cruises to the Mercure de France of December 1779. Because of subsequent military service as governor-general of the British prisoners at Texel and later as chief engineer at Fort Pitt, two periods of captivity, an illness during the last year, and the "négligence ou la fausse amitié de quelques français qui m'avaient promis de faire Cette reclamation de mes parts-de-prises," he never has been able to obtain his share. In 1783 he had sent to M . Du Moussy in Paris a power of attorney, but has heard nothing since, with the result that his affairs are completely neglected. Wuibert is deeply wounded by the cruelty of those who would deprive him of every means to obtain "une petite Retraite Sur Ses Vieux Jours" from his numerous troubles and 78
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afflictions; appeals to T J , for he has nowhere else to turn. In the spring of 1785 Wuibert returned to Santo Domingo for his health and to escape complete financial wreckage. Thanks to the kindness of his friend Odelucq, who is highly esteemed in Santo Domingo, he expects that he will soon be well again. "Quoi qu'elle ne puisse pas me payer encore les Intérêts de mon Certificat Continental" (which cannot be redeemed soon according to a recent letter from Gov. Dickinson of Pennsylvania), Wuibert loves America and would prefer to spend his last days there, for he was treated well and even admitted to the Society of the Cincinnati. But if misfortune continues to plague him and to deprive him of friends, he must stay here, because he has been totally abandoned by his mother country, "qui devrait Cependant regarder tous ses enfants avec une Egale bonté." He therefore asks T J to dismiss all his agents now holding powers of attorney, to represent him in the distribution of the shares of the prizes, to speak and act for him, and to take charge of whatever sums shall be paid. Wuibert, asking only to be informed, will nullify all measures he has taken thus far and will support T J in whatever he does. If the French court does not intend to pay him his share of the prizes, he hopes T J can procure him some small recompense; there are many French persons less deserving than he who have been well compensated and often decorated. "Je desire bien Sincèrement mériter Votre Justice, Craignant, Repugnant même de me reclamer de Celle d'un pays, où tout ne Vat que par bons ou mauvais Caprices." R C ( D L C ) ; 6 p.; in French; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 16 Feb. 1786. Also in D L C are duplicates of this letter dated 12 and 26 Dec. 1785. Enclosures (duplicate sets of copies in Wuibert's hand in D L C : T J Papers, 16: 2814-16 and 2847-9, the second of which is more complete and appears to be more accurate): ( 1 ) Copies of certifications of Wuibert's service and conduct in the American army by John Adams (6 Jan. 1779), Robert Magaw (8 Nov. 1781), W i l liam Irvine (14 Nov. 1783 and 28 Feb. 1783), Thomas Mifflin (18 Nov. 1783), and George Washington (10 Dec. 1783). ( 2 ) John Paul Jones' commission and instructions to Wuibert as governor-general of the prisoners at Texel, 1 Nov. 1779. ( 3 ) Jones' letter to Wuibert, 14 Nov. 1779. ( 4 ) Congress' commission to Wuibert from 14
July 1776, as lieutenant-colonel in the Continental corps of engineers, 1 Nov. 1783. ( 5 ) Certification of his membership in the Society of the Cincinnati by Arthur St. Clair, 1 Mch. 1785 ( a postscript by Wuibert appended to the copy in D L C : T J Papers, 16: 2847-9, observes that while there are many members of the Society in France, there is not a single "Croix de Saint-Louis" in the United States; that this is unfortunate for some worthy French citizens who now live in America and are members of the Cincinnati, but ought not to be forgotten; and that if W u i bert's services and capacities were better known, it would be evident that he merits reward from his country). For a biographical sketch of W u i bert (or Wuibert de M é z i è r e s ) , see
Lasseray, Les Français sous les treize étoiles, p. 485-7.
From C. W. F. Dumas La Haie 6e. Décembre 1785 Un ami respectable m'avoit promis de se charger de mes Lettres
MONSIEUR
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et de vous les remettre: mais comme son départ ne pourra avoir lieu que dans la huitaine, parce qu'il sera porteur de la ratification du Traité d'Alliance, qui ne peut être prête plutôt, je prends le parti de la poste, dans l'espérance que les incluses pourront partir encore ce mois-ci par ie paquebot de l'Orient avec les Dépêches de Votre Excellence, en vous priant de vouloir bien fermer celle pour le Congrès après l'avoir lue. L'autre pour Mr. Franklin est le juste et tendre retour d'une d'Adieu dont son amitié m'honora quand il partit de Paris en Juillet dernier. Voilà, grace à Dieu, la paix assurée à la Republique, malgré les menées de ses ennemis internes et externes. J'ai dans l'idée que celle d'Allemagne ne sera pas troublée non plus quoiqu'en disent les Nouvellistes; et que si l'Europe doit craindre une nouvelle Guerre, ce sera dans les Indes orientales où les uns tâcheront qu'elle commence, tandis que les autres, plus sages peut-être, chercheront, sinon à l'y confiner, du moins à l'empêcher de devenir continentale en Europe. Je suis avec grand respect De Votre Excellence le très-humble et très-obéissant serviteur, C W F DUMAS RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. F C (Dumas Letter Book, Rijksarchief, The Hague; photostat in D L C ) . Recorded in S J L as received 13 Dec. 1785. Enclosures: (1) Dumas to president of Congress, 25 Nov. 1785, informing" him that the British minister had congratulated the Netherlands on the conclusion of peace with Austria, but enjoined her to avoid
alliances which would prejudice better relations with his own country; reporting a dinner celebrating the treaty between France and the Netherlands; and asking that Congress take action "pour que je sois formellement accrédité et décemment pourvu" (same). (2) Dumas to Franklin, 29 Nov. 1785 (PPAP).
From the Commissioners of the Treasury {New York, 6 Dec. 1785. Recorded in SJL as received 18 Jan. 1786 from "S. Osgood & W. Livingston. Board of Treasury . . . by the [packet?] and post." The date of the letter is illegible in S J L and is supplied from TJ's reply of 26 Jan. 1786. Not found. Enclosure: A copy of the Commissioners to Ferdinand Grand, 5 Dec. 1785 (DLC), acknowledging his letter of 16 July 1785; the balance in his account by 1 Mch. 1786 will total 310,257. 1. 8. livres; from this he is to pay 200,000 livres toward the overdue 1784 interest on the French loan, according to their instructions of 30 Aug. 1785; since the remainder will not cover the salaries of the foreign ministers and other expenses, he will be provided additional funds by the next packet. Grand is also to obtain from Gen. Armand a letter to his agent directing him to turn over to the comptroller the treasury certificate for which Grand reported he had made full payment to Armand. ] 80
From Geismar à Hanau Ce 6 de Décembre 1785. Apres avoir reçu il y a quelque tems un Billet du bureau de Poste à Paris qui m'apprennait qu'il y avait une lettre pour moi de restée faute d'affranchissement, je donnais mes ordres pour me la faire parvenir et je ne tiens celle de Votre Excellence du 6. de Sept, que depuis quelques Jours. Elle m'a infiniment flatté me rassurant de ne pas être absolument oublié maigres toutes les occupations que le Poste qu'Elle tient ne peut laisser de Lui donner. J'ai eu l'avantage de rencontrer l'été passé le Marquis de La fayette à Pyemont allant à Berlin; je l'ai beaucoup questione sur l'Etat de Votre Senté et il m'avait promis qu'à son retour il me rapellerait à Votre Souvenir. Croies moi, à quelle distence que je sois de l'amerique, le Sort de Votre Patrie m'intéressera toujours; le Voiage et les Campagnes que j'ai fait dans ce pays fonts epoque dans ma vie. J'y ai vu Souffrir des Compatriottes, j'y ai Souffert moi même, et quand on a eu cela de comun on ne peut que S'intéresser l'un pour l'autre. [. . .] les Gazettes ne m'inquiettent pas si aisément, Car depuis que j'ai fait la Connaisance de Mr. Rivington à la Nouvelle York où je me Suis [. . .] 6 Mois, j'ai apris à rabbatre toujours la moitié de ce que Lui et ses chers Confreres disefnt]. Je crois que Votre Gouvernement est bien plus tranquil[le] que nous ne le sommes en Europe, on se souciera guère de l'autre Coté de l'attlantique de notre ligue, de l'Election d'un Roi des Romains, de l'Elévation d'un autre d'Austrasie. Faites en, dira-t-on, autant que bon Vous semblera, pourvue qu'on nous en tient quitte et qu'on nous laisse notre liberté, et je dis, moi, heureux qui en peut jouir. Ma Situation me fait douter que dans cette Vie j'aurois encore le plaisir de passer avec Vous à Monticello des Jours aussi tranquils et agréables qu'ettaient ceux que je me rapelle toujours avec delice. Mais je Vous prie de m'avertir un peu d'avance quand Vous comptés quitter l'Europe et je m'arangerai S'il-est humainement possible, en Sorte de pouvoir passer quelques Jours avec Vous à Paris. Nous avons Subis depuis peu, par la Mort du Landgrave de Hesse-Cassel, Pere de mon Maitre, de grands Changements dans notre petit Etat; cela nous a donné comme d'ordinaire des reductions et des augmentations. Cette mort a fait de mon Maitre un des plus riches Princes de l'Allemagne, Son Pere Lui aiant laissé tous les Coffres remplies, un Corps de Trouppes tres respectables dans MONSIEUR
:8i
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1785
le meilleur ordres, et un pays qui Lui Rapporte pour le moins 6 à 7 Mil: de [livs.] de franee. Vous m'obligeras en m'envoiant dans Votre premiere Votre Adresse imediatement à Paris, mes Lettres n'auronts pas tant de detour à faire. Je Vous prie, Monsieur, de témoigner mes Respets à Miss Jefferson, la quelle peut-être ne Se Souviendra plus d'un Prisonier qui l'a eu Souvent Sur Les bras. Gardés moi la Continuation de Votre Amitié et bonté, et Soies persuadé que je ne cesserai jamais de Vous apartenir par les liens de l'amitié le plus Sincere et avec le quel j'ai l'honneur de me dire Monsieur de Votre Excellence le tres humble et tres Obéissant Serviteur, L E M A J O R DE G E I S M A R RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 13 Dec. 1785.
From Neil Jamieson New York, 6 Dec. 1785. Encloses letter for T J that came "some time since, immediately after the sending of the former packet"; also sends "a parcel of our Newspapers." RC (MHi); 2 p.; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 19 Jan. 1786. Enclosures: The letter has not been identified; among the newspapers sent there was certainly the issue of the New York Daily Advertiser for 6 Dec. 1785, in
which was printed the letter from Lewis Littlepage to John Jay of 4 Dec. 1785 (also printed in William Jay, Life of John Jay, I , 204-208; see also Jamieson to T J , 7 Dec. 1785).
From André Limozin {Le Havre, ca. 6 Dec. 1785. Recorded in SJL as received 8 Dec. 1785 "Without date. About Boylston's ship." Not found. T J struck out "Havre" in the entry.]
From P. Tourtille Sangrain A Paris le 6 xbre 1785 Ce n'est que de hier que j'ay pu obtenir du Bureau des fermes L'instruction sur les droits des huilles que vous trouverez cy-Joint: par Laquelle vous verrez, Monsieur, que Les droits de 7 . 10s. par Barique sont Bien Conformes à L'extrait de la lettre de M. de Calonne. Mais Sy la Compagnie du Nantucket accepte L a Soumission MONSIEUR
tt
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que je luy ay faite de me charger d'environ 16 milles quintaux de leurs huilles, cette partie sera affranchie de tous Les droits E t nottamment des 7*. 10s. par Barique. Le passeport E n a Eté délivré. E t vous E n aurez, Monsieur, L a Certitude chez M. de Colonia, intendant du Commerce, Rue neuve des petits champs. Il Est vray que le ministre n'a accordé cette faveur qu'aux Conditions que L a Compagnie américaine ne seroit payée du prix de ces huïlles qu'en Marchandise de nos productions francoise, Le tout à leurs Choix E t au Courant de la place, ainssy que le prix des huïlles qui Seront fixés au Courant où Elles Seront Lors de leurs arrivée, Le tout Etant Exprime dans L a Soumission de cette manierre Respective pour Les Interrets des 2 partis. Sy la Comunication de cette Soumission peut vous Estre de quelque utillitté j'auray L'honneur de vous la Remetre. Je desirerois Bien Scavoir Sy je puis compter Sur Les Envois portés dans ma Soumission à cause de mes Entreprises, E t pour diriger mes achapts. Sy cette Compagnie m'honore de Sa Confiance, Elle peut Estre assurée qu'elle n'aura qu'à S'en felicitter par L a manierre dont je la Serviray, tant pour L a Reception de leurs huïlles que pour Les Retours E t la fidélitté des oppérations. Je suis avec Respect Monsieur Votre tres humble E t tres Obéissant Serviteur,
P. T O U R T I L L E SANGRAIN
RC ( D L C ) . Recorded in S J L as received 6 Dec. 1785. Enclosures: Copy of Calonne's instructions to the farmersgeneral of 17 Nov. 1785, reducing the duties on American importation of native fish oil until 1 Jan. 1787 provided
it is transported in American or French vessels (DNA: PCC, No. 87, I , 331; English translation labelled "No. 6" in same, p. 310-11; T r in DNA: PCC, No. 107, I ; printed in Dipl. Corr., 17831789, I , 711-12).
From Neil Jamieson New York, 7 Dec. 1785. Sent yesterday the Daily Advertiser containing Lewis Littlepage's letter to John Jay; now encloses today's issue with Jay's reply. RC (MHi); 2 p.; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 19 Jan. 1786. Enclosure: The New York Daily Advertiser for 7 Dec. 1785, containing Jay's reply and an address to the public (also printed in William Jay, Life of John Jay, I , 20822).
From John Jay DR. SIR New York 7th. Decemr. 1785 The last Letter I have had the Pleasure of receiving from you is dated the 14th. August last. My last to you is dated the 2d. Ult: 83
7 DECEMBER 1785 by Mr. Houdon who I hope has by this Time safely arrived. Noth ing of importance has since occurred except the Arrival of Mr. Temple, respecting whom I enclose the Copy of an Act of Congress of 2d. Instant. With great Esteem & Regard I have the Honor to be &ca.,
JOHN JAY
You will herewith receive a Packet of Newspapers. F C (DNA: PCC, No. 121). Recorded in S J L as received 18 Jan. 1786. Enclo sure: Copy of resolution of Congress, 2 Dec. 1785, recognizing John Temple as British consul general in the U. S. (text printed in J C C , xxix, 897-8).
From John Langdon DEAR SIR Portsmouth Decern: 7. 1785. I am honor'd with your freindly favor of the 11'th September by Capt. Yeaton. I return you my most hearty thanks for your kind Congratulations and Expressions towards me, and Mrs. Langdon. Am much obliged for the notice you were pleased to take of Capt. Yeaton. The political and commercial information you were pleased to communicate demands my thanks. Great Britain seems deter mined to pursue the same ruinous line of conduct, that guided her thro' the late War; she values not the ruin of her own Commerce, if she can thereby injure us; every step Britain takes to prevent our increase of Commerce (tho' it affects us for the present) will be eventually for our advantage, by driving us into our own manu factures. I am in great hopes it will not be long before all the States of America will see the absolute necessity of vesting Con gress with full power to regulate our Commerce, both external, and internal. This once done, Great Britain would soon come into a commercial treaty (in my opinion) or they would no doubt be excluded from the Commerce of the Continent; which would be their ruin. We have no body to blame, but ourselves, that our trade is in its present situation; vesting Congress with full powers, and exerting ourselves with a little spirit, would soon remove the em barrassments we now labour under. The Politics of European Nations are to me very astonishing in suffering the Algerines to pirate upon all the world: no doubt some of them have their views in this business. I hope you will be fortunate enough to conclude some Treaty with those barbarians. Our dear Bets, begs leave to present you with her grateful thanks, for the great honor you have been pleased to conferr on her, [84]
8
D E C E M B E R
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in sending such an agréable present: all Companies who come into the house must be entertained with the sight of her doll, and tumbling Gentleman; and she does not fail to confess her obliga tions to Governor Jefferson. Mrs. Langdon desires her most kind respects may be made acceptable to you, and your agréable daughter. That you may enjoy all happiness is the sincere wish of Your Excellencys Mo. Ob. Serv., J O H N LANGDON RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed: "Langdon Presidí." Recorded in S J L as received 24 Feb. 1786.
To William Carmichael DEAR SIR
Paris Dec. 8. 1785.
I inclose you a copy of a letter of mine to Mr. Grand which will explain to you a difficulty which arose as to a bill of exchange to which your name was subscribed. Considering myself as no ways authorized to direct the funds of the U . S . in France I had originally refused to intermeddle at all. But Mr. Grand would not pay at all then. I thereupon have undertaken to advise him till I can receive from the Commissioners of the treasury an answer to my letter praying them to relieve me from a business wherein I am so ignorant. Mr. Grand having received a bill of exchange signed with your name, but without a letter of advice, he asked me whether he should pay it. I compared it with the signature of your letters to me. It appeared well. I went to Mr. Grand's and we compared it with former draughts by you. It appeared to be on the same paper. I advised him to pay it. A second having come afterwards without a letter of advice, I wrote to Mr. Grand the inclosed letter. I hope you will be sensible that in a case of public money we are not at liberty to dispense with those cautions which even in private cases are required to guard against deception: and, if the bill was genuine, be so good as to renew it, with a letter of advice, and you may be assured of it's being paid. I prayed Mr. Grand to write you to this effect immediately, and should have done it sooner myself but that I attended the departure of Mr. Stephen Sayre from this place for Madrid. That however is still incertain. [I take] the liberty of putting under cover to you a letter which I wrote to him. You know my handwriting and therefore can be at no loss in know ing the letter which I will pray you to return to me immediately (85]
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1785
under the cover of Mr. Grand. This being to go by post I say noth ing of public affairs. I am with very great esteem Dr. Sir Your most obedient & most humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Recorded in S J L as sent "by Mr. Grand." Enclosures: (1) T J to Grand, ca. 1 Dec. 1785. (2) T J to Sayre, 5 Nov. 1785; both missing.
To Gazaigner de Boyer [Paris, 8 Dec. 1785. Recorded in SJL under this date. Not found.]
To P. Tourtille Sangrain [Paris, 8 Dec. 1785. Recorded in SJL under this date. Not found.]
From Diodati Paris, 9 Dec. 1785. Formal notice of presentation to the king as minister of the "Duc de Mecklembourg-Schwérin." RC ( D L C ) ; 2 p.; in French; addressed. Not recorded in S J L .
From John Jay DR. SR. NYork 9 Deer 1785 From the public papers which will go by the Packet you will percieve that a very indecent attack has been made upon me by a Mr. Littlepage, who was formerly in my family, and from whom I merit better things. It has so happened, however among the few Enemies I have the far greater Part are men on whom I have con ferred essential Benefits. This young man does not stand single. I have no Reason to sus pect that he is supported by more than one single american and that is a man with whom and with whose family I am nearly connected and to whom I have been very bountiful. It has been remarked to me from many Quarters that the Persons who have stood behind him in this Business are frenchmen. What could have been their views can only be a matter of Conjecture. Whatever may be the Sentiments of their Court respecting me, I am persuaded that such Conduct will not recommend them to their minister, of whose good 86
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Sense and Respect for Propriety I entertain too good an opinion to suppose that such Exertions of Zeal can meet with his approba tion. It has not escaped the notice of many that the sailing of the Packet has been delayed several Days, altho the wind was very fair, and until tomorrow when a very abusive Publication against me now in the Press is to make its appearance early in the morn ing. What motives influenced this Delay is apparent to me from certain circumstances not proper for me to mention because com municated to me in confidence. I shall send soon a Duplicate of this by a safe opportunity; if you receive this, please to inform me of it by the first opportunity. The perfect Confidence I have in your Discretion and Honor render it unnecessary for me to make any observations on this Subject at present. I am Dr Sr, With great & sincere Esteem & Regard, Your most obt & very hble. Servt., JOHN JAY Dft (NK-Iselin). Recorded in S J L as a "private" letter, received 18 Jan. 1786 "by the [. . .] and post."
From Janet Livingston Montgomery SIR New York Deer. 9 1785 I would on the strength of an acquaintance take the liberty to commit to your care, the inclosed letter which I have long owed the Marquis. Yet should our acquaintance not admit of such a liberty and ask an apology, I fear I have not one sufficiently satis factory to either—unless you will permit me, to make use of one which must be common to all who have had the honour to be known to your Excellency, that of wishing still to have a place in your remembrance. I take a particular pleasure in paying my respects to Miss Jefferson. I have no doubt her improvement will be equal to her oppertunities. I have the honour to be with respect your Excellencys most obedt. Sert.,
J A N E T MONTGOMERY
RC (MHi); 2 p.; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 19 Jan. 1786 "by Mr. Littlepage." The enclosed letter to Lafayette has not been found. On Mrs. Mont gomery, see C. H. Hunt, Life of Edward Livingston, p. 43-4; see T J to Mrs. Montgomery, 7 May 1786.
87
From Richard O'Bryen {Algiers, 9 Dec. 1785. Recorded in SJL as received 13 Feb. 1786. Letter not found.]
From Jean Baptiste Pecquet Lisbon, 9 Dec. 1785. He was introduced to T J by Benjamin Franklin and is grateful to them both for the recompense he received from the U.S. for his services to American citizens during the war. He would be even more indebted if they would recommend him to Congress for the post of United States agent in Lisbon, which post he would discharge with "Le Zèle le plus ardent, la fidélité la phis inviolable et la réunion de tous mes efforts." Benjamin Franklin of the same date on the same subject ( T r in D L C ) was probably enclosed for forwarding (see Lefévre, Roussac & Cie. to T J , 1 July 1786, which enclosed duplicates of both letters).
RC (MHi); 2 p.; in French; in an unidentified hand, signed by Pecquet "Ci devant agent & interprète de la Nation française"; endorsed. T r (DLC); differs slightly from RC, but only in phraseology. Recorded in S J L as received 1 Jan. 1786. Pecquet's letter to
To John Adams DEAR SIR
Paris Dec. 10. 1785.
On the arrival of Mr. Boylston I carried him to the Marquis de la Fayette, and received from him communications of his object. This was to get a remission of the duties on his cargo of oil, and he was willing to propose a future contract. I proposed however to the Marquis, when we were alone, that instead of wasting our efforts on individual applications, we had better take it up on general ground, and, whatever could be obtained, let it be common to all. He concurred with me. As the jealousy of office between ministers does not permit me to apply immediately to the one in whose department this was, the Marquis's agency was used. The result was to put us on the footing of the Hanseatic towns, as to whale oil, and to reduce the duties to ll -5s for 520 lb. French, which is very nearly two livres on the English hundred weight, or about a guinea and a half the ton. But the oil must be brought in American or French ships, and the indulgence is limited to one year. However as to this I expressed to Ct. de Vergennes my hopes that it would be continued, and should a doubt arise, I should propose at the proper time to claim it under the treaty on the footing gentis tt
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amicissimi. After all, I beleive Mr. Boylston has failed of selling to Sangrain, and, from what I learn, through a little too much hastiness of temper. Perhaps they may yet come together or he may sell to somebody else. When the general matter was thus arranged, a Mr. Barrett arrived here from Boston with letters of recommendation from Govr. Bowdoin, Cushing and others. His errand was to get the whale business here put on a general bottom, instead of the par ticular one which had been settled you know the last year for a special company. We told him what was done. He thinks it will answer, and proposes to settle at L'Orient for conducting the sales of the oil and the returns. I hope therefore that this matter is tolerably well fixed as far as the consumption of this country goes. I know not as yet to what amount that is; but shall endeavor to find out how much they consume, and how much they furnish themselves. I propose to Mr. Barrett that he should induce either his state or individuals to send us a sufficient number of boxes of the Spermaceti candle, to give one to every leading house in Paris, I mean to those who lead the ton: and at the same time to deposit a quantity for sale here and advertize them in the Petites affiches. I have written to Mr. Carmichael to know on what footing the use and introduction of the whale oil is there, or can be placed. I have the honour to be with very sincere esteem Dear Sir Your most obedient humb. servt., T H : JEFFERSON RC (MHi: A M T ) . PrC ( D L C ) . Recorded in S J L as sent "by Bar. Poellnitz." Entry in S J . P L reads: "Adams John. Whale oils. Boylston. Barrett. Spermaceti." See note to Adams to T J , 2 Dec. 1785.
From David Ramsay New York Deer. 10th. 1785 When I left this city last August I directed my printer to fur nish Mr. Monroe with the sheets of my book from time to time that they might be sent to you by the packets. Mr. Monroe soon after left Congress and transferred the business to Mr. Hardy. His much lamented death prevented his execution of the business. On my return here in November I could not find satisfactory informa tion of what had been sent to you; but the printer informed me that you must have received up to page 305 of Vol. 2d. I now send you the remainder. The work was finished on the 7th inst. but by an
DEAR SIR
89 ;
1 1 DECEMBER
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unfortunate accident I have not by me the notes from page 440 to page 545. I shall send from this port 1600 copies to Mr. Charles Duly of London by Capt. Cowper who sails on the 20th. instant. I shall direct him to deliver to your order two complete copies and I beg the favor of your acceptance of one and that you would do me the honor of presenting the other to the Marquis de La Fayette in my name. When you receive the books from Mr. Dilly please to deliver the inclosed letter to the Marquis with the copy of the book. I am sorry for the trouble I give you but hope for your indulgence. I have not hitherto been favored with the reception of any letter that informed me of your having received the sheets which I sent you by the monthly packets. I have the honor to be your most obedient servt.,
D A V I D RAMSAY
RC ( D L C ) . Recorded in S J L as received 19 Jan. 1786 "by Mr. Littlepage." Enclosure not found. See Sowerby No. 488 for a concise account of TJ's interest in Ramsay's work.
To Abigail Adams Paris Dec. 11. 1785. Expecting Baron Polnitz to call every moment, I have only time to acknolege the receipt of your favor of Nov. 24. and to answer you on the subject of the bill for 319 livres drawn by Mr. Adams in favor of Mr. Bonfeild. I had never heard of it before, and Mr. Barclay calling on me this morning I asked of him if he knew any thing of it. He says that such a bill was presented to him, and he desired them not to send it back but to let it lie till he could write to Mr. Adams. He wrote. Not having Mr. Adams's answer in his pocket he can only say that from that he was discouraged from paying it by Mr. Adams's expressing a doubt whether he had not desired me to pay it. The bill therefore went back without my hav ing ever heard a tittle of it. I told Mr. Barclay I would write imme diately to Mr. Bondfeild to send it to me on an assurance that I would pay it on sight. But he desired I would not; that he would immediately see to the paiment of it, and that it would be a con venience to him to be permitted to do it, as he had a balance of Mr. Adams's in his hands. I could have urged the same reason, but he had the regular authority. Between us therefore you may count on the settlement of this matter, and always on me for that of any other with which you will please to entrust me, and which may give me an opportunity of proving to you the sincere esteem
D E A R MADAM
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with which I have the honor to be Dear Madam your most obedient humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON RC (MHi: AMT). PrC ( D L C ) . Recorded in S J L as sent "by Bar. Poellnitz." The P E T I T E S A F F I C H E S : Annonces, affiches, et avis divers, ou journal général de France, an 8-page daily which served as the principal medium for commercial advertisements in Paris, edited by Abbé Aubert.
To John Adams DEAR SIR
Paris Dec. 11. 1785.
Baron Polnitz not going off till to-day enables me to add some information which I receive from Mr. Barclay this morning. You know the immense amount of Beaumarchais' accounts with the U.S. and that Mr. Barclay was authorized to settle them. Beau marchais had pertinaciously insisted on settling them with Con gress. Probably he received from them a denial: for just as Mr. Barclay was about to set out on the journey we destined him Beau marchais tendered him a settlement. It was thought best not to refuse this, and that it would produce a very short delay. However it becomes long, and Mr. Barclay thinks it will occupy him all this month. The importance of the account, and a belief that nobody can settle it so well as Mr. Barclay, who is intimately acquainted with most of the articles, induce me to think we must yeild to this delay. Be so good as to give me your opinion on this subject. I have the honour to be with very great esteem Dear Sir Your most obedient & most humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON E S . Pray contrive the inclosed letter to Colo. Monroe. It must not pass through the hands of the English post officers. RC (MHi: AMT); endorsed in part: "ansd. 20. [Dec] 1785." PrC ( D L C ) . Recorded in S J L as sent "by Bar. Poellnitz." Enclosure: T J to James Monroe, 11 Dec. 1785.
To Francis Eppes DEAR SIR
Paris Dec. 11. 1785.
I wrote you by the Mr. Fitzhughs Aug. 30. and to Mrs. Eppes by the same conveiance Sep. 22. In those as in my former letters I had troubled you on the subject of sending my daughter to me. To the cautions then suggested I am obliged to add another, which our situation with respect to the Barbary powers calls for. You 91
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have doubtless heard loose stories as to their captures on us, without being able to know the certainty. The truth is that the Emperor of Marocco took one vessel from us last winter; but he did it merely to induce us to treat. He took care of the crew, vessel and cargo and delivered the whole up for us to the Spanish court, clothing the crew well. There is nothing further to be feared from him, as I think he will settle matters with us on tolerable terms. But the Algerines this fall took two vessels from us, and now have 22. of our citizens in slavery. Their dispositions are more hostile, and they very possibly will demand a higher tribute than America will pay. In this event they will commit depredations on our trade next summer. I do not think the insurance against them on vessels coming to France will be worth half per cent: but who can esti mate the value of a half per cent on the fate of a child. My mind revolts at the possibility of a capture; so that unless you hear from myself (not trusting the information of any other person on earth) that peace is made with the Algerines, do not send her but in a vessel of French or English property: for these vessels alone are safe from prize by the barbarians. Mr. Barclay our consul here expects to go to Philadelphia in the spring and to return again here. He offers to take charge of her. She would be then in the best hands possible; and should the time of his return become well ascertained, I will write you on the subject. In the mean time it need not pre vent your embracing any opportunity which occurs of a sound French or English ship, neither new nor old, sailing in the months of April, May, June or July under the care of a trusty person. You see how much trouble I give you till you get this little charge out of your hands. Europe is quiet. The treaty between the Emperor and Dutch signed, and one between France and the Dutch, very fatal to Eng land. It is called a defensive treaty only, but it is such a one as cannot but give to France the aid of the Dutch in case of war with England. Patsy enjoys a perfect state of health. Mine is become more firm. If I continue thro' the winter as well as I am now I shall resume confidence in my constitution. Mr. Short is at present indisposed with the jaundice. We all pant for America, as will every American who comes to Europe. Present us affectionately to Mrs. Eppes and the little ones. I make her always the bearer of my kisses to dear Poll. Assure Mrs. and Mr. Skipwith also of our love & believe me to be with the highest esteem Dr. Sir your sincere friend & servant, T H : JEFFERSON 92
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1785
E S . I saw in a Virginia paper that some body gave me as the author of information that we had nothing to fear from the Algerines. No such information ever went from me. The writer probably had not distinguished between the pyrates of Algiers and Marocco. Of the peaceable dispositions of the latter I have written, but never of the former. PrC ( D L C ) . Recorded in S J L as sent "by Bar. Poellnitz via London."
From George Gilmer DEAR SIR Pen-Park 11 Deer. 1785 Monsr. Doradour presented me with your agreeable favor some time after his arrival at Charlottesville, although accident placed me in his way the day of his arrival at Colo. Lewis's, where I was obliged to stand interpreter. Both being under uneasy anxiety from not being able to convey an Idea to each other, myself much dis tressed from my inaccurate french, and not so easily comprehend ing Monsr. Doradour as his companion, he unfortunately seemd disgusted from his first arrival. After sojourning a month or two at Colle he was induced to Philadelphia by some friend there, recommending lands to him. This has not been my first attempt to converse with you, but the precariousness of geting a line towards Paris has prevented. Noth ing can afford me more serious anxiety, than your want of health. I pray it may be speedily restored, without the aid of Animal magnatism, or the quill of Oesculapius, till there is more stability in the medical tribe, and médecine less influenced by fashion. The former nostrum will be less injurious in general than the aid of the aggregate body of Physick, including every denomination of prac titioners. The health and agreeable situation of your sweet daughter af fords me singular Joy. May they both command the graces, and lead the sciences, and ever console you with their native gentle, easy, free dispositions. We have to lament the want of proper seminaries for Instruction in this country, particularly in this quar ter. Wish your noble plan could be reduced to practice. Mrs. Gil mer gave me a fine girl two months past, her tenth child. She enjoys better health than ever, makes nothing of walking home from Charlottesville after an Assembly through snow. She still makes her excurtions ambling. My gout has been ashamed to shew 93
1 1 DECEMBER
17 8 5
itself. Haveing lived [at] my chunk the abstemious life of Lucullus, the debauché [ry of] Charlottesville may revive it. By Madison you'l rece[ive ou]r present system of politics, if there is any at all; the [Doc]tor is out of the line, and Will be perfectly happy if h[e can on] your arrival (which heaven speed) delight your [eyes by hi]s hill with the gay green, which shall soon [be cover]ed with verdure, and if the wolves will permit [some? he]rds having still a great fond ness for graces [grasses]. I shall by the next, probably send you a few seed of the Georgia bryar, the Vegetable that links the animal and vegetable system together. You'l observe the Mychunkites now reside at Robin Adams old place, which at present may with propriety be said to be rudes indigestaque moles. M[r.] Harmer is giving it some form. Mrs. Gilmer begs her most affectionate compliments may be united with mine to you and your dear Girls. Adieu.
GEORGE GILMER
R C ( D L C ) ; endorsed; M S torn at lower right and left corners; missing words are supplied in brackets by the editors. Recorded in S J L as received 23 June 1786. The N O B L E P L A N that Gilmer re ferred to was T J ' s "Bill for the More General Diffusion of Knowledge" (see Vol. 2: 526-35). T h e G E O R G I A B R Y A R .
.
.
THAT
LINKS
T H EA N I M A L A N D
was evi dently Leptoglottis, a plant that is ex tremely sensitive to the touch, generally called sensitive brier. Jedidiah Morse described two plants that seemed to 18th century observers to have proper ties that linked "the animal and vege table system together": " A species of the sensitive plant is also found here [in North Carolina]; it is a sort of brier, the stalk of which dies with the frost, but the root lives through the VEGETABLE
SYSTEM
TOGETHER
winter, and shoots again in the spring. The lightest touch of a leaf causes it to turn and cling close to the stalk. A l though it so easily takes the alarm, and apparently shrinks from danger, in the space of two minutes after it is touched, it perfectly recovers its former situa tion. T h e mucipula veneris is also found here" (Am. Univ. Geog., 3rd ed., 1796, p. 6 5 0 ) . T h e latter is Dionaea musci pula (Venus' fly-trap) an insectivorous species; but it is not a brier and, being found only on the coastal plain of the Carolinas, would probably have been inaccessible to D r . Gilmer. Leptoglottis is found from Virginia to Florida (see also R . S. Walker, Lookout: The Story
of
a Mountain, 1941, p. 5 8 ) . M Y
Mediums (Meachamps, Mechumps, Mechunk) river, which flows through Albemarle county. CHUNK:
To James Monroe DEAR SIR
Paris Dec. 11. 1785
I wrote you by the Mr. Fitzhughs on the 28th. of August, and since that have received yours of Aug. 15. and 25. This inter mission on my part has been owing to your information that you would not return to Congress till about Christmas: to which must be added the want of opportunity since the derangement of the French packets. Be so good as to inform Mr. Jay that the last is
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1785
the cause he has not heard from me since the Mr. Fitzhughs went, as my dispatches are of a nature not to admit their passing thro' the post offices of this country and England. I write the present by a gentleman going to London, and who calls on me this instant, so that I must be short. The treaty between the Emperor and Dutch is signed. Another between the latter and France is also settled. This is fatal to Engld. in case of a war with France. It is called indeed only a defensive treaty. Yet all the world sees that by the guarantee reciprocally made of all their possessions in every part of the world, and that if the force stipulated to be lent shall not suffice each will aid the other with their whole force, these two powers have it in contempla tion to make common cause in every event. France and England agree to keep an equal naval force in the East Indies. But in case of a war, France can in the instant avail herself of the Dutch force in that quarter and demolish the English at once. We beleive here that the court of London made great offers to the Dutch to prevent this treaty; to wit, to pay the ten millions of florins, to give them Negapatnam, and to relax their navigation act in favor of the Dutch. The communication of the English minister to the States general would be stupid if we did not suppose something to have preceded it which has not been published. Perhaps that infatuated court may be awakened by this to a fear that we also may be led into a similar connection by an adequate price; and that a free admission into the French W . Indies would be an adequate price. How goes on the disposition to confer the regulation of our com merce on Congress? On this side the Atlantic we are viewed as objects of commerce only, and as little to be relied on even for this purpose while it's regulation is so disjointed. There being nothing of moment here to communicate, and the gentleman calling for my letter, I shall only add assurances of the esteem with which I am Dear Sir Your sincere friend & servt., T H : JEFFERSON Pray send the inclosed letter in as safe a way as you can, as it is of a very interesting nature to me. RC (DLC: Monroe Papers). PrC (DLC: T J Papers). Recorded in S J L as sent "by Bar. Poellnitz via London"; entry in S J P L reads: "Monroe James. Treaty between France & Holland." Enclosure: T J to Francis Eppes of this date.
95:
From David Humphreys DEAR SIR London Leicester Square No. 18 I have been duly honoured with your favour of Deer. 4th. and on the subject of Gatteau's application take the liberty to inform you that I never had an idea of his engraving the insignia of the Cincinnati. I clearly see the impropriety of it. I should therefore be much obliged if you would take the trouble of giving him defini tive instructions on this and any other points that may occur in the execution of the Medal. A vessel which has just arrived in 24 days from Philadelphia brings advice that Dr. Franklin had been unanimously elected President of the State. Mr. Hardy of the Delegation from Virginia died at New York on the 17th. of Octr. There is no other transatlantic intelligence worthy to be transcribed. Mr. Eden's appointment as Envoy Extraordinary to the Court of France for negotiating commercial arrangements is a principal topic of conversation at this time. It is thought from this circum stance that Administration are more in earnest to make a commer cial treaty with France than they have hitherto been. You will find the Antiministeral papers are filled with Paragraphs respecting Eden's defection. Upon our route from Paris here we fell in company and travelled with a Mr. Payne who has been in a public character at Morocco. He informs me in negotiations at that court the novelty of a present is frequently of more consequence than the intrinsic value of it. He mentioned as an instance in proof that the Emperor appeared more pleased with a hand-organ than any other present which he gave him. He speaks well of the Emperor's personal character, tho' I believe he has not fully succeeded in the object of his mission, as he appeared in doubt how he should be received on his return here. I am sorry to hear of Mr. Short's illness and beg my best Com pliments may be presented to him. Those of Mr. Adams's family and Col. Smith attend you. I am with the sincerest affection Dear Sir Your most obedt. hble. Servt.,
D. H U M P H R E Y S
RC ( D L C ) ; undated; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 19 Dec. 1785. Presumably it was written ca. 12 Dec. For an account of Humphreys' connection with various medals, see J . F . Loubat, Medallic History of the United States of America, 1776-1876, New York, 1878, 2 vols.
96
From Antoine-Félix Wuibert Cape Français, Santo Domingo, 12 Dec. 1785. This letter is a dupli cate of Wuibert's earlier letter of 5 Dec. 1785; see the summary under that date. RC ( D L C ) ; 6 p.; in French. Recorded in S J L as received 31 Apr. 1786. En closures: See note to Wuibert to T J , 5 Dec. 1785.
From John Adams DEAR SIR Grosvenor Square Deer. 13. 1785. I have received a Letter from my Friend General Warren of Milton Hill near Boston, acquainting me, that Congress have it in Contemplation to appoint their Ministers Consuls General, or rather to give them Authority to appoint Consuls, and that you are to have the nomination of that officer for Lisbon, that his son Winslow Warren, went sometime ago and settled at Lisbon, partly upon Some encouragement of some Members of Congress that he might have that Place, and requesting me to write you upon the Subject. I sincerely hope, as far as it concerns myself that Congress, instead of giving me the Appointment of any, may do the Business themselves. For there can be no Employment more disagreable than that of weighing Merit, by the Grain and Scruple, because the world very seldom form an opinion of a Man precisely the same with his own, and therefore the Scales will always be objected to, as not justly ballanced. It is worse than the Business of a Portrait Painter, as Men are generally better Satisfied with their own Talents and Virtues, than even with their Faces. I fancy you will not be delighted with this Amusement more than myself, but if we are ordered upon this service, I suppose we must do it. In which Case, I only pray you to remember that Mr. Warren now at Lisbon is a Candidate. I have known him from his Infancy, from his very Cradle. He is an ingenious and as far as I have observed a modest Man. His Education, Connections and Course of Life, having been bred to Trade, has been such that his Qualifications for the Place may be supposed to be as good as any who will probably apply for it, or accept of it. Coll. Otis his Grandfather, the famous James Otis his Unkle, his other Unkles, and his Father, have been to my knowledge, for these five and twenty Years, among the firmest and steadiest supporters of the American Cause. I declare, I dont be lieve there is one Family upon Earth to which the United States 97
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are so much indebted for their Preservation from Thraldom. There was scarcely any Family in New England had such Prospects of Opulence and Power under the Royal Government. They have sacrificed them all. It is true, and I know you will act upon the Maxim, that the Public Good alone is the Criterion, but it is equally true that the public Good requires that such conspicuous and exemplary Services and Sacrifices, should not be neglected, and therefore Considerations of this Sort ever did, and ever will and ever ought in some degree to influence Mankind. I know of no other Candidate. Probably there will be several, and I know you will decide upon the purest Principles and with mature deliberation, and therefore I shall not only acquiesce in but defend your Deci sion, tho it may be against my young Friend the son of a very old and much beloved one. I am with usual Esteem, dear Sir, your Sincere Friend & very humble Servant, J O H N ADAMS 1
RC ( D L C ) . F C (MHi: A M T ) ; in W. S. Smith's hand. Recorded in S J L as received 26 Dec. 1785. See Warren to T J , 9 Oct., and Bowdoin to T J , 10 Oct. 1785. i The preceding three words are not in F C .
From Lister Asquith SIR St. Pauls Prison Deer. 14th. 1785 We have just received our Sentence and Condemnation from Brest by the Hands of the Farmers Officers, which one of the Coppys I have sent inclosed and I cannot understand any thing of it. We are all now allmost distracted by their unjust Sentence and implore your protection, as we have your best assurances for it and intirely rely on you for your assistance as we are innocent of the Crime we suffer for and must now fall an innocent Sacrifice to barbarous self interested men. Beg you will write by return of post and direct it to Mr. Diot at Morlaix and perhaps you will be able to give us some Comfort as we are weighed down by our misfor tunes and we shall ever be Your most hble. Servts., L I S T E R ASQUITH
We have only 11 Days before we are to go to the Gallies and we hear Capt. De Ville has been swearing something against us that we know is false as he know nothing of us. We were 10 Days before we received your last letter. RC ( D L C ) ; addressed. Recorded in S J L as received 21 Dec. 1785. Enclosure not found.
98
From Jean Diot 8c Cie. MONSIEUR
[14 Dec.
1785]
J'ai reçu en son terns la lettre de Votre Excellence du 4 Novre. dernier et j'ai remis exactement au Sieur Lister Asquith celle qui y étoit jointe pour lui et qui l'a un peu ranimé, lui et ses amis. Nous en recevons dans le moment une nouvelle de sa part que nous transmettons à Votre Excellence, et nous avons l'honneur de l'informer que le 7. du courant fut prononcé à Brest un jugement par lequel le Sieur Asquith perd son Navire et sa cargaison, et est de plus condamné à payer aux fermiers-Généraux une amende de 1000.* par homme, qui, faute d'être païée dans onze jours, expose le Sieur Asquith à être conduit dans les prisons de Brest pour y attendre son jugement définitif. Si Votre Excellence veut empêcher ces malheureux d'être condamnés aux Gallères, il est nécessaire qu'elle obtienne le plus promptement possible de M. le Comte de Vergennes ou de M. de Calonne un Sursis au Jugement du Tribunal de Brest, jusqu'à ce que vous puissiez déterminer ces deux Ministres ou l'un d'eux à prendre cette affaire en considération et dans son vrai jour. I l n'y a donc pas de tems à perdre, le délai de la Sentence expirant dans onze jours. Nous espérons que Votre Excellence voudra bien employer tout son Crédit et faire tous ses efforts pour empêcher le malheur dont sont menacés ces infortunés et comptons qu'elle voudra bien nous faire réponse par le prochain Courrier. Nous avons l'honneur &c. Tr (Arch. Aff. Etr., Paris, Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx); without signature; at head of text: "Copie de la lettre du S. Diot et Compe. à Mr. Jefferson en date du 14 Xbre. 1785" and "Joint à la lettre de M. Jefferson du 21 Xbre. 1785." Recorded in S J L as received 21 Dec. 1785. Enclosure: Lister Asquith to T J , 14 Dec. 1785. A copy of the "Procès Verbal raporté
le 9 Août 1785 par le Capne. Gai. des fermes du Roy à Roscoff et les Employés de la Brigade de la dte. Ville, Contre le Sieur Guillaume Maqnille Capne. de la Goélette Américaine Catherine de Baltimore, de 19 tonneaux," enclosed in a letter from Calonne to Vergennes of 20 Jan. 1786 is in Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx; T r in DLC.
From Pierre-André Gargaz a Salon le 15 Xbre. 1785. Avec un profond respect, j'ai l'honneur de vous rapeler la liberté que je pris, il y a quelque tems de vous presenter une Brochure
MONSEIGNEUR
99
15 D E C E M B E R
1785
intitulée union souveraine, inventée par Henri le Grand, en vous priant de la garder si vous adoptiez l'union entre tous les souverains, ou de me la renvòier si vous ne l'adoptiez pas. Corne vous la gardâtes j'eus l'agréable satisfaction de vous voir aprobateur du Projet de Paix de ce bon prince; ainsi que j'avois osé me prometre de votre intégrité. Peu de tems après j'adressai le double des mêmes Prière et Brochure, à Monsieur, frère du Roi; aux neuf seigneurs qui composent le conseil d'Etat du Roi; aux vingt neuf ambassadeurs des cours étrangères residens à Paris; et à quatorze des principaux habitans de cete ville de Salon. Tous ont gardé la Brochure excepté deux seigneurs du Conseil d'Etat, et quatre ambassadeurs qui me l'ont renvoïée. Par ce moïen j'ai l'honeur de vous assurer Monseigneur, qu'il n'y a que six desaprobateurs, de la Paix perpetuele, contre quarante huit aprobateurs, du nombre desquels sont Monsieur, frère du Roi; Monseigneur le Maréchal Prince de Soubise; Messeigneurs le Nonce du Pape, les ambassadeurs de l'Empereur, d'Espagne, d'Angleterre, de Russie, de Holande, de Sardaigne, de Danemarck, &c. Si les Aprobateurs étoient du plus petit nombre, je ne parlerois plus d'union ni de Paix; mais corne ils sont du plus grand (et que d'ailleurs il est à presumer que les desaprobateurs travaillent incessament pour susciter quelque nouvele guerre, dans l'intention de faire le bonheur de la société civile) j'envoie par le même courrier le Double de cete Letre à chacun dés Messeigneurs les Aprobateurs en vous priant, Monseigneur, de vouloir bien agréer que je vous suplie encore cete fois de faire tout ce que vous pourrez pour aider à achever, le plutôt possible, cet admirable chef d'oeuvre de Politique, comencé par un des plus braves, des plus judicieux et des meilleurs souverains du monde. G ARG A surnomé franse RC ( D L C ) ; at head of text: "A Monseigneur le Ministre Plenipotentiaire des Etats unis de l'Amérique"; endorsed "Garga." Recorded in S J L as received 26 Dec. 1786. This was clearly a circular letter and there seems to be no evidence that T J replied to it or to Gargaz' letter of 14 Jan. 1786. For Franklin's interest in Gargaz, see G. S. Eddy, ed., A Project of Universal and Perpetual Peace Written by PierreAndré Gargaz, a former Galley-Slave, and printed by Benjamin Franklin at
Passy in the Tear 1782, New York, privately printed, 1922. Eddy is of opinion that the B R O C H U R E I N T I T U L É E UNION SOUVERAINE is the pamphlet that Franklin printed, the full title of which was Conciliateur de Toutes les Nations d'Europe, ou Projet de Paix perpétuelle entre tous les Souverains de VEurope et leurs Voisins, though he concedes the possibility that Gargaz may have had it printed elsewhere between 1782 and 1785 and with a different title (same, p. 18).
100
From Patience Wright HONRD S I R London Decemb. 15th. 1785 In Mr. Smiths absence the politicali afairs of Irelands traid with America was transacted with great suckssess wonderfuly brott forward by gentlemen who from principi have acted with the same spirit which first brot forward the Independence of the America States and all other Revolutions in Church and States of all Nations. You will see by their letters to me and other Circumstances of pru dence that they are perfectly well acquanted with mankind and the true and only way to accomplish so grand and extensive a plann of usefull traid for a new Empire—and to take Miss Ireland under their Cear. She has now Court paid to her traid by her mother Eng land but afraid of her being free and Independent to Run off with a frenchman. When we see them We believe Truths that at a Distance is incredeble to human Reason. Experenc maks men wise, practice maks perfect. As I been 8 years faithfully Employd in doing all the good I can, I have the pleasure to lay in your way to forward to where you best can serve your Contry and mankind. I have the honor to be with due Respect your old faithfull P. RC ( D L C ) ; on verso is a note read ing "T. Jefferson Esqr. Ambassoudr from America with some Letters to forward to New York & French pack et"; addressed: "T. Jefferson Esqr. ® favor of Mr. Gifford." This is probably the letter from Mrs. Wright which T J recorded in S J L without date as re ceived 4 Jan. 1786. The following pa pers ( D L C ) were probably enclosed: (1) Copy of Henry Bowles to Mrs. Wright, 12 Dec. 1785, explaining the associations of Irish merchants and their plans to contravene desperate Brit ish measures to prevent trade with America and Europe; they hope that Emperor Joseph I I will support them and permit Ostend to be designated the port of exchange; even the British peo ple feel "very sensibly the grievances under which they labour—and behold ing with detestation the conduct of an abandon'd ministry whose Malice would urge them to measures prejudicial to their own Country, if thereby they could injure others," certain British patriotic societies "seem inclined to take up the matter, and some have given orders on their own account for quantities of Tobacco from America" (addressed to
WRIGHT
her at "Cockspur Street Charingcross"). ( 2 ) Copy of a letter from John Bourne to John Adams, Dec. 1785, setting forth the wish of "a Society of Mer chant now in London who are Gentle men of Impartial principles and of Uni versali benevolent Spirit [and who] wishe to have an amacable Traid Joynd in Intrest with the Emperor of Ger many Joseph—and also the Emperor of Morioco—to have a Recepricall traid with Each, Founded upon the Basses of true Pollicy, and wish to lay before America &c. and they wish Mr. Jeffer son the American Ambassador would forward their Request from paris as Early as pos able to each of the great Princes that traid may find its way one more to Ostend" (in Mrs. Wright's hand; at head of text: "A Copy of a Litter from the honorable Society for Traid ordred to be forwarded to Amer ica to Germany, &ca W Sectry. and the agents in London Decemb. 4th. 6th. 1785"). (3) A memorandum signed by John Keys, 9 Dec. 1785, reading: "The Venerable Founder of the Constitutional Whigs Grand Lodge of England wishes to have a Hogshead of Tobaco from America for the sole use of the Officers
101
1 6 DECEMBER and Members of that Laudable Institution" (at foot of text: "To be forwarded by Mrs. Wright"; on verso there is a rough pen and ink sketch of a man, full length (see illustration), drawn by Mrs. Wright as a secret symbol or password; D L C : T J Papers, 16: 2828 v.). (4) An undated memorandum in Mrs. Wright's hand, reading as follows: "Some Respectable gentlmen who have been great Sufferers by the American War have aplyed to Mr. Adams for leve to traid to and from all the Contending powers. P.W. is Requested to Inform Micajah that Report says a Nother War with America and prays him to Direct his answer.
17 8 5
P.W. Mr. Gifford sits of for paris and will take with him any Letters or parcells. . . . I here W S Smith returnd pray let him See these letters directed to me or Every thing sent to Deborah is proper for him to Counter Act the Fooly of Witehiall [Whitehall?] Council." It is clear from the enclosures that eccentric and talented Mrs. Wright had enjoyed her war-time role as a spy in England too much to give up the fascinations of secret conspiracy and international intrigue during peace, M I CAJAH and D E B O R A H have not been identified; but see Seward to T J , 25 Oct. 1785.
From Cosimo Mari à Pise le 16me. Xbre. 1785 Vous serés peut-être surpris de vous voir paraître la presente Lettre d'un Incognito, qui n'a pas L'honneur d'Etre connus de vous; mais qui a cependant celui de vous connoître par L a renommée que vous vous êtes acquise dans l'Europe par cet Esprit de Patriotisme, par L a Sublimité de vos talens, et par cette noble fermeté dont vous avés triomphé de tous Les obstacles de vos Ennemis. L'établissement de vôtre Auguste Aréopage a donné au Monde entier un Spectacle digne de la plus grande admiration, puisque Les Membres qui L a composent ont fait voir que L a Liberté est Le premier droit de tous Les hommes, que Le soin de L a diriger vers Le bien comun doit être Le but de toutte Société raisonnablement ordonnée, et que le crime de L a force est d'avoir privé la plus grande partie du Globe de cet avantage naturel. Votre Republique est fondée par la voie douce de la persuasion; par L'appat si séduisant du bonnheur; par L'attrait d'une vie tranquille; par Les avantages d'une sage police; par Les jouissences d'une reguliere industrie; et par L a Supériorité du genie. Touttes ces heureuses considerations amèneront Les Etats Unis à un but également utile aux Nations des deux Hemispheres en établissant un Commerce aussiflorissantque Solide. Je dois L'avantage, assésflateurpour moi, de vôtre connoissance à Monsr. Mazzei, qui m'a encouragé de m'addresser à vous, Monsieur, en m'assurant que c'est par vôtre moyen que je dois recevoir de l'argent de Virginie. Cela étant, j'ose vous supplier de
MONSIEUR
102
17 D E C E M B E R
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vouloir bien remettre au dit Monsieur Mazzei la somme entière que l'on vous vous faira passer pour mon comte. Je n'ignore point qu'on lui a fait un protêt d'une Lettre de change; et dans L a crainte qu'il puisse manquer d'argent, L'étroite amitié que j'ai contractée avec lui depuis son Enfance m'oblige à tous les égards pour un homme le plus honnête pour les devoirs de la Société, complaisant et fidel à ses amis, discret avec tout le Monde, et qui verse tout son superflu dans le sein de l'indigence. D'ailleur vous connoissés assés son mérite essentiel, qui consiste dans L a solidité de son esprit, dans La justesse de son discernement, dans l'étendue de son erudition. Recevés enfin avec bontée l'hommage de mes sentimens; il ne nuit pas à celui de la respetueuse consideration, avec laquelle j'ai L'honneur d'Etre Monsieur Votre Tres humble, et Tres obéissant serviteur, COSIMO M A R I Oserois-je vous prier de remettre à Mr. Mazzei L a Lettre cy jointe? Je vous en serais tres redevable. RC (ViWC); without indication of addressee. In S J L under 31 Dec. 1785 T J wrote: "Cosimo Mari. Pisa. Dec. 3." This evidently was a mistaken reference to the present letter; see Mari
to T J , 23 Dec. 1785. The enclosed letter to Mazzei has not been found; it was possibly omitted in the present letter and enclosed in that of 23 Dec.
From William Carmichael SIR Madrid 17. Deer. 1785 I received by Mr. Lamb the Letter which your Excellency did me the honor to address me the 4th. Ulto, as also a joint Letter delivered me by the same Gentleman to which I hope to answer in a manner that will prove my earnest endeavours to correspond with the views of the writers in rendering every service in my power to the parties for whose Interests it was addressed me. Permit me to thank your Excellency for the American Intelligence you have been pleased to convey to me as well as for the Obliging expressions by which you mark your favorable opinion of my zeal for the Common Interests of the States. The exertion of that Zeal has too often been impeded by Circumstances which I wish to forget and which I should think of no more, did I not experience every day other mortifications added to the many to which I have been subjected already. Perhaps I may have merited them; I shall think so myself, if I longer expose 103
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myself to the disagreable sensations to which they give rise. Un willing to trouble your Excellency to whom I have not the honor to be known except by the partiality of some or the ill will of Others, with chagrins that would require Pages to detail, I shall confine myself to one which is not only personally distressing to myself but might have been injurious to public credit here, so far as mine as a public Servant is interested, had I not obtained a con sideration that this occasion constrains me to say is more due to my own Conduct than to the means afforded me of procuring that Con sideration. It is painful to me to dwell longer on this Subject. I beg your Excellency to desire Mr. Grand to lay before you a letter which he wrote me the 29th. Ulto, and mine to him of the 12th. Inst. I have been and am the victim of my zeal for the Public serv ice. The Accounts I settled last year at Paris wi)l show How long it had been in arrears to me on former occasions and when I draw in consequence of Instructions from our Late minister at the Court of France for what would be justly due to me before my Bills are presented for payment and desire no advance to be made me, I submit to your Excellencys Consideration whether I have not reason to be hurt by a conduct, to which I have reason to think no other in the Public Line has been exposed but myself. I have now been more than 3 years and a half chargé D'Affaires at this Court, and in that time I have received 8 or nine Official Letters and frequently large packetts of news papers many months after their Date with out a Line of Information. These packetts cost me from 6 to 18 dollars each. I have multiplied my Correspondence as far as I thought its extension might be useful to obtain information. Messrs. Adams, Franklin and Jay were all of opinion that the Public ought to be charged with these disbursements. Illuminations and Gala at the Court is a heavy article here. Of the Latter there are 34 in a year without mentioning those to which extraordinary occasions give rise and the intermarriages this year and the public Entertain ments in consequence of these have greatly augmented them. The Etrennes each year do not cost me less than twenty Pistoles which are not expected as a favor but exacted as Debts. My Presentation cost me more than twenty five Pistoles in this way. Last year I was obliged to repair to Paris by order of Congress. I left my house at Madrid and Servants to take care of it, Servants that I could not dismiss because they were necessary on my return. I was near four months Absent. No Allowance has ever been made me for the Above-mentioned disbursements nor for the very heavy expence to 104
17 DECEMBER
17 8 5
which this Voyage Subjected me. I know however that others have been paid all such Extraordinary Expences. The consequence of that voyage and extraordinary expences this year have cost me £258 8 sh. Sterling which Mr. Barclay will see in the settlement of my accounts. This money, part of a Legacy due to me at the Death of an Aunt in Scotland in 1777, had long been destined to other purposes, but pressing exigencies brought on by the voyage before mentioned and the accumulated expence of this year have forced me to appropriate it to my Immediate maintenance. This renders me unjust to others. Mr. Barclay's Long Expected arrival hath prevented me from forwarding my accounts to Paris. Indeed months ago he advised me that he should have a more convenient oppor tunity of settling them than in that City; But the Amount of My Salary is known, the drafts for that Salary are known and on the examination only, I am persuaded that it will be Obvious that I have not taken any step that I am not authorized to take. Hereafter it will appear whether my public conduct since the year 1776 to the present moment on the Continent of Europe or that of America has ever been Interested. I beg your Excellency to pardon any thing that may appear warm in the Expression of first sensations on this disagreable business. Whatever sum may be necessary in the Affair of those you recommend to me will be advanced to them notwithstanding, after the Assurances you have enabled me to make. I entreat your Excellency to excuse the Liberty which I take in requesting you to make the proper compliments for me to Colonel Humphreys whose poem strengthens me in the enthusiasm which my chagrins might have weakened. These Chagrins prevent me from thanking him as I ought to do for his valuable present. A Translation will probably be made of his work and In My answer to his obliging note I will point out such passages as it may be necessary to Elucidate by Notes. On the point of sending off the few books of your Catalogue which I had been able to procure, I was informed of an Auction of a Library of a Gentleman who had been curious in his collection of similar works. In fact I had in part agreed for the greater part of your desired collection, when a Per son offered to purchase the whole Library. This Circumstance delayed my forwarding the few that I had been able to procure. I bought however, tho' Dear, a Map of a part of the Spanish Settle ments in America, which was undertaken by order of the Court but of which the Sale was immediately prohibited. Mr. Randall appears an amiable and well informed young gentleman. In a few 105 ;
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days I Hope to have the honor to write your Excellency more fully on particular subjects. I feel the necessity of once more Apologizing for the Liberty I have taken in Troubling you with my Little Affairs. It is of little consequence by whom the public is served, provided it is well served and this consideration consoles for the part that I am constrained to take. I have the honor to be With the greatest Respect & Esteem, Your Excellencys Most Obedt. Hble. Sert.,
W M . CARMICHAEL
RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 1 Jan. 1786. A M A P O F A I N A M E R I C A : See T J to W. S. Smith, 9 Aug. 1786.
PART O F T H E SPANISH SETTLEMENTS
From Garreau M O N S I E U R L E BARON
Paris ce 17. Decbre: 1785.
L'Humanité et la Bienfaisance, sont les principes les plus sacrés des Gouvernements républicains, dont la Vertu est le premier législateur. L'importante utilité de la Chirurgie et Celle dont pour l'avancement de cet art, peut être La Collection Anatomique figurée que je possède, me donnent l'assurance de m'adrèsser à vôtre Excellence, pour en offrir l'acquisition, aux Respectables Etats unis d'Amérique. Chirurgien des Domaines du Roy, j'ai l'honneur d'être connu de Monsieur de Franklin et plus particulièrement de M. l'Abbé Rochon son Ami; d'ailleurs le nom seul de M. le Cat caractérise l'importance de cette Collection, faitte par ses soins, sous ses yeux, et en partie de sa main. C'est donc avec confiance que j'ai l'honneur de Solliciter, de Vôtre Excellence, son appuy, pour mettre sous les yeux des respectables Unis d'Amérique, l'offre de ma Collection, et la faveur d'une réponse qui m'annonce vos intentions. «Tai l'honneur d'être avec Respect De Vôtre Excellence Le très humble et très obéissant Serviteur, GARREAU Chirurgien des domaines du Roy RC ( D L C ) ; at foot of text is Garreau's address: "a son pied à terre; RUE neuve St. Roch près l'Eglise, Maison du Sr. Cande." Recorded in S J L as received 19 Dec. 1785. Garreau's undated and unsigned statement describing "une Collection prétieuse composée de Vingt un tableaux peints en huille, et sur Toile,
ayant chacun six pieds de hauteur, sur trois de Large, formant une histoire Anatomique compiette," and in which "Tous Les Visceres, L a Miologie, L a Neurologie, L a Veineologie, et L'arterreologie y sont développées avec une Exactitude aussy Scavante que prétieuse," was probably enclosed in the present letter; it is in D L C .
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From William Robeson Paris, 18 Dec. 1785. After he saw T J , he consulted with Barclay concerning his business in Paris, but since there is little prospect of success, he will return to America. Payments to his creditors in Hol land have left him with almost nothing, and he is forced to apply to T J for a loan to enable him to reach L'Orient. Besides the many important French persons whom he has helped, there were numerous Americans in France, among them "Mr. George Mason son of Coll. Mason Gunston Hall Virginia, a Mr. Brokes and Our unhappy friend Mr. Tandy to some amount," for which "I Claim no Merit, I ask no thanks. I know their Caracters at home And I hope Ere long to se them in the Western Region." John Paul Jones has had proof of these instances and, if T J wishes, it also will be available to him. RC ( D L C ) ; 3 p.; addressed and endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 19 Dec. 1785. See Robeson to T J , 24 Aug. 1785; T J to Robeson, 28 Aug. 1785.
Jefferson's Amplification of Subjects Discussed with Vergennes [ca. 20 Dec. 1785] Explanations on some of the Subjects of the Conversation which I had the Honor of having with his Excellency the Count de Ver gennes when I was last at Versailles. The principal Design of that Conversation was to discuss those Articles of Commerce which the United States could spare, which are wanted in France, and if recieved there on a convenient footing would be exchanged for the Productions of France. But in the Course of the Conversation some Circumstances were incidentally mentioned by the Count de Vergennes which induce me to suppose he had received Impressions neither favorable to us, nor derived from perfect Information. The Case of the Chevr. de Mezieres was supposed to furnish an instance of our Disregard to Treaties; and the Event of that Case was inferred from Opinions supposed to have been given by Mr. Adams and myself. This is ascribing a Weight to our Opinions to which they are not entitled. They will have no Influence on the Decision of the Case. The Judges in our courts would not suffer them to be read. Their Guide is the Law of the Land, of which Law its Treaties make a Part. Indeed I know not what Opinion Mr. Adams may have given on this Case. And if any be imputed to him derogatory of our Regard to the Treaty with France, I think his 1
2
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Opinion has been misunderstood. With Respect to myself, the Doubts which I expressed to the Chevr. de Mezieres as to the Suc cess of his Claims, were not founded on any Question whether the Treaty between France and the United States would be observed. On the contrary I venture to pronounce that it will be religiously observed, if his Case comes under it. But I doubted whether it would come under the Treaty. The Case, as I understand it is this. Geni. Oglethorpe, a British subject, had Lands in Georgia. He died since the Peace, having devised these Lands to his Wife. His heirs are the Chevr. de Mezieres, Son of his eldest Sister, and the Marquis de Bellegarde, Son of his younger Sister. This Case gives Rise to legal Questions, some of which have not yet been decided, either in England or America, the Laws of which Countries are nearly the same. 1. It is a Question under the Laws of those Countries whether Persons born before their Separation and once completely invested in both with the Character of natural Subjects, can ever become Aliens in either? There are respectable Opinions on both Sides. If the negative be right, then Geni. Oglethorpe having never become an Alien, and having devised his Lands to his Wife, who on this Supposition also was not an Alien, the Devise has trans ferred the Land to her, and there is nothing left for the Treaty to operate on. 2. If the affirmative Opinion be right, and the Inhabitants of Great Britain and America born before the Revolution are become Aliens to each other, it follows, by the Laws of both, that the Lands which either possessed, within the Jurisdiction of the other, became the Property of the State in which they are. But a Question arises, whether the Transfer of the Property took Place on the Declaration of Indépendance, or not till an Office, or an Act of Assembly had declared the Transfer. If the Property passed to the State on the Declaration of Indépendance, then it did not remain in Geni. Ogle thorpe, and of Course at the Time of his Death, he having nothing, there was nothing to pass to his Heirs, and so nothing for the Treaty to operate on. 3. If the Property does not pass till declared by an Office found by Jury, or an Act passed by the Assembly, the Question then is whether an Office had been found, or an Act of Assembly been passed for that Purpose before the Peace? If there was, the Lands had passed to the State during his Life, and nothing being left in him there is nothing for his Heirs to claim under the Treaty. 3
4
; ios
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4. If the Property had not been transferred to the State, before the Peace, either by the Declaration of Indépendance, or an Office or an Act of Assembly, then it remained in Geni. Oglethorpe at the Epoch of the Peace; and it will be insisted no Doubt that, by the 6th. Article of the Treaty of Peace between the U.S. and Gr. Britain, which forbids future Confiscations, Geni. Oglethorpe acquired a Capacity of holding and of conveying his Lands. He has conveyed them to his Wife. But, she being an Alien, it will be decided by the Laws of the Land whether she took them for her own Use, or for the Use of the State. For it is a general Principle of our Law that Conveyances to Aliens pass the Lands to the State; and it may be urged that tho' by the Treaty of Peace Geni. Ogle thorpe could convey, yet that Treaty did not mean to give him a greater Privilege of Conveyance than Natives hold, to wit, a Privilege of transferring the Property to Persons incapable by Law of taking it. However this would be a Question between the State of Georgia and the Widow of Geni. Oglethorpe, in the Decision of which the Chevr. de Mezieres is not interested, because whether she takes the Land by the Will for her own Use, or for that of the State, it is equally prevented from descending to him: there is neither a Conveiance to him, nor a Succession ab intestato devolv ing on him, which are the Cases provided for by our Treaty with France. To sum up this Matter in a few Words; if the Lands had passed to the State before the Epoch of the Peace, the Heirs of Geni. Oglethorpe cannot say they have descended on them, and if they remained in the General at that Epoch, the Treaty saving them to him, he could convey them away from his Heirs, and he has conveyed them to his Widow, either for her own Use or that of the State. Seeing no Event, in which, according to the Facts stated to me, the Treaty could be applied to this Case, or could give any Right whatever to Heirs of Geni. Oglethorpe, I advised the Chevr. de Mezieres not to urge his Pretensions on the Footing of Right, or under the Treaty, but to petition the Assembly of Georgia for a Grant of these Lands. If in the Question between the State and the Widow of Geni. Oglethorpe, it should be decided that they were the Property of the State, I counted on their Generosity and the friendly Dispositions in America towards the Subjects of France, that they would be favorable to the Chevr. de Mezieres. There is nothing in the preceding Observations which would not have applied against the Heir of Geni. Oglethorpe had he been a 5
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native Citizen of Georgia, as it now applies against him being a Subject of France. The Treaty has placed the Subjects of France on a footing with Natives as to Conveiances and Descent of Prop erty. There was no Occasion for the Assemblies to pass Laws on this Subject, the Treaty being a Law, as I concieve, superior to those of particular Assemblies, and repealing them where they stand in the Way of its Operation. The Supposition that the Treaty was disregarded on our Part in the Instance of the Acts of Assembly of Massachusets and NewHampshire which made a Distinction between Natives and For eigners as to the Duties to be paid on Commerce, was taken Notice of in the Letter of Nov. 20. which I had the Honour of addressing to the Count de Vergennes. And while I express my Hopes that, on a Revision of these Subjects, nothing will be found in them deroga tory from either the Letter or Spirit of our Treaty, I will add Assurances that the U.S. will not be behind-hand in going beyond both, whenever Occasions shall offer of manifesting their sincere Attachment to this country. I will pass to the Observation that our commercial Regulations are difficult and repugnant to the French Merchants. To detail these Regulations minutely as they exist in every State would be beyond my Information. A general View of them however will suffice, because the States differ little in their several Regulations. On the Arrival of a Ship in America, her Cargo must be reported at the proper Office. The Duties on it are to be paid. These are commonly from 2i to 5. V Cent on its Value. On many Articles, the Value of which is tolerably uniform, the precise Sum is fixed by Law. A Tariff of these is presented to the Importer and he can see what he has to pay as well as the Officer. For other Articles the Duty is such a per Cent on their Value. That Value is either shewn by the Invoice, or by the Oath of the Importer. This Operation being once over, and it is a very short one, the Goods are considered as entered, and may then pass through the whole thirteen States without their Cargo being ever more subject to a Question, unless theyJbe reshipped. Exportation is still more simple: because as we prohibit the Exportation of nothing, and very rarely lay a Duty on any Article of Export, the State is little interested in examining outward bound Vessels. The Captain asks a Clearance for his own Purposes. As to the Operations of internal Commerce, such as Matters of Exchange, of buying, selling, bartering &c. our Laws are the same 6
7
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as the English. If they have been altered in any Instance, it has been to render them more simple. Lastly, as to the Tardiness of the Administration of Justice with us, it would be equally tedious and impracticable for me to give a precise Account of it in every State. But I think it probable that it is much on the same Footing through all the States, and that an Account of it in any one of them may be found a general Presump tion of it in the others. Being best acquainted with its Administra tion in Virginia, I shall confine myself to that. Before the Revo lution, a Judgment could not be obtained under eight Years in the supreme Court, where the Suit was in the Department of the Common-law, which Department embraces about nine Tenths of the Subjects of legal Contestation. In that of the Chancery from twelve to twenty Years were requisite. This did not proceed from any Vice in the Laws, but from the Indolence of the Judges ap pointed by the King: and these Judges holding their Offices during his Will only, he could have reformed the Evil at any Time. This Reformation was among the first Works of the Legislature, after their Indépendance. A Judgment can now be obtained in the su preme Court in one Year, at the Common-law, and in about three Years in the Chancery. But more particularly to protect the Com merce of France, which at that Moment was considerable with us, a Law was past giving all Suits wherein a Foreigner was a Party, a Privilege to be tried immediately on the Return of their Process, without waiting till those of Natives shall have been decided on. Out of this Act however the British stand excluded by a subsequent one. This with its Causes must be explained. The British Army, after ravaging the State of Virginia, had sent off a great Number of Slaves to New-york. By the 7th. Article of the Treaty of Peace they stipulated not to carry away any of these. Notwithstanding this, it was known, when they were evacuating N. York, that they were carrying away the Slaves. Geni. Washington made an official Demand of Sir Guy Carleton that he should cease to send them away. He answered that these People had come to them under Promise of the Kings protection and that that Promise should be fulfilled in Preference to the Stipulation in the Treaty. The State of Virginia to which nearly the whole of these Slaves belonged passed a Law to forbid the Recovery of Debts due to British Sub jects. They declared at the same Time they would repeal that Law if Congress were of Opinion they ought to do it. But desirous their Citizens should be discharging their Debts, they afterwards perIll
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mitted British Creditors to prosecute their Suits, and to recieve their Debts in seven equal and annual Payments; relying that the Demand for the Slaves would either be admitted or denied in Time to lay their Hands on some of the latter Payments for Re-imbursement. The Immensity of this Debt was another Reason for for bidding such a Mass of Property to be offered for Sale under Exe cution at once, as from the small Quantity of circulating Money, it must have sold for little or nothing, whereby the Creditor would have failed to recieve his Money, and the Debtor would have lost his whole Estate without being discharged of his Debt. This is the History of the Delay of Justice in that Country in the Case of British Creditors. As to all others its Administration is as speedy as Justice itself will admit. I presume it is equally so in all the other States, and can add that it is administered in them all with a Purity and Integrity of which few Countries afford an Example. I cannot take Leave altogether of the Subjects of this Conversa tion without recalling the Attention to what had been its principal Drift. This was to endeavour to bring about a direct Exchange between France and the U.S. (without the Intervention of a third Nation) of those Productions with which each could furnish the other. We can furnish to France (because we have heretofore fur nished to England) of Whale-oil and Spermaceti, of Furs and Peltry, of Ships and naval Stores, and of Pot-ash, to the Amount of fifteen millions of Livres, and the Quantities will admit of In crease. Of our Tobacco France consumes the Value of ten Millions more. Twenty-five Millions of Livres then mark the Extent of that Commerce of Exchange which is at present practicable between us. We want in Return Productions and Manufactures, not Money. If the Duties on our Produce are light and the Sale free, we shall undoubtedly bring it here, and lay out the Proceeds on the Spot in the Productions and Manufactures which we want. The Merchants of France will on their Part become active in the same Business. We shall no more think, when we shall have sold our Produce here, of making an useless Voiage to another Country to lay out the Money, than we think at present when we have sold it elsewhere, of coming here to lay out the Money. The Conclusion is that there are Commodities which form a Basis of Exchange to the Extent of a Million of Guineas annually; it is for the Wisdom of those in Power to contrive that the Exchange shall be made. PrC (MHi: A M T ) ; consisting of seven pages, being the first half of the
text; in Short's hand; without date; endorsed by John Adams in part: "Deer.
112 :
20 D E C E M B E R 27. ansd. Jan. 19 1786," referring to TJ's letter to Adams of 27 Dec. 1785, in which this part of PrC was enclosed. Remainder of text is drawn from the retained half of PrC (DLC: T J Papers, 36: 6243-9), also having seven pages. RC (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx, accompanied by a French translation ) ; identical with the text of the two PrC just described; endorsed "31 Xbre. 1785." Dft (ViWC); entirely in TJ's hand; this is actually a PrC with corrections in the text made both before and after the PrC was made; some of these variants are indicated in notes below. The composition draft which was the prototype of this PrC has not been found. T r ( D L C : T J Papers, 17:3011-3024); a PrC in Short's hand, with two minor corrections by T J . This and another T r (DNA: PCC, No. 107, i) are also parts of MS copies of the report to Jay of 2 Jan. 1786. Not recorded in S J L . Although this document formed a part of TJ's report to Jay of his conversations with Vergennes extending from Aug. through early Dec. 1785 (see enclosure in T J to Jay, 2 Jan. 1786), it obviously served a distinct purpose of its own aside from that of transmitting information to Congress— that is, to clarify and amplify for Vergennes what T J had expressed on certain specific subjects brought up in their conference of 9 Dec. 1785. In this respect this document may be regarded as being in effect a letter to Vergennes, comparable to that written by T J on 15 Aug. 1785 on the subject of the tobacco monopoly of the farmersgeneral. "On my Return [from the conference of 9 Dec] . . . ," T J reported to Jay, "I wrote the following Observations on them, which, the next Time I went to Versailles, (not having an Opportunity of speaking to the Count de Vergennes) I put into the Hands of M. Rayneval, praying him to read them and to ask the Favor of the Count to do the same" (enclosure, T J to Jay, 2 Jan. 1786). How soon after his return T J reduced these observations to writing is not known, but the draft was evidently completed before 20 Dec, for on that day he went to Versailles and presumably handed this document to Rayneval (see T J to William Robeson, of 21 Dec 1785; see also T J to the Georgia delegates in Congress, 22 Dec 1785). The C H E V R . D E M E Z I E R E S wrote to Vergennes on 11 Oct. 1785 thanking
1785
him for promising letters of recommendation to persons in America, and adding: "Mon Avocat à Londres vient de me faire dire qu'il est de la plus grande Conséquence pour moy d'avoir le plustôt possible de forte recommendations auprès de Messieurs les Membres du Congres, pour profiter de l'avantage que me donne le traité qu'ils onts faits avec la france. Monsieur Jferson ma assuré que je pouvois hériter dans son pays comme français, de même que si j'etois né en Amérique, et que la Veuve de mon oncle étant Anglaise et pour eux Etrangère n'étoit pas dans le Cas, mais mon avocat Craint qu'elle ne me prenne de Vitesse, en se faisant Naturaliser pour me discuter mes droits." Mezières urged Vergennes to provide him with letters to members of Congress "assez fortes pour qu'ils y ayent égards, et qu'ils reconnoissent mon droit a cette Succession." Vergennes replied by giving him a letter to Otto directing him to make "auprès du Congrès les demarches que vous croirez les plus propres à procurer à M. le Cher, de Mezieres la justice qu'il se croit fondé à reclamer en vertu des Traités qui subsistent entre le Roi et les Etats unis. Je recommande cette affaire à vos soins" (Mezières to Vergennes, 11 Oct.; Vergennes to Otto, 20 Oct., and to Mezières, 21 Oct. 1785; Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxx; Tr in D L C ) . TJ's opinion was evidently given to Mezières in person early in Oct.; Adams' opinion was set forth in a conversation between him and Francis Plowden, Mezières' legal counsellor in London, as recorded in a letter from Plowden to Mezières of 31 Oct. 1785 which somehow came into TJ's possession and which he copied, evidently before giving his present written opinion on the subject. This letter (DLC: T J Papers, 15: 2698-9) from Plowden reads in part as follows: "In consequence of your desire, I have procured the certificates which you tell me are requisite for your prosecuting the claim of your late uncle's property in Georgia. I have had much conversation with Mr. Adams, the American Ambassador to our court, upon the subject. I omitted to ask him no question which could possibly tend to answer your wishes, and as much of the answers and information which he gave me as is essential to the question, I shall have the honor of communicating to you. "He tells me that the king of France
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20 D E C E M B E R published an edict by which he gave the rights of Natural born subjects to all Americans in France, upon condition that the American states would pass acts for opening the like rights to the French in America: but that no American state having passed such an Act, the effect of this conditional edict of the French king is not yet completed. "That he beleives, (but does not know) that the late General Oglethorpe's property was not forfeited to the state: and he apprehends that although it were not forfeited, yet he could not have power to dispose of it to a person, who by the laws of Georgia was incapable of taking it. "That the laws of descent, devises, representation &c. are the same in Georgia as in England. "That the Marquis of Belgarde had been with him and told him that he had procured a conveyance of all the late General's property from Mrs. Ogelthorpe to him (but for what consideration he could not say). "That he will be very happy to do any thing in his power to serve you in this business. "I could not learn from him that any collection of the acts, statutes or resolutions of the state of Georgia (nor indeed of any other state) could be procured. "Under so much darkness and uncertainty as to the leading principles and grounds upon which this question turns, it is not possible for me to give you any other than hypothetical advice, which, tho' the less satisfactory, is not less sincere from one who wishes earnestly to render you every possible service, on this as well as every other occasion. "If the French are on the same footing as all other nations as to the right of taking lands by descent or purchase within the state of Georgia, and the same law there subsists as in England, all the sisters of the late General will take in Common as one heir; and their respective real representatives will take in Common in right of their respective mothers, if capable of taking at all: but if they are incapable of taking lands by descent, as they would be in England by reason of their alienage, the law takes no notice of them in casting a descent, and therefore the General will be as much dead without heirs, as if his sisters had been dead without issue: unless any person (who is an American subject) can prove himself his heir by representation. In
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either then of these cases, that the General had no heir at law, or that his wife, who is his devisee, is an alien, the state of Georgia is at present intitled to his lands. In the first place, if the will be void, because the devise is to an Alien, the lands will escheat to the state for want of an heir. In the second place, if the devisee be an alien, she can take by purchase under the will, tho' not for herself, but for the benefit of the state, and immediately upon an office found that she is an alien, the inheritance will be vested in the state. As to any conveyance made by Mrs. Ogelthorpe to the Marquis de Belgarde or any other person, it can avail nothing; for if she cannot hold for her own benefit, she cannot alien the land for the benefit of others: for tho the legal estate of freehold be in her by virtue of the devise, yet it is only so in trust for the state, till office be found; and should she die before office found, the freehold will then ipso facto vest in the state, which emphatically proves that the estate vested in her by the devise is not transferable by her to others. "Under a point of law so clear (if the laws of Georgia and England are the same in this respect) the only advice I have to submit to you is that you get yourself immediately naturalized in Georgia, and petition the state to grant to you the lands of the late General Ogelthorpe, your uncle, which appear to me at present to be vested in them, either by escheat for want of an heir, or which upon an office found will vest in them because the devisee of the late General is an alien, and consequently incapable of holding them." In his letter to T J of 19 Jan. 1786 Adams mentions a conversation with Granville Sharp on the Mezières case, but none with Plowden. He evidently did not consider Plowden's conversations with him as a formal consultation, nor the views attributed to him by Plowden as constituting an opinion, for he assured T J : "In this Case I have never given any opinion at all. Indeed I have never been consulted." T H E M A R Q U I S D E B E L L E G A R D E was the grandson, not T H E SON
OF
HIS
YOUNGER
SISTER.
The
Marquis de Bellegarde received the greater part of the Oglethorpe estates after the death of Mrs. Oglethorpe in 1787 (DNB). i Preceding four words interlined in Dft in substitution for "conformable with fact."
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20 DECEMBER This sentence interlined in Dft in substitution for the following: "In the first place that case will not be de cided on our opinions." 3 This and the preceding sentence are interlined in Dft in substitution for the following deleted passage: "In the next place, I cannot say what opinion Mr. Adams has given. My confidence in his knowledge of the subject how ever gives me confidence as to his opin ion." 2
17 8 5
* Preceding two words are interlined in Dft in substitution for "I have heard," deleted. s Preceding three words are inter lined in Dft in substitution for "it could," deleted. 6 PrC in MHi ends at this point; text from this point on is derived from PrC in DLC. 7 Preceding four words are not in Dft.
From Abigail Adams DEAR SIR Grosvenor Square Decemr. 20th. 1785 Your favours by Colin. Smith and by the Baron Polintz came safe to hand. As you have justly estimated the Worth and merit of the former, you will easily suppose we were very glad to see him, and equally so to wellcome Colin. Humphryes upon English Ground. I hope his reception here will be as agreeable to him as he expected. He will inform you I dare say that he has seen both the Lions, and His Majesty. You will find by the publick Papers what favourites we are at Court. The Prince of Wales supping with us, Mr. Adams holding frequent conferences with his Majesty, and yesterday going to Windsor for the same purpose. It is said by some that these are Ministerial manoeuvres to keep up the stocks. A Paragraph of this kind has certainly been attended with that effect. Others say it is to seek out the minds of the People with respect to a Treaty with America, of which if I dared to give my opinion, I should say that some simptoms have lately appeard tending to that point. But this is said in confidence Sir, as I must not betray secrets. The affair of Capt. Stanhope has been officially taken up and his Conduct much disapproved of by the Lords of the Admirality, as Congress are informed by an official reply to them. Mr. A. has also received an answer to his Demand of the Citizens of the United States sent to the East Indies, "that orders were immediately issued for their discharge." It is not probable that any thing very material will take place till the meeting of Parliament. The Pacquet arrived last week from New York, in which came Passenger Monsieur Houdon. He returns to Paris the latter End of this week. There were no official Dispatches, and only a private Letter or two to the second of November. But as Mr. A. writes you 115
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I will leave Politicks with which I really have no business, and talk of that which more properly belongs to me. The Commission you honourd me with will be compleat to send by the return of Colin. Humphryes. I received my Plateau safe about ten days since. It is a very good one and I am much obliged by your kind attention to it. The Deities however shewed that they were subject to Humane frailty and got a few Limbs dislocated in their Tour. If Mr. Barclay will be so good as to settle with Mr. Bonfeild Mr. Adams will be obliged to him. Coll. Smith delivered me the Louis's you sent by him, and when Colin. Humphryes returns I will for ward you the account of my stewardship. Compliments to Mr. Short. We are sorry to hear of his indispo sition. I once found great benefit in the Dissorder which he com plains of by taking an oz. of Castile soap and a pint of Bristol Beer dividing it into three portions; and takeing it three Mornings, fasting. I wish you could make it convenient to let Miss Jefferson come and pass a few Months with us here. I do not yet dispair of seeing you in England and in that Case you will certainly bring her with you. I am Sir your most obedient servt., A ADAMS R C ( D L C ) ; in the hand of Miss Abi gail Adams, signed by her mother; ad dressed. Recorded in S J L as received 26 Dec. 1785. F C ( M H i : A M ) . On 20 Nov. John Adams left with Carmarthen the papers and the resolu tion of Congress pertaining to T H E A F FAIR O F CAPT. STANHOPE, thinking that Carmarthen would "lay them be fore the K i n g in a conference after the drawing room." A few days later Car marthen told Adams that he thought "some of the letters extremely improper in a captain of a man-of-war to a Gov ernor," but that he could find nothing
exceptionable in Bowdoin's letters. On 12 Dec. Adams transmitted to Jay Car marthen's letter of 9 Dec. which cov ered one from the Lords of the A d miralty disapproving of Stanhope's con duct (Adams to Jay, 21 Oct., 27 Oct.,
12 Dec. 1785; Dipl. Corr., 1783-1789,
n , p. 483, 501, 5 4 5 ) . See T J ' s account of the affair of Stanhope, printed above under 1 Nov. 1785. Short's I N D I S P O S I T I O N , for which M Ä . Adams recom mended such an interesting remedy, was jaundice; T J to Eppes, 11 Dec. 1785.
From John Adams D E A R SIR Grosvenor Square Deer. 20. 1785 Mr. Barretts Arrival at Paris, is a lucky Event, and his appoint ment by the Merchants in Boston a judicious step; but I am not so clear in the Choice he makes of L'Orient to reside in. Paris, or even Havre, seems to me a better situation, Paris in preference to 116
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all others. If Boylstone would Act in concert with him, his Capital would be equal to every Thing which relates to the Business: But he is a Singular Character, irritable, fiery, avaricious, parcimonious, to a degree, that made me always doubtfull whether he would succeed: besides his age and Ignorance of the Language. It is to be regretted that his Cargo cannot be put into the Hands of Sangrain because it is a great Object, to bring that Gentleman into an Acquaintance with the Qualities of the white Sperma Cœti Oil, and into a Course of Experiments of its Use. The first Point to be gained, is to shew that this Oil, considering all its Properties, may be used in the Reverberes cheaper than the Olive Oil, Neatsfoot Oil, or Linseed Oil, or whatever other Substance goes to the Composition of that with which they now enlighten their Cities. We must engage œconomy, as an Advocate in our Cause, or we shall finally loose it. The Marquis tells me, the Duty is reduced to 7. Liv. lO.s. the Barrique of 520 Weight. You state it at 11 * lO.s. I should be glad to be exact in this Information, and to know which is right. But, ll: 10s the Barrique, even as you state it, is so much less than 18.£ 3.s Sterling the Ton, the Allien Duty paid here that one would think it must turn all the Trade to France, as I hope it will, and as it certainly will if the French Government encourage the Attempt. If an American Merchant can fix himself at Paris and remain a Man of Business, and not become infected with a Rage for Amusements, he might by corresponding with all the great Cities of the Kingdom soon do a great deal, towards introducing an extensive Trade between the United States and the French. I am extreamly sorry for the Accident, which has retarded Mr. Barclay, but I think with you that We must submit to it, for a reasonable Time. But I hope Mr. Barclay will not suffer himself to be delayed one moment unnecessarily. If any Pretences or Excuses for postponing are contrived, I hope he will break away from them all. It is a horrid Thing, that Business so essential should have been neglected so long. The Chevr. De Pinto is sick, which will unluckily retard our affair with him. But I will quicken it as soon and as much as I can. With great Esteem I am, dear Sir your most obedient Servant, tt
J O H N ADAMS RC ( D L C ) . F C (MHi: AMT); in Smith's hand. Recorded in S J L as received 26 Dec. 1785.
