Papers of Thomas Jefferson. Volume 15 The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 15: March 1789 to November 1789 9780691184821, 9780691045474

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T H E

P A P E R S

THOMAS

O F

JEFFERSON

THE

PAPERS OF

Thomas Jefferson Volume 15 27 March 1789 to 30 November 1789 JULIAN WILLIAM

P. B O Y D ,

H. GAINES,

PRINCETON, PRINCETON

EDITOR

JR., ASSOCIATE

EDITOR

NEW JERSEY

UNIVERSITY 1958

PRESS

Copyright © 1958, by Princeton University Press All Rights Reserved L.C.CARD

50-7486

Second Printing, 1967 ISBN 13: 978-0-691-04547-4 (cloth)

Printed in the United States of America by Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey

DEDICATED

TO T H E MEMORY

ADOLPH PUBLISHER

S.

OF

OCHS

OF T H E N E W

YORK

TIMES

1896-1935 WHO

BY T H E E X A M P L E OF A PRESS THE

RESPONSIBLE

E N L A R G E D AND

FORTIFIED

JEFFERSONIAN

CONCEPT

OF A F R E E

PRESS

ADVISORY DAVID

C O M M I T T E E

K. E . B R U C E ,

FRANCIS

L. B E R K E L E Y ,

SOLON L.

J.

JR.

BUCK

H. B U T T E R F I E L D

G I L B E R T HENRY

CHINARD

S T E E L E

HAROLD

COMMAGER

W.

L U T H E R ROBERT A.

CHAIRMAN

DODDS

H.

EVANS

F.

GOHEEN

W H I T N E Y

GRISWOLD

B R E C K I N R I D G E ARCHIBALD

LONG

MAC LEISH

DUMAS

MALONE

BERNARD

MAYO

RICARDO

A.

MESTRES

SAMUEL

E.

MORISON

HOWARD DATUS IPHIGENE W I L L I A M

W.

SMITH

C. S M I T H , OCHS

J. V A N

L A W R E N C E JOHN

C.

JR.

S U L Z B E R G E R S C H R E E V E N

C.

WROTH

W Y L L I E

C O N S U L T A N T S

AND STAFF

P R O F E S S O R A R C H I B A L D T . M A C A L L I S T E R , Consultant P R O F E S S O R R A Y M O N D S. W I L L I S , Consultant F R A N C E C . R I C E , Consultant H O W A R D C . R I C E , J R . , Consultant, D O R O T H Y S. E A T O N , Consultant,

in

in

in

Italian

Spanish

French

Princeton University

Library

T h e Library of Congress

A L F R E D L . B U S H , Assistant DOROTHY C. RIEGER,

to the

Editor

Secretary

I n common with other editorial enterprises,

THE PAPERS OF THOMAS JEFFERSON is a continuing* beneficiary of the good offices of T h e National Historical Publications Commission, through its Chairman, Wayne C . Grover, its Executive Director, Philip M . Hamer, and its staff.

FOREWORD

T

H E year 1789 was pivotal both in a world sense and in its meaning for the career of Thomas Jefferson. Hence, because the date provides one of those lines of division by which historians mark off boundaries in the unending flow of events, it has seemed wise to include in this volume all documents up to the period of Jefferson's return to his native soil that have been discovered too late to be inserted in their proper chronological places. T h i s group of Supplementary Documents, covering the years 1772 to 1789, is therefore presented as an appendix to this volume. It will be included in the next temporary Index and the documents contained in it will be more quickly and more readily available to those interested in the period before 1789 than if publication had been deferred to the conclusion of the series. If proof were needed that historical investigation is not, and can never be, an exact science, the number of these Supplementary Documents may be taken as substantial evidence of the fact. T h e Editors would have been gratified if they could have spared users of the volumes the necessity for examining more than one chrono­ logical sequence, but the knowledge, foresight, intuition, and methodology for accomplishing this are requisites that do not be­ long to earthly editorial enterprises. They take little consolation in pointing out that Jefferson himself must bear a small share of the responsibility: one of the most important of the documents presented in this supplement—-Jefferson's outline of argument in Congress on the motion to censure Commodore Esek Hopkins, 12 Aug. 1776—was not published in Volume 1 where it belonged because Jefferson, going over his papers in the summer of 1783, committed one of the commonest of errors by dating it "Aug. 12. 1783." Cataloguers of manuscripts and editors naturally accepted the date that the author himself had assigned. The Editors take much more satisfaction in stating the un­ questioned fact that the amplitude of these Supplementary Docu­ ments would have been far greater if this work had not been so generously assisted in the past, as it continues to be in the present, by librarians, archivists, collectors, dealers, and persons in almost every walk of life-—most particularly by the Director and staff of the National Historical Publications Commission and by the E d i ­ tors and staffs of other comparable enterprises now in progress. The contributions of these far-flung collaborators are greater than [vii]

F O R E W O R D any save the Editors can know, and in a final volume their assist­ ance will be recorded, gratefully and more particularly than has been possible up to now. Through their efforts we have been enabled to present here the text of a Jefferson letter that existed in Australia at the time we published the volume in which it should have appeared. B y the same means another was reported to us from Dumfries, Scotland, by way of Virginia. Similarly another—a very significant one, written only a few days after the adoption of the Declaration of Independence—was found in private hands in New York among the family papers of the American sculptor, Thomas Crawford. Another seems to exist only in a typescript that was made half a century ago, the original having apparently disappeared from the vault of a business firm some time thereafter. And, of course, one came from that now happily abandoned device that was invented for a laudable purpose in England in the 18th century and was so elaborated by 19th-cen­ tury collectors in America as to provide an excellent means of hiding manuscripts from scholars—the so-called Grangerized vol­ umes. These and other obscurely hidden parts of the Jeffersonian canon, whose discovery could not have been assured by any his­ torical methodology imaginable, were for the most part called to the attention of the Editors by helpful friends. Perhaps for this reason, most of them have not heretofore appeared in print in any form. Jefferson documents continue to come to light. There will un­ doubtedly be more in the future—even for the years before 1789— that will escape from obscurity. Within the recent past three notable groups of manuscripts containing Jefferson documentation have become accessible. T h e first of these was called to our attention by Mr. William J . V a n Schreeven, State Archivist of Virginia, and consisted of the Ended Cases of the United States Circuit Court for the District of Virginia. These enabled the Editors to place in one group among the Supplementary Documents those letters, agreements, and other records pertaining to Jefferson's share in the debt of John Wayles to Farell & Jones. T h e most important of these is the notable agreement signed at Monticello on 7 Feb. 1790, thus bringing into systematic arrangement in typical Jeffer­ sonian manner one of the principal matters that had brought him to America in 1789. T h e two other groups of Jefferson documents that have recently come into public repositories are the additions to the Edge hill-Randolph Papers, now in the Alderman Library of [ viii ]

FOREWORD the University of Virginia, and to the Jefferson-Coolidge Collection in the Massachusetts Historical Society. These two groups together numbered several hundred documents. Happily, most of their dates fall after 1789, but those that antedate that year—particularly the familiar letters written by Martha Jefferson Carr and Francis and Elizabeth Wayles Eppes—are the kind that illuminate the family and society out of which Jefferson grew. They were also among the letters that Jefferson prized most whenever—in Paris, Philadelphia, or Washington—he was absent from his beloved Monticello. J U L I A N P. BOYD

28

October

1958

Editor

GUIDE

TO

E D I T O R I A L

APPARATUS 1.

TEXTUAL

DEVICES

The following devices are employed throughout the work to clarify the presentation of the text. [. . . ] , [ . . . . ] [. . . ] \ [. . . .]

1

[ ] [roman]

[italic] (italic) I ] 2.