117
To William Robeson SIR
Paris Dec. 21. 1785.
Your letter was delivered to me in the moment when I was going out under an appointment the day before yesterday, and I did not return home till late at night, and yesterday morning early I was obliged to go to Versailles. This has occasioned the delay of my answer. The multiplicity of expences with which I am un avoidably surrounded, and the multiplicity of applications under circumstances similar to yours oblige me to make my own ability, and not your wants, the measure of the aid with which I can fur nish you. I therefore send you by the bearer five guineas. As you may be unacquainted with the conveiances from hence to l'Orient, I would observe to you that a Fourgon sets out for Rennes to-day at noon, the price of a place in which is 6. sous the league. A Carrosse sets out for the same place on Sunday at 5. o'clock in the morning, the price 10. sous the league. Both go from a Bureau in the rue Notre-dame des Victoires. I am Sir Your most obedient humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC (ViWC). On this date T J entered in his Ac count Book: "lent Wm. Robeson 120P and Robeson evidently returned by TJ's servant the following receipt ( ViWC ) : "Received this 21 day of Decern 1785
from His Excellency Mr. Jefferson the sum of five Louis by the Hand of his domestick which I promise to Return again. Wm. Robeson." There was ap parently no further acknowledgment in writing of TJ's loan.
From William Stephens Smith SIR Leicester Square Deer. 21st. 1785. Your goodness will doubtless attribute my silence to a necessary attention to the duties of office, which since my arrival, have been neither few nor small. I was at a loss when I took my leave for Expressions to convey to you a proper Idea of the impression which your politeness and Hospitality had made on my mind, and now I can only thank and assure you, that while gratitude is considered a Virtue it cannot be errased. There is at present a remarkable Stagnation in the Political Pool. Mr. Edens passage from the one side to the other, has lately disturbed the waters a little, as you will see by the papers which accompany this. If no evident advantage should soon appear from his negotiation with the Court of Versailles the people will suppose it to be a Stroke of the Ministers to detach 118
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him from the Minority. Should this opinion be adopted, it will be made use of to his disadvantage. But this is to be proved. Both parties are remarkably silent and seem collecting themselves for the approaching meeting of Parliament, when they will shew their Colours and enable us to judge pretty decidedly, on what Staff the Stripes are to rise. The ratification of the treaty between France and Holland and the wise memorial which the british Minister pre sented on that subject has roused the Nation a little and I have some reason to suppose will induce the ministry to attend seriously to arrangements with us. The merchants begin to speak plain on the Subject and to give Strong Symptoms of returning reason. I hope soon to be able to venture more explicitly on the subject. Immediately on my arrival I attended to the business of procuring your mares. I have as yet had no report on the Subject, but in every instance you may rely on my disposition to serve and oblige you. I am with the most perfect respect, your Excellency's Most obliged Humble Servant, W . S. S M I T H RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 26 Dec. 1785.
To Vergennes SIR Paris December 21. 1785. I receive this moment a letter of which I have the honor to inclose your Excellency a copy. It is on the case of Asquith and others, citizens of the United States, on whose behalf I had taken the liberty of asking your interference. I understand by this letter that they have been condemned to lose their vessel and cargo, and to pay six thousand livres and the costs of the prosecution before the 25th. instant or to go to the gallies. This paiment being palpably impossible to men in their situation, and the execution of the judgment pressing, I am obliged to trouble your Excellency again by praying that if the government can admit any mitigation of their sentence, it may be extended to them in time to save their persons from it's effect. I have the honor to be with sentiments of the highest respect Your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON RC (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E . U., xxx); at head of text in Vergennes' hand: "M. de R[ayneval]"; with a French translation bearing at head of text the note: "Envoyé copie de cette Lettre [et de] celle y jointe a M. de
Calonne le 27 Xbre. 1785." PrC (DLC); lacks part of complimentary close and signature which in RC were carried over to second page. Enclosure: Jean Diot & Cie. to T J , 14 Dec. 1785.
119
From Richard Cary [Warwick co., Va., 22 Dec. 1785. Recorded in SJL as received 4 Aug. 1786. Not found; but see TJ's reply, 12 Aug. 1786.]
To the Governor of Georgia SIR Paris Dec. 22. 1785. The death of the late General Oglethorpe, who had considerable possessions in Georgia, has given rise, as we understand to ques tions whether those possessions have become the property of the state, or have been transferred by his will to the widow, or de scended on the nearest heir capable in law of taking them. In the latter case, the Chevalier de Mezieres, a subject of France, stands foremost, as being made capable of the inheritance by the treaty between that country and the United states. Under the regal gov ernment with us it was the practice, when lands passed to the crown by escheat or forfeiture, to grant them to such relation of the party as stood on the fairest ground. This was even a chartered right in some of the states. The practice has been continued among them, as deeming that the late revolution should in no instance abridge the rights of the people. Should this have been the prac tice in the state of Georgia, or should they in any instance think proper to admit it, I am persuaded none will arise in which it would be more expedient to do it than in the present, and that no person's expectations should be fairer than those of the Chevalier de Me zieres. He is the nephew of General Oglethorpe, he is of singular personal merit, an officer of rank, of high connections and patron ized by the ministers. His case has drawn their attention, and seems to be considered as protected by the treaty of alliance and as presenting a trial of our regard to that. Should these lands be considered as having passed to the state, I take the liberty of recommending him to the legislature of Georgia, as worthy of their generosity, and as presenting an opportunity of proving the favour able dispositions which exist throughout America towards the subjects of this country, and an opportunity too which will prob ably be known and noted here. In the several views therefore of personal merit, justice, generosity and policy, I presume to recom mend the Chevalier de Mezieres and his interests to the notice and patronage of your Excellency whom the choice of your country has sufficiently marked as possessing the dispositions, while it has at 120
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the same time given you the power, to befriend just claims. The Chevalier de Mezieres will pass over to Georgia in the ensuing spring; but, should he find an opportunity, he will probably forward this letter sooner. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the most profound respect Your Excellency's most obedient & most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON RC (PHi); docketed: "No. 2. Letter His Excellency Thomas Jefferson Paris 22 December 1785 Read in Council 9th. Feby. 1787 Foreign Copd." PrC ( D L C ) . Entry in S J P L reads: "Govr. of Georgia. Oglethorpe's succession. Mezieres." See T J to Jay, 2 Jan. 1786; George Mathews to T J , 23 Mch. 1787.
To Garreau SIR Paris Dec. 22. 1785. I have received the letter of the 17th. inst. with which you were pleased to honour me, proposing to sell to the United states of America a set of Anatomical paintings. But as objects of this nature are not comprehended among those allotted to me, I am unauthor ized to treat on the subject. I may even add that they are foreign to the office of Congress, whose powers as defined by the Articles of our Confederation, do not extend to the public education. This remains with the separate legislature of each state. It would there fore be fruitless for me to convey the proposition to Congress. Per haps, were you to address it to the Consuls of France residing within the several states, some one of those states might be found disposed to make the purchase. I have the honour to be Sir Your most obedient & most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) ; at foot of text: "Monsr. Garreau. Chirurgien."
To the Georgia Delegates in Congress GENTLEMEN
Paris Dec. 22. 1785.
By my dispatch to Mr. Jay which accompanies this, you will perceive that the claims of the Chevalier de Mezieres, nephew to the late General Oglethorpe, to his possessions within your state have attracted the attention of the ministry here; and that consider ing them as protected by their treaty with us, they have viewed as derogatory of that the doubts which have been expressed on the subject. I have thought it best to present to them those claims in the least favourable point of view, to lessen as much as possible 121
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the ill effects of a disappointment: but I think it my duty to ask your notice and patronage of this case, as one whose decision will have an effect on the general interests of the Union. The Chevalier de Mezieres is nephew to General Oglethorpe, he is a person of great estimation, powerfully related and protected. His interests are espoused by those whom it is our interest to gratify. I will take the liberty therefore of sollicking your recommendations of him to the generosity of your legislature, and to the patronage and good offices of your friends, whose efforts, tho in a private case, will do a public good. The pecuniary advantages of confiscation in this instance cannot compensate it's ill effects. It is difficult to make foreigners understand those legal distinctions between the effects of forfeiture, of escheat, and of conveiance on which the professors of the law might build their opinions in this case. They can see only the outlines of the case, to wit, the death of a possessor of lands lying within the U.S. leaving an heir in France, and the state claiming those lands in opposition to the heir. An individual think ing himself injured makes more noise than a state. Perhaps too in every case, which either party to a treaty thinks to be within it's provisions, it is better not to weigh the syllables and letters of the treaty, but to shew that gratitude and affection render that appeal unnecessary. I take the freedom therefore of submitting to your wisdom the motives which present themselves in favor of a grant to the Chevalier de Mezieres, and the expediency of urging them on your state as far as you may think proper, and have the honour to be with sentiments of the highest respect, Gentlemen, Your most obedient and most humble servant, T H : J E F F E R S O N PrC ( D L C ) . Entry in S J P L follows the entry for the letter to the Governor of Georgia and reads: "Delegates of Georgia in Congr. Same case." William Houstoun was the only Georgia delegate in attendance at this time, or in-
deed until William Few appeared on 8 May 1786; Burnett, Letters of Members, vm, lxxxv-vi. The D I S P A T C H T O M R . J A Y W H I C H ACCOMPANIES T H I S was TJ's letter of 2 Jan. 1786, q.v.
From Barré VOrient, 23 Dec. 1785. Sends his good wishes for the coming year; he will make every effort to be worthy of TJ's consideration. Acknowl edges TJ's letter of 2 Oct. 1785, of which he informed Thevenard. The latter replied on the subject of Washington's portrait but has heard nothing since from T J : "Je lui avois traduis votre Lettre mot à mot pour Lui faciliter La corespondance." Desires to hear soon. RC ( D L C ) ; 2 p.; in French. Recorded in S J L as received 2 Jan. 1786. Thévenard's reply to TJ's letter has not been found and is not recorded in S J L .
122
From Cosimo Mari Pisa, 23 Dec. 1785. Mazzei having written Mari recently that he was ready to leave for Holland, Mari encloses a letter containing one of credit to be forwarded to him. Hopes T J received the letter Mari sent by the last mail as a result of Mazzei's commission to him. Offers his services to T J . RC (ViWC); 1 p.; in French. Recorded in S J L as received 10 Jan. 1786. En closure not found; see Mari to T J , 16 Dec. 1785.
To John Jay SIR Paris December 24. 1785. Since my last to you, which were dated the 6th. and 11th. of October, I have been honoured with yours of the 1st. 14th. and 15th. of September. Since the departure of the Mr. Fitzhughs, who carried my last, no confidential opportunity of writing has offered. The present I send by the way of London, and being to pass thro' the post offices of both countries, shall mention in it nothing but what both are welcome to see. I now transmit you Mr. Limozin's answer relative to Fortin's case. You will see by this that Fortin never had commenced a suit here at all, and of course was premature in his complaints of the delay of justice. I inclose also a copy of a receipt of Commodore Jones for monies paid him on account of the prizes taken by him. It will enable the Commissioners to enter due debits. The Maréchal de Castries having been pleased to direct copies of the receipts to be furnished to me in proportion as paiments are made, I shall take care to forward them. The prospectus of the mercantile establishment at Trieste for a commerce with the United states, which I have the honour of now inclosing, was communicated to me by the Imperial ambassador here by order of his sovereign who asks the patronage of Congress for this company. I assured his ambassador that they might rely on every just protection from Congress, should any circumstances ever call for their interference. I take the liberty of sending you copies of two letters I wrote to Messrs. Van Staphorsts in answer to some enquiries they made of me relative to some paper securities of the United states proposed to them by Mr. Daniel Parker. Being informed that they after123
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wards received these securities as for the United states, perhaps these letters may throw light on that measure. At any rate they will shew that I considered it as out of my province, and meddled not in it further than by informing them of matters of fact. An American gentleman, who will leave this place for New York about the 1st. of February, will enable me to write to you on subjects not proper for the present conveiance. In the mean time it may be expedient to mention that the duties here on American whale oil are reduced to 11 livres 5 sous the barrel of 500 lb. French, or about 2 livres on the English hundred. They were before 36 livres 15 sous the barrel of 500 lb. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the highest respect and esteem Sir Your most obedient and most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON R C ( D N A : P C C , No. 87, i ) . P r C ( D L C ) ; lacks part of complimentary close and signature, which in R C were carried over to third page. T r ( D N A : P C C , No. 107, i ) . Recorded in S J L as sent "via London. Under Mr. Grand's cover." Entry in S J P L reads: "Jay John. Fortin. J . P. Jones. Trieste co. V . Staph, and Parker. Oils." Enclosures: ( 1 ) Limozin to T J , 4 and 11 Oct. 1785. ( 2 ) Castries to T J , 28 Oct., and its enclosures (see note there). ( 3 ) A prospectus of a mercantile establishment at Trieste for commerce with the U . S . , 27 July 1785, signed by De Stroklendorf, Bellett, C . D . Maffe, and G . Simpson
(Tr
in
DNA:
PCC,
No.
87,
I—in
Italian; in Short's hand, at foot of text: "Annexe à la Dépêche de S. A . M . le Prince de Kaunitz Rietberg daté. V i -
enne le 1 8bre. 1785"; P r C in D L C endorsed by T J : "Imperial Ambassador"; T r in D N A : P C C , No. 107, i ) . ( 4 ) T J to N . & J . van Staphorst, 12 and 25 Oct. 1785. T J erred in thinking there was a letter from Jay O F T H E 1ST. . . . O F S E P T E M B E R . I n entering Jay's letters of 14 and 15 Sep. 1785 in S J L , he confused Jay's letter of 1 Sep. to the president of Congress, a copy of which was enclosed in Jay to T J of either the 14th or 15th. He realized the mistake and deleted the entry for 1 Sep., but not completely enough, evidently, to prevent the similar mistake in the present letter. Jay reported on this letter and its enclosures on 28 Mch. 1786 ( D N A : P C C , No. 8 0 ) .
From Borgnis Desbordes, Frères Brest Le 26. Xbre. 1785. Nous avons L'honneur de vous informer que Les malheureux prisonniers ont perdu Leur procès et ont été condamnés par défaut, Leur procureur n'ayant eu aucuns moyens de deffenses á produire. La Loi d'ailleurs est Contr'eux. Notre avocat que nous avons consulté, persuadé que vous obtiendrés L'addoucissement de Leur Sort, Nous a conseillé d'apeler cette affaire; nous avons en conséquence après Signiffication de L a Sentence pour obvier à La translation de Leur personne des prisons de St. Pôl dans celles de Brest fait dresser un acte d'appel que Nous avons envoyé de Suite à Messrs. Jn. Diot & Compe. de Morlaix pour faire Signer à ces
SON E X C E L L E N C E
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malheureux et Le faire Signiffier aussitôt. Vous en avés Cy joint L a copie ainsi que celle de La Sentence; ces malheureux Se reposent Sur Vos Bontés et Sur votre Sollicitation en Leur faveur. Nous avons L'honneur d'être avec un profond respect Vos très humbles et obéissants Serviteurs, BORGNIS DESBORDES frères RC ( D L C ) . Recorded in S J L as received 2 Jan. 1786. Enclosures not found.
From La Rouerie SIR La Rouerie this 26th. xbre. 1785 Having affected the interest of the sums due to me by Congress, to pay an Equal sum in paris, I wrote few days ago to Mr. Grant on that subject; as he payed the last year's interest and those contracts of Congress being drawn on him, I had no doubt but he would pay this year. But he answered me that he had received no order from the board of the treasury of north america. I request your Exellency in the name of the officers interested in that matter, to give to Mr. Grant your orders, accordingly to the engagements of Congress; were that honorable Body not to keap their engagements with us, we would for certain fall in ours, the effect of which would be as disagreable to america as to ourselves. The interest of those contracts is to be payed the first of next month and so on every 1st. day of each year. As for my part I have taken such positive engagement for 1 January next, that should Mr. Grant fail to pay us it would be extremely hurtfull to me. I have the honor to be with respect and attachement of your Exellency the Mst. hble. odt. st., A R M A N D M Q U I S . D E LA R O U E R I E
Au chateau de la Rouerie, par fougères en Bretagne. RC (ViWC); endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 9 Jan. 1786. The Marquis de la Rouerie was generally referred to during his service in America as Col. Armand; see Vol. 4: 392.
From Antoine-Félix Wuibert Cape Français. Santo Domingo, 26 Dec. 1785. This letter is a duplicate of Wuibert's earlier letters to T J of 5 and 12 Dec. 1785; see the summary printed above under 5 Dec. RC ( D L C ) ; 6 p.; in French. TJ's record in S J L under 31 Apr. 1786 of receipt of a letter from Wuibert dated "16" Dec. 1785 is probably an error for the present letter. Enclosures i See the note to Wuibert to T J , 5 Dec, above.
125
To Abigail Adams DEAR MADAM
Paris Dec. 2 7 . 1785.
I am this day honoured with your favor of the 20th. and an opportunity offering to acknolege it immediately, I do not fail to embrace it. I thank you for the intelligence it contains. You refered me to Mr. Adams for news; but he gives me none; so that I hope you will be so good as to keep that office in your own hands. I get little from any other quarter since the derangement of the French packets. I condole with you sincerely on the dismemberment of the gods and goddesses, and take some blame to myself for not having de tained them for Colo. Smith who would have carried them safely. Can I be instrumental in repairing the loss? I will promise not to trust to a workman another time. Mr. Short is on the recovery. I will take care to communicate to him your prescription, as soon as he returns from St. Germain's. All your friends here are well. The Abbés always desire me to remind you of them. What shall I do for news to tell you? I scratch my head in vain. Oh! true. The new opera of Penelope by Marmontel and Piccini succeeds. Mademoiselle Renaud, of 16. years of age sings as no body ever sung before. She is far beyond Madme. Mara in her own line of difficult execution. Her sister of 12 years of age will sing as well as she does. Having now emptied my budget I have the honour of presenting my respects to Miss Adams and of assuring you of the sincere esteem with which I have the honour to be Dear Madam Your most obedient & most humble servt., TH:
JEFFERSON
RC (MHi: AMT). PrC ( D L C ) ; first page only. Recorded in S J L as sent "by Mr. Dalrymple."
To John Adams D E A R SIR
Paris Dec. 2 7 . 1785.
Your favors of the 13th. and 20th. were put into my hands today. This will be delivered you by Mr. Dalrymple, secretary to the legation of Mr. Craufurd. I do not know whether you were acquainted with him here. He is a young man of learning and candor, and exhibits a phaenomenon I never before met with, that is, a republican born on the North side of the Tweed. 126
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You have been consulted in the case of the Chevalr. de Mezieres nephew to Geni. Oglethorpe, and are understood to have given an opinion derogatory of our treaty with France. I was also consulted, and understood in the same way. I was of opinion the Chevalier had no right to the estate, and as he had determined the treaty gave him a right, I suppose he made the inference for me that the treaty was of no weight. The Count de Vergennes mentioned it to me in such a manner that I found it was necessary to explain the case to him, and shew him that the treaty had nothing to do with it. I inclose you a copy of the explanation I delivered him. Mr. Boylston sold his cargo to an Agent of Monsieur Sangrain. He got for it 55. livres the hundred weight. I do not think that his being joined to a company here would contribute to it's success. His capital is not wanting. Le Coûteux has agreed that the Merchants of Boston sending whale oil here, may draw on him for a certain proportion of money, only giving such a time in their draughts as will admit the actual arrival of the oil into a port of France for his security. Upon these draughts Mr. Barrett is satisfied they will be able to raise money to make their purchases in America.—The duty is 7 -10 on the barrel of 520 lb. French, and 10. sous on every livre, which raises it to l l - 5 , the sum I mentioned to you. France uses between 5. and 6. millions of pounds weight French, which is between 3. and 4000 tons English. Their own fisheries do not furnish one million and there is no probability of their improving. Sangrain purchases himself upwards of a million. He tells me our oil is better than the Dutch or English, because we make it fresh, whereas they cut up the whale and bring it home to be made, so that it is by that time entered into fermentation. Mr. Barrett says that 50. livres the hundred weight will pay the prime cost and duties and leave a profit of 16. per cent to the merchant. I hope that England will within a year or two be obliged to come here to buy whale oil for her lamps. I like as little as you do to have the gift of appointments. I hope Congress will not transfer the appointment of their Consuls to their ministers. But if they do, Portugal is more naturally under the superintendance of the minister at Madrid, and still more naturally under the minister at Lisbon, where it is clear they ought to have one. If all my hopes fail, the letters of Govr. Bowdoin and Cushing, in favor of young Mr. Warren, and your more detailed testimony in his favor, are not likely to be opposed by evidence of equal weight in favor of any other. tt
tt
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I think with you too that it is for the public interest to encourage sacrifices and services by rewarding them, and that they should weigh to a certain point in the decision between candidates. I am sorry for the illness of the Chevalr. Pinto. I think that treaty important: and the moment to urge it is that of a treaty between France and England. Lamb, who left this place the 6th. of Nov. was at Madrid the 10th. of this month. Since his departure Mr. Barclay has discov ered that no copies of the full powers were furnished to himself, nor of course to Lamb. Colo. Franks has prepared copies which I will endeavor to get to send by this conveiance for your attesta tion: which you will be so good as to send back by the first safe conveiance and I will forward them. Mr. Barclay and Franks being at this moment at St. Germain's, I am not sure of getting the papers in time to go by Mr. Dalrymple. In that case I will send them by Mr. Bingham. Be so good as to present me affectionately to Mrs. and Miss Adams, to Colos. Smith and Humphries and accept assurances of the esteem with which I am Dear Sir Your friend & servt., T H : JEFFERSON
E S . Be pleased to forward the inclosed, sealing that to Congress after you have read it. RC (MHi: AMT); endorsed in part on verso of second page of first enclo sure: "Deer. 27. ansd. Jan. 14 [i.e., 19] 1786." PrC ( D L C ) ; third page miss ing. Enclosures: (1) TJ's report of his conversation with Vergennes of 9 Dec. 1785; see T J to Jay, 2 Jan. 1786. (2) T J probably enclosed the F U L L P O W E R S which he said F R A N K S H A S P R E P A R E D ; on 27 Dec. Franks wrote William Short: "I send by the bearer the four Copies of the full Powers which His Excellcy desired me to make out" ( D L C ) . (3) Probably T J to Jay, 24 Dec. 1785, and perhaps also the letters of 22 Dec. to the governor of Georgia and to the Georgia delegates in Congress. LAMB
. . . WAS A T MADRID T H E
lOTH.
received any letter from Lamb. These facts, together with Lamb's authoriza tion to his unknown correspondent to draw upon him for "Twelve Guineas . . . at thurty days Sight" and his re mark that "I feel for you alltho' Stegmatized," are sufficient to prove that the letter was not addressed to T J . It is of interest that Lamb commented: "Mr. Wiiliamous' Death and Will is not Surprising to me." Somehow the letter came into TJ's possession; it is not impossible that Franks was the re cipient. He was certainly in need, he must have known about Williamos' will, and he undoubtedly knew Lamb. On Boylston s sale of his cargo T O A N :
AGENT
OF
MONSIEUR
SANGRAIN
see
In D L C : T J Papers, Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89, p. 209. 16: 2842 there is a letter from Lamb In referring to T H E L E T T E R S O F G O V R . dated at Madrid 12 Dec. 1785 and B O W D O I N A N D C U S H I N G , T J evidently erroneously catalogued as addressed to meant those by Warren and Bowdoin T J . It was to some unidentified person of 9 and 10 Oct.; Cushing had written whose letter of 17 Nov. Lamb had re him on 25 Oct. 1785 recommending ceived on 3 Dec. and to whom Lamb Barrett, A P H A E N O M E N O N I N E V E R B E had written one letter from Bordeaux F O R E M E T W I T H , T H A T I S , A R E P U B L I and another from Bayonne. On 2 Jan. C A N B O R N O N T H E N O R T H S I D E O F T H E 1786 T J wrote Jay that he had not T W E E D : This is a puzzling statement. OF
THIS
MONTH:
128
29 D E C E M B E R Among those born on the north side of the Tweed with whom T J had been more or less intimately associated in various important activities having to do with republicanism were William Flem-
1785
ing, John Paul Jones, James Wilson, and John Witherspoon. T J may have thought of them as Americans, and to have made the present allusion to apply only to inhabitants of Scotland.
From Anne Cleland Kinloch SIR Decemr. 27th. 1785. It may perhaps be necessary to preface this address to you, by recalling to your recolection my Son, Mr. Kinloch, in whose com pany, I had the pleasure of seeing you at Mr. Walkers, of Belvoir, in Virginia. The purport of this is to recomend to your notice, John McQueen Esqr. of Georgia, who is honor'd with dispatches from that State to Count De Estaing, a Gentleman in whose welfare, I am most anxiously interested. Need I say more Sir, to apoligise for this liberty, as I promise myself the pleasure of seeing Mr. McQueen, before his return to America. It will be a great addition to that pleasure, to hear that yourself and Miss Jefferson injoy health and happiness. My Daughter unites with me in compliments, and with highest esteem I remain Sir Your Much Obliged & Most Obedt. ANNE KINLOCH RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed: "Kinloch Mrs." Recorded in S J L as received 14 Jan. 1786, "by Mr. McQueen."
From Capello A Paris ce 28me. Décembre 1785. Le Chevr: Capello est venu pour avoir L'honneur de voir Mon sieur de Jestenon Ministre Plénipotentiaire des Etats Unis de L'Amérique Septentrionale et lui faire part, qu'il a eu hier Mardi 27 de ce mois se premieres audiences du Roi, de la Reine, et de la Famille Royale en qualité d'Ambassadeur de L a Republique de Venise. RC ( D L C ) . For a graphie characterization of Capello, see Carmichael to T J , 6 Nov. 1785.
From H . Fizeaux & Cie. {Amsterdam, 29 Dec. 1785. Recorded in S J L as received 9 Jan. 1786. Not found.] 129
From Castries à Versailles le 30 Xbre. 1785. L a nommée françoise Rippert, Monsieur, reclame une somme de six cent soixante quinze livres, qui lui est due pour logement et nourriture fournis en 1779 aux S. Robinson garde marine et john francfort pilote à bord de l'Escadre américaine. M. Jones ayant touché les parts de prises des S. Robinson et francfort vous trouvères juste sans doute, Monsieur, que cet officier soit tenu de payer ce qui est dû à la nommée Rippert. Je vous prie en conséquence de vouloir bien faire les démarches que vous croirés convenables. J'ai l'honneur d'etre avec un sincere attachement, Monsieur, votre très humble et très obéissant Serviteur, L E M A L . DE CASTRIES RC ( D L C ) ; in a clerk's hand, signed by Castries; at head of text: "Invalides et Prises" and "Concernant 675.tt dues à la née. Rippert par les S. Robinson et John francfort." T r ( D L C ) ; a letterpress copy in Short's hand. Recorded in S J L as received 4 Jan. 1786. Enclo-
sure: Memorial of Françoise Rippert to Castries (MS in D L C : T J Papers, 10: 1554, undated, and endorsed: "M. dufresne 23 Xbre."; also T r in D L C : T J Papers, 16: 2873-4, a letterpress copy in Short's hand). See T J to Jones, 5 Jan. 1786; Jones to T J , 6 Jan. 1786.
From John Jay {New York, 30 Dec. 1785. Recorded in S J L as received 18 Oct. 1786, "by Wagner." Not found; this letter is not in Jay's Journal of Foreign Affairs (DNA: PCC, No. 127).]
From Buffon Au Jardin du Roi le 31. Xbre. 1785. M. de Buffon fait bien des remercimens à Monsieur Jefferson de la peau de l'animal qu'il a eu la bonté de lui envoyer. Si sa santé lui permettoit, M. de Buffon auroit l'honneur d'aller lui témoigner sa reconnoissance, mais comme il ne peut sortir, il espère que Monsieur Jefferson voudra bien venir avec M. de Chastelux diner au Jardin Tel jour qu'il leur conviendra. Ce Cougar de Pensilvanie ne diffère de celui qui a été décrit par M. Colinson que parcequ'il a le corps moins long à peu près dans le rapport de 13 à 16. I l a aussi la queue moins longue, il paroit tenir 130
3 1 DECEMBER
1785
le milieu pour la grandeur entre le Cougar de M. Colinson et celui de l'Amérique méridionale. Mille complimens et respects. R C ( D L C ) ; endorsed, C E C O U G A R : T J had bought a panther skin in Philadel phia and presented it to Buffon; see T J to Hopkinson, 23 Dec. 1786.
From Frichet {31 Dec. 1785. Recorded in S J L as received 4 Jan. 1786 from "Frichet, curé de Gelannes à Pont sur Seine." Not found.]
From Francis Hopkinson Philada. 31st. Deer. 1785 I herewith forward another Portion of our News Papers. You will observe that I have dropt the Freeman's Journal, and substi tuted the Evening Herald in its place. The former grew intolerably stupid and uninteresting. The latter gives the Debates in our Assembly, which I doubt not will afford you amusement and knowl edge of our affairs. The Arrival of Dr. Franklin has given a Spur to our philosoph ical Society. Several curious Communications of his have been read at our Meetings. We have a second volume of Transactions in the Press. It will be compleated by the Spring. I shall not fail to send you a Copy as soon as possible after the Publication. A Mr. Ma gellan of London has offered us 200 Guineas, to be vested in some permanent Fund, so as to yield 10 GS. pr. annum to be awarded by the Society as an Annual Premium in a plate of Gold of 10 GS. value, with certain Inscriptions, to the Author of the best Discovery or most useful Improvement relating to Navigation or Natural Philosophy. When the Scheme shall be ripe and the Door open I intend to be a Candidate. I have contrived a Method of assisting a vessel in her sailing which promises great Success. It is simple, trifling in Point of Expence, and demonstrable in Theory. The Experiment has not yet been tried, but will be before long. Those to whom I have shewn it encourage me greatly, and seem satisfied that it must answer. I wrote you some Time ago an Account of my Discovery of a new Method of drawing the Tone from a Harpsichord. I be lieve I sent you a Model. I am much pleased with this Invention. It answers to admiration. I have instructed an ingenious workman
DEAR FRIEND
131
3 1 DECEMBER
1785
here, and he is engaged in altering the Harpsichords of this City according to my Plan. If you should ever have the Opportunity of hearing a Harpsichord so furnished you will be surprised at the Effect. All the Jingle, so much complained of in that Instrument, is removed. The Tone is full, round, and mellow, and, in the Bass, very like the Diaposon Stop of an Organ. I am confident that the Power of the Instrument was never before drawn forth. Crow Quils will hereafter be totally thrown aside. I sent this Discovery to a friend in England. He was to offer it for 50 Guineas but writes in answer that my Invention had been anticipated. I see I am to be defrauded both of the Money and Credit, but I will have the Matter investigated. I wrote to you some Time ago for two or three Sets of Crayons. I wish you would add also a dozen or two of Camel hair Pencils sorted, and a Dozen of good black lead Pencils. The whole Expence will be trifling, and I will fully account in any manner you shall direct. I am much pleased with the Bibliothèque Œconomique you sent me. I hope you will continue to supply me with them. I have lent your Notes on Virginia to some friends, under the Restrictions you prescribed. They have been instructed and improved by them, and speak highly in Commendation. It is long, very long, since I have heard from you, but expect every week. I wish it was in my Power to render you any Service or express how much I value your Friendship. Excuse me. I hate any thing that looks like Compliment. But command me to the uttermost. My good Mother is with me and desires to be kindly remembered to you and Miss Patty. Mr. Rittenhouse is making a very curious and interesting Experiment, of which I will give you an Account in due Time. I detain you too long with my Chat. Adieu and believe me to be sincerely Your's, F : HOPKINSON RC ( D L C ) ; addressed and endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 4 Mch. 1786. What came to be known as the Magellanic Fund of the American Philosophical Society was established in 1786 by John Hyacinth de Magellan, of London, providing for a gold medal to be awarded from time to time "to the author of the best discovery or most
useful invention relating to navigation, astronomy, or natural philosophy ( mere natural history only excepted)" (Am. Phil. Soc, Tear Book 1951, p. 30, 276). Hopkinson was the winner of the first award, made in 1790, with his "Description of a Spring Block Designed to Assist a Vessel in Sailing" (Am. Phil. Soc, Trans., m [1793], Art. 40).
132
From Abbé Morellet MONSIEUR Mardy rue st honoré maison des feuillans C'est à moi à vous remercier de tout ce que vous me dites d'obligeant et de l'éclaircissement que vous me donnés relativement aux trois races d'hommes. J'aurai quelques observations à vous communiquer sur ce sujet la premiere fois que j'aurai l'honneur de vous voir. Je vous supplie à cette occasion de me pardonner de n'être pas encore allé vous rendre mes devoirs. J'ai passé le mois de novembre et de décembre toujours souffrant et il me reste une incommodité qui me force à une vie très sédentaire. C'est précisément dans la solitude à la quelle j'ai été forcé et souvent dans mon lit que j'ai trouvé ces grandes consolations à lire vôtre excellent ouvrage et à en traduire la plus grande partie. Quelques personnes instruites et de bon goût à qui j'ai lu divers endroits de ce que j'en ai déjà traduit, sont persuadées ainsi que moi que la publication en seroit infiniment utile. Le Marquis de Chatelux et M. de St. Lambert se proposent de vous engager à y consentir. Ce n'est pas à vous-même que je puis dire tout ce que je pense de ce que vous appelles si modestement Notes on Virginia. L a variété des connoissances, la profond[eur] et la justesse des vues, la chaleur des sentimens, le mouvement et en même tems la simplicité du style, tout en fait pour moi un des ouvrages les plus intéressans que j'aie jamais lu. Vous voyés, Monsieur, que je ne puis pas croire ce que vous avés la bonté de me dire que je pourrois faire un meilleur usage de mon tems. Je serai très charmé de l'employer à vous rendre cet hommage parceque je croirai faire en même tems une chose juste envers vous et infiniment utile à mon pays. Nous aimons ce qui vient du dehors. L a vérité peut gagner à se présenter à nous après avoir passé l'Atlantique. Elle en sera mieux reçue. Je continuerai donc ce travail si vous le trouvés bon et je le soumettrai ensuite à vôtre jugement. J'ai l'honneur d'être avec respect Monsieur Votre très humble et très obéissant Serviteur, L'ABBÉ M O R E L L E T RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Undated, but certainly written before 2 Feb. 1786 (see T J to Dumas, that date), and probably written sometime during Dec. Not recorded in S J L . T J had given to Morellet a copy of the first printing of Notes on Virginia, and the present letter is the first about the translation of that work into French. On the fortuitous circumstances which,
to TJ's distress, made it apparent that an unauthorized French translation was about to be published and on Morellet's part in forestalling that printing, see Marie Kimball, Jefferson: the Scene of Europe, p. 95-101; Malone, Jefferson, n, 104, 106; J . M. Carrière, "The Manuscript of Jefferson's Unpublished Errata List for Abbé Morellet's Translation of the Notes on Virginia," Papers
133
DECEMBER of the Bibliographical Society of the University of Virginia, I (1948-49), 5-24; Coolie Verner, "Mr. Jefferson Distributes his Notes: A Preliminary Check-
1785
list of the First Edition," N.Y.P.L., Bull, L V i (1952), 168-9, No. 24. See also note to T J to Madison, 8 Feb. 1786.
Queries Concerning Trade with the French Colonies [ca. Dec. 1785] Eclaircissements à Tirer Des Amériquains 1. Le commerce libre dans nos colonies est-il également nécessaire aux 13 états unis, et s'il existe à cet égard des différences, en marquer le degré et la Cause. 2. L'Amérique indépendante seroit-elle disposée à reconnoitre par des concessions avantageuses dans son Commerce, la liberté que la France lui acorderoit en lui ouvrant en totalité les marchés de ses colonies? 3. L'Amérique est-elle maîtresse d'accorder chez elle des faveurs à une nation, qu'elle refuseroit à une autre? 4. Si la France admettoit sans restriction les productions du crû de l'Amérique, sous la condition d'un impôt majeur dont la remise seroit assurée aux propriétaires, en raison du remploi qu'ils auroient fait du produit de leur vente en objets du Crû de France ou de ses manufactures, les Amériquains y consentiroient-ils, et se croiroient-ils lésés ou favorisés? 5. Enfin, quels sont les avantages que pourroit nous accorder l'Amérique en réciprocité de ceux qu'elle sollicite, soit dans les marchés des colonies, soit en Europe? Si la France consentoit à ses demandes, pourroit-elle nous en accorder qui nous indemnisât du tort qu'éprouvoit notre navigation par nos moindres importations dans nos colonies? Enfin, pourroit-elle nous accorder la liberté de pêcher sur les côtes de ses états du nord, et assurer une compensation de préférence à nos lainages, à nos toiles, à nos sels et à nos vins? 6. Le congrès actuel est-il revêtu de pouvoirs sufisans pour former un traité sur les bases d'une réciprocité d'avantages tels que les deux nations qui l'auroient contracté se toucheroient pour ainsi dire par tous les points, et n'auroient plus sous les raports du Commerce et de la politique qu'une seule et même existence? MS ( D L C ) ; in clerk's hand; endorsed by T J : "Commerce with France —French islds. Queries on"; undated,
evidently written in late Nov. or early Dec, for on 2 Jan. 1786 T J wrote Jay that "certain Questions . . . proposed
134:
2 JANUARY . . . by an Individual" were submitted to him "very soon after" his own letter of 20 Nov. 1785 to Vergennes. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 87); in French, in Short's hand; enclosed in T J to Jay, 2 Jan. 1786. PrC of foregoing ( D L C : T J Papers, 17: 3030-1). T r (DNA: PCC, No. 87); in clerk's hand; English translation of foregoing, prepared in Jay's office. PrC (DLC: T J Papers, 17: 3032-4); in French, in Short's hand; made from a missing MS. The author of these queries has not been identified, but he may have been Simon Bérard, one of the leading mer chants of France, founder and one of the administrators of the new Com pagnie des Indes which in 1785 Calonne invested with some of the monopo listic privileges of the old company that had been suspended in 1769. Bérard was greatly interested in Amer ican trade and became a principal fig ure in the effort to break the tobacco monopoly of the farmers-general (see Lafayette to T J , under 6 Mch. 1786; Bérard to T J , 6 May 1786). Officially T J was obliged to regard these queries as having been handed to him by a private individual and he forwarded them to Congress "only that Congress may see what one Frenchman at least
1786
thinks on the Subject" (TJ's report on his conversations with Vergennes, print ed as an enclosure to T J to John Jay, 2 Jan. 1786). Actually he suspected that they came from the minister (the unidentified individual who presented them to T J had recently submitted a memorial on the question for Vergen nes' consideration) and that they were therefore to be interpreted in the con text of his hint in the letter to Vergen nes of 20 Nov. 1785 "that both Nations might perhaps come into the Opinion that the Condition of Natives might be a better ground of Intercourse for their Citizens than that of the most favored Nation." The sixth query would seem to lend support to this reasoning; Jay's translator rendered this query as fol lows: "Is the present Congress invested with sufficient power to establish a Treaty upon the basis of reciprocal ad vantage, like two mutually contracting nations, the articles of whose respective treaties would be exactly correspondent to each other, and whose political as well as commercial regulations should have only one and the same existence?" (DNA: PCC, No. 87). In this con nection, see T J to Adams, 28 July 1785, notes and enclosure.
From Lister Asquith St. Pol de Léon, 2 Jan. 1786. Has been daily expecting to hear from T J since his letter of 23 Nov.; fears that the letters have been detained. Knowing that he and his companions are innocent of any crime, sus pects they are being starved to force them to escape. They are being tortured in mind and body; have no fire; and the snow falls on them through the roof when they lie down. He is certain they would not have been treated thus in England, even if they had been caught smuggling, "but those that pretend to be the most humaine civilized Nation I find are far the most Inhuman by confining and distressing unfortunate men who fall into their power by the distress of the Seas." Fears his family have perished at sea but if they survive "are now perishing for want by my hard fortune." Is obliged to T J for his kind endeavors but requests that the business be finished as soon as possible; even if he obtains his vessel and cargo he will have little left after paying his debts and the wages due the crew. The ship will need extensive repairs before it can sail and will probably have to be sold to pay debts. Is completely distracted; requests reply by return of post. RC ( D L C ) ; 4 p.; addressed. Noted in S J L as received 12 Jan. 1786.
135
2 JANUARY . . . by an Individual" were submitted to him "very soon after" his own letter of 20 Nov. 1785 to Vergennes. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 87); in French, in Short's hand; enclosed in T J to Jay, 2 Jan. 1786. PrC of foregoing ( D L C : T J Papers, 17: 3030-1). T r (DNA: PCC, No. 87); in clerk's hand; English translation of foregoing, prepared in Jay's office. PrC (DLC: T J Papers, 17: 3032-4); in French, in Short's hand; made from a missing MS. The author of these queries has not been identified, but he may have been Simon Bérard, one of the leading mer chants of France, founder and one of the administrators of the new Com pagnie des Indes which in 1785 Calonne invested with some of the monopo listic privileges of the old company that had been suspended in 1769. Bérard was greatly interested in Amer ican trade and became a principal fig ure in the effort to break the tobacco monopoly of the farmers-general (see Lafayette to T J , under 6 Mch. 1786; Bérard to T J , 6 May 1786). Officially T J was obliged to regard these queries as having been handed to him by a private individual and he forwarded them to Congress "only that Congress may see what one Frenchman at least
1786
thinks on the Subject" (TJ's report on his conversations with Vergennes, print ed as an enclosure to T J to John Jay, 2 Jan. 1786). Actually he suspected that they came from the minister (the unidentified individual who presented them to T J had recently submitted a memorial on the question for Vergen nes' consideration) and that they were therefore to be interpreted in the con text of his hint in the letter to Vergen nes of 20 Nov. 1785 "that both Nations might perhaps come into the Opinion that the Condition of Natives might be a better ground of Intercourse for their Citizens than that of the most favored Nation." The sixth query would seem to lend support to this reasoning; Jay's translator rendered this query as fol lows: "Is the present Congress invested with sufficient power to establish a Treaty upon the basis of reciprocal ad vantage, like two mutually contracting nations, the articles of whose respective treaties would be exactly correspondent to each other, and whose political as well as commercial regulations should have only one and the same existence?" (DNA: PCC, No. 87). In this con nection, see T J to Adams, 28 July 1785, notes and enclosure.
From Lister Asquith St. Pol de Léon, 2 Jan. 1786. Has been daily expecting to hear from T J since his letter of 23 Nov.; fears that the letters have been detained. Knowing that he and his companions are innocent of any crime, sus pects they are being starved to force them to escape. They are being tortured in mind and body; have no fire; and the snow falls on them through the roof when they lie down. He is certain they would not have been treated thus in England, even if they had been caught smuggling, "but those that pretend to be the most humaine civilized Nation I find are far the most Inhuman by confining and distressing unfortunate men who fall into their power by the distress of the Seas." Fears his family have perished at sea but if they survive "are now perishing for want by my hard fortune." Is obliged to T J for his kind endeavors but requests that the business be finished as soon as possible; even if he obtains his vessel and cargo he will have little left after paying his debts and the wages due the crew. The ship will need extensive repairs before it can sail and will probably have to be sold to pay debts. Is completely distracted; requests reply by return of post. RC ( D L C ) ; 4 p.; addressed. Noted in S J L as received 12 Jan. 1786.
135
From Borgnis Desbordes, Frères Brest Le 2 . Janvier 1 7 8 6 . Nous avons L'honneur de vous informer que nous Venons de recevoir La copie de L a Signification de L'acte d'appel de L a part de ces malheureux Prisonniers à L'Entreposeur de tabac à Landivisiau, et que Le peu de retard qu'ils éprouveraient pour L'obtension de L'addoucissement de Leur Sort mettrait Le comble à Leur Malheur; Nous vous Supplions en conséquence de concert avec Eux de vouloir bien voir à cet Effet Le Directeur-Général des fermes et Le Ministre. Ces infortunés Se reposent entièrement Sur Vos Bontés et espèrent en votre Sollicitation un Soulagement de Leurs peines qui Les mettra à même de vous témoigner Leur reconnaissance. Nous avons L'honneur d'être avec un profond respect Son Excellence Vos très humbles et obéissants Serviteurs, BORGNIS D E S B O R D E S frères SON E X C E L L E N C E
RC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 7 Jan. 1786.
To John Jay, with Report on Conversations with Vergennes SIR Paris January 2 . 1786. Several Conferences and Letters having passed between the Count de Vergennes and myself on the Subject of the Commerce of this Country with the U.S. I think them sufficiently interesting to be communicated to Congress. They are stated in the Form of a Report and are herein inclosed. The Length of this Despatch perhaps needs Apology. Yet I have not been able to abridge it without omitting Circumstances which I thought Congress would rather chuse to know. Some of the Objects of these Conferences present but small Hopes for the present, but they seem to admit a Possibility of Success at some future Moment. The inclosed Letter from the Baron Thulemeyer will inform you of the Ratification by the King of Prussia, of the Treaty concluded with him. My Answer accompanies it. I have no Doubt but you have long ago recieved Notice of this from Mr. Adams whose Opportunities of conveying Letters are so much more frequent than mine, especially since the French Packets have been nearly 136
2 JANUARY
1786
discontinued. Mr. Crevecoeur is labouring to re-establish them, and under some Hopes of Success. From Mr. Adams you have doubtless been also notified of the Overtures from Portugal to treat with us at London. We are probably indebted for this new Spur towards us to the commercial Arrangements which are on the Tapis between France and Eng land, and I think it fortunate that they have chosen to commit the Négociation to their Minister in London rather than to their Ambassador here, whose torpid Character would probably have spun it to a great Length. I communicated to the Count de Vergennes according to your Commands the Report of Capt. Shaw's Voiage to China, making at the same time those Acknolegements which were due for these new Proofs of the Friendship of the French Nation towards us. I inclose you my Letter and his Answer, whereby you will see that he thought it a proper Occasion to express the Dissatisfaction of this Court with the Acts of some of the American Legislatures on the Subject of foreign Commerce, and to hint that their Con tinuance would render Measures necessary here to countervail the Inequalities they supposed us to be establishing. I also inclose my Reply, and have now the Honor to submit those Transactions to the Consideration of Congress, who are best able to calculate the Result of such a commercial Contest, should it arise, and who will be so good as to instruct me as to their Pleasure herein, as an Answer will be expected by this Court, within such Time' as they think reasonable. I have been long in conveying this Correspond ence to you. But I have never since it was closed, had a confidential Opportunity of transmitting it, and am now obliged to trust it with the other Despatches enclosed, to a Gentleman going to London who promises to seek a safe Conveiance from thence to New York. I send you at the same Time the Arrets of Aug. 30. 1784. Sept. 18. and 25. 1785. which were spoken of in my Letter. Having observed by the Journals of Congress that the Establish ment of a Mint has been under their Consideration, I send a late Declaration of the King by which will be seen the Proportion be tween the Value of Gold and Silver as newly established here. My former Letters will have notified to you Mr. Lambe's De parture for Algiers. I have recieved no Letter from him since he left this Place. We know only that he was at Madrid on the 10th. of December. When Mr. Barclay was on the point of setting out for Morocco, 137
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Mr. Beaumarchais (who had hitherto declined settling with him) tendered him a Settlement of his Accounts. The immense Amount of these Accounts, with the Hope that they would not occupy much Time, and a Persuasion that no Man on Earth could so well settle them as Mr. Barclay, who is intimately acquainted with many of the Transactions on which they are founded, induced me to think the Interests of the U.S. would not suffer so much by a short Delay of the Journey to Morocco, from whence nothing disagreeable was to be immediately apprehended, as they would suffer by leaving such Accounts as these to be settled by Persons less competent; I advised Mr. Barclay to proceed to the Settlement. I wrote to Mr. Adams asking his Opinion thereon, and to Mr. Carmichael praying him to find Means of making known to the Emperor of Morocco that a Negociator was actually commissioned and would soon proceed to his Court. Mr. Adams concurred with me in Opinion, and those Accounts are now in such Forwardness that Mr. Barclay assures me he shall be able to set out the ensuing Week. I inclose two Letters from Capt. Stevens one of our Cap tives at Algiers to Mr. Harrison of Cadiz, which were forwarded to me by Mr. Carmichael. I have taken Opportunities of speaking with the Chevr. de la Luzerne on the Subject of his Return to America, and to press it by all those Inducements which Assurances of the Esteem enter tained for him there were likely to excite. He told me there was no Place he would prefer to America for the Exercise of his Func tions, but he said with great Candor, that as in the diplomatic Line there are different Grades of Emploiment, and that an Ad vancement from one to the other of these was usual, he wished if possible to avail himself of present Circumstances to obtain a Promotion. I suppose in Fact that if he can be sent to London in the Room of the Count d'Adhemar, or to Holland in the Room of the Marquis de Verac, who wishes to be translated to London, as these are Embassies, he will not in either of those Cases return to America. In the mean Time the Emoluments of his Office are, as I suspect, rendered necessary to him by the Expences he in curred in America. From your Favor of Nov. 2. by Mr. Houdon, which I recieved three Days ago, it would seem that an Estimate is expected from him of the Cost of the equestrian Statue of Geni. Washington. But as this would depend altogether on the Dimensions of the 138
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Statue, he will be unable to make an Estimate till these Dimensions be decided. The Gazettes of France and Leyden from the 25th. of October to this Date are forwarded herewith. I had the Honour of writing to you by the Way of London on the 24th. of the last Month, and have now that of assuring you of those Sentiments of Esteem & Respect with which I am Sir, your most obedient & most humble Servant. PrC ( D L C ) ; in Short's hand; un signed. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 107). Noted in S J L as sent "Via London by Mr. Bingham." Enclosures: (1) Report on conversations with Vergennes (see notes to text of enclosure printed be low). (2) Copy of De Thulemeier to T J , 11 Oct. 1785. (3) Copy of T J to De Thulemeier, 16 Oct. 1785. (4) T J to Vergennes, 21 Oct., 20 Nov., 2 Dec. 1785. (5) Vergennes to T J , 30 Oct., 30 Nov. 1785. (6) Copies of the arrets of 30 Aug. 1784, and 18 and 25
Sep. 1785. (7) Copy of RATION
OF T H E KING
of
A LATE 30
Oct.
DECLA 1785
fixing the ratio between gold and sil ver (printed in Recueil Général des Anciennes Lois Françaises, Paris, 1827, X X v i n , 89-97). (8) Two letters from Captain Stevens to Richard Harrison, forwarded to T J by Carmichael. (9) Copy of Calonne to Lafayette, 17 Nov. 1785. (10) Queries regarding Ameri can trade with French colonies, ca. Dec. 1785.
E N C L O S U R E
Jefferson's Report on Conversations with Vergennes [Dec. 1785] Hearing frequent Complaints in this Country that little of our Com merce came to it, that while our Flag covered the Thames it was rarely to be seen in a Port of France, and that this proceeded from national Prejudices, and observing that this Complaint was often repeated and particularly relied on by those who had opposed our Admission into the French Islands, I thought it necessary on every possible Occasion to shew how much the Cause was mistaken, while the Fact was ad mitted to be true. In every Conversation therefore with the Count de Vergennes I had endeavoured to convince him that were national Prej udice alone listened to, our Trade would quit England and come to France, but that the Impossibility of making Paiments here prevented our making Purchases. On a particular Occasion in the Month of August, I enumerated to him our Exports and shewed him that for some of them there was no Demand here, and that others were recieved under such Circumstances as discouraged their being brought. When, in going through this Enumeration, I came to the Article of Tobacco, he observed that the King recieved such a Revenue on that as could not be renounced. I told him we did not wish it to be renounced or even lessened, but only that the Monopoly should be put down. That this might be effected in the simplest Manner by obliging the Importer to pay on Entrance a Duty, equal to what the King now recieved, or to deposit his Tobacco in the King's Warehouses till it was paid, and then permitting him a free Sale of it. 'Ma foi, (said the Count) c'est une bonne Idée: i l faut y penser,' or, *y travailler' I do not recollect which. 139
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This Answer was encouraging, and another Circumstance rendered it necessary to press this Article at this particular Moment. Tho' the general Farm of the Revenues had still more than a twelvemonth to run, the Treaty for the Renewal of it was actually begun between the Controller general and the Fanners general, and it was expected to be concluded during the Voiage of Fontainbleau which was now approach ing. Tobacco making an Article of that Farm, it seemed to be the Moment when it might be withdrawn from that Contract. I had there fore intended to make a Representation on the Subject which should bring under the View of the King's Council the ill Consequences of that Monopoly, and induce them to discontinue it. The Manner in which the Count de Vergennes appeared to be struck with the Idea suggested in the Conversation beforementioned, determined me to make this Rep resentation immediately. As soon as I returned to Paris therefore, I wrote him the following Letter wherein I digested and added to, what I had said to him under the Head of Tobacco. . . . To this Letter I recieved no other Answer but that he had trans mitted it to the Comptroller-general. The general Farm was not re newed at Fontainbleau. In the Beginning of November a Mr. Boylston of Massachusets brought a Cargo of Whale oil to Havre, with Letters to the Marquis de la Fayette and myself, recommending him to our Assistance in the Disposal of it. He wished us to endeavour to obtain for his Cargo the Exemption from Duty which the Marquis had obtained the preceding Year for a particular Company. I observed to the Marquis that this was doing Business by Piece-meal and making many Favors of one. That it would be better to take up the Subject generally, to get it placed on equal Ground for all our Citizens, and to try what Govern ment would do in a general Way to encourage the Importation of this Article. He came into these Ideas. As my Applications could only be to the Count de Vergennes, and the Delays which follow official Propo sitions which are to be handed from one Department to another, back wards and forwards, were likely to be too long to answer Boylston's Purpose, the Marquis with that Zeal and Activity with which he seizes every Opportunity of serving our Country, applied immediately to M . de Calonnes the Comptroller general, making Boylston's Case the Occasion of the Application, but proposing a general Regulation. He pressed the Proposition so efficaciously that he obtained in a few Days from Monsieur de Calonnes an Agreement to recieve our Oils on the footing on which they recieve those of the Hanseatic Towns, by which Means the Duties, which had been at 36. Livres 15. Sols the Barrel of 500. lb. French Weight, as may be seen by a statement given me by Monsr. Sangrain, were now reduced to 11. Livres 5. sols, being about 2. Livres on the English hundred, or a Guinea and a half the Ton, as the Ton is estimated in England. But this Indulgence was limited to one Year's Continuance. For the Particulars of this I refer to the Letter of M . de Calonnes to the Marquis de la Fayette dated Nov. 17. 1785, and to that of the Count de Vergennes to me dated Nov. 30. 1785. 1
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The next Levée Day at Versailles I meant to bring again under the View of the Count de Vergennes the whole Subject of our Commerce with France; but the Number of Audiences of Ambassadors and other Ministers which take Place of Course before mine, and which seldom indeed leave me an Opportunity of Audience at all, prevented me that Day. I was only able to ask of the Count de Vergennes, as a particular Favor, that he would permit me to wait on him some Day that Week. He did so, and I went to Versailles the Friday following, 9th. of December. M . de Rayneval was with the Count. Our Conversation began with the usual Topic that the Trade of the U.S. had not yet learnt the Way to France, but continued to center in England tho no longer obliged by Law to go there. I observed that the real Cause of this was to be found in the Difference of the commercial Arrangements in the two Countries. That Merchants would not and could not trade but where there was to be some Gain; that the Commerce between two Countries could not be kept up but by an Exchange of Commodities; that if an American Merchant was forced to carry his Produce to London, it could not be expected he would make a Voiage from thence to France with the Money to lay it out here; and in like Manner that if he could bring his Commodities with Advantage to this Country, he would not make another Voiage to England with the Money to lay it out there, but would take in Exchange the Merchandize of this Coun try. The Count de Vergennes agreed to this, and particularly that where there was no Exchange of Merchandize, there could be no durable Commerce, and that it was natural for Merchants to take their Returns in the Port where they sold their Cargo. I desired his Permission then to take a summary View of the Productions of the U.S. that we might see which of them could be brought here to Advantage. 1. Rice. France gets from the Mediterranean a Rice not so good indeed, but cheaper than ours. He said that they bought of our Rice, but that they got from Egypt also Rice of a very fine Quality. I observed that such was the actual State of their Commerce in that Article that they take little from us. 2. Indico. They make a Plenty in their own Colonies. He observed that they did and that they thought it better than ours. 3. Flour, Fish, and Provisions of all Sorts they produce for themselves. That these Articles might therefore be considered as not existing for Commerce between the U.S. and the Kingdom of France. I proceeded to those capable of becoming Objects of Exchange between the two Nations. 1. Peltry and Furs. Our Posts being in the Hands of the English, we are cut off from that Article. I am not sure even whether we are not obliged to buy of them for our own Use. When these Posts are given up, if ever they are, we shall be able to furnish France with Skins and Furs to the Amount of 2. Millions of Livres in Exchange for her Merchandize: but at present these Articles are to be counted as nothing. 2. Pot-ash. An Experiment is making whether this can be brought here. We hope it may, but at present it stands for nothing. He observed that it was much wanted in France and he thought it would succeed. 3. Naval Stores. Trials are also making on these as Subjects of Commerce with France. They are heavy and the Voiage 141
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long. The Result therefore is doubtful. At present they are as nothing in our Commerce with this Country. 4. Whale-oil. I told him I had great Hopes the late Diminution of Duty would enable us to bring this Article with Advantage to France: that a Merchant was just arrived (Mr. Barrett) who proposed to settle at L'Orient for the Purpose of selling the Cargoes of this Article and chusing the Returns. That he had informed me that in the first Year, it would be necessary to take one third in Money, and the Remainder only in Merchandize; because the Fishermen require indispensably some Money. But he thought that after the first Year, the Merchandize of the preceding Year would always produce Money for the ensuing one, and that the whole Amount would continue to be taken annually afterwards in Merchandize. I added that tho' the Diminution of Duty was expressed to be but for one Year, yet I hoped they would find their Advantage in renewing and continuing it: for that if they intended really to admit it for one Year only, the Fishermen would not find it worth while to rebuild their Vessels and to prepare themselves for the Business. The Count ex pressed Satisfaction on the View of commercial Exchange held up by this Article. He made no Answer as to the Continuance of it. And I did not chuse to tell him at that Time that we should claim its Con tinuance under their Treaty with the Hanseatic Towns which fixes this Duty for them, and our own Treaty, which gives us the Rights of the most favored Nation. 5. Tobacco. I recalled to the Memory of the Count de Vergennes, the Letter I had written to him on this Article, and the Object of the present Conversation being how to facilitate the Exchange of commerciable Articles between the two Countries, I pressed that of Tobacco in this Point of View, observed that France at present paid us ten Millions of Livres for this Article, that for such Portions of it as were bought in London, they sent the Money directly there, and for what they bought in the United States, the Money was still remitted to London on Bills of Exchange. Whereas, if they would permit our Merchants to sell this Article freely they would bring it here and take the Returns on the Spot in Merchandize, not Money. The Count observed that my Proposition contained what was doubtless useful, but that the King recieved on this Article at present a Revenue of 28. millions, which was so considerable as to render them fearful of tampering with it; that the Collection of this Revenue by Way of Farm, was of very antient Date, and that it was always hazardous to alter Arrangements of long standing and of such infinite Combinations with the fiscal System. I answered that the Simplicity of the Mode of Collection proposed for this Article withdrew it from all Fear of de ranging other Parts of their System, that I supposed they would confine the Importation to some of their principal Ports, probably not more than five or six, that a single Collector in each of these, was the only new Officer requisite, that he could get rich himself on six Livres a hogshead, and would recieve the whole Revenue and pay it into the Treasury, at short hand. M . de Rayneval entered particularly into this Part of the Conversation, and explained to the Count, more in Detail the Advantages and the Simplicity of it, and concluded by observing to me 142
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that it sometimes happened that useful Propositions, tho' not practicable at one Time, might become so at another. I told him that that Consideration had induced me to press the Matter when I did, because I had understood the Renewal of the Farm was then on the Carpet, and that it was the precise Moment when I supposed that this Portion might be detached from the Mass of the Farms. I asked the Count de Vergennes whether, if the Renewal of the Farm was pressing, this Article might not be separated, merely in Suspence, till Government should have Time to satisfy themselves on the Expediency of renewing it. He said no Promises could be made. In the Course of this Conversation he had mentioned the Liberty we enjoyed of carrying our Fish to the French Islands. I repeated to him what I had hinted in my Letter of Nov. 20. 1785. that I considered as a Prohibition the laying such Duties on our Fish and giving such Premiums on theirs as made a Difference between their and our Fishermen of fifteen Livres the Quintal in an Article which sold but for fifteen Livres. He said it would not have that Effect for two Reasons. 1. That their Fishermen could not furnish Supplies sufficient for their Islands, and of Course the Inhabitants must of Necessity buy our Fish. 2. That from the Constancy of our Fishery and the short Season during which theirs continued, also the Œconomy and Management of ours compared with the Expence of theirs, we had always been able to sell our Fish in the Islands at 25. Livres the Quintal, while they were obliged to ask 36. Livres. ( I suppose he meant the Livre of the French Islands.) That thus the Duty and Premium had been a necessary Operation on their Side to place the Sale of their Fish on a Level with ours, and that without this, theirs could not bear the Competition. I have here brought together the Substance of what was said on the preceding Subjects, not pretending to give it verbatim, which my Memory does not enable me to do. I have probably omitted many Things which were spoken, but have mentioned nothing which was not. It was interrupted at Times with collateral Matters. One of these was important; the Count de Vergennes complained and with a good Deal of Stress, that they did not find a sufficient Dependence on Arrangements taken with us. This was the third Time too he had done it; first in a Conversation at Fontainbleau when he first complained to me of the Navigation acts of Massachusets and New-hampshire: secondly in his Letter of Oct. 30. 1785. on the same Subject; and now in the present Conversation, wherein he added as another Instance, the Case of the Chevalier de Mezieres, Heir of General Oglethorpe, who, notwithstanding that the 11th. Article of the Treaty provides that the Subjects or Citizens of either Party shall succeed ab intesta, to the Lands of their Ancestors within the Dominions of the other, had been informed from Mr. Adams, and by me also, that his Right of Succession to the General's Estate in Georgia was doubtful. He observed too that the Administration of Justice with us was tardy, insomuch that their Merchants, when they had Money due to them within our States, considered it as desperate; and that our commercial Regulations in general were disgusting to them. These Ideas were new, serious, and 143
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delicate. I decided therefore not to enter into them in that Moment, and the rather as we were speaking in French, in which Language I did not chuse to hazard myself. I withdrew from the Objections of the Tardiness of Justice with us, and the Disagreeableness of our com mercial Regulations, by a general Observation that I was not sensible they were well founded. With Respect to the Case of the Chevr. de Mezieres, I was obliged to enter into some Explanations. They related chiefly to the legal Operation of our Declaration of Indépendance, to the undecided Question whether our Citizens and British Subjects were thereby made Aliens to one another, to the general Laws as to Conveiances of Land to Aliens, and the Doubt whether an Act of the Assem bly of Georgia might not have been passed to confiscate General Ogle thorpe's Property, which would of Course prevent its Devolution on any Heir. Mr. Rayneval observed that in this Case it became a mere Question of Fact, whether a Confiscation of these Lands had taken Place before the Death of General Oglethorpe, which Fact might be easily known by Enquiries in Georgia where the Possessions lay. I thought it very material that the Opinion of this Court should be set to Rights on these Points. On my Return therefore I wrote the following Observations on them, which, the next Time I went to Versailles, (not having an Opportunity of speaking to the Count de Vergennes) I put into the Hands of M . Reyneval, praying him to read them and to ask the Favor of the Count to do the same. . . . Having put this Paper into the Hands of Monsr. Rayneval, we entered into Conversation again on the Subject of the Farms, which were now understood to be approaching to a Conclusion. He told me that himself was decidedly of Opinion that the Interest of the State required the Farm of Tobacco to be discontinued, that he had accord ingly given every Aid to my Proposition which laid within his Sphere: that Count de Vergennes was very clearly of the same Opinion and had supported it strongly with Reasons of his own when he transmitted it to the Comptroller general; but that the Comptroller, in the Discussions of this Subject which had taken Place, besides the Objections which the Count de Vergennes had repeated to me, and which are beforementioned, had added that the Contract with the Farmers general was now so far advanced that the Article of Tobacco could not be withdrawn from it without unravelling the whole Transaction. Having understood that in this Contract there was always reserved to the Crown a Right to discontinue it at any Moment, making just Re-imbursements to the Farmers, I asked Mr. Rayneval, if the Contract should be concluded in its present Form, whether it might still be practicable to have it discontinued as to the Article of Tobacco at some future Moment. He said it might be possible. Upon the whole, the true Obstacle to this Proposition has penetrated in various Ways through the Veil which covers it. The Influence of the Farmers general has heretofore been found sufficient to shake a Minister in his Office. Monsieur de Calonne's Continuance or Dismission has been thought for some Time to be on a Poise. Were he to shift this great Weight therefore out of his own Scale into that of his Adver2
144
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saries, it would decide their Preponderance. The joint Interests of France and America would be an insufficient Counterpoise in his Favor. It will be observed that these Efforts to improve the Commerce of the U.S. have been confined to that Branch only which respects France itself, and that nothing passed on the Subject of our Commerce with the West Indies, except an incidental Conversation as to our fish. The Reason of this was no Want of a due Sense of its importance. Of that I am thoroughly sensible. But Efforts in Favour of this branch would at present be desperate. To Nations with which we have not yet treated, and who have Possessions in America, we may offer a free Vent of their Manufactures in the U.S. for a full or a modified Admittance into those Possessions. But to France we were obliged to give that Freedom for a different Compensation, to wit, for her Aid to effect our Inde pendence. It is difficult therefore to say what we have now to offer her for an Admission into her West Indies. Doubtless it has its Price. But the Question is what this would be, and whether worth our while to give it. Were we to propose to give to each other's Citizens all the Rights of Natives, they would of Course count what they should gain by this Enlargement of Right, and examine whether it would be worth to them as much as their Monopoly of their West Indian Commerce. If not, that commercial Freedom which we wish to preserve, and which indeed is so valuable, leaves us little else to offer. An Expression in my Letter to the Count de Vergennes of Nov. 20. wherein I hinted that both Nations might perhaps come into the Opinion that the Condition of Natives might be a better Ground of Intercourse for their Citizens than that of the most favored Nation, was intended to furnish an Oppor tunity to the Minister of parleying on that Subject, if he was so dis posed, and to myself of seeing whereabouts they would begin, that I might communicate it to Congress, and leave them to judge of the Expediency of pursuing the Subject. But no Overtures have followed; for I have no Right to consider as coming from the Minister, certain Questions which were very soon after proposed to me by an Individual. It sufficiently accounts for these Questions that that Individual had written a Memorial on the Subject for the Consideration of the Minis ter, and might wish to know what we would be willing to do. The Idea that I should answer such Questions to him, is equally unaccount able, whether we suppose them originating with himself, or coming from the Minister. In Fact I must suppose them to be his own; and I transmit them only that Congress may see what one Frenchman at least thinks on the Subject. I f we can obtain from Gr. Britain reasonable Conditions of Commerce (which in my Idea must forever include an Admission into her Islands) the freest Ground between these two Nations would seem to be the best. But if we can obtain no equal Terms from her, perhaps Congress might think it prudent as Holland has done, to connect us unequivocally with France. Holland has purchased the Protection of France. The Price she pays is Aid in Time of War. It is interesting for us to purchase a free Commerce with the French Islands. But whether it is best to pay for it by Aids in War, or by Privileges in Commerce, or not to purchase it at alb, is the Question. 145
3 JANUARY 1786 complete text of TJ's letter to Vergennes of 15 Aug. 1785, here omitted since it is printed above under that date. 2 At this point in PrC ( D L C : T J Papers, 17: 3010-24) there is given the complete text of TJ's amplification of his conversation with Vergennes on 9 Dec. 1785 on the subject of the claim of Mezières, the commercial regulations of the American states, and the charge of tardiness in the administration of justice in America, printed above under i A t this point in PrC ( D L C : T J date of 20 Dec. 1785 and omitted here Papers, 17: 2985-97) there is given the for that reason.
PrC ( D L C ) ; in Short's hand. Dft (ViWC); entirely in TJ's hand; this is actually a PrC of the (missing) Dft; 8 pages only, the last being much mutilated. Neither is dated, but Dft was probably written soon after 20 Dec. 1785; it is associated with, but was clearly written subsequently and as a prefatory comment to, the Dft of amplification of TJ's conversation with Vergennes as printed above under 20 Dec. 1785, q.v.
To Francis Hopkinson DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 3. 1785 [i.e. 1786]
I wrote you last on the 25th. of Sep. since that I have received yours of Oct. 25. inclosing a duplicate of the last invented tongue for the harpsichord. The letter inclosing another of them and accompanied by newspapers, which you mention in that of Oct. 25. has never come to hand. I will embrace the first opportunity of sending you the crayons. Perhaps they may come with this, which I think to deliver to Mr. Bingham who leaves us on Saturday for London. If on consulting him I find the conveyance from London incertain, you shall receive them by a Mr. Barrett who goes from hence for New York next month. You have not authorised me to try to avail you of the new tongue. Indeed the ill success of my endeavors with the last does not promise much with this. However I shall try. Houdon only stopped a moment to deliver me your letter, so that I have not yet had an opportunity of asking his opinion of the improvement. I am glad you are pleased with his work. He is among the foremost, or perhaps the foremost artist in the world. Turning to your Encyclopédie, Arts et metiers, tome 3. part. 1. pa. 393. you will find mentioned an instrument invented by a Monsr. Renaudin for determining the true time of the Musical movements Largo, Adagio &c. I went to see it. He shewed me his first invention. The price of the machine was 25. guineas; then his second, which he had been able to make for about half that sum. Both of these had a mainspring and a balance wheel for their mover and regulator. The strokes were made by a small hammer. He then shewed me his last which is moved by a weight and regu146
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lated by a pendulum, and which costs only two guineas and a half. It presents in front a dial plate like that of a clock on which are arranged in a circle the words Largo, Adagio, Andante, Allegro, Presto. The circle is moreover divided into 52 equal degrees. Largo is at 1, Adagio at 11, Andante at 22, Allegro at 36 and Presto 46. Turning the index to any one of these, the pendulum (which is a string with a ball hanging to it) shortens or lengthens so that one of it's vibrations gives you a crotchet for that move ment. This instrument has been examined by the Academy of music here, who are so well satisfied of it's utility that they have ordered all music which shall be printed here in future, to have the move ments numbered in correspondence with this plexichronometer. I need not tell you that the numbers between two movements, as between 22. and 36. give the quieter or slower degrees of the movements, such as the quick Andante, or moderate Allegro. The instrument is useful, but still it may be greatly simplified. I got him to make me one, and having fixed a pendulum vibrating seconds, I tried by that the vibrations of his pendulum according to the several movements. I find the pendulum regulated to ' Largo ^ Adagio vibrates < Andante Allegro Presto >
52.^ 60. >• times m a minute. 70. 95
I
1
135^ j every one therefore may make a chronometer adapted to his in strument. For a harpsichord the following occurs to me. In the wall of your chamber, over the instrument drive 5. little brads, as 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. in the following manner, take a string with a bob to it, of such length as that hung on No. 1. it shall vibrate 52 times in a minute. Then j - j proceed by trial to drive No. 2. at such a disUd&r* f>i tance that drawing the loop of the string to that, the part remaining between 1. and the bob shall vibrate 60 times in a minute, fix the third for 70. vibrations &c. the cord al ways hanging over No. 1. as the center of vibration. A person playing on the violin may fix this on his music stand. A pendulum thrown into vibration will continue in motion long enough to give you the time of your ; 147
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peice. I have been thus particular on the supposition you would fix one of these simple things for yourself. You have heard often of the metal called platina, to be found only in S. America. It is insusceptible of rust as gold and silver are, none of the acids affecting it except the aqua regia. It also admits of as perfect a polish as the metal hitherto used, for the specula of telescopes. These two properties had suggested to the Spaniards the substitution of it for that use. But the mines being closed up by the government it is difficult to get of the metal. The experiment has been lately tried here by the Abbé Rochon (whom I formerly mentioned to Mr. Rittenhouse as having discovered that lenses of certain natural Chrystals have two different and uncombined magnifying powers ) and he thinks the polish as high as that of the metal heretofore used, and that it will never [be] injured by the air, a touch of the finger &c. I examined it in a dull day which did not admit a fair judgment of the strength of it's reflec tion. This article is intended for Mr. Rittenhouse. Good qualities are sometimes misfortunes. (Do not cry out Heresy as yet. ) I will prove it from your own experience. You are punctual; and the only one of my correspondents on whom I can firmly rely for the execution of commissions which combine a little trouble with more attention. I am sorry however that I have three commissions to charge you with which will give you more than a little trouble. Two of them are for Monsieur de Buffon. Many, many years ago Cadwallader Colden wrote a very small pamphlet on the subjects of attraction and impulsion, a copy of which he sent to Monsr. de Buffon. He was so charmed with it that he put it into the hands of a friend to translate, who lost it. It has ever since weighed on his mind and he has made repeated trials to have it found in England, but in vain. He applied to me. I am in hopes, if you will write a line to the booksellers of Philadelphia to rummage their shops, that some of them may find it or perhaps some of the careful old people of Pennsylvania or N. Jersey may have preserved a copy. In the king's cabinet of Natural history of which M. de Buffon has the superintendance, I observed that they had neither our growse nor our pheasant. These I know may be bought in the market of Philadelphia on any day which they are in season. Pray buy the male and female of each, and employ some of the Apothe cary's boys to prepare them and pack them. Methods may be seen in the preliminary discourse to the 1st. volume of Birds in the 148
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Encyclopédie, or in the natural history of Buffon where he describes the king's cabinet. And this done you will be so good as to send them to me. The third commission is more distant. It is to procure me two or three hundred Paccan nuts from the Western country. I expect they can always be got at Pittsburgh, and am in hopes that by yourself or your friends some attentive person there may be engaged to send them to you. They should come as fresh as possible, and come best I believe in a box of sand. Of this Barham could best advise you. I imagine vessels are always coming from Philadelphia to France. If there be a choice of ports, Havre would be best. I must beg you to direct them to the care of the American Consul or agent at the port to be sent by the Diligence or Fourgon. A thousand million of apologies would not suffice for this trouble, if I meant to pay you in apologies only. But I sincerely ask, and will punctually execute, the appointment of your Chargé des affaires en Europe generally. From the smallest to the highest commissions I will execute with zeal and punctuality, in buying, or doing any thing you wish on this side the water. And you may judge from the preceding specimen that I shall not be behind hand in the trouble I shall impose on you. Make a note of all the expences attending my commissions and favor me with it every now and then and I will replace it. My daughter is well and retains an af fectionate remembrance of her antient patroness your mother as well as of your lady and family. She joins me in wishing to them and to Mr. and Mrs. Rittenhouse and family every happiness. Accept yourself assurances of the esteem with which, I am Dear Sir Your friend & servt., T H : JEFFERSON PS. What is become of the Lunarium for the king? My daughter begs the benefit of your cover for the inclosed letter. 1
PrC ( D L C ) . RC (Edward Hopkin son, Jr., Philadelphia, 1947); final page only. Noted in S J L as sent "via London by Mr. Bingham." The enclosed letter from Martha Jefferson has not been identified. Cadwallader Colden's V E R Y S M A L L P A M P H L E T was An Explication of the First Causes of Action in Matter, and, of the Cause of Gravitation, New York, James Parker, 1745 (see note to Sabin,
No. 14267, which states that Buffon had caused this pamphlet to be translated). The L U N A R I U M was the orrery that T J proposed to have Rittenhouse make for presentation to Louis XVI by the Amer ican Philosophical Society; see Vol. 6: 418-9. i This sentence appears in RC only, having been written after PrC was made.
149
From La Rochefoucauld Paris. 4. Jer. 1786. D'après la permission que vous m'en aves donnée, Monsieur, M. Demeunier s'empresse d'avoir l'honneur de vous voir. I l est Auteur des deux Articles Caroline dans la Nouvelle Encyclopédie, et Se propose de publier successivement les autres Articles des Etats Unis; personne ne peut lui donner de meilleurs conseils que vous, et personne n'en fera un meilleur usage que M. Demeunier, Auteur de plusieurs Traductions et de plusieurs Ouvrages estimés. Je saisis avec plaisir l'occasion qu'il me procure de vous renouveller par écrit les assurances sinceres de l'inviolable attachement avec lequel j'ai l'honneur d'être, Monsieur, Votre très humble et très obéissant Serviteur, L E D U C D E LA R O C H E F O U C A U L D RC (ViWC); endorsed by T J : "Rochefoucault, Duc de."
To George Washington SIR Paris Jan. 4. 1785 [i.e. 1786]. I have been honoured with your letter of Sep. 26. which was delivered me by Mr. Houdon, who is safely returned. He has brought with him the mould of the face only, having left the other parts of his work, with his workmen to come by some other conveiance. Doctor Franklin, who was joined with me in the superintendance of this just monument, having left us before what is called the costume of the statue was decided on, I cannot so well satisfy myself, and I am persuaded I should not so well satisfy the world, as by consulting your own wish or inclination as to this article. Permit me therefore to ask you whether there is any particular dress, or any particular attitude which you would rather wish to be adopted. I shall take a singular pleasure in having your own idea executed if you will be so good as to make it known to me. I thank you for the trouble you have taken in answering my enquiries on the subject of Bushnel's machine. Colo. Humphreys could only give me a general idea of it from the effects proposed, rather than the means contrived to produce them. I sincerely rejoice that three such works as the opening the Patowmac, James river, and a canal from the Dismal are like to be carried through. There is still a fourth however, which I 150
4 JANUARY
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had the honour I beleive of mentioning to you in a letter of Mar. 15. 1784. from Annapolis. It is the cutting a canal which shall unite the heads of Cayahoga and Beaver creek. The utility of this, and even the necessity of it, if we mean to aim at the trade of the lakes will be palpable to you. The only question is it's practicability. The best information I could get as to this was from General Hand, who described the country as champain, and these waters as heading in lagoons which would be easily united. Maryland and Pennsylvania are both interested to concur with us in this work. The institutions you propose to establish by the shares in the Patowmac and James river companies given you by the assembly, and the particular objects of those institutions are most worthy. It occurs to me however that if the bill 'for the more general dif fusion of knowlege' which is in the révisai, should be passed, it would supersede the use, and obscure the existence of the charity schools you have thought of. I suppose in fact that that bill, or some other like it, will be passed. I never saw one received with more enthusiasm than that was by the house of delegates in the year 1778. and ordered to be printed, and it seemed afterwards that nothing but the extreme distress of our resources prevented it's being carried into execution even during the war. It is an axiom in my mind that our liberty can never be safe but in the hands of the people themselves, and that too of the people with a certain degree of instruction. This it is the business of the state to effect, and on a general plan. Should you see a probability of this however, you can never be at a loss for worthy objects of this donation. Even the remitting that proportion of the toll on all articles transported would present itself under many favorable con siderations, and it would in effect be to make the state do in a certain proportion what they ought to have done wholly; for I think they should clear all the rivers and lay them open and free to all. However you are infinitely the best judge how the most good may be effected with these shares. All is quiet here. There are indeed two specks in the horizon, the exchange of Bavaria, and the demarcation between the Em peror and Turks. We may add as a third the interference by the king of Prussia in the domestic disputes of the Dutch. Great Britain, it is said, begins to look towards us with a little more good humour. But how true this may be I cannot say with certainty. We are trying to render her commerce as little necessary to us 151
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as possible by finding other markets for our produce. A most favourable reduction of duties on whale oil has taken place here, which will give us a vent for that article paying a duty of a guinea and a half a ton only. I have the honor to be with the highest esteem & respect Dear Sir Your most obedient and most humble servant, TH:
JEFFERSON
RC (DLC: Washington Papers); endorsed, in part: "4th. Jany 1786." PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "via London by Mr Bingham."
To David Humphreys DEAR SIR Paris Jan. 5. 1785 [i.e. 1786]. Your letter on the subject of the medals came duly to hand, but the workman has not applied to me since as I expected, and, if I ever had his address, I have mislaid it, so that I cannot send to him. However I am not afraid that any thing is going wrong, as I had desired him to leave the part in question for the last. I inclose you two letters which have lately come to hand for you. Our town affords little new and interesting. Your pretty Mademoiselle Lucille, now Madame De ville, is expected to die. However the handsome Chanoinesse will suffice to comfort you. I forget whether Mademlle. Renaud had acquired her great celeb rity before you left us. She is now all in all. The success of Penelope has been but moderate. Yet the Connoisseurs are much pleased with it. The Cardinal de Rohan's case is still undecided. But it is thought he will lose all his livings. Mr. Barclay and Colo. Franks will set out about the middle of next week. I am absolutely ex hausted with this run of news. I will therefore proceed to avail myself of your kind offer of executing commissions for me in Lon don, and will pray you to procure for me the following articles. A pair of thick waxed leather shoes. A pair of thin dress shoes of waxed leather also. A pair of slippers of waxed leather, rather thick, for walking in the garden, inclosed is the measure for these. i doz. tooth brushes, the hair neither too strong nor too weak, with out spunges. i doz. do. with the strongest hair, such as hog's bristle, without spunges also. A silver tooth pick case, the smallest possible, such as you may 152
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have seen me use, if you should happen to have noticed mine. They cost about a dollar. The remaining numbers of BelFs Shakespeare, petit format. I have the eleven first numbers. A pair of brass dividers, 6. Inches long, with a leg to slide out. A draw pen, and pencil leg, both made to slide into the leg of the dividers occasionally; but when not in use there should be a bit of brass with a socket at each end into which they may be slid, so that the peice containing the double sockets and the draw pen and pencil leg form but one stick when run into one another, they have these in the mathematical shops in London. A pair of brass dividers with a moveable center, for reducing draughts, these have points at both ends, so as to resemble a cross when open. I think they have been not long invented, and are under a patent, they must be six inches long from point to point. Foulis's little Anacreon. Greek, this is but about 3. inches long and 2. inches wide, unbound if to be had. I forget at what time you proposed returning, but we reckon it fast and have counted you out. We begin to be jealous lest you should prefer beef-stake to bouille. I am sure however you must be in want of a little of our sunshine. I would have sent you a few bottles if Mr. Bingham could have found room for them. As he cannot I am in hopes you will be tempted to come for it. Be so good as to present me in the most friendly terms to Colo. Smith, and to be assured of the esteem & respect with which I am Dr. Sir Your friend & servt., T H : JEFFERSON R C ( A . S. W . Rosenbach, Philadelphia, 1946); endorsed. Noted in S J L as sent "by M r . Bingham." T h e enclosed letters have not been identified.
To John Paul Jones SIR Paris Jan. 5. 1785 [i.e. 1786]. I take the liberty of inclosing to you a letter with which I am honoured from his Excellency the Maréchal de Castries and a Memorial accompanying it, by which it appears that a certain Françoise Rippert claims to be paid 675* out of the portions of prize-money due to one Robinson, garde-marine and John Franc fort pilot of the squadron which was under your command which sum she says they are indebted to her. I must ask the favor of you 153
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to examine whether you have such persons on your roll, and what is due to them. I am sensible how difficult it will be for us to undertake to decide whether such debts ever existed and whether they have not been paid, and to decide this too without hearing the other party. However i f she has an authentic written power to receive their portions I would not hesitate to do her justice. I will thank you for what information you can give me on the sub ject of these people and have the honour to be with much respect & esteem Sir Your most obedient humble servant, TH:
JEFFERSON
PrC ( D L C ) . Enclosures: Copies of Castries to T J , 30 Dec. 1785, and its enclosure.
From Philip Mazzei [Leiden? 5 Jan. 1786] Encloses souvenirs which may serve to recall things T J has forgotten or be useful in comparing the present with the past. His trunk having arrived, will leave the next day, spend a few days at The Hague, and proceed to Amsterdam where he will execute any orders given him with the Van Staphorsts; asks advice about pro ceeding to have the Van Staphorsts join him in giving Edmund Ran dolph and Mr. Blair power to change his trustee because of the equivo cal conduct of Foster Webb. RC ( D L C ) ; 2 p.; in Italian; without name of addressee, place, or date, which have been supplied from internal evidence; postmarked: " J 5"; endorse ment in TJ's hand. Enclosures not identified. On 2 May 1786, in Paris,
Mazzei executed a special power of at torney for James Monroe to recover certain debts in his name; this docu ment was witnessed by T J and William Short (MHi).
From Francis Coffyn Dunkerque, 6 Jan. 1786. Received TJ's invitation to dine just before he left Paris and sent a note by a servant explaining that he could not postpone his departure because his mother-in-law was ill; arrived home the day before her death. Had called on TJ, with Mr. Barclay, to express his gratitude for the civilities shown him; will strive to merit TJ's protection by his zeal in attending to all matters concerning the welfare of the United States. RC (MHi); 2 p.; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 10 Jan. 1786. Francis Coffyn was an American who had been appointed by Benjamin Franklin to serve as consul at Dunkerque ( T J to John Jay, 14 Nov. 1788). TJ's invitation and Coffyn's note have not been found.
154
From Jean Nicolas Démeunier MONSIEUR rue de La Sourdière No. 15 Le 6 Janvier 1786 Je désirois avoir L'honneur de vous consulter sur L'article général etats-unis et sur quelques articles particuliers de vos différentes provinces, que j'insérerai dans UEconomie politique et L a diplomatique, partie de L'Encyclopédie Méthodique dont je suis chargé: vous vous êtes prêté, à cette grace que vous a demandé pour moi, M. Le Duc de L a Rochefoucauld, et je vous prie, Monsieur, de m'indiquer Les momens que vous aurés L a bonté de me donner. Je voudrois que vos affaires vous permissent de m'accorder un entretien un peu Long: J'ai beaucoup de choses à soumettre à votre examen; et vous êtes si éclairé, Monsieur, que je profiterai de vos Lumières avec beaucoup d'empressement. J'ai L'honneur de vous envoyer, Monsieur, Le premier volume de L'ouvrage qui doit contenir L'article états unis. I l sera peutêtre utile au Congrès et je suis bien aise de Le déposer dans Sa bibliothèque ou dans L a vôtre. Je vous demande L a permission, Monsieur, de vous adresser Les volumes qui suivront. Les articles Caroline Septentrionale, Caroline Meridionale et Connecticut se trouvent dans ce premier volume; il a fallu Les composer sans autres mémoires que Les Constitutions de ces 3 provinces; et emprunter quelques details déjà connus: aussi sont ils bien foibles: Je ne craindrai pas de vous avertir, Monsieur, que vous serés plus content des autres. Mon zèle pour L a gloire et L a prospérité de vos nouvelles républiques est très vif, et si Je ne puis y Contribuer qu'en Les faisant bien Connoître, Je Leur donnerai du moins Cette preuve d'attachement. Daignés recevoir ici, Monsieur, Les hommages qu'on doit à un homme qui a défendu L a cause d'amerique avec tant de Succès, et qui pour faire des ouvrages excellens n'a besoin que de jetter quelques notes sur Le papier. Agrées aussi Le respect avec Lequel J'ai l'honneur d'être Monsieur Votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur, DÉMEUNIER RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Encyclopédie of Diderot and d'AlemFor TJ's contributions to Démeuni- bert, published in 17 volumes between er's work on the 4-vol. series, Économie 1751 and 1765. The "Nouvelle Enpolitique et diplomatique, one section cyclopédie" was projected on a different of the Encyclopédie Méthodique, see and more comprehensive plan by the under 22 June 1786. The Encyclo- publishing" house of Panckoucke. The pédie Méthodique is not to be confused first volume appeared in 1782 and T J with its more famous predecessor, the had been engaged in obtaining copies 155
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of the various parts as they appeared for Madison and other friends in America. The last volume of the Encyclopédie
1786
Méthodique did not appear until after TJ's death: it was volume 166V& and was issued in 1833.
From La Lande MONSIEUR
le 6 janv. 1786.
Un officier francois qui a servi votre patrie, et qui a des revenus a toucher m'adresse pour cela a M. grand, banquier des états unis, rue neuve Sainte Caterine. Il m'a été impossible de le trouver; j'ose vous supplier de me dire si c'est une méprise ou pour le nom ou pour l'adresse; pardonnes cette liberté a un ami de votre illustre prédécesseur M. franklin, qui est avec respect Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obéissant Serviteur, DE
LA LANDE
de l'académie des Sciences au College royal RC (MHi); addressed and endorsed. Not recorded in S J L .