One or two words missing and not conjecturable, More than two words missing and not conjectur­ able; subjoined footnote estimates number of words missing. Number or part of a number missing or illegible. Conjectural reading for missing or illegible mat­ ter. A question mark follows when the reading is doubtful. Editorial comment inserted in the text. Matter deleted in the M S but restored in our text. Record entry for letters not found. DESCRIPTIVE

SYMBOLS

The following symbols are employed throughout the work to describe the various kinds of manuscript originals. When a series of versions is recorded, the first to be recorded is the version used for the printed text. Dft

Dupl MS N PoC PrC RC SC Tripl

draft (usually a composition or rough draft; later drafts, when identifiable as such, are designated "2 Dft," &c.) duplicate manuscript (arbitrarily applied to most docu­ ments other than letters) note, notes (memoranda, fragments, &c.) polygraph copy press copy recipient's copy stylograph copy triplicate

All manuscripts of the above types are assumed to be in the hand of the author of the document to which the descriptive symbol pertains. If not, that fact is stated. On the other hand, the follow-

[ xi ]

G U I D E

TO E D I T O R I A L

APPARATUS

ing types of manuscripts are assumed not to be in the hand of the author, and exceptions will be noted: FC

file

Tr

copy (applied to all forms of retained copies, such as letter-book copies, clerks' copies, &c.) transcript (applied to both contemporary and later copies; period of transcription, unless clear by implication, will be given when known) 3.

LOCATION

SYMBOLS

The locations of documents printed in this edition from originals in private hands, from originals held by institutions outside the United States, and from printed sources are recorded in self-ex­ planatory form in the descriptive note following each document. The locations of documents printed from originals held by public institutions in the United States are recorded by means of the sym­ bols used in the National Union Catalog in the Library of Congress; and explanation of how these symbols are formed is given above, Vol. 1 : xl. T h e list of symbols appearing in each volume is limited to the institutions represented by documents printed or referred to in that and previous volumes. CLSU CLU CSmH Ct CtY DLC DNA G-Ar ICHi IHi MB MBAt MH MHi MdAA MdAN

University of Southern California Library, Los Angeles William Andrews Clark Memorial Library, University of California at Los Angeles Henry E . Huntington Library, San Marino, California Connecticut State Library, Hartford, Connecti­ cut Yale University Library Library of Congress The National Archives Georgia Department of Archives and History, Atlanta Chicago Historical Society, Chicago Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield Boston Public Library, Boston Boston Athenaeum, Boston Harvard University Library Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston Maryland Hall of Records, Annapolis U . S . Naval Academy Library

[ xii ]

G U I D E

TO E D I T O R I A L

MeHi MiU-C

APPARATUS

Maine Historical Society, Portland William L . Clements Library, University of Michigan MoSHi Missouri Historical Society, St. Louis MWA American Antiquarian Society, Worcester NBu Buffalo Public Library, Buffalo, New York NcD Duke University Library NcU University of North Carolina Library NHi New-York Historical Society, New York City NK-Iselin Letters to and from John Jay bearing this symbol are used by permission of the Estate of Eleanor Jay Iselin. NN New York Public Library, New York City NNC Columbia University Libraries NNP Pierpont Morgan Library, New York City NNS New York Society Library, New York City NjP Princeton University Library N j M o W Washington Headquarters Library, Morristown, N.J. PBL Lehigh University Library PHC Haverford College Library PHi Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia PPAP American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia P P L - R Library Company of Philadelphia, Ridgway Branch PU University of Pennsylvania Library RPA Rhode Island Department of State, Providence RPAB Annmary Brown Memorial Library, Providence RPB Brown University Library Vi Virginia State Library, Richmond V i C - M T h e Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation, Monticello ViHi Virginia Historical Society, Richmond V i R V a l Valentine Museum Library, Richmond ViU University of Virginia Library ViU-McG McGregor Library, University of Virginia Vi-USCC Ended Cases, United States Circuit Court, Virginia State Library ViW College of William and Mary Library V i W C Colonial Williamsburg, Inc. WHi State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Madison

[ xiii ]

GUIDE 4.

OTHER

TO E D I T O R I A L SYMBOLS

APPARATUS

AND

ABBREVIATIONS

The following symbols and abbreviations are commonly em­ ployed in the annotation throughout the work. Second Series T h e topical series to be published at the end of this edition, comprising those materials which are best suited to a classified rather than a chronological arrangement (see Vol. 1: xv-xvi) T J Thomas Jefferson T J Editorial Files Photoduplicates and other editorial materials in the office of The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Princeton University Library T J Papers Jefferson Papers (applied to a collection of manu­ scripts when the precise location of a given document must be furnished, and always preceded by the symbol for the institutional repository; thus " D L C : T J Papers, 4:628-9" represents a document in the Library of Congress, Jefferson Papers, volume 4, pages 628 and 6 2 9 ) PCC Papers of the Continental Congress, in the National Archives RG Record Group (used in designating the location of docu­ ments in the National Archives) S J L Jefferson's "Summary Journal of letters" written and re­ ceived (in D L C : T J Papers) S J P L "Summary Journal of Public Letters," an incomplete list of letters written by T J from 16 Apr. 1784 to 31 Dec. 1793, with brief summaries, in an amanuensis' hand (in D L C : T J Papers, at end of S J L ) V Ecu f Florin £ Pound sterling or livre, depending upon context (in doubtful cases, a clarifying note will be given) s Shilling or sou. (Also expressed as / ) d Penny or denier Livre Tournois tt

Per (occasionally used for pro, pre) 5. SHORT

TITLES

The following list includes only those short titles of works cited with great frequency, and therefore in very abbreviated form, throughout this edition. Their expanded forms are given here only in the degree of fullness needed for unmistakable identification. [ xiv ]

GUIDE

TO E D I T O R I A L

APPARATUS

Since it is impossible to anticipate all the works to be cited in such very abbreviated form, the list is appropriately revised from volume to volume. AHR American Historical Review, 1895Atlas of Amer. Hist., Scribner, 1943 James Truslow Adams and R . V . Coleman, eds., Atlas of American History, N . Y . , 1943 Barbary W a r s Dudley W . Knox, ed., Naval Documents Related to the United States Wars with the Barbary Powers, Washington, 1939-1944, 5 vols. Betts, Farm Book E d w i n M . Betts, ed., Thomas Jefferson's Farm Book, Princeton, 1953 Betts, Garden Book E d w i n M . Betts, ed., Thomas Jefferson's Garden Book, Philadelphia, 1944 Biog. Dir. Cong. Ansel Wold, ed., Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774-1927, Washington, 1928 B.M. Cat. British Museum, General Catalogue of Printed Books, London, 1931-; also The British Museum Catalogue of Printed Books, 1881-1900, Ann Arbor, 1946 B.N. Cat. Bibliothèque Nationale, Catalogue general des livres imprimés. . . . Auteurs, Paris, 1897-1955 Brant, Madison, I Irving Brant, James Madison: The Virginia Revolutionist, Indianapolis, 1941 Brant, Madison, II Irving Brant, James Madison: The Nationalist, 1780-1787, Indianapolis, 1948 Brant, Madison, III Irving Brant, James Madison: Father of the Constitution, 1787-1800, Indianapolis, 1950 Brant, Madison, IV Irving Brant, James Madison: Secretary of State, 1800-1809, Indianapolis, 1953 Brant, Madison, V Irving Brant, James Madison: The President, 1809-1812, Indianapolis, 1956 Burnett, Letters of Members E d w i n C . Burnett, ed., Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington, 19211936, 8 vols. Cal. Franklin Papers I . Minis Hays, ed., Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in the Library of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, 1908, 6 vols. CVSP

William P . Palmer and others, eds., Calendar of Virginia State Papers . . . Preserved in the Capitol at Richmond, Richmond, 1875-1893 [ XV ]

GUIDE

TO E D I T O R I A L

APPARATUS

Allen Johnson and Dumas Malone, eds., Dictionary of American Biography, N . Y . , 1928-1936 DAE Sir William A . Craigie and James Hulbert, eds., A Dic­ tionary of American English, Chicago, 1938-1944 DAH James Truslow Adams, ed., Dictionary of American History, N . Y . , 1940, 5 vols., and index DNB Leslie Stephen and Sidney Lee, eds., Dictionary of National Biography, 2d ed., N . Y . , 1908-1909 Dipl. Corr., 1783-89 [William A . Weaver, ed.] The Diplo­ matic Correspondence of the United States of America, from the Signing of the Definitive Treaty of Peace . . . to the Adop­ tion of the Constitution, Washington, 1837, 3 vols. Elliot's Debates Jonathan Elliot, ed., The Debates of the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution . . . together with the Journal of the Federal Convention, 2d ed., Philadelphia, 1901, 5 vols. Evans Charles Evans, comp., American Bibliography, Chi­ cago, 1903-1955 Ford Paul Leicester Ford, ed., The Writings of Thomas Jeffer­ son, Letterpress Edition, N . Y . , 1892-1899, 10 vols. Freeman, Washington Douglas Southall Freeman, George Washington, N . Y . , 1948-1957, 7 vols. Fry-Jefferson Map Dumas Malone, ed., The Fry & Jefferson Map of Virginia and Maryland: a Facsimile of the First Edi­ tion, Princeton, 1950 Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89 Louis Gottschalk, Lafayette between the American and the French Revolution (17831 7 8 9 ) , Chicago, 1950 Gournay B . C . Gournay, Tableau general du commerce des marchands, négocians, armateurs, &c., . . . années 1789 & 1790, Paris, [1789] HAW Henry A . Washington, ed., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, N . Y . , 1853-1854, 9 vols. Hening William Waller Hening, ed., The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, Richmond, 1809-1823, 13 vols. Henry, Henry William W i r t Henry, Patrick Henry, Life, Correspondence and Speeches, N . Y . , 1891, 3 vols. JCC Worthington C . Ford and others, eds., Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789, Washington, 1904-1937, 34 vols. DAB

[ xvi ]

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TO E D I T O R I A L

JEP

APPARATUS

Journal of the Executive Proceedings of the Senate of the United States . . . to the Termination of the Nineteenth Congress, Washington, 1828 JHD Journal of the House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia (cited by session and date of publication) JHR Journal of the House of Representatives of the United States, Washington, Gales & Seaton, 1826Jefferson Correspondence, Bixby Worthington C . Ford, ed., Thomas Jefferson Correspondence Printed from the Originals in the Collections of William K. Bixby, Boston, 1916 Kimball, Jefferson, I Marie Kimball, Jefferson the Road to Glory 1743 to 1776, New York, 1943 Kimball, Jefferson, II Marie Kimball, Jefferson War and Peace 1776 to 1784, New York, 1947 Kimball, Jefferson, III Marie Kimball, Jefferson the Scene of Europe 1784 to 1789, New York, 1950 L & B Andrew A . Lipscomb and Albert E . Bergh, eds., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Washington, 1903-1904, 20 vols. L . c . Cat. A Catalogue of Books Represented by the Library of Congress Printed Cards, Ann Arbor, 1942-1946; also Supplement, 1948Library Catalogue, 1783 Jefferson's M S list of books owned or wanted in 1783 (original in Massachusetts Historical Society) Library Catalogue, 1815 Catalogue of the Library of the United States, Washington, 1815 Library Catalogue, 1829 Catalogue: President Jefferson's Li­ brary, Washington, 1829 Malone, Jefferson, I Dumas Malone, Jefferson the Virginian, Boston, 1948 Malone, Jefferson, II Dumas Malone, Jefferson and the Rights of Man, Boston, 1951 MVHR Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 1914OED Sir James Murray and others, eds., A New English Dic­ tionary on Historical Principles, Oxford, 1888-1933 PMHB Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 1877Randall, Life Henry S. Randall, The Life of Thomas Jeffer­ son, N . Y . , 1858, 3 vols. Randolph, Domestic Life Sarah N . Randolph, The Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson, Compiled from Family Letters and [ xvii ]

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TO E D I T O R I A L

APPARATUS

Reminiscences by His Great-Granddaughter, Cambridge, Mass.. 1939 Sabin Joseph Sabin and others, comps., Bibliotheca Ameri­ cana. A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, N . Y . , 1868-1936 Sowerby E . Millicent Sowerby, comp., Catalogue of the Li­ brary of Thomas Jefferson, 1952-1955, 4 vols. Swem, Index E a r l G . Swem, comp., Virginia Historical Index, Roanoke, 1934-1936 Swem, "Va. Bibliog." E a r l G . Swem, comp., "A Bibliography of Virginia History," Virginia State Library, Bulletin, VIII ( 1 9 1 5 ) , x ( 1 9 1 7 ) , and XII ( 1 9 1 9 ) TJR Thomas Jefferson Randolph, ed., Memoir, Correspond­ ence, and Miscellanies, from the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Charlottesville, 1829, 4 vols. Tucker, Life George Tucker, The Life of Thomas Jefferson, Philadelphia, 1837, 2 vols. VMHB Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 1893Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Am. Rev. Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, Washington, 1889, 6 vols. WMQ William and Mary Quarterly, 1892-

[ xviii ]

CONTENTS Accounts, see Jefferson's memorandum concerning, 84 Adams, John, letter to, 116 Address of welcome of the officials of Norfolk, and reply, 556 Albemarle County, commissioners of the specific tax for, letters to, 590, 592, 594, 603 Alexandre, D., letter from, 169 American commissioners, from E . Brush, 616 Appleton, Thomas. See A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 Arnoux, Abbé, letter to, 282 Assembly, National, extract from proceedings of, 197 Ast, William Frederick, letter to, 371 (note) Baggage, list of, shipped by Jefferson from France, 375 Baker, Jerman, letter to, 670 Bancroft, Edward, letters from, 3, 59, 73, 200, 292, 352; letters to, 8, 39, 70, 160, 183, 270, 332, 476 Barail, Frimont de, letters from,. 283, 369 Barlow, Joel. See A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 Barrett, Nathaniel, letter to, 149 Bayard, letter from, 54 Beilanger, Madame Plumard de, letter from, 318 Berkeley, County Lieutenant of, letters to, 588, 594 Bingham, William, letter from, 55; letter to, 476 Bivins, James, letter to, from John Wayles, 655 Blackden, Samuel. See A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 Bondfield, John, letters from, 63, 71, 74, 84, 147, 264, 383, 400, 464; letters to, 42, 218, 276, 371 Bordeaux, Archbishop of, letter from, 291; letter to, 298 Boyd, Ker & Co., letter from, [78] ; letter to, 9 Boyd, Walter, letter from, 487; letter to, 503 Brac de la Perrière, letter from, 250 Brailsford & Morris, letter to, 99; letter to, from Jacob Vernes, 543 Brissot de Warville, letters from, 64, [321] Broome, Samuel, letter from, 92 Brossier, James I . , letters from, 237, 354; letter to, 316 Broutin, Madame Denise, letter from, 278; letter to, 272 Brush, E . , letter from, to the American Commissioners, 616 Buchanan, James, letter to, 592 Buffon, letter from, 635 Cahierre, Paul, letter from, 174; letter to, 183 Cambray, letter from, 347; letters to, 345, 407 Campbell, Arthur, letters from, 596, 597 Campbell, William, letter to, 588 Carmichael, William, letter from, 340; letters to, 103, 307, 336, 418 Carr, Martha Jefferson, letters from, 612, 618, 626, 632, 634, 636, 639; letter to, 620 Carr, Peter, letter from, 155. See also Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674 [ xix ]