From John Paul Jones SIR Paris Deer. [i.e. Jan.] 6th. 1786. I have received the Letter you did me the honor to write me yesterday, enclosing a Letter to you from his Excellency the Maréchal de Castries, with a Memorial of a certain François Rippert; who claims to be paid 675* out of the portions of Prizemoney due to one Robinson Garde-marine and John Frankfort Pilot of the Squadron that was under my Command. In compliance with your request I have examined the Rolls in my hands, and find that there is no such person as John Frankfort Pilot mentioned therein. I find a John Frankfort, Seaman, on the Roll of the BonHomme-Richard,'and there appears due to him 115Ms.-lld.; but this cannot, I am persuaded, be the person designed in the Memorial you sent me. I rather think it was a person of the same Name who, having been mate of one of the Prizes, had remained with me, as he desired to return to his native Country America; but, as I had a sufficient number of Officers in the Alliance, his Name is not mentioned in the Roll. Arthur Robinson was a Mid shipman in the Alliance; but the division of the Prize-money due to that Frigate does not depend on me, nor have I with me the Rules necessary for that purpose. Congress has directed the di156
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vision, and the payment to each individual to be made in the Treasury of the United-States; and I have given Bonds for 200,000 Spanish Dollars to pay the whole Sum received into the continental Treasury. When I went from hence to L'Orient to settle the Prize-money in July last, Mr. le Jeune, Commissaire des Classes, made a public Proclamation for all persons having claims against the individuals who served under my orders to bring in their Accounts to his office and there receive payment. This was only a repeatition of a former publication that Mr. le Jeune had made; and, as I was after this detained two Months at L'orient, it will not now be said that sufficient time was not given. Mr. le Jeune, in my hearing, refused to receive various claims, because they had not been made in proper Season. And Mr. Thevenard, the Commandant, in my presence, dismissed and threatened to imprison some persons, who brought, for his approbation, accounts of sundry articles of Cloathing furnished to individuals belonging to the Royal Navy without his Orders. If those two examples were to be taken as a Rule for our conduct, what would become of the Memorial of Francois Rippert? She can shew no authority from me for her demand, and I have great reason to complain of her and others like her, who seduced my Sailors from their duty on Board their Ships; where they had plenty of as good Provision as that with which she pre tends to have supplyed them. But, there is yet one way, and I know no other, to obtain pay ment, to the amount of the Prize-money, for any Sums that may be claimed by the Subjects of France, from the Subjects of the United-States who have Prize-money due for their Service under my Orders. I mean, If either the Governement or individuals will send over their Accounts and Vouchers to the Charge des Affaires of France in America, before the division and distribution of the Prize-money takes place in the national Treasury. I need only add that I am ready to do on this occasion whatever you may think fit to direct; but if you admit the present claim I apprehend that others will follow, for which you will not perhaps choose to be accountable. I am, Sir, with much respect and esteem, Your most obedient and most humble Servant, J P A U L JONES RC (DLC: John Paul Jones Papers). T r ( D L C ) ; in Short's hand; correctly dated.
157
To Archibald Cary DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 7. 1786.
It will be a misfortune to the few of my countrymen (and very very few they are indeed) who happen to be punctual. Of this I shall give you a proof by the present application, which I should not make to you if I did not know you to be superior to the torpidity of our climate. In my conversations with the Count de Buffon on the subjects of Natural history, I find him absolutely unacquainted with our Elk and our deer. He has hitherto beleived that our deer never had horns more than a foot long; and has therefore classed them with the roe-buck, which I am sure you know them to be different from. I have examined some of the red deer of this country at the distance of about 60. yards, and I find no other difference between them and ours, but a shade or two in the colour. Will you take the trouble to procure for me the largest pair of bucks horns you can, and a large skin of each colour, that is to say a red and a blue? If it were possible to take these from a buck just killed, to leave all the bones of the head in the skin, with the horns on, to leave the bones and hoofs of the legs and feet in the skin, so that having only made an incision all along the belly and neck, to take the animal out at, we could by sewing up that incision and stuffing the skin, present the true size and form of the animal, it would be a most precious present. Our deer have been often sent to England and Scotland. Do you know (with certainty) whether they have ever bred with the red deer of those countries? With respect to the Elk, I despair of your being able to get for me any thing but the horns of it. David Ross I know has a pair; perhaps he would give them to us. It is useless to ask for the skin and skeleton, because I think it not in your power to get them, otherwise they would be most desirable. A gentleman, fellow passenger with me from Boston to England, promised to send to you in my name some hares, rabbets, pheasants and partridges, by the return of the ship which was to go to Virginia, and the captain promised great care of them. My friend procured the animals, and, the ship changing her destination, he kept them in hopes of finding some other conveyance, till they all perished. I do not despair however of finding some opportunity still of sending a colony of useful animals. I am making a collec tion of vines for wine and for the table, some trees also, such as the Cork oak, &c. &c. 1
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Every thing is absolutely quiet in Europe. There is not therefore a word of news to communicate. I pray you to present me affec tionately to your family and that of Tuckahoe. Whatever expence is necessary for procuring me the articles abovementioned I will instantly replace either in cash or in any thing you may wish from hence. I am with very sincere esteem Dear Sir your most obedient humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "via London by Mr Bingham." The meaning of this sentence becomes clearer as printed, with some edi1
torial liberties, by H A W , I , 507 (from this PrC obviously): "The very few of my countrymen, who happen to be punctual, will find their punctuality a misfortune to them."
To Francis Eppes DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 7. 1786.
I wrote you last on the 11th. of December, by the way of London. That conveiance being incertain, I write the present chiefly to repeat a prayer I urged in that, that you would confide my daughter only to a French or English vessel having a Mediter ranean pass. This attention, tho' of little consequence in matters of merchandize, is of weight in the mind of a parent which sees even possibilities of capture beyond the reach of any estimate. If a peace be concluded with the Algerines, in the mean time, you shall be among the first to hear it from myself. I pray you to be lieve it from nobody else, so far as respects the conveiance of my daughter to me. Every thing is quiet here, and nothing at present visible in the political horizon likely to disturb that quiet during the next year. Patsy, Mr. Short and myself are well. I must pray you to remem ber me most affectionately to Mrs. Eppes and the little ones, and to Mr. and Mrs. Skipwith and family. I would ask a recollection of the seeds formerly written for if I had not already too often troubled you with it. I am with sincere esteem Dear Sir Your friend and Servt., T H : JEFFERSON RS. I will mention the letters I have received from you since I have been in Europe, that you may see if any have miscarried, to wit, 1784. Sep. 16 and Oct. 14 from yourself and 1784. Oct. 13. from Mrs. Eppes. A letter from Doctor Currie informs me my daughter was well as late as the 5th. of Aug. 1785. PrC (CSmH). Noted in S J L as sent "via London by Mr Bingham."
159:
To John Sullivan DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 7. 1786.
The readiness with which you undertook to endeavour to get for me the skin, the skeleton, and the horns of the Moose, the Caribou, and the Orignal or Elk, emboldens me to renew my ap plication to you for those objects, which would be an acquisition here, more precious than you can imagine. Could I chuse the manner of preparing them, it should be to leave the hoof on, to leave the bones of the legs and of the thighs if possible in the skin, and to leave also the bones of the head in the skin with the horns on, so that by sewing up the neck and belly of the skin we should have the true form and size of the animal. However I know they are too rare to be obtained so perfect; therefore I will pray you to send me the skin, skeleton and horns just as you can get them, but most especially those of the moose. Address them to me, to the care of the American Consul of the port in France to which they come. Perhaps the new call for American whale oil in this country may induce vessels to come to Havre which is the best port for things destined for Paris. Whatever expence you incur in procuring or sending these things, I will immediately repay either here or in Boston as you please. All is quiet in Europe. The reduction of the duty on American whale oil brought to this country, to about a guinea and a half a ton, is the only interesting intelligence I have to communicate. I am with great esteem Dear Sir your most obedient humble servt., TH:
JEFFERSON
PrC ( DLC ). Noted in S J L as sent "via London by Mr Bingham."
To George Washington Paris Jan. 7. 1785 [i.e. 1786]. A conversation with the Count de Rochambeau yesterday obliges me to write a supplementary letter to that of the 4th. instant. He informs me that he has had applications for paiment from the person who furnished the badges for the Cincinnati, as well the Americans as French, that this person informed him they were not paid for, that he had furnished them indeed on the application of Major L'Enfant, but that he did not do it in reliance on his credit, for that he should not have trusted so much to Major l'Enfant of DEAR SIR
: 160
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whose means of paiment he knew nothing, but that he considered himself as working for a society who had delivered their orders thro' Major l'Enfant, and always expected the Society would see him paid. Count Rochambeau has written to Major l'Enfant, and the answer is that he has never received the whole, nor expects to be able to collect it, and that being without resources he is obliged, as fast as he collects it, to apply it to his own sustenance. Count Rochambeau told the workman he would pay for the badges delivered him for the French officers ( I think he said about 40. in number) but that for the others he must apply to the Marquis de la fayette and Count d'Estaing. As L'Enfant's letter gives room to suppose a misapplication of these monies, and in the mean time the honour of the American officers stands committed, and in danger of being spoken of publicly, I thought it my duty to ap prise you of this, that you might take such measures herein as you think best. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the most perfect esteem Dear Sir Your most obedient and most humble servt.,
T H : JEFFERSON
RC (DLC: Washington Papers); endorsed. PrC ( D L C ) ; first page only. Noted in S J L as sent, together with TJ's letter to Washington of 4 Jan. 1786 "via Lon don by Mr Bingham."
To William Whipple DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 7. 1786.
I am emboldened to renew my application to you on the subject of the Moose, the Caribou and the Orignal or elk, from the readi ness with which you were so kind as to undertake to assist me with them while in America. The skin, the skeleton and the horns of each, would be an acquisition here more precious than you could conceive. Could I chuse the manner in which I would wish them to be preserved, it should be to leave the bones of the legs and the hoofs in the skin, and the bones of the head also, with the horns on; so that by sowing up the incision made along the belly and neck, and stuffing the animal, we should have it's true form and size. However I know that these animals are too rare to be obtained so perfect; therefore I will pray you to send me the skin, the bones and the horns just as you can get them, addressed to the American Consul at the port of France to which the ship shall come but particularly I would press for those of the Moose. The new chan nel opened for whale oil to this country will perhaps give you 161
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conveiances to Havre, which is much the best port for things destined for Paris. Whatever expence you incur in procuring or sending these objects shall be immediately repaid you in Boston, or here, as you please. All is quiet in Europe, so that there is not a word of news to communicate, except the reduction of the duties in this country, on American whale oil, to about a guinea and a half a ton. I am with very great esteem Dear Sir your most obedient humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "via London by Mr Bingham."
To Borgnis Desbordes, Frères à Paris ce 8me. Janvier. 1786. J'ai eu l'honneur, Messieurs, de recevoir vos deux lettres du 26me. Xbre. et 2me. Janvier. Je ne cesse point de solliciter du ministre la grace de ces malheureux prisonniers. Vous sentirez bien que la sentence des juges qui les trouvent coupables auroit dû faire une impression défavorable sur le ministre. E n consequence, j'ai été obligé de borner mes sollicitations à leur liberté personelle. Encore je ne l'ai pû obtenir: mais j'espere de l'obtenir. Je crois même que les délais que cette demande a éprouvé ne peuvent être rapportés qu'aux lenteurs ordinaires des bureaux. Je vous rends mille graces, Messieurs, des attentions que vous avez la bonté de faire à ces malheureux, dont le sort est vraiment pitoyable. Ce me fera le plus grand plaisir d'etre à même de vous avertir, ainsi qu'eux mêmes, de son adoucissement. J'ai l'honneur d'etre avec un profond respect Messieurs votre tres humble et tres obéissant serviteur, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) .
To Castries Paris Jan. 9. 1785 [i.e. 1786]. On receiving the honor of your Excellency's letter of December 30 on the subject of the debts due by Robinson and Francfort to Françoise Rippert, I asked of Captain Jones those informations which his office had put him in possession of. I now trouble you with a copy of his letter on the subject. Your Excellency will find SIR
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1786
by that that Robinson having belonged to the Alliance, and the portions of the individuals of that vessel being unsettled, and to be settled in America, it is impracticable to pay it till it shall have been fixed. If Françoise Rippert has an authentic appointment from him to receive his dividend, on transmitting it to any person in America private or public, on whom she can rely, she will be able to receive the money there. With respect to John Frankfort, Your Excellency will see there were two of that name, the one a sailor, the other a prisoner taken from the English in one of the prizes which is the subject of this division. The first could not be indebted to the petitioner for lodging and board, as Captain Jones supposes, because being a common sailor he could not have been absent from the ship with out rendering himself criminal, and those who covered him. It seems probable that it was the prisoner of that name who boarded and lodged with the petitioner. But he can have no claim on the prize of which he was himself a part. The particular grounds on which these two claims stand, furnish particular reasons against my interfering in them. But the future applications of the same nature, with which your Excellency may possibly be troubled, might render it necessary for me to rely on a general reason, and that I should mention it at this time. Your Excellency will be sensible how difficult it would be for me to enter into investigations of the debts contracted by American sailors in the ports where they may happen to have been; how erroneous might be the result of that investigation where but one party is heard, and how foreign to the regular authorities given me. Should a desire of doing justice induce me, however unauthorised, to constitute myself judge in these demands, I should be answerable for any injury I might do by a mistaken determination. I shall with great pleasure render every aid I can, either here or in America, to those who have claims against the American sailors, and will go as far to obtain justice for them as my powers will permit. An additional motive to this will be the desire of conforming myself at all times to the inclinations of your Excellency, and of assuring you of the sentiments of profound respect and esteem with which I have the honour to be your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Enclosure: Copy of John Paul Jones to T J , 6 Jan. 1786.
163
From Cambray Au Chateau de Villers aux Erables par Mondidier ce 10 Janvr. 1786 Permettes moi, Monsieur, de Vous troubler un instant pour Vous prier de me faire l'honneur de m'informer du Succès d'un objet auquel je prends quelque intérêt. Il y a environ dix huit mois que Suivant les désirs de Mr. Morris j'eus l'honneur de remettre à Mr. Franklin deux Certificats de l'Ancien Treasury office, et du Board of War pour être échangés contre un Certificat de Nouvelle forme; Comme je Suppose que Vous auriés pu le recevoir Je me flatte que Vous aures la bonté de m'eclaircir la dessus. Je me trouve aussi trop heureux de me Servir de ce pretexte pour me rappeller à l'honneur de Votre souvenir. Je n'ay point oublié toutes les marques d'amitié que j'ay reçu de Vous à Baltimore lorsque nous devions nous embarquer sur le Romulus; à mon premier Voyage à Paris je me ferai un devoir d'aller Vous en marquer ma reconnoissance; je me Suis marié à mon retour d'Amérique, et je vis dans mes terres ou je goûte le repos et les douceurs d'une vie tranquille. J'ay l'honneur d'être Monsieur Votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur, L E C T E . DE CAMBRAY RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in SJL as received 13 Jan. 1786. Valentine Giamatti's doctoral dissertation entitled "Le Chevalier de Cambray in America, 1778-1783" (unpublished, Harvard) gives the fullest ac-
count of Cambray's activities during the Revolution; for a brief sketch, see Lasseray, Les Français sous les treize étoiles, p. 139-40 (where the name is given as De Cambray-Digny).
To Cosimo Mari [Paris, 10 Jan. 1786. Noted in SJL as written on this date, "acknoleging receipt of his." Not found; but see Mari to T J , 16 and 23 Dec. 1785.]
To Philip Mazzei [Paris, 10 Jan. 1786. Noted in SJL as written this date, "inclosing letters and mge [mortgage?]." Not found.] 164
From George Wythe G W TO T J 10. jan. 1786. Williamsburgh My neighbour Madison, just now, sent to me a pacquet, which i perceived, by the superscription, to have come from you; a favour little deserved by one who had not writen to you since you crossed the atlantic. I will not say what was the cause of this silence; but can swear, that the cause was not forgetfullness of you, nor want of good will for you. Before i opened the pacquet observing it to contain books, i hoped to see the copy of one, with a cursory reading of which i had then lately been delighted. You will know what book i mean, when i tell you, that he, who indulged me with the reading of it, informed me, that the author had not yet resolved to publish it. I shall rejoice to find myself judged worthy one of those copies already printed, if there will be no more. I wish to get the arms of Taliaferro, which, from informa tion, i believe to have been a tuscan family, engraven on a copper plate, with this motto OT AOKEIN APISTOS AAA' EINAI. and the name Richard Taliaferro. But i would not have this done, if it can not be without giving you trouble, nor unless you will order to whom here i shall repay the cost. Perhaps the motto, taken from Aeschylus (enra em B^YSCUÇ six. 5 9 8 ) would be sufficient without A P I Ç O Ç . If you think so, leave out that word. Adieu. 1
RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 23 May 1786. See T J to Madi son, 2 Oct. 1785, concerning the P A C Q U E T . i Thus in MS. See Wythe to T J , 10 Feb. 1786; T J to Wythe, 13 Aug. 1786.
To John Adams SIR Paris Jan. 12. 1786. You were here the last year when the interest due to the French officers was paid to them, and were sensible of the good effect it had on the credit and honor of the U . S . A second year's interest is become due. They have presented their demands. There is not money here to pay them, the pittance remaining in Mr. Grand's hands being only sufficient to pay current expences three months longer. The dissatisfaction of these officers is extreme, and their complaints will produce the worst effect. The treasury board has not ordered their paiment, probably because they knew there would not be money. The amount of their demands is about 4 2 , 0 0 0 livres and Mr. Grand has in his hands but twelve thousand. I 165
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have thought it my duty under this emergency to ask you whether you could order that sum for their relief from the funds in Hol land? If you can, I am persuaded it will have the best of effects. The imperial Ambassador took me apart the other day at Count d'Aranda's, and observed to me that Doctr. Franklin about eighteen or twenty months ago had written to him a letter pro posing a treaty of commerce between the Emperor and the U.S. that he had communicated it to the Emperor and had answered to Doctor Franklin that they were ready to enter into arrange ments for that purpose: but that he had since that received no reply from us. I told him I knew well that Doctor Franklin had written as he mentioned, but that this was the first mention I had ever heard made of any answer to the letter, that on the contrary we had always supposed it was unanswered and had therefore expected the next step from him. He expressed his wonder at this and said he would have the copy of his answer sought for and send it to me. However, he observed that this matter being now understood between us, the two countries might proceed to make the arrangements. I told him the delay had been the more un lucky as our powers were now near expiring. He said he supposed Congress could have no objections to renew them, or perhaps to send some person to Brussels to negotiate the matter there. We remitted all further discussion till he should send me a copy of his letter. He has not yet done it, and I doubt whether he has not forgotten the substance of his letter which probably was no more than an acknowlegement of the receipt of Dr. Franklin's and a promise to transmit it to his court. If he had written one pro posing conferences, it could never have got safe to Doctor Franklin. Be this as it will he now makes advances, and I pray you to write me your sentiments immediately as to what is best to be done on our part. I will endeavor to evade an answer till I can hear from you. I have the honor to be with the highest respect & esteem Dear Sir, your most obedient & most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON RC (MHi: AMT). PrC ( D L C ) . The letter from T H E I M P E R I A L A M B A S S A D O R to Franklin was written 28 Sep. 1784 and enclosed in the Commissioners' letter to Congress of 11 Nov. 1784; printed in Dipl. Corr., 1783-1789, I , 387-8; see following letter to Adams.
166
To John Adams DEAR SIR
Paris. Jan. 12. 1786.
I had just closed the preceding letter when M. de Blumendorf the Imperial Secretary of legation called on me with the answer to Doctr. Franklin. It was that of Sep. 28. 1784 which you re member as well as myself, wherein Count Merci informed us the Emperor was disposed to enter into commercial arrangements with us and that he would give orders to the Government of the Austrian Netherlands to take the necessary measures. I observed to M. de Blumendorff that this answer shewed the next step was to come from them. He acknoleged it, but said these orders having been for the Netherlands only, they had waited in expectation of others for comprehending Hungary, Bohemia and the Austrian dominions in general, and that they still expect such instructions. I told him that while they should be expecting them, I would write to you on the subject, as it was necessary for us to act jointly in this business. I think they are desirous of treating, and will urge it. I shall be anxious therefore to receive your sentiments on the subject; and renew the assurances of the esteem with which I am Dear Sir, Your friend & servt., T H : JEFFERSON RC (MHi: AMT); endorsed. PrC ( D L C ) .
To Nathanael Greene DEAR SIR Paris Jan. 12. 1785 [i.e. 1786]. Your favour of June 1. did not come to hand till the 3d of September. I immediately made enquiries on the subject of the frigate you had authorised your relation to sell to this govern ment, and I found that he had long before that sold her to gov ernment, and sold her very well as I understood. I noted the price on the back of your letter, which I have since unfortunately mislaid so that I cannot at this moment state to you the price. But the transaction is of so long standing that you cannot fail to have received advice of it. I should without delay have given you this information but that I hoped constantly to be able to accompany it with information as to the live oak, which was another object of your letter. This, tho' it has been constantly pressed by Mr. St. John, and also by the M. de la Fayette since his return from 167
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Berlin, has been spun to a great length, and at last they have only decided to send to you for samples of the wood. Letters on this subject from the M. de la fayette accompany this. Every thing in Europe is quiet, and promises quiet for at least a year to come. We do not find it easy to make commercial arrangements in Europe. There is a want of confidence in us. This country has lately reduced the duties on American whaleoil to about a guinea and a half the ton, and I think they will take the greatest part of what we can furnish. I hope therefore that this branch of our commerce will resume it's activity. Portugal shews a disposition to court our trade; but this has for some time been discouraged by the hostilities of the pyratical states of Barbary. The Emperor of Morocco who had taken one of our vessels, immediately consented to suspend hostilities, and ultimately gave up the vessel, cargo and crew. I think we shall be able to settle matters with him. But I am not sanguine as to the Algerines. They have taken two of our vessels, and I fear will ask such a tribute for a forbearance of their piracies as the U.S. would be unwilling to pay. When this idea comes across my mind, my faculties are absolutely suspended between indignation and impotence. I think whatever sums we are obliged to pay for freedom of navigation in the European seas, should be levied on the European com merce with us, by a separate impost, that these powers may see that they protect these enormities for their own loss. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the most perfect esteem & respect Dear Sir Your most obedient and most humble servt.,
T H : JEFFERSON
RC (PHi); endorsed. PrC ( D L C ) . The
LETTERS
ON THIS SUBJECT
FROM
M . D E L A F A Y E T T E which accom panied the present letter were evidently those of 3 and 29 Dec. 1785. In the first, responding to Greene's appeal for aid in the marketing of Georgia live oak timbers in France, Lafayette in formed Greene that "in my last Con ference with Maréchal de Castries the naval Minister, I found Him better dis posed to purchase his naval stores in America than ever he had been," that Castries would "be particularly happy to make arrangements with one he so much Respects as general Greene, but wishes you first to send a small Cargo, particularly of Knees-crooked timber, 3ois courbes de toutes Espece to any french port," that Lafayette thought
THE
this sample cargo should be in charge of "a very Clever Capitane with orders to come immediately to me and [with] your pleins pouvoirs to treat on a Large Scale," and that it would be advisable to have Wadsworth and McHenry asso ciated in the enterprise (Lefayette to Greene, 3 Dec. 1785; D L C : Greene Papers; Dft of a letter from Greene to Castries, undated but written in latter part of 1785, setting forth the fine qualities of American live oak and soliciting an order, is in MiU-C). Be fore Lafayette's letter arrived in Amer ica, Castries ordered a thousand cubic feet of "Green [live] Oack in Knees, cut in your Cumberland Ibland, and also for some pieces cf Red Cedar wood," an order which Lafayette transmitted at once, along with the advice that the
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13 J A N U A R Y quality and price of the cargo should "be such as to encourage a Bargain . . . upon a very Large Scale which prob ably will take place immediately" ( L a
1786
fayette to Greene, 29 Dec. 1785; M i U C ; see also Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783 89, p. 209-10).
To La Rouerie SIR
Paris Jan. 12. 1786.
I have been honoured with your letter of the 26th. of Dec. on the subject of the interest due to the foreign officers. An express instruction of Congress having subjected their monies in Europe to the order of their board of treasury only leaves me without the power of giving the order you desire. However, wishing to do what ever was possible for those officers, I went to Mr. Grand's to con sult him on the subject. He informed me he had received no orders to make the paiment, and moreover that there was no money had he received an order. I have therefore written to Mr. Adams at London to know whether there is any money in Holland subject to his order from which this sum could be supplied. But in truth I have no expectations from that quarter, and only tried it be cause there was a possibility of aid from thence. I wrote however to Congress praying their immediate and effectual interposition. From this I hope better effects. But it will be three months at least before their orders can be received. So soon as they shall be known to me I shall certainly make it my duty to communicate them to you, and have the honor to be with much respect Sir Your most obedient humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . i WROTE HOWEVER PRAYING
THEIR
TO
IMMEDIATE
CONGRESS AND
E F -
T J evidently intended to write and perhaps did so at this time. There is an entry in S J L for a letter of 12 Jan. 1786 to Jay, but this entry is crossed out and the words FECTUAL
INTERPOSITION:
"not sent" placed after it. I n his letter to L a Rouerie of 26 J a n . T J again spoke of having written to America; but the first communication that he appears to have written on this subject is that to the Commissioners of the Treasury of 26 Jan. 1786.
To Lister Asquith SIR Paris, Jan. 13. 1786. I have duly received your letter of the 2d. instant. The delays which have attended your enlargement have been much beyond my expectation. The reason I have not written to you for some time has been the constant expectation of receiving an order for your 169
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discharge. I have not yet received it however. I went to Versailles three days ago and made fresh applications on the subject. I received assurances which give me reason to hope the order for your discharge should soon be made out. Be assured it shall not be delayed a moment after it comes to my hands, and that I shall omit no opportunity of hastening it. In the mean time I think you may comfort yourself and companions with the certainty of receiving it ere long. I am Sir Your most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) .
To Barré SIR Paris Jan. 13. 1786. I had the honour of receiving your favor of the 13th. of December, and having never been able to obtain an answer from the painter in America on the subject of Geni. Washington's picture, I have determined to permit it to be copied. I have therefore made the first offer to M. de Thevenard by a letter to him which accompanies this. I have written it in English, because you will be so good as to translate it to him, and I write the French very indifferently; I understand it however well enough to receive any commands in French which he may be pleased to give me on the subject. I have the honour to be with much respect, Sir, Your most obedient humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Enclosure: T J to Thevenard, this date. Y O U R F A V O R O F T H E 13TH.: Undoubtedly an error for 23d.; T J had received Barré's letter of 23 Dec. 1785, on 2 Jan. 1786.
From Borgnis Desbordes, Frères SON E X C E L L E N C E A Brest Le 13. Janvier 1786. Nous avons L'honneur de vous communiquer une Lettre de Ces malheureux Américains qui gémissent dans Les prisons et sont fort inquiètes de n'avoir pas reçu de vous des Lettres qui auraient contribué à Leur Consolation, ce qui Leur a fait soupçonner qu'elles étaient interceptées; Nous Leur Mandons par ce courier que cela n'était pas probable ayant eu L'honneur d'en recevoir plusieurs de vous par Lesquelles Nous voyions que vous 170 ;
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feziés toutes Les démarches nécessaires pour Les Libérer. Ces malheureux se reposent entièrement sur Vos bontés et attendent avec impatience L'adoucissement de Leur Sort. Nous avons L'honneur d'être avec un profond respect Vos très humbles et obéissant Serviteurs, BORGNIS DESBORDES frères RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 18 Jan. 1786. Enclosure ( D L C ) : Copy of a letter from Lister Asquith to "Monsieur Desbordes," 9 Jan. 1786, informing him that no letters have been received from T J since
3 Dec. when TJ's letter of 25 Nov. arrived; Asquith fears, therefore, that the three letters he has written T J since then have been intercepted or that TJ's reply has been intercepted,
To Cambray SIR Paris Jan. 13. 1786. I received this day your favor of the 10th. instant. Dr. Franklin did not leave with me any Certificates old or new either for yourself or any other person, neither is it in my power to give you any information on that subject. I think it would be adviseable for you to write to M. Otto, Chargé des affaires of France at New York, who can make the necessary enquiries for you, of Dr. Franklin, Mr. Morris, or the new board of Treasury as he shall find expedient. I recall with great satisfaction the remembrance of the acquaintance I had the honor of contracting with you at Baltimore, and should be very happy to see you whenever you come to Paris. Accept my congratulations on your marriage and happy establishment in your own country, and assurances of the respect and esteem with which I have the honor to be Dear Sir, your most obedient & most humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) .
To William Carmichael DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 13. 1786.
I had the honour of receiving on the 1st. inst. your favor of Dec. 17. I had before that, in a letter of Dec. 8. explained to you the cause of the bill not being paid which appeared here in your name, so far as I had been obliged to meddle in it. My letter to Mr. Grand which I inclosed to you, will have shewn you that I advised him to follow what had been his practice as to your bills. 171
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I do assure you, Sir, most solemnly that as to myself no question ever arose in my mind but whether the bill was genuine or not; and that had that been ascertained, I should never have presumed to doubt the propriety of the draught. Of that you alone are the judge in my opinion, and accountable to nobody but Congress; but least of all to me, who have nothing to do with the application of the monies here, and am only forced into a temporary interference by Mr. Grand's refusal to pay any thing but on my order. I have sent representations on this subject to the board of treasury, and shall expect ere long to communicate their orders to Mr. Grand for exercising this office himself according to the rules they shall lay down for his government. The mention made in your letter of some articles of expence occasions me to observe to you that postage, and couriers are allowed to be charged by an express resolution of Congress, that Etrennes and house-rent have like wise been charged by the ministers and allowed in the settlement of their accounts. I conceive that illuminations and gala may with the same propriety be charged. I think it is the universal custom to allow to all ministers charges of these descriptions. I think Dr. Franklin told me he had made diligent enquiry here of the diplo matic corps, and had only charged those things which were sancti fied by general usage in the diplomatic accounts. I take the liberty of mentioning these things to you that the want of information may not occasion you to place yourself on a worse footing than that on which you have just title to stand. At the same time I will pray you to make use of the information only for the erecting of your accounts, as I should be unwilling to be named as the author of an advice in which I might seem to be interested.—I omitted to observe on the subject of your bill of exchange that I have not had an opportunity of recurring to the letters written by yourself and Mr. Grand to which you refer me. We have been in expecta tion of receiving a renewal of the bill and that you would be so good as to accompany it with a letter of advice, a precaution which the innumerable forgeries of this city, is thought to render neces sary even in private cases. I suppose you will have heard that Doctor Franklin is appointed president of Pennsylvania, and has accepted the office. Houdon went over, on account of the state of Virginia, to take the moulds of General Washington in order to make his statue. He is returned. He tells me that he heard of the safe arrival of the Ass which the king of Spain had been so generous as to send to the general. He 172
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could not tell me where he was arrived. A letter from General Washington of Nov. 2. informs me that of the 50,000£ sterling necessary for opening the Potowmac, 40,000£ were actually made up, and no fear of procuring the balance; so that the work is begun. The whole money for opening James river is made up. This is the only American news I have worth communicating. This government has lately reduced the duties on American whale oil to a guinea and a half a ton, which will draw that commerce from London wholly to this country. Mr. Adams having made complaints to the court of London of the ill behavior of Capt. Stanhope, I am informed, tho' not from him, that they disavow his conduct and have severely reprimanded him, and given this official information to Mr. Adams. He also required a re-delivery of our prisoners sent to the E . Indies. They have informed him that they have given orders for their being brought back. Mr. Barclay will have the honour of delivering you this and of supplying any intelligence I may omit. I am sure you will give him all the aid in your power as to his object. Accept from me assurances of the sincere esteem with which I have the honour to be Dear Sir, your most obedient & most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) .
To Frichet {Paris, 13 Jan. 1786. Entry in SJL reads: "le Curé de Gelannes. Acknoleging receipt of his of Xbre. 31." Not found.]
To Thevenard SIR Paris Jan. 13. 1786. I received a letter from Mr. Barré some time last winter expressing your desire to have a copy of the picture of General Washington. I informed him that I had two pictures of him by different hands; the one by Peale, better painted; but the other by Wright, more resembling the general; that you should be perfectly welcome to have a copy of either; that if you preferred Peale's, it might be taken immediately; but that if you wished a copy of Wright's, it would be attended with some delay; because before the painter would agree to draw it for me, he made me promise not to permit any copy of it to be taken till his mother in London 173
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should have time to have an engraving from one which he drew at the same time, and also to dispose of the engravings. Twenty months have now elapsed, and I can neither learn that they have made any engraving from the picture, nor get an answer from the painter. I therefore conclude he has declined having the engraving, and think myself at liberty to permit a copy to be taken. I embrace the earliest occasion of mentioning this to you and of offering to furnish either of these pictures to be copied by any painter whom you may chuse: and of rendering you any other service herein which may be in my power. I shall therefore be happy in receiving your commands specifying which picture you would chuse to have copied, by what painter, and of what size: and have the honor to be with sentiments of the highest respect Sir your most obedient & most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (CSmH); at foot of text: "Mr Thevenard Commandant de la marine à l'Orient." This letter was enclosed in T J to Barré, this date.
From Thomas Barclay DEAR SIR S:Germain 14th. Jany. 1786 With this you will find the Duplicate of a letter with some papers for the Governor of Virginia, the original will go by the next packet from l'Orient, and therefore you will have the good ness to send this by some other Conveyance. I am with great Sincerity Dear Sir Your Most Obed. & Most Huml Serv:, THOS BARCLAY
The Bearer will deliver to you the two Belts and Cartridge Box, which I Brought here by Mistake, and you will please to lend them to Mr. De Presolle who will return them to you. RC ( D L C ) . Not recorded in S J L . The enclosed D U P L I C A T E O F A L E T T E R WITH SOME PAPERS
FOR T H E GOVERNOR
was Barclay's to Patrick Henry, Paris, 16 Jan. 1786, transmit ting the following papers concerning the matter of obtaining arms and ac coutrements contracted for in France by Barclay for Virginia: (1) Receipt of Ferdinand Grand for 166,666 livres 13s. 4d., "being the amount of M. Morris's Bill on Le Couteulx, subject to the Draughts of M. Jefferson or my self, to carry an Interest at . . . four $ cen ^ annum untili it is drawn. . . ." OF
VIRGINIA
(2) Contract "with Mr. St. Victour, Superintendant at the Royal Manufac tory of Arms at Tulle . . . for the de livery of 3400 stand of arms there, in about Eight Months, on the same terms the arms for the use of the Kings Troops are furnish'd at; to go through all the Formalities of Proof, Trials, &ca. with the Kings arms, which alone will be a work of three months." (3) "The Marquis de la Fayette's approbation of what has been done in the Article of Fusils." (4) Contract with "M. De Presolle for 3400 cartridge Boxes, 3400 Belts for Cartridge Boxes and Bayonets,
174
14 J A N U A R Y and 3400 Belts or Slings for Fusils, to be delivered in Paris, in Eight Months. ' (5) Estimate of cost of these articles "amounting to 157580 Livres, which . . . will leave and that Sum M. Jefferson will have occasion to apply to the use of the State of Virginia, for purposes, the nature of which, he will advise you." Barclay added: "I shall pass to Bordeaux, in a few days; and have written to engage a person to meet me there, with whom I expect to contract for the Gun Powder and the paper and Flints shall be provided. The 1
1786
original of the papers abovemention'd, are in the hands of Mr. Jefferson, the Sample of the Cartouche Boxes and Belts, which are sealed by M. De Presolle and myself, shall also be left with him" (Barclay to Henry, 16 Jan. 1786, together with T r of enclosures mentioned, Vi; underneath the copy of the second enclosure is a copy of Lafayette's comment: "I have read the above, and seen the Model; and . . . I very readily give [my opinion] in favour of what has been done.").
From Pierre-André Gargaz a Salon ce 14 Janvier 1786. Je vous prie de joindre a la Lettre ci-jointe incluse, quelque chose, si vous jugez a propos, pour encourager les Ameriquains a comencer eux mêmes par adopter l'union souveraine, et la faire passer a son adresse, quand il vous plairra Monseigneur. MONSEIGNEUR
GARGA
surnomé franse Je n'ai pas encore osé dire a aucun le nom des desaprobateurs par deux raisons. L a premiere; parce que je crains qu'en se voiant divulguez, fassent de nouveaux eforts pour atirer dans leur parti, les malfaiteurs de toute espece, et dissiper, par ce moïen l'union souveraine. E t la seconde; parce que j'espere que lors qu'on ne parlera en rien d'eux, ils auront regret de n'avoir pas été des premiers aprobateurs de l'union, et viendront avec plaisir se rejouir sous son Drapeau; tout corne les enfants de quels animal qu'il soit (homes et betes) vienent se réfugier, se tranquiliser, et se rejouïr, sous la protection de leurs peres et mères. Néanmoins s'il est utile, Monseigneur, que vous les conoissiez pour établir l'union souveraine, je vous enverrai leurs noms sur une simple liste signée Garga, surnomé franse, ou même les Paquets, les Letres, et leurs cachets tels que je les ai reçus de la Poste; excepté, que je les ai ouverts en déchirant le papier sans rompre aucun cachet. Sous les Condictions neantmoins que les desaprobateurs ne seront point traités corne d'homes méchants; mais simplement corne d'homes ignorents ou corne d'Enfants d'environ 5 ou 6 ans. Mon adresse est a Pierre André Garga, surnomé franse a la Maison de Madame Dastre a Salon. RC ( D L C ) . Enclosure not found.
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From Louis Guillaume Otto A New-York le 15. Janvier 1786. Votre Excellence aura vû par mes lettres précédentes, combien j'ai lieu de me louer des recommandations dont elle a bien voulu m'honnorer. Je trouve que les sentimens des Américains à notre égard sont toujours les mêmes, et que nous devons beaucoup a cet égard a vos raports et à votre équité. Les Etats-unis n'ont fait aucun choix d'un Ministre Plénipotentiaire pour la hollande. Cette mission importante a été offerte successivement à Messrs. Livingston et Rutledge, mais ils ont decliné d'accepter; on croit que M. Izard sera élu incessament. L a ratification de notre Convention, Monsieur, devient de jour en jour plus importante. I l est fâcheux pour les differens Consuls établis soit en France, soit en Amérique, de ne pas connoître l'étendue de leurs pouvoirs, et d'être sans cesse arrêtés dans l'exercice de leurs fonctions par l'incertitude et par la crainte de déplaire à leurs Constituans, ou au Souverain du pays dans lequel ils se trouvent placés. Cet état précaire est très préjudiciable aux opérations du Commerce, et Votre Excellence ne sauroit rendre un plus grand service aux deux nations, qu'en donnant plus de solidité aux établissemens Consulaires. Les hostilités des Corsaires Barbaresques ont fait une grande sensation en Amérique. Plusieurs personnes ont voté pour la Guerre, mais le plus grand nombre préférera de payer annuellement un tribut, pourvu qu'il ne soit pas excessif. Nous avons appris que Votre Excellence a envoyé des Commissaires en Barbarie, et nous espérons que cette mesure produira un bon effet. Je ne puis, Monsieur, vous donner des nouvelles de ce pays-ci sans repeter ce qui vous parviendra d'une maniere plus détaillée par des lettres officielles, et par les papiers publics. Je me borne au resumé suivant: M. Hutchins est de retour: il a essuyé de la part des Indiens beaucoup de difficultés dans ses opérations. Il doit partir au Printems prochain avec un détachement de Troupes. L'Etat de Kentuke et celui de Frank-Land continuent à maintenir leur indépendance. L a Province de Maine a fait de vains efforts pour suivre leur exemple; il paroit que la majorité de cette province n'est pas portée pour une séparation de l'Etat de Massachussets. Nantuket y a pensé, pendant quelque tems, mais avec moins de succès encore. L'Etat de New-York continue toujours à s'opposer tout seul, au droit de 5. pr %. Les dernières requisitions du
MONSIEUR
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Congrès seront probablement adoptées par le plus grand nombre des Etats; il est a désirer qu'une mesure aussi salutaire devienne générale. L'Etat de Rhodeisland vient de publier un Acte par lequel tous les navires Anglois sont exclus de ses ports. Le Massachusset a mis sur les navires Anglois des droits doubles de ceux qui sont payés par les autres nations. On croit que plusieurs autres Etats imiteront cet exemple, ou donneront au moins au Congrès des pleins pouvoirs de faire des reglemens généraux dans le même sens. Voici, Monsieur les nouvelles du jour les plus importantes. Permettes que je profite de cette occasion pour vous présenter mes vœux sincères pour la continuation de votre santé et pour le succès de vos vues. J'éspére que vous serés persuadé que personne ne prend un plus vif intérêt à tout ce qui vous regarde, et ne desire plus ardemment de vous convaincre du respectueux et inviolable attachement avec lequel, J'ai l'honneur d'être Monsieur de Votre Excellence, le très humble et très obéissant serviteur, OTTO
PS. Permettes, Monsieur, que je saisisse cette occasion de me rapeller au souvenir de M. Humphreys. RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 24 Feb. 1786.
From Lister Asquith St. Pol de Léon, 16 Jan. 1786. Has written four letters to T J and, receiving no reply, fears they have been intercepted. Has been in prison five months; he and his companions are suffering from the cold weather, "often very wet by the rain and snow coming through the roof," and distracted by fears for the welfare of their families; implores T J to rescue them and hopes "the Justice of this Country will not suffer us to perish by such a set of inhuman men and be ruined by the delays and false accusations compacted by them without any proof"; hopes T J will write by return of the post. RC ( D L C ) ; 3 p.; addressed. Noted in S J L as received 29 Jan. 1786. In saying that he had "wrote four different Letters," Asquith evidently referred to those of 5 and 15 Dec. 1785, and 2 Jan. 1786; as for the fourth letter, he
probably meant the present communication, though it is possible that he had in mind that of 9 Jan. 1786 to Borgnis Desbordes, Frères (Desbordes to T J , 13 Jan. 1786).
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To John McQueen Jan. 16. 1786. Mr. Jefferson's compliments to Mr. McQueen and was very sorry he was gone out when Mr. McQueen did him the honour to call on him. He begs the favour of his company to dinner on Thursday next, and shall be happy to see him whenever he can make it convenient. Mr. Jefferson seldom goes out before noon, so that at any earlier hour Mr. McQueen will find him at home. RC (NjP); addressed in part: "Hotel de l'Empereur rue de Tournon." McQueen, a citizen of Georgia at this time and later known as Don Juan McQueen, came to Europe in the latter part of 1785 bearing a letter of intro duction to T J from Nathanael Greene, with whom he was interested in pro moting the sale of live oak timbers to the minister of marine (see T J to Greene, 12 Jan. 1786). T J recorded in S J L that he received Greene's letter of 11 June 1785, together with one from Mrs. Anne Kinloch of 27 Dec. 1785, on
14 Jan. 1786 "by Mr. McQueen" (The Letters of Don Juan McQueen, ed. W. C. Hartridge, Columbia, S.C., 1943, p. X X V ). McQueen sold a large tract of timber land in Georgia to a Frenchman named DuPlessis, who hoped to make his fortune in America, but who was unable to stand the Georgia climate and was obliged to allow McQueen to repos sess the property (DuPlessis to Cas tries, 1 July 1787; copy in D L C : T J Papers, 30: 5170-3, mentions Greene's earlier effort to dispose of live oak).
From William Temple Franklin DEAR SIR New-York 18. Jany. 1786. The Pleasure I receive in the Acquaintance of Col. Munro up braids me with not having as yet returnd you my Thanks for your kind Introduction to that Gentleman. It was not till lately I had an Opportunity of delivering him your Letter. In my first Trip hither, he was absent in Virga. I found only poor Mr. Hardy, with whom I had scarce become acquainted, before he was cut off. Never was a young Man more beloved esteem'd and regretted. But I forbear awaking the Afflictions of his Friend!—The Reception I met with from Col. Munro was such as the kind Expressions of your Friendship to me, and his Regard for you, assur'd me of. I have only to regret that during my short Stay here, I have not been able to enjoy so much of his Society and Conversation as I could have wish'd. He has been much engag'd lately in officiating as Bridesman at Mr. Gerry's Wedding; and Report says he is also occupied in preparing one of his own. In the Opportunities I have had of being with him, I have found him very sensible and agréa ble, and possessing those pleasing Manners, which take off from 178
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the formality of a new Acquaintance and smooth the Way to Friendship. Nothing Material has been done in Congress since our Arrival, relative to their foreign Affairs, owing to their not being able to assemble more than seven States. They are still in that Situation which is peculiarly unfortunate at this period, as I understand there is some very important Business before them, and particularly some interesting Advices from Mr. Adams, which they are not competent to determine on; and indeed, if they were, one dissent ing Voice might counteract a Measure, tho' approved by all the other Members. Is not this a melancholly Situation for the Govern ment of this Country to be in at any time, and particularly for three successive Months? Are the Advantages likely to be derived from this Law of the Confederation equal to the disadvantages that may arise from it? If not, would it not be wise to remedy it? What Inconveniences would result from a Majority of the States present in Congress (after a Day fixed for their Meeting) de termining finally upon all Matters that came before them? It would probably have this good Effect, that it would induce the several States to be more earnest in forwarding their Representatives. At present they are very backward in this Respect. Rhode-Island has I understand refused to send Delegates before the Spring, and it is probable none from Georgia will appear before that time. Presidt. Hancock is still at Boston confined by the Gout. Dr. Ramsay from S. Carolina acts as Chairman in his Absence. This being the Situation of Congress, I do not think it adviseable to have the Report of the Secretary for foreign Affairs, relative to my Grand father and myself, taken up at present. What is proper might not be done, or if it were, it would not be so respectable as in a fuller Congress. As soon as there are ten or twelve States I shall get the Pennsylvania Delegates to bring the Matter forward. What Con gress will decide with regard to me I know not. Some of my Friends are of Opinion that my Services, and the Advantages I have had will ensure me Promotion. But as I shall not solicit any thing, so I shall not expose myself to the Humiliation of a Refusal. I must confess however that I am very ambitious of getting estab lished in the Diplomatic Line, as having serv'd a long and busy Apprenticeship in it, I think I shall in that Situation be more likely to be serviceable to my Country and gain Credit to myself. But if nothing is concluded on before Spring, I then purpose retiring to my Estate in the Jersies, where I shall at least be independent. 179 :
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I shall not however abandon the Line of Politics, but shall endeavor in my Retreat, by the help of Books, to correct or confirm the Ideas I may have formed of Men, and increase my Knowledge of Things: Thereby enabling myself to be more useful should I hereafter be called upon. Your Goodness will I know excuse my troubling you with my Personal Concerns. I have been imbolden'd to it by the Friendly Interest you have been pleased to shew for my Welfare. I left my Grandfather well on Christmas Day. You will have heard of his new Dignity. Parties run so very high in that State, that I fear he will not be able to do the Good that is expected from him. Our Books and Things we left at Havre are not yet Arrived. I almost fear they never will. Of the Plants I brought to America few have succeeded, owing I am told to the Season they came in. I have wrote to Mr. Le Veillard for a fresh Supply, and hope they will meet with better success. The Angora Cats thrive exceedingly, and are much admir'd. None of the Chevreuils are yet arriv'd; Should they succeed, it will give me great Pleasure to establish a Colony of them on your Estate in Virginia. I need not tell you, Dear Sir, how happy I shall be in hearing from you; and how thankful for such Hints as may tend to promote my Views, and your Friendship dictate. With unfeigned Esteem and Respect I am, Dear Sir, Your affectionate & obliged humble Servant, W. T. FRANKLIN RC ( D L C ) . This is the first of twenty-two letters T J noted as received on "Apr. 31." This was the accumulation of mail awaiting him on his return from England. He arrived in Paris on Sunday afternoon, 30 Apr. (see T J to W. S. Smith, 4 May 1786), and presumably read his mail and made the misdated entry on Monday, 1 May 1786. TJ's absence in London was oc-
casioned by Adams' urgent request of 21 Feb. 1786 for T J to join in concluding negotiations with the Portuguese ambassador. Adams' letter of 21 Feb. was carried by W. S. Smith, who arrived in Paris on the 27th; T J hurriedly arranged his affairs and left with Smith on 6 Mch., expecting to be away about three weeks.
From Vergennes A Versailles le 18. Janvier 1786. M. le Mis. de Verac Ambassadeur du Roy à la haye me prie, Monsieur, de m'intéresser à M. Dumas qui réside en hollande en qualité de chargé des affaires du Congrès. Cet Ambassadeur fait en même tems les plus grands éloges du zèle et des talents de M. : 180
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Dumas, ainsy que des services importans qu'il a rendus à la cause Américaine. Le Congrès lui avoit fait espérer un traitement plus avantageux et plus proportionné à son mérite, aussitôt que l'Amérique jouiroit de quelque tranquilité. M. Dumas est connu avantageusement du Général Washington et de M. Franklin; des témoignage aussi honorables ne peuvent que completter son éloge, et la maniere la plus intéressante avec laquelle M. le Mis. de Verac s'explique sur son compte, me détermine à joindre mes recommandations aux siennes en faveur de ce Chargé d'affaires. Je vous prie, Monsieur, de vouloir bien les faire parvenir au Congrès. Nous pensons que le moyen de recompenser convenablement les services de M. Dumas seroit de lui donner le titre de Résident avec un traitement de 4. mille Dollars dont nous avons lieu de penser qu'il seroit satisfait. L a considération dont il jouit en hollande le met essentiellement à portée de se rendre de plus en plus utile à l'Amérique, et la confiance qu'inspirent ses principes de sagesse et de probité ne me permet pas de douter qu'il ne se fit un devoir de justifier par l'activité de son zèle la marque de bienveillance qu'il recevroit du Congrès. Je verrois, Monsieur, avec beaucoup d'intérêt le succès de cette affaire. J'ai l'honneur d'être très sincèrement, Monsieur, votre très humble et très obéissant serviteur, D E VERGENNES RC ( D L C ) ; in a clerk's hand, signed by Vergennes. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 87, I ) ; in Short's hand, enclosed in T J to Jay, 27 Jan. 1786. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 107). Noted in S J L as received 18 Jan. 1786. See Dumas to T J , 28 Feb. 1786.
From John Adams DEAR SIR Grosvenor Square Jan. 19. 1786 I am favoured with yours of 27. Deer, and am obliged to you for what you said to the Count De Vergennes in the Case of the Chevalier De Mezieres. You may always very safely depend upon it, that I never have given and never shall give any opinion against the Letter or Spirit of the Treaty with France. In this Case I have never given any opinion at all. Indeed I have never been consulted. The Marquis De Beigarde, with whom I had a Slight Acquaintance at the Hague, called upon me here after the Death of Gen. Oglethorpe, and desired that Mr. Granville Sharp might call upon me and shew me some Papers relative to the Generals Lands in Georgia and S. Carolina. Mr. Sharpe called accordingly, but shewed me no Papers. I never looked nor enquired into the Case, but advised 181
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both to write and send a Power of Attorney to our old Friend Edward Rutledge, who was able to give them the best Advice and Information and all the Assurance which the Law allows in their Claim. The Treaty with France never occurred to me, nor was suggested to me in the Conference, nor did I ever give any opinion on any Question concerning it. I have never written a Line to America about it, nor put pen to Paper. The Supposition that any opinion of yours in private Conversation, or of mine if any such had been given which never was, should influence Courts and Juries in Georgia or Carolina, is ridiculous. The Case, as you state it, indeed appears to be unconnected with the Treaty entirely, and if Sound Sense can remove a Prejudice, what you have said upon it, will put an End to the Jealousy. Does the Count de Vergennes pretend that the United States of America, are bound by their Treaty with France never to lay a Duty on French Vessells? The Mass. and N.H. Navigation Laws, leave French ships, Subjects and Merchandizes upon the Footing Gentis Amicissimae. And does the Treaty require more? I have been informed by Richard Jackson Esqr., whose Fame is known in America, that a Question has been referred to a Num ber of the first Lawyers common and civil, among whom he was one, "Whether the Citizens of the United States born before the Revolution, were still entituled in the British Dominions to the Rights of British Subjects." Their unanimous Determination was that Such as were born before, the Signature of the Definitive Treaty of Peace, are still to be considered as British Subjects, if they claim the rights, in the British Dominions. This Decision was I believe more upon Analogy, and Speculation, than upon any Established Principle or Precedent, since ours is I believe a new Case. How it has been determined in America I know not. But I believe not the same way. However the Lawyers and Judges may determine it, I wish the Assemblies may adopt it as a Rule respect ing Estates held before the Seperation since a Generosity of this Kind will be more for their Honour and their Interest, as I con ceive than a rigorous Claim of an Escheat however clear in Law. The Chevalier De Pinto informs me, that he has written to his Court for Explanations upon some Points, and expects an Answer in a few Days. When it arrives he will call upon me. In the mean time, he says his Court is solicitous to send a Minister to America; but that Ettiquette forbids it, unless Congress will agree to send one to Lisbon. They would send a Minister to N. York if Congress : 182
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would return the Compliment, but if Congress will not send a Minister Plenipotentiary they wish to send a Resident, or even a Chargé des Affaires, but Ettiquette will not permit this unless Congress will send a Resident or Chargé D'Affaires to Portugal. Is it really expected or intended that Eden shall do more than Crawford did? Pray let me know, if there is any Probability of a Treaty, in Earnest, between France and England? Mr. Barrett has it seems succeeded very well. And Boylston too. If this last has made thirty Per Cent Profit, I will answer for it, that he alone will prevent the Expiration of our Whale Trade and the Depopulation of Nantuckett. He is an admirable Patriot when thirty per Cent can be made by serving his Country. Our Nantuckett and Cape Codd Men and our Boston Merchants are much to blame for having neglected so long the French Markett for their oil and Fins, and for remaining so long in Ignorance of it. Perhaps the Difference between our White Sperma Cseti Oil and the Ordinary Train Oil of the Dutch and English is not yet sufficiently known to Mr. Sangrain. The Dutch I believe take no Sperma Caeti Whales, and it is but lately that the English have taken any, and they are able to take them now, only with our Skippers, Oarsmen and Endsmen. These we shall soon get back from them if our States are cunning enough to repeal the Refugee Laws, and if France is wise enough to encourage the Exportation of her own Produce and Manufactures by receiving ours in Payment. Mr. Voss from Virginia has just now called upon me and shewn me a State of the Debt of that Commonwealth which is very consolatory. It is dated 12. Nov. 1785. and signed B. Stark, H. Randolph and J . Pendleton. The whole Debt at that Period was only 928,031£: 9s: Od. The annual Interest 55,649£ 15s: 3d. Pension List annually 6,000£ Officers of Government Ditto 29,729£. Criminal Prosecution ditto 5,509. Thus it appears that 96,878£: 15s: 3d. annually will pay the whole Interest of their Debt and all the Charges of Government. Virginia by this may sing O be joyfull. On the 19. Nov. The Lower House resolved to invest Congress with full Power to regulate Trade, and in the mean time that all Commerce should cease with the British Colonies in the West Indies and North America, and that all ships of foreign Nations with whom we have not Treaties of Commerce should be prohibited from importing any Thing but the Productions of their own Country. It seems they revoked these Resolutions again, because the 1
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House was thin, but with design to take them up in another day. This perhaps may not be done till next year. But it is a strong Symptom of what is coming. Mr. Voss gives a comfortable ac count of the Trade in Peltries as well as Grain and Tobacco. Every Vessell that arrives brings fresh Comfort, and I fancy our Com merce with the East Indies will be effectually secured by the Re ception of Mr. Pitts Bill. Mr. Voss tells me, that the British Debts will not be permitted to be sued for untili the Treaty is complied with, by the English by the Evacuation of the Posts and Payment for the Negroes. Ld. Carmarthen told me yesterday, that he was labouring at an Answer to my Memorial concerning the Posts and that he should compleat it, as soon as he could get all the Information he was looking for concerning the British Debts, for that Complaints had been made by the Creditors here to Ministry. I am glad that I am to have an Answer. For whatever Conditions they may tack to the Surrender of the Posts, We shall find out what is broiling in their Hearts, and by degrees come together. An Answer, though it might be a rough one, would be better than none. But it will not be rough. They will smooth it as much as they can and I shall transmit it to Congress who may again pass the smoothing plain over it. I expect it will end in an Accommoda tion, but it will take Eighteen months more time to finish it. With great Esteem yours,
J O H N ADAMS
RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. F C (MHi: A M T ) ; in Smith's hand. Noted in SJL as
received 1 Feb.
1786.
i Thus in RC; Smith copied this as "no" in FC.
From John Banister DEAR SIR Virga. Jany. 19th. 1786 I had the honor of receiving your letter dated at Paris in June last, enclosing one from my Son, dated at Lyons, since which I have heard from neither you nor him, which fills me with un favorable Presages as to his Health which was when he left us in a bad and dangerous State. May I hope Sir that you will take the trouble of informing me if any ill has happened to Jack, that has occasioned his long and unusual Silence, altho opportunities occur daily both from France and England. I wish you a long enjoyment of Health for the good of that Country to whose Service you have so long generously devoted 184
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your time, being with the utmost Veneration & Regard Dr. Sir your mo obed. & obliged Friend. J BANISTER Our Friend D. Rose is gone to Elesium for he was an Isralite indeed with out guile. RC (MHi); endorsed by T J : "Bannister John, senr." Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786. Banister was quoting from John 1: 47—"Behold an Israelite indeed in whom is no guile."
From John Jay DR. SIR New York 19th. January 1786 Since my last of 7th. December last and indeed for some Time before that, Congress has been composed of so few States actually represented, as not to have it in their Power to pay that Attention to their foreign Affairs which they would doubtless have otherwise done. Hence it has happened that no Resolutions have been entered into on any of the important Subjects submitted to their Considera tion. This obliges me to observe a Degree of Reserve in my Letters respecting those Subjects, which I wish to be free from, but which is nevertheless necessary lest my Sentiments and Opinions should be opposed to those which they may adopt and wish to impress. There is Reason to hope that the Requisition will be generally complied with. I say generally, because it is not quite clear, that every State without exception will make punctual Payments. Al though a Disposition prevails to enable Congress to regulate Trade, yet I am apprehensive that however the Propriety of the Measure may be admitted, the Manner of doing it will not be with equal Ease agreed to. It is much to be regretted that the Confederation had not been so formed as to exclude the Necessity of all such kind of Ques tions. It certainly is very imperfect, and I fear it will be difficult to remedy its Defects, until Experience shall render the Necessity of doing it more obvious and pressing. Does France consider herself bound by her Guarantee to insist on the Surrender of our Posts? Will she second our Remonstrances to Britain on that Head? I have no Orders to ask these Questions but I think them important. Spain insists on the Navigation of the great River, and that renders a Treaty with her uncertain as yet. Among the public Papers herewith sent, you will find the 1
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Speech of the Governor of New York to the Legislature, and the Answer of the Senate. A Spirit more fcedral seems to prevail than that which marked their Proceedings last Year. You will also perceive from the Papers that Massachusetts begins to have Troubles similar to those which this State experienced from Vermont. North Carolina suffers the like Evils and from the same Causes. Congress should have recollected the old Maxim Obsta principiis. I wish the Négociations with the Barbary Powers may prove successful, because our Country in general desires Peace with them. For my part I prefer War to Tribute, and that Sentiment was strongly expressed in my Report on that Subject. Our Indian Affairs do not prosper. I fear Britain bids higher than we do. Our Surveys have been checked, and Peace with the Savages seems somewhat precarious. That Department might in my Opinion have been better managed. With great and sincere Respect and Esteem I have the Honor 2
to be &c:
JOHN JAY
FC (DNA: PCC, No. 121). Dft (NK-Iselin). Noted in S J L as received 4 Mch. 1786. The "public Papers" have not been identified, but they included the text of Gov. George Clinton's address to the legislature of New York, 16 Jan. 1786, in which he pointed to the tranquillity existing in the state, and added: "It must however excite disagreeable reflections when I inform you that the British Government in
manifest violation of the Treaty, continues to retain, by an armed force, the different posts in the Northern and Western frontiers of the state; and thereby in an essential degree, cramp our commerce and obstruct the progress of our settlements. Altho' it is my duty
to mention this circumstance to you I am sensible it is in our fœderal capacity that a remedy must be provided for an aggression so detrimental to our prosperity" (quoted in Pa. Journal, 25 Jan. 1786). 1 This and the paragraph indicated in note 2 were written in code in the (missing) R C . In F C , the coded passages are first set down in code, followed by the text as printed here, indented and bracketed in MS as "Explication." Jay employed Code No. 10. 2 This paragraph also written in code as indicated in note 1, but not so designated in text as printed in Dipl. Corr., 1783-1789, I , 638.
From James Monroe DEAR SIR New York Jany. 19. 1786 My last advis'd you of my departure hence on the 24th of August last for the westward, with intention to take a view of the indian treaty to be held at the mouth of the big Miamis, and of the country lying between lake Erie, and the head waters of James or Potowk. river, with those which empty from either side into the Ohio, thence to attend the federal court on the 15. of Novr. at Wmsburg. But the danger from the Indians made it imprudent for 186 :
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me to pass the river, and the delay at fort Pitt, and upon the Ohio, the water being low, consum'd so much of the time allotted for this excursion, that I was forc'd to leave the commissioners at lime stone and take my course directly thro' the Kentucky settlements and the wilderness to Richmond, so that I was neither gratified with a view of the treaty, or to such a degree with that of the country as I had propos'd. I arriv'd at Richmond on the 14. of Novr. and found there letters for me from the agents of the two States, with advice that the session of the court had been deferr'd. I therefore prepar'd as soon as possible to sit out for this place and arrivd on the 18. of Deer. I found in Virginia and in this town letters from you of 17. of June, the 5. and 12. of July and have since had the pleasure to receive that address'd by Mr. Franklin of the 4th from himself. He was here a few days since upon some private business and was so kind as favor me frequently with his company. I have also been much pleas'd with an acquaintance with Mr. Otto. He hath made an impression here very flattering to himself and favorable to the Idea you entertain of him. It hath been matter of great surprise and concern here that the dispatches respecting the barbary powers should have been so long in reaching you. This Mr. Lambe was presented to some of the gentlemen in Congress by the late president Huntington. At that time it was propos'd, and for which purpose a report was brought in, to carry on these treaties immediately from the U.S. and to appoint the persons and dispatch them hence to fit out the Alliance, load her with naval stores and present her to the Emperor. By this procedure it was presum'd we might, by telling these powers that we were as yet unacquainted with them or their wants, succeed better than even under the mediation of France. And the secretary of foreign affairs having reported that this man was fit for the negotiation, the committee advised that he be employed. But it was rejected. We have since heard that he was, from his station in life and probable talents, by no means worthy such a trust. We have lately heard from Mr. Adams that Mr. Barclay with Franks are sent to the Emperor and that Mr. Lambe and a Mr. Randall to Algiers. These pirates have already made a great impression upon our trade and unless these negotiations prove succès ful will materially injure it. I am happy to receive your sentiments upon the subject of commercial treaties and will with pleasure communicate mine to you more fully than I heretofore have done. With great propriety you have in the first instance taken it 1
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up with reference to the powers of Congress, for upon those does the whole depend and I entirely agree with you that they have no original inherent jurisdiction over the commerce of the states and that it commences and can be exercis'd only by treaties with other nations; how then will this circumstance affect us? When we pro pose to them to form treaties they will inquire do we labor under any inconveniences which thereby we can remove; they will ex amine their situation in our ports to ascertain whether treaties can obtain fairer or more equal terms to them, are these temporary or so founded in the nature of their government that they will be perpetual. If then it shall appear that we can give them nothing they do not at present enjoy, and that we can not deprive them of these advantages, I think it will follow they will lay themselves under no restriction. It would not otherwise be their interest to do. To obtain reciprocal advantages then cannot possibly be the object with other powers in treating with us, for more than this they now possess. But nations are often benefited as much by obtaining restrictions upon others in the ports of a particular one which do not apply to themselves as by particular stipulations in their own favor and upon this principle treaties are sometimes form'd as was the case in that between Britain and Portugal. How stand the powers of the union and how their interests with respect to a treaty of this kind? For instance can they stipulate with France that British goods shall pay ten per cent higher duties here than those of France in consideration for a free trade with her islands; this certainly does not come within the provisos contained in the confederation and is of course within the powers of Congress. Nor have I any doubt of its expedience, if it could be obtain'd. Treaties of this kind would be more favorable to us and successful, as to the particular objects it might seek, than an entire prohibition of com merce with the powers with whom we [have] none. By seeking this power it would seem as if we were satisfied with our situation with those with whom we have treaties, that those with whom we have not were culprit nations and that we would exercise it im mediately on them. If then we are dissatisfied with our treaties with France and the Netherlands this right of prohibition can never avail us with respect to them. And in its exercise upon other powers it may give a dangerous shock to our commerce and a monopoly of it to other powers, and if, holding the power, we proceeded wisely with it and endeavored to turn it to the best account we could and to make it a condition with France that we 188
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would put it in force against [h]er for such or such other considera tions, yet could we not obtain the same ends for less expence, for instance for the imposition of ten per cent upon her commerce. Every expedient is unquestionably inferior to the complete and absolute controul over commerce in the [hands] of the U.S. but this [plan] of a treaty appears to me to be a better succedanium for the defect than any other I have heard, since it creates the restriction we would wish to effect upon the of ending nation and brings us at the same time upon the ocean as a commercial people. They might be of short duration. Those treaties which stipulate to each other the rights of the most favored nation obtain none of these ends and appear to me to fetter us as to the powers with whom they are made. It fetters us as to the imposition of higher duties [on] them than we impose on others, or subjects us to a variance, while it admits on their part of a constant deviation from the spirit of the treaty by the explication which it authorises th[em] to make of the compensation. Nothing hath been done on the sub ject since my last. In my next I may add something fur[ther] on it. The commission will expire soon but another may be given or instructions form'd respecting it. I beg you to give me furt[her] your sentiments on it. My several routs westward with the knowledge of the country I have thereby obtained, have impress'd me fully with a conviction of the impolicy of our measures respecting it. I speak not in this instance of the ordinance for the survey and disposal of it, but of those which became necessary and were founded upon the act of cession from the State of Virga. I am clearly of opinion that to many of the most important objects of a federal government their interests, if not oppos'd, will be but little connected with ours; in stead of wea[ken]ing theirs and making it subservient to our pur poses we have given it all the possible strength we could; weaken it we might also and at the same time (I mean by reducing the number [of] the States) render them substantial service. A great part of the territory is miserably poor, especially that near lakes Michigan and Erie and that upon the Missisippi and the Illinois consists of extensive plains which have not had from appearances and will not have a single bush on them, for ages. The Districts therefore within which these fall will perhaps never contain a sufficient number of Inhabitants to entitle them to membership in the confideracy, and in the mean time the people who may settle within them will be governed by the reso[lu]tions of Congress in 189 ;
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which they will not be represented. In many instances I observ'd above, their interests will be oppos'd to ours. I will mention one which arises from their relative situation to other powers. Their eastern frontier will be covered from the nations of Europe by the 13. old states, and I may say that their northern and southern, also will, for no power will march an army to attack them by the Missisippi or St. Lawrence without making a powerful impression on these States at the same time, or indeed after subduing them; in all questions in which we were parties, the attack would be on us; upon us therefore would the burden and event of the contest depend, and we must be parties in all cases while they are of the confederacy. The tendency which at present prevails for a dis memberment of the old States not only increases their strength but will also add to the diversity of interest. At the instance of which of the States hath the right to the navigation of the Mis sisippi been carried thus far and if you lop off the western parts of those states by whom it was brought about will you not neces sarily withdraw them from that pursuit. Whatever shall be done or attempted on this subject I will transmit you. The subject of the mint was taken up last summer and de termine that the unit should be a dollar. It was afterwards post pone. It will be taken up again so soon as we have 9. or ten states (for at present we have but 7.). The proposition for recommend ing it to the States to vest the U.S. to negotiate their trade is still before Congress. What will be its fate is incertain. Accept my acknowledgments for your book which I have read with great pleasure and improvment and be assur'd I will keep it as private as you might wish, untili you shall consent to its publication which I hope will be the case. I should suppose the observations you have made on the subjects you allude to would have a very favorable effect since no considerations would induce them but a love for the rights of man and for your country. Whether I shall be able to visit you is still doubtful. My dependence is almost altogether on the bar. By my late absence I have left the door open to others. The sooner I therefore return to it the better it will be for me. I feel myself returning to the same train of thoughts upon this subject as when I hadfinishedmy studies. I am thinking of setling at Richmond, building an house &c. Will you be so kind as trans mit me a plan. Suppose the house when finished to cost 3. or 4000 dollrs. (a part to be finish'd only at first). I shall I believe com mence it as soon as I receive it. Be assur'd I will attend to those 190
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circumstances which you mention of a private nature so soon as we shall have a sufficient number of States to do it, with effect. This must be shortly. If I shall have time before the packet sails, I shall write Mr. Short. If however I should fail you will make my apology. Of the death of our worthy friend Mr. Hardy you have heard. He had been indisposti of a bilious complaint which had been badly cur'd and weaken'd thereby his system to such a degree as to have fail'd under the fatigue of a ride to Kingsbridge. A vein broke or some vessel within him which ultimately carried him off. His loss to me is considerable not only as a person with whom I should [have] been happy to have liv'd in intimacy hereafter, but in the delegation, more especially as I am unacquainted with those added to it, Colo. Car[rington and Henry Lee of the horse. Mr. Gerry is lately married to a Miss Thomson of this city, a polite and amiable woman about 22. years of age. I am with my best wishes for your health and happiness yr. affectionate friend & servant, JAS. M O N R O E ] 2
RC ( D L C ) ; incomplete (see note 2, below). Noted in S J L as received 24 Feb. 1786. I
SHALL
WRITE
MR.
SHORT:
In
his
letter to Short, Monroe added the fol lowing: "P.S. I forgot to mention to Mr. Jefferson that while in the State I heard that his daughter Polly was in good health, that I have Martin attend ing on me, being inform'd by him he was at liberty to engage for himself" (Monroe to Short, 23 Jan. 1786; D L C :
Short Papers). 1 This and the following words in italics are written in code and were decoded by T J interlineally; his decod ing has been verified by the editors, employing Code No. 10. 2 The final page of Monroe's letter has not been found; the text in brackets has been supplied from Monroe, Writ ings, ed. Hamilton, I , 120.
To Cambray SIR Paris Jan. 20. 1785 [i.e. 1786]. I had the pleasure two days ago of receiving from the Register of the Treasury of the United States, a certificate for 3227 f f Dol lars equal to: 17,430 -15-7 due to you and bearing an interest of 6. percent from the 1st. day of Jan. 1784. to be paid annually at the house of Mr. Grand banker in Paris. The interest of certificates similar to this was paid the last year by Mr. Grand; but he has not yet received orders for this year. He will doubtless however receive such. The Register informs me that the original certificate for which this is exchanged had been transmitted him by Doctor Franklin, with a request that he would forward the present paper. I shall be ready to deliver this to your order not thinking it safe tt
191 ;
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to trust it by post; and have the honor of renewing assurances of the esteem & respect with which I am Sir Your most obedient & most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) ; at foot of text: "Le comte de Cambrai." See Cambray to T J , 10 Jan.; T J to Cambray. 13 Jan.; and T J to Nourse, 8 Feb. 1786.
To Vergennes SIR Paris January 20. 1786. I have duly received the honor of your Excellency's letter of the 18th. instant, and will avail myself of the first occasion of transmitting it to Congress. The pleasure of meeting your desire, will, I am persuaded, induce them to do for Mr. Dumas whatever the establishment which they think themselves bound to keep up at the Hague, together with the rules to which they have submitted all their diplomatic appointments, will admit. I have the honour of assuring you of the sentiments of respect and esteem with which I am your Excellency's Most obedient & most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON RC (Anonymous); endorsed: "Paris 20e. Janvr. 1786 S. E . Mr. Jefferson au Minre. des Affrs. Etr. en Fee."; at head of text: "M De R[ayneval]"; evidently missing from Arch. Aff. Etr.,
Corr. Pol., E.-U., at the time the D L C transcripts were made, since these do not include the text. PrC ( D L C ) ; at foot of text: "le Comte de Vergennes." See Vergennes to T J , 18 Jan. 1786.
From Jean Nicolas Démeunier rue de La Sourdiere No. 15. Le 21 Janvier M. Démeunier profite de L a permission que Monsieur Jefferson a bien voulu Lui donner. I l prend L a Liberté de Lui demander un Second entretien Sur Les états unis, et il Le prie de choisir Le Jour et Le Moment qui Le dérangeront Le moins. M. Démeunier met un prix extrême Aux Conseils et aux renseignemens de Monsieur Jefferson. I l a beaucoup d'éclaircissemens nouveaux à Lui demander; mais il sent que si Le Ministre des états unis daigne prendre de L'intérêt à L'ouvrage où on Les employera, ce ministre est occupé d'affaires bien plus importantes, et qu'il y auroit de L'indiscrétion a désirer des réponses par écrit sur ces divers objets. II a L'honneur de présenter Ses respects et Sa reconnoissance à Monsieur Jefferson. 192
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RC ( D L C ) ; without indication of the year, which has been supplied from in ternal evidence; endorsed by T J : "De Meusnier." Not recorded in S J L or in its index.
From Neil Jamieson New York, 21 Jan. 1786. Has sent by the last packet some of the letters which passed between John Jay and Lewis Littlepage, except one of 10 Dec. 1785 which is enclosed; also sends an article published in Europe based on these letters, a package for T J which was directed to Jamieson's care, and a parcel of New York newspapers. RC (MHi); 2 p.; endorsed and noted in S J L as received 4 Mch. 1786. Jamieson's enclosure of the letter of 10 Dec. 1785 was probably the printed version as given in the N.Y. Daily Advertiser, rather than Jay's pamphlet, Letters, Be-
ing the Whole of the Correspondence between the Hon. John Jay, Esquire and Mr. Lewis Littlepage, which appeared the second week in Jan. 1786. See Monaghan, John Jay, 1935, p. 23543, for an account of this episode.
From Lewis Littlepage Paris 2[1 Jan. 1786] Mr. Littlepage has the honor to present his most respectful compliments to his Excellency. He regrets that some indispensible affairs will not permit him to receive his Excellency's orders in person before his departure, which will take place tomorrow. As Mr. Littlepage requested that the answers to the letter which he had the honor to lay before Congress might be transmitted to the Minister of the United States at this court, he intreats his Excellency to forward them to him, under cover to Pierre Blanc Banker, at Warsaw. RC ( D L C ) ; MS mutilated; date partly torn away. Not recorded in S J L . The was the one that had caused the controversy between Jay and Littlepage in New York; see Jamieson to T J , this date.
LETTER
From La Rouerie La Rouerie, 22 Jan. 1786. Acknowledges receipt of TJ's letter of 12 Jan. and thanks him for his part in "seeing justice done to us"; requests that T J write to Congress on the subject; encloses letters to be forwarded to Congress, the Board of Treasury, and Gen. Wash ington. RC (ViWC); 2 p.; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 31 Jan. 1786. Enclosures: L a Rouerie to Congress, read in Congress 18 Apr. 1786 (DNA: PCC, No. 164; J C C , X X X , 198); same to Com-
missioners of Treasury (not found); same to George Washington, 20 Jan. (see Washington's reply, 10 Aug. 1786, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxvii, 51415).
193
To John McQueen Jan. 22. Mr. Jefferson takes the liberty of reminding Mr. McQueen that he was so good as to promise to do him the honour of dining with him on Wednesday the 25th inst. RC (Miss Caroline Huger, Bluffton, S.C., 1946); addressed: "A Monsieur Mon sieur McQueen hotel de l'empereur rue Tournon." Not recorded in S J L .
From James Madison, with Enclosure DEAR SIR
Richmond Jan.
1
22. 1786
My last dated Novr. 15 from this place answered yours of May 11th. on the subject of your printed notes. I have since had opportunity of consulting other friends on the plan you propose, who concur in the result of the consultations which I transmitted you. Mr. Wythe's idea seems to be generally approved, that the copies destined for the University should be dealt out by the discretion of the Professors, rather than indiscriminately and at once put into the hands of the students, which, other objections apart, would at once exhaust the Stock. A vessel from Havre de Grace brought me a few days ago two Trunks of Books, but without letter or catalogue attending them. I have forwarded them to Orange without examining much into the contents, lest I should miss a conveyance which is very precarious at this season, and be deprived of the amusement they promise me for the residue of the winter. Our Assembly last night closed a Session of 97 days, during the whole of which except the first seven I have shared in the con finement. It opened with a very warm struggle for the chair be tween Mr. Harrison and Mr. Tyler which ended in the victory of the former by a majority of 6 votes. This victory was shortly afterwards nearly frustrated by an impeachment of his election in the County of Surry. Having failed in his native County of Charles City, he abdicated his residence there, removed into the County of Surry where he had an Estate, took every step which the in terval would admit to constitute himself an inhabitant, and was in consequence elected a representative. A charge of non residence was nevertheless brought against him, decided against him in the Committee of privileges by the casting voice of the Chairman, 2
3
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and reversed in the House by a very small majority. The election of Doer. Lee was attacked on two grounds, 1st. of non-residence, 2dly. of holding a lucrative office under Congress. On the 1st. he was acquitted, on the 2d. expelled, by a large majority.—-The revised Code was brought forward pretty early in the Session. It was first referred to Committee of Courts of Justice, to report such of the bills as were not of a temporary nature, and on their report committed to committee of the whole. Some difficulties were raised as to the proper mode of proceeding, and some opposition made to the work itself. These however being surmounted, and three days in each week appropriated to the task, we went on slowly but successfully, till we arrived at the bill concerning crimes and punishments. Here the adversaries of the code exerted their whole force, which being abetted by the impatience of its friends in an advanced stage of the Session, so far prevailed that the prosecution of the work was postponed till the next Session. The operation of the bills passed is suspended untili the beginning of 1787, so that if the code should be resumed by the next assembly and finished early in the Session, the whole system may commence at once. I found it more popular in the assembly than I had formed any idea of, and though it was considered by paragraphs and carried through all the* customary forms, it might have been finished at one Session with great ease, if the time spent on motions to put it off, and other dilatory artifices, had been employed on its merits. The adversaries were the speaker, Thruston—and Mercer who came late in the session, into a vacancy left by the death of Col. Brent of Stafford, and contributed principally to the mischieve. The titles in the inclosed List will point out to you such of the bills as were adopted from the Révisai. The alterations which they underwent are too numerous to be specified, but have not materially viciated the work. The bills passed over were either temporary ones, such as being not essential as parts of the System, may be adopted at any time and were likely to impede it at this, or such as have been rendered unnecessary by Acts passed since the epoch at which the révisai was prepared. After the completion of the work at this Session was despaired of it was proposed and decided that a few of the bills following the bill concerning crimes and punishments should be taken up as of peculiar importance. The only one of these which was pursued into an Act is the Bill concerning Religious freedom. The steps taken throughout the Country to defeat the General Assessment had produced all the effect that could have been wished. 4
5
[195}
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The table was loaded with petitions and remonstrances from all parts against the interposition of the Legislature in matters of Religion. A general convention of the Presbyterian church prayed expressly that the bill in the Révisai might be passed into a law, as the best safeguard short of a constitutional one, for their re ligious rights. The bill was carried thro' H. of Delegates, without alteration. The Senate objected to the preamble, and sent down a proposed substitution of the 16th. article of the Declaration of Rights. The H . of D. disagreed. The Senate insisted and asked a Conference. Their objections were frivolous indeed. In order to remove them as they were understood by the Managers of the H . of D. The preamble was sent up again from the H . of D. with one or two verbal alterations. As an amendment to these the Senate sent back a few others; which as they did not affect the substance though they somewhat defaced the composition, it was thought better to agree to than to run further risks, especially as it was getting late in the Session and the House growing thin. The enact ing clauses past without a single alteration, and I flatter myself have in this country extinguished for ever the ambitious hope of making laws for the human mind. Acts not included in the Révisai For the naturalization of the Marquis de la fayette. This was brought forward by Col: Henry Lee Jr. and passed without opposi tion. It recites his merits toward this Country and constitutes him a Citizen of it. To amend the act vesting in Geni. Washington certain shares in the River Companies. The donation presented to Geni. W . em barrassed him much. On one side he disliked the appearance of slighting the bounty of his Country and of an ostentatious disin terestedness. On the other an acceptance of reward in any shape was irreconcileable with the law he had imposed on himself. His answer to the Assembly declined in the most affectionate terms the emolument allotted to himself, but intimated his willingness to accept it so far as to dedicate it to some public and patriotic use. This Act recites the original Act and his answer, and appropriates the future revenue from the shares to such public objects as he shall appoint. He has been pleased to ask my ideas with regard to the most proper objects. I suggest in general only a partition of the fund between some institution which would please the philosophical world and some other which may be of a popular cast. If your knowl[196]
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edge of the several institutions, in France or elsewhere, should sug gest models or hints, I could wish for your ideas on the case which no less concerns the good of the common wealth than the character of if s most illustrious citizen. An Act empowering the Governor and Council to grant condi tional pardons in certain cases. Some of the malefactors consigned by the Executive to labour, brought the legality of such pardons before the late Court of Appeals who adjudged them to be void. This Act gives the Executive a power in such cases for one year. It passed before the bill in the révisai on this subject was taken up, and was urged against the necessity of passing it at this Session. The expiration of this act at the next Session will become an argu ment on the other side. An Act giving powers to the Governor and Council in certain cases. This Act empowers the Executive to confine or send away suspicious aliens, on notice from Congress that their sovereigns have declared or commenced hostilities against U.S. or that the latter have declared War against such sovereigns. It was occasioned by the arrival of two or three Algerines here, who having no ap parent object were suspected of an unfriendly one. The Executive caused them to be brought before them, but found them unarmed with power to proceed. These adventurers have since gone off. Act for safekeeping land papers of the Northern Neck. Abolishes the quitrent and removes the papers to the Registers office. Act for reforming County Courts. Requires them to clear their dockets quarterly. It amounts to nothing and is cheifly the result of efforts to render Courts of Assize unnecessary. Act to suspend the operation of the Act establishing Courts of Assize. The latter act passed at last Session required sundry sup plemental regulations to fit it for operation. An attempt to provide these which involved the merits of the innovation drew forth the united exertions of its adversaries. On the question on the supple mental bill they prevailed by 63 votes against 49. The best that could be done in this situation was to suspend instead of repealing the original act, which will give another chance to our successors for introducing the proposed reform. The various interests opposed to it, will never be conquered without considerable difficulty. Resolution proposing a general meeting of Commissioners from the States to consider and recommend a fcederai plan for regulating Commerce, and appointing as Commissioners from Va. Ed. Ran dolph, Js. Madison Jr., Walter Jones, St. G. Tucker, M. Smith, 197
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G. Mason and David Ross who are to communicate the proposal and suggest time and place for meeting. The necessity of harmony in the commercial regulations of the States has been rendered every day more apparent. The local efforts to counteract the policy of G.B. instead of succeeding have in every instance recoiled more or less on the States which ventured on the trial. Notwithstanding these lessons, The Merchants of this State except those of Alex andria and a few of the more intelligent individuals elsewhere, were so far carried away by their jealousies of the Northern Marine, as to wish for a navigation act confined to this State alone. In opposi tion to those narrow ideas the printed propositions herewith en closed was made. As printed it went into a Committee of the whole. The alterations of the pen shew the state in which it came out. Its object was to give Congress such direct power only as would not alarm, but to limit that of the States in such manner as would indirectly require a conformity to the plans of Congress. The renunciation of the right of laying duties on imports from other States, would amount to a prohibition of duties on imports from other foreign Countries, unless similar duties existed in other States. This idea was favored by the discord produced between several States by rival and adverse regulations. The evil had pro ceeded so far between Connecticut and Massts. that the former laid heavier duties on imports from the latter than from G.B. of which the latter sent a letter of complaint to the Executive here and I suppose to the other Executives. Without some such self-denying compact it will, I conceive be impossible to preserve harmony among the contiguous States. In the Committee of the whole the proposition was combated at first on its general merits. This ground was however soon changed for that of its perpetual dura tion, which was reduced first to 25 years, and then to 13 years. Its adversaries were the Speaker, Thruston and Corbin. They were bitter and illiberal against Congress and the Northern States, be yond example. Thruston considered it as problematical, whether it would not be better to encourage the British than the Eastern marine. Braxton and Smith were in the same sentiments but absent at this crisis of the question. The limitation of the plan to 13 years so far destroyed its value in the judgment of its friends that they chose rather, to do nothing than to adopt it in that form. The report accordingly remained on the table uncalled for to the end of the Session. And on the last day the resolution above quoted was sub stituted. It had been proposed by Mr. Tyler immediately after the 6
198
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miscarriage of the printed proposition, but was left on the table till it was found that several propositions for regulating our trade without regard to other States produced nothing. In this extremity the resolution was generally acceded to, not without the opposition however of Corbin and Smith. The Commissioners first named were the Attorney Dr. Jones and myself. In the House of D. Tucker [and] Smith were added and In the Senate Mason, Ross and Ronald. The last does not undertake. The port bill was attacked and nearly defeated. An amendatory bill was passed with difficulty thro' the H. of D. and rejected in the Senate. The original one will take effect before the next Ses sion, but will probably be repealed then. It would have been repealed at this, if its adversaries had known their strength in time and exerted it with Judgment. A Bill was brought in for paying British debts but was rendered so inadequate to its object by alterations inserted by a Committee of the whole that the patrons of it thought it best to let it sleep. Several petitions (from Methodists cheifly) appeared in favor of a gradual abolition of slavery, and several from another quarter for a repeal of the law which licenses private manumissions. The former were not thrown under the table, but were treated with all the indignity short of it. A proposition for bringing in a Bill con formably to the latter, was decided in the affirmative by the cast ing voice of the Speaker, but the bill was thrown out on the first reading by a considerable majority. A considerable itch for paper money discovered itself, though no overt attempt was made. The partizans of the measure, among whom Mr. M. S. may be considered as the most zealous, flatter themselves, and / fear upon too good ground that it will be among the measures of the next session. The unfavorable balance of trade and the substitution of facilities in the taxes will have dismissed the little specie remaining among us and strengthened the common argument for a paper medium. Act for postponing the tax of the present year and admitting facilities in payment. This tax was to have been collected in Sepr. last and had been in part actually collected in specie. Notwithstand ing this and the distress of public credit, an effort was made to remit the tax altogether. The party was headed by Braxton who was courting an appointment into the council. On the question for a third reading the affirmative was carried by 52 against 42. On the final question, a vigorous effort on the negative side with a re7
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inforcement of a few new members threw the bill out. The oratory however was not obtained, without subscribing to a postponement instead of remission, and the admission of facilities instead of specie. The postponement too extends not only to the tax which was under collection, and which will not now come in till May, but to the tax of Sepr. next which will not now be in the Treasury till the beginning of next year. The wisdom of seven Sessions will be unable to repair the mischiefs of this single act. Act concerning the erection of Kentucky into an independent State. This was prayed for by a Memorial from a Convention held in Kentucky, and passed without opposition. It contains stipula tions in favor of territorial rights held under the laws of Virga. and suspends the actual separation on the decision of a Convention authorized to meet for that purpose, and on the assent of Congress. The boundary of the proposed State is to remain the same as the present boundary of the district. Act to amend the Militia law. At the last Session of 1784. an act passed displacing all the militia officers, and providing for the appointment of experienced men. In most counties it was carried into execution, and generally much to the advantage of the militia. In consequence of a few petitions against the law as a breach of the Constitution, this act reverses all proceedings under it, and reinstates the old officers. Act to extend the operation of the Escheat law to the Northern Neck. From the peculiar situation of that district the Escheat law was not originally extended to it. Its extension at this time was occasioned by a bill brought in by Mr. Mercer for seizing and selling the deeded land of the late lord Fairfax on the ground of its being devized to aliens, leaving them at liberty indeed to assert their pretensions before the Court of Appeals. As the bill however stated the law and the fact, and excluded the ordinary inquest, in the face of pretensions set up even by a Citizen (Martin) to whom it is said the reversion is given by the Will, it was opposed as ex erting at least a legislative interference in and improper influence on the Judiciary question. It was proposed to substitute the present act as an amendment to the bill, in a Committee of the whole which was disagreed to. The bill being of a popular cast went thro' the H . of D. by a great majority. In the Senate it was rejected by a greater one, if not unanimously. The extension of the escheat law was in consequence taken up and passed. "Act for punishing certain offences." To wit, attempts to dis200
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member the State without the consent of the Legislature. It is pointed against the faction headed by A . C . in the County of Washington. Act for amending the appropriating Act. Complies with the requisition of Congress for the present year, to wit, 1786. It directs 512.000 dollars the quota of this State, to be paid before May next the time fixed by Congress, althd it is known that the postponement of the taxes renders the payment of a shilling impossible. Our payments last year gained us a little reputation. Our conduct this must stamp us with ignominy. Act for regulating the Salaries of the Civil list. Reduces that of the Governor from £1000 to £800 and the others some at a greater and some at a less proportion. Act for disposing of waste lands on Eastern waters. Meant cheifly to affect vacant land in Northern Neck, erroneously conceived to be in great quantity and of great value. The price is fixed at £25 per Hundred Acres at which not an acre will be sold. An Act imposing additional tonnage on British vessels, amounting in the whole to 5/. per ton. Nothing has been yet done with N.C. towards opening a canal thro' the Dismal. The powers given to Commissioners on our part are renewed, and some négociation will be brought about if possible. A certain interest in that State is suspected of being disinclined to promote the object, notwithstanding its manifest importance to the community at large. On Potowmack they have been at work some time. On this river they have about eighty hands ready to break ground, and have engaged a man to plan for them. I fear there is a want of skill for the undertaking that threatens a waste of labour and a discouragement to the interprize. I do not learn that any measures have been taken to procure from Europe the aid which ought be purchased at any price, and which might I should suppose be purchased at a moderate one. I had an opportunity a few days ago of knowing that Mrs. Carr and her family, as well as your little daughter, were well. I am apprehensive that some impediments still detained your younger nephew from his destination. Peter has been in Williamsburg, and I am told by Mr. Maury that his progress is satisfactory. He has read under him Horace, some of Cicero's Orations, Greek testament, iEsop's fables in Greek, ten books of Homer's Iliad and is now beginning Xenophon, Juvenal and Livy. He has also given some attention to French. 8
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I have paid le Maire ten guineas. He will set out in about three weeks I am told for France. Mr. Jones has promised to collect and forward by him all such papers as are in print and will explain the situation of our affairs to you. Among these will be the most important acts of the Session, and the Journal as far as it will be printed. Mr. Wm. Hays, in sinking a well on the declivity of the Hill above the proposed seat of the Capitol and nearly in a line from the Capitol to Belvidere, found about seventy feet below the sur face, several large bones apparently belonging to a fish not less than the Shark, and what is more singular, several fragments of potters ware in the stile of the Indians. Before he reached these curiosities he passed thro' about fifty feet of soft blue clay. I have not seen these articles, having but just heard of them, and been too closely engaged; but have my information from the most unexcep tionable witnesses who have. I am told by Geni. Rüssel of Wash ington County, that in sinking a Salt well in that county he fell in with the hip bone of the incognitum, the socket of which was about 8 inches diameter. It was very soft in the subterraneous State, but seemed to undergo a petrifaction on being exposed to the air. Adieu affecty. Promotions. Edwd. Carrington and H. Lee Jr. added to R. H . Lee, Js. Monroe, and Wm. Grayson, in the delegation to Congress. Carter Braxton to the Council. Jno. Tyler to Court of Admiralty in room of B. Waller resigned. Prices Current. Tobo. 23s on James River and proportionally elsewhere Wheat 5s to 6s per Bushel Corn 15s to 20s per Barrel Pork 28s to 30s per Ct. RC ( D L C : Madison Papers); unsigned. Noted in S J L as received 23 June 1786. Enclosures: (1) List of bills from the Révisai of 1779 that were passed in the 1785-1786 session of the General Assembly (missing, but see notes to the Révisai, Vol. 2: 322-4 and notes to individual bills). (2) Printed text of the resolution as introduced in General Assembly on 14 Nov. 1785 (missing), with indications of alterations (see notes to enclosure).
i Madison wrote "June"; T J crossed this out and wrote "Jan." above it. Madison left the date blank and subsequently, perhaps late in life, wrote "15." 3 Madison first wrote ". . . they promise me this winter," and then altered the passage, perhaps late in life, to read as above. * Madison first wrote: ". . . reversed in the House by a majority of [9?]." At a later time, most probably after he
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22 J A N U A R Y acquired his letters to T J following the latter's death, he altered this by inter lineation and deletion to read as above. The actual vote was 57 to 49 in up holding the legality of Harrison's elec tion; Madison voted with the majority ( J H D , Oct. 1785, 1828 edn., p. 21-2). ß This and subsequent words in ital ics (except the titles of bills, which the editors have italicized) are written in code and were decoded interlineally by T J . Madison wrote the code symbol for "authors" for this first word, and T J so decoded it. Late in life Madison wrote "adversaries" above "authors." Other minor errors in encoding were
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made. The text above is Madison's par tial revision of TJ's decoding, verified by the editors, employing Code No. 9. 6 Madison deleted at this point: "Pe titions to this effect came up from various quarters." This may have been done in the course of composition, as indicated by the sentence following. 7 Madison wrote the code symbol for "the" and T J so decoded it; "and" was clearly intended, though Madison did not make the correction when he went over the letter late in life. 8 Late in life Madison wrote "Arthur Cambel" above these initials.