C O N T E N T S Cary, Wilson Miles, letter from, 561 Cassini, Jean Dominique de, letter to, 237 Cathalan, Stephen, Jr., letters from, 43, 127, 213, 321, 408; letters to, 310, 372 Cavelier, fils, letters from, 203, 303, 336; letters to, 310, 423 (note) Chardon, letter from, 261 Charpentier, letter from, [16] Chauvier, Père, letter to, 430; letter to, from Perrin, 461 Chiappe, Francisco, letter to, 405 Chiappe, Giuseppe, letter to, 405 (note) Churchman, John, letter from, 129; letter to, 439 Claiborne, Richard, letter from, 107 Clark, George Rogers, letter from, 609 Clay, Rev. Charles, letter to, 571 Clérisseau, Charles Louis, letter to, 172 Coffyn, Francis, letter to, 423 Cointeraux, François, letters from, 184, 379 Colley, Nathaniel, memorandum to, 546 Collow Frères, Carmichael & Co., letter from, 378; letter to, 410 Commissioners of the United States Treasury, letter to, 125; letter from, to Willink & Van Staphorst, 41; letter to, from Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 474 Condorcet, letter from, 419 Continental Congress, Marine Committee of, 583 Corny, Madame de, letter from, 554; letter to, 520 Cosway, Maria, letters from, 339, 351, 513; letters to, 142, 305, 413, 521 Crèvecoeur, St. John de, letter to, 139 Crew, Robert, letter from, 353; letter to, 410 Currie, James, letter from, 562 Curson, Richard, letter to, 184 Cutting, John Brown, letters from, 144, 159, 175, 264, 293, 401, 414, 427, 440, 465, 499, 514; letters to, 173, 277, 411, 469, 523; letter from, to William Short, 529 Cutting, Nathaniel, letters from; 380, 419, 477, 480, 518; letters to, 373, 378, 411, 428, 436, 551; Extract from the Diary of, 490 Dalzan, letter from, 233 D'Anterroches, letters from, 51, 86 David, Veuve, & fils, letters from, 220, 344; letter to, 311 Dawson, William Jones, letter from, 256 Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales, documents concerning, 642-677: Editorial note, 643; Farell & Jones to Jefferson, 662; Farell & Jones to Richard Randolph, 656, 662, 663, 664, 666, 667, 668, 670; Farell & Jones to John Wayles, 649, 651; Farell & Jones to Wayles & Randolph, 651, 652, 656, 667; John Wayles to John Thompson, 649; John Wayles to Farell & Jones, 653 ( 2 ) ; John Wayles to James Bivins, 655; Jefferson to Farell & Jones, 657; Jefferson to Jerman Baker, 670; William Jones to Richard Randolph, 672; William Jones to Richard Hanson, 676; [ xx ]

C O N T E N T S State of Farell & Jones judgment against John Randolph, 672; memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674; Sales of slaves imported in The Prince of Wales,

654

Declaration of Rights, Lafayette's draft of, 230 Delaire, Thomas, letter from, 547 De Lormerie, letters from, 155, 478 Descamets, letter from, [ 4 ] De Valady, letter from, 483 Diodati, letter from, 303, letter to, 325 Diriks, Jacob Gerrit, letter from, 173; letter to, 184 Dowse, Edward, letter from, 563 Drago, Gaetan, letters from, 89, 205 Drayton, William, letter to, 101 Dumas, C . W . F . , letters from, 21, 78, 298, 305, 349, 443, 545; letters to, 311, 317, 421; letter from, to William Short, 201 Dupont, Pierre Samuel, letter from, [421] Durival, Jean, letter to, 49 Duvivier, Pierre Simon, letters from, [ 4 2 ] , [174] The Earth Belongs in Usufruct to the Living, documents concerning; 384-398: Editorial note, 384; proposition submitted by Richard Gem, 391; letter from Jefferson, to Madison, 392; letter from Jefferson, to Gem, 398 Enville, Madame d', letter from, 454 Eppes, Elizabeth Wayles, letters from, 628, 637; letter to, 624 Eppes, Francis, letters from, 572, 574, 575, 576, 615, 623, 625, 628, 631, 632, 636; letters to, 370, 621. See also Memorandum of agree­ ment between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674 Fabbroni, Giovanni, letters to, 149, 308 Farmers-General, memoir on salt by, 488 Farell & Jones, letter from, 662; letter to, 657; letters from, to John Wayles, 649, 651; letters from, to Wayles & Randolph, 651, 652, 656, 667; letters from, to Richard Randolph, 656, 662, 663, 664, 666, 667, 668, 670; letter to, from John Wayles, 653 ( 2 ) ; state of judgment against John Randolph, 672. See also Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674; Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales, 642 Fielding, Joseph, letter from, 528 Fitch, John, letter from, 641 Fitzgerald, John, letter to, 587 Fitz-Gerald, Robert, letter from, 129 Form letter for refusing requests for use of Jefferson's influence, 487 Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 France. National Assembly, extract from proceedings of, 197; Jeffer­ son's draft of a charter of rights for, 167; Lafayette's draft of Decla­ ration of Rights for, 230 Fraser, John, letters from, 47, 296 [ xxi ]

C O N T E N T S Gallwey, John, letters from, 57, 383; letter to, 43 (note), 371 (note) Geismar, letter from, 48 Gem, Richard, letter to, 398; proposition submitted by, concerning the power of one generation to bind another, 391 Gomez, Louis, letter from, 67 Gouvion, Jean Baptiste de, letter to, 346 Grand & Cie., letters from, 108, 109, 134, [ 3 2 0 ] , 470; letters to, 69, 176, 521, 526 Grand, Ferdinand, letters from, 619, 629 Griffin, Samuel, letter to, 599 Guiraud, letter to, 423 (note) Handy, Thomas, letter from, 525 Hanson, Richard, letter to, from William Jones, 676. See also Memo­ randum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674 Haskell, Edward, letter from, 174. See also A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 Hawkins, Benjamin, letter from, 506 Hopkins, Esek, Jefferson's outline of argument concerning insubordina­ tion of, 578 Hopkinson, Francis, letter from, 16 Houdetot, Madame d', letters from, 259, 281, 431; letter to, 423 Houdon, Jean Antoine, letter to, 238; proposals concerning an eques­ trian statue of Washington, 319 Hoyne, Kyran, letter from, 374 Hubbard, Nicolas, letter from, 119; letter to, 86 Huger, Benjamin, letter from, 186; letter to, 308 Influence, form letter for refusing requests for use of Jefferson's, 487 Ingenhousz, Jan, letter from, 119 Inglis, Samuel, letter to, 571 Ingram, Messrs. Robert & Hugh, letter from, 339; letters to, 327, 349 Innes, Harry, commission for, 583 Izard, Ralph, letter from, 21; letter to, 443 Jarvis, Benjamin. See A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 Jay, John, letter from, 202; letters to, 110, 120, 126, 187, 205, 221, 284, 301, 314, 333, 339, 356, 373, 436, 454, 501, 524, 553 Jefferson, Martha, letter to, 638 Jefferson, Thomas, memorandum concerning public accounts, 84; list of baggage shipped from France, 375; the earth belongs in usufruct to the living, 384-398; passports issued by, 483; form letter for refusing requests for use of influence by, 487; address of welcome by the officials of Norfolk, and reply, 556; outline of argument con­ cerning insubordination of Esek Hopkins, 578; militia return by, as County Lieutenant, 583 Jerningham, Edward, letter from, 96; letter to, 143 Jodrell, Paul, letter from, 478 Jones, Jonathan, letter from, 30 [ xxii ]

C O N T E N T S Jones, William, letters to, 131, 161, 507; letter from, to Richard Randolph, 672; letter from, to Richard Hanson, 676. See also Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles; Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of

Wales

Juries, list of books on, 282 Kinloch, Francis, letter from, 71 Knox, Henry, letter to, 421 Koenig, Amand, letter from, 260; letters to, 223, 350 L a Brissane, letter from, 152 Lackington, James, letter to, 406 Lafayette, letters from, 166, 249, 254, 255, 354; letters to, 97, 165, 179, 250, 251, 252, 255, 256, [374]; draft of a Declaration of Rights, 230 Lafayette, Madame de, letter from, 630 L a Lande, letter to, 346 L a Luzerne, letter from, 602 Lamy, D., letter from, 159 L a Platière, Imbert de, letter to, 478 L a Vingtrie, Bayard de, letter from, 514 Lee, Arthur, letter from, 598 Lee, Henry, letter to, 415 Lee, Richard Henry, letter from, 606; letter to, 577 LeRoy, Jean Baptiste, letter from, 80; letter to, 23 Lewis, Francis, letter from, 587 Lewis, Nicholas, letter to, 370 (note) Limozin, André, letters from, 18, 57, 70; letters to, 46, 86 Limozin, Edward, letter to, 312; letter from, 241 Limozin, Veuve, & fils, letter from, 237 Lincoln, Benjamin, letters from, 585, 586 Littlepage, Lewis, letter to, 105 Livingston, Walter. See Commissioners of the Treasury Ludlam, William, letter to, 432 McCaul, Alexander, letter from, 212; letter to, 327 McClurg, James, letter from, 610; petition of, to the Governor and Council of Virginia, 584 MacCarthy Brothers, letter from, 31 Madison, James, letters from, 5, 114, 147, 153, 180, 224, 324, 509, 528; letters to, 121, 194, 299, 315, 364, 392, 438 Madison, Rev. James, letters from, 572, 605 Mareil, Guichard de, letter from, 74 Marine Committee of Congress, letter from, 583 Marks, Hastings, letter from, 93 Mason, George, letter from, [582] Mason, John, letters from, 265, 402; letters to, 277, 432 Maurice, James, letters from, 406, 416, 462, 479; letter to, 433 Mazzei, Philip, letter from, 613. See also A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 [ xxiii ]

C O N T E N T S Memoir on salt by Farmers-General, 488 Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674 Memorandum concerning public accounts, 84 Métherie, Jean Claude de L a , letter from, 127 Militia return by Jefferson as County Lieutenant, 583 Mirabeau Incident, documents concerning, 243-256: Editorial Note, 243; letters from Lafayette to Jefferson, 249, 254, 255; letters to Lafayette from Jefferson, 250, 251, 252, 255, 256; letter from Brac de la Perrière to Jefferson, 250; letter from Montmorin to Jefferson, 254; letter from Jefferson to Necker, 253; letter from Jefferson to Montmorin, 253 Montmorin, letters from, 254, 462; letters to, 253, 260 Morgan, George C , letter from, 266 Morris, Gouverneur, letter from [ 7 9 ] , abstract of plan of American finances, 123 Morris, Robert, letter from, 609; letter to, 608 Moustier, letter from, 210; letter to, 141 Muter, George, letters to, 600, 601 Necker, letters to, 253, 481; anonymous sketch of character of, 191 Necks, Lucy, letter to, 626 Nelson, Thomas, Jr., letters from, 601, 607 Noailles, letter from, 399 Norfolk, address of welcome of the officials of, and reply, 556 O'Bryen, Richard, letter from, 181 Osgood, Samuel. See Commissioners of the Treasury Oster, Madame, letters from, 11, 54; letter to, 34 Page, John, letter to, 593 Page, Mann, letter from, 604 Paine, Thomas, letters from, 193, 197, 274, 429, 449; letters to, 136, 266, 273, 279, 302, 424, 522 Paradise, John, letter from, 434; letters to, 242, 479. See also A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 Paradise, Lucy Ludwell, letters from, 10, 51, 94, 130, 151, 164, 229, 281, 350, 379, 402, 508; letters to, 34, 82, 162, 275, 412 Parent, letter from, 155, letter to, 102 Parker, Daniel, letter to, 526 Passports issued by Jefferson, 483 Payne, Thomas, letter to, 31 Perrin, letter from, to Chauvier, 461 Pinckney, Charles, letter from, 31; letters to, [ 3 7 0 ] , 463 Pitt, William, letter to, from John Trumbull, 517 Pontière, Louis de, letter from, 98; letter to, 132 Preston, William, letter to, 589 Price, Richard, letters from, 90, 329; letters to, 137,.271, 279, 425 Prince of Wales. See Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince

of

Wales

Public accounts, see Jefferson's memorandum concerning, 84 [ xxiv ]

C O N T E N T S Rabaut de St. Etienne, letter to, 166 Ramsay, Andrew, letter to, 637 Ramsay, David, letter from, 37; letters to, 199, 450 Randolph, Ann, letter from, 638 Randolph, John, state of Farell & Jones judgment against, 672 Randolph, Richard, letters to, from Farell & Jones, 656, 662, 663, 664, 666, 667, 668, 670; letter to, from William Jones, 672. See also Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales Randolph, Thomas Mann. See Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles Rayneval, letter from, 451; letter to, 60 Rice trade, documents concerning, 445-448: Editorial note, 445; sources and amounts of rice imports into France, 446; notes on cost of shipping rice, 447; notes comparing Carolina rice with Piedmont, 447 Rights, Jefferson's draft of a charter of, for France, 167; Lafayette's draft of Declaration of, 230 Rochambeau, letter from, 416 Royez, letter from, 356 Ruellan & Cie., letters from, 65, 309; letters to, 69, 317 Rumsey, James, letters from, 39, 145, 170, 403, 467, 504; letters to, 413, 522 Rutledge, Edward, letter from, 11; letter to, 451; letter to, from Andrew Turnbull, 14 Rutledge, John, Jr., letters from, 24, 72; letter to, 63 Ruysch, letter from, 65 Salt, memoir on, by Farmers-General, 488 Sarsfield, letters from, 18, 35, 72; letter to, 25 Schweighauser & Dobrée, letter from, 53 Short, William, letters from, 27, 65, 76, 85, 91, 510, 530, 547, 558, 563; letters to, 50, 87, 506, 508, 524, 527, 552, 586; letter to, from C. W . F . Dumas, 201; letter to, from John Brown Cutting, 529 Sinclair, Sir John, letter from, 5; letter to, 306 Skipwith, Fulwar, letter from, 529 Skipwith, Henry. See Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of John Wayles, 674 Slaves, sales of, imported in The Prince of Wales, 654. See also Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales Slave ship, The Prince of Wales. See Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales, 642 Souche, letters from, 124, 187; letter to [309] Specific tax, commissioners of. See Albemarle County Steuben, letter to, [599] Stewart, Dugald, letter to, 204 Stockdale, John, letter to, 615 Streckensen, J . G . , letter to, 219 Swan, James, letters from, 261, 361, 381; letters to, 99, 382; proposi­ tion concerning importation of wood for naval construction, 262. See also A Fourth of July Tribute to Jefferson, 239 [ XXV ]

CONTENTS Tessé, Madame de, letter from, 371; letter to, 363 Thiery fils ainé, letter from, 67 Thompson, John, letter to, from John Wayles, 649. See also Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales Tillier, Rodolphe, letter from, 160 Trade, see documents on the rice trade, 445 Treasury, U.S. Commissioners of the, see Commissioners of the Treasury Trumbull, John, letters from, 84, 151, 157 ( 2 ) , 176, 214, 263, 275, 297, 400, 417, 453, 467, 503, 515, 561; letters to, 38, 143, 163, 199, 205, 224, 331, 335, 407, 426, 435, 471, 559; letter from, to William Pitt, 517 Turnbull, Andrew, letter from, to Edward Rutledge, 14 United States, Jefferson's account with, 84; Gouverneur Morris' plan concerning finances of, 123. See Commissioners of the Treasury Van Dale, letter from, [551] Van Damme, letter from, 462; letter to, 88 Van Ishoven, P., letter from, 42 Van Staphorst, Nicolas & Jacob, letters from, 19, 257; letter to, 348. See also Willink & Van Staphorst Van Staphorst & Hubbard, letters from, 126, 562; letter to, 88 Vaughan, Benjamin, letters from, 102, 146, 182; letters to, 133, 425 Vernes, Jacob, letters from, 57, 129, 134, 150, 158, 313, 538, 545; letter to, 43 (note); letter from, to Brailsford & Morris, 543 Virginia delegates in Congress, letter to, 598 Walker, John, letter from, 573 Washington, George, letter from, 519; letter to, 117; Houdon's pro­ posals concerning an equestrian statue of, 319 Wayles, John, letter from, to John Thompson, 649; letter from, to Farell & Jones, 653 ( 2 ) ; letter from, to James Bivins, 655; letter to, from Farell & Jones, 649, 651; Memorandum of agreement between Richard Hanson and executors of, 674. See also Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales, 642 Wayles & Randolph, letters to, from Farell & Jones, 651, 652, 656, 667. See also Debt to Farell & Jones and the slave ship The Prince of Wales