E N C L O S U R E
In the House of Delegates. November 14, 1785. Whereas, the relative situation of the United States, has been found on trial, to require uniformity in their commercial regulations, as the only effectual policy for obtaining in the ports of foreign nations a stipulation of privileges reciprocal to those enjoyed by the subjects of such nations in the ports of the United States, for preventing ani mosities, which cannot fail to arise among the several States from the interference of partial and separate regulations [, and for deriving from commerce, such aids to the public revenue as it ought to contribute]; and whereas such uniformity can be best concerted and carried into effect by the Faederal Councils, which, having been instituted for the purpose of managing the interests of the States in cases which cannot so well be provided for by measures individually pursued, ought to be invested with authority in this case as being within the reason and policy of their institution: Resolved, That the delegates representing this Commonwealth in Congress, be instructed to propose in Congress a recommendation to the States in Union, to authorize that Assembly to regulate their trade [, and to collect a revenue therefrom,] on the following principles, and under the following qualifications: 1st, That the United States in Congress assembled, be authorized to prohibit vessels belonging to any [nation, which has no commercial treaty with the United States,] from entering any of the ports thereof, or to impose any duties on such vessels and their cargoes, which may be judged necessary; all such prohibitions and duties to be uniform throughout the United States, and the proceeds of the latter to be car ried into the Treasury of the State within which they shall accrue. [2d, That over and above any duties which may be so laid, the United States in Congress assembled, be authorized to collect, in man ner prescribed by an Act "To provide certain and adequate funds for the payment of this State's quota of the debts contracted by the United States," an impost not exceeding five per centum ad valorem, on all goods, wares, and merchandizes whatsoever, imported into the United States from any foreign ports; such impost to be uniform as aforesaid, and to be carried to the Treasury of the United States.] 1
2
1
3
4
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2 2 JANUARY 1786 3d, That no state be at liberty to impose duties on any goods, wares, or merchandizes, imported by land or by water from any other State; but may altogether prohibit the importation from any other state of any particular species or description of goods, wares, or merchandize, [of] which the importation is at the same time prohibited from all other places whatsoever. 4th, That no Act of Congress that may be authorized, as hereby pro posed, shall be entered into by less than two-thirds of the Condfederated States, nor be in force longer than years, [unless continued by a like proportion of votes within one year immediately preceding the expiration of the said period, or be revived in like manner after the expiration thereof; nor shall any impost whatsoever, be collected by virtue of the authority proposed in the second article, after the year 5
17
]
JOHN B E C K L E Y , C.H.D.
6
Broadside (NN); printed at Rich mond in Nov. 1785 by James Hayes in an edition of 200 copies; S wem, "Va. Bibliog.," No. 7466; Evans No. 19352. Brackets in text supplied; see notes below. James Madison was the chief archi tect of this attempt to increase the powers of Congress, but his own later recollections and 19th-century disputes among Virginia historians as to wheth er he or John Tyler was the author of the resolution as finally adopted by the General Assembly have not only con fused the question at issue but have obscured the more important aspects of the struggle that took place in the legislature in 1785. Madison was the unquestioned leader of the nationalists in the House of Delegates and the res olution that he sponsored deserves to rank in the annals of national growth with that adopted by the Virginia Con vention on 15 May 1776 instructing the delegates in Congress to move for independence. For out of the struggle precipitated by Madison came an action that led to the Federal Convention of 1787 by way of the Annapolis Con vention of 1786. Unfortunately, though the major fact of Madison's sponsor ship is well established, the textual his tory of his resolution is not so certain. In the present letter to T J , Madison endeavored to reveal a part of the changes that had taken place in his resolution as a result of debate in the committee of the whole. The copy of Hayes' broadside that he marked with "alterations of the pen" has not been found, but the differences that he wanted to make plain can in part be reconstructed from a comparison of the resolution as ordered to be printed on
14 Nov. with the text as reported out of the committee of the whole on 30 Nov. ( J H D , Oct. 1785, 1828 edn., p. 36, 66). Such a reconstruction is pre sented here, with the deletions brack eted. The results reveal at a glance that animosity toward the possession by Congress of power to raise an in dependent revenue was the mainspring of the substantive alterations in the text made by the committee in the last two weeks of November. This, however, did not embrace all of the changes or the whole of the time that the subject was under consideration in committee of the whole. Nor, indeed, is this the only text available. A brief résumé of the legislative history of a resolution so important in American constitutional history is therefore neces sary. On 7 Nov. Prentis reported out of the committee of the whole a resolu tion stating that "an act ought to pass, to authorise the delegates of this State in Congress, to give the assent of the state to a general regulation of the commerce of the United States, under certain qualifications" ( J H D , Oct. 1785, 1828 edn., p. 25). The resolution was approved, a bill or bills were ordered to be brought in, and Prentis, Tyler, Madison, Henry Lee, Meriwether Smith, Braxton, Ronald, Innes, and Bullitt were appointed a committee to "prepare and bring in the same." Actually the com mittee later produced a resolution rath er than a bill, in accordance with customary procedure in providing in structions for the delegates in Congress. On the basis of Madison's outline of what must have been an impressive speech in behalf of national dignity and power, Rives accorded to Madison credit
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22 J A N U A R Y for the authorship of the preamble only in the resultant resolution (Rives, Madi son, I I , 53-4; the text of Madison's out line is in Writings, ed. Hunt, n, 194-6; it includes a heading ["Power of trea ties involves the danger if any"] re flecting a view of Congress' power over commerce as derived from the treaty power similar to that advanced by T J in his letter to Monroe of 15 June 1785). Brant, Madison, n, 379, dis agreeing with Rives' rejection of the four parts of the resolution that seemed not to accord with Madison's known views, states that the "Madison-Tyler forces carried their resolution by a wide margin and Madison proceeded to draft the authorized bill." He produces in support of this another and variant text of the resolution in Madison's hand (DLC: Madison Papers) that had theretofore been associated with the period of the Annapolis Convention. Correctly ascribing it to the time of the debates of Nov. 1785, Brant states that it is "Madison's original draft" of the bill authorized by the House of Delegates on 7 Nov. This significant variant reads as follows: "1. Resolved that to vest Congress with authority to regulate the foreign trade of the U.S. would add energy and dignity to the federal Government. "2. Resolved that the unrestrained ex ercise of the powers possessed by each State over its own commerce may be productive of discord among the parties to the Union; and that Congress ought to be vested with authority to regulate the same in certain cases. "3. Resolved that in regulating the foreign trade of U.S. Congress ought to enjoy the right 1. of prohibiting vessels, belong ing to any foreign nation from enter ing into any of the ports of the U.S. such prohibition being uniform through out the same: and 2. of imposing duties on the ves sels, produce, or manufactures of for eign nations, and collecting them in such manner, as to Congress may seem best; to be appropriated to the estab lishment and support of a marine, and to this purpose alone; unless States in Congress agreed shall con cur, on principles of extreme necessity, in any other appropriation. But Con gress shall notwithstanding, have power to grant drawbacks, and shall not change the application of those duties which may arise from their recom
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mendations concerning imposts on im ported goods. "4. Resolved that no State ought to be at liberty to impose duties on any goods ware or merchandizes imported by land or water from any other State; but each State ought to be free to prohibit altogether the importation from any other State, of any particular spe cies or description of goods wares or merchandizes, which are at the same time prohibited to be imported from all other places whatsoever. "5. Resolved that to every act of Congress done in pursuance of the fore going authorities, and prohibiting for eign vessels, or imposing duties on Cargoes the assent of three fourths of the States in Congress shall be neces sary; but the power of appropriating to the marine in the first instance shall be exercised with the assent of nine States. "6. Resolved that no Act of Congress done in pursuance of the foregoing au thorities, shall be in force longer than years, unless continued by 94 of the confederated States within one year immediately preceding the expira tion of the said period." The manuscript of this text does not bear any deletions or other alterations such as Madison or anyone else would have made upon the original draft of a document of paramount importance in which every word was bound to be subjected to intense and often partisan scrutiny. It is evident, therefore, that this is a fair copy of some earlier text. As to the time at which it was pro duced, the most that can be said is that it represents the resolution at some stage prior to 14 Nov. when the com mittee of the whole reported the amend ed resolution as printed above. Several possibilities occur: (1) it was pre pared by Madison in preparation for the debate—perhaps at the time he outlined his speech, perhaps even be fore the convening of the legislature; (2) it was prepared during the debates on or before 7 Nov. when the commit tee of the whole recommended giving instructions to the delegates in Con gress; or (3) it was prepared during the week of 7 Nov. when the Prentis committee was pursuing its instruc tions to draft such a document. No direct evidence can be adduced in sup port of any of these alternatives, but the editors incline to the belief that the first is the most probable. Even so,
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22 J A N U A R Y it is not possible to say how far this text represents exclusively the views of Madison, or those that he thought ex pedient and possible to get adopted, or those that resulted from debate and compromise in the Prentis committee or in committee of the whole. The most significant substantive difference between this text and that reported out of the committee of the whole on 14 Nov.—that is, the provision that reve nues arising from imposts levied by Congress should be appropriated to the "establishment and support of a ma rine"—was certainly in accord with naval views that Madison had advocated years earlier (see Madison to T J , 16 Apr. 1781; see Madison to Washing ton, 11 Nov. 1785; Writings, ed. Hunt, n, 193). On 28 Nov. the House of Delegates resolved itself into a committee of the whole and debated and amended the resolution that the Prentis committee had submitted two weeks earlier. Two days later the amended text was adopt ed and a copy ordered to be sent to the Senate for concurrence ( J H D , Oct. 1785, 1828 edn., p. 66). It is proba ble that the alterations in the printed resolution made by Madison in the copy sent to T J included only those amendments up to this point and desig nated in notes 1-6 below. However, on 1 Dec. a motion was made from the floor that "the resolution reported from the committee of the whole House, and agreed to by the House on yesterday, containing instructions to the delegates of this Commonwealth in Congress . . . does not, from a mistake, contain the sense of the majority of this House that voted for the said resolution" and that the direction for sending the resolu tion to the Senate for concurrence should be rescinded. A roll-call vote resulted in the adoption of this resolu tion by a vote of 60 to 33. It also re vealed the perhaps significant fact that Madison voted with the majority while Tyler voted with the minority. The resolution adopted 30 Nov. was then recommitted to the committee of the whole, "several amendments" were made and reported, and the House thereupon tabled the amended resolu tion ( J H D , Oct. 1785, 1828 edn., p. 67-8). The copy of the resolution that Madison sent to T J may or may not have included these amendments made on 1 Dec, and in the absence of any text at this stage it is not possible to
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say what those amendments were (no printed or MS text of either resolution has been found in the Virginia Ar chives; communication to editors from W. J . Van Schreeven, State Archivist, 9 July 1953). As Madison informed T J , another resolution was "proposed by Mr. Tyler immediately after the miscarriage of the printed proposition," but this also was left on the table for some seven weeks. It was, however, called for and passed on the last day of the session, 21 Jan. 1786. Madison in the present letter refers to it as the "resolution above quoted," but he does not quote it fully. As adopted, it reads: "Resolved, that Edmund Randolph, James Madison, jun. Walter Jones, Saint George Tucker and Meriwether Smith, Esquires, be appointed commis sioners, who, or any three of whom, shall meet such commissioners as may be appointed by the other states in the Union, at a time and place to be agreed on, to take into consideration the trade of the United States; to examine the relative situations and trade of the said States; to consider how far a uni form system in their commercial regu lations may be necessary to their common interest and their permanent harmony; and to report to the several States, such an act relative to this great object, as, when unanimously ratified by them, will enable the United States in Congress effectually to pro vide for the same.—That the said commissioners shall immediately trans mit to the several States, copies of the preceding resolution, with a circular letter requesting their concurrence therein, and proposing a time and place for the meeting aforesaid" (same p. 153). The authorship of this resolution be came the subject of controversy in the 19th century. Madison seems to have begun the difficulty in 1804 by stating to Noah Webster that in 1785 he had "made a proposition with success" for a meeting of commissioners at Annap olis—a statement, as Brant points out, that was made not to claim credit, but to correct Webster's belief that "this was a first proposal of the new Con stitution" (Madison to Webster, 12 Oct. 1804; Writings, ed. Hunt, vn, 162-7; Brant, Madison, ii, 382). This statement was reinforced by one made by George Tucker (History of the united States, I , 343) to the effect that, because of anti-federalist senti-
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22 J A N U A R Y ment prevailing in the legislature in Dec. 1785, Madison "did not venture to offer his own resolution, but pre vailed upon Mr. Tyler . . . to offer it." Tucker added: "This fact is stated on the authority of Mr. Madison himself." L . G. Tyler (Letters and Times of the Tylers, Richmond, 1884, I , 132-4; m, 179-80) disagreed with these as sertions and insisted that John Tyler was the author of the resolution finally adopted by the legislature. Brant, re viewing the evidence, accepts in these words the Madison view of 1804 and that reported by Tucker with Madison's approval: "Returning to his original thought based on the Virginia-Maryland commercial conference, Madison now drafted and Tyler introduced a resolu tion which, the former believed, would have fewer enemies" (Brant, Madison, I I , 381). The editors, however, while con vinced of Madison's modesty and in tegrity in advancing his own claims, cannot accept his later recollections as to this matter because of their conflict with contemporary evidence of an over whelming character. This evidence may be summarized as follows: (1) In at least two letters, both written the day after the resolution was adopted and one of them being the present letter to T J , Madison ascribed the resolution to Tyler. In a letter to Monroe, 22 Jan. 1786, he wrote: "This failure of local measures [the port bill, navigation system] in the commercial line, instead of reviving the original propositions for a general plan, revived that of Mr. Tyler for the appointment of Com missioners to meet Commissioners from the other States on the subject of gen eral regulations" (Madison, Writings, ed. Hunt, n, 222-4). (2) To believe that these words mean the plan "of Mr. Tyler" was his only in the sense that he introduced it requires the as sumption that Madison contrived and Tyler acquiesced in a strategy to make the most of the defeat on the first proposition by falling back upon the expedient of an interstate conference as being less offensive to anti-national ists. There seems to be no contempo rary evidence to sustain this view, nor indeed any of a later date save Tucker's assertion. There is, on the contrary, sub stantial contemporary evidence against it, including the fact that, on the crucial vote on 1 Dec. 1785, Madison and Tyler were on opposite sides of the
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question. This is not necessarily con clusive, but, taken in connection with the statement made by Madison to T J in the present letter, it is almost so: "The limitation of the plan to 13 years so far destroyed its value in the judg ment of its friends that they chose rather, to do nothing than to adopt it in that form. The report accordingly remained on the table uncalled for to the end of the Session" (italics sup plied). If on or before 1 Dec. the friends of the measure had decided to do nothing rather than accept the reso lution in emasculated form, and there fore allowed it to rest on the table, Tyler can scarcely be numbered among those friends if, as Madison states in the present letter, he made the alterna tive proposal "immediately after the miscarriage of the printed proposition." Also, since Madison was the chief "friend" of the measure, his words can scarcely be reconciled with the 19thcentury hypothesis that he at this time wrote an alternative and caused it to be introduced by Tyler. (3) Madison disliked the Tyler alternative as much as Tyler evidently disliked his. On the day after adoption of the Tyler resolu tion, Madison wrote to Monroe: "The expedient [of a conference of commis sioners] is no doubt liable to objec tions and will probably miscarry. I think however it is better than noth ing" (Writings, ed. Hunt, n, 222-4). (4) The supposition that Tyler and Madison were acting independently rather than in a concerted strategy seems to be supported by the fact that their respective plans were so wholly different, each being generally char acteristic of the man who introduced it.
Madison's reflected a bold, forthright, nationalism, asserting at the outset (as amended) that "the relative situation of the United States has been found on trial, to require uniformity in their commercial regulations"; the Tyler al ternative, on the other hand, merely called for a conference to "consider how far a uniform system in their com mercial regulations may be necessary." One was a specific plan, carefully out lined; the other was an expedient for preparing an undefined plan. But what divorced it most of all from Madison's thinking and known views was the fact that it was not, like his own, a set of instructions to the Virginia dele gates in Congress to propose a course of action through the national body,
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but was instead a device that would be established without reference to Con gress, would report its findings directly to the states without the intermedia tion of Congress, and would have the effect of bringing Congress into its orbit only in the improbable circum stance of having its act "unanimously ratified" by all of the states. This was something quite different from the Vir ginia-Maryland commercial conference with which Madison had been identi fied; it underscored the concept of the nation as a league of sovereign states engaged in negotiating, contracting, and "ratifying" agreements; it was, in brief, a document reflecting the views of those who were opposed to increas ing the national power. A conclusive evidence that Madison did not sponsor it for political expediency is the fact that he feared those who had produced it had done so for such reasons. To Monroe he listed the names of the commissioners and of those who had been named, and then asserted: "It is not unlikely that this multitude of as sociates will stifle the thing in its birth. By some it was probably meant to do so" (same). This was said in the con text of his remark about a fellow com missioner, Meriwether Smith, who had "made unceasing war during the Ses sion against the idea of bracing the federal system." (5) During the course of the debates Madison wrote that his original propositions had been "sus pended in order to consider a proposi tion which had for its object a meeting of Politico-commercial Commissioners from all the States for the purpose of digesting and reporting the requisite augmentation of the power of Con gress over trade." He then added a statement that seems to offer the best explanation for the origin of the alter native proposed by Tyler: "It seems naturally to grow out of the proposed appointment of Commissioners for Virga. and Maryd. concerted at Mount Vernon, for keeping up harmony in the commercial regulations of the two States (Madison to Washington, 9 Dec. 1785; Writings, ed. Hunt, I I , 198; see also Madison to Monroe, same date, n, 201-2). This was written four days after the Maryland resolutions were laid before the Virginia legislature, res olutions which suggested that Dela ware and Pennsylvania also be brought into the uniform commercial system proposed for the two states ( J H D , Oct.
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1785, 1828 edn., p. 72). An extension of the Mount Vernon idea to two other states may have provided for John Tyler, as it certainly did for the com mittee of commerce to whom the Mary land resolutions were referred, the nat ural suggestion that it would be logical to enlarge such a plan so as to include all the states. But by a happy irony the triumph of Tyler's resolution and the defeat of Madison's set the country on the route toward an early and effective re-model ling of the national constitution. Had Madison's own proposal succeeded in its aim, a federal convention to create a more perfect union would have been less necessary and might thereby have been postponed so long into the future as to deprive him of the majestic role that he played in that of 1787. Madi son wholeheartedly welcomed this un expected development of the Tyler res olution (see Madison to T J , 12 Aug. 1786). By a less happy irony, the au thor of the resolution himself did not view the outcome with pride. In 1788, speaking in the Virginia Ratifying Con vention, John Tyler said: "I wished Congress to have the regulation of trade. . . . I was among those mem bers who, a few years ago, proposed that regulation. I have lamented that I have put my hand to it, since this measure may have grown out of it. It was the hopes of our people to have their trade on a respectable footing. But it never entered into my head that we should quit liberty and throw our selves into the hands of an energetic government" (quoted in Lyon G. Tyler, Letters and Times of the Tylers, Rich mond, 1884, I , 151). If these fruits were galling, the last trace of pride in the resolution would have been re moved by the dry—and accurate—com ment of the author's son, President John Tyler: "There is no particular merit in the composition, and the resolution embodies only a single idea . . . —an idea which, no doubt from apparent necessities, had forced itself upon the minds of others" (Tyler to John C. Hamilton, 14 July 1855; same, I , 133). Thus ingloriously was planted the seed that grew with such unintended might. 1 The part enclosed in brackets ( sup plied) was deleted in committee of the whole. 2 The following words were added
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24 J A N U A R Y at this point in committee of the whole: "that it is the opinion of this committee." 3 The part enclosed in brackets ( supplied) was struck out in committee of the whole and "foreign nation" substituted therefor. * This entire paragraph was deleted in committee of the whole, and in consequence paragraphs 3 and 4 became 2 and 3 respectively. s In committee of the whole the word "thirteen" was inserted in the blank in amendment of a twenty-five year limi-
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tation, as indicated in Madison to T J , 22 Jan. 1786. 6 The part enclosed in brackets ( supplied) was deleted in committee of the whole. When the committee reported on 30 Nov., a motion was made to restore the words "unless continued by a like proportion of votes . . . after the expiration thereof," but this was defeated by a vote of 79 to 28 ( J H D , Oct. 1785, 1828 edn., p. 66). Four lines are omitted here; they concern the commitment and printing of the resolution.
From Jean-Armand Tronchin MONSIEUR Paris le 22e. Janvier 1786. Permettes moi d'avoir l'honneur de vous remettre la notte cyjointe qui m'a été adressée par Messeigneurs du Conseil de Genève, avec charge de recourrir à vos bons offices, Monsieur, pour procurer à une famille des plus considérables de ma patrie les éclaircissemens qui lui sont nécessaires. Je me flatte, Monsieur, que vous voudrés bien acceuillir ma demande: Messeigneurs en seront très reconnoissans, et vous offrent le réciproque dans tous les cas qui pourroient se présenter, qu'ils saisiront avec empressement. J'ay l'honneur d'etre avec la plus haute considération, Monsieur Votre très humble et très Obéissant Serviteur. TRONCHIN
Ministre de la Republique de Geneve. RC ( D L C ) . Enclosure ( D L C ) : A description and account in French of Abraham Albert Alphonse Gallatin. This marks the first appearance on TJ's horizon of his future friend and official colleague, better known to history under his shortened name of Albert Gallatin. T J believed that he had been killed by the Indians. On 26 Jan. 1786 Tronchin wrote to Puérari, secretary of state of the Republic of Geneva, from whom the inquiry had come:
"J'ai remis à Mr. Jefferson, Ministre Plénipotentiaire des Etats-Unis, la notte concernant Mr. Gallatin; il m'a promis de la recommander particulièrement; mais il craint bien que ce malheureux jeune homme n'ait péri, ayant la triste certitude que Mr. Duval son malheureux compagnon a été tué par les sauvages" (Archives d'Etat, Geneva, Switzerland, Carton 5199). See T J to Tronchin, 27 Jan. 1786: Jay to T J , 16 June 1786; and T J to Tronchin, 1 Aug. 1786.
From Thomas Barclay DEAR SIR St. Germain 2 4 Jany. 1786 I take the liberty of sending you a Copy of my letter to Mr. 209:
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Osgood and Mr. Livingston, with my accounts Current which you will please to forward. The Originals go by the Packet from L'Orient. You will, I hope, Excuse my having mentioned your name. My meaning was, if you had occasion to write to them, I hoped you woud freely give your opinion of such of my Transac tions as have fallen within your knowledge. I know that first Impressions are generally lasting, and I am actually a stranger to both the Gentlemen, and apprehensive they may think my Expenses run high, but I am very Certain the Charge falls much short of the actual Expenditures. At present I know not for what I have been labouring, but I have no more Doubts of the Justice of Congress than I have of my Existence, and I hope in the Course of nine months to put an End to Every particular that has been Committed to my Care exclusive of the Consular Department. I am not quite Clear of the propriety of desiring you to mention my Subject. But you will Judge and Do what is right. I Thank you for the letter you sent me and shall answer it from L'Orient. I Pitty Littlepage for the Folly he has Committed. But it is a Tax to which such men as M. Jay are subject, especially in such a Country as ours. I am Ever Dear Sir Your Most Obedt. THOS BARCLAY RC ( D L C ) . Enclosures not identified. The letter that Barclay promised to A N S W E R . . . F R O M L ' O R I E N T has not been found and is not recorded in S J L , but its contents are referred to in part in the following: letter to Bondfield.
To John Bondfield DEAR SIR
Paris. Jan. 24. 1786.
On the departure of Mr. Barclay I was so hurried that in a letter I was writing to him, I could only ask him to be the bearer to you of a wish that you would be so good as to send me 6. dozen bottles of red Bourdeaux and 6 dozen of white, of fine quality. I now repeat this prayer to yourself, only desiring a gross of each instead of half a gross, mentioned to Mr. Barclay. You are the best judge whether it will come best in bottles or in casks. I will also pray you to send by the first vessel which shall go from Bourdeaux to James river in Virginia, the following articles. Anchovies, dried figs, raisins, brugnols and almonds, of each 2 0 . pounds weight, 12. pint bottles of best Provence oil and 3 . doz. pint bottles of Frontignac 210
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wine, English measure, each article being separately packed. Be so good as to have all the separate packages put into one box and directed 'to Francis Eppes esq. Chesterfield to be delivered to the care of Charles Carter esquire at Shirley hundred, James river Virginia.' These articles being intended for a particular friend, I will pray you to have them chosen of the best quality. Be so good as to inform Mr. Eppes, and also myself, by letters, of the convey ance by which they are sent. My own wine I would wish to receive as soon as convenient. Your draughts on me for these objects shall be duly honoured, and many thanks to you for the kindness by Sir your most obedient and most humble servant, T H : J E F F E R S O N PrC ( D L C ) . B R U G N O L S : T J may have meant brignoles (French plums) or brugnons (nectarines); see invoice enclosed in Bondfield to T J , 24 June 1786. The letter to M R . B A R C L A Y has not been found.
To Francis Eppes DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 24. 1786
Since my letters by the Mr. Fitzhughs, I wrote you the 11th. of December and 7th. of January. Both went by the way of London. About a week ago your favor and Mrs. Eppes's of Sep. 14 and my dear Polly's came to hand. The latest of your letters before this, which have reached me, were of 15 months ago, that is, of Octob. 1784. That which you mention to have written in May last by a confidential person, I have never heard of. I wish you would be so good as to let me know by whom you sent it, that I may hunt it up. The one now before me, of Sep. 14. is very comfortable as it con tains the first account of my private affairs which I have received since I have been in Europe. You will perceive by my former letters that your disposal of the money given me by the assembly met my perfect approbation; as whatever you do, assuredly will. The motives which induce you to take this trouble have my full con fidence, and you can better judge on the spot what should be done, than I can here. My last letters were intended chiefly as cautions about the sending my dear Polly to me. Lest they should have miscarried I will repeat my desire that she be sent in no vessel but a French or English one having a Mediterranean pass. How ever small the probability is of the capture by the Algerines of any vessel passing from America to France, yet the stake is too enor mous to be risked in any other bottom. I know that Mrs. Eppes's goodness will make her feel her separation from an infant who has 211
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experienced so much of her tenderness. My unlimited confidence in her has been the greatest solace possible under my own separa tion from Polly. Mrs. Eppes's goodness will suggest to her many considerations which render it of importance to the future happi ness of the child that she should neither forget, nor be forgotten by her sister and myself. You mention the possibility that Colo. Le Maire may take charge of her. Unless he should be coming [here] for his own purposes I could not consent to his making the voiage merely to bring her. But if he should be coming on other accounts there is no person with whom I would wish her sooner to be trusted. In December 1784 I desired Mr. Bondfeild at Bourdeaux to send you a cask of fine claret. This he did by a brig called the Fanny, Capt. Smith, which sailed Apr. 2 6 . 1785. from that port for Falmouth. It was put under the care of a young gentleman who went passenger. I have never heard what was it's fate. I have lately written to desire Mr. Bondfeild to make up a little package of Anchovies, oil, fruits and such things as can be had better there than with you and to send them in the first vessel which sails for James river, directed to you, but to be delivered to the care of Mr. Carter at Shirley. If I had known any person on the Bermuda side, I should rather have delivered them there as more con venient to you. By your letter of Sep. 14. I find that you had written to me for a tutor: but as this letter does not tell me of what kind, on what terms, &c, I must await the arrival of the one in which you had given me those details. [How much should I prize one hour of your fireside, where I might indulge that glow of affection which the recollection of Mrs. Eppes and her little ones excites in me, and give you personal assurances of the sincere esteem with which I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.] 1
PrC (MHi); incomplete, the final from Randolph, Domestic Life, p. 107; page or pages lacking. Noted in S J L as since that source prints only extracts sent "by Ezra Bates in Packet." from the letter it is impossible to tell i PrC ends at this point. The text in how much of the intervening text is brackets, following, has been supplied lacking.
To the Governor of Virginia SIR Paris Jan. 24. 1786. I have been honoured with your Excellency's two letters of Sep. 10th. and that of Octob. 14. 1785. The former were brought 212
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me by Mr. Houdon, who is returned with the necessary moulds and measures for General Washington's statue. I fear the expences of his journey have been considerably increased by the unlucky accident of his tools, materials, clothes, &c, not arriving at Havre in time to go with him, to America, so that he had to supply him self there. The money which you were so kind as to send by Capt. Littlepage for the purposes of this statue, he found himself obliged to deposit in New York to satisfy a demand made on him there. This was a debt which he owed to Mr. Jay. He assures me that in a settlement with his guardian the latter took credit for this debt, so as to be answerable to Mr. Jay for it, and of course to the state now that Mr. Jay is paid with the state's money. I mention this circumstance that your Excellency may be enabled to take the earliest measures for recovering this money, and indemnifying the state. Mr. Littlepage, to satisfy me, had obtained from the M. de la fayette his engagement to stand bound as Mr. Littlepage's security for the paiment of this money. But knowing the punctual ity and responsibility of his guardian, I did not suppose a security necessary. Besides, if a loss was to be incurred, I knew too well the sentiments of the state of Virginia towards the M. de la Fayette to suppose they would be willing to throw that loss on him. I therefore acted as I thought your Excellency and the Council would have directed me to act could you have been consulted: I waited on the Marquis and, in his presence, cancelled his name from the obligation which had been given me, leaving only that of Mr. Littlepage. I have now the honor to inclose you one of those instruments, duplicates of which had been given me by Mr. Little page. The first of the Marquis's busts will be finished next month. 1 shall present that one to the city of Paris, because the delay has been noticed by some. I hope to be able to send another to Virginia in the course of the summer. These are to cost three thousand livres each. The agreement for the arms has been at length concluded by Mr. Barclay. He was so much better acquainted with this business than the Marquis Fayette or myself, that we left it altogether to him. We were sensible that they might have been got cheaper, but not so good. However I suppose he has given you the details of his proceedings so as to render them unnecessary from me. It will be eight months before they will be ready. The cause of this too Mr. Barclay told me he would explain to you. It is principally to ensure their goodness. The bills remitted to pay for them have 213
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been honoured and the money is lodged in Mr. Grand's hands who was willing to allow a small interest for it. An improvement is made here in the construction of the musket which may be worthy of attention. It consists in making every part of them so exactly alike, that every part of any one may be used for the same part in any other musket made by the same hand. The government here has examined and approved the method, and is establishing a large manufactory for the purpose. As yet the inventor has only completed the lock of the musket on this plan. He will proceed immediately to have the barrel, stock and their parts executed in the same way. I visited the workman. He presented me the parts of 50 locks, taken to peices, and ar ranged in compartments. I put several together myself, taking the peices at hazard as they came to hand, and found them fit inter changeably in the most perfect manner. The tools by which he affects this have at the same time so abridged the labour that he thinks he shall be able to furnish the musket two livres cheaper than the king's price. But it will be two or three years before he will be able to furnish any quantity. I have duly received the propositions of Messrs. Ross, Pleasants &c. for furnishing tobacco to the farmers general; but Mr. Morris had in the mean time obtained the contract. I have been fully sensible of the baneful influence on the commerce of France and America which this double monopoly will have. I have struck at it's root here, and spared no pains to have the farm itself de molished. But it has been in vain. The persons interested in it are too powerful to be opposed, even by the interest of the whole coun try. I mention this matter in confidence, as a knowledge of it might injure any future endeavors to attain the same object. Every thing is quiet here, and will certainly remain so another year. Mr. Barclay left Paris a few days ago, and will be absent from France for some time. I shall spare no endeavors to fulfill the several objects with which he was charged, in the best manner I can. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the highest respect Your Excellency's most obedient & most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON RC (Vi). PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates in Packet." Enclosure not found; but on the matter of Littlepage's indebtedness, see particularly Lafayette to T J , 2 Aug. 1786 and Randolph to T J , 28 Jan. 1787. T J probably erred in referring to
Gov. Henry's letter O F O C T O B . 14. 1785; it was a covering letter for the proposals of M E S S R S . R O S S , P L E A S A N T S , &c. F O R F U R N I S H I N G T O B A C C O , and since the proposals themselves were dated 18 Oct. it is probable that Henry's letter was dated 19 or 24 Oct. and that
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T J misread it. The proposals by Ross and his associates are printed above in note to Ross and others to T J , 18 Oct.
1786
1785 and the manuscript (ViWC) car ries an endorsement by T J .
To John Jay DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 25. 1786
I received on the 18th. instant your private favor of Dec. 9. and thank you for the confidence you are so good as to repose in me, of which that communication is a proof. As such it is a gratifi cation to me, because it meets the esteem I have ever borne you. But nothing was needed to keep my mind right on that subject, and I believe I may say the public mind here. The sentiments enter tained of you in this place are too respectful to be easily shaken. The person of whom you speak in your letter arrived here on the 19th. and departed for Warsaw on the 22d. It is really to be lamented that after a public servant has passed a life in important and faithful services, after having given the most plenary satis faction in every station, it should yet be in the power of every indi vidual to disturb his quiet, by arraigning him in a gazette and by obliging him to act as if he needed a defence, an obligation imposed on him by unthinking minds which never give themselves the trouble of seeking a reflection unless it be presented to them. How ever it is a part of the price we pay for our liberty, which cannot be guarded but by the freedom of the press, nor that be limited without danger of losing it. To the loss of time, of labour, of money, then, must be added that of quiet, to which those must offer themselves who are capable of serving the public, and all this is better than European bondage. Your quiet may have suffered for a moment on this occasion, but you have the strongest of all supports that of the public esteem. It is unnecessary to add assur ances of that with which I have the honor to be dear Sir your most obedient and most humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON RC (NK-Iselin); endorsed. PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as "private," and sent "by Ezra Bates in Packet."
To David Rittenhouse DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 25. 1786
Your favor of Sep. 28. came to hand a few days ago. I thank you for the details on the Southern and Western lines. There remains 215
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thereon one article however which I will still beg you to inform me of, viz. how far is the Western boundary beyond the Meridian of Pittsburgh? This is necessary to enable me to trace that bound ary in my map. I shall be much gratified also with a communication of your observations on the curiosities of the Western country. It will not be difficult to, induce me to give up the theory of the growth of shells without their being the nidus of animals. I f s only an idea, and not an opinion with me. In the Notes with which I trouble you I had observed that there were three opinions as to the origin of these shells. 1. That they have been deposited even in the highest mountains by a universal deluge. 2. That they with all the calcare ous stones and earths are animal remains. 3. That they grow or shoot as chrystals do. I find that I could swallow the last opinion sooner than either of the others; but I have not yet swallowed it. Another opinion might have been added, that some throw of nature has forced up parts which had been the bed of the ocean. But have we any better proof of such an effort of nature than of her shooting a lapidine juice into the form of a shell? No such convulsion has taken place in our time, nor within the annals of history; nor is the distance greater between the shooting of the lapidine juice into the form of a chrystal or a diamond which we see, and into the form of a shell which we do not see, than between the forcing Volcanic matter a little above the surface where it is in fusion, which we see, and the forcing the bed of the sea fifteen thousand feet above the ordinary surface of the earth, which we do not see. It is not possible to believe any of these hypotheses; and if we lean towards any of them it should be only till some other is produced more analogous to the known operations of nature. In a letter to Mr. Hopkinson I mentioned to him that the Abbé Rochon, who discovered the dou ble refracting power in some of the natural chrystals, had lately made a telescope with the metal called Platina, which while it is susceptible of as perfect a polish as the metal heretofore used for the specula of telescopes, is inattackable by rust as gold and silver are. There is a person here who has hit on a new method of en graving. He gives you an ink of his composition. Write on copper plates any thing which you would wish to take several copies; and in an hour the plate will be ready to strike them off. So of plans, engravings &c. This art will be amusing to individuals if he should make it known. I send you herewith the Nautical almanacs for 1786. 1787. 1788. 1789. 1790. which are as late as they are published. You ask how you may reimburse the expence of these 216
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trifles? I answer, by accepting of them, as the procuring you a gratification is a higher one to me than money. We have had nothing curious published lately. I do not know whether you are fond of chemical reading. There are some things in this science worth reading. I will send them to you if you wish it. My daughter is well and joins me in respects to Mrs. Rittenhouse and the young ladies. After asking when we are to have the lunarium? I will close with assurances of the sincere 1
PrC ( DLC ) ; final page lacking. Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates in Packet." For a note on the N E W M E T H O D O F see T J to Stiles, 1 Sep. 1786.
ENGRAVING,
J- PrC ends at this point, at the bottorn of the page; here and elsewhere it is evident that, in using the copying press, T J did not bother to make a PrC of complimentary close and signature when these carried over to another page or extended below the sheet.
To Archibald Stuart DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 25. 1786.
I have received your favor of the 17th. of October, which though you mention as the third you have written me, is the first which has come to hand. I sincerely thank you for the communications it contains. Nothing is so grateful to me at this distance as details both great and small of what is passing in my own country. Of the latter we receive little here, because they either escape my corre spondents or are thought unworthy notice. This however is a very mistaken opinion, as every one may observe by recollecting that when he has been long absent from his neighborhood the small news of that is the most pleasing and occupies his first attention either when he meets with a person from thence, or returns thither himself. I still hope therefore that the letter in which you have been so good as to give me the minute occurrences in the neighbor hood of Monticello may yet come to hand, and I venture to rely on the many proofs of friendship I have received from you, for a con tinuance of your favors. This will be the more meritorious as I have nothing to give you in exchange. The quiet of Europe at this moment furnishes little which can attract your notice, nor will that quiet be soon disturbed, at least for the current year. Perhaps it hangs on the life of the K . of Prussia, and that hangs by a very slender thread. American reputation in Europe is not such as to be flattering to it's citizens. Two circumstances are particularly ob jected to us, the nonpaiment of our debts, and the want of energy 217
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in our government. These discourage a connection with us. I own it to be my opinion that good will arise from the destruction of our credit. I see nothing else which can restrain our disposition to luxury, and the loss of those manners which alone can preserve republican government. As it is impossible to prevent credit, the best way would be to cure it's ill effects by giving an instantaneous recovery to the creditor. This would be reducing purchases on credit to purchases for ready money. A man would then see a prison painted on every thing he wished but had not ready money to pay for.—I fear from an expression in your letter that the people of Kentucké think of separating not only from Virginia (in which they are right) but also from the confederacy. I own I should think this a most calamitous event, and such an one as every good citizen on both sides should set himself against. Our present federal limits are not too large for good government, nor will the increase of votes in Congress produce any ill effect. On the contrary it will drown the little divisions at present existing there. Our confederacy must be viewed as the nest from which all America, North and South is to be peopled. We should take care too not to think it for the interest of that great continent to press too soon on the Span iards. Those countries cannot be in better hands. My fear is that they are too feeble to hold them till our population can be suffi ciently advanced to gain it from them peice by peice. The navigation of the Mississippi we must have. This is all we are as yet ready to receive. I have made acquaintance with a very sensible candid gentleman here who was in South America during the revolt which took place there while our revolution was working. He says that those disturbances (of which we scarcely heard any thing) cost on both sides an hundred thousand lives.—I have made a particular acquaintance here with Monsieur de Buffon, and have a great desire to give him the best idea I can of our elk. Perhaps your situ ation may enable you to aid me in this. Were it possible, you could not oblige me more than by sending me the horns, skeleton, and skin of an elk. The most desireable form of receiving them would be to have the skin slit from the under jaw along the belly to the tail, and down the thighs to the knee, to take the animal out, leaving the legs and hoofs, the bones of the head, and the horns attached to the skin. By sewing up the belly &c. and stuffing the skin it would present the form of the animal. However as an op portunity of doing this is scarcely to be expected, I shall be glad to receive them detached, packed in a box, and sent to Richmond 218
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to the care of Doctor Currie. Every thing of this kind is precious here, and to prevent my adding to your trouble I must close my letter with assurances of the esteem and attachment with which I am Dr. Sir your friend & servt., T H : JEFFERSON E S . I must add a prayer for some Paccan nuts, 100. if possible, to be packed in a box of sand and sent me. They might come either directly or via N. York. RC (ViHi). PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates in Packet." The
VERY
SENSIBLE CANDID
GENTLE
M A N from South America has not been identified. Although this early and quite remarkable expression of TJ's view of the "Manifest Destiny" of the American people may be explained in part by the fact that he and William Stephens Smith had discussed South American affairs when the latter passed through Paris late in 1785 (see Smith to T J ,
28 Apr. and 21 May 1786), the person whom T J had in mind could not have been Smith's traveling companion on his European tour, Francisco de Mi randa, the Venezuelan patriot, for Mi randa parted with Smith at Vienna on 26 Oct. 1785, went on alone to Con stantinople, and from there arrived at Rome on the very day that T J wrote the present letter (W. S. Robertson, Life of Miranda, Chapel Hill, 1929, I , 63-8).
To John Banister DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 26. 1786.
The inclosed letters will so fully explain their object that I need not say a word on that subject. You will perceive that Messrs. Dangirard and De Vernon have great cause to complain of the invincible silence of Messrs. Marek, nephew, & co. A person who has done me many friendly offices has asked my endeavors to pro cure information what can be the cause of this silence. I take the liberty of having recourse to your friendly offices, and will ask the favor of you to write me a full state of the nature of the business in which these gentlemen are concerned, their credit, their sup posed stock in trade, and whatever else you may think interesting to Messrs. Dangirard and De Vernon to know; and if circumstances render it prudent I would wish that you could know from Marek, nephew & co. themselves the reason of their silence and whether they will give you a letter of explanation to be forwarded thro me. Pardon all this trouble; the world cannot go on without these mutual helps to one another. Two young gentlemen who went from here in November for Italy, expected your son would accompany them. As I have never received a letter from him since, I have taken for granted he had done so. I am sure his health is in a good way or I should have 219
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heard the contrary either from him or them. Present my affectionate respects to Mrs. Bannister and be assured of the esteem with which I am Dear Sir your friend & servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates." The enclosed letters have not been identified; but see T J to Banister, 6 May 1786; Banister to T J , 12 May 1786; and exchange of letters between T J and Dangirard and De
Vernon, 17 and 25 Aug. 1786. T J spelled the firm name of M A R C K , N E P H E W & co. in various ways, but this was evidently the correct form of it (see advertisement in Va. Gaz. and Independent Chronicle, 12 June 1784).
To William Buchanan and James Hay GENTLEMEN
Paris Jan. 26. 1786.
I had the honour of writing to you on the receipt of your orders to procure draughts for the public buildings, and again on the 13th. of August. In the execution of those orders two methods of proceed ing presented themselves to my mind. The one was to leave to some architect to draw an external according to his fancy, in which way experience shews that about once in a thousand times a pleas ing form is hit upon; the other was to take some model already devised and approved by the general suffrage of the world. I had no hesitation in deciding that the latter was best, nor after the decision was there any doubt what model to take. There is at Nismes in the South of France a building, called the Maison quarrée, erected in the time of the Caesars, and which is allowed without contradiction to be the most perfect and precious remain of antiquity in existence. It's superiority over any thing at Rome, in Greece, at Balbec or Palmyra is allowed on all hands; and this single object has placed Nismes in the general tour of travellers. Having not yet had leisure to visit it, I could only judge of it from drawings, and from the relation of numbers who had been to see it. I determined therefore to adopt this model, and to have all it's proportions justly observed. As it was impossible for a foreign artist to know what number and sizes of apartments would suit the different corps of our government, nor how they should be connected with one another, I undertook to form that arrangement, and this being done, I committed them to an Architect (Monsieur Clerisseau) who had studied this art 2 0 . years in Rome, who had particularly studied and measured the Maison quarrée of Nismes, and had published a book containing 4 most excellent plans, de scriptions, and observations on it. He was too well acquainted with the merit of that building to find himself restrained by my in220
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junctions not to depart from his model. In one instance only he persuaded me to admit of this. That was to make the Portico two columns deep only, instead of three as the original is. His reason was that this latter depth would too much darken the apartments. (Economy might be added as a second reason. I consented to it to satisfy him, and the plans are so drawn. I knew that it would still be easy to execute the building with a depth of three columns, and it is what I would certainly recommend. We know that the Maison quarrée has pleased universally for near 2000 years. By leaving out a column, the proportions will be changed and perhaps the effect may be injured more than is expected. What is good is often spoiled by trying to make it better. The present is the first opportunity which has occurred of send ing the plans. You will accordingly receive herewith the ground plan, the elevation of the front, and the elevation of the side. The architect having been much busied, and knowing that this was all which would be necessary in the beginning, has not yet finished the Sections of the building. They must go by some future oc casion] as well as the models of the front and side which are mak ing in plaister of Paris. These were absolutely necessary for the guide of workmen not very expert in their art. It will add con siderably to the expence, and I would not have incurred it but that I was sensible of it's necessity. The price of the model will be 15 guineas. I shall know in a few days the cost of the drawings which probably will be the triple of the model; however this is but my conjecture. I will make it as small as possible, pay it, and render you an account in my next letter. You will find on examination that the body of this building covers an area but two fifths of that which is proposed and begun; of course it will take but about one half the bricks; and of course this circumstance will enlist all the workmen, and people of the art against the plan. Again the building begun is to have 4 porticos; this but one. It is true that this will be deeper than those were probably proposed, but even if it be made three columns deep, it will not take half the number of columns. The beauty of this is ensured by experience and by the suffrage of the whole world; the beauty of that is problematical, as is every drawing, however well it looks on paper, till it be actually executed; and tho I suppose there is more room in the plan begun, than in that now sent, yet there is enough in this for all the three branches of government and more than enough is not wanted. This contains 16. rooms, to wit, 4. on the first floor, for 221
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the General court, Delegates, Lobby, and Conference; eight on the 2d. floor for the Executive, the Senate, and 6 rooms for committees and [juri]es, and over 4. of these smaller rooms of the 2d floor are 4. Mezzanines or Entresoles, serving as offices for the clerks of the Executive, the Senate, the Delegates and the court in actual session. It will be an objection that the work is begun on the other plan. But the whole of this need not be taken to peices, and of what shall be taken to peices the bricks will do for inner work. Mortar never becomes so hard and adhesive to the bricks in a few months but that it may easily be chipped off. And upon the whole the plan now sent will save a great proportion of the expence. Hitherto I have spoken of the Capitol only. The plans for the prison also accompany this. They will explain themselves. I send also the plan of the prison proposed at Lyons which was sent me by the architect, and to which we are indebted for the fundamental idea of ours. You will see that of a great thing a very small one is made. Perhaps you may find it convenient to build at first only two sides, forming an L . But of this you are the judges. It has been suggested to me that fine gravel mixed in the mortar prevents the prisoners from cutting themselves out, as that will destroy their tool. In my letter of Aug. 13.1 mentioned that I could send workmen from hence. As I am in hopes of receiving your orders precisely in answer to that letter I shall defer actually engaging any till I receive them. In like manner I shall defer having plans drawn for a Governor's house &c. till further orders, only assuring you that the receiving and executing these orders will always give me a very great pleasure, and the more should I find that what I have done meets your approbation. I have the honour to be, with sentiments of the most perfect esteem, Gentlemen your most obedient and most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates." Enclosures: (1) Ground plan and elevations of proposed capitol for Virginia. These plans, regrettably, have not been found. On 18 Mch. 1799 William Hay wrote to Gov. James Wood: "At the time the late Beverley Randolph Esq. was Governour, the Plans and Drawings of the Capitol and the public Prison, which were sent from Paris by Mr. Jefferson, were delivered to him and were by him transmitted in a Tin Case to the Directors of the public Buildings in the federal City. Since that time I have
never seen them" ( V i ) ; see Madison to T J , 19 June 1786. (2) "Plans for the prison." These plans have similarly disappeared from public view, but their prototype was the "plan of a well contrived edifice on the principles of solitary confinement" proposed by an Architect of Lyons" ( Autobiography, Ford, I , 64-5). The "Architect of Lyons" was Pierre-Gabriel Bugniet, whose plan is represented in the engravings by Charpentier, found in the Bibliothèque Municipale of Lyons by Mlle. Léonie Villard, professor at the University of Lyons; these engravings are discussed in an
.111
2 6 JANUARY article by Howard C. Rice, Jr., "A French Source of Jefferson's Plan for the Prison at Richmond," Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, xn (1953), 28-30. I
UNDERTOOK
TO
FORM
THAT
AR
Jefferson's notes (CSmH) and other documents pertaining to the Virginia capitol will be presented in the volume on architecture in the Sec ond Series of the present edition (see
RANGEMENT:
17 8 6
Fiske Kimball, Thomas Jefferson and the First Monument of the Classical Re vival in America, Ann Arbor, 1915 [re print from the Journal of the American Institute of Architects]-, Fiske Kimball, "The Public Buildings of Virginia, n. Richmond, 1779-1780," Huntington Lib. Quar., X H [1949], 303-10; Marie Kimball, Jefferson: The Scene of Eu rope, p. 69-77).
From William Carmichael SIR
[ca. 26 January 1786]
Mr. Harrison who has resided in Cadiz in the Character of Consul more than five years and executed in that time much Public Business without any recompence whatever, will have the honor to deliver this to your Excellency whose friendly notice I beg leave to Intreat for this Gentleman During his residence in Paris. His personal Conduct has acquired him the Esteem of all Ranks in the City where he resided. The Ct. d'Estaing and the Marquis de la Fayette were witnesses to the great consideration he enjoyed and this consideration and his accurate knowledge of the Trade and manners of the People of the Country renders the Nomination of him as Consul by Congress an object of Public Utility. On this Account as well as from the sincere friendship and Esteem which I have long had for Mr. Harrison I take the Liberty of sollicking your Excellencys recommendation on his favor. As he accompanies Messrs. Lamb and Randall as far as Barce lona, I refer your Excellency to Him for information with respect to their operations after Leaving this Capital. I have the honor to be with great respect your Excys. Most Obedt. Hble. Sert., W M . CARMICHAEL RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 25 Mch. 1786, "while in London." This letter, without date, must have been written on or shortly before 26 Jan. 1786; delivered in Paris
about 17 Mch.; and forwarded to T J in London by David Humphreys (see Carmichael to T J , 3 Feb., and Hum phreys to T J , 17 Mch. 1786).
To Charles Dilly {Paris, 26 Jan. 1786. Entry in SJL under this date: "Chas. Dilly. Book seller of Lond. To send Dr. R's books by Col. Humphreys." Letter not found, but see David Ramsay to TJ, 10 Dec. 1785, and TJ's reply, 26 Jan. 1786.] 223
To Francis Hopkinson DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 26. 1786.
My last to you was of the 3d. inst. and acknoledged the receipt of yours of Oct. 25. covering your new invented harpsichord tongue. The present is to acknolege the receipt of your favor of Sept. 28. with newspapers but in which there was not a model of the tongue as you mentioned. The bearer of this letter is a careful man of Connecticut, who has been hitherto servant to the M. de la fayette. He goes in the packet to New York. I therefore commit to his care the articles which will be noted at the bottom of my letter. I did not get two or three sets of Crayons as you desired, because neither the man nor shop, where you directed them to be bought, exist now; and I am very ignorant about them myself. I send one set which I suppose will last till you can inform me whether they are such as you would wish, in which case I can get you as many sets as you please of exactly the same kind. I have sent several times to M. Pancoucke for the three livraisons of your Encyclopédie not yet delivered. The last answer this evening, after sending ten times in the course of the day, is that he will send me both yours and Doctr. Franklin's tomorrow morning. If he does, you shall receive them by this conveiance. I have so lately written to you, and am at this moment so fatigued with writing for the present conveyance that I will only add assurances of the sincere esteem w ith which I am Dear Sir your friend & servt., T H : JEFFERSON T
A set of crayons Black and white chalk 6. black lead pencils 1. peice of black lead 3. parcels of red lead
24 livres 5 5 3 0 -18 1
2. vols. Bibliothèque Physico-œconomique 5 - 4 14. 15. & 16. livraisons of Encyclopédie 71 - 10 do. Dr. Franklin which I have desired to pay you 71 - [10] ft
PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates." i In his Account Book under 25 Jan. 1786 T J recorded that he had paid "for crayons for F . Hopkinson 41f 16," which is more than the total of the items here listed.
To La Rouerie SIR Paris Jan. 26. 1786. I had the honor of informing you on the 12th. inst. of the measures I had taken to obtain as early paiment as possible of :224
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the interest due to the French officers. I have as yet no answer from Mr. Adams, and I informed you that in truth that application afforded little hopes. The effect of my letter sent to America must probably be awaited. In the mean time I receive a letter from the treasury observing that Mr. Grand had paid you the sum of 33.794 -13s-ll principal and interest due on a Treasury warrant signed Joseph Nourse register, which warrant had not been trans mitted to them. They are uneasy that an evidence of such a debt should remain out after it is paid, and therefore have desired me to ask the favor of you to send it to me, if you still have it in your hands, and if you have it not in your hands, that you will be so good as to send to me an order for it's delivery to be directed to the person who is in possession of the warrant. I beg your pardon for troubling you with this detail which the forms of office render necessary to the gentlemen of the treasury, and your answer as soon as convenient will oblige Your most obedient & most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON tt
PrC (ViWC). See note to T J to L a Rouerie, 12 Jan. 1786.
To the Commissioners of the Treasury Paris Jan. 26. 1786. I have been duly honoured by the receipt of your letter of Dec. 6. and am to thank you for the communications it contained on the state of our funds and expectations here. Your idea that these communications from time to time may be useful to the U.S. is certainly just; as I am frequently obliged to explain our prospects of paying interest &c. which I should better do with fuller information. If you would be so good as to instruct Mr. Grand always to furnish me with a duplicate of those cash accounts which he furnishes to you from time to time, and if you would be so good as to direct your secretary to send me copies of such letters as you transmit to Mr. Grand advising him of the remittances he may expect from time to time, I should there by be always possessed of the sum of money on hand here, and the probable expectations of supply. Dr. Franklin, during his residence here having been authorized to borrow large sums of money, the disposal of that money seemed naturally to rest with him. It was Mr. Grand's practice therefore never to pay money but on his warrant. On his departure, Mr. Grand sent all money GENTLEMEN
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draughts to me to authorize their paiment. I informed him that this was in no wise within my province, that I was unqualified to direct him in it, and that were I to presume to meddle it would be no additional sanction to him. He refused however to pay a shilling without my order. I have been obliged therefore to a nugatory interference, merely to prevent the affairs of the U.S. from stand ing still. I need not represent to you the impropriety of my con tinuing to direct Mr. Grand longer than till we can receive your orders, the mischeif which might ensue from the incertainty in which this would place you as to the extent to which you might venture to draw on your funds here, and the little necessity there is for my interference. Whenever you order a sum of money into Mr. Grand's hands nothing will be more natural than your in structing him how to apply it, so as that he shall observe your instructions alone. Among these you would doubtless judge it necessary to give him one standing instruction to answer my draughts for such sums as my office authorizes me to call for. These would be salary, couriers, postage and such other articles as circumstances will call for which cannot be previously defined. These will never be so considerable as to endanger the honour of your draughts; I shall certainly exercise in them the greatest caution, and stand responsible to Congress. Mr. Grand conceives that he has suffered in your opinion by an application of 200M livres during the last year differently from what the office of finance had instructed him. This was a con sequence of his being thought subject to direction here, and it is but justice to relieve him from blame on that account and to shew that it ought to fall, if any where, on Dr. Franklin, Mr. Adams, and myself. The case was thus. The monies here were exhausted, Mr. Grand was in advance about 50.M: livres, and the diplomatic establishments in France, Spain and Holland subsisting on his bounties, which they were subject to see stopped every moment, and feared a protest on every bill. Other current expences too were depending on advances from him, and tho' these were small in their amount, they sometimes involved great consequences. In this situation he received 400.M livres to be paid to this govern ment for one year's interest. We thought the honour of the U.S. would suffer less by suspending half the paiment to this govern ment, replacing Mr. Grand's advances, and providing a fund for current expences. We advised him so to do. I still think it was for the best, and I beleive my collegues have continued to see the 226
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matter in the same point of view. We may have been biassed by feelings excited by our own distressing situation. But certainly as to Mr. Grand, no blame belongs to him. We explained this mat ter in a letter to Congress at the time, and justice requires this explanation to you, as I conjecture that the former one has not come to your knolege. The 200M livres retained as before mentioned have been ap plied to the purposes described, to the paiment of a year's interest to the French officers (which is about 42,000 ) and other cur rent expences as doubtless Mr. Grand has explained to you. About a week ago there remained in his hands but about 12,000*. In this situation the demands of the French officers for a second year's interest were presented. But Mr. Grand observed there was neither money nor orders for them. The paiment of these gentlemen the last year had the happiest effect imaginable. It procured so many advocates for the credit and honor of the U.S. who were heard in all companies. It corrected the idea that we were unwilling to pay our debts. I fear that our present failure towards them will give birth to new imputations and a relapse of credit. Under this fear I write to Mr. Adams to know whether he can have this money supplied from the funds in Holland, tho' I have little hope from that quarter, because he had before informed me those funds would be exhausted by the spring of the present year, and I doubt too whether he would venture to order these paiments without authority from you. I have thought it my duty to state these mat ters to you. H
I have had the honor of inclosing to Mr. Jay Commodore Jones's receipts for 181,039Ms-10d prize money, which (after deducting his own proportion) he is to remit to you, for the officers and souldiers who were under his command. I take the liberty of sug gesting whether the expence and risk of double remittances might not be saved by ordering it into the hands of Mr. Grand im mediately for the purposes of the treasury in Europe, while you could make provision at home for the officers and souldiers, whose demands will come in so slowly as to leave you the use of a great proportion of this money for a considerable time, and some of it forever. We could then immediately quiet the French officers. I have the honour to be with the most perfect respect & esteem Gentlemen your most obedient & most humble servant, TH: PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates."
227
JEFFERSON
To David Ramsay SIR
Paris Jan. 26. 1786.
The letter I did myself the honour of writing you on the 12th of Oct. will have informed you what I had ultimately done on the subject of your book. Your's of Dec. 10. is just received. I am very sorry to find that your printer is so much deceived as to the parts of the work which have come to my hands. They are ex actly as follows. Vol. l.pa. 1.-328. 329 - to the end. Vol. 2. pa. v. - XX. 1.-24. 25 - 144. 305 -440. 545 -574. By this you will perceive the chasms in the 2d. volume. I am not uneasy about that from 440. to 545. because you say you will send it. But as it is supposed we have received the one from 144. to 305. I fear we stand no other chance of getting that than the copies you have been so good as to instruct Dillon [Dilly] to send, for which be pleased to accept my thanks. I will immediately write to Dillon to forward these as I think it probable he may have re ceived them. I will beg the favor of you to send the inclosed letter for M. de Folienare to some person in S . Carolina who will take the trouble to find him out, and convey to me news of him. I have the honour. PrC ( D L C ) ; lacking" complimentary close and signature. Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates." Enclosure not identified.
To John Bartram, with Enclosure SIR Paris Jan. 27. 1786. By Mr. Bingham who left Paris about a fortnight ago I took the liberty of asking your acceptance of a copy of Linnaeus's Systema Vegetabilium translated into English and enlarged with many new plants furnished by Linnaeus the son and which have never before been published. Inclosed is a list of plants and seeds which I should be very glad to obtain from America for a friend here whom I wish much to 228
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oblige. I have stated the Linnaean name to every one except those which are mentioned otherwise. I will pray you to send me these plants and seeds, packed in that careful manner with which you are so perfectly acquainted. For the time of the year proper to send them, I leave it to yourself, only hoping it will be as soon as the proper season will admit. Mr. F . Hopkinson will have the goodness to pay your demand for these things, and the expences attending them. Mr. Rob. Morris will have occasion to send many vessels to France. Some of these will probably come to Havre. This would be the best port to send them to, because they would come from thence by water. But if no opportunity occurs to that port, let them come to Nantes or l'Orient. In every case address them to the care of the American Consul at the port. Your favor herein will greatly oblige Sir your most obedient humble servant, TH:
JEFFERSON
E N C L O S U R E
Plants. Andromeda arborea. Clethra. Geranium maculatum. Geranium gibbosum. Itea. Kalmia latifolia. Kalmia angustifolia. Laurus Benzoin Laurus Sassafras. Lilium Canadense. Magnolia grandiflora. glauca. acuminata. tripetala. Nyssa. Quercus phellos. Rhododendron maximum. Seeds. Annona Azalea nudiflora. Acer negundo. rubrum. Pensylvanicum. Cornus florida. Chîonanthus Virginica. Ceanothus Americana. Cupressus disticha. Cupressus thyoides. Crataegus tomentosa. 229
Campanula perfoliata. Campanula Americana of Millar. Diospyros Virginiana. Fraxinus Americana. Guilandina Bonduc. Gleditsia triacanthos. Halesia tetraptera. Juglans nigra. Juglans cinerea. Juglans alba. Juglans alba, fructu mi nori cortice glabro, not described by Linneus. Juglans cortice squamosa. Clayton. Juniperus Virginica. Liriodendron tulipifera, in quantity. Liquidambar styraciflua. Prunus Virginiana. Pinus Balsamea. Ptelea trifoliata. Ptelea pinnata. Phytolacca decandra. Populus heterophylla. Quercus Virginiana, of Millar. Rhus glabrum.
27 J A N U A R Y Rhus Coppallinum. Robinia Pseudo-acacia.
1786 Viburnum acerifolium. Viburnum nudum.
Padus foliis lanceolatis, acute denticulatis, sempervirentibus, called in America Bastard Mahogany. This description is not Linnaean. Perhaps Mr. Bartram may know what plant it belongs to. PrC (MHi). Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates." Enclosure (PrC, MHi); endorsed by T J : "Bartram John"; without date. This letter was addressed to the son of the famous American botanist, whose garden was inherited by him at his
father's death in 1777; the younger John Bartram later took his brother William into partnership ( D A B , sketch of William Bartram). The F R I E N D . . . W H O M I W I S H M U C H T O O B L I G E was Madame de Tessè (Betts, Garden Book, p. 109-10).
From C. W. F. Dumas La haie 27e. Janvr. 1786 J'ai l'honneur d'envoyer ci-joint à Votre Excellence les Copies d'un Acte du Congrès, d'une Lettre du Secretaire pour les Affaires Etrangères des Et. Unis, et de celle de Mr. Adams, qui a eu la bonté de réacheminer le tout. J'y joins une Dépêche en réponse à S. E . Mr. Jay, que Votre Excellence voudra bien prendre la peine de lire, de la cacheter ensuite et de l'acheminer à sa destination. Votre Excellence verra que je ne puis avoir recours qu'à Elle pour, s'il étoit possible, pouvoir disposer de la Somme d'Arrérages en question vers la fin d'Avril prochain soit à Paris, soit à Amsterdam au moyen de quelque arrangement entre les Banquiers des Etats-Unis dans les deux Places: et une prompte réponse làdessus me tirera d'une incertitude penible. Mr. Mazzei et moi avons eu de frequents entretiens sur Votre Excellence, qui me remplissent du plus vrai respect pour votre personne. Les Notes sur la Virginie, dont il m'a permis la Lecture, y ont mis le sceau ineffaçable; et je ne puis résister à la tentation de solliciter de Votre Excellence la faveur d'un Exemplaire, que l'un des premiers Couriers de Mr. de Vergennes à Mr. l'Ambassadeur de France ici pourroit m'apporter. Je brûle de le posséder pour le lire et relire à mon aise. Je ne dois pas laisser ignorer à Votre Excellence que ce digne Ambassadeur m'ayant demandé il y a quelque temps de l'instruire par un Mémoire de ma situation (ce que j'avois fait), il me surprit fort agréablement mardi passé, en m'apprenant qu'il avoit rendu le témoignage le plus flatteur de moi à sa Cour, et en me faisant une Copie de la Réponse que lui a faite Mr. De Vergennes, pour MONSIEUR
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lui apprendre que ce témoigna[ge] a été communiqué à Votre Excellence. Je dois réponse à une obligeante Lettre de Mr. Short. I l voudra bien me faire encore un peu de crédit. Je vais faire passer par les mains de Mr. Adams un Duplicai de ma Lettre à Mr. Jay. Je suis avec grand respect, de Votre Exce. le très-humble et trèsobeisst serviteur, C. W . F . DUMAS RC ( D L C ) . F C (Rijksarchief, The Hague, Dumas Papers; photostats in D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 1 Feb. 1786; T J misread the date and entered it as "21 Jan." Enclosures ( D L C ) : Copies, in Dumas' hand, of the following: ( 1 ) John Adams to Dumas, 5 Jan. 1786, transmitting (2) a letter from Jay to Dumas, 22 Oct. 1785, which in turn enclosed (3) a resolution of Congress of 14 Oct. 1785 "That in consideration of the valuable services of Mr. C. G. W. Dumas of the City of Amsterdam in the United Netherlands," he be granted a salary of $1300 per year commencing as of 19 Apr. 1775 and continuing until further order of Congress. Dumas noted at the bottom of this resolution: "An exact Copy taken by myself from an authentic one in my possession. Upon which I must remark, that my Christen Name is not C. G. W., but Charles William Frederic; and that I am not of the City of Amsterdam, but a German born, establish'd at the Hague; which errors I wish to be mended in the Act, lest my Identity should be questioned in times to come, when I could no more assert myself the honour done to me, the true C. W. F . Dumas." On this same date Dumas also enclosed in a letter to Adams full texts in his hand of all of these documents, together with an identical comment on the error in the copy of the resolution (Dumas to Adams, 31 Jan. 1786; MHi: AMT). Dumas' D É P Ê C H E E N R É P O N S E A . . . M B . J A Y , also dated 27 Jan., similarly enclosed in the present letter, expressed gratitude for Congress' action and also pointed out the difference in his name; "Autrefois," Dumas explained, "je signois C. G. F . parceque William est Guillaume en français. Mais depuis longtemps j'use du W, parce qu'on prenoit le G pour George. 2e. Je ne suis point d'Amsterdam. Je suis né en Allemagne, et demeure depuis 30 ans et plus a L a haie.—J'ai fort à coeur ces corrections, non par esprit de vétille,
mais parce que je suis infiniment jaloux de l'honneur d'avoir servi les EtatsUnis, et que je ne puis supporter l'idée que l'on me le dispute soit à moi ou à ma mémoire et famille sur la foi d'un Acte aussi authentique"; Dumas also enclosed to Jay a memorandum showing that, according to the resolution of Congress, the sum of "6604^Dollars" would be due him on 19 Apr. 1786 for arrearages of salary; he explained that the Holland bankers of the United States were unable to pay this amount because no order had been issued by the Commissioners of the Treasury, and because the public funds in the bankers' hands were committed to other uses: "Je me tourne donc," he added, "aujourd'hui vers son Exce. Mr. Jefferson, dans l'espoir qu'il pourra et voudra bien m'aider à toucher cet argent de manière ou d'autre" (see Dipl. Corr., 1783-1789, ni, 540, where this letter and others from Dumas in 1785-1786 to Jay are described as missing from the archives of the Department of State; but its F C and others for these years are to be found in Érjksarchief, The Hague, Dumas Papers; photostats in D L C ) . UNE
COPIE
DE L A REPONSE
Q U E L U I A
See Vergennes to T J , 18 Jan., and TJ's reply, 20 Jan. 1786. Following this letter (same, but dated merely "Janv. 1786") there is the FC of a letter to Vergennes in which Dumas thanked him for "la gracieuse démarche que V. E . a daigné faire pour moi auprès du Ministre Plenip. des Etats-Unis d'Ame, a Paris"; Dumas also enclosed in this letter extracts of the resolution of Congress, and added: "Peut-Elle en donner un autre [moment] d'attention aux Extraits cijoints, qui lui feront connoitre ce qui s'est fait récemment à N. York à mon sujet et juger de ce qui resteroit à faire, pour me donner une existence politique plus décente, plus utile aux E . U . et plus agréable ici à tous les bien-intentionnés, en épargnant plus de la moitié de la dépense inutile pour le present que FAITE
231
MR.
DE
VERGENNES:
27 J A N U A R Y coûter oit un Plénipotentiaire?" To Van Berckel, Dumas wrote: "Entre nous, j'ai rendu et rends encore tant de services essentiels à la republique et à la F[ran]ce, que le Roi a daigné s'intéresser à mon sort, et que Mr. De Vergennes m'a recommandé en Janvier dernier aux Et. Unis par Mr. Jefferson.
1786
—Je n'ai d'ailleurs jamais reçu ni exigé de recompense de l'une ni de l'autre puissance. Mon but est qu'elles aient obligation de mes services aux E . U . et ma recompense la bonne opinion qu'ont de moi la Cour de F[ran]ce et nos amis ici" (Dumas to Van Berckel, 24 Feb. 1786; same).
To Benjamin Franklin DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 27. 1786.
I had the honour of writing to you on the 5th. of Oct. and since that have received yours of the 1st. of the same month. We were highly pleased here with the health you enjoyed on your voiage, and with the reception you met with at home. This was no more than I expected. Had I had a vote for the Presidentship, however, I doubt whether I should not have witheld it from you that you might have leisure to collect and digest the papers you have written from time to time and which the world will expect to be given them. This side of the globe is in a state of absolute quiet, both political and literary. Not a sheet I think has come out since your departure which is worth notice. I do not know whether before that the Abbé Rochon had thought of using the metal Platina for the specula of telescopes. Indeed I believe the thought is not his originally, but has been carried into execution before by the Spaniards. It is thought to take as high a polish as the metallic composition generally used, and is not liable to rust. Hoffman's method of engraving with ink was I believe known to you. I sent the other day to Pancoucke's, by Mr. Hopkinson's desire, to get the livraisons of the Encyclopédie which had not yet been taken out for him: and informed Pancoucke that the subscription had been made by you. He sent me word two copies were subscribed for in your name, and at the same time sent both of them to me. Supposing that the other may be your own, and that you had not made arrangements for having it sent you, I received it, and forward it in the same box with Mr, Hopkinson's. If you have no better means of getting them in future, I offer my services very cheerfully to forward them from time to time. What I have paid for these (71M0s) or may hereafter pay for others you can be so good as to replace in the hands of Mr. Hopkinson. If there should be any other commissions to be executed here for you I should take real pleasure in being useful to you. Your friends here are all well I 232
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think, and make you much the subject of their conversation. I will trouble you to present my esteem to young Mr. Franklin, and add assurances of the real respect and regard with which I have the honor to be Dear Sir your most obedient and most humble servt., TH:
JEFFERSON
PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates."
To David Howell DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 27.
1786.
A person of the name of le Gendre, who was servant to a Mr. Griffin Greene of your state while here, delivered to me the in closed memorial. You will perceive by that that he thinks himself much injured. I told him I would see that this memorial should be transmitted to Mr. Greene and the subject thereby presented to his mind, that he may consider whether either justice or generosity re quire him to do any thing in it: in which case I would offer myself to be the channel of communicating it to him. Having no acquaint ance with Mr. Greene, I take the liberty of sollicking you to inclose this paper to him with an explanation of the incident which has occasioned it. The absolute quiet of this hemisphere furnishes nothing worthy of attention, nor do I see any thing likely soon to disturb that quiet. The death of the K . of Prussia will probably produce something whenever it happens; and it may at all times be expected. The peace likely to take place between Spain and Naples with Algiers will I fear portend no good to us. It will undoubtedly render those pyrates more exorbitant in their demands. As yet I have had no news of Mr. Lambe. I take for granted he has reached his destination. It would give me great satisfaction to see that sea opened again to our commerce. I am with great respect Dear Sir, your most obedient humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON RC (RPB). PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates." Enclosure not found, but see Adams to T J , 26 June 1786, enclosing one from Griffin Greene to Adams, 18 June 1786.
To John Jay SIR
Paris Jan. 27. 1786.
I had the honor of addressing you by the way of London on the 2d. instant. Since that your's of Dec. 7. has come to hand. I have 233
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now the pleasure to inform you that Mr. Barclay, having settled as far as depended on him the accounts of Monsieur de Beaumarchais, left Paris on the 15th. instant to proceed to Marocco. Business obliged him to go by the way of l'Orient and Bourdeaux, but he told me he should not be detained more than a day at either place. We may probably allow him to the last of February to be at Marocco. The imperial Ambassador some days ago observed to me that about eighteen months ago Doctor Franklin had written to him a letter proposing a treaty of commerce between the Emperor and the U.S. that he had communicated it to the Emperor and had answered to Doctor Franklin that they were ready to enter into arrangements for that purpose; but that he had received no reply from him. I told him I had been informed by Doctor Franklin of the letter making the proposition, but that this was the first I had ever heard of an answer expressing their readiness to enter into négociation. That on the contrary we had supposed no definitive answer had been given, and that of course the next move was on their side. He expressed astonishment at this and seemed so con scious of having given such an answer that he said he would have it sought for and send it to me for my inspection. However he observed that the delay having proceeded from the expectation of each party that the other was to make the next advance and this matter being now understood, the two parties might now proceed to enter into the necessary arrangements. I told him that Congress had been desirous of entering into connections of amity and com merce with his Imperial majesty, that for this purpose they had commissioned Mr. Adams, Dr. Franklin and myself or any two of us to treat, that reasons of prudence had obliged them to affix some term to our commissions, and that two years were the term assigned; that the delay therefore which had happened was the more unlucky as these two years would expire in the ensuing spring. He said he supposed Congress could have no objections to renew our powers, or perhaps to appoint some person to treat at Brussels. I told him I was unable to answer that, and we re mitted further conversation on the subject till he should send me his letter written to Doctor Franklin. A few days after his secretaire d'Ambassade called on me with it. It was the letter of Sep. 28. 1784. (transmitted in due time to Congress) wherein he had in formed Dr. Franklin that the Emperor was disposed to enter into commercial arrangements with us, and that he would give orders :234;
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to the government of the Netherlands to take the necessary meas ures. I observed to Monsieur de Blumendorff (the secretary) that this letter shewed we were right in our expectations of their taking the next step. He seemed sensible of it, said that the quarrel with Holland had engrossed the attention of government, and that these orders relating to the Netherlands only it had been expected that others would be given which should include Hungary, Bohemia and the Austrian dominions in general, and that they still expected such orders. I told him that while they should be attending them, I would write to Mr. Adams in London, my collegue in this business, in concert with whom I must move in it. I think they are desirous of treating, and from questions asked me by Monsieur de Blumendorff, I suspect they have been led to that decision, either by the resolutions of Congress of Apr. 1784. asking powers from the states to impose restraints on the commerce of states not con nected with us by treaty, or else by an act of the Pennsylvania assembly for giving such powers to Congress, which has appeared in the European papers. In the mean time I own myself at a loss what to do. Our instructions are clearly to treat. But these made part of a system, wise and advantageous if executed in all it's parts, but which has hitherto failed in it's most material branch, that of connection with the powers having American territory. Should these continue to stand aloof, it may be necessary for the U.S. to enter into commercial regulations of a defensive nature. These may be embarrassed by treaties with the powers having no American territory, and who are most of them so little commercial as perhaps not to offer advantages which may countervail these embarrass ments. In case of a war indeed these treaties will become of value, and even during peace the respectability of the Emperor, who stands at the head of one of the two parties which seem at present to divide Europe, gives a lustre to those connected with him, a circumstance not to be absolutely neglected by us under the actual situation of things. I attend a letter from Mr. Adams on this subject. Not trusting the posts however, and obliged to wait private conveiances, our intercommunication is slow, and in the mean while our time shortening fast. I have the honour to inclose to you a letter from the Count de Vergennes in favor of Mr. Dumas. With the services of this gentleman to the U.S. yourself and Dr. Franklin are better ac quainted than I am. Those he has been able to render towards ef fecting the late alliance between France and the United Nether235;
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1786
lands, are the probable ground of the present application. The minister for Geneva has desired me to have enquiries made after the Mr. Gallatin named in the within paper. I will pray you to have the necessary advertisements inserted in the papers, and to be so good as to favor me with the result. I inclose the gazettes of France and Leyden to this date, and have the honour to be with the most perfect respect and esteem, Sir, your most obedient & most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON 1
RC (DNA: PCC, No. 87). PrC ( D L C ) . T r (DNA: PCC, No. 107). Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates." Enclosures (DNA: PCC, No. 87): (1) Copy of Vergennes to T J , 18 Jan. 1786. (2) Translation of the request for in formation about Abraham Albert Al phonse Gallatin, enclosed in Tronchin to T J , 22 Jan. 1786, stating that Gal latin had left Geneva in April 1780 to settle in America; that he had engaged with "a Mr. Savary de Valcoulan who had purchased several thousand Acres of uncultivated Land adjoining the River Ohio, and who made him a Part ner in this Purchase on Condition that Mr. Gallatin should take upon himself the Expence of having these Lands surveyed"; that it was not known "whether the Design of clearing this Land was viewed with an evil Eye by the Indians of that District, but in July 1785, it was announced in the Freder icksburg Gazette . . . that seven Per sons had been surprized by a small Party of Indians between the great and the little Kanhawa"; that the Indians had been commanded by "a white Man of the Name of Girty"; that five of the seven had been killed and scalped, among whom were "Mr. Gallatin and a Mr. Duval"; that this account had been published in Europe, and not only was without confirmation, but a con
trary report of Gallatin's being alive had been heard; and that Gallatin's family wished to be informed with cer tainty of his fate and, in case he had been killed, to be furnished with "an authenticated Certificate of his Death, of the Time of that Event, and also a Copy of his Will if he has made one" (Tr in Short's hand). i In RC the sentences relating to the inquiry about Gallatin are bracketed and the following note, in Jay's hand, is written in the margin: "Agreeable to Mr. Jefferson's request I have had the necessary Advertisements relating to Mr. Gallatin inserted in the Papers of the Continent 3d. May 1786." Jay caused the pertinent sentences from TJ's letter and the whole of the en closure about Gallatin to be published under the heading "Extract of a Letter from Mr. Jefferson, to Mr. Jay, dated at Paris, 27th of January last" and with the following appeal: "The print ers in the different states are requested to publish this, and they who may have material information on the subject would exceedingly oblige Mr. Gallatin's family, by communicating it to Mr. Jay, at the office for foreign affairs. New-York, May 3d. 1786" (Penna. Jour., 10 May 1786; see also T J to Tronchin, 1 Aug. 1786).
To James Monroe DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 27.
1786.
I wrote you on the 11th. of December, and on the 11th. of this month I received your favor of July 15 entrusted to Mrs. McCaulay Graham. I do not know from what place she sent it. The last papers from America present us a very disagreeable alterca tion between Mr. Jay and a young man from whom he had deserved better things. Mr. Carmichael will I fear too think himself in236
27 J A N U A R Y
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volved. With him I am unacquainted personally; but he stands on advantageous ground in the opinion of Europe, and most espe cially in Spain. Every person whom I see from there speaks of him with great esteem. I mention this for your private satisfaction, as he seemed to be little known in Congress. Mr. Jay however knows him well, and, notwithstanding their little brouillerie, his candour will do him justice. Dumas is a great favourite both of Holland and France. You will be sensible of this from the application which is communicated to Mr. Jay from the Ct. de Vergennes. Mr. Van Berkel had sollicited for him before I came from America. This is a delicate matter, and the more so as I believe Congress had set the example by a letter to the king last year. True there is no comparison between the characters sollicited for. The death of Mr. Hardy was matter of sincere concern to us. He had excellent virtues, and only one foible, that of being too good-humoured. This intelligence was written to me from London by Colo. Hum phreys who went there in November last. There being nothing going on here under the commissions to which he is Secretary, and some little matter there, he will probably stay there some while yet, or perhaps divide his time between that place and this. I send by this packet drawings for the Capitol and prison at Rich mond. They are addressed to the Directors of the public buildings. If you have a curiosity to see them, open the round package which goes herewith, only being so good as to do them up again in the same way and send them off by the first post. I think they will be a gratification to yourself and such members as like things of that kind. You see by my writing to you of American persons and things that I have nothing for you from this quarter. Europe enjoys the most perfect repose, and will do so at least for another year.—-I have been in expectation of receiving instructions from you as to your Encyclopédie, but none being come I will endeavor to send it to you by this conveiance, if it can be got to l'Orient in time for the packet. The re-establishment of these vessels is still doubt ful; and till they be re-established my correspondence will be very irregular. I have only to add assurances of the sincere esteem with which I am Dear Sir, Your friend & servant, TH:
JEFFERSON
E S . If I should be able to send on your copy of the Encyclopédie, it will be accompanied by one for Dr. Currie, which I will pray you to forward to Richmond by land or water as you see best. RC (NN); endorsed. PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates."
237
To David Ramsay DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 27.
1786.
Since writing my letter of yesterday a person, whom I am very desirous of obliging, has asked me to procure from South Carolina some plants of the Magnolia grandiflora, sometimes called altissima, and some seeds of the Dionaea muscipula. If you can be instrumental in procuring them you will gratify me much. I have heard there is one Watson at Charles town who furnishes these articles well. I am of opinion they had better come to N. York, and from thence be sent here in the packet. For I think there is scarcely any direct communication between Charles town and France. The proper season for sending the plants of Magnolia must of course be awaited; but the seeds of the Dionaea I suppose may come at any time. Your favor herein will greatly oblige Dear Sir your most obedient humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates." A P E R S O N . . . W H O M I A M V E R Y DESIROUS O F OBLIGING:
Betts, Garden Book, p. 209-10).
Madame de Tessè (see
From John Adams DEAR SIR Grosvenor Square Jan. 28. 1786 I have received yours of the 12, but yesterday, and wish it were in my Power to order the Interest due to the French Officers to be paid; but it is not. They must remain unpaid, be the Consequence what it may untili Congress or the Board of Treasury order it. Indeed, I dont know how your Subsistence and mine is to be paid after next month. Mr. Grand will be likely to advance yours, but from whence mine is to come I know not. I am clearly for treating with the Emperors Ambassador immediately, and even for the Netherlands only, although it would be better to extend it to all the rest of his Dominions. Why will not the Prussian Treaty answer for the Model. I pray you to proceed in the Business, as fast as you please. Treaties commercial with the two Imperial Courts cannot possibly do us any harm that I can conceive. This Letter goes by Mr. Joy, whom I pray you to attend to a little. He wishes to go to the East Indies, with views of promoting a Trade between the United States and that Country. In great Haste yours forever, J O H N ADAMS RC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 9 Feb. 1786. 238 ;
To James Currie DEAR SIR
Paris Jan. 28. 1786
Your favor of Oct. 17. with a P . S . of Oct. 20. came to hand a few days ago, and I am now to thank you for the intelligence it contains. It is more difficult here to get small than great news, be cause most of our correspondents in writing letters to cross the Atlantic, think they must always tread in buskins, so that half one's friends might be dead without it's being ever spoken of here. Your letter was handed me by Mr. Littlepage whom I had never seen before and who set out from hence for Warsaw after two or three days stay. I observe by the public papers that he has brought on a very disagreeable altercation with Mr. Jay, in which he has given to the character of the latter a colouring which does not belong to it. These altercations, little thought of in America, make a great impression here. In truth it is afflicting that a man who has past his life in serving the public, who has served them in every the highest stations with universal approbation, and with a purity of conduct which has silenced even party opprobrium, who tho' poor has never permitted himself to make a shilling in the public employ, should yet be liable to have his peace of mind so much disturbed by any individual who shall think proper to arraign him in a newspaper. It is however an evil for which there is no remedy. Our liberty depends on the freedom of the press, and that cannot be limited without being lost. To the sacrifice, of time, labor, fortune, a public servant must count upon adding that of peace of mind and even reputation. And all this is preferable to European bondage. He who doubts it need only be placed for one week on any part of the Continent of Europe. Your desire of possessing the new Encyclopédie was expressed so problematically in a former letter, that I doubted whether you did not merely render yourself thro' complaisance to my proposition. Your last letter however is more explicit, wherefore I have immediately subscribed for you, and have obtained an abatement of two guineas in the price. It will be brought to me to day, and as there are now 29. vols, complete, and binding is done so much better and cheaper here (about 2 livres a volume ) I will have them bound and send them by the first conveiance. The medical part has not yet begun to appear, that author having chosen to publish the whole at once. I do not expect it will be the most valuable part of the work, for that science was demolished here by the blows of Moliere, and in a nation so ad239
28 J A N U A R Y
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dieted to ridicule, I question if ever it rises under the weight while his comedies continue to be acted. It furnishes the most striking proof I have ever seen in my life of the injury which ridicule is capable of doing. I send by this conveiance designs for the Capitol. They are simple and sublime. More cannot be said. They are not the brat of a whimsical conception never before brought to light, but copied from the most precious the most perfect model of antient architecture remaining on earth; one which has received the ap probation of near 2000 years, and which is sufficiently remarkable to have been visited by all travellers. It will be less expensive too than the one begun. For some time past nothing has come out here worth sending you. Whenever there does you shall receive it. The Abbé Rochon (who had discovered that all the natural chrystals were composed of two different substances of different refracting powers, and those powers actually uncombined tho' the substances seem perfectly combined) has lately applied the metal called Platina to the purpose of making the specula of telescopes. It is susceptible of as high a polish as the metallic composition hereto fore used, and as insusceptible of rust as gold. It yeilds like that to no acid but the aqua regia. One Hoffman practices here a pleas ing method of engraving, such as would be useful to any gentle man. He gives you a plate of copper; write on it with his ink, let ters, designs of animals, landscapes, architecture, music, geog raphy or what you please, and in an hour the plate is ready to strike off what number of copies you please. I charge you always with my affectionate respects to the families at Tuckahoe and Ampthill and to Mc.Lurg whose indolence is the only bar to our correspond ence without an intermediate. I have taken the liberty of desiring A. Stuart to send some objects of natural history for me to your care, relying you will be so good as to contrive them to me, always remembering that Havre is the most convenient port, and next to that l'orient, and that packages for me must be directed to the American Consul at the port. I am with sincere esteem Dear Sir your friend and servt, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Ezra Bates." For a description of Hoff man's P L E A S I N G M E T H O D O F E N G R A V I N G , see T J to Stiles, 1 Sep. 1786.
240
From David Humphreys DEAR SIR London Janry. 30th. 1786 I am honoured with your letter of the 5th inst. and shall execute your several commissions with the greatest satisfaction. I shall also procure the plan of the iron bridge over the Severn agreeably to your subsequent note. Gatteaux the Engraver lives in the Street St. Thomas de Louvre opposite the treasury of the Duke de Chartres. Now that there is no obstacle to commencing the Medal for Geni. Washington, since Houdon's return, I could wish (should it not be giving you too much trouble) that you would send for Du Vivier who lives in the Old Louvre and propose to him undertaking it upon exactly the terms he had offered, which I think were 2400 Livres besides the gold and expence of coining. If he should not chuse it we must let it rest until Dupre shall have finished Geni. Green's. Gatteaux has a paper on which is the description of Geni. Washington's Medal. Notwithstanding Parliament is now sitting I can give you no news of consequence. Administration is so strong it is not expected to be a very violent or long session. You will probably have seen Ld. Chesterfield is recalled. The Marquis of Carmarthen is talked of as Ambassador for Madrid. I dined a few days ago with Mr. Crawford at the Binghams, and from what he let fall I fancy he has not been very graciously received at St. James's. As to Ameri can affairs they are out of the question. Administration and Op position seem to be agreed in this one point alone, that nothing is necessary to be done with respect to a farther connection with the U.S., or rather all ranks of people appear to be equally hostile in their political opinions against us. As the Commission to which I had the honour of being ap pointed Secretary expires the beginning of May next, I have thought it expedient to inform the Secretary of State for the De partment of foreign Affairs, that if Congress should not have farther occasion for my services in Europe, I proposed to embark for America in April. I am confident you would not wish me to betray the Independence of the American character by remaining one moment longer, than my Country should think I might be useful. The intelligence from America is, in general, of an agreeable complexion. The delegation from Virginia is composed of R. H. 241
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Lee, Grayson, Monroe, Carrington and H. Lee, from Maryland of Jno. Henry, W . Hindman, Rd. Ridgely, Col. Ramsey and Wm. Harrison brother to the Secretary of Gen. Washington. Col. Smith desires his best respects may be presented to you. For myself, I hope soon after the Queen's birthday ( 9th Feby. ) , to assure you personally with how great and sincere affection and esteem I am Dr. Sir Your Friend & Hble. Servt., D. RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 9 Feb. 1786. On 7 Feb. Humphreys wrote to Adams: "I hope your Excellency, as well as your most worthy Colleague in the Commission to which I am attached as Secretary, will approve of my proposed return to America in the Spring, for the reasons I have already had the honor of suggesting in Conversation; and that, in this case, I may be the
HUMPHREYS
bearer of a joint or separate letters from Mr. Jefferson and yourself purporting that I have not left Europe with your displeasure or conducted myself, while there, in such a manner as to render me unworthy of your confidence" (MHi:
AMT).
On
T H E MEDAL
for
Washington, see J . F . Loubat, Medallic History of the United States (New York, 1878), I , 1-7.
From C. W. F. Dumas [31 Jan. 1786] Je me refere, Monsieur, à ma dernière du 27. Votre Excellence verra dans l'incluse les trois pieces secrettes promises. Après les avoir lues, il lui plaira refermer la Dépêche, pour la cacheter et acheminer. Soit dit une fois pour toutes, pour toutes celles que votre Excellence recevra ainsi ouvertes de ma part. Celle-ci vous parviendra par un exprès de Mr. l'Ambassadeur et de nos Amis ici, qui partira vendredi. Je pars dans un moment pour une Conférence à Amsterdam où l'on m'attend, et d'où je reviendrai Jeudi. De Votre Excellence le très humble et très obéissant serviteur, C W F DUMAS RC ( D L C ) ; undated and not recorded in S J L or in Dumas' letter-book ( Rijksarchief, The Hague, Dumas Collection; photostats in D L C ) . But the letter must have been written on 31 Jan. 1786, the date Dumas wrote the enclosure to Jay with its T R O I S P I E C E S S E C R E T T E S , in which he also referred to and described "les 3 pieces promises: A. un Exposé, composé par le Minire. d'une grande ville, traduit par votre serviteur, et qui passa en Nov. dernier à la Cour de F[ran]ce et puis sous les yeux du R. de Pr[usse], pour les éclairer.—B. des Considérations du
même Ministre, qui occupent actuellement le Conseil souverain; et feront le 8 fevr. prochain l'objet des délibérations et résolutions de L . N . et G.P. Cette traduction, aussi de votre servit., a été envoyée à la Cour de France il y a 8 à 20 jours.—C. Discussions sur les Patentes, et sur les Reglemens de 1674, rédigées en françois par votre servit, d'après des matériaux hollandois; et on les fait passer actuellement a la Cour de F[ran]ce pour l'éclairer làdessus.—Je n'ai, quant à moi, pas la moindre objection que Mr. Van B[ercke]l voie ces pieces, dont la Lecture lui
242
2 FEBRUARY feroit grand plaisir" (same). This letter to Jay is not listed among those from Dumas to Jay described as miss-
1786
ing in the archives of the Department of State in Dipl. Corr., 1783-1789, in, 540; its enclosures have not been found.
From Ferdinand Grand Paris, 1 Feb. 1786. Informs TJ that a 60-day bill drawn by Car michael on 24 Nov. 1785 for 4,500 livres is due and has been pre sented for payment. Has received no advice on bill, nor authorization from the commissioners of the treasury for payment. Has made a note of the holders and awaits TJ's orders in case he wishes the bill paid from funds deposited by Mr. Barclay. RC ( D L C ) ; 1 p.; written and signed by J . I . Fauker for Ferdinand Grand.
To C. W. F. Dumas SIR
Paris Feb. 2. 1786.
I was honoured some time ago with a letter from you of Dec. 6. inclosing two for America which I forwarded by the first occasion. On the 18th. of this month I received a letter from his Excellency the Count de Vergennes expressing the interest which he takes in your welfare and recommending you to Congress. This I had an opportunity of forwarding from hence on the 27th. of Jan. under cover to Mr. Jay. Yesterday I was gratified with the receipt of your favor of Jan. 27. containing a copy of the resolution of Congress of Oct. 24. in your favor, and which I wish had been more so. With respect to the paiment of the arrearages two things are necessary, first an order from the treasury, and secondly Money to comply with it. Mr. Grand wrote to me this morning that he had not now as much left as to pay a bill of Mr. Carmichael's for 4500 livres just presented. I shall forward your letter to Mr. Jay the next week with a request that the necessary measures may be taken for the paiment of your arrearages and interest. In the mean time I think you would do well to write a line for the same purpose to Mr. Jay, or to the Commissioners of the treasury. I do not mean that what I have said above should prevent your drawing in due time for the salary of the current quarter. I will honour that draught from a private fund with which I can take that liberty. I thank you for what you say of the Notes on Virginia. It is much more than they deserve; tho the various matters they touch on would have been beyond the information of any one person whatever to have 243
2 FEBRUARY feroit grand plaisir" (same). This letter to Jay is not listed among those from Dumas to Jay described as miss-
1786
ing in the archives of the Department of State in Dipl. Corr., 1783-1789, in, 540; its enclosures have not been found.
From Ferdinand Grand Paris, 1 Feb. 1786. Informs TJ that a 60-day bill drawn by Car michael on 24 Nov. 1785 for 4,500 livres is due and has been pre sented for payment. Has received no advice on bill, nor authorization from the commissioners of the treasury for payment. Has made a note of the holders and awaits TJ's orders in case he wishes the bill paid from funds deposited by Mr. Barclay. RC ( D L C ) ; 1 p.; written and signed by J . I . Fauker for Ferdinand Grand.
To C. W. F. Dumas SIR
Paris Feb. 2. 1786.
I was honoured some time ago with a letter from you of Dec. 6. inclosing two for America which I forwarded by the first occasion. On the 18th. of this month I received a letter from his Excellency the Count de Vergennes expressing the interest which he takes in your welfare and recommending you to Congress. This I had an opportunity of forwarding from hence on the 27th. of Jan. under cover to Mr. Jay. Yesterday I was gratified with the receipt of your favor of Jan. 27. containing a copy of the resolution of Congress of Oct. 24. in your favor, and which I wish had been more so. With respect to the paiment of the arrearages two things are necessary, first an order from the treasury, and secondly Money to comply with it. Mr. Grand wrote to me this morning that he had not now as much left as to pay a bill of Mr. Carmichael's for 4500 livres just presented. I shall forward your letter to Mr. Jay the next week with a request that the necessary measures may be taken for the paiment of your arrearages and interest. In the mean time I think you would do well to write a line for the same purpose to Mr. Jay, or to the Commissioners of the treasury. I do not mean that what I have said above should prevent your drawing in due time for the salary of the current quarter. I will honour that draught from a private fund with which I can take that liberty. I thank you for what you say of the Notes on Virginia. It is much more than they deserve; tho the various matters they touch on would have been beyond the information of any one person whatever to have 243
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treated fully, and infinitely beyond mine, yet had I , at the time of writing them, had any thing more in view than the satisfying a single individual, they should have been more attended to both in form and matter. Poor as they are, they have been thought worthy of a surreptitious translation here, with the appearance of which very soon I have been threatened. This has induced me to yeild to a friendly proposition from the Abbé Morellet to translate and publish them himself, submitting the sheets previously to my in spection. As a translation by so able a hand will lessen the faults of the original instead of their being multiplied by a hireling translator, I shall add to it a map, and such other advantages as may prevent the mortification of my seeing it appear in the injurious form threatened. I shall with great pleasure send a copy of the original to you by the first opportunity, praying your acceptance of it. I have the honour to be with great esteem & respect Sir your most obedient and most humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON 1
RC (RPJCB). PrC ( D L C ) . The C O P Y O F T H E O R I G I N A L edition of Notes on Virginia that T J sent to Dumas evidently has not been found; its location is not recorded in the excellent census of copies compiled and published as a preliminary checklist by
Coolie Verner, "Mr. Jefferson Distributes his Notes? N.Y.P.L., Bull., L V i (1952), p. 171, No. 30. i At this point T J deleted: "my several faults made more."
William Carmichael to the American Commissioners Madrid 3d. Feby. 1786 On the 4th of December last Mr. Lamb delivered me the Letter which Your Excellencies did me the honor to address me dated from London the 1st. and from Paris the 11th of October. At the same time that Gentleman communicated to me his Instructions and I all the Intelligence I had been able to procure relative to the négociation between this Country and the Regency of Algiers. The Ct. d'Expilly whose friendship I cultivated had returned to Algiers long before Mr. Lambs arrival and a Secretary whom he had dispatched from that Place after his return with Letters for the Minister had also sett off for Alicant. From these Gentlemen I had obtained an account of the State of the Negotiation. The Principal Articles proposed by Spain had been agreed to by the Dey and his Ministers: But as the Former wished to include the Courts of Naples and Portugal on the Pacification, the Ct. de Florida GENTLEMEN
244
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Blanca had instructed the Ct. d'Expilly to prevail on the Latter to Admit and receive Ministers from these Courts and was actually waiting the answer from Algiers at the period when Mr. Lamb came hither. It was evident to me that should this proposition be accepted, of which I had no doubt with respect to the first men tioned court, the Nomination and Voyage of these Ministers would occasion delay and Until the Treaty between Spain and the Regency should be concluded, I had reason to think that this Court would not interfere directly in our favor. The Manner in which his Execy. the Ct. de Florida Blanca had explained his Sentiments to me on this Subject, induced me to form this opinion. For as soon as I knew the probable success of D'Expillys negotiation I insinu ated to the Minister how acceptable the good offices of his Majesty to accommodate the States with the Barbary powers would be to the People at Large in America, and his Excellency then assured me that as soon as their own Affairs were arranged with Algiers, His Catholic Majesty would employ all his influence to accelerate a peace for the United [States] with that and the other Barbary States, and authorized me to inform Congress of the Kings in tentions. Having received these Assurances I engaged the Ct. D Expilly to prepare by every favorable insinuation the Deys Ministers and favorites to support any overtures which might be made by the States, which he promised me to do and the proofs of Confidence he gave me induce me to rely on his promises. He also engaged to give me the earliest Information with respect to the Intentions of these People and since his return has proved, by his behavior to our Captives and correspondence with me, that he will avail himself of all the means which he can employ with propriety to fulfil his promises. When Mr. Lamb arrived, The Royal Family had just come to the Capital from the Escurial and during its residence here it is extremely difficult to have Access to the Minis ter. The King in a few days after went to Aranjuez on a hunting Party and the Ct. de Florida Blanca accompanied him and none but the Family Ambassadors follow the Court on this Occasion. However as I was desirous to have a conference with the Minister as soon as possible on the Subject of your Excellencys Letter, I wrote to the Undersecretary in the Department of Foreign Affairs charged with the Correspondence to the United States to know whether If I came to Aranjuez I should have an opportunity of speaking with his Excellency to whom I wished to make a com munication in Person of some Advice I had received lately. No. 1 245
3 FEBRUARY
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is a copy of the Answer I received from that Gentleman. On the Return of his Majesty to this Capital I procured an audience from the Minister to whom I communicated Mr. Lamb's arrival and the Object of his Mission, making use of such Arguments and Insinuations as I thought most likely to Induce his Excellency to contribute to its Success. I received from him the Strongest As surances to the same purport as those beforementioned. At the Same time however he added, that until he should receive further Advice from Algiers it was impossible for him to take an open part in the Negotiation and advised me to detain my Countrymen until the Court went to the Pardo when he hoped to have it in his power to give me a more explicit Answer. During this Audience I took an occasion of mentioning without Affectation Your Excel lencies Sentiments with respect to his Generous Interference in the Affair of Morrocco, with which he appeared much pleased and told me it should not be his fault, nor did he think it would be mine if Spain and the United States were not as good friends as they were near Neighbours in America. In the same conversation He promised me ample satisfaction on a subject in which I had been Obliged to have recourse to him and I have since received it. His Majesty having been pleased to fine and render incapable of Serving in the Revenue the Governor of Laredo on a complaint made to Me by an American Captain of the Injust and Arbitrary proceeding of the Latter. All the Officers employed in this Affair by the Governor have been also punished. I communicated to Messrs. Lamb and Randall what passed on this occasion and these Gentlemen consented to wait without re luctance here until the period mentioned by the Minister. Four days after the Court had been fixed at the Pardo, I again waited on the Minister who received me very well, but on explaining the Motive of my visit His Excellency declared to me that it was not in his power to be more explicit as he had not yet received the Letters he expected from Algiers—that until he received the In telligence he expected he could not order the Ct. D Expilly to employ the Kings Interference in our Affairs, repeating his former Assurances and hinting the Obstacles we must expect to encounter in this Negotiation. At the same time he observed to me that we must not be discouraged. He told me that the first Objection made by the Algerines would Arise from our not having a Treaty with the Grand Seigneur, as this circumstance occasioned Great Dif ficulties to Portugal in the Actual Negotiation. I intreated his Ex246
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cellency to pardon my importunity and anxiety on this subject as they proceeded as much from my wish to cement an Amicable intercourse by reciprocal good offices between the two Countries of Spain and America, as from my apprehension that unless Mr. Lamb should arrive at Algiers before their Cruisers were sent to Sea, further Hostilities on their part might render an accommodation still more difficult: I also urged the nature of Mr. Lambs instruc tions and the necessity of Congress being early informed of the Disposition of the Regency, Expressing a hope that by the time Mr. Lamb could arrive at a Sea Port and prepare for his Departure from thence it might be in his Excellencys power to afford him all the Assistance necessary to insure the Success of his Mission. To these reflections I added the Loss that would accrue to Spain from the Difficulties to which we should be exposed in our Intercourse with A Country whose produce found a ready sale in America and from which Country Spain could be supplied with so many Articles that it now takes from the Northern Nations of Europe, whose Consuls his Excellency knew did everything in their power to obstruct the peace which he was endeavoring to make for the com mercial and Political Interests of a Country the Councils of which he directed. The Ct. de Florida Blanca replied that he acquiesced to my reasons for the Departure of Mr. Lamb and repeated to me and authorized me to write your Excellencies that "The Day after their own Affairs should be arranged tuith Algiers his Catholic Majesty would employ all his Influence to facilitate our Accom modation" to which he added many assurances of his desire to give a preference to the Commerce of the United States to that which Spain at present carried on with the Northern part of Europe, particularly with Sweden and Denmark. The Freedom with which this Minister has spoken to me on several Occasions his Sentiments with respect to the Northern powers hath not less surprized than convinced me of his wish to diminish their Commerce and In fluence In the Mediterranean. In the course of this Conversation He appealed to my own Experience on the reliance that might be placed on his word to which I made the proper Answer and ac knowledgements and concluded by asking passports and letters for Messrs. Lamb and Randall which his Excellency promised to send me. On my Return to this City from the Pardo I received letters from Algiers of which No. 2, 3 are Copies. They were brought by a courier Extraordinary and the Arrival of that Courier induced me to hope that the Minister might have received such 247
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information as might enable him to act openly in our favor, altho in fact this hope arose more from my Wishes that such might be the Case, than from the reasons which ought to Induce a con trary sentiment in consequence of the Information which I had received with respect to their negotiation previously. Your Ex cellencies will easily conceive that the first efforts of this court must be employed to procure a peace for those Nations to which they are allied by the tyes of Family connections, Engagements to which these Connections have given rise, and the mutual Aids which they have received from these Nations during their late Operations against Algiers. However notwithstanding these con siderations, I took the Liberty of reminding his Excellency the Ct. de Florida Blanca of the Passports and Letters he had promised me, to insinuate my expectations of being able to obtain all that might be necessary for Mr. Lamb on his arrival at Algiers. To this Application I received a reply of which No. 5 is a copy as also a Letter to the Ct. de Assalto Captain General of Catalonia of which I also annex a Copy No. 6, as I do of the several Letters which I have received from Algiers since the arrival of Messrs. Lamb and Randall in Madrid. The Latter sett off for Barcelona the 26th Ulto, in Company of Mr. Harrison a Native of Virginia who will have the honor to deliver your Excellencies Letters from me. Mr. Lamb did not Leave this until the first instt. but as he travels post he will arrive at Barcelona Before the Gentlemen Abovementioned. I refer your Excellencies to the account these Gentlemen may render you of my Conduct in this Business. I have procured Bills for Mr. Lamb in Barcelona for the Amount of which he has been drawn agréable to his Instructions. I have established a credit for whatever he may chuse to draw. I have given him Letters to the Ct. D Expilly and have given him all the Advice that I thought might be useful to him. On his Arrival at Algiers He will find Letters of Introduc tion to Most of the Consuls employed by Foreign Nations there from their Ministers at this Court. I did not chuse to expose his Mission to these Gentlemen until his Departure from Barcelona renders it public. Having rendered to your Excellencies an account of my proceedings in consequence of the Letter you did me honor to address me by Mr. Lamb it may be necessary to add for your information and that of Congress to which Body I take the Liberty of requesting you to forward a copy of this Letter, that the Peace negotiating at present between this Country and the Regency of 248
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Algiers will cost this Country near one million and a half of Dol lars, and I beg leave to add that my information is so circumstantial and derived from such a source as leaves me not the Smallest reason to doubt its authenticity. The Dey of Algiers is now more than Eighty years old and his Ministers all press a conclusion of the Treaty in order that while they are in power they may par ticipate the presents made on this Occasion. The Durability of this peace is incertain, or of any other made in the present Moment with these Pirates. If I am rightly informed, as soon as their Treaty is concluded with Spain and Naples, They mean to declare war Against Denmark, the Venetians and perhaps the Dutch. I shall not fail to inform you of all I can learn upon these points, Be cause these may be circumstances on which may depend your future Instructions to Mr. Lamb and the measures which Congress may think proper to Adopt. On the 30th Ulto, the Convention was signed by the Ambassadors of France and Portugal respecting their differences on the Coast of Africa. As I have not an accurate Map of that Coast before me I refer to a future Letter the Limits accorded by the Latter for a free Trade to Other Nations. Mutual Demands of Indemnification have been waved on each part, and mutual expressions of good will and a desire to be on the best terms will appear in the Articles of this Convention in the Ex pression of which France preserves its dignity. With the highest sentiments of gratitude for the Confidence your Excellencies have been to accord me I have the honor to be with great Respect and Regard, Your Excellencies Most Obedt. & Humble Sert., WM. RC ( D L C ) ; addressed, at foot of text, to Adams in London and T J in Paris; transmitted to T J as an enclosure in Carmichaers letter of 4 Feb. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 87, i ) ; in Short's hand, sent as an enclosure in T J to Jay, 12 May 1786. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 107). Enclosures: (1) Otamendi to Carmichael, 13 Dec. 1785, suggesting that he write for an interview on the return of the court to Madrid (RC and English translation, DNA: PCC, No. 59, I V ; Tr, DNA: PCC, No. 107). (2) and (3) [Richard O'Bryen] to Car michael, 9 Dec. 1785, 18 Jan. 1786 (Tr, DNA: PCC, No. 87, I , and No. 107). (4) Not identified by Carmichael, and probably represented only by an error in numbering. (5) Floridablanca
CARMICHAEL
to Carmichael, 31 Jan. 1786 (Tr, DNA: PCC, No. 87, I , in Carmichael's hand, accompanied by translation incorrectly dated 31 May and so printed in Dipl. Corr., 1783-1789, I , 748; another T r , same, No. 107, also incorrectly dated 31 May 1786), enclosing (6) Flor idablanca to Del Asalto, Captain Gen eral of Catalonia, 31 Jan. 1786, recom mending Lamb and Randall (Tr, DNA: PCC, No. 87, I , in Carmichael's hand, with an English translation incorrectly dated 31 May 1786; another T r , same, No. 107, similarly misdated and so printed in Dipl. Corr., 1783-1789, I , 748). The "several letters . . . received from Algiers" which Carmichael also mentions as enclosed have not been identified.
249
From Henry Skipwith {Hors du Monde, 3 Feb. 1786. Entered in SJL as received 29 June 1786. Not found.]
From William Carmichael DEAR SIR Madrid 4th Feby 1786 I have the honor to inclose you an Answer to the Letter which I received from Mr. Lamb addressed me by his Excellency John Adams and yourself. I am under the necessity of availing myself of a French Courier, For on Examining his papers Mr. Lamb found that he had but one Copy of the Cypher and says that he recollects that Mr. Barclay has the one Destined for me. Your Excellency therefore until that Gentleman arrives cannot receive from me any confidential Communications. I have been expecting with Anxiety to hear of his being on the Road, for the Emperor has expressed his Surprise at what he supposes to be neglect. I am Obliged to your Excellency for the Trouble you have had upon my account with Mr. Grand. The fact is that I generally advised Dr. Franklin when I drew for Money and often asked permission to draw for what was due to me. My Bankers here at those seasons of the year when my Disbursements are heaviest upon me make me Ad vances and tho' generally I draw at 90 days after date, yet on these Occasions I sometimes take the Liberty of drawing at 60 Do., not to be constrained to pay interest for what I ought to receive regularly. In future to prevent any misunderstanding I shall give my Letters of Advice to the Same Banker in whose favor I draw, so that it will be his fault and not mine, If the Letters do not come to hand. I inclose your Excellency the Letter you sent me for Mr. Sayre. As I received your Letter of the 8th of December before his arrival here, I thought it unecessary to deliver it. Mr. Har rison promised me to take Charge of it. But in the hurry of setting out forgot it. I am Obliged to conclude with precipitation, as I am apprehensive of being too Late for the Courier. I have the honor to be, with great respect, Your Excellencys Most Obedt. Humble Sert, W M . CARMICHAEL RC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 13 Feb. 1786. Enclosures: (1) Carmichael to Commissioners, 3 Feb. 1786. (2) The letter "for Mr. Sayre" (missing) is one that T J had written Sayre on 5 Nov. 1785; an entry in S J L under
that date reads: "Stephen Sayre. Madrid. See copy. By Lambe." This entry was cancelled out and the word "returned" written after it. See Sayre to T J , 25 Aug. 1785; T J to Gerry, 11 Oct. 1785.
250
From John Walker Shirley Feby. 4th 1786 Long ago should I have written to you, My Dear Friend, but for a Tale of sorrow which I feared I should not have had Fortitude to tell. I suppose you know what I allude to, having heard before this time, that I have lost my Dear Daughter. She died in Carolina Oct. the 17th 1784, leaving us one only Pledge, a sweet little pratling grand Daughter. Enought of this melancholy Subject. Mr. Doradeur favored me with yours of May last, in September. I can tell you but little of this Gentleman. When he was departing from Belvoir to Mr. Lewis's, I requested that he would allow me, after he had rested from the Fatigues of his Journey, to send for him to my house, to which he consented, promising to give me notice when I should send, and promising at the same time to pass a few weeks with me, but I have neither seen him nor heard from him since. He seems to have expected that our Lands were cheaper, at least ten fold, and that our People all spoke the French Lan guage. These, and perhaps some other Reasons have, I believe, induced him to decline his intention of setling amongst us. Mr. Lewis has probably told you more of him, as he has seen much more of him than I could, having spent the most of my Winter at this Place. I have no material news to write you. Your Correspondance with many of our Leaders in Public Matters, who will give you better accounts than I , a private Citizen, can do, renders my en larging on Politics unnecessary. My Opinion however in general, I will give you in few words. It is, that our political machine is draged awkwardly along; and that all our Measures tend only to increase that confusion, which has long since began to gain ground amongst us, but I am not without hopes, that out of Con fusion, order will some time or other arise, and I begin to hope, that that Period is not far distant, as Matters appear to me to be hastening to a Crisis, and I trust there is a ne plus ultra in bad Politics, after which we shall manage public Matters more to our own honour and the Benefit of Mankind. I hope that at the expiration of your three years, some other person may be found to supply your place, and that your Inclina tion may lead you, to return to your Country and your Friends, for believe me Sir, they both require you. Would it not, My Friend, be practicable for, and beneficial to 251
5
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us, who possess a quantity of Mountain Lands, which render us little or no Profit, to settle on them some French, or Swiss Peas antry, on such a plan as to render them more happy, and us more wealthy? I have thought on this subject, and supposed that People skilled in the Business of making Wine, might be induced to come over here, on condition that Leases for Life, or a given Term should be made them, free of Rent for a few years; after which, they might afford to pay a reasonable Rent, and thereby benefit us, themselves, and our Country. I beg you will consider this subject, and let me hear from you on it. Should you approve of this, or any other Plan, by which the Object may be attained, I will most gladly come into it, and give every assistance in my Power. For the future I promise to be a punctual Correspondant, provided you give me any Encouragement. Mrs. Walker is nearly in the same state of health, and begs to be affectionately remember'd to you and Miss Patsy, to whom I beg you will present me, as also to Mr. Short, and believe me to be with unalterable Esteem, My Dear Sir, Your Friend & humble Servant, JN. WALKER RC (MoSHi); endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 23 June 1786. Mildred Walker, daughter and only child of John Walker, married Francis Kinloch (see Vol. 4: 2 7 9 ) . A few days after writing the present letter, Walker wrote to Baron Steuben, his old asso ciate in the campaign of 1781: "I could not bear to tell you a Tale of Sorrow, the bare recollection of which harrows up my soul, a Tale which
long before this you have heard from some other Person. . . . Mrs. Walker is still in that lingering state of health as when you were acquainted with her and desires to be presented to you in the most affectionate Terms. Her whole time is now taken up in the care and education of her dear little grand daughter" (Walker to Steuben, 14 Feb. 1786; NHi: Steuben Papers).
To Antonio Giannini, with a List of Seeds Wanted SIR Paris Feb. 5. 1786. I some time ago forwarded to you a letter from your father which I hope you received safe. It will now be in my power to forward letters between you very certainly, so that you may write as often as you please, putting your letters under cover to me and sending them to the care of Doctor Currie in Richmond. I wrote to Mr. Lewis soon after I arrived in France to get you to graft me a good number of the fine white, red, and yellow plumb peaches from Balyal's, taking the grafts from the old trees remaining at 252
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1786
Balyal's to plant these in the room of all those which die in my orchard, and in the room of all such as are found to bear indifferent peaches. I hope this has been done and if not, that you will do it the first season. I depend also that you will fill up my apple orchard on the North side of the mountain with the kinds of trees I directed, and winding the rows on a level round the hill as was begun before I came away: and always as soon as any fruit tree dies, replant another of the same kind in it's place; except the peach trees which are always to be replaced with grafted ones from Balyal's. I hope my trees of every kind are taken good care of, and also the grass grounds, and that they go on sowing grass seed where I directed. How does my vineyard come on? Have there been grapes enough to make a trial of wine? If there should be, I should be glad to receive here a few bottles of the wine. I trust much to you for the replacing my trees which die, and extending them, and that George takes care of them thro' the year so that nothing may hurt them. I send you inclosed a list of seeds which I wish you to gather for me. They are intended for friends here whom I very much desire to oblige, and I write to you yourself for them that I may be sure to get them. Do not let time nor trouble prevent your get ting them, I pray you, but go yourself in quest of them at the proper season. I depend much on your skill and care in packing them so that they may neither get too dry, nor yet too moist. I believe that the nuts and acorns had better be packed in sand. Besides the seeds &c. send me a leaf or two of every article. The way to do this will be to make a little book of paper of about 30 leaves, a little larger than the largest leaf you are to send. Then put one or two leaves of the plants between every two leaves of the book, writing the name of the plant in the page of the book where it is placed. Do not put leaves of different kinds in the same page. Wrap up the book very well that they may not drop out. Send all these things to Doctor Currie who will forward them to me. And write me at the same time in Italian a full account of what you send. I shall be glad also if you will write me a very full state of the condition in which my trees, grasses and other matters of that kind are. But put these things into a separate letter from that in which you give me an account of what you send. There are some of these things which you might send me immediately, such as persimmons, locusts, walnuts, Cedar, Pride of china, laurel, Um brella, acorns, of the last year, by which means they would arrive 253
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in time to plant the ensuing fall. Besides this I would have you send the same things again in the fall when you send the others. If you are at a loss to know any of these plants, I think Mrs. Lewis will be very able to tell you how to know them. As to the time which you may employ in doing this business now and whenever I send you the like commissions hereafter, Mr. Lewis I am sure will satisfy you, either in the same way you were always paid by me, or in any other more agreeable to you. But do not let any difficulties of this kind prevent your doing this business, but rely on me that you shall be satisfied, as I rely on you that you will not let me be disappointed in receiving them, which would be a great mortifica tion to me. I hope on my return, which will not be very distant, I shallfindthat you and George have kept up my plans well in my absence. Tell him and my other servants that I have their wel fare much at heart: I have left them under the protection of so good a man, Mr. Lewis, that my mind is tolerably quiet. James is well. He has forgot how to speak English, and has not learnt to speak French. I wish you well sincerely, and am, Sir, your humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON E N C L O S U R E
A list of seeds which Anthony Giannini is desired to send me Wild honeysuckle, a jill of the seed. Haw tree, both black and red, a jill of each. Persimmon, a pint of the seeds. Honey locust, a pint of the seeds. Common locust, two pints of the seeds. Blackwalnuts, half a bushel. White walnuts, a gallon. This is the kind which grows along the river side from the Secretary's ford down to the old mill. A gallon. Hiccory nut ) I am not certain whether these are of different kinds, or Pignut j whether they are the same. A gallon of each if different. Scaly barks, a gallon. Cedar, half a bushel. Lilly of Canada. This is the lilly which George found for me in the woods near the stone spring. I think that before I left home we took up some roots and planted them in the flower borders near the house. Send all the seed you can get, and some roots. Pride of China, a pint. Swamp laurel, 20 cones. The nearest place where these are to be had is about the Byrd ordinary. Waggoner Phill knows the spot. Umbrella, 20 cones. Wild cherry, a jill of the stones. Wild plumbs, a jill. Poke, a jill. 254
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Willow oak, half a bushel of acorns. Ground oak, half a bushel of acorns. This grows in the barrens about Gaines's. It is a bush not more than 4. feet high. George once got me a peck of the acorns, which I believe we planted in the park. Sumach, 2 pints. If there are two kinds of Sumach, send of both. Scarletfloweringmaple. ^ Maple with a leaf like an Ash. I do not know the size of the seed of these trees; but send about the same Fringe tree. >- proportion with those before directed, Ash. according to the size of the seed. Green ivy, The broad leaved. The narrow leaved. Sweet gum Poplar ) I do not know the size of these seeds; but send a very great Sassafras ) quantity. The sweet potatoe. I mean that kind which the negroes tend so gen erally. The roots will not keep during the voiage. Therefore send a quantity of the seeds, which doubtless may be got as I remember it bears a quantity of blossoms. PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Mr Barrett. In the Packet." Enclosure: PrC ( D L C ) .
To Nicholas Lewis DEAR SIR
Paris Feb. 6. 1786.
I wrote you last on the 11th. of May 1785. by Monsieur de Doradour. We have never heard a tittle of him, which has placed his family in the greatest inquietudes. I infer his safe arrival in Virginia from information sent me by Mr. Madison of the receipt of a book which I had sent by him. I communicated this circum stance to Madame de Doradour, but if you can give me a par ticular account of his arrival, his proceedings, his plans and pros pects, how he likes the country &c. it would give me great pleasure to communicate it to her. After giving you so much trouble with the care of my affairs it seems unreasonable to add to it by asking a letter on that subject sometimes, yet details of that kind would be the most pleasing possible, as you may readily conceive. Mr. Mazzei tells me that Mr. Key has left my service, but he does not know who succeeded him. I hope Mr. Key left with you the general in structions I gave him; so that his successor may have knowlege of them. If he did not, and you cannot recover them, be so good as to inform me of it, and I will send a new copy of them: because I would wish the steward to keep them constantly under his eye. If you have them I would beg the favor of you to direct the Steward 255
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to lay them before him and write me article by article through the whole of them what is done. With respect to matters of account, if he could send me a list of all the monies received and paid since my departure, it would suffice to give me general information. The care of my trees, replanting them, and extending my grass grounds are objects of great concern to me. They are the more so as they are things which cannot be created in a moment. While I am absent they can be growing as fast as if I were present, so that all that time is saved to me. I inclose a letter to Anthony Giannini encouraging him to attend to these objects generally for me, but more particularly charging him with a new commission to collect certain seeds and send them to me. They are for friends here whom I am very anxious to oblige. I have taken the liberty, should he be at a loss to know any of these plants, to refer him to Mrs. Lewis, whose information on that subject will supply his want of it. I have assured him that you will be so good as to see him satisfied for the loss of time the [execution of this commission may occasion him. I have been much chagrined that not a single opportunity has occurred since the departure of Monsr. de Doradour to send a small clock which I have for Mrs. Lewis. Tho' of such a size that it may be carried in a chair box, yet Monsr. Doradour had not room for it, and nobody has since gone from here directly to Virginia. I shall certainly avail myself of the first opportunity which shall occur, and of every one which may enable me to assure you both of the sincere esteem with which I am Dear Sir your friend & servant, THÌ
JEFFERSON
PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Mr Barrett, in the Packet." Enclosure: T J to Antonio Giannini, 5 Feb. 1786.
From Philip Mazzei Amsterdam, 6 Feb. 1786. Has been in Amsterdam three weeks; remained at The Hague longer than he intended and stopped two days in Leyden with his friend Luzac. Luzac is most desirous of receiving American news, particularly that which will refute those who defame America; has inserted in his gazette everything T J has sent him, as he had also published in 1783 Mazzei's denial of the rumor that Congress had appealed to Abbé Mably to write a plan of government for the United States. He left with Luzac numerous papers, including the remonstrance of the dissenters which is to be returned after it has been translated, Mazzei's description of the present state of affairs in America, and TJ's remarks on the Capt. Stanhope incident. Luzac gave very 256
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favorable notice of the affair at Salem. None of the papers left with Luzac have been published in the past three weeks, probably because of the abundance of Dutch news which could not be delayed. Mazzei thought TJ had given him Congress' printing of the act concerning the division of the new states but he has been unable to locate it; asks TJ to send it to Luzac; some of the Dutch patriots would like to see it published to counteract the constant rumors in the gazettes that all in America is in confusion. The future division of Kentucky has supplied new material for false statements; asks TJ to send a paragraph to Luzac stating that there has never been any opposition to this idea in Virginia. The Van Staphorsts continue to be friendly and to have a high regard for him; they are concerned only for his welfare; fears he will lose all of the amount of the draft on Lisbon unless Dohrman can return the money. In his spare time he has been copying his writings for the translator and has made changes and additions which he hopes TJ will approve; believes TJ's historical discussion of the courts of law and equity will reward the reader for going through more tedious passages; and this is a subject in which he will have particular need of TJ's careful and severe revision. Asks TJ to "scribble . . . the definition of the grand jury and a note on the beginning, progress, and fall of the Cincinnati" about which TJ has received direct information from Gen. Washington; believes it necessary to say something about the latter because that is the sole point on which Washington's reputation is clouded with ambiguity. Wrote Lafayette by the last post concerning the affairs of Mr. Dumas whom he is most eager to see adequately remunerated by Congress; thanks TJ for his letter of 10 Jan. with the legal instructions transmitted therewith; hopes his affairs are now so arranged that he can conduct his business with the Van Staphorsts by correspondence with mutual understanding and that they are adequately protected in the event of his death. Urgent communications for him should be sent to Brussels. RC ( D L C ) ; 3 p.; in Italian; the complete Italian text is printed in Garlick, Mazzei, p. 101-3. The papers that T J sent to Luzac for publication in the Gazette de Leide have not been identified; but see note to Mazzei to T J , 26 Oct. 1785 and to TJ's account of the Stanhope affair, printed under 1 Nov. 1785. Probably one of the items sent by T J was that which appeared in the Gazette de Leide for 17 Jan. 1786, being an account from New York of 30 Oct. 1785 of the death and elaborate funeral of Samuel Hardy, reading in part: "Ce décès a donné lieu à une Cérémonie aussi interessante qu'extraordinaire. Le Corps fut transporté en grande pompe à l'Eglise de St. Paul, où l'Oraison funèbre du Défunt fut prononcée par l'un des Chapelains du Congrès. Le Congrès résolut à cette occasion de prendre le
deuil pendant un mois, en portant une echarpe noire autour du bras gauche. Cette Assemblée représentative de la Confédération Américaine est occupée à délibérer sur une Question de la plus grande importance. Les Habitans des parties les plus Occidentales de la Caroline du Nord et de la Virginie désirent de s'ériger en nouveaux Etats, sous les noms de Frankland, Kentucky et Washington. Ceux de Kentucky ont déjà presenté à l'Assemblée-Générale de la Virginie un Mémoire, où ils demandent en propres termes à former un nouvel Etat libre et souverain, à des conditions qu'ils disent être également honorables et avantageuses aux deux Parties. Le District de Kentucky est situé à 500. miles du Siège du Gouvernement de la Virginie: I l se trouve entre deux un intervalle de 200. miles, absolument inhabité, et qu'on ne peut traverser que
257
7 FEBRUARY dans une seule Saison de l'année, et non pas même alors sans danger à cause des incursions des Sauvages. L'affaire a déjà été portée à l'Assemblée du Congrès-Général, qui doit en connoitre suivant l'Acte de Confédération: Mais il ne paroît pas, qu'on y soit encore disposé à se prêter à l'érection de nouveaux Etats: I l est question même d'une Résolution, qui y a été prise le 12. Octobre, sur une proposition des Députés de Massachusetts, secondés par les Délégués de l'Etat de Virginie, portant, 'qu'il seroit établi un Committé pour faire rapport des mesures, qu'il convient au Congrès d'adopter, pour prévenir les mauvaises conséquences de ce qu'un District particulier dans quelcun des Etats réclame le droit de former un Gouvernement indépendant sans le consentement du dit Etat et des Etats Unis:" If sent by T J , this account was probably taken from a New York newspaper. It is very likely that the AT
FAVORABLE NOTICE OF T H E AFFAIR S A L E M was one sent to Luzac by
T J ; that notice, as published in the
Gazette de Leide of 6 Jan. 1786, was
taken from an "Extrait d'une Lettre de Salem dans l'Etat de Massachusetts Bay du 25 Oct. 1785" ( T J received on 6 Dec. a letter from Cushing at Boston dated 25 Oct. and he could therefore have received a letter from Salem of that date in ample time to get it to Luzac ). The extract in the Gazette de Leide reads: "Le 19. de ce mois, le second Régiment de la Milice du Comté d'Essex, commandé par le Colonel Ralph
Cross, de Newbury-Port,
et
composé de neuf Compagnies entières avec leur nombre complet d'Officiers, sçavoir, quatre Compagnies de Newbury-Port, trois de Salisbury, et deux
1786
d'Amesbury, fut passé en Revue par l'Hon. Général-Major Titcomb. Ce Régiment étoit accompagné d'un Train d'Artillerie aux ordres du Major Hodge. Les Officiers étoient tous en Uniforme d'une très belle apparence; et ils firent exécuter à leurs gens toutes les manoeuvres militaires et l'exercice à feu d'une manière, qui fut applaudie par les nombreux Spectateurs, parmi lesquels il y avoit plusieurs Officiers experts de l'Armée Continentale: Les Soldats, de leur côté, observèrent le meilleur ordre et la discipline la plus parfaite. Après avoir passé la journée dans ces exercices, les Officiers du Corps et ceux de l'Artillerie, avec les Aides-du-Camp du Général, se rendirent à la Maison du Capitaine Lunt, où il avoit été préparé un Repas élégant, pour célébrer la journée. On pourra juger par les santés suivantes, qui furent portées à cette Fête, de l'esprit, qui anime nos Miliciens, lo. Le Gouverneur
de VEtat de
Massachusett's-Bay. 2o. La République de Massachusett's-Bay. 3. Le Général
Washington. 4 0 . La Milice de VEtat. 5o. Le Congrès. 6o. Louis X V I . notre illustre Allié. 7. Le Marquis de la Fayette, cet Amateur chéri de la Liberté, et le Défenseur de la Cause Américaine. 8o. La stabilité de notre Union Federative. 9o. La bien-venue de cet illustre Patriote, le Docteur Franklin. 10o. A la mémoire des Héros, qui ont sacrifié
leur vie à Bunker-Hill. I l o . A la mé-
moire des exploits héroïques et bien connus du Régiment d Essex en 1771 [sic.]. 12o. Le second Régiment de Milice et le Train d"*Artillerie du Comté d*Essex. 13o. Puissions-nous ne jamais manquer de force ni de courage pour défendre cette Liberté, que la valeur de nos Généraux et Soldats nous a procurée7" y
To John Adams DEAR SIR
Paris Feb. 7.
1786.
I am honored with yours of Jan. 19. Mine of Jan. 12. had not I suppose at that time got to your hands as the receipt of it is unacknoleged. I shall be anxious till I receive your answer to it. I was perfectly satisfied, before I received your letter, that your opinion had been misunderstood or misrepresented in the case of the Chevalier de Mezieres. Your letter however will enable me to say so with authority. It is proper that it should be known that you 258
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had not given the opinion imputed to you, tho' as to the main ques tion it is become useless, Monsieur de Reyneval having assured me that what I had written on that subject had perfectly satisfied the Ct. de Vergennes and himself that this case could never come under the treaty. To evince still further the impropriety of taking up subjects gravely on such imperfect information as this court had, I have this moment received a copy of an act of the Georgia assembly placing the subjects of France as to real estates on the footing of natural citizens and expressly recognizing the treaty. Would you think any thing could be added after this to put this question still further out of doors? A gentleman of Georgia assures me General Oglethorpe did not own a foot of land in the state.— I do not know whether there has been any American determination on the question whether American citizens and British subjects born before the revolution can be aliens to one another? I know there is an opinion of L d . Coke's in Calvin's case that if England and Scotland should in a course of descent pass to separate kings, those born under the same sovereign during the union would re main natural subjects and not aliens. Common sense urges strong considerations against this, e.g. natural subjects owe allegiance. But we owe none.—-Aliens are the subjects of a foreign power. We are subjects of a foreign power.—The king by the treaty acknoleges our indépendance; how then can we remain natural subjects.— The king's power is by the constitution competent to the making peace, war and treaties. He had therefore authority to relinquish our allegiance by treaty.—But if an act of parliament had been necessary, the parliament passed an act to confirm the treaty, &c. &c. So that it appears to me that in this question fictions of law alone are opposed to sound sense. I am in hopes Congress will send a minister to Lisbon. I know no country with which we are likely to cultivate a more useful commerce. I have pressed this in my private letters. It is difficult to learn any thing certain here about the French and English treaty. Yet, in general, little is expected to be done be tween them. I am glad to hear that the Delegates of Virginia had made the vote relative to English commerce, tho they afterwards repealed it. I hope they will come to again. When my last letters came away they were engaged in passing the révisai of their laws, with some small alterations. The bearer of this, Mr. Lyons, is a sensible worthy young physician, son of one of our Judges, and on his return to Virginia. Remember me with affection to Mrs. 259 ;
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and Miss Adams, Colos. Smith and Humphreys and be assured of the esteem with which I am Dr. Sir your friend & servant, TH:
JEFFERSON
RC (MHi: AMT); endorsed. PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Lyons." The G E N T L E M A N O F G E O R G I A was presumably John McQueen, who was at this time a native of that state and was in touch with T J in Paris; see T J to McQueen, 16 Jan. 1786.
To Archibald Cary {Paris, 7 Feb. 1786. Entry in SJL under this date: "A Cary. Of introduction to Lyons. By Lyons." Not found, but see T J to John Adams, this date.]
From La Rouerie {Rennes, 7 Feb. 1786. Recorded in SJL as received 13 Feb. 1786. Not found.]
From John Ledyard SIR Saint Germain Feby. 7th 1786 A gentleman in this town informs me that the Indians who have been asked their opinions about those large bones found in America, say, that tho they had never before seen such bones or an Animal large enough to have them, yet all the indians knew their fathers had seen such bones and the very animal itself but that it had always been found dead. They called it the mole because like the common little animal of that [nam]e it resides in the earth; [. . .] operations and movements we [. . .] mole differing only as the great m[. ..] did from the other in magnitude: that these operations had been but rarely seen and the perfect form of the animal still more rarely, but when seen was found to resemble the little mole in its form. Perhaps I was wrong, but I observed to Mr. de Carel who gave me this account, that I had frequently observed that when an European queried a savage about a circumstance that perhaps he was totaly ignorant of that he was nevertheless unwilling that the European should know it or even think that he was ignorant and to divert his suspicions would make use of the most wily arts and 260
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rather than appear to be less informed of the common affairs of his country than the European would say any thing to make the European think favourably of him by thinking otherwise. But whether the asserted fact exists in nature, or whether it is only the tale of superstition or craft I thought it worth communicat ing to you; but whether true or false the savage has been more modest than Count Buffon for in accounting for the phenomenon he has not denied its present existance. I have the honour to be with the warmest esteem & respect [Sir your most ojbliged [& humble S]ervant, J[OH]N LEDYARD RC ( D L C ) ; MS mutilated, appar ently when the seal was broken. Noted in S J î , as received 25 Mch. 1786 "while in London." "In 1786. while at Paris," T J wrote in his Autobiography, "I became ac quainted with John Ledyard of Connect icut, a man of genius, of some science, and of fearless courage, and enterprise. . . . Ledyard had come to Paris in the hope of forming a company to engage in the fur trade of the Western coast of America. He was disappointed in this, and being out of business, and of a roaming, restless character, I sug gested to him the enterprise of explor ing the Western part of our continent, by passing thro St. Petersburg to Kamschatka, and procuring a passage thence in some of the Russian vessels to Nootka Sound, whence he might make his way across the continent to America; and I undertook to have the permission of the Empress of Russia solicited. He eagerly embraced the
proposition, and M. de Semoulin, the Russian Ambassador, and more par ticularly Baron Grimm the special cor respondent of the Empress, solicited her permission for him to pass thro' her dominions to the Western coast of America." Though Catherine promptly denied this permission, Ledyard per sisted, "pursued his course to within 200. miles of Kamschatka," and was arrested and taken back to Poland, where he was released. T J believed for over a quarter of a century that Cath erine had granted permission and later retracted it, and so stated in writing his notes on the life of Meriwether Lewis. But on reviewing his corre spondence, he discovered his error and wrote in his Autobiography: "I must therefore in justice, acquit the Empress of ever having for a moment counte nanced, even by the indulgence of an innocent passage thro* her territories, this interesting enterprise" (Ford, I , 94-6).
To Thomas Mann Randolph {Paris, 7 Feb. 1786. Entry in SJL under this date, immediately under an entry for letter to Archibald Cary: "TMRandolph. do. by Lyons." Not found.]
From Lafayette Otchikeita is Gone to the abbé, and Kayenlaha will wait for You to Morrow. It is probable Mr. du Crest will be there, Ambas sador from the Court of the Palais Royal. Duke d'Harcourt writes me that Eleven Suits him Better than ten. Adieu. [261
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Here is an Application from Horace's to our Good General te Belluosus qui Remotis Obstrepit oceanus Britannis te non paventis fuñera galliae Compositis venerantur armis. (Carm. L . IV. od. 14th.) Here are three Verses made By M. de Marmontel Arma Capit Vindex, patria incolumi, exuit arma Nilque ducis retinet, comitum nisi, liber, Amorem At decus invitum sequitur celebratque latentem. RC ( D L C ) ; unsigned; without indication of addressee or date. Chinard, Lafayette-Jefferson Letters, p. 104, ascribes this letter to Mme. Lafayette and supplies a conjectural date of Aug. 1786; Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89, p. 433-4, correctly ascribes the authorship to Lafayette but retains the date. It is clear, however, that the communication antedates 8 Feb. 1786, for the verses from Horace (Carminum, TV, 14) suggested as appropriate for the pedestal of Houdon's statue of O U R GOOD G E N E R A L were quoted in TJ's letter to Madison of that date (see notes to that
letter). This letter is the only one known giving a clue to the name of "the younger Indian in Lafayette's household" (Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89, p. 433). O T C H I K E I T A was Peter Otsiquette, an Oneida youth who came to France in late 1785 or early 1786 and remained about three years; K A Y E N L A H A , an Onondaga boy thirteen years of age at this time, had come over with Lafayette. Gottschalk's discussion of these two Indians removes much of the confusion concerning their names, ages, and identity (same, p. 433-4).
To James Bowdoin SIR Paris Feb. 8. 1786. I was honoured with your Excellency's letters of Octob. 10. and 23. by Mr. Barrett. Before his arrival a Mr. Boylston had come here with a cargo of whale oil, and had wished of the Marquis de la Fayette and myself to procure for him the same exemptions from duty as had been obtained the year before for a company. I was of opinion it would be better at once to obtain an abatement for all our citizens in general than to be thus fatiguing the ministers by detail. The Marquis came into my opinion, and as this business lay within the department of the minister of finance, and my applications must go thro the minister for foreign affairs, which would have occasioned too great a delay for Boylston's vessel, the Marquis undertook the sollicitation as he does whatever interests America, with the greatest zeal, and very soon obtained a reduction of the duty to about 2. livres on the English hundred, or a guinea and a half the ton as it is estimated in England. This is mentioned 262
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to be but for one year; but you need not have the smallest ap prehension, in my opinion, of it's being continued. This matter had been just settled when Mr. Barrett arrived. His arrival, his prudent conduct, his information, has had a good effect in evincing that what had been done was right, and might produce good to this country. He has obtained a contract for a large quantity. If the ministry see that we take produce and manufactures in exchange the abatement will surely be continued. But should money be withdrawn for this article, I do suppose they will revive the duties. The temporary form of the indulgence was probably given for this reason. We are indeed entitled to this at present, because the Hanseatic towns enjoy the same abatements, but as they take very little whale at present, they would readily yeild this abatement, and thus destroy the basis on which we may obtain it as of right. YOUDÍ Excellency's letter of Octob. 10. was the first information I had of a proposition to arrange the Consular establishment under the care of the ministers here. Should I have any thing to do with that of Lisbon, the testimonies I have received in favor of Mr. Warren will entitle him certainly to whatever I can do. I rather suppose however that Congress will find their commerce with Portugal so interesting as to require a minister or resident there, who of course will have the superintendance of that consulate. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the highest respect & esteem Your Excellency's most obedient & most humble servt., TH:
JEFFERSON
PrC ( D L C ) . What appears to be the RC of this letter was listed as item 78 in a catalogue of Charles F . Heartman, 24 Jan. 1931. Noted in S J L as sent "by Mr Barrett in the Packet"; entry has a line drawn through it, but the letter evidently was sent.
To Thomas Cushing SIR Paris Feb. 8. 1786 I was honoured with your letter of Octob. 25. by Mr. Barrett: and am to thank you for an introduction to his acquaintance. The matter of the whale oil was settled before he came. I need not trouble you with the details of this however as I have written them to his Excellency Governor Bowdoin. The indulgence obtained is made temporary. I suppose this was done to give them an oppor tunity of watching the nature of this commerce and of seeing whether we take produce or money in return. In the former case 263
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I have no doubt of it's being continued. In the latter I suppose they will endeavor rather to encourage the taking this article from Hol land with whom they are entering into close connections, and that they would endeavor more to encourage their own whale fisheries. I have the honour to be with the highest respect and esteem Sir, your most obedient humble servt. T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Mr Barrett in the Packet."
To James Madison DEAR SIR
Paris Feb. 8. 1786.
My last letters have been of the 1st. and 20th. of Sep. and the 28th. of Oct. Yours unacknoleged are of Aug. 20. Oct. 3. and Nov. 15. I take this the first safe opportunity of inclosing you the bills of lading for your books, and two others for your name sake of Williamsburgh and for the attorney which I will pray you to forward. I thank you for the communication of the remonstrance against the assessment. Mazzei who is now in Holland promised me to have it published in the Leyden gazette. It will do us great honour. I wish it may be as much approved by our assembly as by the wisest part of Europe. I have heard with great pleasure that our assembly have come to the resolution of giving the regulation of their commerce to the federal head. I will venture to assert that there is not one of it's opposers who, placed on this ground, would not see the wisdom of this measure. The politics of Europe render it indispensably necessary that with respect to every thing external we be one nation only, firmly hooped together. Interior govern ment is what each state should keep to itself. If it could be seen in Europe that all our states could be brought to concur in what the Virginia assembly has done, it would produce a total revolu tion in their opinion of us, and respect for us. And it should ever be held in mind that insult and war are the consequences of a want of respectability in the national character. As long as the states exercise separately those acts of power which respect foreign na tions, so long will there continue to be irregularities committing by some one or other of them which will constantly keep us on an ill footing with foreign nations. I thank you for your information as to my Notes. The copies I have remaining shall be sent over to be given to some of my friends and to select subjects in the college. I have been unfortunate here with this 264
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trifle. I gave out a few copies only, and to confidential persons, writing in every copy a restraint against it's publication. Among others I gave a copy to a Mr. Williamos. He died. I immediately took every precaution I could to recover this copy. But by some means or other a book seller had got hold of it. He had employed a hireling translator and was about publishing it in the most in jurious form possible. An Abbé Morellet, a man of letters here to whom I had given a copy, got notice of this. He had translated some passages for a particular purpose: and he compounded with the bookseller to translate and give him the whole, on his de clining the first publication. I found it necessary to confirm this, and it will be published in French, still mutilated however in it's freest parts. I am now at a loss what to do as to England. Every thing, good or bad, is thought worth publishing there; and I ap prehend a translation back from the French and publication there. I rather believe it will be most eligible to let the original come out in that country: but am not yet decided. I have purchased little for you in the book way since I sent the catalogue of my former purchases. I wish first to have your answer to that, and your information what parts of those purchases went out of your plan. You can easily say buy more of this kind, less of that &c. My wish is to conform myself to yours. I can get for you the original Paris edition in folio of the Encyclopédie for 620 livres, 35. vols: a good edition in 39. vols 4to, for 380 and a good one in 39. vols. 8vo. for 280*. The new one will be superior in far the greater number of articles: but not in all. And the pos session of the ancient one has more over the advantage of supply ing present use. I have bought one for myself, but wait your orders as to you. I remember your purchase of a watch in Philadelphia. If she should not have proved good, you can probably sell her. In that case I can get for you here, one made as perfect as human art can make it for about 24. louis. I have had such a one made by the best and most faithful hand in Paris. She has a second hand, but no repeating, no day of the month, nor other useless thing to impede and injure the movements which are necessary. For 12. louis more you can have in the same cover, but on the backside, and absolutely unconnected with the movements of the watch, a pe dometer which shall render you an exact account of the distances you walk. Your pleasure hereon shall be awaited. Houdon is returned. He called on me the other day to remon strate against the inscription proposed for Geni. W s statue. He tt
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says it is too long to be put on the pedestal. I told him I was not at liberty to permit any alteration, but I would represent his objec tion to a friend who could judge of it's validity, and whether a change could be authorized. This has been the subject of conversa tions here, and various devices and inscriptions have been sug gested. The one which has appeared best to me may be translated as follows: 'Behold, Reader, the form of George Washington. For his worth, ask History: that will tell it, when this stone shall have yeilded to the decays of time. His country erects this monument: Houdon makes it.' This for one side. On the 2d. represent the evacuation of Boston with the motto liostibus primum fugatisi On the 3d. the capture of the Hessians with liostibus iterum devictis.' On the 4th. the surrender of York, with 'hostibus ultimum debellatisi This is seising the three most brilliant actions of his military life. By giving out here a wish of receiving mottos for this statue, we might have thousands offered, of which still better might be chosen. The artist made the same objection of length to the inscription for the bust of the M. de la fayette. An alteration of that might come in time still, if an alteration was wished. How ever I am not certain that it is desireable in either case. The state of Georgia has given 20,000 acres of land to the Count d'Estaing. This gift is considered here as very honourable to him, and it has gratified him much. I am persuaded that a gift of lands by the state of Virginia to the Marquis de la fayette would give a good opinion here of our character, and would reflect honour on the Marquis. Nor am I sure that the day will not come when it might be an useful asylum to him. The time of life at which he visited America was too well adapted to receive good and lasting impres sions to permit him ever to accommodate himself to the principles of monarchical government; and it will need all his own prudence and that of his friends to make this country a safe residence for him. How glorious, how comfortable in reflection will it be to have prepared a refuge for him in case of a reverse. In the mean time he could settle it with tenants from the freest part of this country, Bretagny. I have never suggested the smallest idea of this kind to him: because the execution of it should convey the first notice. If the state has not a right to give him lands with their own officers, they could buy up at cheap prices the shares of others.—I am not certain however whether in the public or private opinion, a similar gift to Count Rochambeau could be dispensed with. If the state could give to both, it would be better: but in any event I think they 266
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should to the Marquis. C. Rochambeau too has really deserved more attention than he has received. Why not set up his bust, that of Gates, Greene, Franklin in your new Capitol? à propos of the Capitol, do my dear friend exert yourself to get the plan begun or set aside, and that adopted which was drawn here. It was taken from a model which has been the admiration of 16. centuries, which has been the object of as many pilgrimages as the tomb of Mahomet; which will give unrivalled honour to our state, and furnish a model whereon to form the taste of our young men. It will cost much less too than the one begun, because it does not cover one half the Area. Ask if you please, a sight of my letter of Jan. 26. to Messrs. Buchanan and Hay, which will spare me the repeating it's substance here. Every thing is quiet in Europe. I recollect but one new invention in the arts which is worth mentioning. It is a mixture of the arts of engraving and printing, rendering both cheaper. Write or draw any thing on a plate of brass with the ink of the inventor, and in half an hour he gives you copies of it so perfectly like the original that they could not be suspected to be copies. His types for printing a whole page are all in one solid peice. An author therefore only prints a few copies of his work from time to time as they are called for. This saves the loss of printing more copies than may possibly be sold, and prevents an edition from being ever exhausted. I am with a lively esteem Dear Sir your sincere friend & servant, T H : JEFFERSON
E S . Could you procure and send me an hundred or two nuts of the Paccan? They would enable me to oblige some characters here whom I should be much gratified to oblige. They should come packed in sand. The seeds of the sugar maple too would be a great present. RC ( D L C : Madison Papers). PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Mr. Barrett in the Packet." The enclosed bills of lading have not been found. B Y S O M E M E A N S OR O T H E R A BOOK S E L L E R H A D G O T H O L D O F I T : Barrois
was the bookseller, and the means by which he obtained possession of the copy of Notes on Virginia that T J gave to Charles Williamos becomes more apparent with the discovery of Wil liamos' will among the notarial ar chives of Paris (for a sketch of Wil liamos and his relations with T J , see T J to Williamos, 7 July 1785). Even
before Williamos' death T J had feared that the numerous copies he had been obliged to give to friends and public acquaintances in Europe would result in publication, despite the carefully worded injunction that he placed in each copy ( T J to Madison, 1 Sep. 1785; see inscription in presentation copy to Richard Price, Vol. 8: 246, for the injunction against publication, an almost invariable form). It is gen erally supposed that Abbé Morellet's translation resulted from his learning about Barrois' possession of Williamos' copy, and indeed T J himself in the
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present letter gives the impression that Morellet, at the time he learned of the intent to bring out a surreptitious edition, had only translated S O M E P A S SAGES (Malone, Jefferson, n, 104; Marie Kimball, Jefferson, n, 259-305— the best account of Notes of Virginia— and especially p. 297; TJ's letter to Bancroft, 26 Feb. 1786, doubtless contributed to the view). But Morellet's undated letter, printed above at the end of Dec. 1785 and probably written late that month or early in January, shows that he had already translated, during his illness in November and December, "la plus grande partie" of the Notes; it further reveals the fact that Morellet, Chastellux, and St. Lambert were acting in a concerted effort to persuade T J to consent to publication; finally, it makes no mention of a surreptitious publication, a fact which proves that it was written before Morellet learned of Barrois' possession of the Williamos copy. Morellet no doubt acted promptly on learning of Barrois' intention, made an agreement with him, confronted T J with the resultant proposal, and the latter felt obliged to confirm their understanding. All of this must have taken place in January, perhaps early in the month (see T J to Dumas, 2 Feb. 1786, in which he said that he had been threatened with the appearance of the surreptitious edition "very soon"). On 7 June 1785 Charles Williamos drew up a holographic will, in French, in which he described himself as a citizen of the state of New York. The entire will, except for the declaration of citizenship, reads as follows: "Je Soubsigné . . . désirant doner les preuves les plus efficaces de mon attachement, et faire un sort Independant à la demoiselle Zacharie Ladevêze, fille du Sieur Grégoire Ladevêze, Maitre en Chirurgie à Lyon, et de feu demoiselle Pierrette Favre, de St. Cyr près de Lyon, Declare et reconais par les presentes que ma volonté et bon plaisir est que la susdite demoiselle Zacharie Ladevêze Jouira, partagera, recevra et possedera la moitié de toutes les possessions reelles et personelles, meubles et imeubles, et de tous les effets de quelle Nature quelconqu[e] qu'ils puissent être, dont Je serai en possession à ma mort soit en France, en Angleterre, à la Jamaïque, dans les Etats Unis de l'Amérique ou dans aucune partie du Monde que ce soit, et
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Je declare en outre que c'est mon désir et ma Volonté absolue que la Susdite Moitié de toutes Mes possessions ou effets quelconques deviendront la Jouissance et seront bien et valablement acquises en partage et possession absolue, et en toute propriété dès le moment de mon deçès, sans qu'aucune persone quelconque puisse sous aucun pretexte quelconque, autre que dettes Justes et legitimes, Mettre la Moindre opposition ou reclamation à ce que la Susdite demoiselle Zacharie Ladevêze Jouisse, possède, et dispose à perpétuité de la susdite moitié de tous mes effets, meubles et Imeubles, après ma Mort. Fait et signe à Paris ce Septième Juin 1785. C. Williamos." The date at which the will was drawn up (only a month before TJ's cold termination of his relationship with Williamos on 7 July 1785); the emphatic, unequivocal language; the fact that only one disposition was made of his effects—all point to the conclusion that Williamos was sorely beset, a conclusion borne out by the sequel, which showed that Zacharie Ladevêze interpreted quite literally the words "possession absolue . . . dès le moment de mon deçès." Williamos died on Saturday, 12 Nov. 1785, and on that day at three o'clock in the afternoon Mlle. Ladevêze left her residence at "Rue du Petit Reposoir, hotel des anglois" and appeared before Marie Joseph Chénon, "avocat en parlement, conseiller du Roy, Commissaire au Chatelet de Paris," bearing in hand Williamos' will, unsealed, which she testified had been delivered to her by Williamos on the very day that that document had been drawn up. The will was then paraphed and signed by Chénon, signed by Mlle. Ladevêze, and, on the same day, placed in the hands of Laroche, notary in rue Neuve des Petits Champs. On 29 Nov., in a thirdfloor furnished apartment in the hotel of one Chabanetti, called "L'union," rue St. Thomas du Louvre, where Williamos had died, the personal possessions that he had left behind were appraised and inventoried. Madame Chabanetti testified under oath that none of the effects had been taken away or held back. The possessions were in three trunks. The first contained clothing and other objects such as a half-pay officer, not yet reduced to the last extremity, might possess— three pairs of silk breeches, twelve pairs of stockings, seven of them white, gray,
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8 FEBRUARY or black silk; gold epaulets; a waistcoat of black silk, one of embroidered white silk, another of blue satin embroidered with flowers, another of velvet; two hats for wearing on the head and one, with plume, "à metre sous le bras"; a sword in a white scabbard; a small writing-box with a drawer; eight pairs of cuffs, including one of lace and petit-point and one of "grande Valenciennes" lace; a leather case with three razors, two pairs of buckles, and a small bottle containing eight spoonsful and a pinch of "Sucre d'argent des Isles"; a gold ring with a carnelian stone; a coat and waistcoat of black silk; several surtouts; eleven shirts and seven mousseline cravats; a dress coat of blue broadcloth and another of mixed colors with white metal buttons; several redingotes, one of scarlet with similar buttons; a pair of breeches of old black satin; and—what must have interested TJ—a collection of plants and a register of its contents. The total appraised value of the contents of this trunk was only 228 livres. The other two trunks contained business and personal papers, bundled into parcels by those making the inventory. The first of these parcels—there were thirty-four in all, of which the largest contained 122 pieces—consisted of five pawn-broker's receipts for personal possessions "mis en gages au Mont de piété," according to Madame Chabanetti. The numbers of the receipts (the pawn-broker evidently did a thriving business), their dates, the items pledged, and the amounts borrowed are sad but eloquent testimony to the fact that circumstances were closing in swiftly on Williamos at the very time that Zacharie Ladevêze obtained the will naming her as beneficiary. The contents of these receipts may be summarized as follows: (1) No. 15069, 18 Mch. 1785, for a loan of 75 livres on three pairs of buckles; a parcel of rings; and a spice-box, porringer, platter, and tea-pot, all of silver; (2) No. 16277, 3 May 1785, for a loan of 111 livres on a pair of brass pistols and a ring with "cheveux sous glace entourée de menus brillans"; (3) No. 28671, 30 May 1785, for a loan of 120 livres on a gold enamelled watch and two seals mounted in gold; (4) No. 31835, 14 June 1785, for a loan of 144 livres on an engraved gold repeating watch; (5) No. 34087, 23
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June 1785, for a loan of 66 livres on a dozen pairs of silk stockings. This was not all. Pierre Sallard, notary acting as proxy for François Marsolet, Williamos' servant, produced three other pawn tickets: (1) No. 34969, 30 June 1785, for a loan of 36 livres on a silver-hilted sword; (2) an unnumbered ticket dated 8 July 1785—the day Williamos replied to TJ's letter —for a loan of 72 livres on a suit of ratteen, a suit of velvet, a coat and waistcoat of broadcloth, and a satin waistcoat; (3) No. 50945, 12 Sep. 1785, for a loan of 27 livres on two pairs of white silk stockings and five pairs of hose. Sallard also said that there was still another pawn ticket for a loan of 132 livres on a gold watch, but that this was in the hands of one André Portier who had advanced 72 livres to Marsolet for daily expenses during Williamos' illness. At this point in the taking of the inventory, the trunks were again placed under seal and the examination postponed to a future date. The copy of Notes on Virginia had not been found among Williamos' effects. Since the trunks were only partially inventoried (but that part fully and precisely described) on 29 Nov. and were sealed up again, not to be reopened until 6 July 1787, it is obvious that Williamos' copy of the book was on its way to Barrois before or soon after his death. The injunction inscribed on the fly-leaf against putting the Notes on Virginia "into the hands of any person on whose care and fidelity he cannot rely to guard them against publication" (or some variant of that expression) would only serve to put a stranger on notice that this was a book a publisher might wish to see. Williamos was driven to desperate lengths, as the pawn tickets show, but his servant—and, unknown to him, T J also —stood by with aid in his last difficult days; the pawning of intimate personal belongings continued through his illness; and there is, therefore, no reason to suppose that he authorized the book to be turned over to Barrois. There is no documentary proof, but logic, the circumstances, and the absence of any better candidate point to Zacharie Ladevêze as the person responsible. Nevertheless, Madame Chabanetti and her husband, despite the former's oath, cannot be exempted as possibilities. The inventory of papers in the two
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8 FEBRUARY trunks, as resumed in July 1787, reveals a few further facts of interest about Williamos. He held title to several thousand acres of land in Gloucester, Dutchess, and Ulster counties in New York, and also in the Champlain valley; on 29 June 1784, William Wall, a merchant of Providence, R.I., sold some land and a house in that city to him for $6,000; he had accounts and correspondence about business with various persons in America; the largest bundle of papers in his effects concerned a glazier's works in Montélimart in which he was interested; and the next largest bundle was 89 pieces comprising "les lettres de Demoiselle Zacarie Comintos à M. Vullyamoz, projets de lettres en réponse et autres lettres et notes relatives a ladite Demoiselle." The papers themselves were ultimately turned over to Jean François de Viterne, notary in Paris who represented Williamos' sister and ultimate heir, Louise Henriette, Baroness de Rottenbourg of Lausanne. Finally, the power of attorney given by Williamos' sister to De Viterne and especially the certificate issued by the burgomaster and council of Lausanne establish with certainty some facts about Williamos' name and family. His parents were Abram and Marie Françoise Bory Vullyamoz. He had no brothers and two sisters, Marie Judith and Louise Henriette, who at his death were the sole surviving members of his family. And, according to the certificate issued by the burgomaster and
1786
council of Lausanne, to all of whom he was declared to be particularly known, his name was given as "Monsieur Charles Joseph Abram Vullyamoz . . . dit ordinairement Charles Vullyamoz." He was also known, and will doubtless continue to be referred to (as in this edition), by the name under which he was registered in the British army and by which T J and others addressed him—Charles Williamos. (The documents on which the foregoing account is based are to be found under 12 Nov. 1785 and 29 Nov. 1785 in the minutes of the notary Laroche, Archives Nationales, Minutier Central des Notaires de la Seine; the will was recorded on 10 Jan. 1786 in the registry of wills, Archives de la Seine, Paris; photostats of these documents are in T J Editorial Files and were obtained through the kind permission of Maître Mennesson, 26 Avenue de la Grande Armée, Paris, successor to Laroche.) The
INSCRIPTION
PROPOSED
for
Washington's statue that Houdon objected to on account of length is that written by Madison and adopted by the General Assembly on 26 June 1784 (quoted in full, Vol. 7: 379). The conversations on this subject were evidently set going by Houdon's arrival in late Jan.; some of the V A R I O U S D E V I C E S A N D I N S C R I P T I O N S . . . S U G G E S T E D were set down in a fair copy in TJ's hand (DLC: T J Papers, 234: 41943; undated) and reading as follows:
"[1] Hoc Cincinnati Brutique in marmore virtus Spirat in hoc Fabi provida cum simul. Exprimit Heroas tres Washingtonius unus. Depulit hoc, elis Patria cive jugum. Or [Civica for meritis serta, America, comis.] Monsr. Marron, Aumônier de l'Ambassade d'Hollande [2] Arma capit vindex, patria incolumi, exuit arma Nilque ducis retinet, comitum nisi, liber, amorem At decus invitum sequitur, celebratque latentem Monsr. de Marmontel [3] Te Belluosus qui remotis Obstrepuit oceanus Britanni s Te non paventis fuñera Galliea Compositis venerantur armis. Hor. Carm. L . 4 od. 14. M. de Marmontel [4] Ecce parens verus patria, dignissimus aris Roma tius, per quem nunquam jurare pudebit. Lus Pharsalia. L . 9.
270
8
F E B R U A R Y
1786
[5] Huic ingenium sic pariter ad omnia fuit, ut natum ad id unum diceres, quodumque ageret. Liv. L . 39. c. 40 [Cato] [6] Il existât pour sa patrie, et sa patrie par lui. [7] George Washington Pro decore Nomen, or Sit decus Nomen. [8] George Washington! [9] Boston. Hostibus primum fugatis. Trenton. Hostibus iterum victis York. Hostibus demum domitus 'Creditis tot gentes eadem practia domitas esse quo victae sunt.' Q. Cust. pa. 123. L . 6. c. 3." The first inscription in this list, in Marron's hand, is in D L C : T J Papers, 234: 41944, undated, and with slight variations in spelling. The second and third inscriptions are those quoted in Lafayette's letter to T J , preceding; the one taken from Horace (No. 3) may be Lafayette's suggestion, but T J here at tributes it as well as No. 2 to Marmontel. Inscription No. 9 is the one that T J preferred. For an excellent discussion of this subject, see Brant, Madison, n, 321-2, where it is suggested that the inscription that T J preferred was in reality his own composition. This is plausible and no doubt correct. The use of H I S C O U N T R Y to indicate Virginia was not only a characteristic Jeffersonian touch, but TJ's enormous admira tion of Houdon would very likely have blinded him momentarily to the bathetic
and anti-climactic ending. Madison's— and the General Assembly's—inscription was eminently fitting in its simplicity, directness, and nobility, and, whatever Houdon may have thought of its length, it properly and ultimately triumphed over the suggestions that circulated in Paris salons early in 1786. Nevertheless, it is proper to recall that on 1 July 1784 when the Virginia Executive Council transmitted the General Assembly's res olution to T J , it authorized him, in con sultation with Franklin, "to have a statue finished agreeable thereto, to commit the workmanship to be executed by one of the best artists in Europe—to ornament it with proper and fit Devices and Emblems—and to do in all other things respecting the same what shall appear to them necessary" (MS. Va. Council Jour., V i ) .
From Teresa Murphy HONOUR'D S I R Nogent Fevr. 8 1786 Tho' I have not the Honour to be known to your Excellence I presume to ask the Same favor of you with which Mr. Franklin, your predecessor, honour'd me, that is your attention to Send over my letters, with your dispatches to Philadelphia, and permit that my friends in Maryland may take the Same way, which I esteem more Safe and expedicious than any other. Dr. franklin had the goodness to carry over my last letters, and to forward them im mediately on his arrival, as he was pleas'd to promise me by letter from havre de grace. He aded, "having done with public business, it will be no more in my way to Serve you in your correspondence, but my Successor Mr. Jefferson, present Ministre plenipotentiary 271
8 FEBRUARY
1786
of the united States, residing at paris, will I doubt not be as ready to oblige you." Thus I have the confidence to ask the favor of your Excellence, of which Shall ever have the most gratefull Sense. I have the Honour to be With due Respect, Honour'd Sir your Most obedient humble Servante, R. A. T E R E S A M U R P H Y pensionnaire, a l'abbaye Royale de Nogent L'artault par Charly Sur Marne As I am far from any Sea port, it wou'd be a Satisfaction to me to Send over Some trifling things that might do pleasure, be pleas'd to honour me with a line to let me know whether that be practicable or not. RC (MHi); endorsed by T J : "Murphy Miss."
To Joseph Nourse SIR Paris Feb. 8. 1786. I have been duly honoured with your letter of December 3. and immediately wrote to the Count de Cambray, who is at his seat at some distance from hence. I inclose you his letter directing the delivery of his certificate to his uncle in Paris, and the uncle's receipt indorsed. I wrote on the 26th. of January to the Marquis de la Rouerie who is also in the country on the subject of the satisfied certificate which he holds. As yet I have received no answer. I take for granted however that I shall receive one, either accompanying the certificate, or acknowleging that it is satisfied. Whatever it be I shall do myself the honour of transmitting it to you, and at all times attend to your commands with pleasure. I have the honour to be with great esteem and respect Sir, Your most obedient & most humble servt, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MoSHi). Noted in S J L as sent "by Mr. Barrett in the Packet." Neither Cambray's letter to T J nor the certificate has been found, but the former is recorded in S J L as having been dated at Chateau de Villers aux Erables, 25 Jan.,
and as having been received 30 Jan. 1786. Nourse's L E T T E R O F D E C E M B E R 3 has not been found, but it is recorded in S J L as received 18 Jan. 1786 "by the [Packet?] and post."
272
To James Warren SIR Paris Feb. 8. 1786. I have been honoured with your letter of Oct. 9. by Mr. Barrett. No intimation has yet come to my hands of such an arrangement of the Consular department as is therein mentioned: and I rather suppose that Congress will find their commerce with Portugal so interesting as to be worthy the establishment of a minister or resident at that court. If so, the consulate there would undoubtedly be under him. However should any arrangement whatever give me influence over it, the testimonies I have received in favor of your son and the services which have been rendered by his family and their sacrifices to our cause would render a duty whatever I could do for him, while it would indulge the inclinations to serve you which the short acquaintance has inspired which I had the honour to contract with you, and will furnish me a pleasing occasion of evincing the esteem and respect with which I have the honour to be Sir, your most obedient & most humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as sent "by Mr Barrett in the Packet."
To Lafayette DEAR SIR
Paris Feb. 9. 1786.
The Mr. John Ledyard, who proposes to undertake the journey through the Northern parts of Asia and America, is a citizen of Connecticut, one of the united states of America. He accompanied Capt. Cook in his last voiage to the North-western parts of Amer ica, and rendered himself useful to that officer, on some occasions, by a spirit of enterprize which has distinguished his whole life. He has genius, an education better than the common, and a talent for useful and interesting observation. I believe him to be an honest man, and a man of truth. To all this he adds just as much singularity of character, and of that particular kind too, as was necessary to make him undertake the journey he proposes. Should he get safe through it, I think he will give an interesting account of what he shall have seen. I have the honour to be with sentiments of sincere esteem and respect Dear Sir Your most obedient and most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON
273
9 FEBRUARY PrC ( D L C ) . Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89, p. 268, note 30, states that copies of the present letter, of Ledyard's petition, and of Lafayette's letter to Baron de Grimm, to whom he forward ed the present letter, are in Tsentralnoye
1786
Archivnoye Upravleniye (Moscow). La fayette also talked with Castries and wrote to Vergennes on 8 Feb. 1786 about the trans-Siberian journey that T J had suggested to Ledyard; Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxxi.
To Francis Lewis DR. SIR Paris Feb. 9. 1786. Finding it impossible to get good and genuine Madeira wine here I have concluded it most convenient to import it from America, and particularly from New York where it is generally to be had good, and may be sent readily by the packet. The acquaintance I have had the honor of having formerly with you encourages me to trouble you with this commission, and the rather as nobody knows better how to chuse what is good. I would prefer that which is of the nut quality, and of the very best. If you will be so good as to send me a pipe of such, by the packet or any better opportu nity, I shall be much obliged to you. Your bill drawn on me for the amount of cost, charges &c. shall be honoured. You are the best judge whether it would come better in bottles, or in a cask; and if in a cask, whether the precaution of one cask within another be necessary. I have the honour to be with the highest esteem Dear Sir your most obedient humble servt, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi).
To James Madison DEAR SIR
Paris Feb. 9. 1786.
In my letter of yesterday I forgot to inclose one I have received on the subject of a debt due to Mr. Paradise, and I wish the present letter may reach the bearer of that in time to go by the same con veiance. The inclosed from Doctor Bancroft will explain itself. I add my solicitations to his, not to ask any thing to be done for Mr. Paradise inconsistent with the justice due to others, but that every thing may be done for him which justice will permit. Your assistance in this either by yourself or by interesting such other person in it as may be more in the way to forward it will oblige Dear Sir your friend & servant, T H : JEFFERSON 274
10
FEBRUARY 1786
RC ( D L C : Madison Papers); ad dressed: "James Madison junr. esq. Orange county Virginia"; endorsed. The following endorsement is written below the address: "L'Orient March 5th. 1786
forwarded by Sir your most obedt. Serv ant Z: Loreilhe." PrC ( D L C ) . Enclo sure (DLC: Madison Papers): Bancroft to T J , 18 Nov. 1785.
From Nicolas 8c Jacob van Staphorst Amsterdam 9 February 1786 The Motives of the Present are to acquaint Your Excellency that our mutual Friend Mr. Philip Mazzei has favored us for a short time with a Perusal of "Notes on the State of Virginia written in the Year 1 7 8 1 somewhat corrected and enlarged, in the Winter of 1 7 8 2 , for the Use of a Foreigner of Distinction, in answer to certain Queries proposed by him." This Book appears from a Note of your Hand Writing on the first Leaf, to have been printed by your Excellency's Order for the Use of a few select Friends with the determination of not permitting it to be published. From which Circumstance, and that the Part We take in the Prosperity and Welfare of America renders such an estimable Work extremely gratifying to us, May we without Indiscretion presume to entreat Your Excellency to honor us with a Copy, Which We should es teem a Mark of very singular favor From Your Excellency, and accept under the firmest assurances, that Your Excellency's desire to prevent its Publication should never be frustrated thro' us. We flatter ourselves it will be very superfluous to repeat to Your Excellency, that nothing could afford us completer Satisfaction, than to meet frequent Opportunities of doing to you every useful or agreeable service in our Power, Having the honor to remain with the most perfect Respect Your Excellency's Most Obedient and very humble Servants, Nie.
AND J A C O B VAN STAPHORST
RC ( D L C ) . Not recorded in S J L .
From Thomas Boylston {Rouen, 10 Feb. 1786. Recorded in SJL as received 1 2 Feb. 1786. Not found.]
275
From Thevenard MONSIEUR
à Lorient 10 février 1786.
M. Barkley ma remis la lettre dont votre Excellence m'a honoré le 13 du mois dernier. J'ai l'honneur de vous rendre graces de la permission que vous me donnez de prendre une Copie d'un des portraits de M. Wasingthon que vous possédez. J'ai celui de M. franklin peint avec la plus grande vérité, et je voudrais lui mettre en regard celui du Celebre Général dans la même format ou grandeur: cest à dire de 27 pouces Vz de hauteur, sur 22 pouces de large, le tout mesure de Paris, pied de Roi. Telles sont les dimensions de la toile du portrait que j'ai de M. franklin dont la tête avec le haut du buste sont peints de grandeur naturelle. Je ne puis choisir, entre Peale et Wright. Je ne connois pas leurs ouvrages et leur Capacité, mais comme le Portrait que j'ai est d'une ressemblance parfaitte, je souhaiterais que celui de M. Washington fut aussi frappant! Ainsi Jai lhonneur de prier votre Exellence, de choisir lequel des deux Maîtres nous devons préférer: il en est de même du choix d'un copiste; je ne les connois pas à Paris; je scai seulement que sans être bon Maître en peinture, on peut être bon Copiste de Portraits et qu'il y en à plusieurs dans la Capitale. Ma reconnoissance de votre bonté pour moy egale mon extrême attachement pour L'Amérique du Nord et le Respect infini avec lequel Je suis de votre Excellence Le très humble et tres obeisst serviteur,
THEVENARD
RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 15 Feb. 1786.
From George Wythe G W TO T J Williamsburgh, 10 februa. 1786. în a letter, written lately to you, after acknowledging the receipt of a pacquet, i begged you, if it would not be inconvenient, to procure for me the arms of Taliaferro, engraven on a small copper plate, with the name Richard Taliaferro, and this motto, taken from Eírra €7H ®7)ßas AixrxvXov, S.598. Ov SOK€LV aptçoç aXX eivai or without aptçoç, if you think it, omitted, will be understood. In this i desire your assistance, because i believe the family to have been tuscan, Mr. 1
9
276
11
FEBRUARY
1786
Bellini having informed me that a district not further distant from Florence than 12 or 13 miles bears that name. I also desired a copy of the book which i had seen in the hands of your friend M. I now beg another favour of you: it is that you will send a copy of the same book to Richard Paul Jodrell, esq. F R S. Berners street, London. This liberty requires an apology. Will that it may begin a correspondence which i believe, which i almost dare to say i know, will be pleasing to both parties, be allowed? It is the only apology which i can make; although i have a further reason for asking the favour, which is that such a present, at my request, would be a requital of that gentleman's kindness to me. In truth, my dear sir, i have been so free, in a letter, as to mention you to him, and propose introducing him to your acquaintance. Farewell. RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. The copy of Notes on Virginia that T J sent to Richard Paul Jodrell is now in The Newberry Library ( T J to Wythe, 13 Aug. 1786; Coolie Verner, "Mr. Jefferson Distributes his Notes" N.Y.F.L., Bull., L V i [1952], p. 171;. T J misspelled Jodrell's name both in replying to Wythe and in inscribing the copy of Notes on Virginia. The
inscription reads: "Mr. Wythe of Vir ginia has encouraged Mr. Jefferson to take the liberty of presenting a copy of these Notes to Mr. JoddrelL" This phra seology led Jodrell to suppose Wythe was the author (Jodrell to T J , 28 Feb. 1787). i Thus in MS; it should be 592.
From Abigail Adams London, Grosvenor Square, Feb. 11th, 1786. Col. Humphries talks of leaving us on Monday. It is with regret, I assure you, Sir, that we part with him. His visit here has given us an opportunity of becoming more acquainted with his real worth and merit, and our friendship for him has risen in proportion to our intimacy. The two American Secretaries of Legation would do honor to their country placed in more distinguished stations. Yet these missions abroad, circumscribed as they are in point of expenses, place the ministers of the United States in the lowest point of view of any envoy from any other Court; and in Europe every being is estimated, and every country valued, in proportion to their show and splendor. In a private station I have not a wish for expensive living, but, whatever my fair countrywomen may think, and I hear they envy my situation, I will most joyfully ex change Europe for America, and my public for a private life. I am really surfeited with Europe, and most heartily long for the rural cottage, the purer and honester manners of my native land, [277]
1 1 FEBRUARY
1786
where domestic happiness reigns unrivalled, and virtue and honor go hand in hand. I hope one season more will give us an oppor tunity of making our escape. At present we are in the situation of Sterne's starling. Congress have by the last dispatches informed this Court that they expect them to appoint a minister. It is said (not officially) that Mr. Temple is coldly received, that no Englishman has visited him, and the Americans are not very social with him. But as Colonel Humphries will be able to give you every intelligence, there can be no occasion for my adding any thing further than to acquaint you that I have endeavored to execute your commission agreeably to your directions. Enclosed you will find the memo randum. I purchased a small trunk, which I think you will find useful to you to put the shirts in, as they will not be liable to get rubbed on the journey. If the balance should prove in my favor, I will request you to send me 4 ells of cambric at about 14 livres per ell or 15, a pair of black lace lappets—these are what the ladies wear at court—and 12 ells of black lace at 6 or 7 livres per ell. Some gentleman coming this way will be so kind as to put them in his pocket, and Mrs. Barclay, I dare say, will take the trouble of purchasing them for me; for troubling you with such trifling matters is a little like putting Hercules to the distaff. My love to Miss Jefferson, and compliments to Mr. Short. Mrs. Siddons is acting again upon the stage, and I hope Colonel Humphries will prevail with you to cross the Channel to see her. Be assured, dear Sir, that nothing would give more pleasure to your friends here than a visit from you, and in that number I claim the honor of subscribing myself. A. ADAMS 4 pair of shoes for Miss Adams, by the person who made Mrs. A.'s, 2 of satin and 2 of spring silk, without straps, and of the most fashionable colors. MS not found. Text from Randolph, Domestic Life, p. 352-3. Noted in S J L as received 17 Feb. 1786. Enclosure: Memorandum of purchases made for T J read ing as follows: 8£ "To 2 peices of Irish linen at 4s. pr. yd. 14s. Od. To making 12 Shirts at 3s per Shirt 1 16 0 To buttons thread silk 0 3 0 To Washing 0 3 6 A Trunk 1 1 0 11 17 6 The Louis I parted with at 20 shillings" (MHi; undated, in Abigail Adams hand). These shirts constituted the C O M M I S S I O N that T J had asked Mrs. Adams to under take for him. In his turn, T J , as requested in the postscript of the present letter, on 27 Feb. "paid for 4. pr. shoes for Miss Adams 24f," and on 5 Mch.—the day 9
[278]
12 F E B R U A R Y
1786
before he left Paris for London—"paid for lace and cambrick for Mrs. Adams. 284*" (Account Book).