Weedon, George letters from, 602, 607 Willink & Van Staphorst, letter to, from Commissioners of the Treasury, 41 Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard, letters from, 19, 58, 91, 313, 342, 439, 471; letters to, 40, 89, 331, 347, 352, 407, 438, 479, 523, 527; letter from, to Commissioners of the Treasury, 474 Wood, James, letter to, 608 Wycombe, Lord, letter to, 306

[ xxvi ]

I L L U S T R A T I O N S SILVER COFFEE URN MADE BY ODIOT FROM DESIGN BY JEFFERSON

280 This, the earliest piece of silver that is proved by an existing draw­ ing in Jefferson's hand to have been of his design, must be considered in connection with the bronze askos from Nîmes shown on the same page. Both objects entered into Jefferson's plans to pay tribute to Clérisseau, the architect whose adaptation of the Maison Carrée for use as the capitol of Virginia enabled that state to become the vanguard of the neo-classical movement in architecture. Jefferson's drawing, now in the Massachusetts Historical Society, was evidently made late in 1788. The "squalls of work" of November had scarcely ended when Jefferson bought 200 sheets of drawing paper from Corneillon, in­ tending among other things to make working drawings of a cabriolet for Geismar ( T J to Geismar, 20 Feb. 1789; Account Book, 9 Nov. 1788). The extreme cold of the winter and the relatively lax state of affairs provided him with ample opportunity for turning his hand to problems of design. The urn, now owned by the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation at Monticello, was perhaps begun as soon as the drawing was completed, for Jefferson obtained it early in 1789 from Jean Baptiste Claude Odiot (1763-1850), who was just beginning his distinguished career and who in 1789 described himself as a "Marchand Orfévre, Bijoutier-Jouaillier" engaged in fabricating "toutes sortes d'ouvrages d'Orfévreries, sur de nouveaux Modeles, de son invention." His establishment was at the sign of the Cross of Gold at the corner of rue St. Honoré and rue des Frondeurs (engraved invoice, Odiot to T J , 3 June 1789; V i ) . There is evidence that Jefferson from the beginning intended this coffee urn as a gift to Clérisseau. He had given Short a commission to obtain at Nîmes a replacement of the copy of the bronze askos that had been lost in 1787 (see note on the askos), and now, late in November, he received word from Bergamo that Short was ill and thought to be in a "slow Consumption" (Mrs. Paradise to T J , 10 Nov. 1788; T J to Short, 21 Nov. 1788). Under the circumstances, since he was planning to return to America in the spring, it must have seemed unlikely that Short in any case could get to Nîmes in time to carry out the commis­ sion. The probability that this development caused Jefferson to think of having a substitute object of classical design made for presentation to Clérisseau is strongly supported by evidence in his Account Book. On 6 Feb. 1789 he made the following entries: "pd for a silver coffee pot 309 pd for mending my own coffee pot 12 = 321 Jefferson's intention is made clear by the following passage that he deleted later from the first entry: "pd for a silver coffee pot [this figure interlined:] 309 ([this figure, probably repeated by mistake, also interlined:] 309 [as a ?] present for Clerissault for his trouble about tt

tt

tt

tt

[ xxvii ]

tt"

I L L U S T R A T I O N S the draughts

& model of capitol & prison 3 0 9

tt

to be chgd to

Virginia)?

In the state of his account with Virginia, Jefferson made substantially the same entry under date of 6 Feb. 1789 and also deleted it: "(paid for coffee pot which

I gave Clerissault

for his trouble

with

drawings

309 — 0—0)" ("The Commonwealth of Virginia to T h : Jefferson Dr."; dated 9 Dec. 1789, in TJ's hand; V i ) . In both cases the deletions were heavily made and in both documents Jefferson substituted for the dele­ tions a similar entry under 3 June 1789, the day he paid Odiot 423 livres for a second "coffee pot as a present to Clerissaut for his trouble with the drawings &c. of public buildings" (same; also Account Book and Odiot's invoice, 3 June 1789). Unquestionably, then, the first urn was procured for the same purpose for which the second was declared to have been made. It is almost equally certain that Jefferson, having given up hope of procuring the model of the askos at Nîmes, designed it with that end in view. (This being so, the first urn could not have borne in the beginning the Jefferson coat of arms that now appears on it.) In the entry under 6 Feb. 1789 in the Account Book, Odiot's name does not appear as the maker of the first urn. But proof that both urns were in fact from Odiot's atelier is contained in Jefferson's entry in the Account Book under 3 June 1789, where, in addition to the specific reference to Odiot as the maker of the second urn, there appears record of a payment to Petit of 100 livres "for Odiot to correct error of addition in my account Feb. 6." In the earlier entry (and also in the account with Virginia) Jefferson had written and then deleted the figure "309" which, with the sum paid for mending his own coffee urn, made a total of 321 livres. Thus, adding the sum of 100 livres for the correction of an error presumably made in the total of Odiot's (missing) invoice for the first urn, the cost of that urn was 409 livres, or approximately the same as that of the second. By February Jefferson knew that Short had recovered in health, and therefore that the copy of the ancient bronze vessel at Nîmes might possibly arrive in time. By late April he knew that Short had engaged Souche to make a second model of the askos to replace the one that had been lost. By mid-May he learned that Souche had in fact done this and had sent the parcel by post on the 10th of that month (Short to T J , 20 Apr. 1789; Souche to T J , 11 May 1789). Despite the turbulent state of affairs, the posts from southern France were arriving promptly, and Jefferson should have received the model about the middle of May. He wrote Clérisseau on 7 June 1789 that it had not then arrived. But even if it had come to hand promptly, it probably would have arrived after Jefferson had decided, having in hand the coffee urn that had been substituted for the lost model, to obtain a substitute for the substitute. For when Short's letter arrived, Jefferson's luggage was packed and he was expecting momentarily to depart for America. He must have had the first urn in his possession for three months or so when, possibly in late April or early May, he gave orders to Odiot to make a second, presumably because he could not bring himself to part with the first. (For comment on an alternatt

tt

[ xxviii ]

I L L U S T R A T I O N S tive explanation on the assumption that, despite what Jefferson wrote Clérisseau, the model did arrive promptly and that Odiot could have made the urn in about two weeks, see note on the copy of the bronze askos.) Thus when Jefferson told Clérisseau that he had substituted for the "charmant vase" of Nîmes "un vase à la verité moins singulier, mais antique et beau," he was describing an object he himself had designed. For the proof that Odiot used Jefferson's design for the second urn is to be found in the invoice that he submitted on 3 June 1789, wherein he charged Jefferson 291 livres for the amount of silver used and 132 livres for making "une fontainne, pareille au Dessin," weighing "4 m[arcs]—7 o[nces]—3 g[ros]," and costing, at 58 livres 10 sous per marc of silver, a total of 423 livres, the sum allowed by the Virginia auditor ( V i ) . The "Dessin" could scarcely have been any other than that which had been drawn for the first urn for which this was a substitute. Such a design, of course, had become highly con­ ventionalized at this time because of the influence of discoveries of Greco-Roman vases and urns at Herculaneum and Pompeii, and in English silver of the late 18th century the acanthus leaves, bell-flower ropes, and circular medallions were recurring motifs in the designs of the brothers Adam (Bernard and Therle Hughes, Three Centuries of English Domestic Silver, 1500-1800, London, 1952, p.24, 176, fig. 7 0 ) . But the classical lines of the urn made by Odiot may have one Jeffersonian touch: the leaves at the base may represent an effort on his part to introduce a Virginian element, as he did later with his tobacco-leaf capital for the columns in the Capitol at Washington. If this is so, then for this as well as for other reasons the vase "antique et beau" made a happier gift for Clérisseau than the model of the ancient bronze askos of Nîmes would have been, despite its having been excavated in the ruins of the Maison Carrée. The coffee urn now at Monticello was in the portion of family silver that went to George Wythe Randolph at the distribution at Edgehill in 1 8 3 7 . It was bequeathed by him to F . M . Randolph, who in 1 8 9 2 sold it to Jefferson M. Levy. The Thomas Jefferson Memorial Founda­ tion acquired it by purchase from Mrs. Charles von Mayhoff in 1940. ( Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society and the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation; [James A. Bear, Jr.], Catalogue of an Exhibition of Thomas Jefferson Silver [Charlottesville], 1958, p.6-7.) " U N VASE ANTIQUE QU'ON AVOIT FOUILLE DANS LES RUINES DE [NÎMES]" 280

Bronze

askos at

Nîmes

The ancient bronze askos in the museum of the Maison Carrée is a late, abstract, and fairly uncommon form of a familiar type of Greek pottery and bronzework found in excavations of Etruscan and southern Italian sites. The earlier forms in clay were in the shape of ducks, of which a splendid example, with the spout in the center of the duck's back, is in the Louvre. Two fine examples in glass are in the Muzeo [ xxix ]

I L L U S T R A T I O N S Nazionale at Naples. A bronze specimen almost identical with the abstract form of the askos in the Maison Carrée is in the Museo Etrusco Gregoriano, Vatican City ( J . D. Beazley, Etruscan Vase-Painting, Oxford, 1947, p. 6, plates xxvii.7, xxxviii.5.9., and XL.3; A . D . Trendall, Vasi Antichi Dipinit de Vaticano: Vasi Italioti ed Etrusschi a Figure Rosse. Fasicolo II, Vatican City, 1955, p. 158-9, 253-4, plates XLII.Y3, L X V I . i . z l l 5 - 7 ; Ciasina Isings, Roman Glass from Dated Finds, Groningen, 1957, p. 77, form 5 9 ) . More study has been given to the form than to the function of these askoi, and, while they are generally regarded as being used as vessels for wine, the shape—particularly that of the specimen in the Louvre—lends support to the conclusion of George Dennis, The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, London, 1878, I , p. cxxv, that "they seem to have been employed for the toilet alone." Jefferson first saw the askos at Nîmes in March 1787 and immedi­ ately decided that it would be appropriate to present a copy of "ce charmant vase" to Clérisseau. At that time the askos was in what Jefferson called the "Cabinet de Segur"—that is, the collection of books, medals, inscriptions, and objets d'art gathered by the well-known and widely-travelled antiquary, Jean François Séguier (1703-1784), a native of Nîmes who had written the scholarly Dissertation sur Pancienne inscription de la Maison-Carrée de Nismes (Nîmes, 1776) and who supervised the excavations and restoration of the Maison Carrée from 1778 to 1781. His collection, along with the dwelling in which it was housed when Jefferson saw it, was bequeathed to the Académie de Nîmes and was the nucleus of the exhibits in the Maison Carrée when it became a museum in 1824. The askos has remained there ever since (Emile Espérandieu, La Maison Carrée, Nîmes, 1922; the askos is reproduced on p. 47 of the Paris, 1929, edition). Having this provenance, the ancient bronze was very likely, as Jefferson said, "fouillé dans les ruines" of Nîmes. It was without question the one that he saw and caused to be copied. Silver

askos at

Monticello

When he first arrived in Nîmes in March 1787, Jefferson employed a valet de place named Blondin, whom he thereafter confused with a craftsman of that place called Souche. Returning two months later, he paid Souche 18 livres to make a model of the "antique vase in Cabinet de Segur," probably with the intention of having a copy in silver made in Paris. The price paid for the model proves that Souche, who may have been a whitesmith, made it from tin, copper, wood, or some other material such as silversmiths employed for making copies (John H . Pollen, Gold and Silver Smith's Work, New York, 1879, p. 127; Esther Forbes, Paul Revere and the World He Lived In, Cam­ bridge, Mass., 1942, p. 380-2). This model was evidently lost. In 1789 when Short arrived in Nîmes bearing a commission to obtain a replacement of it, he found that Souche had kept another model or pattern (possibly the same one). This proved to be fortunate, for the transfer of custodianship of the Séguier collections was in progress when Short arrived and the exhibits were unavailable for inspection. [ xxx ]

I L L U S T R A T I O N S Souche, however, would not undertake the work at once, but on 20 Apr. 1789 Short wrote Jefferson from Toulouse that he had left "the money and the price of a box with your old servant Blondin, who will certainly not fail to have it made and sent to you immediately by the Messagerie or a private hand." Three weeks later Jefferson re­ ceived a letter from Souche saying that he had dispatched "la Caffetiere" by post on the 10th of May. Yet, while Jefferson was impatient for its arrival, there is no evidence that he pressed Souche to find what had become of it. On the contrary, it was Souche who expressed concern, as he did in a letter which Jefferson received promptly but did not answer for more than a month. This was understandable in the cir­ cumstances, for Jefferson had purchased the silver urn described above. T J to Clérisseau, 7 June 1789; Souche to T J , 11 May and 16 June 1789; Short to T J , 20 Apr. 1789; T J to Souche [missing], 27 July 1789; Account Book, 10 May 1787, 3 June 1789; Accounts with Virginia, under 9 Dec. 1789). The model almost certainly had come into Jefferson's possession by 1 Aug. 1789, if not before, for on that day he paid Short 61 livres 3 sous for the "macaroni machine and vase." Whatever the date of its arrival, it was brought back to America and became a part of the cabinet at Monticello. But it was not until 1801 that Jefferson caused a silver copy to be made. This he did with the aid of Thomas Claxton, who had been appointed "Agent for furnishing the President's House" during the administration of John Adams and who was continued in that post by Jefferson. In May 1801 Jefferson sent Claxton to Philadelphia to buy articles both for the President's House and for Monticello, and at that time placed Souche's copy of the askos in the agent's hands, evidently telling him that he wished an inscription on it. Claxton thought the inscription "would look well on the breast," but Jefferson instructed Claxton to have it placed "on the upper side of the lid" in these words: " 'Copied from a model taken in 1778 by T h : Jefferson from a Roman Ewer in the Cabinet of antiquities at Nismes.' " He also enclosed "a paper shewing in what manner I think it may be best inscribed, as also how the hinge of the lid is to be formed." Claxton engaged [Anthony] Simmons & [Samuel] Alexander to make the copy, and their mark appears on its base. The fact that Jefferson waited until 1801 to have the copy made, that he placed an inscription on it, and that he had the agent for the government negotiate with the silversmiths suggests that he in­ tended it for temporary use in the President's House, perhaps as a conversation piece. But it is certain that the purchase was made for his private account, and Claxton must have included it in the "trunk with the plated ware" that, along with chairs, sofas, and other personal objects purchased by him, were sent by him to Monticello in the sum­ mer of 1801. Two payments made by Claxton in June to Anthony Simmons for silver objects do not specify their nature, nor does the inclusive inventory of furnishings in the President's House made on 19 Feb. 1809 include what Jefferson called "the Ewer." The silver copy of the bronze askos remained in the possession of the family and was bequeathed by Martha Jefferson Randolph to [ xxxi ]