From C. W. F. Dumas MONSIEUR Lahaie 12e. fevr. 1786 Je suis fort obligé à Votre Excellence de la prompte réponse dont Elle a daigné m'honorer en date du 2e. fev. Comme aussi de la démarche qu'il lui a plu de faire déjà auprès du Congrès à mon sujet, et de celle que Vous vous proposez encore de faire quant au paiement de mes arrérages et intérêts. Voici Monsieur la Lettre que vous avez eu la bonté de me conseiller d'écrire de mon côté. Elle est, comme Poscrit, pour être insérée dans ma Lettre à Mr. Jay du 31 Janvr., que Votre Excellence recevra en même temps que la présente, dans un autre paquet sous votre enveloppe, des mains de Mr. Ferri le sage Mentor des fils de Mr. le Marquis de Verac, qu'il reconduit à Paris. I l devoit vous être porté par Mr. le Rhingrave de Salm; mais une indisposition l'oblige de retarder son voyage de 5 à 6 jours. Le mérite de ces deux Messieurs est si bien établi, que mon amitié pour eux n'hésite pas de les présenter à la connoissance de Votre Excellence. En attendant réponse de N. York, je profiterai de la permission de Votre Excellence en ne tirant sur Elle au 1er. d'Avril prochain que les 2700 Livres usités ci-devant. Pourquoi me remercieriez-vous, Monsieur, de n'avoir fait que rendre justice à votre Ouvrage? Plût à Dieu que nous eussions des Descriptions pareilles, je n'ose dire de toutes les parties du monde, mais seulement de notre Europe. J'accepte avec beaucoup de reconnaissance l'exemplaire original que votre bonté me destine. Cela ne m'empêchera pas d'acquérir la Traduction de Mr. l'Abbé Morellet quand je la saurai publiée. E n attendant permettez que je lui présente mes respects (Il se souviendra peut-être de m'avoir vu en 1779 chez Mr. Franklin), et que je lui fasse aussi les complimens de son ami Mr. Caillard Chargé d'Affaires de France ici qui le prie de travailler sans délai à cette publication, et de lui en faire parvenir un Exemplair aussitôt qu'elle sera faite. Je suis, Monsieur, avec le respect le plus vrai, De Votre Excellence Le très humble et très obéissant serviteur, 1
C. W . F . DUMAS RC ( D L C ) . F C (Rijksarchief, The Hague, Dumas Papers; photostats in
D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 22 Feb. 1786, presumably the same date that
[279]
12 F E B R U A R Y T J received Dumas' undated letter of ca. 31 Jan. which enclosed the L E T T R E A M R . J A Y D U 31 J A N V R . Enclosure (same): Dumas to Jay, 12 Feb. 1786, requesting: "un ordre de la Trésorerie . . . sans délai" for the payment of arrearages in salary. On the day before, Dumas had written a friend: "On m'a envoyé l'Acte du Congres sans ordre où
1786
m'adresser pour être payé des arrérages qui me sont dûs. Je dois écrire encore en Amérique afin d'avoir le Mandat de la Trésorerie pour cet effet. Cela est agréable, n'est-ce pas?" (Dumas to Berenger, 11 Feb. 1786; same). i This name obliterated in FC.
From Favi Ce 12 Février [1786] Favi a L'honneur de remercier Monsieur de Jefferson de l'ouvrage interessant, qu'il a bien voulu Lui envoyer. I l est très sensible à cette marque de son amitié, et il Lira avec Le plus grand plaisir un Livre, dont on dît tant de bien, et qui donne une juste idèe d'un Pays, qu'il aime beaucoup. I l est confus cependant de tant de bontés, dont Monsieur Jefferson L'honore, et Le prie d'agréer LTiomage de son respect. RC (MHi); endorsed. Not recorded in S J L . The year has been supplied conjecturally in the date-line. It is possible, of course, that the present acknowledgment could refer to the French translation of Notes on Virginia, thus making the year 1788, but it is virtually certain
that T J would have presented to Favi, whom he regarded highly, a copy of the first edition. This copy has not been found and is not listed in the census compiled by Coolie Verner, "Mr. Jefferson Distributes his Notes" N.Y.P.L., Bull, L V I (1952), 159-86.
From Edward Bancroft SIR
Villiers Street London 13th. Feby. 1786.
I some months since took the Liberty of writing you a Letter respecting the situation Mr. Paradise and a Claim of his on the State of Virginia: I was at that time apprehensive, that any partial favour or justice could not properly be shewn to him, or any individual; and yet my feelings were then so much affected by what I knew, and by what he had just represented to me of his difficulties, that I could not resist his desire, that I would write to you on the Subject. As I have not been honored with any Answer I can only presume that you have thought my application to be, what I was then apprehensive it would appear, an improper one and I have given this Explanation of your Silence to Mr. Paradise himself; with such reasons as have on mature reflection occurred [280]
13 FEBRUARY
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to shew the difficulty which you would naturally have in Complying with that application; and I have now only to Apologize for it as the effect of my Sensibility, rather than of my Judgment, and to assure you of the Profound respect and sincere attachment with which I have the honor to be Sir Your most obedient and most Devoted Humble servant, EDWD. BANCROFT RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 17 Feb. 1786.
From William Stephens Smith SIR London Feby. 13th. 1786. Some day's after my return, I did myself the honor of writing to your Excellency; and after attempting in a few Lines to express the obligation I felt myself under to you, while at Paris, I touched on the political stage, hinted at Mr. Eden, and left the papers which accompanied it, to satisfy you more fully on the subject. I also mentioned the application made by the ministry to a Committee of Merchants, for their opinion respecting the necessity of Com mercial arrangements with America. I know the report of that Committee to have been pretty nearly parallel with our Ideas. The day after they received it, Lord Carmarthen and Mr. Pitt went into the Country together, and spent several Days in retirement, I supposed on that subject. From every thing that can be gathered from Mr. Pitt, and he has some lines of Candour, he, individually, is disposed to enter on the subject, but he has not fortitude of Soul enough to attempt it. A Gentleman breakfasted with me the other day and told me that a Manuscript Pamphlet had been brought to him for revision, which had been wrote at the request of Mr. Pitt to sound the public mind relative to an alteration of system; that it appeared to him a free intercourse with America was the main object in view, tho' the subject was but slightly touched; that points were started and not regularly decided upon, merely to draw forth, the replys and observations of different party's, and that he did not doubt, if those observations run in favour of American arrange ments, it would be considered as a decission of the public and pursued by those who (apparently) hold the reigns of Govern ment, without any great risk on their side of place or pension, for this was pretty evident, that most of them were conscious of the importance of the friendly dispositions of America to this Country, but not one would attempt to serve that Country, in contradiction [281]
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to the prejudice of the moment, for in that case a pretty plan might be lost and they have no Idea of serving their Country in any case, at the expence of private ease, or interest (how are the mighty fallen!). This may be so, but if arrangements does take place, It will do violence to the feelings of their King, for if ever the heart of a King panted for despotic establishments, the breast of George the third contains one highly wrought up with similar emotions. I think it visible in his minutest action, and should this be his wish, he will struggle hard before he'll give it up, for we must suppose him so much of a politician as to know, that an intimate connection with a Country where the rights of mankind have been so boldly and successfully defended, will atfirstinsensibly interfere with and finally, totally overthrow every despotic arrangement, for the doctrine of Liberty is sweet and captivating and has once al ready materially foiled him in a favourite pursuit. I inclose your Excellency a part of a News Paper containing the Navigation Act of the State of Rhode Island. I immagine you must be pretty well convinced that this is the favourite Idol in our eastern temple of Politicks. I cannot but think with you that it may be pressed too far, particularly in the present situation of affairs. It is held up as the point of view on which a Naval Power is to display itsself without (I think) sufficiently adverting to the inconveniences which must arise out of its opperation, and the at tempt to force it is, as it appears to me, wrong end foremost. For I think the only firm basis to erect your arsenals, dockyards, and future navies on is a wise, Liberal, just administration of our Governments and the mild well regulated Commerce of our Coun try. I have been endeavouring to find an object for southern poli ticks, which if attained must put them perfectly on a par with the Eastern Continent should these acts opperate equally to the expec tation which they have formed of them, and from the conversation I had with your Excellency, I do not feel a diffidence in looking to South America and a free and Liberal arrangement with the Span ish Government as the point. Could this be obtained I think we should soon feel ourselves superior to the Commercial frown of britons, and immagination itself would scarcely be capable of keep ing pace with our increasing wealth and importance. That these should be two objects to direct the different interests of so extensive a Continent, is not extraordinary, but it is a Matter of serious moment that the leading Characters in our Country should bend [282]
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their attention to reconcile those interests and in the attainment of them endeavour to press their opperation to mutual benefits, for my heart achs at the thought of our pursuits being seperate and our Interests detached from each other. I am insensibly spining this Letter to an ennormous Length. You must excuse it, for I only mean to put myself in the Way of having my opinions corrected if erroneous and being benefitted by your advice and Correspond ence. Sat pratta biberunt. Its rather pedantic and I would blot it out, if I had time to Copy the Letter, but my friend Hump [Humphreys] is determined to leave us at 11. Apropos I should be glad to hear how he behaives when he returns. I have the satisfaction to inform you, that he is converted, and has promised me never to form a Connection similar to that which existed before he left Paris. This I think a great point gained for himself, and as for your Excellency I think you'll never see him again at your breakfast table with his Blue and White and read surtout. In short every thing has been attempted to serve him, that could be, without alarming his pride. The only thing I find immovable is a boundless appetite and a too hasty mode of satisfying it. Nothing but the loss of teeth will rectify this, and I could not pull them without drawing his atten tion to a point, which I soon found best to be avoided. If he should get a sight of this part of the Letter I immagine he would im mediately return and Chalenge me; if he does, he'll go back without fighting, for I am not in that Line. I have not yet been able to fix on a horse for you. When I do, due information shall be given.— Parliament are now setting and Mrs. Siddons is in full splendour on the stage. Your Excellency is not expected here and I think may make a visit with great security. With affectionate regards to Mr. Short I am Your Excellency most obliged and very Humble Servt., W . S. S M I T H RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 17 Feb. 1786. Enclosure miss ing.
John Lamb to the American Commissioners Barcelona, 16 Feb. 1786. "On the 11th Day we arrived here"; has drawn for £2,600 sterling in all, £2,000 of which he will receive Mon day next; hopes that the trinkets brought from Paris will gain him an audience at Algiers; has met with some little disappointments since leaving France which have detained them until this time; hopes to sail [283 ]
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next week and refers them to Harrison for particulars as to his present situation. "He is fully acquainted." T r (MHi: A M T ) ; 2 p.; in W. S. Smith's hand; without name of addressee, but presumably addressed to T J and certainly to be regarded as a communication to the Commissioners. In SJL under date of 25 Mch. 1786 T J recorded various letters as "received while in London." One of these was from "John Lamb. Barcelona. Feb.";
opposite the entry for this incompletelydated letter from Lamb, T J wrote: "left with Mr. Adams," thus accounting for the presence of the letter in the Adams papers. This was probably one of the letters transmitted by David Humphreys in his to T J of 17 Mch. which T J also received on 25 Mch. 1786.
P. R. Randall to the American Commissioners Barcelona, 17 Feb. 1786. Randall would have paid the highest respect to the injunction of writing by every safe opportunity, but such information as he could have sent hitherto "would have been only a reiteration of Mr. Carmichaels Letters"; Mr. Lamb does not write at present and has not directed Randall to do so, but he feels it his duty to "manifest an early Disposition of complying in every respect with your Excellency's Directions." Arrived on 10th after expeditious journey from Madrid, and next morning presented Floridablanca's letter "to the Captain General of this Province to forward Mr. Lamb in every Thing expedient for his Embarkation for Algiers." Lamb's applications to Captain General and Intendant for leave to withdraw the £2,000 sterling have not met with success, and the business remains in a dilemma, though Lamb has "Expectations pretty well grounded. . . . It may be impertinent in me to offer Conjectures on the Propriety of proceeding and making a Dépendance on the Count D'Espilly who has endeavored to convince Mr. Carmichael that his utmost Exertions shall in no wise be wanting to assist this Negotiation; more especially as Mr. Lamb is hourly expecting to accomplish his purpose here.—Mr. Harrison who is Bearer of this Letter is as perfectly acquainted with the progress already made in every respect during our residence in Madrid and the little Continuance here, as I myself am as well as the Counsels and Designs which have been agitated relative to Mr. Lamb's Mission. To him therefore I refer your Excellency in the highest Confidence in his Judgment and Discretion as the particular Friend of Mr. Carmichael, and a Gentleman who has had an Opportunity on many Occasions of endeavoring a generous Intention to serve his Country.—I shall consider myself entirely devoted to this Service notwithstanding the Stipulation of six months, and shall remain at Algiers, or elsewhere to accomplish my Duty, unless absolutely directed by your Excellencies to return, tho' perhaps Mr. Lamb may be desirous of my coming with some dispatches. In which Case I shall think myself at Liberty of considering in what Manner I may be of most Service to my Country in completing my commission and the Confidence your Excel[284}
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lencies have done me the Honor to repose in me.—As I am not to con sider this as an official Letter, I have written with a less scrupulous Caution than the Uncertainty of all Events render prudent." RC (MHi: A M T ) ; 4 p.; Adams' name and title at foot of text show that RC was addressed to him. Despite this and its unofficial character, the let ter was clearly intended for both Adams and T J . A duplicate may have been sent to T J , and this letter may have been one of those transmitted to him on 17 Mch. by Humphreys. See note to preceding letter, Lamb to Commission ers, 16 Feb. 1786; S J L entry under 25 Mch. 1786 applies also to one from
Randall, which was "left with Mr. Adams." The tone of the letters of Lamb and Randall of 16 and 17 Feb., and the oblique references that both made to information Richard Harrison would be competent to supply, point to the obvi ous and certain conclusion that Lamb and his secretary were already on dis agreeable terms, and that Randall was uncertain as to how long he would be able to continue in that post.
From John Adams DEAR SIR Grosvenor Square Feb. 17. 1786. I was sometime in doubt, whether any Notice Should be taken of the Tripoline Ambassador; but receiving Information that he made Enquiries about me, and expressed a Surprise that when the other foreign Ministers had visited him, the American had not; and finding that He was a universal and perpetual Ambassador, it was thought best to call upon him. Last Evening, in making a Tour of other Visits, I Stopped at his Door, intending only to leave a Card, but the Ambassador was announced at Home and ready to receive me. I was received in State. Two great Chairs before the Fire, one of which was destined for me, the other for his Excel lency. Two Secretaries of Legation, men of no Small Consequence Standing Upright in the middle of the Room, without daring to Sitt, during the whole time I was there, and whether they are not yet upright upon their Legs I know not. Now commenced the Diffi culty. His Excellency Speaks Scarcely a Word of any European Language, except Italian and Lingua Franca, in which you know I have Small Pretensions. He began soon to ask me Questions about America and her Tobacco, and I was Surprized to find that with a pittance of Italian and a few French Words which he understands, We could so well understand each other. "We make Tobacco in Tripoli," said his Excellency "but it is too Strong. Your American Tobacco is better." By this Time, one of his secretaries or upper servants brought two Pipes ready filled and lighted. The longest was offered me; the other to his Excellency. It is long since I took a Pipe but as it would be unpardonable to be wanting in [285 ]
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Politeness in so ceremonious an Interview, I took the Pipe with great Complacency, placed the Bowl upon the Carpet, for the Stem was fit for a Walking Cane, and I believe more than two Yards in length, and Smoaked in aweful Pomp, reciprocating Whiff for Whiff, with his Excellency, untili Coffee was brought in. His Excellency took a Cup, after I had taken one, and alternately Sipped at his Coffee and whiffed at his Tobacco, and I wished he would take a Pinch in turn from his Snuff box for Variety; and I followed the Example with Such Exactness and Solemnity that the two secretaries, appeared in Raptures and the superiour of them who speaks a few Words of French cryed out in Extacy, Monsieur votes êtes un Turk.—-The necessary Civilities being thus compleated, His Excellency began upon Business; asked many Questions about America: the soil Climate Heat and Cold, &c. and said it was a very great Country. But "Tripoli is at War with it." I was "Sorry to hear that." "Had not heard of any War with Tripoli." "America had done no Injury to Tripoli, committed no Hostility; nor had Tripoli done America any Injury or committed any Hostility against her, that I had heard of." True said His Excellency "but there must be a Treaty of Peace. There could be no Peace without a Treaty. The Turks and Affricans were the souvereigns of the Mediterranean, and there could be no navigation there nor Peace without Treaties of Peace. America must treat as France and England did, and all other Powers. America must treat with Tripoli and then with Constantinople and then with Algiers and Morocco." Here a Secretary brought him some Papers, one of which a Full Power in French from the Pacha, Dey and Regency of Tripoli, as Ambassador, to treat with all the Powers of Europe, and to make what Treaties he pleased and to manage in short all the foreign Affairs of his Country, he delivered me to read. He was ready to treat and make Peace. If I would come tomorrow or next day, or any other day and bring an Interpreter, He would hear and propose Terms, and write to Tripoli and I might write to America, and each Party might accept or refuse them as they should think fit. How long would it be before one could write to Congress and have an Answer? Three months. This was rather too long but he should stay here sometime. When I had read his French Translation of his Full Power He Shewed me the original in his own Language. You perceive that his Excellency was more ready and eager to treat than I was as he probably expected to [286 ]
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gain more by the Treaty. I could not see him Tomorrow nor next day but would think of it. I must now my dear sir beg of you to send me a Copy of the Project of a Treaty sent by Mr. Barclay and Mr. Lamb, as I had not time to take one, when it was here. You will please to write me your Thoughts and Advice upon this Occasion. This is a Sensi ble Man, well known to many of the foreign Ministers who have seen him before, in Sweeden, at Vienna, in Denmark &c. He has been so much in Europe that he knows as much of America, as anybody; so that nothing new will be suggested to him or his Constituents by our having Conferences with him. It seems best then to know his Demands. They will be higher I fear, than we can venture. The King told one of the foreign Ministers in my hearing at the Levee, that the Tripoline Ambassador refused to treat with his Ministers and insisted upon an Audience. But that all he had to say was that Tripoli was at Peace with England and desired to continue so. The King added all he wants is, a Present, and his Expences born to Vienna or Denmark. The Relation of my Visit is to be sure very inconsistent with the Dignity of your Character and mine, but the Ridicule of it was real and the Drollery inevitable. How can We preserve our Dignity in negotiating with Such Nations? And who but a Petit Maitre would think of Gravity upon such an occasion. With great Esteem your most obedient J O H N ADAMS RC ( D L C ) . F C (MHi: A M T ) ; in Smith's hand. Noted in S J L as received 27 Feb. 1786. The official report of the conference with the Tripolitan minister that Adams sent to Jay on this same date stands in revealing contrast to the present de lightful, inimitable, and truly Adamsian account given to Jefferson. "If nothing more was said at the Audience [granted by George I I I to the Tripolitan minis ter]," Adams reported to Jay, "there are not wanting persons in England, who will find means to stimulate this African to stir up his Countrymen against Amer ican Vessells. It may reasonably be sus pected that his present visit is chiefly with a View to the United States to draw them into a treaty of Peace, which implies tribute, or at least Presents: or to obtain aids from England to carry on War against us. Feeling his appear ance here to be ominous, like that of other irregular Bodies, which from their
horrid hair shake Pestilence and War, I thought at first to avoid him, but find ing that all the other foreign ministers had made their visits, and that he would take amiss a longer inattention, it was judged necessary to call at his Door, for the form. But when the attempt was made, which was last evening so late that there was no suspicion of his being visible, the Ambassador was announced at home and ready to receive the visit ant.—It would scarcely be reconcilable to the dignity of Congress to read a De tail of the Ceremonies which attended the Conference: it would be more proper to write them to Harlequin for the Amusement of the Gay at the New York theatre." Adams then presented to Congress a clear, unadorned account of the discussion with the Tripolitan min ister, agreeing in substance with that printed above, and concluded: "As His Excellency expected to gain by the ne gotiation, as much as the American
[287]
17 F E B R U A R Y knew he must loose, you will perceive the former was the most eager to promote it.—Wben Mr. Jefferson's answer to a Letter upon this subject shall arrive, it will be proper to learn his terms, but there is reason to believe they will be too high for your Ministers to accept without further Instructions. This is the substance of a Conference which was carried on with much difficulty, but with civility enough, on both sides, in a strange mixture of Italian, Lingua Franca, broken French and worse English" (Adams to Jay, 17 Feb. 1786; MHi: AMT). The important result that
1786
emerged from these two accounts was not so much the negotiations with Tripoli or the glimpse of the Tripolitan minister that Adams skilfully provided as it was the warm and memorable portrait of himself that Adams unintentionally drew. The letter to T J was also official, as being from one member of the American Commission to the other, and Adams realized that T H E R E L A T I O N OF M Y VISIT IS . . . VERY
INCONSISTENT
W I T H T H E DIGNITY O F YOUR
CHARACTER
But this did not prevent him from making the relation. AND MINE.
From Hilliard cTAuberteuil Rue des fossés Mr. Leprince, No. 35 Paris le 17e. fevr. 1786. Je désirerais acquérir l'honneur de vous connaître, votre mérite personnel et la place dans laquelle vous succédez à un autre grand homme m'en font une nécessité. M r . franklin et sen fils m'accordaient leur amitié, et le législateur de la pensilvanie a bien voulu encourager mes essais sur la revolution de l'amerique, en relisant lui même mes épreuves. Je ne vous citerai point cet ouvrage comme digne de votre attention, j'en connais les défauts mieux que qui que ce soit, mais il a obtenu des sufrages et a été lu avec avidité. Ce ne sont que quelques matériaux rassemblés promptement, et embellis de quelques détails dont le succès était certain auprès de ceux qui aiment la politique et les lettres. J'ai depuis formé un autre recueil de matières, sur le même sujet, considéré dans un autre point de vue, j'ai l'honneur de vous l'envoyer, pareequ'il contient au milieu des negligences ordinaires dans un ouvrage du moment, des meditations et des pensées dignes d'être offertes à un homme d'état. Ce livre est moins interessant et moins agréable pour les autres classes de lecteurs que mes Essais historiques, où j'ai permis à l'Imagination de faire de grands frais pour répandre des charmes sur des détails ordinairement asses steriles dans les écrits de nos historiens. Tout cela n'est qu'une preparation à l'histoire que je veux publier, et que je travaille depuis dix ans avec un soin que nos auteurs modernes donnent rarement à leurs ouvrages. Permettez, Monsieur, à un étranger mais à un allié bien sincere, MONSIEUR
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et qui n'a pas nui en france à la cause de la liberté, de disputer à vous, à vos compatriotes, et à vos frères, devenus un moment vos ennemis, le plaisir de célébrer les efforts de la liberté contre les entreprises du pouvoir, et des succès consolans pour les amis de l'humanité. Vous demander des éclaircissements, ce serait vouloir abuser de vos richesses, et je m'imposerai vis à vis de vous la même loi que je m'étais faite à l'égard de MM. de la fayette et Franklin, mais je desire vous assurer de mon attachement et de mon estime. C'est sur les lieux mêmes que je voudrais achever un ouvrage pour lequel, j'ai pris datte le premier entre les écrivains de toutes les nations. Ni la nature ni la fortune ne m'ont placé de maniere à concourir à une si grande revolution, c'est un honneur qui vous apartient exclusivement, mais je ne sais si je m'aveugle sur mes forces, je me crois né pour l'écrire et en conserver la mémoire d'une manière convenable à tous les peuples et à tous les esprits. Telle est mon ambition, Monsieur, et si vous ne la desaprouvez point je me ferai un devoir de vous faire parts de mes progrès dans cette entreprise que je crois asses voisine de sa perfection, mais que je desire verifier sur les lieux Jusqu'aux moindres détails. Je suis avec un profond respect, Monsieur, de Votre excellence Le très humble et très obéissant serviteur, HILLIARD D'AUBERTEUIL
ancien magistrat des colonies françaises E S . Je vous prie de me faire savoir le moment où l'on peut vous rendre ses devoirs sans nuire à vos occupations. RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Michel René Hilliard d'Auberteuil (1751-1789) had published in 17811782 two volumes entitled: Essais historiques et politiques sur les AngloAméricains, and in 1784, Histoire de VAdministration de Lord North; copies of both works accompanied this letter and are preserved among TJ's books in D L C (Sowerby 450 and 476). T J
did not have a high opinion of the dependability of D'Auberteuil's work and evidently did not supply him with information for the general history of the American revolution on which D'Auberteuil was engaged and which he did not live to complete. See T J to D'Auberteuil, 20 Feb. 1786 and 27 Jan. 1787.
From Madame d'Anterroches [Puy cTArnac, near Tulle, 19 Feb. 1786. Recorded in SJL as received 27 Feb. 1786. Not found; but see entry for TJ's reply of 2 Mch., and T J to James Monroe, same date.] [289]
From Lister Asquith St. Pol de Léon, 20 Feb. 1786. Acknowledges TJ's letter of 13 Jan.; but not having received a discharge, again begs for assistance; his "Pœple and self are almost all laid up by sickness occasioned by the colds and Damps of this place," and are dejected "by the Constant insults of the pœple here"; they have been told that the Farmers General have so much influence in the courts that they can do anything. His expenses are daily mounting and he has just been informed that the sails of his ship are "intirely rotten, being laid wet on the ground" since they arrived, the cables and riggings ruined, "the Vessel greatly damaged by lying aground and beating against the Pier, the 5 Bbls. of Flour entirely destroy'd by the Rats"; if he secures nothing but the discharge he will have to sell the vessel to pay expenses and will be entirely ruined; is concerned for his family who, "if they are alive," are probably friendless; hopes "his Majesty will not permit us to be punished and ruined by these infamous Practices" for a crime they did not commit. RC ( D L C ) ; 2 p.; recorded in SJL as received "while in London." See T J to Asquith, 22 May 1786.
To Hilliard d'Auberteuil SIR Paris Feb. 20. 1786. I have been honoured with your letter and the books which accompanied it for which I return you my hearty thanks. America cannot but beflatteredwith the choice of the subject on which you are at present employing your pen. The memory of the American revolution will be immortal, and will immortalize those who record it. The reward is encouraging, and will justify all those pains which a rigorous investigation of facts will render necessary. Many important facts, which preceded the commencement of hostilities, took place in England. These may mostly be obtained from good publications in that country. Some took place in this country. They will be probably hidden from the present age. But America is the feild where the greatest mass of important events were transacted, and where alone they can now be collected. I therefore much applaud your idea of going to that country for the verification of the facts you mean to record. Every man there can tell you more than any man here who has not been there; and the very ground itself will give you new insight into some of the most interesting transactions. If I can be of service to you in promoting your object there, I offer myself freely to your use. I shall be flattered by the
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honour of your visit here at any time. I am seldom from home be fore noon; but if any later hour should suit you better, I will take care to be at home at any hour or day you will be pleased to in dicate. I have the honour PrC ( D L C ) ; lacks complimentary close and signature, omitted in copying as was often the case when these fell at the bottom of the page or the top of another. Y O U R L E T T E R A N D T H E B O O K S : See D'Auberteuil to T J , 17 Feb. 1786.
To Lafayette DEAR SIR
Paris Feb. 20. 1786.
I forgot last night a very material circumstance in my calcula tion. The Farmers general are, by their bail, obliged to keep a certain provision of tobacco and snuff always on hand. I believe it is three years consumption. However for fear of error I will call it two years; because were the bail silent on this head they would certainly have always on hand one year's stock ready for manufacture, and one year's stock manufactured. There is no extensive manufacture which does not find that it has on hand generally two years' stock of goods. As the Farmers buy their tobacco for ready money (and I know they even advance money) they lay out of their money two years. This interest must therefore be added, and the estimate will stand thus 2 2 millions of pounds weight of tobacco at 6 sous cost the cost of manufacture is 1. sol the pound guards &c. to prevent contraband revenue paid annually to the king interest on the whole for 2 . years @ 5. pr. cent whole cost of annual purchase of tobacco then is they sell annually but 13,850,000 ft. which at 3M0s brings them they lose annually then by the farm of tobacco
11,600,000* 692,500 5,000,000 28,000,000
4,529,50o
49,821,750
1
2
45,705,000 4,116,750
Thus, according to their own shewing, the king should in favor to them, discontinue the bail; and they cannot ask it's continuance 291 ;
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without acknowledging they have given in a false state of quantities and sums. I am Dear Sir your's affectionately, TH: PrC ( D L C ) ; misdated 10 Feb. in L & B, IV, 197. The calculations that T J gave to Lafayette L A S T N I G H T and revised in the present letter were intended to assist the latter in his effort as a member of the American committee to abolish the tobacco monopoly of the farmersgeneral. The first meeting of the committee was held on 8 Feb. and others on 15 and 20 Feb. The group of Lafayette's advisors on Sunday evening, 19 Feb., may also have included Condorcet, Dupont, and others who aided him (see F . L . Nussbaum, "The Revolutionary Vergennes and Lafayette versus the Farmers General," Jour. Modem Hist., in [1931], p. 592-613; Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89, p. 2207). See note to Lafayette to T J , 18 Mch. 1786. In his "avis au Comité" Lafayette wrote: "Mes calculs ont été corrigés par un ami accoutumé à des combinaisons [les] plus profondes," which may have been a reference to aid given here and at other times by T J , or it may have referred to one of the others who assisted him. The group of advisors very probably included two others who have not hitherto been suggested as possible members. The first is the Duc de la Rochefoucauld, distinguished liberal, patron of the arts and sciences, close friend of T J , Condorcet, and Lafayette, translator of the American constitutions, and, in the words of St. John de Crèvecœur, "the pearl of all the Dukes a Good Man and an most able Chemyst" (Crèvecœur to T J , 15 July 1784; for an account of L a Rochefoucauld and his and his family's close relations with T J , see Marie Kimball, Jefferson: The Scene of Europe, p. 81-91). In 1790 when L a Rochefoucauld was a member of the National Assembly, he sent to the Comte de Roederer a bundle of papers that he thought would permit them to make "l'arrangement
JEFFERSON
du Tabac sans perdre de tems"; this bundle was later labeled: "Commerce du Tabac en france considere relativement aux etats-unis d'amerique. Propositions de Mrs. Jefferson Schort Demoustier Lafayette" ( Archives Nationales, Paris, Roederer Papers, Registre 29 AP 12; the volume of documents, including many others not sent by L a Rochefoucauld, is in same, 29 AP 85). The documents transmitted by L a Rochefoucauld included a copy of Lafayette's "avis au Comité" (see Lafayette to T J , 19 Mch. 1786) and an undated translation of TJ's letter to Vergennes of 15 Aug. 1785, a fact which suggests that he and T J had discussed the tobacco monopoly and, with Lafayette, were probably collaborators in the effort to break it. This letter to Vergennes, therefore, was one of many documents available to the committee which Roederer headed in the National Assembly; a copy of that committee's report "concernant le revenu public provenant de la vente exclusive du tabac" is preserved among TJ's pamphlets in DLC (Sowerby No. 2581). The second figure who may have been among Lafayette's advisors at the meeting of 19 Feb. 1786 is Simon Bérard, one of the leading merchants of France, who on 10 Jan. had written a memorial to Vergennes opposing the tobacco monopoly in arguments that closely paralleled those T J had employed in his letter of 15 Aug. 1785 (see notes to Lafayette to T J , 19 Mch. 1786, and Bérard to T J , 6 May 1786). He appears to have been the only member of the American Committee who had had actual experience in the tobacco trade. 1 The correct figure is 4,529,250; T J so calculated it, as is shown by his total, but evidently erreä in transcribing. 2 The figure is correct; see note 1.
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To Rayneval SIR Paris Feb. 20. 1786. The bearer hereof is a Mr. Richards, secretary to Mr. Barclay, our Consul and Commissioner for settling accounts, and the same who lately petitioned his Excellency the Count de Vergennes for a Sauf conduit to protect his person against a particular creditor. As he is pressed in that matter he has sollicited me to ask access for him to you, that he may be enabled to explain his case to you, and shew that he is worthy of your favour herein. I take the liberty therefore of troubling you to hear him, after which you will be so good as to decide how far the circumstances of his situation will entitle him to your protection, and to act accordingly. I have the honor to be with very sincere respect and esteem Sir Your most obedient & most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON RC (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. U., X X X I ) ; without indication of addressee, which has been from internal evidence. Not in S J L .
Pol., E . of name supplied recorded
MR. RICHARDS . . . W H O L A T E L Y PETITIONED HIS EXCELLENCY THE C O U N T D E V E R G E N N E S : On 15 Feb.
John Richard wrote to Vergennes enclosing "un Memoire avec un Certificat de la vérité des faits avancés, signé par son Excellence M. Jefferson" and also a letter from Beaumarchais to Vergennes. The memorial stated that Richard had settled as a merchant at Nantes in 1777 and established a firm which his son represented at Philadelphia; that in the decline of commerce with the United States following the arrival of peace, "ils se trouvèrent envellopés dans la debacle générale"; that in April 1785 after having made a pro rata payment on a considerable part of their debts and finding it impossible to discharge their obligations entirely, they called together their creditors, "produisant leurs Bilan, et un etat clair de leurs pertes offrant de faire un abandon general de leurs effets mais leurs fonds se trouvant en Amérique les Créanciers ne voulurent pas s'en charger et leurs laissa ce soin comme plus a portée de le faire avec avantage"; that this "permission facile" had not prevented some of the creditors from pressing them in the hope of being given preferential treatment; that he
had been attached for some time to the office of Thomas Barclay, who was absent on "un voyage de longue durée pour le Service des Etats, et que dans son absence, il se trouve presque seul chargé de la poursuite d'une operation si importante tant pour les Etats Unis que pour ceux qui ont des prétentions sur eux"; and that he therefore petitioned the king "de lui faire avoir un sauf conduit pour un an," in which time he hoped not only to conclude this particular business, but also to finish the public mission with which he was charged—a mission "qui souffriroit les plus grands inconveniens s'il était obligé par les poursuittes d'un Créancier d'abandonner un Employ pour la Sûreté de sa personne." TJ's certification followed the memorial: "Paris Feb. 15 1786. I hereby Certify that the above named John Richard is Secretary to Thomas Barclay Esq. Consul General for the United States of America in France, and that during the absence of M. Barclay the said John Richard is the only person who can proceed in the settlement of accounts between the United States and individuals in this Country. Signé Tho. Jefferson" (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxxi; T r in D L C ) . Beaumarchais wrote Vergennes the same day, to which Vergennes replied on 13 Mch. 1786 that he had presented the case to the king who did not deem it proper to grant the request (same).
293
To Thevenard SIR Paris Feb. 20. 1786. I have been honoured with your letter of the 10th. instant and will take care to execute your commands in the best manner I am able. This will be but a duty in me after the multiplied testimonies I have received from my countrymen of your kindnesses to them, and your attention to whatever interests them. I seize therefore with particular pleasure an occasion of shewing you that we are not insensible of your goodness. I have lately received a letter from a Colonel Wuibert, of this country, who was in the American land service, but being in France at the time of the expedition of Capt. Jones, served as a volunteer on board the Bonhomme Richard. He is now in the West Indies, where he has for some time been in a hospital, and appears by his letter to be in the utmost distress. He prays of me to obtain paiment of his share of the prize-money, and to remit it to him, and has sent me a regular power for that purpose, revoking expressly those he had before given to some others and who he thinks have neglected him. I never saw this man, nor heard of him before. But his distress entitles him to any service I can render him. I have enquired about him of Capt. Jones, who tells me his claim is just. He further says, that it would be in your power to stop the paiment of his money to his father, or any other person who may apply for it, as these paiments are made at l'Orient. In charity to this poor man, and in confidence of your good disposi tions to serve those who are in distress, I will take the liberty of sollicking your interference to prevent his money from being paid to any other person, and to take the trouble of informing me on whom he may draw for paiment, and what the sum is. I will un dertake to transmit the intelligence immediately to him, and I doubt not but he will feel a due gratitude for your kindness. I pray you to pardon the liberty I am taking of giving you so much trouble; but I trust it will give you pleasure to meet this opportunity of doing good, as you have met so many before. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the highest respect and esteem Sir Your most obedient and most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (CSmH).
294
From John Adams DEAR SIR Grosvenor Square Feb. 21. 1786. I have desired Colonel Smith to go Express to Paris, to intreat you to come here without loss of Time. The Portuguese Minister has received his Instructions from his Court, and we may here together conduct and finish the Negotiation with him, I suppose in three Weeks. But there is another Motive more Important. There is here a Tripolitan Ambassador with whom I have had three Con ferences. The Substance of what passed Colonel Smith will explain to you. Your Visit here will be imputed to Curiosity, to take a Look at England and pay your Respects at Court and to the Corps Diplomatick. There is nothing to be done in Europe, of half the Importance of this, and I dare not communicate to Congress what has passed without your Concurrence. What has been already done and expended will be absolutely thrown away and We shall be involved in a universal and horrible War with these Barbary States, which will continue for many Years, unless more is done immediately. I am so impressed and distressed with this affair that I will go to New York or to Algiers or first to one and then to the other, if you think it necessary, rather than it should not be brought to a Conclusion. Somebody must go to N. York, one of Us, or Humphries or Smith in order to perswade Congress of the Neces sity of doing more. Then somebody must go to Holland to obtain the means, and then somebody perhaps to Algiers to make Use of them. The Tripolitan might be perswaded to go with him. I refer you to the Bearer for all other Particulars, and have the Honour to be with great Esteem your Friend, J O H N ADAMS RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. F C (MHi: AMT); in Miss Abigail Adams' hand. Noted in S J L as received 21 Feb. 1786.
To Edward Bancroft DEAR SIR
Paris Feb. 21. 1786.
Your favor of Nov. 18. 1785. came to my hands on the 27th. of the same month. I never had a trusty opportunity of writing to America from that time till by the French packet which sailed this month. In a letter of the 9th. instant therefore to my friend Mr. Madison I inclosed yours, recommending to him Mr. Paradise's demand and sollicking him to do in it whatever might be done 295
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consistently with the justice due to others. I meant to give you notice of this step, as soon as I had taken it, but for this fortnight past I have been much engaged. In the mean time your favor of the 13th. instant is come to hand, and I seize the first moment in my power to acknowlege it's receipt and to inform you what I had done. I know that there was the last year a surplus of the taxes in Virginia beyond what had been calculated on; that this was applied to the paiment of the capital of the public debt, and that a preference was given to foreign creditors altogether: so that it is possible Mr. Paradise's claim may have been paid. If not, the same event may happen again, and I must confess that this is the only prospect I see for obtaining a preference for him before the mass of public creditors. I sincerely wish it may hap pen, as well on account of his own merit which is known to me, as on account of the interest you take in his welfare. I am with very sincere esteem Dear Sir your most obedient humble servant, TH:
JEFFERSON
PrC ( D L C ) .
From Joseph Jones DR. SR. Richmond 21st. Febry 1786. Mr. Madison having given you before he left Richmond a his tory of the proceedings of the assembly during their late session I have only to add to what he has done some particular acts passed by them the perusal of which may prove more satisfactory than a partial account of them. With these you receive a small pamphlet entitled Reflections &c. ascribed to Mr. St. G. Tucker together with the proceedings of the convention of the Deputies of the Prostestant Episcopal Church held lately in Philadelphia and some newspapers containing a variety of questions respecting our Com merce making in the whole the only report I am at present able to furnish you. The Act for establishing certain ports for foreign vessels passed some time ago commences its operation the first of June next. It is imperfect and an attempt was made by a bill introduced the last session to amend its defects but was lost in its progress through the Legislature. The operation of this imperfect Law it is to be feared will increase the opposition to the measure and work a repeal the next session. I wish a fair experiment could be made [296
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to ascertain the advantages or disadvantages of restricting foreign commerce to a few ports. Altho its policy is powerfully opposed yet I incline to think upon fair experiment the measure would prove beneficial and establish itself from its fruits. Doubtless it would greatly aid the collection of impost revenue, and suppress these evasions which are now too generally practiced by the subtile and interested trader. A wretched combination of uninformed Members without an Individual to utter their objections of the least pretensions to science except M-—r—w—r S th proved too powerfull for reason and eloquence in favor of the bill for establishing circuit Courts. Nothing I think effectual has been done to counteract the commercial Policy of Britain respecting these States. Commissioners to meet Commissioners of other States have been appointed. Whether they will ever meet or when met effect any good purpose is yet in the womb of time. Better far it would have been to confide to Congress such powers as were adequate and necessary to secure and protect our commerce from the attempts of Monopoly and the injuries of inequality. If it is ever to be wrested from the present Engrossers of it the fœderal power alone can effect it. Has anything been done with Britain respecting commerce? Are we to expect a surrender of the Posts on the Lakes? The holding of them and declining to account for the Negros carried from N. York have served with our people as pretexts for continuing in force the law that prohibits British subjects suing for their debts. Are we to ascribe the reluctance in many instances and the absolute neglect in others of the Indian Tribes to meet and treat with our Commissioners to the detention of the Posts on the Lakes or to British and Spanish intrigues with those Nations? Col. l'Maire will I expect deliver you this with its inclosures. I wish I could have regaled you with something more entertaining. You must accept the will for the deed. Tobacco is still low 22/6 last price here. Some think this is owing to a contract made with the Farmers General the fullfillment of which we are told rests with R. Morris. If Mr. Short is with you present him my compliments and believe me to be Dr Sr. Yr friend & hum: Servt, Jos:
JONES
P S . Will it be improper to publish in Paris from the Virga. paper the Act concerning G[eorge] Washington]. L'Maire will bear the act of Naturalization to the Marquis. 297
24 F E B R U A R Y RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed; MS faded, a few words have been supplied from the text printed in Letters of Joseph Jones, p. 146-8. Noted in S J L as received 29 June 1786. Enclosures (missing): (1) [St. George Tucker] Reflections on the Policy and Necessity of Encouraging the Commerce of the Citizens of the United States of America, and of Granting Them Exclusive Privileges of Trade, Richmond [1785], Sowerby 3621. (2) Journal of a Convention of the Protestant Episcopal Church . . . held in Christ-Church, in the City of Phila delphia, from September 27th to Octo ber 7th 1785, Philadelphia, 1785, Sabin 66157. (3) Various Acts of the Gen eral Assembly and newspapers which have not been identified, though the
1786
former included the Act confirming "the compact made by certain com missioners appointed by the General Assembly of Maryland, and commis sioners appointed by this Common wealth" (Hening, xn, 50-5; see T J to Jones, 14 Aug. 1787). The A C T C O N C E R N I N G G E O R G E W A S H I N G T O N was that passed at the Oct.
1785 session of the General Assembly in accordance with his wishes respect ing the shares voted him in the preced ing session from the James and Potomac river navigation companies (see Vol. 7: 592-3, 598), and is in Hening, xn, 42-4. The Act making Lafayette a naturalized citizen is in Hening, xn, 30.
From Thomas Barclay Bayonne 24 Feby 1786 I had the pleasure of receiving your note addressed to me at Bordeaux and delivered your Inclosure agreeable to your directions. Tomorrow we shall set forward, and I expect in about Twelve days to get to Madrid from whence I shall write to you, as at present there is nothing better to offer than a Detail of Bad roads and Interruptions. I Received a letter yesterday from Mr. Carmichael who wishes to see us, a pleasure I have, by this days post, given him reason to expect as soon as possible. Mr. Bondfield bought 2 hhds. of Haut Briers wine for you, and Fined it before I reach'd Bordeaux, so he has Robbed me of any share in the merit of that Purchase. I hope there is not any occasion for me to assure you of the Respect and Esteem wherewith I am, Dear Sir, Your Obliged and Obedient Hum. Serv., THOS. BARCLAY
DEAR SIR
RC (DNA: PCC, No. 87, l ) ; en- his to Jay, 12 May 1786. dorsed by T J : "Barclay Thos. received TJ's N O T E A D D R E S S E D T O M E A T (Feb.) Mar. 1786." T r (DNA: PCC, B O R D E A U X has not been found nor its No. 107). Entered in S J L as received enclosure identified; it is not recorded on 4 Mch. T J enclosed this letter in in S J L .
From John Adams DEAR SIR Grosvenor Square Feb. 25. 1786 Give me Leave to introduce to you Mr. Samuel Hartley a Rela298
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tion of the late Minister at Paris. He has Business at Paris which he will explain to you, whether you can be of any Service to him in that or not, your Civilities will be very agréable to him and oblige Dear Sir your most humble Servant, J O H N ADAMS RC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] "by Mr. S. Hartley and Colo. Jas. Hartley."
From Thomas Boylston SIR Havre Feby. 25. 1786. I arrived here Fryday Morning, in a most miserable condition, haveing taken great cold, my eyes so inflamed that I cannot see to write, and am Obliged to have [an] amanuensis, Capt. Folger to do it for me. I have here inclosed to your care a Letter for the Marquiss, which have sent you open, that you may peruse it. Hav ing so done, please to have it sealed and sent him. I find the Ship in great forwardness and will be ready to sail for Boston in eight or ten days, wind and weather permitting, at which time I myself shall imbark in the Packet Boat for England. Pm Dear Sr. with Great Regard, Your much Obliged Humbe. Sert., THO.
BOYLSTON
RC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 27 Feb. 1786. Boylston's (Lafayette) has not been found.
LETTER FOR
T H E MARQUISS
To Edward Bancroft DEAR SIR
Paris Feb. 26.
1786.
I wrote you on the 21st. inst. on the subject of Mr. Paradise, which I hope you have received. By the death of Mr. Williamos a copy of my Notes on Virginia got into the hands of a bookseller, who was about publishing a very abominable translation of them when the Abbé Morellet heard of it, and diverted him from it by undertaking to translate it for him. They will thus appear in French in spite of my precautions. The Abbé engaged me to make a map, which I wish to have engraved in London. It is on a single sheet 23. inches square, and very closely written. It comprehends from Albemarle sound to L . Erie, and from Philadelphia to the mouth of the great Kanhaway, con taining Virginia and Pennsylvania, a great part of Maryland and 299
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a part of North-Carolina. It is taken from Scull, Hutchins and Fry & Jefferson. I wish the favor of you to make two propositions for me and to inform me of the result. 1. To know from one of the best engravers how much he will ask for the plate and engraving, and in how short a time after he receives the original can he furnish the plate done in the best manner, for the time is material as the work is in the press. 2. To know of Faden or any other map mer chant for how much he will undertake to furnish me 1800 copies, on my sending the map to him, and in what time can he furnish them. On this alternative I am to have nothing to do with the en graver or any person but the undertaker. I am of opinion he may furnish them to me for nothing; and fully indemnify himself by the sale of the maps. Tho' it is on the scale of only an inch to 20 miles it is as particular as the four sheet maps from which it is taken, and I answer for the exactness of the reduction. I have supplied some new places. Tho' the first object which induced me to undertake it was to make a map for my book, I soon extended my view to the making as good a map of those countries as my materials would admit; and I have no doubt that in the states of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia 800 copies can be sold for a dollar a piece. I shall finish it in about a fortnight, except the division of the counties of Virginia, which I cannot do at all till I can get Henry's map of Virginia. This I must trouble you to procure for me and send immediately by the Diligence, and also give me information on the premises as soon as possible. You will perceive that time will press. I hope the circumstances of this af fair will plead my pardon for the trouble I am giving you. The expence of procuring and sending the map shall be replaced, and an infinitude of thanks attend you from Sir your most obedt. humble servt.,
T H : JEFFERSON
E S . I do not propose that my name shall appear on the map, be cause it will belong to it's original authors, and because I do not wish to place myself at the bar of the public. PrC ( D L C ) . On TJ's effort to obtain a copy of Henry's map of Virginia, pub lished in 1770 by Faden, see Lyons to T J , 27 Feb. 1786, and Short to T J , 26 Mch. 1786; also, Coolie Verner, "The Maps and Plates Appearing with the Several Editions of Mr. Jefferson's 'Notes on the State of Virginia,' " V M H B , L i x (1951), p. 21-33. TJ's own map was not finished for some months;
see T J to Smith, 9 Aug. 1786. On 18 Mch., in London, T J "paid Bancroft for 15/"; this was evidently the map that Bancroft (or perhaps Lyons) had sent; the same day an entry in Account Book shows that T J paid "Faden for maps 20/6"; on 20 Mch. he also "paid for . . . map 2/"; and again on 28 Mch. he "paid Faden for maps £3-5-6."
[ 300]
From C. W. F. Dumas Lahaie 27e. fevr. 1786 Je profite d'une bonne occasion qui se présente pour faire parvenir à Votre Excellence la présente, avec les incluses pour Mrs. Jay et Van Berckel. Après avoir lu la premiere, Elle voudra bien avoir la bonté de la fermer et acheminer avec l'autre. Mr. le Rhingrave de Salm sera sous peu à Paris, et se propose d'avoir l'honneur de faire connoissance avec Votre Excellence. D'Illustre Maison d'Allemagne, au service Militaire de cette République, a qui il a rendu et rend toujours les services politiques les plus signalés, il est l'ami intime des grands Patriotes, de l'Ambassadeur de France, &c. &c. &c. dont il possede la confiance la plus parfaite; et il me fait l'honneur aussi de me compter parmi les siens. Votre Excellence ne tardera pas de démêler Elle-même son Génie et son Mérite. J'espere que Mr. Mazzei est arrivé heureusement à Paris, et qu'il est bien portant, ainsi que Mr. Short. Permettez ces lignes au témoignage du cas que nous faisons constamment ma famille et moi de leur amitié. J'ignore si Votre Excellence connoît Mr. le Marquis De la Coste, gendre de Mr. le Ms. de Verac, et actuellement à Paris. Comme les grands mérites se rencontrent et se démêlent volontier, je me fais un devoir de Vous le désigner comme vertueux, Américain et Batave, au plus eminent degré. Je suis avec le plus vrai respect De Votre Excellence Le trèshumble et très-obéissant serviteur, C W F DUMAS MONSIEUR
1
2
8
4
RC ( D L C ) . F C (Rijksarchief, The Hague, Dumas Papers; photostats in D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786. Enclosures (same): Dumas to Van Berckel and to Jay, both dated 24 Feb. 1786 (quoted in part in note to Dumas to T J , 27 Jan. 1786, above). T J may not have known it, but Dumas' friend L E M A R Q U I S D E L A C O S T E was the one who had borne to Paris Dumas' memorial that formed the subject of an exchange between Vergennes and T J , 18-20 Jan. 1786. Dumas had written De la Coste: "Avez-vous eu la bonté Mr. le Marquis d'emporter mon Memi, avec vous? L'avez-vous fait voir,
je n'ose dire à Mr. De V , mais à Mr. De Raineval? S'interessera-t-on pour moi? Je ne serois pas fâché que Mr. De la Fayette le vît. . . . Il est si bien avec l'illustre Geni. W(ashington) &c. &c. qu'une ou deux Lettres de sa part pourroit très bien seconder les démarches que vous m'avez fait espérer de la part de M. De V " (Dumas to De la Coste, 15 Nov. 1785; same). 1 Name deleted in FC. 2 "d'Allemagne" deleted in F C . s "de cette Republique" deleted in FC. 4 "des grands Patriotes" deleted in FC.
301
From James Lyons Feby. 27th. 1786 D R . SIR London, Orange street No 8 Leicester Square. I t gives me great concern to inform you that M r . Faden has deceived me, and disappointed you of the Map, which I had prepared to send immediately after my arrival by the succeeding stage. Having received his promise of delivering it safe, at Paris, as expeditiously as possible, by his correspondent there, and knowing it would be liable to accident, if intrusted to the public carriages, I thought his proposal most proper. The neglect was not discovered until I called to discharge the account, when I feared it would be too late for your use, and therefore have declined sending it, without further advice. I hope you will believe that it was only committed to his care, from a persuasion of greater safety, and that your disappointment gives considerable uneasiness. I add with much pleasure, that by M r . Paradise's assistance, I have procured Parkhurst's lexicon, which is in the care of M r . Carrol of Maryland, who setts off for Paris, sometime this or the next week. The price of it ought to have been cheaper, the receipt for which is now inclosed, but the difficulty of finding another copy obliged me to take this. The planter sails for Virginia early in the next month, in which I have engaged my passage and am happy in the opportunity it affords, of carrying whatever you or Mr. Short may choose to send to this place by Col. Smith, and at the same time beg leave to assure you of my obligations for your kindness and of the great respect with which I am Your Most Obedt. & Very humble Servt., JAS. L Y O N S RC (MHi); endorsed by T J , in part: "reed. Mar. 5"; also entered in S J L under that date. Enclosure (MHi): Receipt, dated 26 Feb. 1786, signed by George Leigh for Leigh & Sotheby, for "Parkhurst Greek & Eng. Dictionary Large paper 1£. l i s . 6d." See T J to Bancroft, 26 Feb. 1786.
From Thevenard MONSIEUR à Lorient 27 février 1786. J'ai l'honneur de vous rendre graces des termes flatteurs et honorables que votre Excellence veut bien m'accorder. Je n'ai fait pour les Américains ce que l'humanité éxigeoit pour leur position, et ce que m'indiquoi mon estime particulière et ma Vénération 302
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pour leur Courage et leur Sagesse dans les Evénémens qui se sont passés. Je viens de vèriffier au Bureau des Classes l'affaire de M. Wibert de Mezieres, et M. leJeune, Commissaire des Classes chargé du détail des Equipages, m'a remis la notte cy Jointe qu'il vient de m'addresser: vous voyez Monsieur, que ce Commissaire a remis à Nantes sur la demande que lui a f aitte M. Vassal ( aussi commissaire des Classes à Nantes) la somme de 1944 . 12s. 2 pour être remise au Pere de M. Wibert de Mezieres; qui aura sans doute eu un titre pour recevoir cette somme de M. Vassal: votre Exellence pourroit donc écrire à Nantes au Consul Américain pour qu'il prenne Connoissance de ce payement au Bureau des Classes auquel Je vais écrire de mon côté: mais il est a présumer que ce M. Wibert Le Pere, aura déjà reçu la somme, des mains de M. Vassal, à l'effet de soulager son indigence, ou celle de son fils. Je suis avec respect de votre Exellence Le très humble et tres Obeïssant Serviteur, A THEVENARD tt
RC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 3 Mch. 1786. The enclosed memorandum from LeJeune to Thevenard has not been found.
From Burrill Carnes SIR Nantes 28th february 1786 Mr. Barclay in passing through this on his way to Bordeaux did me the honor to appoint me Agent for this City. I therefore think it a duty incumbent on me to make you acquainted with it and to tell you Sir that I am on all occasions at your disposal and most respectfully Sir your most Obedient & very humble Servant, BURRILL
CARNES
RC (MHi); endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 3 Mch. 1786.
From C. W. F. Dumas Lahaie 28e. fevr. 1786 Le départ du respectable porteur différé d'un jour, me met à même de réparer un oubli de moi-même. Dans la Lettre de Mr. l'Ambassadeur à Mr. le Cte. de Vergennes, dont il m'a fait donner copie, et qui peut avoir été communiquée à Votre Excellence in extenso, il y a deux erreurs, qui
MONSIEUR
303
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ont besoin d'être relevées et dissipées pour ne pas me faire plus de mal que de bien. Il y est dit I . "Que sans aucune mission ni vue d'intérêt, et par le pur amour de la Liberté et de la cause Américaine, j'ai formé les premieres liaisons entre le Congrès et la Hollande." Il falloit dire, que tout ce que j'ai fait, je l'ai fait en conséquence d'une Mission ad omnes populos, signée d'un Committé, et confirmée par plusieurs autres, qui m'a été adressée, que je n'avois sollicitée ni directement ni indirectement, mais que j'ai acceptée avec joie, et continuée d'exercer avec les plus grands succès, et avec une confiance parfaite. 2°. "Que je suis avantageusement connu du Général Washington et de Mr. Franklin." L'occasion, aussi agréable que précieuse pour moi, qui m'a introduit à la connoissance de Son Exce. le Geni. Washington, ne date que de l'année passée. Elle est donc trop récente pour l'alléguer pour le cas dont il s'agit. Tout en me faisant le plus grand honneur, cette allégation feroit penser qu'il n'y en a pas d'autres en ma faveur. Heureusement les Ministères en Amérique, en France, en Hollande, me connoissent depuis 11 ans consécutifs. Permettez-moi, Monsieur, d'ajouter après cela qu'il m'est revenu que certaines personnes ont affecté en Amérique, et jusque dans le Congrès-même, de déprécier la vocation que j'exerçois précédemment, comme ayant été celle d'un chétif Pédagogue. Il est vrai que par choix j'ai préféré la vocation d'élever de jeunes gens de condition distinguée, et de diriger leurs Etudes chez moi et aux Universités, à celle d'avoir pour patrons et maîtres leurs peres; qu'il y a de mes Eleves dans le Gouvernement de l'Etat, quoiqu'ils aient adopté d'autres principes politiques que les miens; et que j'ai gagné à cela du bien, que j'ai deux fois perdu, l'une pour l'avoir placé malheureusement, et l'autre pour avoir fidèlement servi l'Amérique: Mais il n'y a, ce semble, rien de chétif à cela. Je suis Egoiste malgré moi. Mais il faut l'être quand on est jaloux de la bonne opinion de personnes aussi estimables et respectables que l'est Votre Excellence pour un chacun, comme pour son très-humble et très-obéissant serviteur, C W F DUMAS o
Ma lettre d'hier 27, qui en renferme une pour Mr. Jay et une pour Mr. V. Berckel à N. York, est dans le paquet de Mr. l'Ambassadeur. RC ( D L C ) . F C (Rijksarchief, The Hague, Dumas Papers; photostats in D L C ) ; lacks postscript. Noted in S J L
as received 17 May 1786, "by Rhingr. of Salm."
304
L A L E T T R E D E MR. L'AMBASSADEUR:
28 F E B R U A R Y That is, Verac's letter to Vergennes recommending his attention to Dumas' case (see notes to Dumas to T J , 27 Jan. 1786; Vergennes to T J , 18 J a n .
1786
1786). Evidently Vergennes did not, as Dumas supposed might have been the case, transmit to T J a copy of Verac's letter.
From John Paul Jones DEAR SIR Paris Feby. 28th. 1786. I have received the kind Note you wrote me this morning, on the occasion of receiving my Bust. I offered it to you as a mark of my esteem and respect, for your virtues and talents. It has been re marked by professed judges, that it does no discredit to the talents of Mr. Houdon; but it receives its value from your acceptance of it, with the assurance you give me of your particular esteem; which will ever be felt by me as an Honor truely flattering. I am, Dear Sir, with great esteem and respect, Your most obedient and most humble Servant, J P A U L JONES MS not found. Text follows two fac similes described below in spelling, punctuation, & c , but its substance has been verified by the letter as printed in J . H . Sherburne, Life of Jones, N.Y., 1825, p. 270. Neither this letter nor T J ' s K I N D N O T E to Jones to which it is a reply has been found, and neither is recorded in S J L . These facts, coupled with the existence of a forgery of the letter, might have served to cast doubt upon the reliability of the text if other circumstances did not remove such doubt. First of all, the fact that J . H . Sher burne printed the letter is all but con clusive proof that Jones wrote it and that T J lent it to Sherburne, along with many others exchanged between T J and Jones, all of which seem to have been retained by Sherburne de spite his promise to return them ( T J to Sherburne, 14 Feb. 1825; Sherburne to T J , 30 Jan. 1826). Second, it is an unquestioned fact that T J owned a bust of Jones by Houdon, which he described as "an excellent likeness" ( T J to Sherburne, 2 July 1825). T J does not state here or elsewhere that Jones presented the bust to him, but such a statement would have been need less in correspondence with an author whose book, based in considerable part on letters lent by T J and appearing in his lifetime, contained the text of Jones's letter acknowledging an acknowledg
ment of the gift. Sherburne would scarcely have printed the text of the present letter in a book appearing dur ing T J ' s lifetime if there had been any doubt of its authenticity or of the fact that the bust that T J owned had in fact been presented by Jones. T J acknowledged Sherburne's gift of the book on 5 Aug. 1825. In this con nection it is worth pointing out that the present letter is the only one of the Jones-TJ exchange about which the slightest doubt has been raised; all others for which verifying texts are available prove the reliability of Sher burne's presentation of this correspond ence. Third, of the 1780 bust of Jones by Houdon, some sixteen copies were made at Jones's direction for presenta tion to friends. These included eight that Jones asked T J to obtain from Houdon in 1788 and ship to America, a transaction which T J carried through as requested (Jones to T J , 29 Aug. 1788, which includes the names of the persons for whom these busts were intended; T J to Jones, 23 Mch. 1789; Account Book entry 22 Sep. 1789 recording pay ments to Petit for four boxes of busts for Jones; Dipl. Corr., 1783-1789, i n , 728-31). It is very unlikely that Jones would have asked T J to undertake this kind of commission if he had not previ ously presented a bust to the one who had so expeditiously and successfully pressed through to completion the set-
[ 305 ]
28 F E B R U A R Y dement of the prize money due Jones and the men of his squadron—a matter that was fresh in Jones's mind in Feb. 1786. Finally, Houdon's return to France at this particular juncture on a mission which T J had negotiated and Jones's knowledge of TJ's great admira tion for the artist must have suggested to him the appropriateness of the bust as a means of expressing his gratitude for TJ's diplomatic maneuvers in his behalf. In view of these circumstances, we may conclude as beyond doubt that Jones presented the bust to T J and that the above text as printed by Sherburne is authentic. It is necessary to review these cir cumstances because of the existence (NjP) of what at first appears to be a genuine holograph letter by Jones identical in text with that printed here. Its provenance cannot be traced beyond the late Grenville Kane, in whose pos session it was at the time of his death. Its presence in the library of that dis criminating collector, who was, among other things, a specialist on Jones and the American Revolution, would of it self give respectable standing to the MS. But the Kane cachet was with drawn from this particular letter and it was not a part of the Kane Col lection when that very distinguished group of Americana was acquired by the Princeton University Library. Sub sequent examination of paper, ink, and handwriting confirms the wisdom of the decision to exclude it. Despite the skillfully reproduced 18th-century quali ties that this MS has—and the fact that it was even acquired temporarily by Grenville Kane is a testimony to the skill of execution—there can be little doubt that it came into existence in the 20th century. What may be its prototype is to be found in a clipping from a regrettably unidentified auction catalogne preserved in the Boston Athenaeum, bearing the following caption: "A.L.S. of Captain John Paul Jones. See No. 191." To this caption was added in pencil: "£50," evidently the sale price at, presumably, an English auction, followed by the notation that the MS was sold by the Anderson Galleries at the dispersal of the George D. Smith Collection on 20 Jan. 1921. Above this caption in the clipping appears a facsimile of a letter from John Paul Jones of 28 Feb. 1786 which has the appearance of being an authentic Jones holograph. Whether the
1786
original from which this reproduction was made is, in fact, the authentic RC that T J received in 1786 and lent to Sherburne in 1825 cannot be deter mined until it is found and examined. Unfortunately neither the catalogue from which the clipping was taken nor the MS itself can be found. However, the record of a Jones letter of 28 Feb. 1786 found in Book Prices Current would seem to pertain only to this miss ing MS. This record shows the fol lowing sales: (1) 26 Mch. 1917, Anderson Galleries, Clawson-Brown Sale; (2) 20 Jan. 1921, Anderson Gal leries, George D. Smith Sale; (3) 1617 Nov. 1938, Parke-Bernet Gallery, Hearst Collection; (4) 17 Nov. 1941, William D. Morley, Inc., Kolb Sale; and (5) 28 Apr. 1944, William D. Morley, Inc., Stockton-Booth Sale. None of the catalogues of these sales in cludes a facsimile of the letter. Never theless, the existence of the clipping in the Boston Athenaeum proves beyond question that the pen-facsimile (or forgery) in NjP was copied from it, unless the discovery of the MS of the former should prove it to be a forgery also, in which case it could only be said that one was copied from the other or that both were copied from a com mon prototype. This question must at present be left unresolved, but the editors, on the admittedly unsatisfactory basis of a close examination of the facsimile reproduction in the clipping, hazard the guess that its original is the authentic RC from which Sher burne printed the above text and that the NjP facsimile was made from and perhaps inspired by the reproduction in the unidentified catalogue. This conclusion gains some force, perhaps, from the fact that the Houdon bust of Jones that T J owned can no longer be identified with complete cer tainty among the surviving copies, a circumstance which may have inspired the unknown maker of the NjP forgery with the illicit hope of bringing to gether a "genuine" bust and an equally "genuine" letter. In 1828, Joseph Coolidge, Jr., who had married TJ's grand daughter, deposited in the Boston Athenaeum copies of the Houdon busts of Washington, Franklin, and Jones that had belonged to T J , and in Oct. of that year the Athenaeum purchased from him TJ's copy of the Houdon bust of Lafayette. The Washington and La fayette busts are still owned by the
306
1 MARCH Athenaeum, that of Franklin is in the American Academy of Arts and Sci ences, and that of Jones, though re corded in exhibition catalogues of the mid-nineteenth century, disappeared without trace from the records of the Athenaeum. The best supposition as to the identity of the Jones bust is that furnished in a letter to the editors, 20 Mch. 1947, from Walter Muir Whitehill, Director of the Boston Athenaeum: "There is in the Museum of Fine Arts a bust of Jones by Houdon, given by the late Charles H. Taylor of the Boston Globe, who bought it in a junk shop about 1905. The junk dealer had acquired it in 1903 at an auction of the effects of Moses Kimball, proprietor
1786
of the old Boston Museum Theatre. As far as anyone knew at the time, it had been in Kimball's theatre for years, and no one knew where he got it. The supposition is that it may have been lent to Kimball by the Athenaeum which was, in the 1860's and 70's, in the habit of lending some of the busts with which it was so abundantly sup plied. The inference is fairly obvious, but definite proof is lacking." The in ference—certainly a plausible one—also evokes the pleasant image of TJ's own bust of the commodore looking down as a piece of stage property upon the un suspecting audiences of the old Boston Museum Theatre.
To Vergennes SIR Paris Feb. 28. 1786. Circumstances of public duty calling me suddenly to London, I take the liberty of mentioning it to your Excellency, and of ask ing a few minutes audience of you, at as early a day and hour as will be convenient to you, and that you will be so good as to in dicate it to me. I could wish to leave Paris about Friday or Satur day, and suppose that my stay in London will be of about three weeks. I shall be happy to be the bearer of any commands your Excellency may have for that place, and will faithfully execute them. I cannot omit mentioning how pleasing it would be to me to be enabled before my departure to convey to the American prisoners at St. Pol de Leon such mitigation of their fate as may be thought admissible. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the highest esteem & respect your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . RC (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxxi). W. S. Smith arrived in Paris on 27 Feb. bearing Adams' urgent request of the 21st that T J come to London, and the present solicitation of a conference
with Vergennes no doubt had the ob ject of obtaining the release of Asquith and the crew of the William 8f Cath erine; see Rayneval to T J , 5 Mch. 1786; T J to Asquith and to Desbordes, 5 Mch. 1786; T J to Jay, 12 Mch. 1786.
From Thomas Boylston SIR
Havre de Grace March [1] 1786
The business of my Ship now draws to a narrow. I hope to have all the Cargo on board in two or three days more, and to be in 307
1 MARCH Athenaeum, that of Franklin is in the American Academy of Arts and Sci ences, and that of Jones, though re corded in exhibition catalogues of the mid-nineteenth century, disappeared without trace from the records of the Athenaeum. The best supposition as to the identity of the Jones bust is that furnished in a letter to the editors, 20 Mch. 1947, from Walter Muir Whitehill, Director of the Boston Athenaeum: "There is in the Museum of Fine Arts a bust of Jones by Houdon, given by the late Charles H. Taylor of the Boston Globe, who bought it in a junk shop about 1905. The junk dealer had acquired it in 1903 at an auction of the effects of Moses Kimball, proprietor
1786
of the old Boston Museum Theatre. As far as anyone knew at the time, it had been in Kimball's theatre for years, and no one knew where he got it. The supposition is that it may have been lent to Kimball by the Athenaeum which was, in the 1860's and 70's, in the habit of lending some of the busts with which it was so abundantly sup plied. The inference is fairly obvious, but definite proof is lacking." The in ference—certainly a plausible one—also evokes the pleasant image of TJ's own bust of the commodore looking down as a piece of stage property upon the un suspecting audiences of the old Boston Museum Theatre.
To Vergennes SIR Paris Feb. 28. 1786. Circumstances of public duty calling me suddenly to London, I take the liberty of mentioning it to your Excellency, and of ask ing a few minutes audience of you, at as early a day and hour as will be convenient to you, and that you will be so good as to in dicate it to me. I could wish to leave Paris about Friday or Satur day, and suppose that my stay in London will be of about three weeks. I shall be happy to be the bearer of any commands your Excellency may have for that place, and will faithfully execute them. I cannot omit mentioning how pleasing it would be to me to be enabled before my departure to convey to the American prisoners at St. Pol de Leon such mitigation of their fate as may be thought admissible. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the highest esteem & respect your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) . RC (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxxi). W. S. Smith arrived in Paris on 27 Feb. bearing Adams' urgent request of the 21st that T J come to London, and the present solicitation of a conference
with Vergennes no doubt had the ob ject of obtaining the release of Asquith and the crew of the William 8f Cath erine; see Rayneval to T J , 5 Mch. 1786; T J to Asquith and to Desbordes, 5 Mch. 1786; T J to Jay, 12 Mch. 1786.
From Thomas Boylston SIR
Havre de Grace March [1] 1786
The business of my Ship now draws to a narrow. I hope to have all the Cargo on board in two or three days more, and to be in 307
1 MARCH
1786
readiness to embark, in the first packet that goes for England which I expect will be in five or six days. I should be glad to be favor'd with a line before I leave Havre, advising of the progress you have made in Adjusting the remission of the duties, and whether any prospect of its being soon settled as we expect. And whether the Letter I inclosed you for the Marquiss, which I presume he'll lay before the Committee of American Affairs, of which he's one, be agreeable to you and the Marquiss and will be of any service in the effecting the business it was design'd to benefit. Not hearing any thing from you Augurs badly. I hope things are better than my fears. My Compliments to the Marquiss and believe me to be with great Regard, Your most Obliged Humb. Ser., T H O . BOYLSTON Please to direct to the Care of V. Homberg & Homberg Frères Merchants at Havre. RC ( D L C ) ; the date has been supplied from TJ's entry in S J L , where it is noted as received 5 Mch. 1786. The letter Boylston I N C L O S E D . . . F O R T H E M A R Q U I S S (in his to T J of 25 Feb.) has not been found.
From Zachariah Loreilhe VOrient, 1 Mch. 1786. Acknowledges receipt of TJ's letter of 21 Feb.; will forward the enclosure in a few days by the ship Maryland bound for Baltimore; will always execute TJ's commands with particular care. RC (MHi); 1 p. Noted in S J L as received 5 Mch. 1786. TJ's letter to Loreilhe of 21 Feb. and its enclosure have not been found, and the letter is not recorded in S J L . N O
letters bound for America were recorded in S J L from 20 to 24 Feb., and all of those from the 24th to the 28th, inclusive, were conveyed "by Ezra Bates" who went by packet.
From John van Heukelom 8c Son HONORABLE S I R Leyden 1 March 1786 When your Excellency reads the following details of an affair between us and Thos. Barclay, Esqr:, a man certainly known enough, we hope you will excuse our freedom to apply to your Excellency on this Subject. We think Mr: Barclay Himself must approve of this Step as we tried in vain these three years every possible means of Persuasion, always carefully avoiding every thing which could offend his carácter or credit and we most humbly 308
1 MARCH
1786
implore your Excellency's kind favour and assistance to procure us Satisfaction to our So Just Demands as Mr. Barclay's conduct and our Circumstances will not allow any more indulgence. Mr: Barclay, being in Amsterdam, applied to us in April 1782 to provide for him a quantity of our Leyden Cloth which we did in the Course of that year to the amount of f.25000. He desired a credit of 12 Months after delivery of the Goods which we agreed to under the most Solerán assurances from him that he would Pay of this debt at the appointed time as we declared that our cir cumstances would not allow us to give any longer Credit. We could blame ourselves as imprudent to trust Such a considerable part of our property to a Stranger; but as that Stranger was rec ommended to us by his Excellency J : Adams Esqr: whom we had the honor to be particularly acquainted with during his Stay in this country and he was invested with a public Carácter which we thought rendered all doubt about his impunctuality to E n gagements unnecessary, but Mr: Barclay's conduct was on the contrary nothing but a Series of disappointments, which might have ruined us. Having left this country towards the end of 1782. to reside at L'orient he wrote us in Jany. and March 1783. that we might be Sure of having remittances in 2 or 3. weeks; but till July we never heard of him; then he begged we would Excuse his irregularity, allowing us Interest for the time which had overrun our agreement, and promised to make a Payment of f12000 with in Short; but never did it. In the month of November he made again Excuses for disappointing us and Promised to pay of f.5000. instead of f.25000 which were due which at Last was received in the beginning of the following year 1784. We wrote frequently requesting Mr: Barclay to remit us the Balance but it was with difficulty we could procure an answer much less re mittances; in the fall of that year we had an interview with Mr: Barclay at Paris when he positively declared that he would pay us out of the provenue of a vessel that was unloading at that time at L'orient, desiring us to spare his credit and to be as sured of having remittances in a few Parts: the only consequence was that we did not hear of Mr: Barclay for Some months and after frequent Applications we received in the beginning of 1785. no more than a bill at Six months for 10000 Livres tournois, which, when due, was not Paid, Without great difficulty. Since that time we wrote Mr: Barclay and received no Answer and being no longer able to indulge his delays we wrote him the 1st Instant, 309
1 MARCH
1786
under direction which he notified late as 30 Sept: Last, Hotel d'Alligre Rue Orleans, drawing upon him at the Same time a bill for 10000 Livres tournois at two months Which is but a third Part of the Balance due; but Messrs. Vandenyver freres & Co: bankers in Paris to whose care the bill was sent to procure ac ceptance returned it informing us at the Same time that Mr: Bar clay had Left Paris and it Seemed Probable he was gone abroad no body knowing Whether he would return. We leave Your Excellency to judge of Mr: Barclay's conduct; even Supposing the above mentioned report being false, even then Mr: Barclay neglects his Engagements so much that we are quite unwilling to use any more decretion and Patience, Which more over our Circumstances, after So many disappointments, will not allow. We beg of Your Excellency to give us the Sooner the better Some information about the present abode of Mr: Barclay and to use every means to Persuade Mr: Barclay to Satisfy our So just demands. We therefore Inclose Mr: Barclay's account Current with us which we hope your Excellency will be Kind enough to for ward to him. We introduced Mr: Barclay to a Silk Manufactury at Haarlem but we have the mortification that he treated our friends who en trusted him at the Same time and in the [Same terms as we for a Sum of f.10000 . . - ] impunctual negligent manner than us. We hope Your Excellency will Excuse that we trouble you with an affair to which we are conscious you have otherwise no relation but this was the only way we could chose without in juring Mr: Barclay's Public Carácter and credit. We hope you will not deny us your assistance as it may Serve to Save the honor of a Consul of the united States. We are Honorable Sir Your most Obedient Humble Servts., 1
J O H N VAN H E U K E L O M & S O N T r ( D L C ) ; at foot of text: "Copy. Original to the Care of Mr Massei [Mazzei]"; endorsed by T J . This T r , which was received by T J , has two obvious copyists' errors, one of which is noted below. Recorded in S J L as received 9 Sep. 1787 (see TJ's reply of 10 Sep. 1787). The statement of Barclay's account is missing from T r in T J Papers; one was also sent with another T r , enclosed in one from Van Heukelom & Son to John Adams of 27 Apr. 1786, in which they say: "We
wrote the enclosed letter to his ex cellency Thomas Jefferson at Paris, but not having received any answer, and being informed that he is in London, we take the liberty to send a copy of it enclosed adjoining it to Mr. Barclay's account current with us" (MHi: AMT). i The text in brackets as the copyist wrote it has a nonsense reading: "Sance ternis is we for 3 Sum a f. 10000 in a will."
310
To Madame d'Anterroches {Paris, 2 Mch. 1786. An entry in SJL under this date reads: "la Comtesse d'anteroche. That I had written to enquire her son." Not found, but see T J to James Monroe, same date.]
To Giovanni Fabbroni {Paris, 2 Mch. 1786. An entry in SJL under this date reads: "Fab broni to thank him for pamphlets." Not found.]
From David Humphreys DEAR SIR Paris March 2nd. 1786 While I was in London I had the honour of informing your Ex cellency that as the commission to which I was attached as Secre tary would expire in the Spring, I had given intimation to Congress of my having it in idea to return to America in the month of April, unless I should in the mean time receive such advices as might render it inexpedient. I also made the same communication to your very worthy colleague at the Court of London, who has been pleased to give his consent to my proposed return and to favour me with a letter for the Secretary of foreign affairs on the subject. Should the voyage in contemplation meet with your approbation, it might be of consequence to me to be the bearer of a line indicative of my not having left Europe with your displeasure, nor conducted my self while there in such a manner as to reflect disgrace on my coun try. Something of this kind might be the rather necessary from the unhappy misunderstandings which have formerly prevailed among the public characters from America in Europe, of which at present there is happily no vestige remaining. Having been informed this day that the Packet will sail from L'Orient the beginning of April I should wish to make use of so favourable a season. And as in that case I may not probably have it in my power at the moment of departure to express all my gratitude for your extraordinary attentions and kindnesses to me, permit me on the present occasion to return my most grateful acknowledgments for them; and to assure you, wherever I may be, I shall ever retain the most lively and unalterable sense of my obligations for the flattering instances of friendship which you have been pleased to honour me with. f311]
2 M A R C H 1786 Should Mr. Adams and yourself have any joint letter to for ward to America on the subject of the commission, I should also be happy in being the bearer of it, if it could be conveyed here by the last week in March; or if it should be in any degree necessary I would willingly cross to London and take my passage in the English Packet. With sentiments of the sincerest Attachment & consideration I have the honour to be Your Excellency's Most obliged and Most humble Servant, D. H U M P H R E Y S RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed.
To James Monroe D E A R SIR
Paris March 2. 1786.
The present is merely to inclose to you a letter I have received from a lady who is distressed on account of her son at Elizabeth town, and to pray you to enquire into his situation and either write it to me, or get him to write to his mother and to forward it through you. I wish you happiness at all times being with very sincere esteem Dr. Sir, Your affectionate friend & Servt., TH: RC (NN); endorsed; without indica tion of name of addressee which is established by the following entry under 2 Mch. in S J L : " J . Monroe inclosing her letter and praying him to enquire." This entry is written immediately be low that for TJ's letter to Madame d'Anterroches of the same date. En closure (missing): Madame d'Anter roches to T J , 19 Feb. 1786.
JEFFERSON
A L A D Y W H O I S D I S T R E S S E D : Madame d'Anterroches, who also appealed to Franklin and Lafayette for assistance;
see
Gottschalk,
Lafayette,
1783-89,
p. 261, note 5, citing E . G. Pierson, "Some Records of the French in Elizabethtown," NJHS, Procs., 2d ser., xiu (1895), 165-8; see also Madame d'An terroches to T J , 12 Mch. 1786.
To Nicolas & Jacob van Staphorst [Paris, 2 Mch. 1786. An entry in SJL under this date reads: "Vanstaphorsts. A copy my Notes by Mazzei." Not found; see Van Staphorst toTJ, 9 Feb. 1786.]
To Rayneval SIR Paris Mar. 3. 1786. His Excellency Count de Vergennes having been pleased to say he would give orders at Calais for the admission of certain [312]
4 MARCH
17 8 6
articles which I wish to bring with me from England, I have thought it best to give a description of them before my departure. They will be as follows. 1. A set of table furniture consisting in China, silver and plated ware, distributed into three or four boxes or canteens for the convenience of removing them. 2. A box containing small tools for wooden and iron work, for my own amusement. 3. A box probably of books. 4. I expect to bring with me a riding horse, saddle &c. The mathematical instruments will probably be so light that I may bring them in my carriage, in which case I presume they will pass with my baggage under the authority of the passport for my person. If these orders can be made out in time I would willingly be the bearer of them myself. I have the honour to be with senti ments of the most perfect esteem & respect, Sir, your most obedient & most humble servant, T H : JEFFERSON RC (Arch. Aff. Etr., Paris, Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxxi); without indication of name of addressee. PrC ( D L C ) ; "M. de Reyneval" added in TJ's hand at foot of text.
To Ferdinand Grand SIR Paris Mar. 4. 1786. There are in the prisons of St. Pol de Leon six Americans, prisoners to the Farmers general, who have been prosecuted on suspicion of attempting to smuggle tobacco. Having been alto gether without money and their situation very distressing, I de sired Messrs. Borgnis Desbordes of Brest to furnish them six livres a day. This they did from the 22d of October last by the hands of Messrs. Diot & co. I think it probable that Asquith will draw in their favor for this money during my absence in which case I must pray you to pay the draught on account of the United states. Those gentlemen having been very friendly, and discreet, you may safely consider as true what they shall say is the amount of the money they have furnished. Mr. Dumas will also probably draw for 2700* about the 1st. of April for his salary, which should likewise be paid. I have the honor to be with very great esteem Sir Your most obedient humble servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) .
[313]
From John Sullivan SIR
Portsmouth March 4th 1786
I have the honor to inclose to your Excellencey some Letters to persons in France which beg you will take the trouble to forward. This Country affords at present nothing that could give your Excellency pleasure to have a relation of. The Scarcity of Cash is universal and is in this Northern part more severely felt on Account of an Act intituled an Act to regulate Navigation and Commerce. This Act doubtless you have seen. Massachusetts have repealed it in part, but our state still holds it, though every effort of mine has been used to obtain a repeal. It was a blow aimed at Britain but wounds us and our friends. I beg your Excellencey will write me your opinion upon it. The Articles I procured for your Excellencey are yet by me as I found you accepted an appointment and sailed for Europe and I expected that it might be as well to Let them rest unless you expected them sent by Mr. House to you in France which I can as easily do from this port as to send them to Philadelphia. I beg you will give your orders on this head and that you will be so obliging as to direct me where to write your Excellency when opportunity presents. I have the honor to be with the highest esteem Your Excellenceys most obedient & very humble servant, J N O . S U L L I V A N RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 23 June 1786. The enclosed letters which were to be forwarded by T J have not been identified, but these may have been from Gilles de Lavallée
and his son, who were with Sullivan early in 1786; see Lavallée to T J , 14 Aug. 1785; T J to Lavallée, 11 Sep. 1785.
To Lister Asquith [Paris, 5 Mch. 1786. An entry in SJL under this date reads: "Asquith. That order for his discharge is promised and will be forwarded by Mr. Short." Not found; see TJ to Vergennes, 28 Feb. 1786.]
To Borgnis Desbordes, Frères Paris, March 5, 1786 I have endeavored to obtain a final order for the American prisoners at Roseoff. I was promised one for the discharge of their persons. . . . [314]
5 MARCH
1786
Having waited two days without receiving it, I am obliged to set out on my journey tomorrow morning. . . . I therefore leave instructions with Mr. Short, my Secretary here, as soon as the order for the dis charge comes here, to forward it to the prisoners under the cover of your address. When they are discharged I will still beg the favor of you to furnish them some little matter of cash to subsist them until they can find some opportunity of departure. I suppose a guinea a piece or some such matter will suffice. . . . I return you many thanks for your kind services to these distressed people. MS not available. The text presented here is a composite of two entries in sale catalogues: (1) Swann Auction Galleries, 3 Nov. 1949, item no. 64; (2) Ben Bloomfield, List DI-3 [ca. Apr. 1950], item no. 77. There is the fol lowing entry in S J L under this date: "Desbordes. To furnish Asquith and companions with about a guinea a peice on their discharge, and take his bill on Grand for it." I
WAS PROMISED
CHARGE
OF
THEIR
O N E F O R T H E DIS PERSONS:
On
Feb. Vergennes requested Calonne to intercede for the release of the prison ers; Rayneval also conversed with Calonne on the subject and subse quently informed Vergennes of the agreement to effect the release subject to the conditions named in Rayneval's letter to T J , 5 Mch. 1786 (Rayneval's aide-mémoire, 5 Mch. 1786; Calonne to Vergennes, 15 Mch. 1786; Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., X X X I ; T r in D L C ) .
24
From David Hartley DEAR SIR Bath March 5 1786 I beg leave to introduce to you my relations Mr. Saml. Hartley and his Brother Col. James Hartley. They are come with a daughter of Mr. S. Hartley, partly upon a tour of pleasure for the Col. and Miss Hartley; but most principally on the part of Mr. Sam Hartley to obtain restitution of a sloop and Cargo which were taken by a french and American frigate, entering a french port and under both french and American passes. I presume Mr. S. Hartley will make official application to you, as the American minister, and will explain the justice of his Claim to you. I under stand that before Dr. Franklin left Paris, the case was represented to him, and that he assured Mr. H. of all the assistance in his power. I beg leave therefore to recommend my relations and the case in question to your consideration. Now for a word or two of our own politics, tho indeed the sub ject seems to be scanty. I hear that you are in statu quo as I left you a year and half ago. I do not hear that I am superseded in my office, nor any thing of its being resumed. My sentiments remain without change as they always have been, for the closest ties of amity and intercourse between our two Countries. Untili that System shall be reassumed, which was declared to be our founda[315]
5
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tion in the year 1 7 8 3 , I remain neutral. If any contrary system should be decidedly adopted, my situation will then be functus oficio. I hope that all who bear the same name as I do, are lovers of peace and friends to mankind; if not I disown them. However I now send you two of that description. My Cousin the Colonel took a town in the East Indies by storm, and within six hours after his entry, every shop was open and every artisan at work in peace. Therefore tho a Soldier he is a lover of peace and a friend to Man kind.—His brother is a merchant. Cest tout dire. He is a Citizen of the world. He disperses the good things of nature and art, throughout the habitable globe, for which his utmost wish is, to receive cargos of benevolence in return. It is his benevolence which has led him in to the present law suit. All that he requires from the french and American frigate, is a restitution of benevolence. Remember our Quaker article, yours as first proposing; mine as first adopting. "But all merchants and traders with their unarmed vessels employed in Commerce exchanging the produce of different places and thereby rendering the necessaries, conveniencies and comforts of human life more easy to obtain and more general shall be allowed to pass freely unmolested." This is your principle. Add plighted national honour; and then open your new code, with a case in point. I shall be very happy to hear from you. The con veyance will be perfectly safe and certain. I hope you enjoy a good state of health and an agreeable situation. I am Dear Sir with the greatest respect, your most obedt. humble Servt., D.
HARTLEY
RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786, to gether with John Adams' letter of 25 Feb., "by Mr. S. Hartley and Colo. Jas. Hartley." O U R Q U A K E R A R T I C L E : See Vol. 7: 486, 490, note 30.
To John Jay SIR Paris Mar. 5. 1786. The several commissions, to which Congress were pleased to appoint Colo. Humphreys Secretary of legation, being shortly to expire, and a French packet offering him a convenient passage in the month of April, he proposes to avail himself of that occasion of returning to his own country and of there presenting his respects and thanks to Congress. As a member of the several commissions [316]
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with which his office was connected I think it my duty to bear testimony to his ready, able, and faithful discharge of all it's duties; and I beg leave through you to present this testimony to Congress, and to assure them that his talents and dispositions are such as they may repose themselves on with security, should they think proper to avail our country of them on any future occasion. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the highest respect & esteem Sir, Your most obedient & most humble servt., 1
T H : JEFFERSON RC (DNA: PCC, No. 87, i ) . Dft ( D L C ) ; with several deletions and corrections which have not been noted here because they are concerned only with form. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 107). Noted in S J L as sent "by Colo. Humphries."
Jay transmitted the present letter to Congress on 19 May, and it was read on the 22d (DNA: PCC, No. 80, li), i Dft reads: "the public."
To Rayneval [Paris, 5 Mch. 1786. An entry in SJL under this date reads: "M. de Rayneval. To send order for Asquith and all other communications to Mr. Short in my absence." Not found.]
From Rayneval à Versles. le 5. Mars 1786. J'ai, Monsieur, entretenu M. le Contrôleur general sur l'affaire de la goélette américaine the William et Catherine; Ce ministre m'a autorisé à vous mander: que, si l'équipage n'appelé pas du jugement qui a été prononcé on lui rendra la liberté, et que l'on se contentera de la confiscation du navire et du tabac; et qu'en cas d'appel la liberté leur sera rendue moyennant une caution pour lamende de 1000 . à laquelle chacun est condamné, ou moyennant le dépôt de 300*. à faire par chacun d'eux. Je m'empresse, Monsieur, de vous transmettre cette détermination; je n'ai pû vous en instruire hier, parceque je n'ai pu voir M. de Calonne que ce matin. J'ay l'hr. d'être votre tres sincère tt
FC (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E . U., X X X I ) ; at head of text: "cette lettre est partie vers le commencement de Mars." Accompanying this letter (same) is an aide-mémoire concerning the conversation between Calonne and Ray-
nevai, in which the latter was authorized to say to T J "qu'en cas d'appel les detenus auroient leur liberté s'ils payent les 300**. ou fournissent caution pour les 1000^." A letter from Borgnis Desbordes,
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6 MARCH Frères to William Short, 13 Mch. 1786 ( D L C ) , acknowledges receipt of TJ's letter to them of 5 Mch. and a letter from Short of 6 Mch., in which Rayneval's present letter was enclosed. They inform Short that Rayneval's letter is not sufficient to secure the release of the prisoners at St. Pol de Léon; also, that the prisoners have already appealed their case to avoid being sent immediately to the galleys at Brest; "ainsi que Le porte L a loix relatif a la contrebande, De sorte que pour leurs tranquillités et en attendant Le fruit des Démarches et Bontée de monsr. Jefferson ils se sont porté appellant, duquel apel ils se désisteraient volontier pour leur Liberté et sans autre amande, ils la payent bien dépuis si longtems qu'ils Languissent dans les
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prisons où Leurs s antées s'altèrent chaque Jour, surtout Celle de monsieur Asquith. Ils nous demandent par l'Entremise de nos amis messrs. J . Diot et Compe. de Morlaix De quoi se vêtir et Garrentir contre La Rigeur De la saison, nous prions ces amis De leur donner L'Indispensable, persuadée que monsieur Jefferson qui nous les a recommandées ne nous Désaprouvéra pas. Nous pensons, monsieur, qu'il est Essentiel de solliciter vivement un ordre de monsieur Le Controlleur Général pour Leur Elargissement au moyen qu'ils se Déportent de Leur apel dont monsieur Jefferson a eut parfaite connaissance dans Le Tems qu'elle fut signiffié aux Fermiers, vous en avez cy Inclus une Copie, nous Disons V original."
To Martha Jefferson M Y DEAR PATSY
Paris Mar. 6. 1786.
I shall be absent so short a time that any letter you would write to me would hardly get to London before I should be coming away; and it is the more discouraging to write as they open all letters in the post office. Should however sickness or any other circumstance render a letter to me necessary, send it here to Mr. Short and he will direct and forward it. I shall defer engaging your drawing master till I return. I hope then to find you much advanced in your music. I need not tell you what pleasure it gives me to see you improve in every thing agreeable and useful. The more you learn the more I love you, and I rest the happiness of my life on seeing you beloved by all the world, which you will be sure to be if to a good heart you join those accomplishments so peculiarly pleasing in your sex. Adieu my dear child; lose no moment in improving your head, nor any opportunity of exercising your heart in benevolence. Yours affectionately, T H : JEFFERSON RC (NNP). Not recorded in S J L .
From Lafayette [ca. 6 Mch. 1786] Inclosed, my dear Sir, I send you a letter to Gnl. Knox wherein I mention Count d'estaing's Anecdote as He gave it to me. Your 318
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idea Respecting Paul Jones is Very Good, and if He is prevailed upon to go, altho' you deni you think yourself Warranted in Ad vancing public Monney to Him, He will easily find it Among His friends. And I think the sooner He goes, the better. Wishing you a good journey Have the Honour to be Yours, LAFAYETTE RC ( D L C ) ; without place, date, or name of addressee; not recorded in S J L ; the date has been supplied from the date of the enclosure; see Lafay ette to T J , 19 Mch. 1786. Enclosure (DNA: PCC, No. 150, I ; T r and Eng lish translation): Lafayette to Henry Knox, 6 Mch. 1786, expressing his concern for the enormous expenses re quired to bring about effective measures for protecting American commerce against the Barbary states, and stat ing: "another motive does also operate within my heart, it is the ambitious and boundless desire that the United States may in every circumstance strike out new and most direct roads to glory and consequence: and the less vigor is shewn by the natives of Europe against those pirates the greater pride I would derive from spirited measures in this instance provided they are ac companied with a probability of suc cess. While in this disposition I hap pened to hear an anecdote from count d'Estaing which he has also presented to Mr. Jefferson and which we both thought it worth the while to send to Congress. Not that I pretend to advise the measure until I have taken more particular informations of the fact and perhaps it will be proper for an experienced officer such as Com modore Jones who now is in Paris to go and examine that place. It may also be adviseable to compare the expenses of the expedition with those of a treaty. But in the meanwhile I take the liberty to enclose you the anecdote as Count d'Estaing has given it to me and beg also leave to observe that this federal measure, should it meet with success, would command the attention of Europe in a manner very advantageous to the United States." There can be little doubt that T J inspired Lafayette's letter to Knox, and that it and its enclosure resulted from consultations among T J , John Paul Jones, and Lafayette. T J for well over a year had been writing private letters to America suggesting the desirability of breaking away from the European
custom of purchasing peace with the Barbary states by paying high tribute, and he had likewise been impressed with the idea of employing a small naval force on fixed stations to blockade the ports of the Barbary powers in stead of maintaining a large cruising force. The translation of "a paper from the Count D'Estaing" reads: "M. de Massiac who was secretary for the department of marine and afterwards vice admiral, while a captain in the navy was chosen to command an ex pedition to bombard Algiers. But he conceived a mode might be adopted which would be less expensive and more certain of success. He proposed to blockade Algiers with a vessel of 64 guns and two frigates by anchoring nearly on the bar with chains and kedge anchors that if it was neces sary he could be able to pass the winter in this situation and the sick officers and sailors should be replaced. This mode is the most certain and at the same time the most distressing to the enemy as it will prevent almost entirely all communication. The ship and two frigates are superior to all the Barbarian marine. A constant readi ness for action, a strict discipline, and proper guard boats to make the rounds during the night form the main prin ciples of these kind of expeditions. Perseverance insures success. It is the opinion of the Count D'Estaing that the plan of Mr. de Massiac is not only practicable but is the only mode of reducing those Barbary powers against which it is directed. He thinks if it was put in practice against all of them they would soon cease to be a nation of pirates and become a commercial peo ple. Paris 4th March 1786. Estaing" (MS in clerk's hand, signed by D'Es taing; translation in clerk's hand; both in DNA: PCC, No. 150, I , with cover ing letter from Henry Knox to Na thaniel Gorham, 25 May 1786). The idea of a bold stroke, imaginative in concept and economical in operation, that would at once bring the Barbary powers to terms and "command the
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8 MARCH attention of Europe in a manner very advantageous to the United States," was certainly one that was bound to
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enlist TJ's earnest support; see T J to Monroe, 10 May 1786; D'Estaing to T J , 17 May 1786.
From Francis Hopkinson M Y DEAR S I R Philada. March 8th. 1786 I can not at present lay my hands upon your last but recollect it was of an old Date. I daily expect the Pleasure of hearing from you in Return to several Letters I have written to you since the Fall. Your last directed me to forward the News Papers to Mr. Jay who is to send them to you in way of Merchandize to avoid the monstrous Expence of Postage. I presume you have written to him on the Subject and I have forwarded this Packet according to your Directions. I think it would be very proper for you to send a Copy of your Notes on Virginia to the Philosophical Society, and not amiss if you would present another Copy to our City Library. I have at last brought our Ph. Society to consent to the Publication of a Second Volume of Transactions. It is now in the Press and I have this Day corrected the 164th: Page. As I have been so zealous and constant in urging this matter, the chief weight of the Business has of Course fallen upon my Hands, so that what with selecting and arranging the Manuscripts, superin tending the Press, making the necessary Drawings and con tinually watching and urging the Engraver, I have my Hands full of it. I hope the Volume will be complete in about two months. I shall not fail sending you a Copy as early as possible. I think the work will at least not disgrace us. Dr. Franklin has contributed largely, as you will observe when you see the Book. You will be entertained by the News Papers I now send, as they contain the Proceedings at large of our Legislature, with the Ob servations, Speeches and Arguments of our Members in Assembly on the Subjects in agitation. I informed you last Fall that what we call the Republican Party had prevailed at the Election in October; yet when the Representatives from the several Counties came together, the Constitutionalists had a Majority of 2 or 3 in many principal Points. This Situation, you may suppose, created vigorous Contests in the House. But the Republicans have gained a considerable victory last week in procuring the Test Law of the State to be revised, by which many who were disabled from voting at Elections on account of their Neutrality during the War, or [320]
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from neglect of taking Oaths of Allegiance prior to a certain Day at an early Period of the War, are admitted to the Rights of Citizenship by token Oaths of Allegiance now, as you will see by the Debates of the House, and the Law itself in the Papers I send. These People are universally opposed to the Views and over weening Power of the Cabal which has ruFd this State for some years past. The Constitutional Party, which was supreme in the House last Year, finding the Bank not to be in their Interests, went so far as to deprive that Institution of its Charter, by a Law for the Purpose. But the Stockholders holding a Charter also under Congress are determined to try the validity of that Charter by a Suit instituted for the Purpose. This will come before our high Court of Errors and Appeals, and will open many curious Points in municipal and civil Law. I have inclosed some spirited Pamphlets on the Subject of the Bank. They will amuse you. Whilst I was speaking of the Philos. Society I forgot to inform you that a Mr. Magellan of London has offered us 200 Guineas, to be vested in some permanent Fund for raising an Income of 10 Gs. per An. to be disposed of by the Society in an Annual Premium of a Golden Plate of that Value, with proper Inscrip tions engraved, to the Author of the most useful Discovery in Natural Philosophy (mere natural History excepted) or relating to Navigation. This will be, I think, a very useful Institution. I know several that mean to be Candidates as soon as the Scheme shall be arranged and published. Of these Mr. Rittenhouse and myself will be two. His Invention is a curious Improvement in the Pendulum and mine is a Contrivance for making a Vessel sail faster than at present. This Contrivance is very simple, of small Expence and in my mind very promising. For this Reason Mr. Rittenhouse and myself have reserved our Discoveries, which we should, otherwise, have published in the Volume of Transactions now in the Press. Dr. Franklin's Baggage, which by a Disappointment in France was left behind, arrived this Winter. He grew uneasy for its Safety, and with Reason: as the Loss would have been a public Evil on Account of the Collection of Books on all Subjects, and other valu able Desiderata which a man of his Judgement and Taste was able to accumulate; and are now in the Country let who will have the Property. Amongst his Packages came my Encyclopedia, to my great Satisfaction and Pleasure. I have now 42 Vols, of which 40 are Copper plates. I depend upon you for the Remainder. Dr. [321]
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Franklin hath not yet informed me how I am to pay for them. To do this will require some Exertions on my Part, but they shall be duly made. I expect you will inform me of any Expence you may be at on this or any other occasion on my Account. Only give me timely notice, and all shall be well. I have only to add Mr. Rittenhouse and Family desire to be kindly remembered to you and Miss Jefferson, as also does my good Mother, whom I should have mentioned first, but grown up Sons are apt to be undutiful. Mr. Rittenhouse and myself spend every Wednesday Evening with Dr. Franklin, in a little, pleasing philosophical Party. Adieu or there will be no End to my Chat. Yours with all Respect and Affection,
FRAS. HOPKINSON
RC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 23 June 1786. The pamphlets that Hopkinson sent with this letter, though not identified, probably included Thomas Paine's "Affairs of the Bank," in Dissertations on Government, the Affairs of the Bank, and Paper-Money, Philadelphia, 1786; see Hastings, Hopkinson, p. 390-3.
From Suffren A Paris le 8. Mars 1786. M. le Bailli de Suffren a l'honneur de faire part à Monsieur Jefferson, Ministre Plénipotentiaire des Etats Unis de l'Amérique Septentrionale, qu'il eut hier mardi sa première audience du Roi en qualité d'Ambassadeur Extraordinaire de la Religion. RC ( D L C ) . L E B A I L L I D E S U F F R E N : The newly appointed ambassador from Malta (Almanack Royal, 1787, p. 153).
From John Banister, Jr. DEAR SIR Avignon March 11th 1786 On my leaving Paris I promised to keep an account of the degrees of heat and cold to which this country is subject. Having omited bringing an instrument with me I had one made here but found it so illy graduated that I discontinued taking notes. I have however procured a copy of those keept by a gentleman the last year; they are the most perfect of any I can get and I have great pleasure in transmiting them to you. I have been so long fixed here that I have meet with few occurrences of sufficient consequence to occasion my troubling you [with my] letters. Let me now thank 322
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you for the trouble you gave yourself in answering my last. It relieved much as I feared greatly for my brother when I reflected on his being educated in Europe. I am now convinced of its impropriety and have endeavored to dissuade my Father from such a step. You will oblige me in making my compliments to Miss Jefferson and those of your family to whom I have the pleasure of being known. I think this spring of going to Bordeaux, a situation more eligible than this; as I find it very difficult or rather impossible to supply myself with necessary books; it is true untili lately I have had no great occasion for them. My letters from America like the Phenix of old are seen once in a century. I can form no Idea of any thing that has happened there since I left it, except from the public papers and there is no believing the half which they contain. Could you give me some accounts from thence you would greatly oblige me. Permit me Dear Sir to assure you that I am with the greatest respect and esteem Your friend and Humble Servt., J N O . BANISTER Junr. RC (MHi). Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786. Enclosure (MHi): Record of temperature and weather at Avignon, 1 Jan. to 31 Dec. 1785, inclusive; in Banister's hand.
From Madame d'Anterroches Puy darnac pre Tulle bas limousin ce 12 mars 1786 J'ay rescus avec bien de la reconnaissance la lettre dont vous m'avés honnoré. Je vous ay infiniment de l'obligation de vouloir bien faire passer une lettre à mon fils et des renseignemens que vous me prometes sur tout ce qui le regarde. Son long silence m'afflige au dernier point, ayant appris qu'il a été très malade. Ô monsieur, que mon coeur est navré. Depuis prè de onze ans que les circonstances ont amené ce fils à élisabeth town, où il est marié avec une famme aimable, méritante, mais [sans] un bien. Lui est un très petit cadet. Vous sçavés comme ils sont traités en france, surtout quand ils sont issus d'une branche cadette peu oppulente et accompagnés de quattre frères ou soeurs, de manière qu'il n'a encore rien. Homme beau et superbe, haut de 5 pieds 8 pouces, bien fait, joli, ayant une très bonne conduite, estimable. Il a trois enfans charmans. Quel mal au coeur pour moy, mère tandre, de les sçavoir tous cinq sens [sans] absolument rien, à deux mille lieux d'ici au delà des mers. Que ne puis je les attirer dans ma patrie, les voire, ou au moins leur faire du bien là où ils MONSIEUR
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sont. Monsieur, les détails que m'a fait un quelqu'un qui les a vus il y aura bientôt un ans, vous toucheraient. "Ils vivent," dit-til, "le pere, la mere et les enfans, les mains vers le ciel, pour qu'il touche de compassion quelque être sensible et bienfaisant en leur faveur, et ces pauvres enfans, quelle pitié." Oui, Monsieur, je donnerai ma vie pour les uns et les autres également. Ils me la rendent si languissante, et leurs malheurs me l'arrachera. Ho, qui dessécherait mes pleurs en faisant un sort à mon fils, je le regardais comme mon libérateur. Je le regardais lui, comme le baton de ma caducité. Me voila livrée aux plus cruelles engoisses. Jusques aujourd'huy, j'ay toujours espéré, c'est ce qui m'a soutenue. Je vois asteure [à cette heure?] que rien n'avance et que le mal presse et devient plus grand. N'i a-t-il donc point de remède sur la terre pour lui ni pour moy? Ce sont nous délaissés, abandonnés. Vous avés l'âme si sensible, monsieur, si belle et ouverte à la bienfaisance. Au nom de l'êttre suprême, c'est par lui que je vous le demende, réfléchisses sur ce que vous pouvés faire pour l'enfant de mes entrailles. I l y a tant de véritable joie à faire le bien, et qui a plus de délicatesse que vous pour la sentir dans toute sa pureté. Vous pouvés beaucoup en amérique et en france. Tout vous est possible, consolés moy, répondes moy, je vous en supplie, bien vite une lettre de consolation. Je compterais les jours, ils me durent des ans. E t ce temps, où je recevrais des nouvelles de mon bien aimé, qu'il va me paraître long. C'est honnorér la vertu de recourir à elle, c'est à ce titre que j'ay recours à vous. Nombre de messieurs qui sont à paris m'ont promis de vous parler de moy, j'ygnore s'ils l'ont fait. Mr le comte de ferierre, mon voisin, en est un. Je suis résolue de sçavoir à quoi m'en tenir dans le courant de ce printemps, et comme on dit: vaincre ou mourir. Je vous en prie, et au nom de dieu, répondes moy quelque chose de concluant, de positif tout de suite, et que personne ne voit cette lettre, ni n'en soit instruit. Quand aux avantures de mon malheureux fils, elles sont publiques, vous pouvés en parler à tout le monde. Isolée, abandonnée, dans une campagne à sens [cent] lieues de la capitale, n'ayant aucun ami, je me reclame de vous, je compte sur vous, sur vos vertus. J'ay l'honneur d'ettre avec une respectueuse considération Monsieur votre très humble et très obéissante servante, LA C O M T E S S E D E CHAUNAI D'ANTERROCHES Lises, je vous prie, la lettre pour mon fils que je vous envoyé décachetée. 324
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RC (MoSHi)i endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786. The enclosed letter to the Chevalier d'Anterroches has not been found.
To John Jay SIR London Mar. 12. 1786. The date of a letter from London will doubtless be as unexpected to you as it was unforeseen by myself a few days ago. On the 27th. of the last month Colo. Smith arrived in Paris with a letter from Mr. Adams informing me that there was at this place a minister from Tripoli, having general powers to enter into treaties on behalf of his state, and with whom it was possible we might do something in our commission to that power; and that he gave reason to believe he could also take arrangements with us for Tunis. He further added that the minister of Portugal here had received ultimate instructions from his court, and that probably that treaty might be concluded in the space of three weeks, were we all on the spot together. He therefore pressed me to come over immediately. The first of these objects had some weight on my mind because as we had sent no person to Tripoli or Tunis, I thought, if we could meet a minister from them on this ground, our arrangements would be settled much sooner and at less expence. But what principally decided with me was the desire of bringing matters to a conclusion with Portugal before the term of our commission should expire, or any new turn in the négociations of France and England should abate their willingness to fix a connection with us. A third motive had also it's weight. I hoped that my attendance here, and the necessity of shortening it, might be made use of to force a decisive answer from this court. I therefore concluded to comply with Mr. Adams's request. I went immediately to Versailles, and apprised the count de Vergennes that circumstances of public duty called me hither for three or four weeks, arranged with him some matters, and set aut with Colo. Smith for this place, where we arrived last night, which was as early as the excessive rigour of the weather admitted. I saw Mr. Adams immediately, and again to-day. He informs me that the minister of Portugal was taken ill five or six days ago, has been very much so, but is now somewhat better. It would be very mortifying indeed should this accident, with the shortness of the term to which I limit my stay here, defeat what was the principal object of my journey, and that without which I should hardly have undertaken it. With respect to this country, I 1
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had no doubt but that every consideration had been urged by Mr. Adams which was proper to be urged. Nothing remains undone in this way. But we shall avail ourselves of my journey here as if made on purpose, just before the expiration of our commission, to form our report to Congress on the execution of that commission, which report, they may be given to know, cannot be formed without decisive information of the ultimate determination of their court. There is no doubt what that determination will be; but it will be useful to have it, as it may put an end to all further expectations on our side the water, and shew that the time is come for doing whatever is to be done by us for counteracting the unjust and greedy designs of this country. We shall have the honour, before I leave this place, to inform you of the result of the several matters which have brought me to it. A day or two before my departure from Paris, I received your letter of January [19.] The question therein proposed How far France considers herself as bound to insist on the delivery of the posts, would infallibly produce another, How far we consider our selves as guarantees of their American possessions, and bound to enter into any future war in which these may be attacked? The words of the treaty of alliance seem to be without ambiguity on either head. Yet I should be afraid to commit Congress by answer ing without authority. I will endeavour on my return to sound the opinion of the minister if possible, without exposing myself to the other question. Should any thing forcible be meditated on these posts, it would possibly be thought prudent previously to ask the good offices of France to obtain their delivery. In this case they would probably say we must first execute the treaty on our part by repealing all acts which have contravened it. Now this measure, if there be any candour in the court of London, would suffice to obtain a delivery of the posts from them, without the mediation of any third power. However if this mediation should be finally needed, I see no reason to doubt our obtaining it, and still less to question it's omnipotent influence on the British court. I have the honour to be with sentiments of the highest respect & esteem Sir Your most obedient & most humble servt., 2
3
4
TH: RC (DNA: PCC, No. 87, i ) . Dft ( D L C ) ; with deletions and corrections, some of which are noted below. T J left Paris on the morning of 6
JEFFERSON
Mch., after he had written Martha a letter of that date, and, as this letter shows, arrived in London early enough on the 11th to call on John Adams.
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1 3 MARCH Jay transmitted the present letter to Congress on 16 May 1786 (DNA: PCC, No. 87, I , p. 243-5). i The following deleted in Dft at this point: "if nothing very material confined me to Paris."
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As first expressed in Dft, this sentence read: "My conversations with him confirm my expectations and that nothing new remains to be said." s Date left blank in both RC and Dft. * T J first wrote "court" in Dft. 2
John Adams to Carmarthen Grosvenor Square March 13. 1786 Mr. Adams presents his Compliments to the Right Honourable The Marquis of Carmarthen and acquaints his Lordship that Mr. Jefferson, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States at the Court of Versailles, is now here, and as they have something to Communicate to His Lordship relative to the affairs of the United States, they request a Time when they may have the honor to pay their respects to his Lordship before the Levee, on Wednesday. Tr ( D L C ) ; in the hand of W. S. Smith; endorsed.
From Thomas Barclay DEAR SIR Madrid 13 March 1786 I have little of Consequence to Communicate in this letter, tho I shall give you the Trouble of a more particular one before I leave this place, and thus make my appology for the shortness of this. At present I shall only say that by appointment I am to see the Count of Florida Blanca this day week, and that I have every reason to Expect all the protection and Influence from hence that can be wish'd. I Do not Incline to let this post depart without the Assurance of My Being with great Respect and Esteem Dear Sir Your obedient and Most Humbl. Serv., THOS. BARCLAY Please to forward the Inclosure to Mrs. Barclay RC (DNA: PCC, No. 87, i ) ; endorsed by T J : "Barclay Thos." T r (DNA: PCC, No. 91, i ) ; without postscript. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 107). Noted in S J L 25 Apr. 1785 as received "while in London." Copies of the près-
ent letter and of those of Barclay to T J of 20 and 23 Mch. 1786 are in MHi: AMT in a volume labeled "Treaties." The enclosed letter for Mrs. Barclay has not been found,
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To David Humphreys DEAR SIR
London Mar. 14. 1786.
I have been honoured with your letter in which you mention to me your intention of returning to America in the April packet. It is with sincere concern that I meet this event, as it deprives me not only of your aid in the office in which we have been joined, but also of your society which has been to me a source of the most real satisfaction. I think myself bound to return you my thanks for it, and at the same time to bear testimony that in the discharge of the office of secretary of legation to the several commissions, you have fulfilled all it's duties with readiness, propriety and fidelity. I sincerely wish that, on your return, our country may avail themselves of your talents in the public service, and that you may be willing so to employ them. You carry with you my wishes for your prosperity, and a desire of being instrumental to it; and I hope that in every situation in which we may be placed, you will freely command and count upon my services. I will beg to be favoured with your letters, whenever it is convenient. You have seen our want of intelligence here, and well know the nature of that which will be useful or agreeable. I fear I shall have little interesting to give you in return; but such news as my situation affords you shall be sure to receive. I pray you to be the bearer of the inclosed letter to Mr. Jay, to accept my wishes of a favourable passage, a happy meeting with your friends, and of every future felicity which this life can afford; being with the greatest esteem Dear Sir your sincere friend & most humble servt., TH:
JEFFERSON
RC (André deCoppet, New York, 1949); endorsed. Enclosure: T J to John Jay, 12 Mch. 1786. Humphreys also carried with him TJ's letter to Jay of 5 Mch. 1786.
From Louis Joseph de Beaulieu Beaucaire 17. mars 1786
VOTRE EXCELLENCE
J'ose prendre la liberté de demander a Votre Excellence, a L'effet de la supplier, de vouloir bien me faire passer un Certificat de Vie pour une pension de Cent Dollars que L'honnorable Congrès ma accordé en recompense de mes blessure, étant Echue le 1 5 . novembre 1 7 8 5 , en ayant deja reçu un L'année dernière de Mr. frankelin. 328
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Je supplierai, Votre Excellence, de vouloir bien m'instruire, si L'honnorable Congrès a délivré aux officiers étrangers Leurs terrein et si on doit nous payer Les interest des Certificat qu'ils nous sont du. Mr. Grand banquier se refuse de payer, n'ayant reçu aucun fond. Je me flatte que Votre Excellence voudra bien m'accorder cet grace, de Laqu'elle j'ose me dire, avec le plus profond respect Votre Excellence Le tres humble, & tres obéissant serviteur, Louis J O S E P H DE B E A U L I E U Encien Capt. de la Legion de feii General Count de pulaski RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786; and Dupl. received 18 May 1786. De Beaulieu, who had "been a long time a Prisoner of War (having been wounded and taken at Monk's Corner in S. Carolina)," was promoted to the "rank of captain by brevet in the
army of the United States" by a resolution of Congress, 30 Sep. 1783; and on 31 Oct. 1783 the Secretary at War reported to Congress that De Beaulieu and certain other officers had "agreed to accept the commutation of five years' pay, in lieu of the half pay for life" (jcc, X X V , 633, 786).
From David Humphreys M Y DEAR S I R Paris March 17th. 1786 I have the honour to enclose several letters which Mr. Harrison brought from Spain, and which he intended (when he first arrived here) to have delivered into your hand; but having been obliged by some unexpected business to go to L'Orient, he desired me to give them a safe conveyance. He is not very sanguine in his expectations of our succeeding in the present negotiations with the Barbary States. I forward also a Note from Count Sarsfield, on the subject of which I can make enquiries on my arrival at New York, for which place, the Packet is certainly to sail before the middle of April, so that I propose setting off from this about the commencement of the month; previous to that I hope to be honoured with your commands. The Captain who is to command this Packet has just arrived at Paris. I will call on him to day respecting the passages ordered to be engaged by Mr. Adams, to whom, to the ladies of whose family and to Colo. Smith, I beg my best Compliments may be presented. Since your departure there has not been a syllable of news of any kind. There was however something at the Marquis de la Fayette's which put one in mind of the freedom of investigation 329
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in America: it was an assemblage of such friends of America as these, the Duke de Rochefoucault, the Marquises Condorcy and Chattelus, Messrs. Metza, Crevecoeur &c. to hear a discussion on American politics and commerce by a Mr. Warville; the tendency of whose performance is good, some of the observations new, many of them just and ingenious: but perhaps there is too much declama tion blended with them. The badness of the weather and roads made us anxious least you should have suffered by your Journey. Your friends all en quire when you may be expected. I have begun to translate the Travels of the Marquis de Chattelus in America, and expect to make some progress during my voyage to that Continent. With every sentiment of attachment & esteem I have the honour to be, Your Excellency's Most obedient & most hble. Servt., D. H U M P H R E Y S
I pray you will have the goodness to give my Compliments to Mr. Paridise's family, and any others who may enquire respecting me. RC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as re ceived 25 Mch. 1786, "while in Lon don." Enclosures: Carmichael to T J , 26 Jan. 1786 (Carmichael's letters to the Commissioners of 3 Feb. and to T J of 4 Feb. had already been re
ceived before T J left Paris); Lamb to the Commissioners, 16 Feb.; Randall to the Commissioners, 17 Feb.; the NOTE
FROM
COUNT
SARSFIELD
(not
found); and perhaps others.
From André Limozin Le Havre, 17 Mch. 1786. The "American Ship Hanover, burthen 400 Tuns, commanded by Williams," is lying in port and will sail for Virginia; any goods which TJ or his friends may wish to ship to that part of America should be sent by land, to his care, at once; will execute any commissions TJ may have for him. RC (MHi); 1 p.; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786.
From William Macarty SIR L'orient 17h. March 1786 Finding some difficulty in entering Some oil which I have re cieved by the Ship Leda from Boston I take the Liberty to request you to favor me with a copy of the ministers Letter on that Subject for my government. My friends not being acquainted with the formalitys requir'd 330
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by that Letter, could not accompany the Shipment with the neces sary papers. If not attended with too much trouble, I would beg leave to request you to obtain a permission for me to introduce into the Kingdom Two Hundred Barrils of Fish oil Recieved by the Ship Leda from Boston; on paying the duty of 7* 10s. and the 10/ ^ Livres on a Hhd. weighing 5201b agréable to that Letter. I am with great Respect Sir Your most obedt. Servt., WM.
MACARTY
RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786.
From Samuel Henley Rendlesham near Melton & Ipswich DEAR SIR
18 March 1786
I have delayed my acknowledgment of your last favour from the hope of being able to accompany my answer with a little publica tion which Iflatteredmyself would by this time have escaped from the press. But tho' I am disappointed at present, I am not without hope of another opportunity more favourable, ere long, to my pur pose. I have not only to thank you for your attention to the draft, but also for the information your letter contained, which actually acquainted me with more facts than I have been otherwise able to collect in my ten years absence from Virginia. What changes in so short a time! Allow me to say there are none of them for which I more sensibly feel, than for those which respect yourself. There are wounds which tho' time closes, it does not obliterate the scars of. These we both of us have felt, and shall always remember. You sensibly reflect on the mispense and enjoyment of life, but alas! how little do they differ? Every day brings its cares to a reflecting mind, and I know not whether the bustle of life has not the advantage in point of enjoyment, because it sweeps off the cares before they have time to sink deep. But, a truce to reflexions! Let us make the best of the present, as the past is irrecoverably gone and the future may never be ours. I flatter myself with the hope that I may one day be favoured with your company. If books, quiet and a country that resembles your own can afford any solace these I can promise you. Mrs. Henley desires me to present her compliments and add that she will do her best to make our retreat as tolerable to Miss Jefferson as she can. 331
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You will pardon the haste in which I write, but the Gentleman who delivers you this (Mr. Kilderbee, the clergyman of the next parish to mine ) being to set off a day earlier than I thought for, has obliged me to write in a hurry. I must take time however to add that I am with sincerest regard, Dear Sir, your most affectionate friend and obliged servt., S. H E N L E Y RC (MHi); addressed to T J at Paris; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 11 June 1786. Henley's L I T T L E P U B L I C A T I O N has not been identified. In 1788 he published Observations on the Fourth Eclogue, the Allegory in the Third Geòrgie, and the Primary Design in the ¿Eneid of Virgil, London, 1788.
From James Madison DEAR SIR Virga. Orange March 18th. 1786 Your two favours of the 1 and 20 Sepr. under the same cover by Mr. Fitzhugh did not come to hand till the 24th. ult: and of course till it was too late for any Legislative interposition with regard to the Capitol. I have written to the Attorney on the subject. A letter which I have from him dated prior to his receipt of mine takes notice of the plan you had promised and makes no doubt that it will arrive in time for the purpose of the Commissioners. I do not gather from his expressions however that he was aware of the change, which will become necessary in the foundation already laid; a change which will not be submitted to without reluctance for two reasons. 1. The appearance of caprice to which it may expose the Commissioners. 2. Which is the material one, the danger of retarding the work till the next Session of Assembly can interpose a vote for its suspension, and possibly for a removal to Williamsburg. This danger is not altogether imaginary. Not a Session has passed since I became a member without one or other or both of these attempts. At the late Session, a suspension was moved by the Williamsburg Interest, which was within a few votes of being agreed to. It is a great object therefore with the Richmond Interest to get the building so far advanced before the fall as to put an end to such experiments. The circumstances which will weigh in the other scale, and which it is to be hoped will preponderate, are the fear of being reproached with sacrificing public considerations to a local policy, and a hope that the substitution of a more ceconomical plan, may better reconcile the Assembly to a prosecution of the undertaking. Since I have been at home I have had leisure to review the liter332
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ary cargo for which I am so much indebted to your friendship. The collection is perfectly to my mind. I must trouble you only to get two little mistakes rectified. The number of Volumes in the Encyclopédie corresponds with your list, but a duplicate has been packed up of Tom. 1., 1ère, partie of Histoire Naturelle, Quadrepedes, premiere livraison, and there is left out the 2d. part of the same Tom. which, as appears by the Avis to the 1st. livraison, makes the 1st. Tom. of Histoire des Oiseaux, as well as by the Histoire des oiseaux sent, which begins with Tom. I L , Ire. partie, and with the letter F . From the Avis to the sixth livraison I infer that the volume omitted made part of the 5me. livraison. The duplicate volume seems to have been a good deal handled, and possibly belongs to your own Sett. Shall I keep it in my hands or send it back? The other mistake is an omission of the 4th. vol. of D'Albon sur l'intérêt de plusieurs nations &c. The binding of the three volumes which are come is distinguished from that of most of the other books by the circumstance of the figure on the back, numbering the volumes, being on a black instead of a red ground. The Authors name above is on a red ground. I mention these circumstances that the binder may supply the omitted volume in proper uniform. I annex a State of our account balanced. I had an opportunity a few days after your letters were received of remitting the balance to the hands of Mrs. Carr with a request that it might be made use of as you direct to prevent a loss of time to her and from occasional disappointments in the stated funds. I have not yet heard from the Mr. Fitzhughs on the subject of your advance to them. The advance to Le Maire had been made a considerable time before I received your countermanding instructions. I have no copying press, but must postpone that conveniency to other wants which will absorb my little resources. I am fully apprized of the value of this machine and mean to get one when I can better afford it, and may have more use for it. I am led to think it would be a very ceconomical acquisition to all our public offices which are obliged to furnish copies of papers belonging to them. A Quorum of the deputies appointed by the Assembly for a Commercial Convention had a meeting at Richmond shortly after I left it, and the Attorney tells me, it has been agreed to propose Annapolis for the place, and the first Monday in Sepr. for the time of holding the Convention. It was thought prudent to avoid the neighbourhood of Congress, and the large Commercial towns, in order to disarm the adversaries to the object of insinuations of in333
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fluence from either of these quarters. I have not heard what opinion is entertained of this project at New York, nor what reception it has found in any of the States. If it should come to nothing, it will I fear confirm G . B. and all the world in the belief that we are not to be respected, nor apprehended as a nation in matters of Com merce. The States are every day giving proofs that separate regu lations are more likely to set them by the ears, than to attain the common object. When Massts. set on foot a retaliation of the policy of G . B. Connecticut declared her ports free. N. Jersey served N. York in the same way. And Delaware I am told has lately followed the example in opposition to the commercial plans of Penna. A miscarriage of this attempt to unite the States in some effectual plan will have another effect of a serious nature. It will dissipate every prospect of drawing a steady revenue from our imports either directly into the federal treasury, or indirectly thro' the treasuries of the commercial States, and of consequence the former must de pend for supplies solely on annual requisitions, and the latter on direct taxes drawn from the property of the Country. That these dependencies are in an alarming degree fallacious is put by ex perience out of all question. The payments from the States under the calls of Congress have in no year borne any proportion to the public wants. During the last year, that is from Novr. 1784 to Novr. 1785, the aggregate payments, as stated to the late Assem bly, fell short of 400,000 dollrs., a sum neither equal to the interest due on the foreign debts, nor even to the current expences of the federal Government. The greatest part of this sum too went from Virga. which will not supply a single shilling the present year. Another unhappy effect of a continuance of the present anarchy of our commerce will be a continuance of the unfavorable balance on it, which by draining us of our metals furnishes pretexts for the pernicious substitution of paper money, for indulgences to debtors, for postponements of taxes. In fact most of our political evils may be traced up to our commercial ones, as most of our moral may to our political. The lessons which the mercantile in terest of Europe have received from late experience will probably check their propensity to credit us beyond our resources, and so far the evil of an unfavorable balance will correct itself. But the Merchants of G.B. if no others will continue to credit us at least as far as our remittances can be obtained, and that is far enough to perpetuate our difficulties unless the luxurious propensity of our own people can be otherwise checked. [334]
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1786
This view of our situation presents the proposed Convention as a remedial experiment which ought to command every assent; but if it be a just view it is one which assuredly will not be taken by all even of those whose intentions are good. I consider the event therefore as extremely uncertain, or rather, considering that the States must first agree to the proposition for sending deputies, that these must agree in a plan to be sent back to the States, and that these again must agree unanimously in a ratification of it. I almost despair of success. It is necessary however that something should be tried and if this be not the best possible expedient, it is the best that could possibly be carried thro' the Legislature here. And if the present crisis cannot effect unanimity, from what future con currence of circumstances is it to be expected? Two considerations particularly remonstrate against delay. One is the danger of having the same game* played on our confederacy by which Philip man aged that of the Grecian states. I saw enough during the late as sembly of the influence of the desperate circumstances of individuals on their public conduct to admonish me of the possibility of finding in the council of some one of the states, fit instruments of foreign machinations. The other consideration is the probability of an early increase of the confederated states which more than proportionally impede measures which require unanimity as the new members may bring sentiments and interests less congenial with those of the Atlantic states than those of the latter are one with another. The price of our Staple is down at 22/. at Richmond. One ar gument for putting off the taxes was that as it would relieve the planters from the necessity of selling and would enable them to make a better bargain with the purchasers. The price has notwith standing been falling ever since. How far the event may have pro ceeded from a change in the Market of Europe I know not. That it has in part proceeded from the very practice of remitting and postponing the taxes may I think be fairly deduced. The scarcity of money must of necessity sink the price of every article, and the relaxation in collecting the taxes increases this scarcity by divert ing the money from the public Treasury to the shops of Merchan dize. In the former case it would return into circulation. In the latter it goes out of the Country to balance the increased consump tion. A vigorous and steady collection of taxes would make the money necessary here and would therefore be a mean of keeping it here. In our situation it would have the salutary operation of a sumptuary law. The price of Indian Corn, in this part of the 335
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Country which produced the best crops, is not higher than 2 dollrs. per barri. It would have been much higher but for the peculiar mildness of the winter. December and Jany. scarcely reminded us that it was winter. February, though temperate, was less unseasonable. Our deepest snow (about 7 inches) was in the present month. I observe the tops of the blue ridge still marked with its remains. My last was dated Jany. 22. and contained a narrative of the proceedings of the Assembly. I shall write you again as soon as a subject and opportunity occur, remaining in the mean time Yr. affecte, friend, JM Dr. to T . J . 1785 Sepr. 1. To amt. of books &c.
livrs. 1164
sols 3
livrs. 407 234 81 "722 441 1164
sols 15
Credit By balance stated by T . J . 77.f drs. = By advance to Lemaire 10 guins. By do. for 6 copies of Révisai at 2 i Drs. *By £25 Va. Cy. remitted to Mrs. C.
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* £25 I discover exceeds the sum extended a few livres which may be carried into the next acct. if it be thought worth while. RC ( D L C : Madison Papers); endorsed; written partly in code with interlineal decoding by T J . Noted in S J L as received 23 June 1786. The letter from T H E A T T O R N E Y that Madison received was that of 1 Mch. 1786 from Edmund Randolph which contained the following comment: "I presume you have received letters from Mr. J . If not, I mention from one of the 20th of Sepr. to me, the celebrity of the code de l'humanité, the tranquil state of Europe, except that G. B. seems not to be calmed in her resentment vs America—the strenuous naval equipments of France, as if in actual war. He has caused a very handsome plan to be prepared for our Capitol: which has not yet arrived, but will surely come in time for our purpose" ( D L C : Madison Papers). In the same letter, Randolph wrote: "I ought to have informed you that Annapolis is
the place, and the first Monday in Sepr. the time for our convention, That City was preferred as being most central, and farther removed from the suspicions, which Phil a. or N. York might have excited of Congressional or mercantile influence." Madison seems not to have been F U L L Y A P P R I Z E D O F T H E V A L U E O F T H I S M A C H I N E in supposing that as a copying press it was also a duplicating instrument that would be useful to the public offices in providing copies of documents in their possession. For the error in the B A L A N C E S T A T E D B Y T . J . , see T J to Madison, 2 Aug. 1787. This and subsequent words in italics are written in code and were decoded interlineally by T J ; Madison erred in encoding and T J in decoding; the text above is the editors' decoding, employing Code No. 9.
336
1
From Lafayette, with ''Avis au Comité du Commerce" M Y DEAR S I R Paris March the 18th [19] 1786 Inclosed I send you several letters which Have been intrusted to me, and Now are forwarded by a safe Hand. You will also find one I had writen to you at the time of your departure which Arrived too late. The Epistle to Joseph Brant is writen by My Young indian whom I Requested to ask Brant what are His Views and His Hopes from the Court of Great Britain. I am every Minute waiting for a Copy of my writen opinion on the affair of tobacco. It was delivered in a speech at the Committee but I was requested to put it upon paper. To morrow we Meet Again. I am Considered as one that has got a very strange idea, and don't think I Can get Any thing Now But the Hatred of the financeering people. But as M. de Malesherbes was telling me in his Botanic Style I am Sowing Seeds which will Bear fruits in time. At the last meeting I was Engaged in a Hot Skirmish with the three very able representatives of the farm. And to morrow I don't think the Action will be worse supported on both sides, as I have Acquired at last a pretty Compleat knowledge of the subject. I don't Conceive What Has become of Mr. Darcel. Now that I Have Emerged from the Heap of Snuff in which I Had Enveloped Myself for many days I will Endeavour to find Him out. I am Endeavouring to form a Compagny to farm the duty on tobacco, but Every Body is so much affraid of the farm that None dare to think of it unless I keep their Names a Secret, so that I stand alone. My best Respects wait on Mrs. and Miss Adams, and to Mr. Adams. Remember me to Col. Smith. Most Respectfully and affectionately Yours, LAFAYETTE RC ( D L C ) ; despite its date, this letter was evidently concluded, if not written entirely, on Sunday, 19 Mch., as the reference to the meeting of the American committee "To morrow" indicates. Noted in S J L as received 25 Mch. 1786, "while in London." Enclosures: Humphreys to T J , 17 Mch.; Short to T J , 19? Mch.; Lafayette to T J , ca. 6 Mch.; a letter from M Y YOUNG INDIAN (Peter Otsiquette; see Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89, p. 433) to Joseph Brant, who was at that time in London ( W. L . Stone, Life of Joseph Brant, N.Y., 1838, H , 249-61); copy
of Lafayette's "Avis au comité," printed below. There is some doubt as to when Lafayette delivered his S P E E C H A T T H E COMMITTEE, Gottschalk placing the date at 20 Feb. and Nussbaum at 15 Feb. The latter, probably influenced by the misdating of TJ's letter of 20 Feb. as 10 Feb. in L & B , I V , 197, is clearly too early, since Lafayette's letter to Boullongne shows that the speech was made "à la dernière séance" ( F . L . Nussbaum, Jour. Modem Hist., ni [1931], p. 600, 605). Gottschalk's date is also too early. He concludes
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1 9 MARCH that the committee adjourned on 20 Feb. "with the understanding that it would not meet again for a month" (same, p. 226, note 16; p. 227, note 20). The sources cited—Lafayette to Vergennes, 25 Feb., and the present letter to TJ—do not sustain this conjecture. In his letter to Vergennes, Lafayette said that the committee had suspended "pour les jours gras, mais . . . reprendront avec le Carême" and that "avant la fin de la Seconde Semaine on aura tous les avis que préparent les membres du committé" (Lafayette to Vergennes, 25 Feb. 1786, Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxxi). The first day of Lent in 1786 was 1 Mch.; evidently, then, the American committee met once during the more than two weeks preceding the present letter. It is very likely that the meeting at which Lafayette spoke occurred about the time T J was preparing to leave for London or just after he left on 6 Mch. If the speech had occurred before then, it is very unlikely that Lafayette would have found it necessary, during the third week of March, to inform T J that his "opinion . . . was delivered in a speech at the Committee," for evidently the two men were in touch with each other up to the moment of TJ's departure (see Lafayette to T J , ca. 6 Mch. 1786). Up to mid-March, therefore, the committee had five meetings: 8, 15, 20 Feb.; ca. 6 Mch.; and 20 Mch. 1786 (see T J to Lafayette, 20 Feb. 1786). T H E C O M M I T T E E : There has been some doubt as to the identity of all the members comprising the committee appointed by Calonne to consider questions pertaining to FrancoAmerican trade (Nussbaum, "Vergennes and Lafayette versus the Farmers General," Jour. Mod. Hist., m [1931], p. 598, 604, 606; Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89, p. 222). There were
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twelve members originally, and they were named in a letter from Tavernier de Boullongne, chairman, to Vergennes, 7 Feb. 1786: commissaires du commerce: Boyetet, Dupont; maîtres des requêtes: Montaran, Colonia, Blondel, La Porte, Boullongne de Nogent; farmers-general: Brac de la Perrière; councillors of state: Boullongne, Le Noir: others: Lafayette, Simon Bérard of Paris, not of L'Orient as suggested by Gottschalk and Nussbaum, though he was identified with the house of Jean Jacques Bérard & Cie. of that city, a firm engaged in the tobacco trade on a large scale (see notes to T J to Lafayette, 20 Feb. 1786, Bérard to T J , 6 May 1786; Boullongne to Vergennes, 7 Feb. 1786, Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxxi; T r in D L C ) . Saint-Amand and Paulze may have been added to the committee after 7 Feb.; they were certainly at the Berni meeting (actually this was another "committee," at which Vergennes himself was present) on 24 May 1786 as representatives of the farmers-general along with La Perrière (see Vergennes to T J , 30 May 1786). Indeed, these two may have been in the group as early as the meeting of ca. 6 Mch., for Lafayette here (and similarly in his "Avis au comité") speaks of the T H R E E V E R Y ABLE
REPRESENTATIVES OF T H E FARM.
Paulze drew up the reply to Lafayette in a report to Vergennes (Paulze to Vergennes, 17 Apr. 1786, enclosing a sixty-six page "Mémoire relatif à la vente du tabac américain par la Ferme Générale," Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxxi; T r in D L C ) ; this was read at "la pénultième seance du Comité," which may have been the meeting held on 20 Mch. 1786. For yet other members of the committee, see Short to Jay, 4 May 1787.
E N C L O S U R E RÉSUMÉ DE MON AVIS AU COMITÉ DU COMMERCE AVEC LES ETATS-UNIS LORSQUE LA QUESTION DES TABACS NOUS A ÉTÉ PRÉSENTÉE.
En prenant place au comité dont j'ai l'honneur d'Etre Membre je déclarai franchement mon ignorance des details qu'on y doit traiter, et ne me permis que quelques observations Générales sur nos Rapports avec les Etats-unis. Nommés par le Gouvernement pour les Etudier tous, pour augmenter le Commerce Gallo-Américain par tous les moyens de liberté et d'Echange, Nous sommes spécialement chargés de les trouver dans un Plan nouveau et le meilleur possible sur l'objet 338
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important des tabacs. On a pû s'affliger pendant la Guerre de voir tant de nos millions passer à nos Ennemis pour payer en manufactures Anglaises les Denrées de nos Alliés. Après la Paix, on aurait dû prévoir les inconvénients du Monopole d'un Négociant Écossois établi par les fermiers Généraux de France en Virginie; et le meilleur Chemin pour en revenir n'était pas le marché de M. Robert Moriss, dont les Leçons de Commerce sont un peu chères, pour ces Messieurs, puisque par une perte momentanée, il s'est assuré un grand profit, et pour nôtre Pays, puisque sur vingt millions on n'a pas garanti le moindre débouché à nos marchandises. Mais il ne nous suffit pas de parcourir le cercle étroit de quelques erreurs, et l'honneur du comité, le Devoir de chaque Membre exigent de nous la Spéculation quelconque où la Patrie peut espérer le plus d'avantages. C'est dans ces Principes que j'ai cherché partout les Lumières dont je manquais, et qu'au milieu d'avis différents, je me suis confirmé dans l'idée que je n'avais eue d'abord que parcequ'elle se presente toute seule après avoir écouté dans le dernier Comité les personnes plus instruites que moi, après avoir demandé a Mrs. les fermiers Généraux quelques explications, j'ai osé vers la fin de la séance hasarder une opinion que le Comité veut avoir par écrit; qu'il me soit au moins permis de repeter ici, que si j'ai adopté presqu'aveuglement les calculs de la ferme Générale, si les talents et les Connoissances de ses trois Représentants m'ont donné tant de désavantages, il est juste, dans le cas ou mes Résultats et mes Raisonnements seraient au Pair des leurs, de donner Gain de cause à ma proposition. Pendant le Bail de David, les achats de tabac, année commune, montent à 23. millions 500. mille livres pesant, et pendant celui de Salzard à 23. millions 400. mille livres. La Consommation annuelle dans l'un et l'autre Bail ne passoit pas disoit-on 14. millions 700. mille livres de Poids, ce qui supposait le déchet d'environ un tiers sur la fabrication. On fait monter les frais de Regie à près de 5,850,000.* et dans les Bazes du nouveau Bail, les achats et frais de Manufacture sont évalués a 11,050,000* Le Bail futur est fixé à 27,000,000,* obligatoires et une chance de 2,000,000.* de plus. Mais dans nôtre discussion au Comité, Mrs. les fermiers Généraux ont bien voulu nous donner des Eclaircissements encore plus précis. Ils ont dit que ce Bail futur est calculé sur la supposition d'un Prix de 36.* pour le quintal de tabac, ce qui en déduisant pour l'achat de 23. millions 400. mille livres pesant, une somme de 8,424,000.* laisse pour les frais de manufacture 2,626,000.* qui se divisant par 14. millions 700. mille livres de poids auxquels on avait evalué la Consommation auroient porté le prix de fabrication à 3. sols et près de 7. deniers la livre, de même que les 23. millions 400. mille livres de poids auraient fait payer la Livre de tabac brut 7. sols 2. deniers y% mais ayant pris la Liberté dans la dernière assemblée de soumettre mes doutes aux Représentants de la Ferme, ils ont eu la bonté de rectiffier ces Bazes par deux déclarations. l.° Que le prix de 33.* le quintal est le plus haut que les Américains puissent trouver dans aucun Port de l'Europe, ce qui réduit la valeur du tabac brut à 6. sols 7. deniers et A la livre. 339
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2.° que le Déchet sur leur fabrication n'est que 30. p.£, ce qui au lieu de 14. millions 700. mille livres de poids en Consommation nous donne 16. millions 380,000. livres, et par conséquent réduit le prix de fabrication à 3. sols 2. deniers -fyf-^-. Je ne m'aviserai plus d'évaluer à 13. p.^ les profits de Mrs. les fermiers Généraux, car ils ont paru révoltés de mon Exagération; mais dans mon nouveau Plan, où comme on peut le vérifier, je mets contre moi tous les articles douteux et touttes les fractions supprimées, je les prie de souffrir pour un instant que j'abandonne aux fermiers ou Régisseurs 10. p.£ de profit. Ce serait donc démentir formellement Mrs. les fermiers Généraux que de ne pas évaluer en leur passant ce déchet bien singulier de 30. p.£ et leur prix un peu haut de fabrication de ne pas évaluer dis-je le tabac fabriqué à 12. sols 8. deniers—une fraction, et il faut que dans le prix de 3.* 6s. le moindre que ces Messieurs nous aient donné, (car à Paris par Exemple on paye 3.* 14s.) je trouve 27. millions ou pour trancher la difficulté 29. millions pour le Roy, près de 5,800,000.* pour les frais de Regie, quoi qu'un de Mrs. les fermiers Généraux m'ait assuré que la dépense totale pour touttes les Parties des fermes ne passait pas 8,000,000.* et un proffit pour le fabricant ou distributeur; je veux bien même y ajouter un gain de 10. p.-G- pour les fermiers, ou Regisseurs, et ne chicanant d'ailleurs MM. les fermiers Généraux sur aucun de leurs calculs, je vais tâcher de les faire cadrer avec l'Etablissement d'un droit d'Entrée qui rendrait le tabac Marchand dans le Royaume. En prononçant cet avis au Comité, j'ai prevû qu'on rappellerait mon gout pour la Liberté, ou peut-être qu'on me supposerait celui des systèmes, mais comme je l'ai observé, il n'y a pas une liberté bien effrénée à quintupler par un droit la valeur d'une production, et l'on n'est pas trop systématique en substituant une idée juste et simple à un système compliqué; c'est dans cette persuasion, qu'après avoir rectifié des calculs dont la plus part posoient sur les réponses de Mrs. les fermiers Généraux dans nôtre discussion, Je repète ici ma proposition d'un droit d'Entrée sur le tabac en feuilles, le seul qui doit être admis; Ce droit serait de 32. sols et demi par livre pesant, ce qui sur 23. millions 400 mille livres de poids donne 38,025,000.* ou l'on trouve 29. millions pour le Roy 6. millions au lieu de 5,850,000.* pour les frais de Regie, et ce gain de 10. p.£ du fermier ou Régisseur dont je sollicite un moment l'admission,* avec un reste de 125,000.*, et me prêtant à la supposition d'un déchet de 30 p.£ et à celle du prix de fabrication a 3. sols 2. deniers ffjp- j'évalue la livre du tabac fabriqué et ayant payé le droit à 2.* 19s. ld. malgré les 10. p.-| du fermier j'accorde encore 5. sols par livre pour le Marchand, et tous mes efforts ne peuvent faire 1
* Je n'ai pas cru devoir faire porter sur les frais de Regie ce gain de 10. p.g; mais on le trouverait encore bien aisément en ajoutant les 125,000.** de reste, aux 150,000* excédant le calcul des frais de Régie, et en complettant cette petite somme de 580,000.* par cent mille écus environ p r i s 2 sur les œconomies que mon Plan offre à chaque Page.3
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monter le prix du tabac qu'a 3.* 4s. l d . tandis que le moindre prix de la Ferme est de 3. 6.s. On m'a fait jusqu'ici quelques objections qui ne me paroissent pas sans replique. 1. ° Les Privileges Exclusifs dans leur essence peuvent quelque fois être justifiés; mais ce n'est, du moins pour l'intérieur du Royaume, que par l'encouragement d'une Découverte ingénieuse, d'une Manipulation difficile, ou par la récompense de l'inventeur dont on fait la fortune. Celle de M M . les Fermiers Généraux est faite, et rien n'est plus connu, plus aisé que la Fabrication du tabac. 2. ° I l parait probable a Mrs. les fermiers Généraux que la Liberté de ce Commerce diminuera les importations; C'est à dire qu'elle écartera les Etrangers et découragera les français, Comme la Varieté de la Fabrication amènera le dégoût. Si ce Nouveau Cours de Morale est adopté, j'abandonne mon système. 3. ° Le tabac a été Marchand en 1719, et cet essai ne réussit pas; mais ce qu'on a fait et défait pendant la régence n'est pas l'Evangile des administeurs.; on prétend qu'il y eut alors des manœuvres dont le Patriotisme du tems actuel nous garantit, et que même dans ce temps là, on aurait pû prévenir. Ce n'est pas d'ailleurs sur l'opinion de tel ou tel Cabinet, C'est sur la justesse des RAISONS qu'on doit décider, et si l'on veut un Exemple d'un Droit très Fort payable à la sortie des Magasins du Roy dans les quels le tabac est déposé à son arrivée, cet Exemple n'est pas plus loin que l'Angleterre 4. ° Mais la Contrebande m'a-t'on dit est plus facile sur une frontiere que sur une Côte, et sans jetter Mrs. les fermiers Généraux dans une controverse maritime, j'ai pû demander si nos isles d'Amérique se gardent plus aisément qu'une Province quatre fois plus grande? tandis que les Anglais sont en général plus Contrebandiers que nous, tandis qu'ils manquent même de Noms pour de nouvelles taxes, pourquoi si nôtre système est si beau, ne l'ont i l pas adopté? Serait ce que nôtre Jurisprudence fiscale effraie l'humanité, ou que dans ce pays ou cependant l'argent est si puissant, les gros capitalistes ont moins d'influence que chez nous? mais cet examen est inutile, et dans tout les cas, il me suffit d'Etablir ici que pour nôtre côte la différence avec les Anglais est nulle, et qu'en laissant les mêmes gardes à nôtre frontiere j'annulle également toutte différence entre les deux systèmes. 5. ° On prétend i l est vrai qu'au delà de nos Frontieres on cultiverait plus de tabac ce qui ne me parait pas le conséquence naturelle des Efforts que nous ferions pour attirer celui qui vient par mer, et pour tourner tous nos achats de ce Côté, et je ne puis même admettre que cette augmentation Supposée entrainerait celle de contrebande; car c'est un Effet qu'il serait singulier de produire en diminuant la tentation, et laissant les mêmes obstacles en les renforçant s'il le faut d'une partie des surveillants qui vexent l'intérieur du Royaume. 6. ° On a cru que mon Projet d'un Droit D'ENTRÉE sur le tabac était lié à la Liberté de cette Culture dans le Royaume, mais n'ayant pas même supposé cette idée, i l est inutile d'en parler ici: on m'a fait ensuitte interdire cette culture dans les Provinces où elle est permise, tt
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Ce qui serait un peu different. Mais je ne suis ni arracheur, ni Planteur; La Ferme décourage l'importation du tabac par Mer, et je propose de l'augmenter; Elle cherche 29. millions dans un Monopole odieux au Public, et je tâche de les trouver dans un droit simple qui rende l'activité au Commerce et la Liberté aux Individus, i l n'y a que cela de changé, et cela seul est l'objet de nôtre discussion. 7. ° Je prévois cependant une difficulté. Nôtre tabac en bout est marqué, le tabac Rapé est accompagné d'une vignette, i l y a même diton, des hommes heureusement nés, habilement formés, qui par leur sagacité et leur expérience poursuivent la contrefaction jusques dans la tabatière des Particuliers. Cette matière est si nouvelle pour moi, qu'avec la même Candeur qui m'a dicté cette objection, Je prie M M . les fermiers Généraux de m'aider à la réfuter. I l me semble que le tabac rapé, une fois distribué n'est plus sujet à Confiscation: i l me semble qu'il y aurait des moyens pour attacher aux Boîtes une vignette distinctive. Mais ce n'est que le tabac en Bout qu'on peut croire vraiment essentiel de marquer, et parmi tant de précautions qu'il est possible d'adopter, je proposerai s'il le faut celle de borner a un certain nombre de Villes les Magazins où le tabac sera déposé à son entrée, ainsi que les atteliers que tout fabricant pourra y établir, et avant de sortir de ces Villes, le bout de tabac recevra comme à présent la marque qui doit lui servir de Passeport. 8. ° On m'a fait aussi valoir l'intérêt de tous ces Employés que la Ferme nourrit, mais i l n'y a rien de dérangé pour les Gardes, et je souhaite même rendre leur sort meilleur, en leur ménageant quelques récompenses particulières en même tems qu'on leur abandonnera touttes les saisies. Quant aux Ouvriers, ils ne s'affligeront pas, je pense, de travailler pour leur propre compte, ou de servir des fabricants dont ils auront le choix, et qui par conséquent les traiteront bien. I l n'y aura de perdu que la facilité pour les gens puissants de récompenser aux Dépens du Public quelques Protégés; mais ils ont tant de ressources! 9. ° I l existe un Marché avec Robert Morriss dont l'infraction choquerai la délicatesse de M M . les Fermiers Généraux lors même qu'ils n'auraient pas déposé un million pour garantir leur engagement. Je suis ami de Robert Morriss et personne n'a eû plus d'occasions que moi de rendre hommage à ses talents; mais si son intérêt nuisait à l'intérêt public des deux Pays, i l sait bien que je m'y opposerais. d'Ailleurs qu'a de commun avec mon Plan le marché de M . Morriss? une Certaine quantité de ses tabacs a déjà été livrée: Mrs. les Fermiers Généraux, nous en sommes convenus au comité, doivent avoir dixhuit mois d'avance dans leurs magasins, et ces magasins sont presque vuides. Leur contrat porte, dit-on, sur une année hors du Bail, et comme cette usurpation de souveraineté n'est qu'une distraction, le tiers du Marché devient nul. En faisant attention à ces trois objets je ne vois pas que M M . les Fermiers Généraux soient dans le cas de Rompre leur Engagement. 10. On peut me faire une remarque que je suis loin de dissimuler; c'est que s'il importe beaucoup de détruire le Monopole du tabac, i l est encore plus urgent de remédier à celui des Gabelles, en conservant le respect dû aux Engagements et à des Constitutions sacrées. Heureuse4
5
6
07
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ment que mon Projet ne nuit point à celui-ci et Mrs. les Fermiers Généraux me trouveront prêt à Convenir de la justesse de cette observation. 11. m'occuperai-je de cette crainte chimérique d'une moins parfaitte fabrication? autant Vaudrait-il souhaiter que pour mieux satisfaire les gouts du Public tous les Vins pussent être faits à la fois dans le même pressoir. On connoit l'inconvénient de ces établissements lorsqu'ils ne sont pas nécessaires, la négligence qui règne partout où le Propriétaire ne veille pas, et pour rendre justice à la probité de Mrs. les Fermiers Généraux, c'est à leur mauvais Système de Fabrication qu'on doit attribuer, et ces plaintes si multipliées, si justifiées, que le Parlement de Bretagne vient encore de nous rappeller, et ce prix de manufacture et ce déchet de 30. p.^ bien plus extraordinaire. Je ne puis donner sur cet objet des calculs bien exacts; mais l'Exagération de ceux là, doit fraper tout le monde, surtout quand on sait que la Côte même de la Feuille de tabac s'embarque séparément en Virginie, et qu'on la transporte avec soin en Angleterre. 12. ° Après avoir mathématiquement démontré que sur les propres Bazes de Mrs. les fermiers Généraux, mon Système donne une augmentation de Commerce, une diminution de Prix du tabac et une égalité, pour ne pas dire un profit dans le revenu Public, me sera-t-il permis de calculer un instant d'après moi-même? Personne ne doutera que la Liberté de Commerce, la Varieté de fabrication, n'augmentent la consommation au moins d'un Cinqe., et ce Cinquième Comme i l n'y a rien à déduire pour les frais de Regie donne près de 7. millions de plus au Roy. S'il est vrai que les frais de Gardes pour touttes les parties des Fermes ne passent pas 8. millions, je dois espérer une diminution dans un Compte de 5,800,000 * sur l'article seul du tabac. On établiroit Vraisemblablement un droit à l'Entrée des Villes murées, une augmentation de taxe sur les communautés qui vendraient le tabac, et les Privilèges qu'ont à présent les Entreposeurs et débitants seraient supprimés. Toutes ces ressources fiscales et les œconomies de Regie pourroient peut-être donner deux millions. Si au lieu de 10. p.£ de profit une Régie se contentait de 7. p.-|, Le Roy y gagnerait plus d'un million; voilà donc 9. ou 10. millions de plus pour ses revenus et au lieu de 27,000,000* obligatoires et 2. millions de chance que la ferme offre, nous devons espérer près de 40. millions de revenu, ce qui aurait encore laissé bien de la marge pour la prétendue Contrebande si je n'avais pas refuté cette objection. 13. ° Quant aux prix du tabac, plusieurs Anglais m'assurent que le déchet sur la fabrication soignée, au lieu de 30. p.£ n'est pas de 16. p.-jj-, et je le Crois d'autant plus que les différences pour le tabac en poudre, à mâcher, et à fumer doivent employer à peu près toutte la feuille. Cela seul ferait tomber le prix à moins de 50. sols. Je ne parlerai pas des frais de fabrication qui sont encore trop hauts quoique ceux de charroi dans les Bazes de la ferme, y aient été compris. Ajoutons y cet avantage qu'il est toujours doux de rencontrer, C'est que les fantaisies des riches tourneront au Bénéfice des Pauvres, et que par Exemple, le 0
8
9
10
11
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Marchand qui aura gagné 8. sols sur le tabac à la mode se contentera de 2. sols sur le tabac commun. Repéter ai-je ce que j'ai dit au comité sur les avantages de cette liberté, sur nos liaisons de commerce avec l'Amérique, sur les profits qu'y trouvera nôtre Navigation, sur ce débouché ouvert à 6. ou 7. millions d'Échange pour le tabac, en Productions et manufactures françaises. Mais ne nous bornons pas là, et songeons que ce courant d'affaires avec les Etats-unis en entraînera bien d'autres. Le Commerce du Nord, du Levant et de l'Inde, est quelquefois désavantageux, précaire, ou de peu d'encombrement. Un Commerce d'Echange toujours Croissant entre la france et le continent Américain n'a pas ces inconvénients et réunit les avantages politiques. Mon ambition va plus loin encore, et quand je considère nôtre alliance, nos intérêts Communs, la situation de nos Ports, le prix de nôtre main d'œuvre et les fautes passées de l'Angleterre, Je pense avec un double plaisir que la France peut être l'Entrepôt d'une très grande partie du Commerce des Etatsunis en Europe, et qu'il est de nôtre intérêt de faciliter ces Echanges réciproques. C'est pour déférer aux instances du Comité que je donne par écrit le Resumé de mon avis à la dernière Séance; l'idée que j'y avais aportée s'est fortifiée par la discussion avec M M . les fermiers Généraux; J'ai ajouté ici ma Réponse à quelques objections nouvelles; et mes calculs ont été corrigés par un ami accoutumé a des combinaisons plus profondes. Quand je parle ou j'écris sur des objets si nouveaux pour moi, quand je m'empare ainsi du tems et de l'attention des Personnes habituées à ce genre de travail, j'ai grand besoin de compter sur cette indulgence que j'ai reclamée. Je souhaite que Messieurs les fermiers Généraux, en pensant que ma cause est celle du peuple, que je parle ici pour l'intérêt et le vœu Public, Veuillent bien améliorer mon projet dans tous ses détails, et assurer son succès en affermant eux-mêmes ou régissant le droit. Je sais que tous les membres de notre Comité, s'ils approuvent cette idée primitive d'un Droit au lieu d'un Monopole, sauront mieux que moi l'approfondir et la démontrer; et si je n'ai pas le plaisir de voir mon Plan renversé par un Plan meilleur, je penserai avec satisfaction que j'ai tenu pendant quelques instants le canavas d'un ouvrage utile et perfectionné par d'autres. 12
13
Facsimile text, 10 p., produced by the Hoffman process ( D L C ) ; unsigned and uncorrected; in TJ's hand at head of text: "M. de la fayette."; undated. Two other copies of this text have been founds the first, communicated by Lafayette to Tavernier de Boullongne in a letter also written on 19 Mch. 1786 (Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89, p. 227, note 20), is located in Archives Nationales, Archives des Colonies, F2B9, and was meticulously edited by F . L . Nussbaum in Jour. Mod. Hist., m (1931), 605-13 (Lafayette's covering letter to Boullongne
is printed at p. 605, but the date of "1er. Juin 1786" affixed to it later is there erroneously changed to 19 Feb. 1786); the second, hitherto undescribed, was the Duc de la Rochefoucauld's copy, transmitted by him in 1790 to the Comte de Roederer and now located in the Roederer Papers, Archives Nationales, Registre 29 AP 85 (see note to T J to Lafayette, 20 Feb. 1786). In the following discussion of the date, form, and authorship of this significant document, these texts are referred to, for convenience, as the T J Copy, the Boullongne Copy, and the Roche-
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19 M A R C H foucauld Copy respectively. See illus tration of first page as reproduced in this volume from T J Copy. As to date, Gottschalk's remark that "Lafayette finished his résumé the Sun day [19 Mch.] before the scheduled meeting of the committee" (Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89, p. 233), must be revised in light of the fact that, on that date, Lafayette was awaiting the re turn of a small edition of facsimile reproductions rather than a few clerk's copies. It must have taken Hoffman a day or two, probably longer, to make the plates required for a document of ten folio pages and perhaps as long to print the small edition of facsimiles. If, as is very probable, the fourth meet ing of the American Committee at which Lafayette gave his oral argu ment was held on Monday, 6 Mch., the "Résumé" was probably written dur ing the remainder of that week and the engraving and printing begun some time during the week of 13 Mch. and finished on Sunday, 19 Mch. As to form, there can be little doubt that these facsimiles were produced by the process that had been invented ca. 1783 by Hoffman (see T J to Rit tenhouse, 25 Jan. 1786; T J to Currie, 28 Jan. 1786; T J to Stiles, 1 Sep. 1786). Heretofore regarded as a clerk's copy in the customary sense of being hand-written by an amanuensis (Nussbaum, Jour. Mod. Hist., ni [1931], 605 ), this important document is proved to have been duplicated in facsimile by the fact that, on comparison, the T J Copy, the Boullongne Copy, and the Rochefoucauld Copy are, save for later corrections in ink, precisely identical and therefore were struck from the same set of plates. The two copies last-named bear no less than twenty-four deletions, interlinear additions, overwritings, or other corrections made by an unidenti fied hand in pen-and-ink, and both are signed by Lafayette. The T J Copy, on the other hand, bears no correction whatever and is not signed, facts which support the assumption that this was evidently the first copy dispatched by Lafayette and was, as hinted at in the covering letter, sent forward immedi ately on receipt of the copies from the hands of the duplicator. Hoffman or a clerk probably executed at least fifteen or twenty copies, for there were twelve members of the American Com mittee and Lafayette may have wished to send additional copies to other friends
1786
and advisors (see T J to Lafayette, 20 Feb. 1786). Some of the more signifi cant corrections made after the T J Copy had been dispatched are indi cated in the notes below. The nature of some of the errors committed by the engraving clerk and the general ap pearance of the facsimiles suggest that this may have been undertaken as an experimental venture in text-reproduc tion. It is perhaps one of the earliest official uses of an invention that had stirred TJ's interest. Thus this docu ment takes on significance in typo graphical history quite aside from its great importance in the history of Franco-American commercial and po litical relations. As to authorship, there are several points to be observed. Lafayette has been, quite correctly, given primary credit for authorship. He was a mem ber of the American Committee; the document is signed by him, it is en dorsed by T J as from him, and it is, in fact, but a "Résumé" of opinions that he had voiced in the meeting of the American Committee. Nevertheless, as Lafayette himself observed, "mes calculs ont été corrigés par un ami ac coutumé a des combinaisons plus pro fondes." There is difference of opinion as to the identity of the friend whom Lafayette had in mind and as to whether it was T J , Dupont, or Condorcet. Roederer, who wrote contemporane ously but may have had no special access to authoritative information (un less his source was L a Rochefoucauld who sent him the document) was of the opinion that Condorcet was the one who had checked Lafayette's cal culations and had given the document its particular style. Opposite the ref erence to "un ami" in the final para graph, Roederer wrote in the margin of the Rochefoucauld Copy: "Cet ami est M. le Mis. de Condorcet. Le style epigrammatique du memoire Annonce assez que l'auteur du memoire n'est pas M. de lafayette." Though this ap pears to be the only contemporary or subsequent opinion casting doubt upon Lafayette's claim to authorship in the full sense, it may be based on nothing more than Roederer's admiration for Condorcet's style or, what is more probable, lack of esteem for Lafayette's. Nevertheless, in addition to Condorcet and Dupont, the name of Simon Bérard must be brought into view as possibly being the friend who aided Lafayette in
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19 MARCH his calculations and who was "ac coutumé à des combinaisons plus pro fondes." The characterization fits Bér ard: he was one of the leading mer chants of France, he was a member of the American Committee, he had already attacked the contract made by the farmers-general with Morris; and he continued to collaborate with T J in the effort to break the tobacco mo nopoly after T J returned from Eng land (see note to T J to Lafayette, 20 Feb. 1786; Bérard to T J , 6 May 1786). Nussbaum and Gottschalk, while ad mitting as Lafayette does the collab orative nature of the "avis au Comité" insofar as the marshalling of argu ments and the compilation of statistics are concerned, see no need to with hold credit from him for having written the text itself, nor do the editors. T J had greatly influenced Lafayette in the whole strategy involved and Lafayette gave him generous credit for assistance, but, since T J left for London about the time that Lafayette made his oral argument and before it was put in writing, obviously he could not have assisted in drafting the document. La fayette did not even employ the addi tional argument that T J sent in his letter of 20 Feb. 1786, though that letter proves that T J had been en gaged in the preceding evening in a meeting with Lafayette and others to perfect calculations that would be used in the forthcoming discussions. This also explains why the statistics here employed by Lafayette are different from those used in TJ's letter to Ver gennes of 15 Aug. 1785. i At this point the words "des gardes" are interlined in ink in the Rochefoucauld Copy and also in the Boullongne Copy. The change made here and those indicated in the fol
17 8 6
lowing notes are in an unidentified hand. T J Copy reads, incorrectly, "fixe"; in the Rochefoucauld Copy and in the Boullongne Copy this word was changed by overwriting to read as above. Lafayette probably wrote "étage"; but the word was not corrected in any of the copies. The note, here placed at the foot of the page, is in the margin of the facsimile. 4 T J Copy reads "ditte"; changed by overwriting in Rochefoucauld Copy to read as above; Nussbaum interpreted the correction in Boullongne Copy to read "me dicte." s T J Copy reads "ils ne néglirons pas"; this was corrected in the other two copies to read as above. 6 This was changed by overwriting in Rochefoucauld Copy to read "Mon sieur Morriss." T J Copy reads " l ° " corrected in other two copies to read as above. s This phrase was changed by over writing in the Rochefoucauld Copy and in the Boullongne Copy to read "bonne foi," obviously an alteration by the au thor rather than the correction of an error by the engraver. 9 T J Copy reads "Regie"; this was corrected by overwriting in other two copies to read as above. 10 At this point in Rochefoucauld Copy and in Boullongne Copy the words "de regie" are interlined in ink in an un identified hand. In Rochefoucauld Copy and in Boullongne Copy this figure is changed in ink by overwriting to read "16. 2
3
7
;
1 1
P-Î."
T J Copy reads "ce"; corrected by overwriting in Boullongne Copy and in Rochefoucauld Copy to read as above. is T J Copy reads "parties"; corrected by overwriting in Rochefoucauld Copy and in Boullongne Copy to read as above. 1 2
From La Rouerie (Paris, 19 Mch. 1786. Noted in SJL as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786. Not found.]
346
From William Short DEAR SIR
[19?
Mch.
1786]
Colo. Humphries has informed me that a French Gentleman who sets out for London to-day presents a favorable Opportunity of conveying your Letters to you. The Marquis de la Fayette informed him of this Circumstance and desired that the Letters should be sent to him this Morning, to be by him committed to the Care of this Gentleman. You will therefore Sir recieve under the Cover of Colo. Humphries the Letters brought here from Madrid by Mr. Harrison, and which Colo. Humphries recieving whilst I was at St. Germains, forwards. I inclose two which have come to my Hands. These are all that have been recieved at the Hotel since your Departure. I except one from Mr. de Reyneval which arrived in less than an Hour after you had gone. On opening it I found that it was not an absolute Order for the Liberation of the Prisoners, as I think you expected. It was a Letter addressed to you in which he informs you that he had had a Conference with the Controller-general on their Subject and was authorized to say to you that the Prisoners might be liberated if they would relinquish all Right of Appeal, and thereby consent to the Confiscation of the Vessel and Cargo, or if (supposing they insisted on the Appeal) they would give certain securities which are mentioned in the Letter. I immediately inclosed this Letter to Messrs. Borgnis, Desbordes Frères at Brest and desired, if it did not suffice for the Liberation of the Prisoners, that they would be so good as to inform me of it without Delay in Order that I might obtain something more absolute for them. Having received no Answer since that Period I hope the Letter was found sufficient. Nothing having occurred since your Departure that is worth troubling you with, I here take the Liberty of begging the Favor of you to bring me two of the smallest possible Quantities (one red and the other black) of that Kind of Ink which is used for printing on Linen with the Types which I have. I suppose it may be easily found in any of the Shops in very small tin Phials. Should there be the smallest Difficulty sir I beg you will pass it over as if nothing had been said on the Subject. I urge it the more particularly because I have enough left to last me some Time yet—a Circumstance which will also save you the Trouble sir of having my Linen marked in London. I am ashamed of troubling you so much with Trifles at a Time [347]
20 M A R C H
1786
when you have few Moments to lose. The best Compensation I can make is to inform you that your Daughter was very well two Days ago. I beg you to be persuaded sir of the purest sentiments of Friendship and Gratitude with which I have the Honor to be Your, &c,
W . SHORT
I beg you to make my most particular Compliments to Colo. Smith to whose care I have addressed this Letter, because I sup posed it the best mode of painting out yours as you would chuse to be as little seen as possible. RC ( D L C ) ; without date, but evi dently written on Sunday, 19 Mch., when Lafayette concluded his to T J , with which the present letter was con veyed "by a safe Hand." T J thought that it was written "about the 17th" (see T J to Short, 28 Mch. 1786).
Noted in S J L as received 25 Mch. One of the letters forwarded by Short was probably John Ledyard to T J , 7 Feb.; the other has not been identified. Those enclosed U N D E R T H E C O V E R O F C O L O . HUMPHRIES are partially identified in Humphreys to T J , 17 Mch. 1786.
From Lister Asquith St. Pauls Prison March 20th. 1786 May it Please your Excellency, Sir I received your Letter of the 5th. Inst, and am sorry to find that things should turn out so unfavorable as I am entirely in nocent of the Crime laid to my Charge and which I have suffered for but as I find it is useless to go any further with it I must thro Nessessity submit to their Sentence sooner than life any longer in Prison and give up all Claims to the Vessel and Tobacco so far. Since I cannot help it beg you would be so kind as to send by the very return of post my Log Book, Clearance at Baltimore and the 2 Commercial Letters also the Bill of Sale, Register Protest at the Admiralty and French Clearance if your Excellency received them from Messrs. Desbores and beg you would get us discharged as soon as possible for which and all other kindnesses I shall ever with Gratitude respectfully remain Your most Obed. Servt., LISTER ASQUITH RC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786.
From Thomas Barclay DEAR SIR Madrid 20th. March 1786. I wrote you a few lines informing you of my arrival, and Ex pectation of seeing the Count of Florida Blanca this day agreeable 348
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to his appointment, in Consequence of which M. Carmichael ac companied me to the Pardo, where the Count resides at present, and there we were Informed that the Minister cou'd not receive us before Wednesday next, as he had had, within a few days, the account of the Death of his Father. There is nothing Important in this Except the Delay, however I have thought proper to mention it to you, and as soon as I can be more particular I will write to you and M. Adams. In the mean time I remain Dear Sir Your Most obed. Servant, THOS. BARCLAY RC (DNA: PCC, No. 87, i ) . Tr (DNA: PCC, No. 91, i ) . Tr (DNA: PCC, No. 107). T r (MHi: A M T ) . Noted in S J L as received "while in London."
From Benjamin Franklin SIR Philada. March 20. 1786 I received your Favour of Oct. 5. by Messrs. Fitzhughs, with the Letters and Pacquets you were so kind as to forward to me by those Gentlemen, who have winter'd with us, and are but lately set out for Virginia. I will read du Plessis's Papers as soon as I can find a little time; and say some thing of them in a future Letter. As to public Affairs, the Congress has not been able to assemble more than 7 or 8 States during the whole Winter, so the Treaty with P. remains still unratified, tho' there is no doubt of its being done soon, as a full Congress is expected next Month. [The Dis position to furnish Congress with ample Powers augments daily, as People become more enlightened; and I do not remember ever to have seen during my long Life more Signs of Public Felicity than appear at present throughout these States, the Cultivators of the Earth who make the Bulk of our Nation, having had good Crops, which are paid for at high prices with ready Money. The Artisans too receive high Wages, and the Value of all real Estates is augmented greatly. Merchants and Shop keepers indeed com plain that there is not Business enough, but this is evidently not owing to the Fewness of Buyers, but to the too great Number of Sellers; for the Consumption of Goods was never greater, as appears by the Dress, Furniture and Manner of Living of all Ranks of the People. As to myself, I am, agréable to your kind Wishes, happy in the Bosom of my Friends and Family, enjoying as good Health as ever, the Stone excepted, which does not grow worse.] Be pleased to 1
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present my affectionate Respects to the good Countess d'Houditot, who you say does me the Honour to enquire concerning me, and I pray you to assure all other enquiring Friends, that I retain, and shall forever retain, the deepest Impression of their many kind nesses to me while I resided among them. I hope your Health is fully established. My best wishes attend you, being with great and sincere Esteem, Dear Sir, Your most obedient & most humble Servant, B. F R A N K L I N RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 24 May 1786. It is not at all improbable that Franklin gave a consciously optimistic account of affairs in America with the expectation that his letter would come to the attention of the French ministry (cf. Madison's account of affairs in his letter to T J , 18 Mch. 1786). If this was his intent, he succeeded in it; see
note 1.
i l n Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E . U., X X X I , there is a copy of an extract from Franklin's letter comprising the passage enclosed in square brackets (supplied). This would suggest that the letter was intercepted by French officials, perhaps as Franklin intended.
An Interlude at Dolly's Chop House 1/2 past 2
Dolly's
One among our many follies Was calling in for steaks at Dolly's Whereby we've lost-—and feel like Sinners That we have miss'd much better dinners Nor do we think that us 'tis hard on Most humbly thus to beg your pardon And promise that another time We'll give our reason not our rhime So we've agreed—our Nem: Con: Vote is That we thus jointly give you notice For as our rule is to be clever We hold it better late than never 1
[350]
21 M A R C H MS unavailable. Text and reproduc tion of signatures from Magazine of American History with Notes and Que ries, m (1879), 44-5, where, under the title "A Diplomatic Round Robin," the circumstances of the writing of this extempore verse are given as fol lows: "This amusing trifle, signed by men whom we are taught to revere as grave and reverend seniors, is in the possession of Charles Bruff, of Brooklyn, to whom we are indebted for its reproduction.—Mr. Jefferson, then our minister to France, had been a short time before called by a private letter of Mr. Adams, then our minister at London, to consult upon the terms of treaties with Portugal and Algiers. This letter was carried by Mr. Smith, then Adams' Secretary of Legation, and later the husband of his only daughter. Jefferson returned with him to London, where they met Richard Peters, well known in revolutionary history as Sec retary to the Board of War, later as Judge of the U.S. Court in Pennsyl vania, and celebrated for his dry wit and humor.—It seems that these con vivial spirits had engaged to dine with Mr. Adams on the evening of Saturday, the 25th of March, but were led astray by the attractions of Dolly's chop-house, long famous for its good cheer. There, at half past two o'clock on Sunday morning, the rhyme . . . was written. It is supposed to be in the handwriting of Col. Smith, but to have been dictated by Mr. Peters. It is addressed to 'His Excellency John Adams, &c, &c, corner Brooks Street, Grosvenor Square.'—It is amusing to read in the diary of John Adams that he dined with Richard Peters and a distinguished company at the table of the Bishop of St. Asaph's that same Sunday evening. The names of Jefferson and Smith do not appear in the list of the guests. We notice their absence without comment. The reader may draw his own conclusions.—Edi tor." The MS is in Smith's hand, and is signed by the three men. But the evi dence for the conclusion that they "had engaged to dine with Mr. Adams" seems to rest only on the inference drawn from the doggerel itself. So, too, with the inference that this engagement was for "Saturday the 25th of March" and that the piece was written in early morning instead of early afternoon. These inferences cannot be verified, and at least one of them seems to be invali dated by the sole reference made to
1786
Dolly's Chop House in TJ's Account Book during his London stay: on 21 Mch. he "paid dinner at Dolly's 6/." Thus it was evidently on Tuesday, 21 Mch., the day he paid a shilling "for seeing the learned pig," that T J and his companions dined at Dolly's. If this is correct, then the inference about TJ's absence from the list of guests at the home of Jonathan Shipley, Bishop of St. Asaph, friend of Franklin and of the American cause, on Sunday evening, 26 Mch.—an inference unwarranted in any case—falls of course (see Adams, Works, ed. C. F . Adams, m, 393, where the dinner guests are named; others, un identified, came in after dinner "accord ing to the fashion in this country"). In view of TJ's meticulous accuracy in re cording all expenditures, the presence of an entry for dinner at Dolly's on the 21st and the absence of an entry for dinner anywhere on the 25th may be regarded as conclusive as to the date. Some of the entries in the Account Book for London dinners may place the six shillings paid at Dolly's on the 21st in proper perspective: 22 Mch.: "paid . . . dinner &c. [at Windsor] 11/"; 24 Mch.: "paid for dinner 3/"; 27 Mch.: "paid for dinner at London tavern 14/6"; 20 Apr.: "dinner 10/6." These constitute all of the entries for din ners in London; those recorded on the tour of English gardens early in April are not included. During his stay, T J dined often with the Adamses, and was invited to other homes as well. The following entries in Adams' diary are of interest: "[Mch.] 29. Wednesday. Dined at Mr. Blake's. Mr. Middleton and wife, Mr. Alexander and Mrs. Williams, Mr. Jefferson, Colo nel Smith, and my family. 30. Thurs day. . . . Dined at Mr. Paradise's. Count Woronzow and his gentleman and chap lain, M. Soderini, the Venetian minister, Mr. Jefferson, Dr. Bancroft, Colonel Smith, and my family. . . . [Apr.] 15. Saturday. Dined with Mr. Brand Hollis, in Chesterfield Street. . . . Our company were Price, Kippis, Bridgen, Romilly, and another, besides Jefferson, Smith, and myself.—18. Tuesday. Yesterday, dined here Mr. Jefferson, Sir John Sin clair, Mr. Heard, Garter King at Arms, Doctor Price, Mr. Brand Hollis, Mr. Henry Lloyd of Boston, Mr. Jenings, Mr. Bridgen, Mr. Vaughan, Mr. Mur ray, Colonel Smith" (Adams, Works, ed. C. F . Adams, ill, 393-6; for an excellent
351
22
M A R C H
account of one of the ardent friends of America who was host to T J in London, see Caroline Bobbins, "Thomas Brand Hollis, 1719-1804: English Admirer of Franklin and Intimate of John Adams,"
1786
Am. Phi. Soc, Procs., Vol. 97 [1953], p. 239-47). i This word interlined in substitution for "early," deleted.
From Nathaniel Tracy DEAR SIR Boston March 22. 1 7 8 6 I take the Liberty of introducing to your Civilities Capt. Na thaniel Cutting who will have the Honor of delivering you this. You will find this Gentleman well informed with respect to the general State of our Affairs in this Country, and from a long Acquaintance with him I know that the greatest Confidence may be placed in his Honor and Integrity. Therefore I shall not apologize for this Intrusion. Pray make my best Respects acceptable to the Gentlemen of your Family and believe me with the most sincere Respect & Es teem your most obed. Servant, NATHANIEL TRACY RC (CSmH). Noted in SJL as received 19 May 1786 " b y Capt. Cutting."
From Thomas Barclay DEAR SIR Madrid 23 March 1 7 8 6 I had the pleasure of addressing you twice since my Arrival here, and though I had nothing worth the attentions of you or M. Adams to Communicate, I thought you wou'd wish to know how I am employ'd and to be able to say to him that I have made some progress in my Journey. Yesterday I was Introduced to the Count of Florida Blanca at the Pardo, he received and treated me like a man of Business ex tremely well disposed to serve our Country. His Manner was frank and easie. He said the Emperor of Morocco proposed making the King Negociator of the Peace, but that he wou'd inform the Em peror it wou'd be better the Business shou'd be done in Morocco, and he Called in his Secretary, and gave him directions to prepare the letters for me against Saturday next. He added, that he wou'd propose to the King to write to the Emperor himself, and I have no Doubt but I shall have the Honor of Carrying this Powerful Recommendation. We are again to wait on the Count of Florida Blanca on Sunday, 352
2 6 MARCH
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and probably I may have it in my power to write you more par ticularly by Monday's post. I am with great respect and Esteem Dear Sir Your most obed. Huml. Servant, THOS. BARCLAY Mr. Lamb sailed the 11th. from Barcelona. RC (DNA: PCC, No. 87, i ) . T r (DNA: PCC, No. 91, i ) . T r (DNA: PCC, No. 107). Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. (1 May?) 1786; duplicate received 3 June 1786. T r (MHi: A M T ) .
From William Temple Franklin DEAR SIR Philadelphia, 26th. March 1786. Mr. Mumford the Bearer of this, being very ambitious of pay ing his Respects to your Excellency in his Way through Paris, From a very sincere Regard for him, and a persuasion that you will not take it amiss, I have given him this Letter. He formerly lived in our house at Passy, and acted as Assistant Secretary in the Office; But having since turn'd his Views to Commerce, he is now connected with a Merchant in your State, and sails thence as supercargo of a Vessel laden with Tobacco and bound to Bordeaux. I beg leave to recommend him to those Civilities and Attentions you have a Pleasure in affording to your deserving Countrymen. With sincere Esteem & Affection, I have the honor to be Your Excellency's most obedient & most humble Servant, W. T . F R A N K L I N
E S . My best Compliments to the Gentlemen in your Family. RC ( D L C : Franklin Papers); en dorsed by T J with his left hand and therefore received after 18 Sep. 1786. Not recorded in S J L . M R . M U M F O R D : Gurdon S. Mumford of Connecticut (David Mumford to Benjamin Franklin, Hartford, 13 Mch. 1781, thanking him
for admitting his son into his family; Jonathan Williams, Jr. to William Temple Franklin, Nantes, 5 Jan. 1782, making arrangements for taking Gur don S. Mumford into his counting house; PPAP).
From William Short DEAR SIR
March 26.
1786
1
Since writing you I have received two Letters from Messrs. Desbordes of Brest. The first informed me that the Letter inclosed them was not sufficient, as I had apprehended, for the Liberation of the American Prisoners. They desired me to obtain without 353
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Delay something more absolute. I immediately wrote to Mr. Reyneval communicating this Circumstance, and two or three Days after received the second Letter from Messrs. Desbordes which I inclose. You will see by that Sir the present Situation of the Prisoners, and the Request made me by Messrs. Desbordes. I shall write to them to day that I have no Authority to enlarge the Powers you have given them with Respect to the Advances of Money, and inform them at the same Time that I have enclosed you their Letter on this Subject. I should have done it the first Moment of its Receipt, but that I awaited an Answer from Mr. Reyneval; although it has not yet come I suppose it best not to wait longer as every Day is of Importance to the Prisoners. After sending my Letter which I wrote you some Time ago to the Marquis de la Fayette, another from London arrived to your Address accompanied by a Map of Virginia. I kept the Map and gave the Letter to the Marquis de la Fayette (whom I saw that Evening at Madame de Tesse's) as he told me that the Gentleman has not yet left Paris. This Letter will go by Post so that I hope you will receive it very shortly. I am the more anxious as I see no Reason to expect that the Prisoners will be liberated until you can take some Measure in the Affair. The Letter however which I inclose will put you in Possession of all that I know respecting their present situation. I have nothing more to communicate Sir than the Assurances of that perfect Friendship with which I shall ever be Your &c, W . SHORT RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received "while in London." Enclosures: Borgnis Desbordes, Frères to Short, 13 and 17 Mch. 1786 ( R C , D L C ) ; the first is noted under Rayneval to T J , 5 Mch. 1786; the second informs Short that the farmers-general have notified their comptroller at Brest to release the American prisoners from St. Pol de Léon provided they give up their ship and cargo and pay costs of judgment, jailing, food, &c; that the farmers-general will not require the 300tt fine for each of the men; and that Borgnis Desbordes wish authorization to pay all expenses charged to the prisoners. ANOTHER
FROM
LONDON
. . .
ACCOM-
P A N I E D B Y A M A P O F V I R G I N I A : This was probably a (missing) letter to T J from James Lyons, whose letter of 27 Feb. 1786 had been received on 5 Mch., conveying the information that he had been disappointed in obtaining the map from Faden. Lyons evidently succeeded in time to send it with another letter from London. Lafayette must either have been mistaken in thinking that the person who carried Short's and his letters of 19 Mch. had N O T Y E T LEFT PARIS or else the letters were given by that person to another; for T J recorded both as having been received on 25 Mch. and he actually replied to Short's on 28 Mch. i Short wrote: "March 86th 1786."
354;
From the Rev. James Madison DEAR SIR Williamsbg. March 27th. 1786 I did not receive your Favour of Octr. 1785 till last Month, or so long a Time should not have elapsed, before I made you, at least, the Return of my sincere Thanks for your valuable Com munications. The Trunk with the Books arrived safe, and its precious Contents were disposed of as you directed. As to those you were so kind as to favour me with, Nothing could have been more acceptable. Impatient as we are here to be informed of the Progress of Philosophy, and great as that Progress seems to be in the European World, we certainly ought, and do, hold your Favour in the highest Estimation. We rejoice that an American Ambassador bestows such Attention to the literary Improvement of his Country men, and that we have in him a Friend, who knows so well the Importance of that Improvement. We must endeavour to avail our selves of the Lights he transmits, and thus prove that we are not unworthy of his generous Attention. The Circumstance you mentioned relative to the Planet Herschel is indeed a curious one, and was perhaps also a fortunate one for the Calculation of that valuable Work the Conn, des Temps. I had not before heard of the Observations of Mr. Pigott. They seem to be more precise than any before made upon that remarkable Phenomenon of a periodical Variation of Light in some of the Stars. As early as 1596, one in the Neck of the Whale was ob served to increase and decrease regularly, it's Period being about 334 Days. But I have seen no Account of any Stars whose periods were so short, or so well ascertained as that you mention. Such Phenomena undoubtedly afford ample Room for Philosophical Speculation. Perhaps, like our Sun, those stars have a Rotation upon their Axes, and also their Maculae, the larger and more constant, which, during their rotatory Motion, may cause a regu lar variation in their Light, in proportion as those Maculae are more or less turned to the Observer. Or, perhaps as Maupertuis supposes, that Appearance may arise from their Form. They may be considerably flattened, so that they will appear more or less luminous, as the broad or narrow Side is turned towards us. Your Idea that they may be Suns, which have their orbits of Revolution is more extensive than either of those Suppositions; and it is not the Part of a Philosopher to deny the Possibility of certain Dispositions in Nature, when the Phaenomena seem to indicate 355
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them, merely because he cannot fully comprehend the manner in which they act. It seems to be doubtful whether Men are more slow in collecting the Laws of Nature, or in applying them when col lected and known. Who would have supposed, a few years past, that, by Means of a Screw acting only in the Air, a Vessel should be fairly drawn across a River, Or indeed that the bold Aeronaut should dare to attempt Excursions in so rare a Medium, and would be able to direct his Course nearer to the Wind than the best sail ing Vessels. Is it not probable that these aeorostatic Machines will in Time be applied to other purposes than as mere Philosophical Experiments tho' in that Respect alone they are certainly very valuable. Yet I have seen no Result of Observations made by them, relating to several Matters, for which they seem particularly adapted, Such as the Rate of Decrease in the Density of the At mosphere at different Elevations, also the Rate in which it's Tem perature varies. Meteors in general, Propagation of Sounds, De scent of Bodies &c. are all proper Subjects of Investigation and which no Doubt will be investigated as those Machines are more perfected. We raise here the small Balloons filled with inflamma ble Air. I have once made a Trial of Pit Coal, which I find Cavallo also mentions as affording an air of the same Levity as that you wrote me an account of. We raise those filled with rarified Air, tolerable large (about 20 Feet in Diam). But I beleive no one in America has yet ventured to mount with a Balloon. I have been since sorry that I proposed those Queries respecting the Chrystal. It was giving you a Trouble which I ought to have spared. I have lately seen some Account of the Icelandic Chrystal, as long known to Opticians for its singular refractive Powers. It is described as a Kind of Talc, found in the form of an oblique Parallelopiped, and composed of Lamina which will cleave parallel to either of it's Sides; from which Constitution, its Property may probably be derived. Dr. Franklin brought a Peice of this Chrystal to Phila. which he gave to a Friend of mine who informed me of it's Property of giving a double Image. They have also in Phila. one of the Telescopes made of it, by which the Suns apparent Diameter is readily measured, and small Distances accurately determined. In the Continuance of the meridian Line which bounds the west ern Extremity of Pennsylvania, marine shells were found on the highest Ground between the Ohio and Lake Erie. I have written to Mr. Ellicott, who was concerned in running the Line, in Order 356
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to procure some of them, which I mean to forward to you; I shall be happy to send them to you, as they will afford you some useful Data, and would no Doubt be a particular Gratification to those who are capable, like Buffon, of penetrating into Ages past. I must not forget to thank you for your kind offer with Respect to the Encyclopedic We have however, contracted with a Person who sent over last Fall 20 Vol. of the Encyclop. Method, and who is to supply us with them as they come out. Being in Richmond, at the Time of the last Session of our As sembly our mutual Friend Col. Madison, shewed me a work, which, tho I had an opportunity of viewing but too transiently, yet I wish its Author could be induced to render more public. It would be an Ornament to our Library, and highly profitable to our Youth. They will gain from it a Knowledge relative to their Country, not elsewhere to be obtained, and will be impressed with the great Advantage of treasuring up, and methodically arranging Facts of Importance, whether they belong to the moral or the physical world. Such a Work should not be kept in private. Let it have the broad Light of an American Sun. It will assist greatly in dispelling some Misty Fogs, which still hover about us. I have no literary Intelligence worth communicating from this Side of the Atlantic. A Dr. Ramsay of So. Carolina has attempted a History of the late War as far as it related to that State, but I beleive most of us would regret to have an Event so fortunate for Mankind, handed down to Posterity in no better a Dress, yet the Author has some Merit, particularly that his Dress is altogether Américain, of which he makes no small Boast. Mr. Wythe informs me that he wrote to you some Time past. Your Friends here, whom you mentioned, all request to be af fectionately remembered. Be assured, Dr. Sir, of the great Esteem & Respect with which I am, Yr. Friend & Servt., JAS:
MADISON
RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed: "Madison Jas. (W.M.C.)." Noted in S J L as received 4 Aug. 1786.
American Commissioners to John Jay SIR
Grosr. Square March 28th. 1786
Soon after the arrival of Mr. J . in London, we had a conference with the Ambassador of Tripoli, at his House. 357
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The amount of all the information we can obtain from him was that a perpetual peace was in all respects the most advisable, be cause a temporary treaty would leave room for increasing demands upon every renewal of it, and a stipulation for annual payments would be liable to failures of performance which would renew the war, repeat the negotiations and continually augment the claims of his nation and the difference of expence would by no means be adequate to the inconvenience, since 12,500 Guineas to his Con stituents with 10 pr. Cent upon that sum for himself, must be paid if the treaty was made for only one year. That 30,000 Guineas for his Employers and £3,000 for him self were the lowest terms upon which a perpetual peace could be made and that this must be paid in Cash on the delivery of the treaty signed by his sovereign, that no kind of Merchandizes could be accepted. That Tunis would treat upon the same terms, but he could not answer for Algiers or Morocco. We took the liberty to make some inquiries concerning the Grounds of their pretentions to make war upon Nations who had done them no Injury, and observed that we considered all man kind as our friends who had done us no wrong, nor had given us any provocation. The Ambassador answered us that it was founded on the Laws of their Prophet, that it was written in their Koran, that all nations who should not have acknowledged their authority were sinners, that it was their right and duty to make war upon them wherever they could be found, and to make slaves of all they could take as Prisoners, and that every Musselman who should be slain in battle was sure to go to Paradise. That it was a law that the first who boarded an Enemy's Vessell should have one slave, more than his share with the rest, which operated as an incentive to the most desperate Valour and Enter prise, that it was the Practice of their Corsairs to bear down upon a ship, for each sailor to take a dagger in each hand and another in his mouth, and leap on board, which so terrified their Enemies that very few ever stood against them, that he verily believed the Devil assisted his Countrymen, for they were almost always suc cessful. We took time to consider and promised an answer, but we can give him no other, than that the demands exceed our Expecta tions, and that of Congress, so much that we can proceed no further without fresh instructions. 1
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2 8 MARCH
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There is but one possible way that we know of to procure the money, if Congress should authorize us to go to the necessary expence, and that is to borrow it in Holland. We are not certain it can be had there. But if Congress should order us to make the best terms we can with Tunis, Tripoli, Algiers and Morocco, and to procure this money wherever we can find it, upon terms like those of the last loan in Holland, our best endeavours shall be used to remove this formidable obstacle out of the way of the prosperity of the United States. Inclosed is a Copy of a Letter from P. R. Randall Esqr. at Barcelona, the last from Mr. Barclay was dated Bayonne. It is hoped we shall soon have news from Algiers and Morocco, and we wish it may not be made more disagreable than this from Tunis and Tripoli. We are &c. J.A. T.J. T r ( D L C ) ; in Smith's hand; endorsed: "March 28. 1786. Copy from J.A. & T . J . to Jno. Jay." T r (DNA: PCC, No. 86); at foot of text: "The aforegoing Letter was taken from a Copy furnished by Mr. Jefferson for the purpose, the original having been communicated to Congress and referred by them to a Committee, which never reported on nor returned it. H. Remsen junr." Not in S J L . According to Jay's letter of transmittal to Congress, 23 May 1786, the enclosures were missing (DNA: PCC, No. 80, n; J C C , xxx, 307, note); see Randau to Commis-
sioners, 17 Feb. 1786. The present letter was read in Congress on 25 May and referred to Jay for a report thereon; Jay's report, dated 29 May 1786, is in Dipl. Corr., 1783-1789, I , 606-8. Jay expressed confidence in the ministers, suggested that the terms of the treaty with Barbary powers be left to them, and advised against borrowing money for that purpose. i T r reads "profit."
From Nicolas Darcel SIR Rue Poissonnière Paris March the 28th. 1786. I have been duly honored with your note under the 6th. Inst. relative to the affair of Fish oil. Your messenger having told to my Servant that you intended for England I think not amiss to Forward you there the answer I received this very day From Mr. De colonia. I wrote at Rouen to the merchant who Sold the cargo Belonging to Mr. Boylston, Sending him the like voucher you'll find herewith to enable him to lay his claim in a memorial which I'll, if necessary, present to the Minister. I likewise informed Marquis L a Fayette with the result of my Steps that in case I must beg his assistance he is not Stranger to the affair. I remain with great respect Sir Your most obedient & huml Servt.,
Nie
359
DARCEL
2 8 MARCH RC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received "while in London." Enclosure ( D L C ) : (1) Copy of a letter, dated 25 Mch. 1786, from Colonia, "Maître des Requêtes, Intendant au Département des Fermes Générales" (Almanack
Royal,
1787,
p.
257),
to
Darcel, "se disant chargé des affaires de Mr. Barclay, consul Gl. des Etats unis en France," transmitting a reply of the farmers-general to Darcel's query about the duties on fish oils imported from the United States. The farmersgeneral state that it is true that fish oils brought to France in French or American ships pay the privileged duty of 7«=. 10s. per barrel of 520 lbs., but they also have to pay the special duty on oils (Decree of 21 Mch. 1716), which is 6d. per lb., and that duty applies to all imports of oils, wherever their source. If Mr. Darcel finds that the duties at Havre and Rouen are not according to these two rulings they will be altered. In that case he must return to the 'régie' the receipts which he believes erroneous. (2) Voucher in the form of a letter from the M E R C H A N T WHO
SOLD
MR.
BOYLSTON
T H E CARGO
BELONGING
TO
(Anthony Garvey of Rouen). Darcel W R O T E to Garvey on 28 Mch. and two days later received
17 8 6
the following reply: "En réponse a L'honneur de la votre d'hier, c'est bien moi qui ai reçus et vendu les huilles de M. Boylston. Les droits portés dans le Compte de vente que je lui ai remis sont.—Droit de traitte a raison de 7 .10 la Barrique de 520^ avec les dix sols pour livre.—Droit des huilles et savons a Cinquante sols du Quintal net un sixième déduit pour la Tare, avec les 10s $ livre.—D'après la réponse qu'on a Fait a votre Memoire et dont vous m'envoyé Copie, je ne vois aucun espoir de réussir puisqu'on a perçu les mêmes droits que si elle fut provenu de la peche des Villes Anseatiques. M. Boylston avant son depart pour Londres m'avait dit que M. Jefferson s'occupait de la suppression du droit connu sous le nom d'huilles et savons, mais d'après la Réponse qu'on vous fait je vois peu d'espoir de succès. Si vous voulés quelques autres renseignements je me ferai toujours un plaisir de vous satisfaire," &c. (Garvey to Darcel, 29 Mch. 1786; D L C : T J Papers, 19: 3345-6; the "Compte de Vente de 149 Futailles huille de Spermaceti" is in same, 53: 9043). tt
TJ's
NOTE
UNDER
T H E 6TH.
INST.
has not been found and is not recorded in S J L .
From C. W. F. Dumas La Haie 28e. Mars 1786 Votre Excellence verra par Pincluse pour Mr. Jay, que notre petit theatre offre au monde une suite non interrompue de Scenes les plus interessantes. C'est toujours la Lutte de la Liberté et de la tyrannie, mais variée à l'infini. Je ne sais si j'ai déjà prévenu Votre Excellence, qu'aucune de ces Lettre ne doit passer par la voie d'Angleterre. On me l'a fait promettre; et la raison en est simple: de l'issue de ce conflit dépend la solidité de l'autonomie de cette republique et de son Alliance avec la France, et avec une autre Puissance, qui n'attend que la décision de l'affaire de la Haie pour accéder à cette Alliance ou non. Je suis avec gran respect, De Votre Excellence le très humble et très-obéissant serviteur, C W F DUMAS
MONSIEUR
Nous attendons l'arrivée ce soir d'un Courier dépéché de France, chargé de Dépêches importantes. 360
2 8 MARCH R C ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786; it arrived in Paris 1 Apr.; see Short to T J , 2 Apr. 1786. Enclosure: Dumas to Jay, 23 Mch. 1786 ( F C , Dumas Papers, Rijksarchief, T h e Hague, photostats in D L C ) , describing the difficulties of the military command of the country and a plot (which was discovered and failed) to kill certain officials, leading to an assembly extraordinary which vested all power over the city in a Conseil des Dépêches; mentioning also a meeting in Utrecht which forced the Regency and Council to adopt a new ruling to the constitution; stating that the Court of France is taking measures to guarantee all rights of the sovereigns of the Netherlands; and concluding with the following postscript: " I l ne faut plus que j'oublie, Monsieur, de vous prier
17 8 6
de faire en sorte que Mrs. et parlent de moi à M r . Jefferson comme de l'homme que l'Espagne, la France et leurs Amis ici doivent préférer à tout autre comme Résident duement qualifié des E t . Unis à Lahaie, et qu'ils en écrivent sur le même ton à M r . Gardoqui, le Ministre d'Espagne à N.York. Si M r . de Vergennes veut faire connoître la m ê m e chose au Ministre de France à N . York, l'affaire n'en ira que mieux et plus promptment. Je languis d'avoir de vos nouvelles sur ceci"; this is one of the letters listed as being missing from Dumas letters in the archives of the Department of State, Dipl. Corr., 1783-1789, m , 540; as in most of the letters in the Dumas letter-book, the names in this communication have been obliterated.
From Francis Hopkinson M Y DEAR S I R Philada. 28th. March 1786 According to your Directions I sent the other Day a Package of News Papers to Mr. Jay to be forwarded to you. I wrote also by the same Conveyance. As I am frequently trying Projects of one kind or another, I sometimes blunder upon what I , for a while at least, suppose to be a Discovery. I wish to communicate to you one of these Projects. The manufacture of Perles fausses and patenôtres is a considerable Branch of Business at Paris and an Article of Commerce. We call them french Beads. These are made by blowing thin glass Bubbles of various Shapes and Sizes. These are made to imitate Pearls by dropping a small Portion of a precious Liquor, called UEssence UOrient and causing it to line the Inside of the glass Bubble, after which the Bead is filled with white Wax or not according to the Fashion. This UEssence UOrient is made at Paris from a small Fish called Ablettes. It takes four thousand of these Fish to produce four Ounces of this precious Tincture. I suppose therefore, that it is very dear. I have discovered a Way of making this Liquor from a Fish (peculiar I believe to America) to great Perfection. Nothing can be more beautiful. I flatter myself that it is even superior to that made from the Ablette. I wish you would be so good as to enquire what those manufacturers would give per Ounce for this L'Essence D'Orient. If the Price should make it 361
2 8 MARCH
17 8 6
worth while, I will send a Quantity on Speculation. I would send you a Sample now but the Vessel will sail to day, and I am not yet forward enough in my Experiments. The Liquor I make, I am satisfied, will answer. My only Difficulty is how to preserve it from Putrefaction. This I understand is kept as a great Secret amongst the Artists. I wish you could get this Information for me. The Secret, if it is such, may safely be trusted, because the Fish from which I procure the Liquor is not [to] be found in France, and because the making of Patenôtres will never be the manufacture of a protestant Country. I will at all Events send you a phial of this Liquor by the first good Opportunity, and shall take all the Precaution I can to prevent it's putrifying. In which however I may not succeed. Our Second Volume of Transactions is going on with Spirit. I send you a few Sheets containing my Improvements in the Harpsichord. The Engraver hath not yet finished the Plate, so that I must send you the rough Draft, or copy for the Plate; which I have taken from the Engraver for the Purpose. I have only Time to add, that I hope you will not forget my Encyclopedia, and will continue the Bibliothèque (Economique. Adieu. I am Dear Sir with real Esteem & sincere Affection, Your friend and humble servant, FRS. HOPKINSON RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 23 May 1786. Enclosures missing (see Am. Phil. Soc, Trans., old ser., n [1786], 185-94; plate No. 3).
To William Short DEAR SIR
London Mar. 28. 1786.
I have duly received your favor (of no date, but I suppose by the company it was in that it was about the 17th. ) and thank you for the intelligence it contains, and particularly that of my daughter's health. Colo. Humphrey's letter came to hand at the same time. Ere this I hope he has received mine inclosing one to Mr. Jay which I sent by the first post after my arrival here. We had a cold journey to Calais, but made it in less time than we expected, having lodged at Breteuil and Montreuil. We were detained at Calais a day and a half, and then had a passage of nine hours and a half; so that on the whole we were six days getting here. I have lost a great deal of time in ceremony, returning visits &c. so that I have done and seen less than I ought, and probably this will be 362;
28 M A R C H
1786
the fate of the few remaining days. We have news from America as late as Feb. 3. The assembly of Virginia had risen. They have past a good many of the laws of the révisai as I see by their titles. Among these are that on descents, and on religion but with what alterations I have not heard. They have imposed a duty of 5/ a ton on British vessels, instead of 1/3 paid by other nations. I do not recollect whether they had before imposed higher duties on British goods. I wish you could have an opportunity of informing Mr. Creve-coeur or the Abbé Morellet that I despair almost of hav ing a map ready in time, as the engraving cannot be completed before the last of May. I do not know whether it will not be better for me on my return to sketch a slight one, which may be en graved in Paris in a very little time. I shall leave this place on the 5th. of April, I think without fail, and shall return by the direct road from Calais to Paris, so that I shall probably be there on the 9th. I am afraid Colo. Humphreys will have left it before that time. Be so good as to present my esteem to him affectionately, with my wishes for a favourable passage. To the Marquis fayette also my best respects and to yourself assurances of the sincere esteem with which I am Dear Sir Your friend & Servt., TH: in
RC (ViW)j endorsed. Not recorded SJL. I
HAVE
LOST
A
GREAT
DEAL
OF
the following un dated list ( D L C : T J Papers, 233: 41616), entirely in TJ's hand, was doubtless prepared at this time and indicates the extent of TJ's social and ceremonial obligations when in London: TIME
IN CEREMONY:
" / M . Carmarthen* y Le comte d'Adhemar. J Le comte Woronzow. Russia. Harley street y Le comte Soderini. Venice, y Le Comte de Haslang. Bavaria. / Le Comte Lucchese. Naples. Portman sq. No. 5. y Monsr. d'Agens. Genoa, y Le Comte de Brühl. Saxony. Dover str. y Baron Nolcken. Sweden, y Mme. la Baronne Nolcken y Le Comte de Kageneck. Vienna. Le Chevalr. de Pinto. Portugal.* y Mr. de Bukaty. Pologne [Poland], y le Baron de Kutzleben. Hesse-cassell y Le Comte de Lusi. Prussia, y Le Chevalr. de Pollón. Sardinia.
JEFFERSON
y Tripolitan y Sr. John Sinclair. Whitehall.* y Mr. Brand Hollis. Chesterfd. str.* y Sr. James Riddell. Stratford place, y Lady Riddell. y M. of Lansdown.* y Mr. Beaufoy. Gr. George str. Westminster. Mr. Blake. Hereford str.* y Mrs. Randolph. Brompton row. No. 12.* y Mr. Penn. Q. Ann. str. Cavendish sq.* Majr. Watson. (Johnson booksellr. St. P.'s C. yd. 72)* Mr. Paradise. Charles street. Cavendish sq.* Jennings.* y Murray. No. 1. Figtree court. Temple.* yWaddington 1 ^ y Pierrepoint J yBridgen. Paternoster row.* y B. Vaughan. Jefferies sq.* y W. Vaughan. Mincing lane.*" There is a second, shorter list, also in TJ's hand (same, p. 41614) which was probably prepared earlier. The names above marked with an asterisk are not
: 363
C
h
a
t
h
a
m
29 M A R C H on the shorter list. A third list written by T J and partly illegible (MHi) also includes some of the above names, and, in addition, the following: . . Trumbull, 8 Duke Str. York buildings, Strand 14 Newman Str. Oxford Road Chevr. Dolomieu street [. . .] Hamilton 85 Wimpole Str. Cavendish sq. Lyons [James] Colchester str. 21 Savage gardens. . . . Rucker. No. 6 John Street Adelphi. Chew. 35 Norfolk str. Strand Bancroft. Villers str. 12 Voss. Titchfield str. Cavendish sq. No. 3. Welch. 14. Finchurst buildings. Finchurst str. [. - •] Roberts . . . Forest . . . Lloyd . . . [. . •] Brown. No. 1 Wells street. Oxford road [. . .] ." On verso of this memorandum is the following note about TJ's M A P : "will engrave my map for about 20 or £25 in the very best manner." Among the events which T J must have had in mind in calculating time L O S T . . . I N C E R E M O N Y was certainly that of his presenta
1786
tion at court, which occurred on 17 Mch. His Account Book for that date shows that he "paid porters at St. James on my being presented 42/." Nearly half a century afterward the memory of that event, certainly far less civil than that accorded Adams by George I I I the preceding year, still rankled: "On my presentation as usual to the King and Queen at their levees, it was impossible for anything to be more ungracious than their notice of Mr. Adams and myself. I saw at once that the ulcerations in the narrow mind of that mulish being left nothing to be expected on the subject of my attend ance; and on the first conference with the Marquis of Caermarthen, his Min ister of foreign affairs, the distance and disinclination which he betrayed in his conversation, the vagueness and evasions of his answers to us, confirmed me in the belief of their aversion to have anything to do with us" (Autobiog raphy, Ford, I , 89). N E W S F R O M AMERICA AS L A T E A S F E B . 3.: This news was evidently contained in a let ter to Adams, not to T J , for on 5 May 1786, T J wrote Carmichael: "I have no letters from America of later date than the new year. Mr. Adams had to the beginning of February." The in formation about proceedings of the Virginia legislature, however, was doubtless obtained from newspapers.
From John Lamb Algiers 29th. March 1786 This is by Mr. Randall, whom will tell to Your Excellency my situation at present; I am sure by the best information the sum will by no means answer our object, if the amount is not greatily Ogmented. It is my Duty to advise to abandon the undertaking as it will be intirely in vane to parsivear. It is lost money the expences that arises on the attemt: the last amount that I can give please to let me know. I shall wate at Carthergina for the same. The people will cost for their redemtion at least Twelve hundred heard Dollars pr. head; the number is Twenty one. Your Excellency sees how feable we are. 1 have good reason to think that peace may be made with these People but it will cost a Tower to Constantinople. Much may be Done in france if they please to forward our peace here. If we fight these people five Thirty six Gun Frigates will be 1
364
3 1 MARCH
1786
the leas force and Two larg Tenders. Your Excellency hath sum account of the place by Mr. Randall and I shall Indeavour to pro cure as much as I can. I shall leave a safty here for a future comming to this place. Have Desird Mr. Randall to make all possible Dispatch. With Due Respect, Your Excellency's Obedient Humbl. Servt., JOHN LAMB RC ( D L C ) ; addressed to T J at Paris. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 87, i ) ; in Short's hand. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 107). PrC of extract ( D L C ) ; in a clerk's hand; at head of text: "No. 4."; enclosed in T J to Jay, 12 May 1786. PrC of Short's T r (MHi: A M T ) .
Noted in S J L as received 10 May 1786. i The passage "I am sure by the best information . . . how feable we are" is all that is embraced by PrC of extract ( D L C ) .
From Ferdinand Grand Paris, 30 Mch. 1786. Acknowledges TJ's letter of 19 Mch. and advises that he has "in consequence paid due honour to the Bill for £2400. [sic]" which TJ had drawn on him on account of the United States. RC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received "while in London." TJ's letter to Grand of 19 Mch. has not been found and is not recorded in S J L . There is the following entry in
TJ's Account Book under 18 Mch. 1786: "drew bill on Mr. Grand in favor Lewis Teissier for 2400f. for which I received £96.13.6 on account of U.S."
From Alexander McCaul [Glasgow, 30 Mch. 1786. Recorded in SJL as received "while in London." Letter not found but see TJ's reply of 19 Apr. 1786.]
From Thomas Barclay DEAR SIR Madrid 31st. March 1786 I have not any thing of Consequence to trouble you with that is not contained in the inclosed Copy of what I wrote Mr. Adams the 27th. to which I beg leave to refer you. We have not yet heard from Mr. Lamb since he sailed, but I think a few days will bring Mr. Carmichael some Letters from him; His Business here was very public, and ours is no Secret. Don Gabriel spoke of it yesterday before several people. He remarked that there was not 365
3 1 MARCH
17 8 6
a great deal to be learned by making such a Voyage, and hoped we would succeed in our Expectations. The only political Subjects which engage the attention of the people here are the coolness that subsists between this Court and that of Naples, and the Accession of Spain to the treaty with France and Holland. It seems more than probable that this Acces sion will take place, notwithstanding the vigorous Efforts to prevent it; and the probable Consequences will be a treaty between Russia, Denmark, and England; At least there are some appearances that such Events are not impossible. You will excuse me for saying any thing on Matters concerning which you have probably better in formation than I can give you, and believe me sincerely, Dear Sir, Your most obdt. humble servant, THOS. BARCLAY RC ( D L C ) ; in Franks' hand, signed by Barclay. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 87, i ) ; also in Franks' hand, signed by Barclay; at foot of text in Barclay's hand: "(Copy)." T r (DNA: PCC, No. 91, I , p. 92-3). T r (same, p. 115-16). T r (DNA: PCC, No. 107). Enclosure (RC in MHi: AMT; Tr, DLC; 2d Tr, DNA: PCC, No. 87, I , signed by Bar clay; Tr, DNA: PCC, No. 91, i ) : Copy of Barclay to Adams, 27 Mch. 1786, stating that he has received, through Carmichael, the letter from the King of Spain to the Emperor of Morocco recommending Barclay's mission, and also letters of recommendation from Floridablanca; that the interest of Spain reflects credit on Carmichael;
that he has high hopes of success in his mission but may not be able to write often because of close censorship of mail in Spain; that if he secures a treaty he will send it by land and wait in Africa or Spain for its return after ratification; that Mr. Lamb purchased a vessel at Barcelona and sailed on 11 Mch., under Spanish colors, for Algiers (printed in Dipl. Corr., 17831789, I , 735-6). Noted in S J L as re ceived 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786, to gether with Barclay's letters of 23 Mch. and 5 Apr.; the letter to Adams of 27 Mch. is listed as a separate letter. The duplicate copies of this letter and that of 23 Mch. are noted in S J L as re ceived 3 June 1786.
From David S. Franks DEAR SIR Madrid 31. March 1786 I have the honor of inclosing a Letter to you which came under cover of one which you was so good as to forward to me from Paris addressed by a Person who I have not the pleasure of being very well known to and who Stiles me Secretary to the American Embassy in France; three years have now elapsed Since I saw the Gentleman who writes the Letter. He tells me that he wishes to use your interest in settling some Business at Court, and begs as he has married an American Lady that your Excellency would con sider him as an American, treat him accordingly. I shall do myself the Honor of writing to you again and am the mean time Your Excellencys most obdt. obliged humble servant, D A V D . S. FRANKS
366
2 APRIL
1786
RC (MHi); endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 3 June 1786. The enclosed letter has not been identified.
From William Jones {Bristol, 31 Mch. 1786. Entered in SJL as received "while in Lon don." Letter not found. See T J to Francis Eppes, 22 Apr. 1786.]
From William Short DEAR SIR Paris April 2d. 1786 My last Letter was by the Post eight Days ago. Since that a Letter has come to your Address from Monsr. de Vergennes; and as I have not yet received any Thing like an Answer from Mon sieur de Reyneval, I am induced to suppose this Letter may be partly on that Subject; Its being somewhat thicker than a common Letter would lead to suppose it contained other Matters also. I am very impatient to find a private Conveyance for it; notwithstand ing Colo. Humphries Enquiries whilst I was at St. Germains and mine since my Return I can hear of no Body who goes soon for London. There is also a Letter here which the Handwriting and the Post-mark shew me to be from Mr. Dumas at the Hague; it ar rived yesterday. There are no other Circumstances that have come to my knowlege with which I suppose you would wish to be acquainted. Not a Tittle of Intelligence from America not even an American arrived at Paris except three or four, soon after your Departure, from England. Mr. Norris the elder goes by the Packet of this Month to Philadelphia. I imagine you have before this recieved particular Accounts of the Proceedings of our late Assembly. A Letter from Mr. Skipwith in London a few Days ago brought me a List of the Acts passed at their late Session. They have in a great Measure made up for their last Session by the Number they have passed at this. The Facility of Legislation seems from thence an Evil more difficult to cure than I had supposed, since a Reduction of the number of Sessions does not produce a Reduction of the Number of Laws. I sent yesterday to the Convent to enquire about Miss Patsy that I might be able to compensate you for the Trouble of this Letter in adding something about her. She is well and wanting 367
2 APRIL
1786
RC (MHi); endorsed. Noted in S J L as received 3 June 1786. The enclosed letter has not been identified.
From William Jones {Bristol, 31 Mch. 1786. Entered in SJL as received "while in Lon don." Letter not found. See T J to Francis Eppes, 22 Apr. 1786.]
From William Short DEAR SIR Paris April 2d. 1786 My last Letter was by the Post eight Days ago. Since that a Letter has come to your Address from Monsr. de Vergennes; and as I have not yet received any Thing like an Answer from Mon sieur de Reyneval, I am induced to suppose this Letter may be partly on that Subject; Its being somewhat thicker than a common Letter would lead to suppose it contained other Matters also. I am very impatient to find a private Conveyance for it; notwithstand ing Colo. Humphries Enquiries whilst I was at St. Germains and mine since my Return I can hear of no Body who goes soon for London. There is also a Letter here which the Handwriting and the Post-mark shew me to be from Mr. Dumas at the Hague; it ar rived yesterday. There are no other Circumstances that have come to my knowlege with which I suppose you would wish to be acquainted. Not a Tittle of Intelligence from America not even an American arrived at Paris except three or four, soon after your Departure, from England. Mr. Norris the elder goes by the Packet of this Month to Philadelphia. I imagine you have before this recieved particular Accounts of the Proceedings of our late Assembly. A Letter from Mr. Skipwith in London a few Days ago brought me a List of the Acts passed at their late Session. They have in a great Measure made up for their last Session by the Number they have passed at this. The Facility of Legislation seems from thence an Evil more difficult to cure than I had supposed, since a Reduction of the number of Sessions does not produce a Reduction of the Number of Laws. I sent yesterday to the Convent to enquire about Miss Patsy that I might be able to compensate you for the Trouble of this Letter in adding something about her. She is well and wanting 367
3 APRIL 1786 only to hear more frequently from you to render her still more happy. She flatters herself with the Hopes of seeing you soon. After her Sir do me the Justice to believe that no Body can desire it more than him who is with Sentiments of the purest Friendship, Yours &c,
W . SHORT
Sunday Evening April 2d. PS. The Moment after finishing my Letter yours of March 28th came to Hand. I send it although I think it very probable and almost certain that you will have left London before its Arrival. Colo. Humphries desires me to add his most respectful Compliments for you, and to tell you that he had begun a Letter in Answer to yours which he had received to be sent by to-morrow's Post. The Probability of your early Departure from London prevents his continuing it. He will leave a Letter here for you. W S RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in S J L as received "while in London." Short's L A S T L E T T E R was that of 26 Mch.; no letter from V E R G E N N E S subsequent to that date has been found or is recorded in S J L , nor is there a file copy of a letter from Vergennes to T J for the latter part of March in Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., as there should have been if Vergennes had written one. Further, no reply by T J to a supposed letter of this period is known to have been made (see T J to Vergennes, 3 May 1786). Nevertheless, Short could scarcely have been mistaken in the categorical statement that a letter S O M E W H A T T H I C K E R T H A N . . . C O M M O N had come from Vergennes, and it is very likely that he was correct also in supposing it to be PARTLY
ON THAT
SUBJECT.
For
on
28
Mch., in response to Calonne's letter of 15 Mch. (see T J to Borgnis Desbordes, Frères, 5 Mch. 1786), Vergennes wrote Calonne: "D'après la réponse que vous aviez faite à Mr. de Rayneval j'avois fait prévenir M. Jef-
ferson que dans le cas ou le Capne. et l'équipage de ce Navire jugeroient à propos d'appeler de la Sentence prononcée contr'eux, ils auroient leur liberté provisioneile en Déposant une partie de l'amande ou en fournissant caution ainsi que cela est énoncé dans la lettre que vous m'avez fait l'honneur de m'ecrire le 15 de ce mois. Je vous prie, M. de vouloir bien donner aux fermiers-généraux de nouveaux ordres conformes à votre décision; ils me paraissent d'autant plus nécessaires que j'ai lieu de croire que les particuliers dont il s'agit entreprendront la voye de l'appel" (Vergennes to Calonne, 28 Mch. 1786; Arch. Aft . Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., X X X I ; Tr. in D L C ) . In view of this it is quite possible that Vergennes sent T J , in confidence and with the request that no record be kept, a copy of his and Calonne's interchange of 15 and 28 Mch. 1786. To this Calonne responded on 20 May that he had issued the necessary orders in accordance with Vergennes' request (same). 7
To William Short DEAR SIR
London Apr. 3. 1786.
Since my last, which gave you reason to expect I should leave this place tomorrow, I find I shall not be able to get away so soon. Nor can I indeed fix a day; tho' my expectations are that it will 368
3
A P R I L
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not be many before I shall leave it. Your's on the subject of the prisoners came safely to hand. I shall be obliged to you if you will write, as of your own motion, to enquire what will be the amount of the sums requisite for their discharge; I mean their subsistence and costs of prosecution. This information will enable me to decide what to do on my return. No news from America since I wrote you last, and nothing here worth communicating to you. I trouble you with the inclosed for Mrs. Barclay. Do not forward any more letters to me to this place. I am with sincere esteem Dr. Sir, Your friend & servt., TH:
JEFFERSON
RC (ViW); endorsed. Not recorded in S J L . Enclosure: Probably the letter for Mrs. Barclay which Thomas Barclay enclosed in his to T J , 13 Mch. 1786.
Notes of a Tour of English Gardens Memorandums made on a tour to some of the gardens in Eng land described by Whateley in his book on gardening. While his descriptions in point of style are models of perfect elegance and classical correctness, they are as remarkeable for their exactness. I always walked over the gardens with his book in my hand, ex amined with attention the particular spots he described, found them so justly characterised by him as to be easily recognised, and saw with wonder, that his fine imagination had never been able to seduce him from the truth. My enquiries were directed chiefly to such practical things as might enable me to estimate the expence of making and maintaining a garden in that style. My journey was in the months of March and April 1786. Cheswick. Belongs to D. of Devonshire. Garden about 6. acres. The Octagonal dome has an ill effect, both within and with out; the garden shews still too much of art; an obelisk of very ill effect. Another in the middle of a pond useless. Hampton court. Old fashioned. Clipt yews grown wild. Twickenham. Pope's original garden 3^ as. Sr. Wm. Stanhope added 1£ acre. This is a long narrow slope, grass and trees in the middle, walk all round. Now Sr. Wellbore Ellis's. Obelisk at bot tom of Pope's garden as monument to his mother. Inscription. Ah! Edithe matrum optuma, mulierum amantissima, Vale. The house about 30. yds. from the Thames; the ground shelves gently to the water side. On the back of the house passes the street, and 1
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beyond that the garden. The grotto is under the street, and goes out level to the water. In the center of the garden a mound with a spiral walk round it. A rookery. Esher place. The house in a bottom near the river. On the other side the ground rises pretty much. The road by which we come to the house forms a dividing line in the middle of the front. On the right are heights, rising one beyond and above another, with clumps of trees. On the farthest a temple. A hollow filled up with a clump of trees, the tallest in the bottom, so that the top is quite flat. On the left the ground descends. Clumps of trees. The clumps on each hand balance finely. A most lovely mixture of concave and convex. The garden is of about 45. as. besides the park which joins. Belongs to Lady Francis Pelham. Claremont. Ld. Clive. Nothing remarkeable. Paynshill. Mr. Hopkins. 323. as. garden and park all in one. Well described by Whateley. Grotto said to have cost 7000.£. Whateley says one of the bridges is of stone. But both are now of wood. The lower 60. f. high. There is too much evergreen. The Dwelling house built by Hopkins. Ill situated. He has not been there in 5. years. He lived there 4. years while building the present house. It is not finished. It's architecture is incorrect. A Doric temple beautiful. Woburn. Belongs to L d . Peters. L d . Loughborough is the present tenant for 2. lives. 4. people to the farm. 4. to the pleasure garden. 4. to the kitchen garden. All are intermixed, the pleasure garden being merely a highly ornamented walk through and round the divisions of the farm and kitchen garden. Caversham. Sold by Ld. Cadogan to Majr. Marsac. 25. as. of garden, 400. as. of park, 6 as. of kitchen garden. A large lawn, separated by a sunk fence from the garden, appears to be part of it. A straight broad gravel walk passes before the front and parallel to it, terminated on the right by a Doric temple, and open ing at the other end on a fine prospect. This straight walk has an ill effect. The lawn in front, which is pasture, well disposed with clumps of trees. Wotton. Now belongs to the M. of Buckingham, son of George Grenville. The lake covers 50. as. the river 5. as. the bason 15. as. the little river 2. as. = 72. as. of water. The lake and great river are on a level. They fall into the bason 5. f. below, and that again into the little river 5. f. lower. These waters lie in form of an L . The house is in middle of open side, forming the angle. A walk 370
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goes round the whole, 3. miles in circumference, and containing within it about 300. as. Sometimes it passes close to the water, sometimes so far off as to leave large pasture ground between it and water. But 2. hands to keep the pleasure grounds in order. Much neglected. The water affords 2000. brace of carp a year. There is a Palladian bridge of which I think Whateley does not speak. Stowe. Belongs to the M. of Buckingham, son of G . Grenville, and who takes it from L d . Temple. 15. men and 18. boys em ployed in keeping pleasure grounds. Within the Walk are con siderable portions separated by inclosures and used for pasture. The Egyptian pyramid is almost entirely taken down by the late Ld. Temple to erect a building there, in commemoration of Mr. Pitt, but he died before beginning it, and nothing is done to it yet. The grotto, and two rotundas are taken away. There are 4. levels of water, receiving it one from the other. The bason contains 7. as. the lake below that 10. as. Kent's building is called the temple of Venus. The inclosure is entirely by ha! ha! At each end of the front line there is a recess like the bastion of a fort. In one of these is the temple of Friendship, in the other the temple of Venus. They are seen the one from the other, the line of sight passing, not thro' the garden, but through the country parallel to the line of the garden. This has a good effect. In the approach to Stowe, you are brought a mile through a straight avenue, pointing to the Corinthian arch and to the house, till you get to the Arch. Then you turn short to the right. The straight approach is very ill. The Corinthian arch has a very useless appearance, inasmuch as it has no pretension to any destination. Instead of being an object from the house, it is an obstacle to a very pleasing distant prospect. The Graecian valley being clear of trees, while the hill on each side is covered with them, is much deepened to appearance. Leasowes. In Shropshire. Now the property of Mr. Home by purchase. 150. as. within the walk. The waters small. This is not even an ornamented farm. It is only a grazing farm with a path round it. Here and there a seat of board, rarely any thing better. Architecture has contributed nothing. The obelisk is of brick. Shenstone had but 300£ a year, and ruined himself by what he did to this farm. It is said that he died of the heartaches which his debts occasioned him. The part next the road is of red earth, that on the further part grey. The 1st. and 2d. cascades are beau tiful. The landscape at No. 18. and prospect at 32. are fine. The 371
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Walk through the wood is umbrageous and pleasing. The whole arch of prospect may be of 90°. Many of the inscriptions are lost. Hagley. Now Ld. Wescot. 1000. as. No distinction between park and garden. Both blended, but more of the character of garden. 8. or 9. labourers keep it in order. Between 2. and 300. deer in it, some few of them red deer. They breed sometimes with the fallow. This garden occupying a descending hollow between the Clent and Witchbury hills, with the spurs from those hills, there is no level in it for a spacious water. There are therefore only some small ponds. From one of these there is a fine cascade; but it can only be occasionally, by opening the sluice. This is in a small, dark, deep hollow, with recesses of stone in the banks on every side. In one of these is a Venus pudique, turned half round as if in viting you with her into the recess. There is another cascade seen from the Portico on the bridge. The castle is triangular, with a round tower at each angle, one only entire; it seems to be between 40. and 50. f. high. The ponds yield a great deal of trout. The walks are scarcely gravelled. Blenheim. 2500. as. of which 200. is garden, 150. water, 12. kitchen garden, and the rest park. 200. people employed to keep it in order, and to make alterations and additions. About 50. of these employed in pleasure grounds. The turf is mowed once in 10. days, in summer. About 2000. fallow deer in the park, and 2. or 3000. sheep. The palace of H.2. was remaining till taken down by Sarah, widow of the 1st. D. of Marlborough. It was on a round spot levelled by art, near what is now water, and but a little above it. The island was a part of the high road leading to the palace. Rosamond's bower was near where is now a little grove about 200. yards from the palace. The well is near where the bower was. The water here is very beautiful, and very grand. The cascade from the lake a fine one. Except this the garden has no great beauties. It is not laid out in fine lawns and woods, but the trees are scattered thinly over the ground, and every here and there small thickets of shrubs, in oval raised beds, cultivated, and flowers among the shrubs. The gravelled walks are broad. Art appears too much. There are but a few seats in it, and nothing of architecture more dignified. There is no one striking position in it. There has been a great addition to the length of the river since Whateley wrote. Enfield chase. One of the 4. lodges. Garden about 60. as. originally by Ld. Chatham, now in the tenure of Dr. Beaver, who 372 ;
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married the daughter of Mr. Sharpe. The lease lately renewed. Not in good repair. The water very fine. Would admit of great im provement by extending walks &c. to the principal water at the bottom of the lawn. [Moor-Park] Lawn about 30. as. A piece of ground up the hill of 6. as. A small lake. Clumps of Spruce firs. Surrounded by walk separately inclosed. Destroys unity. The property of Mr. Rous, who bought of Sr. Thomas Dundas. The building superb. The principal front a Corinthian portico of 4. columns. In front of the wings a colonnade, Ionic, subordinate. Back front a terras, 4. Corinthian pilasters. Pulling down wings of building. Removing deer. Wants water. Kew. Archimedes' screw for raising water. A horizontal shaft made to turn the oblique one of the screw by a patent machinery of this form. 2
3
The pieces separate.
A. is driven by it's shank into the horizontal axis of the wheel which turns the [whole machine.] B. is an intermediate iron to connect the motion of A. and C. C. is driven by it's shank, into the axis of the screw. D. is a cross axis, the ends a. and b. going into the corres ponding holes a. and b. of the iron A. [and the ends c. and d. going into the corresponding holes c. and d. of the iron B . ] E . is another cross axis, the ends e. and f. going into the corresponding holes [e. and f . ] of the iron B. and the ends g. and h. going into the corresponding holes g. and h. of the iron C. 2
4
5
373
3 APRIL MS (ViWC); entirely in TJ's hand. Dft (MHi); also in TJ's hand, in highly abbreviated form. Since the MS is an expansion of Dft and both contain iden tical subject matter, with the few ex ceptions noted below, minor differences in phraseology have not been noted here. Although T J states in his introduc tion (which is not in Dft, note 1, be low) that his journey was made in March and April, it appears from the following entries in the Account Book for 1786 that he began his trip on 2 Apr. and was in London at least twice during the course of his journey: "2 [Apr.] . . . gave servants at Ches wick (D. of Devonshire) 4/6. Gave postilion at Richmd. 3/. Gave servants at Twick enham, Pope's garden, 2/. Gave serv ants at Hampton court 4/6. Do. at Esher place 6/. Paid postillion at Cobham 24/6. Gave servants at Paynshill 7/. Paid post horses at Cobham 7/6. postilion at Weybridge 2/ . . . 3 [Apr.] paid entertainment at Weybridge and posthire £2/2. Gave servants at Woburn farm 6/6." T J and Adams were in London on 3 and 4 Apr. (see T J to Short, 3 Apr.; Adams and T J to the Marquis of Carmarthen, 4 Apr.). On 9 Apr. there is the following entry in the Account Book: "received of Mr. Adams £9.9 in part towards preceding expenses from our leaving London Apr. 4. which are joint." The entries for I I IS Apr. indicate that T J was in Lon don on those days; on the latter day he recorded: "paid seeing tower 8/6." On 14 Apr. he recorded: "Gave servts. at Kew 5/." T J confined the above notes to gardens described in Thomas Whately's Observations on Modern Gardening, a copy of which he carried with him. Adams recorded the follow ing account of the trip in his Diary: "London, April. Mr. Jefferson and my self went in a postchaise to Woburn farm, Caversham, Wotton, Stowe, Edgehill, Stratford upon Avon, Birmingham, the Leasowes, Hagley, Stourbridge, Worcester, Woodstock, Blenheim, Ox ford, High Wycombe, and back to Grosvenor Square.—Edgehill and Worces ter were curious and interesting to us, as scenes where freemen had fought for their rights. The people in the neighborhood appeared so ignorant and careless at Worcester, that I was pro voked, and asked, 'And do Englishmen so soon forget the ground where liberty was fought for? Tell your neighbors
17 8 6
and your children that this is holy ground; much holier than that on which your churches stand. All England should come in pilgrimage to this hill once a year.'—This animated them, and they seemed much pleased with it. Per haps their awkwardness before might arise from their uncertainty of our sentiments concerning the civil wars.— Stratford upon Avon is interesting, as it is the scene of the birth, death, and sepulture of Shakspeare. Three doors from the inn is the house where he was born, as small and mean as you can conceive. They showed us an old wood en chair in the chimney corner where he sat. We cut off a chip according to custom. A mulberry tree that he planted has been cut down, and is carefully preserved for sale. The house where he died has been taken down, and the spot is now only yard or garden. The curse upon him who should remove his bones, which is written on his gravestone, alludes to a pile of some thousands of human bones which lie exposed in that church. There is nothing preserved of this great genius which is worth know ing; nothing which might inform us what education, what company, what accident, turned his mind to letters and the drama. His name is not even on his gravestone. An ill-sculptured head is set up by his wife, by the side of his grave in the church. But paintings and sculpture would be thrown away on his fame. His wit, fancy, his taste and judgment, his knowledge of nature, of life and character, are immortal.—At Birmingham we only walked round the town, and viewed a manufactory of paintings upon paper. The gentlemen's seats were the highest entertainment we met with. Stowe, Hagley, and Blen heim, are superb; Woburn, Caversham, and the Leasowes are beautiful. Wotton is both great and elegant, though neg lected. Architecture, painting, statuary, poetry, are all employed in the embel lishment of these residences of great ness and luxury. A national debt of two hundred and seventy-four millions ster ling, accumulated by jobs, contracts, salaries, and pensions, in the course of a century might easily produce all this magnificence. The pillars, obelisks, &c, erected in honor of kings, queens, and princesses, might procure the means.— The temples to Bacchus and Venus are quite unnecessary, as mankind have no need of artificial incitement to such amusements. The temples of ancient
: 374
4 APRIL Virtue, of the British worthies, of Friendship, of Concord and Victory, are in higher taste. I mounted Lord Cobham's Pillar, one hundred and twen ty feet high, with pleasure, as his Lordship's name was familiar to me from Pope's works.—Lord Littleton's seat interested me, from a recollection of his works, as well as the grandeur and beauty of the scenes. Pope's pavil ion and Thomson's seat made the ex cursion poetical. Shenstone's Leasowes is the simplest and plainest, but the most rural of all. I saw no spot so small that exhibited such a variety of beauties.—It will be long, I hope, be fore ridings, parks, pleasure grounds, gardens, and ornamented farms, grow so much in fashion in America; but nature has done greater things and furnished nobler materials there; the oceans, islands, rivers, mountains, val leys, are all laid out upon a larger scale. If any man should hereafter arise to embellish the rugged grandeur
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of Pen's Hill he might make something to boast of, although there are many situations capable of better improve ment.—Since my return I have been over Blackfriar's Bridge to see Viny's manufacture of patent wheels made of bent timber" (Adams, Works, ed. C. F . Adams, in, 394-6); for the visit to Blackfriar's Bridge, see T J to Thomson, 22 Apr. 1786). 1 Dft begins at this point. 2 Illegible; words in square brackets (supplied) are taken from Dft. 3 At this point in Dft T J drew a rough sketch map of Oxfordshire, Buck ingham, Bedford, Hertford, and Mid dlesex; the remainder of Dft is written on a separate slip, being the verso of an address leaf of a letter to T J . Words in square brackets (sup plied) are not in MS and are taken from Dft. Matter in square brackets ( sup plied) in MS but not in Dft. 4
5
American Commissioners to Carmarthen M Y LORD Grosvenor Square April 4th. 1786 Agreably to your Lordships request expressed to one of us in Conversation, and again communicated to us through Mr. Fraser, we have drawn up the enclosed Project of a Treaty of Commerce, which we do ourselves the Honour to propose to the Consideration of his Majesty's Ministers. We have the honor to be J.A. T.J. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 86); in Smith's hand; endorsed by him. T r ( DLC ) ; also in Smith's hand; endorsed. Not in S J L . Enclosure: As explained in Commis sioners to Jay, 25 Apr. 1786, the projet submitted to Carmarthen consisted of only "five or six Articles of the former Plan"; these are printed in Dipl. Corr., 1783-89, I , 603-4. In his Autobiogra phy, Ford, I , 89, T J wrote: "on my arrival in London we agreed on a very summary form of treaty, proposing an exchange of citizenship for our citizens, our ships, and our productions general ly, except as to office." In this he clearly and incredibly confused the projet that he had submitted to Adams on 28 July 1785 with the "five or six Articles
of the former Plan" enclosed in the present letter. In MHi: AMT there is a note from MR. F R A S E R to Adams, 3 Apr. 1786, informing him that he had not failed to relate to Carmarthen the conversa tion they had had, and added: "He is directed to inform Mr. Adams that as the Paper which his Lordship received from him some Time ago was not confined to Commercial Matters only, his Lordship would wish to receive from Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson the Project of a Treaty of Commerce con taining only such Points as are neces sary for that Purpose." See T J to Jay, 23 Apr. 1786; Commissioners to Jay, 25 Apr. 1786.
375
From David Humphreys {Paris, 4 Apr. 1786. Entered in SJL as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] Letter not found. See William Short to T J , 2 Apr. 1786.]
1786.
From Thomas Barclay DEAR SIR Madrid 5th. April 1786 I had the pleasure of writing to you the 31st. of last Month by a gentleman going to Paris and of sending you a Copy of what I wrote Mr. Adams the 27th. I now, by the Spanish Courier, send you Copies of both those Letters. This day the Spanish dispatches arrived from Algiers by which Mr. Carmichael, who writes you by this Opportunity, received a Letter from Mr. Lamb, with an other from Mr. Randal, the last dated the 26th. of March. Mr. Randal writes that they did not arrive at Algiers untili the 25th. when the Dey refused them permission to land, but on the repre sentation of the Count D'Espilly, the Minister employed by this Court to negotiate with Algiers (who is an intimate acquaintance of Mr. Carmichael and to whom Mr. Lamb and Mr. Randal had Letters of introduction), they were permitted to land, and were received by the french Consul with great attention. The Count D'Espilly has mentioned his fears of Mr. Lambs success. "As the United States have no treaty with the Porte, and that the most that can be expected will be a Truce untili Congress can send a Minister to Constantinople." The Deys fleet is not ready for sea, nor has any steps been taken towards fitting it out. Our people who were carried into Algiers have behaved with the utmost de corum [and] were made extreamly happy by the arrival of Mr. Lamb. To the above I have little to add but that the Truce be tween Spain and Algiers expired with the last month, and that as there are no preparations making by the Dey to send out the Cruizers, tho' the season is advancing fast, the probable Conse quence is, that the Peace will be made with Spain; In the mean time the Count D'Espilly has demanded a Truce of another Month. The Ministers from Portugal and Naples to Algiers are waiting at Carthagena to see the Event of the Spanish negotiations; if they are terminated to the wishes of this Court, they will proceed to Algiers under the sanction of Spain, and in that Case I am cer tain Mr. Lamb may be provided with the same recommendations to the Dey, that were so kindly given me to the Emperor. 376
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I shall set out for Cadiz in a few days, the Roads are very near being impassable. I am with great Respect & Esteem Dear Sir, Your most obedient, humble servant, THOS. BARCLAY RC (DNA: PCC, No. 87, I ) ; in Franks' hand, signed and addressed to T J at Paris by Barclay. T r (MHi: AMT); in Franks' hand, signed by Barclay; enclosed in RC of Barclay to Adams, this date (same). T r (DNA: PCC, No. 98); also in Franks' hand, with T r of letter to Adams. T r (DNA: PCC, No. 91, i ) : at foot of text, in Barclay's hand: "(Copy)." T r (DNA: PCC, No. 107). Noted in S J L as re ceived 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786. En closures: (1) Copy of Barclay to T J , 31 Mch. 1786. (2) Copy of Barclay to Adams, 27 Mch. 1786 (RC, MHi: A M T ) , summarized above in note to
Barclay to T J , 31 Mch. 1786. MR. LETTER
CARMICHAEL FROM
MR.
.
.
.
RECEIVED
LAMB:
In
A
MHi:
AMT there is a copy of a letter from Lamb to Carmichael in the latter's hand, from "Algiers [and, added by Carmichael:] without date but supposed to be 26th of March 1786"; in it Lamb reported that they had arrived 25 Mch., were admitted on shore the same day, and were "received with every attention and politeness that could be expected by Ct. D'Expilly"; he added: "I have not yet wrote to Mr. Jefferson."
William Carmichael to the American Commissioners GENTLEMEN Madrid 5th. April. 1786 I this day received from the Secretary of States Department a letter from the Count D'Expilley inclosing one from Mr. Lamb, copies of which I have the honor to transmit for your Excellencies information. Messrs. Lamb and Randall left Barcelona the 11th. Ulto. After their Departure I procured a letter in their favor from his Excellency the Ct. de Florida Blanca to the Ct. D'Expilley which I forwarded under cover of the Letter to Mr. Lamb. Untili I can have an oppertunity of conversing with the Secre tary mentioned in the Count's Letter I cannot particularly ascer tain the cause which has retarded the conclusion of the treaty between Spain and the Regency. The Articles were long since adjusted and the money was some time ago landed at Algiers destined for presents &c. &c. I presume however that new dif ficulties have arisen on account of the desire of this Court to ob tain a peace for Naples and Portugal as Letters by the last post from Carthagena mention that the Envoys from these Courts for that object were waiting there to receive Intelligence from Algiers before they chose to embark for that place. The Secretary from thence with dispatches to the Ministry here may possibly remove these Obstacles, or at least give some insight 377
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with respect to the Extraordinary delay which the Ct. D'Expilly has experienced in his negotiation. The only obstacle to prevent its termination after the one before mentioned must arise from the Quantum of money to be paid by Spain to the Algerines. This Court wishes to diminish—the Regency to augment the amount of the Sum appropriated to this use. I am very apprehensive that a truce for a short period will be the utmost that we shall be able to obtain. I am persuaded that the Ct. D'Espilly will employ all the influence and experience he hath acquired by his residence there to render us service, in which he will perfectly second the views of his Court. It is unnecessary for me to enter into any details respecting the Mission of Mr. Barclay. I flatter myself that he is convinced that I have done every thing which depended on me to fulfil your Excellencies intentions in sending that Gentleman to Madrid: I cannot however refrain from mentioning the exceeding liberal and friendly conduct of his Excy. the Ct. de Florida Blanca on this occasion. The Manner of conferring adds greatly to the obligation conferred. I have the honor to be with the highest respect your Excellencies Most obedt. & Humble Servt., WM. RC (MHi: A M T ) ; at foot of text: "Their Excellencies John Adams & Thos. Jefferson, Esqrs." T r (DNA: PCC, No. 98); in Smith's hand. Enclosures (MHi: A M T ) : Expilly to Carmichael, "without date but supposed
CARMICHAEL
the 26th March 1786," and Lamb to Carmichael, with similar caption, both in the hand of Carmichael and the latter summarized in note to Barclay to T J , 5 Apr. 1786.
From Lejeune Lorient le 5 avril 1786 M. Thevenard m'ayant Communiqué la lettre par Laquelle vous Reclamiez en faveur de M. Wibert, Colonel, Ce qui pouvoit Lui revenir pour ses Parts de prises dans le temps qu'il Commandoit Les volontaires a bord du Bonhomme Richard, Commandé par M. Paul Jones; L a somme de 1944 12 2 qui revenoit a cet officier, et que Javois fait passer a nantes sur la Demande Du Commissaire de Ce Port, a été retirée des mains de celui qui L'avoit touchée; et J'ai L'honneur de la faire passer à Votre Excellence, afin qu'elle la fasse tenir a ce Colonel. Je Joins a cet Effet une Remise qui Contient le Décompte De M. Wibert, et pour Payement une Lettre de Change a L'ordre
MONSIEUR
378
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de votre Excellence, dont Elle Daignera m'accuser L a Reception, pour la Décharge De mon Bureau. Je suis avec Le plus profond Respect Monsieur Votre tres humble et tres obéissant serviteur, LE
JEUNE
Commissaire des Classes à Lorient PS. Comme J'ai vérifié qu'on avoit mal apropos Chargé le Compte de M. Wibert d'une somme de 100. 4s. qu'il ne devoit effectivement pas, Je la Lui alloué et j'ajoute une autre Lettre de Change a votre ordre de Cette valeur. tt
RC ( D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786. The enclosed orders for payment, which were forwarded by T J , have not been found. See T J to Thevenard, 20 Feb. and 5 May 1786; T J to LeJeune and to Wuibert, 22 May 1786.
From Charles Thomson DEAR SIR New york April 6. 1786. I have received your letter of the 8th October as well as those of 21 June by Mr. Otto and the 14 July by Mr. Houdon. I read your notes with much pleasure and intended to have troubled you with some observations on them; but they have been so much out of my hands, though entrusted to such as you would approve, that I have not had an opportunity to revise them with that attention I wished and commit my thoughts to paper. I thank you for the trouble you took in sending the cylinder lamp, though I have not yet received it, nor seen Col. Senf by whom you sent it. The baloon discovery has had a rapid rise and has been pursued with great spirit as a raree show. But unless some skilful artist can find out some method of directing its course and preserving the gaz, I fear the remembrance of it will only furnish a figure in poetry and Oratory, like Phaeton's attempt to guide the chariot of the Sun. Several of the adventurers, I find, have lost their lives and others incurred imminent danger. Pray what prog ress is made in the art of discovering ships at a distance? This seems to me something like seeing out of sight. Mesmerism or Animal Magnetism seems to be quite dropt. It has however furnished a wonderful proof of the power of the imagination over the human frame. Were the philosophers so fully satisfied on this point, that they gave it so soon the coup de grace? The people of Europe and America seem to be pursuing differ379
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ent amusements. While the former are diverting themselves with bubbles of air and quarreling with one another for toys and rattles, the latter are employed in the encrease of their species and provid ing the means of subsistance. Notwithstanding the paragraphs with which the European papers are stuffed, and the pictures they have drawn of the distress of America I will venture to assert, that there is not upon the face of the earth a body of people more happy or rising into consequence with more rapid stride, than the In habitants of the United States of America. Population is encreasing, new houses building, new lands clearing, new settlements forming and new manufactures establishing with a rapidity beyond conception. And what is more, the people are well fed, well clad and well housed. Yet I will not say that all are contented. The merchants are complaining that trade is dull, the farmer that wheat and other produce are falling, the landlords that rent is lowering, the speculists and extravagant that they are compelled to pay their debts and the idle and vain that they cannot live at others cost and gratify their pride with articles of luxury. It is true that individual happiness is yet the general Object, and the people are not yet sufficiently impressed with a sense of what they owe to their na tional character. But they are advancing in this science. Whether they will acquire it by reflection or be forced into a knowledge of it by experience I will not undertake to say. However this I can inform you that every state is busily employed in arranging its finances. Twelve states have granted the impost for discharging the principal and interest of the national debt and it is expected that N. York will grant it in the present session of their legislature. Of your Annapolis acquaintances Messrs. Read, Gerry and Monroe are married and Osgood on the brink of matrimony. Mrs. Thomson joins in Compliments to you and your daughter. With much esteem and affection I am Dear Sir Your most obedt. & Most humble Servt., CHAS. THOMSON RC ( D L C ) . F C (DLC: Thomson Papers); with several minor variations in phraseology. Recorded in S J L as received 23 June 1786.
From Nathaniel Tracy {Boston, 7 Apr. 1786. Recorded in SJL as received 28 Nov. 1786, "by Derby." Not found.]
380
From St. Victour 8c Bettinger MONSIEUR rue de menars, no. 9. a paris ce 8. avril 1786. M . barclay, vis a vis duquel M . bettinger et moy avons fait notre soumission pour une fourniture de fusils a l'état de virginie livrable a bordeaux, nous avoit promis de nous instruire a son passage dans cette dernière ville du correspondant dont il y auroit fait choix pour recevoir ces fusils, il l'a oubliée, et prêts a faire une expedition assés considérable, nous sommes arrêtés par cette circonstance sur laquelle vous pouvés peutetre nous eclairer. Notre plan pour cette expedition est de mettre le même nombre de fusils avec leurs bayonnetes dans chaque caisse, ainsi qu'il se pratique pour le roy, et de les faire accompagner du certificat de l'officier d'artillerie en residence a la manufacture et chargé de surveiller la fabrication et l'emballage de ces armes, le double de ce certificat nous sera envoyé icy pour notre payement, de sorte que le correspondant de bordeaux pourra envoyer a l'état de Virginie celuy qui accompagnera les armes, et n'aura a nous donner a nous que l'avis par une lettre qu'il adressera a M . bettinger, l'un des entrepreneurs de la manufacture royale de tulle, rue des blancs manteaux a paris, qu'il a reçu le nombre de fusils spécifiés dans le certificat de telle datte qui luy a été remis avec le nombre de caisses [qui seront] numérotées depuis 1. jusques au dernier numéro. Vous voudrés bien me faire l'honneur de me marquer, monsieur, si vous approuvés ce plan, ou me faire part des changemens que vous jugeriés a propos d'y faire. Il sera bien que vous recommandiés a ce correspondant de faire faire a chaque caisse l'emballage couvert de toile goudronnée et usité dans les ports pour tous les objets susceptibles de rouilhe, afin d'en preserver ces fusils pendant la traversée; nous expédierons les caisses niies ainsi que nous le faisons pour le roy, afin qu'il soit libre de verifier leur contenu. Je suis tres respectueusement, monsieur, votre tres humble et tres obéissant serviteur, S T . VICTOUR RC ( V i ) ; endorsed by T J : "St Victour & Bettinger." Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786.
381
From Jean Nicolas Démeunier rue de La Sourdiere No. 15 Le 9 avril 1786 Après avoir eu L'extrême complaisance de m'instruire de vive voix et par écrit de ce qui a rapport aux nouvelles republiques d'Amérique, vous avés bien voulu me proposer de revoir en detail, Le Morceau, ou J'ai profité des instructions que vous avés eu L a bonté de me donner. J'ai L'honneur de vous envoyer ce Morceau, Monsieur, et Je vous supplie d'y faire ou d'y indiquer Les Corrections que vous Jugerés nécessaires. Je suis Confus, Monsieur, de L a peine que cette revision va vous causer. Je desire que L a Maniere dont J'ai traité Le Sujet, puisse vous desennuyer un peu, dans ce Fâcheux travail, et que vous y retrouviés Le Zele dont Je suis animé pour L a gloire et L a prospérité des états unis. Vous pouvés, Monsieur, omettre Les trois premieres Sections: il a Fallu mettre dans l'Encyclopédie, Les details qu'elles renferment; et elles offrent bien peu de chose de moi. J'ai Marqué d'une croix à L a Marge ( + ) tout ce qui peut être inexact, où avoir besoin d'eclaircissemens, et J'ai pris L a Liberté, de vous faire, Monsieur, aussi à L a Marge, de petites questions, Auxquelles Je vous prie de ne pas me repondre par écrit. I l suffira que nous Les revoyions ensemble, et Je vous demande pour cela, Monsieur, Le Moment qui vous dérangera Le Moins. Il y a des erreurs dans Les états de Finances, que m'ont Fourni Le Journal du Congrès, et vos notes, Monsieur. J'ai Mis dans ces endroits Les Feuilles de votre Main que vous avés eu L a bonté de m'envoyer. M. Le Mis de L a Fayette que J'ai eu L'honneur de rencontrer, chez Mr. Le Colonel Humphryes, m'a demandé comment Je traitois L'Article des Cincinnati. Je Lui ai expliqué Les Faits que vous avés eu L a bonté de m'apprendre, Monsieur; I l y en a quelques uns, qu'il ne trouve pas exacts, et J'aurai L'honneur de vous soumettre ses remarques. C'est à L a page 240 du Manuscrit que Je parle de L'ordre des Cincinnati. Je n'y ai encore rien changé depuis Les remarques de Mr. de L a Fayette, et Je n'y Changerai rien que de Concert avec vous. Je vous supplie, Monsieur, de me pardonner toutes mes importunités. Rien n'égale, Le vif intérêt que je prens à vos nouvelles republiques: cet intérêt aura du moins L'Avantage d'en donner des idées Justes, et quand il seroit inutile d'ailleurs, vous vous plairés MONSIEUR
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sûrement, Monsieur, à Continuer d'instruire un homme, qui se Livre avec tant d'ardeur, à un travail honorable pour Les états unis. Agrées, Monsieur, L a reconnoissance et Le respect Avec Lesquels Je suis, de votre Excellence Le très humble et très Obéissant Serviteur, DÉMEUNIER RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Noted in SJL as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786. Enclosure: Démeunier's manuscript of his article on the United States has not been found, but see TJ's observations on the article, 22 June 1786. Démeu-
nier's communication of Lafayette's views on the Cincinnati may have been oral; for Lafayette's opinions on the subject, see Gottschalk, Lafayette, 178389, p. 65-8, passim; see also T J to Washington, 14 Nov. 1786.
Thomas Barclay to the American Commissioners Madrid 10th. April 1786 The day before yesterday Mr. Carmichael received letters from Algiers, from Mr. Lamb dated the 29th. of last month, and from Mr. Randal the 26th. which I think a wrong date with a postscript from on Board a Vessel in the Bay of Alicant of the 1st. Inst. after a Passage of 26 Hours. He Cannot Come on Shore without a permission from Court to shorten his Quarantine, which Mr. Carmichael has applied for and probably Mr. Randal will soon be at Paris. Though Mr. Carmichael will write to you on this Subject, and though I have no Information from Africa but what I derive from him I think it a part of my Duty to give you the outlines of what Intelligence I Can Collect though it shou'd prove a Work of Supererogation. Mr. Lamb's letter is short and obscure, nor do I understand the whole of it, however he says, [no peace can be made until Congress grant a larger sum to pay for it, and that he will return to Spain to wait for orders. Mr. Randal says Dey of Algiers has refused to treat with Mr. Lamb without assigning any reason for it. It does not appear by either letter that Mr. Lamb has had any audience of the Dey of Algiers but I shall think it very strange if he returns to Europe without knowing on what terms a treaty may be made and I find that to be the case. Unless I have your direction to the contrary I shall hold myself justifiable at the expence of some time and money to attain this knolege.] The Removal of GENTLEMEN
1
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the Court, the Compliance with Necessary Forms and the Intervention of the Holy Week (during some days of which I need not pretend to set forward has Detained me some time longer than I expected, but the Delay can be of no Consequence as the Count de Florida Bianca was so Condescending as to apprise the Spanish Consul at Morocco of my being thus far on the way. Indeed the Attention shewn here to the Business in which I am Engaged, far surpassed my warmest expectations. It will give me great pleasure to receive a letter from you. If an Opportunity to Cadiz shou'd offer please to put it under Cover to Messrs: Lynon & Bellew of that place who will take Care of it. I am with great Respect and Esteem, Gentlemen, Your most Obedient and most Humble Serv., THOS.
BARCLAY
I wish what I have put in Cypher may be tollerably Correct not having time to Examine it. RC ( DLC ) ; partly in code; endorsed. Tr (DNA: PCC, No. 87, i ) ; in Short's hand. PrC of foregoing (MHi: A M T ) . Tr (DNA: PCC, No. 107). Noted in S J L as received 10 May 1786. i Text in brackets (supplied) was
written in code with the exception of the words "Mr. Randal says," and was decoded interlineally by T J , with two minor errors that occurred in encoding or decoding, employing Code No. 11. Text follows that given in Tr, in which errors are corrected.
From C. W. F. Dumas LaHaie, l i e . Avr. 1786 J'espere que la présente trouvera Votre Excellence de retour en bonne santé. J'ai reçu les précieuses Notes sur la Virginie, et les relis avec tout l'intérêt que je prends à la matière, et la reconnoissance due au généreux Auteur. Les Additions et la Carte annoncées pour la Traduction, nous font espérer impatiemment que Mr. Morelet se hâte de la faire paroître. Permettez, Monsieur, que je place ici mes complimens pour Mrs. Humphreis et Short. Je suis avec grand respect De Votre Excellence le très-humble et très-obeissant serviteur, C W F DUMAS MONSIEUR
RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. F C (Dumas Papers, Rijksarchief, The Hague; photostats in D L C ) . Noted in S J L as received 31 Apr. [1 May?] 1786. Although there is no mention of an enclosure, there is the following note
at top of FC: " ( E n envoyt. No. 5 pr. Mr. Jay)"; F C of Dumas' letter to Jay of the same date, marked "No. 5.", immediately precedes the present, and reads in part as follows: "Votre Excellence verra par mes
384
13 A P R I L precedentes et par les Gazettes, que ce petit Theatre continue d'offrir à l'Europe une variété de grandes Scènes. À 12 lieues d'ici 5000 Catons faire sauter, sans effusion de sang ni désordre 25 Catilinas, et 20,000 hommes prêts à marcher au secours de ces derniers, arrêtés d'un coup de plume. À 9 lieues d'ici, d'autres, soufflés par des étrangers faire prendre à une majorité 1 une R[ecommandatio]n dont par bêtise ils n'ont ensuite pu tirer parti; ici un attentat de leze Majesté au premier chef; une potence où il alloit être expié; un acte rare de clémence, suivi immédiatement d'un autre de sévérité, qui anéantit et flétrit une société de comploteurs et en proscrit les plus coupables. Tout cela fait un trés-bon effet, et nous donne au moins pour un temps, de la tranquillité par les rues. Les principaux mutins saisis, fugitifs ou bannis. Leurs souffleurs et courtiers qui, semblables aux vers de terre après la pluie, ètoient sortis de leurs trous, et rampoient par tous les carrefours, sont rentrés dans leurs répaires et n'osent plus se montrer. L e reste du petit peuple, qui paroissoit avoir méconnu la noble simplicité des Assemblées souveraines, ne trouvant déjà plus
1786
étrange de les voir siéger et se séparer avec les attributs qui leur appartiennent; consolé d'ailleurs de la dépense que ne font plus les absents, par celle qu'y font les deux grandes Commissions pour régler les finances et le Militaire de la Généralité, arrivées et assemblées ici; Une Société de bons Bourgeois, formée depuis environ deux ans en Corps franc, à L'instar de ceux d'un nombre de Villes et Villages de la république, pour veiller à leur sûreté réciproque et à celle de tous les braves gens paisibles et loyaux, traversée jusqu'ici, menacée, insultée par la canaille guidée par la société proscrite, mais qui va être légalisée par le souverain, et dés-lors s'accrôitra considérablement. Enfin les négociations avec l'étranger préparées et conduites avec bien plus de secret que ci-devant, et qu'il n'est pas permis aux initiés de hazarder par les voies ordinaires. Voilà, Monsieur, en raccourci, le Tableau de la situation des affaires ici. Je pourrai, dans quelques semaines, le développer davantage, si les Gazettes ne le faisoient pas exactement, en profitant de la voie des Exprès qu'on expédie d'ici" (Dumas to Jay, 11 Apr. 1786; same), i Deleted in MS.
From Francis Eppes [Eppington, 11 Apr. 1786. Entered in S J L as received 29 June 1786. Not found.]
William Carmichael to the American Commissioners Madrid 13th. April 1786 I forward the inclosed Letter from Mr. Lamb for your Excellencies information: That Gentleman has also written to me. But as I suppose he has given Mr. Jefferson a more ample and satisfactory detail of the State of his Negotiation than I can comprehend from his Letter to me, I do not think it necessary to forward a copy of it. Mr. Barclay, to whom I have communicated all the Intelligence I have received on this Subject will write your Excellencies more explicitly than my Situation permits me to do.
GENTLEMEN
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I cannot however refrain from remarking that either Congress must adopt other methods than the present to make peace or in stantly determine to protect their Trade with the Southern parts of Europe by a maritime force. I have the honor to be with great respect Your Excellencies Most Obedt. & Humble Servt., WM. CARMICHAEL RC ( D L C ) . T r (DNA: PCC, No. 87, i ) ; in Short's hand. PrC of foregoing (MHi: A M T ) . Noted in S J L as received 10 May 1786. Enclosure: Lamb to T J , 29 Mch. 1786. Lamb's letter to Carmichael of the same date has not been found; see Barclay to Commissioners, 10 Apr. 1786.
From Lucy Necks [London, 17 Apr. 1786. Entered in S J L as received "while in Lon don." Not found; see entry for TJ's reply, 18 Apr. 1786.]
To Lucy Necks [London, 18 Apr. 1786. An entry in S J L under this date reads: "Lucy Necks. See copy." Not found; but see T J to Francis Eppes, 22 Apr. 1786.]
From the Captains of American Ships at L'Orient SIR L'Orient 19th. April 1786 We humbly beg Leave to inform your Excellency that in Pur suance to the Orders we have recieved from the several Owners of our Ships in America named hereafter; we proceeded with our Cargoes of Tobacco to this Port, in order to sell them to the Farmers General of France, being in Expectation we should enjoy the Price and Conditions which have been granted by the said Farmers to Mr. Robert Morris of Philadelphia, for a certain Quan tity of Tobacco to be delivered in France at the fixed Price of 36* p. Cwt, deducting only the real Tare of the Hogsheads. Our Cargoes have been landed and stored by our Correspondents, but upon their Demand of enjoying the same Price and Conditions granted to Mr. Morris, they have been offered by the Farmers only 33* p. Cwt. for the best Quality of Virginia Tobacco, and 386
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31* for best Maryland Tobacco, the lower sort of Tobacco to be paid in that Proportion, and that we should besides allow 15 p. Ct. Tare, which makes about 5 p. Ct. more than the real Tare of the Hogsheads. These Conditions offer too great a Loss that we can not subscribe to them, and our Cargoes remain unsold, without our knowing when or to what Price they shall be disposed of. We therefore humbly beg your Excellency to represent the Matter to the Ministers of his Majesty, the Count de Vergennes and Mr. de Castries, in order to prevent such unjust proceedings from the Farmers, tending to annihilate our Trade with France. We are determined to wait here for the Answer of your Excellency which we beg to have as soon as possible, as it shall justify our Conduct to the concerned in our Cargoes, if we should be obliged to depart without seeing them sold, nor even knowing the Price and Condi tions at which they will sell after our Departure, that Uncertainty is very disagreeable as we are forced by it to pay Interest for the Money advanced by our Correspondents for our return Cargoes, pay Store rent and other Expences, and leave Part of the Value of our Goods till after Sales. We depend upon your Excellency to support our just Claim, and make the necessary Representations to that Purpose. We beg leave to subscribe ourselves with the utmost Respect, Your most obedient humble Servants, A L E X R . C A I N , Commander & Owner of the Ship the Marquis de la fayette laden with 400 Hhds. of Tobacco, belonging to Philadelphia. N I C H O S . G A R D N E R , Commander of the Ship Leda 100 Hhds. Tobacco, belonging to Boston. S A M L . B U N K E R , Capt. of the Brig. Brilliant laden with 120 Hhds. of Tobacco., belonging to Nicho las Lingan, Baltimore. J E S S E J A M E S , of the Brigne. Minerva with 200 hhds. Tobo., belonging to Messrs. Crocketts & Harriss, Baltimore, Maryland. P R E S D . SISSON, of the Ship Congress with 421 Hhds. Tobo, belonging to Messrs. Blair, McClenachan & P. Moore, Philadelphia. Tr ( D L C ) ; in Short's hand. RC (Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol., E.-U., xxxi; T r in D L C ) . Enclosed in T J to Vergennes, 3 May 1786.
[ 387 ]
To Alexander McCaul London Apr. 19. 1786. Your favor of Mar. 30. came to hand some days ago, and re newed the recollection of a friendship among the earliest I formed in life, and which neither time nor events have weakened at any moment since. I wish it were in my power to inform you that arrangements were at length taken between the two nations for carrying into complete execution the late treaty of peace, and for settling those conditions which are essential to the continuance of a commerce between them. I suppose all arrangement is thought unnecessary here, as the subject has not been deemed worthy of a conference. Both nations are left to pursue their own measures, and it is not easy to foresee what these will be. Each has complaints on the subject of the late treaty. We, that but one post out of six or eight within our limits has yet been evacuated by the British troops; and that a great number of slaves were brought away contrary to stipulation. On the other part it is urged that we have thrown restrictions in the way of the recovery of the debts due to the mer chants of this country. There are two circumstances of difficulty in the paiment of these debts. To speak of the particular state with which you and I are best acquainted, we know that it's debt is ten times the amount of it's circulating cash. To pay that debt at once then is a physical impossibility. Time is requisite. Were all the creditors to rush to judgment together, a mass of two millions of property would be brought to market where there is but the tenth of that sum of money in circulation to purchase it. Both debtor and creditor would be ruined, as debts would be thus rendered desperate which are in themselves good. Of this truth I find the merchants here sufficiently sensible, and I have no doubt we should have arranged the article of time to mutual satisfaction, allowing judg ment to pass immediately, and dividing the execution into instal ments. There was another point on which we should have differed. It is a general sentiment in America that the principal of these debts should be paid, and that that alone is stipulated by the treaty. But they think the interest also which arose before and since the war, is justly due. They think it would be as unjust to demand interest during the war. They urge that during that time they could not pay the debt, for that of the remittances attempted, two thirds on an average were taken by the nation to whom they were due; that dur ing that period they had no use of the money, as from the same
DEAR SIR
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circumstance of capturing their produce on the sea, tobacco sold at 5/ the hundred which was not sufficient to bear the expences of the estate; that they paid the taxes and other charges on the property during that period; and stood it's insurers in the ultimate event of the war. They admit indeed that such individual creditors as were not engaged in privateering against them have lost this in terest; but that it was the fault of their own nation and that this is the case where both parties having lost, each may justifiably en deavor to save himself. Setting aside this portion of the interest I am persuaded the debts in America are generally good, and that there is an honest intention to pay them. The improvident and indolent may delay the commencement of that duty, but they do not think certainly to avoid it. After the war ceased the first profits of their plantations would be applied to get supplies of clothing, to rebuild their houses, fences, barns &c. where they were burned, or decayed, and to repair the other ravages of the war. This might reasonably take two or three years; but it is now time that they should begin the paiment of their old debts. With respect to myself I acknolege to you that I do not think an interest justly demandeable during the war. Whatever I owed, with interest, previous and subsequent to the war, I have taken measures for paying as speedily as possible. My chief debts are to yourself and to Mr. Jones of Bristol. In the year 1776. before there was a shilling of paper money issued, I sold land for £4200 to pay these two debts. I did not receive the money till it was not worth oak leaves. I have lost the principal and interest of these debts once then in attempting to pay them. Besides this Ld. Cornwallis's army took off 30 of my slaves burnt one year's crop of tobacco in my houses and destroyed another in the feilds with other damages to the amount of three or four thousand pounds. Still I am renewing my efforts to pay what I justly ought; and I hope these will be more succesful. My whole estate is left in the hands of Mr. Lewis of Albemarle and Mr. Eppes of Chesterfeild to apply it's whole profits to the paiment of my debts. Some had been necessarily contracted during the war. They write me word that these will be cleared off this year. There will remain then only yours and Mr. Jones's, towards which the labour of 100 slaves will be annually applied till the paiment is effected; for till that I shall not draw one shilling from the estate, nor resume it's possession. I do not know the exact amount of either of these debts, but I propose that the profits of my estate shall be annually divided in proportion to them. I think [389 ]
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it very possible that you will not concur with me in opinion as to the intermediate interest; and that so far I shall meet your censure. Both parties are liable to feel too strongly the arguments which tend to justify their endeavors to avoid this loss. Yet after making allowance for this prejudice, it seems to me impossible but that the hardships are infinitely greater on our side than on yours. You have lost the interest, but it is not we who have gained it. We deem your nation the aggressors. They took those profits which arose from your property in our hands, and inflicted on us immeasurable losses besides. I urge these considerations because while they decide my own opinion, I wish them to weigh so much as to pre serve me yours, which I highly esteem, and should be afflicted were I to lose it. I have thus stated to you my view of things both public and private, according to the wish expressed in your letter. And I rely on your justice that you make use of the information for your own purposes only, without committing me. I shall at all times be happy to hear from you, being with sincere esteem Dear Sir Your friend and servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) .
From American and French Merchants at L'Orient L'Orient 21st. April 1786 We the American and French Merchants established at L'Orient, interested in the Trade with the United States of America, take the Liberty to lay before your Excellency the unhappy Situation we find ourselves in, and to sollicit your Influence to make it less dis advantageous and more certain in future. We have received a Number of Cargoes of Tobacco since the Peace, which we have sold to the Farmers General, the Price falling gradually to 40* p. Ct. which was the Price they paid at the Time and after the Contract with Mr. Robert Morris and others had taken Place, which we were informed and believe was at 36* p. Ct. with the Allowance only of the real Tare of the Casks; soon after which the Director of the Farm in this City informed us that he had Orders not to buy any more Tobacco at a higher Price than 36* with the usual Allowance of 15 p. Cent Tare and Trett. Viewing this as a Resolutionfixedand agreeable to the Intentions [390]
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of Government, we informed our Correspondents in America, and notwithstanding the Pains that were taken to persuade them that the Farmers General would not buy any more Tobacco, we have prevailed on many of our Friends to continue their Consignments. Nothwithstanding the general Discontent this Contract has given in France and America, the Confidence and Experience we have had of the favourable Disposition of the King's Ministers, has led us to give such Assurances as will naturally engage many of our Correspondents to continue, which will also lead us to increase the Facility so necessary to encourage a general commercial Intercourse between the two Countries. To our great Surprize the Farmers general gave Orders to lower the Price, and for many Months past have offered only 32 and 33* for Virginia Tobacco and 30 and 31* for Maryland with the Deduction of 15 p.Cent for Tare and Trett. Some of us having positive Orders to sell and employ the Proceeds have sold at those Prices, and a Merchant of this City having a Consignment of Tobacco at Morlaix, was obliged to sell it to the Farmers General at 29* 10s being the highest Price they would give him. The Custom has always been to sell to the Farmers General good merchantable Tobacco at an average Price for the whole, but they have lately adopted another Method extremely inconvenient for the Trade, by putting different Prices to the different Qualities, which makes the Delivery tedious, added to the Length of Time it takes to close a Bargain by Samples, and waiting the Orders of the Farmers General from Paris subjects us to considerable additional Storage and Expence. We are fully convinced that the Farmers General augment those Difficulties with the Intent of preventing our Friends in America buying Tobacco to ship for the French Market, and thereby facilitate the fulfilling the Contract. In this Crisis we have the following Cargoes on hand. 250 Hogsheads of Tobacco ^ the Ship Hope, Capt. Cunningham from Philadelphia ^ the Batavia, Capt. Heusman from 332 Do. Baltimore * the Ann, Capt. Bell from Do. 250 Do. ^ the Fame, Capt. Lawler from Phila318 Do. delphia Œ the Betsy, Capt. Elligood from Balti375 Do. more the Maryland, Capt. Folger from Do. 350 Do. 391
2 1 APRIL
^ the Beresford, Capt. Pearl from Do. W the Marquis de la fayette, Capt. Cain from Philadelphia ^ The Congress, Capt. Sisson from Do. ^ the Peggy, Capt. Ritchie from Fred ericksburg $ the Minerva, Capt. James from Bal timore ^ the Leda, Capt. Gardner from Bos ton ^ the Sophia, Capt. Roberts from Bal timore ^ the Etorion, Capt. Sullivan from Alexandria ^ the Port franc, Capt. Neveu from Baltimore
285 Do 310 Do 410 Do 301 Do. 200 Do. 47 Do. 100 Do. 400 Do. 150 Do.
680 Do. 250 Do. 250 Do. 550 Do. 400 Do. 200 Do.
17 8 6
4078 Hogsheads, and we daily expect. ^ the Hope, Capt. Warren from Nor folk ^ the Paragon, Capt. Hughes from Alexandria
T H E PAPERS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON
DESIGNED BY P. J . CONKWRIGHT