I L L U S T R A T I O N S her son-in-law, Joseph Coolidge, through whom it descended to Thomas Jefferson Coolidge, I I I , who in 1957 presented it to Monticello ( T J to Claxton, 2 June 1801; Claxton to T J , 18, 28 May, 27 Aug. 1801; invoice, Claxton to T J , 5-13 June 1801; C . Jordan Thorn, Handbook of American Silver and Pewter Marks, New York, 1949, p. 10, 186; [James A. Bear, Jr.], Report of the Curator, 1957, Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation, [Charlottesville, Virginia]; the Editors are in­ debted for much helpful assistance, particularly in procuring the photograph of the bronze askos, to Professor Frederick D. Nichols of the University of Virginia and to M . V . Lassalle of the Musées Archeologiques of Nîmes, and also to Messrs. Marshall B. Davidson of The Metropolitan Museum of Art, James A. Bear, Jr., Curator, Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation, Paul F . DuVivier, Assistant Commer­ cial Attaché of the American Embassy in Paris). Jefferson is unquestionably responsible for one of the two important differences between the silver copy and its bronze prototype: the addi­ tion of the lid, together with the form of its hinge and inscription, was by his specific direction. The other alteration—the change of the handle from an idealized fox (perhaps a cat or ferret) to an abstract form, and the substitution of a floret for the mask at the base of the handle—may have been made by Souche, who said that his second model was "mieux faite que l'autre," or even by Simmons & Alexander, who departed slightly from Jefferson's directions about the inscription (though they later corrected his erroneous date). But an alternative possibility is that this may have been Jefferson's alteration. If so, it might have been one suggested by delicacy for the purpose of making appropriate for his use in 1801 what in 1789 he might have deemed inappropriate as a gift for such a distinguished classicist as Clérisseau, thus perhaps explaining the substitution of the coffee urn made by Odiot for the model that Jefferson knew was on its way. It is worth noting that in her will Martha Jefferson referred to the silver copy of the bronze askos as "the duck." (Courtesy of Musées Archéologiques, Nîmes, France, and the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation, Charlottesville, Virginia) " T H E FIRST CHAPTER OF THE HISTORY OF EUROPEAN LIBERTY"

280

The eight engravings reproduced here, depicting events of July 1789, are all taken from an illustrated tract published in late autumn of that year in Paris, Les principaux evénemens de la Révolution de Paris,

et notamment

de la Semaine

Memorable,

représentés

par

figures.

The author, Ducray du Minil, a corporal in the Paris Citizens' Guard, dedicated his work to its commander, "M. le Marquis de L a Fayette, Restorer of Liberty in America, and Defender of her Rights in France." The events set forth in these engravings, often enlivened with graphic detail, are recorded in somewhat different terms by Jefferson in his correspondence of the period, notably in his dispatches to John Jay and in his letters to Madison and Diodati ( T J to Jay, 19 and 29 July, 5 Aug. 1789; T J to Madison, 22 July 1789; T J to Diodati, 3 Aug. [ xxxii ]

I L L U S T R A T I O N S 1789; see also his letters to Thomas Paine, 11, 13, 17, and 23 July 1789, and to Richard Price, 12 and 17 July 1789). It was in the letter to Diodati that Jefferson characterized these events as being "but the first chapter of the history of European liberty." He declared it "impossible to conceive a greater fermentation than has worked in Paris," and added: "I have been thro' it daily, have observed the mobs with my own eyes in order to be satisfied of their objects, and . . . have slept in my house as quietly thro' the whole as I ever did in the most peaceable moments." In his Autobiography, in which he devoted a disproportionate amount of space to these events, Jefferson utilized these letters but also added some significant details. For example, in speaking of the incident between the crowd and the Prince de Lambesc's cavalry at the entrance to the Tuileries gardens, he repeats some passages from his letters and then reveals that his was an eye witness' account: "In the afternoon a body of about 100. German cavalry were advanced and drawn up in the Place Louis X V . and about 200. Swiss posted at a little distance in their rear. This drew people to the spot, who thus accidentally found themselves in front of the troops, merely at first as spectators; but as their numbers increased their indignation rose. They retired a few steps, and posted themselves on and behind large piles of stone, large and small. . . . In this position, happening to be in my carriage on a visit, I passed thro' the lane they had formed, without interruption. But the moment after I had passed, the people attacked the cavalry with stones. They charged, but the advantageous position of the people, and the showers of stones obliged the horse to retire." Again, of the events on 14 July, he repeats the occurrences at the Bastille when "M. de Corny and five others were . . . sent to ask arms of M . de Launay," and then adds: "I happened to be at the house of M . de Corny when he returned to it, and recieved from him a narrative of these transactions." (This, incidentally, contradicts Besnard's fanciful account—though none is needed—of the supposed dinner at which Jefferson, Voiney, and Cabanis heard the news of the fall of the Bastille and then in their joy threw their hats in the air, dancing and stamping like madmen; Sovenirs d'un nonagénaire: mémoires de François-Yves Besnard, ed. Célestin Port, Paris, 1880.) I . 12 July 1789. "A body of about 100. German cavalry were ad­ vanced and drawn up in the Place Louis X V . " I I . 13 July 1789. "The people now armed themselves with such weapons as they could find." I I I . 14 July 1789. Hotel des Invalides. "The people took possession of the arms." I V . 14 July 1789. Capture of the Governor of the Bastille, M . de Launay. V . 14 July 1789. "A treacherous correspondénce having been dis­ covered in M . de Flesselles, Prévôt des Marchands, they seized him." V I . 17 July 1789. The King came to Paris. On 26 Apr. 1824 Jefferson wrote to Dugald Stewart, the Scottish philosopher: "It is now 35. years since I had the great pleasure of becoming acquainted [ xxxiii ]

I L L U S T R A T I O N S with you in Paris, and since we saw together Louis X V I . led in triumph by his people thro' the streets of his capital." V I I . 17 July 1789. There M . Bailly presented, and put into his hat, the popular cockade." V I I I . 30 July 1789. M . Necker returns to Paris. (Courtesy of the Princeton University Library) TWO SILVER GOBLETS MADE BY ODIOT FROM A DESIGN BY JEFFERSON

281 These goblets must have been designed about the same time that Jefferson made the drawing for the silver coffee urn described abovethat is, late in 1788 or early in 1789. The invoice that Odiot submitted to Jefferson on 3 June 1789 for the urn also included the charges for "Les Deux Goblet, Pareille au Model"—an expression indicating that Jefferson had presumably caused a model to be made of some cheaper material before ordering copies in silver. The two goblets weighed "1 m[arc]. 6 o[nces]. 6 gfros]" which, at a cost of 58 livres 10 sous per marc amounted to 109 livres. The gilding of the cups cost an additional 18 livres each, their fabrication 60 livres, and their "Racomodage et augmentation du Poids" another 18 livres—the last possibly accounting for the fact that the goblets vary in height. Thus the two cost a total of 223 livres (the 229 livres that Jefferson recorded in his Account Book on 3 June 1789 included an additional 6 livres for burnishing a "Soupiere, 2 culliere à caffé et deux couvert"). Odiot's invoice is on an engraved bill-head, dated 3 June 1789 ( V i ) . When the remnant of Jefferson's silver was divided among the heirs at Edgehill in 1837, these two goblets were in the portion that went to Mrs. Elizabeth Martin Randolph, widow of Meriwether Lewis Randolph. They were inherited from her by her daughter-in-law, Mrs. Bettie M . Donelson, from whom they were acquired by Mrs. Stanley F . Horn, Nashville, Tennessee, their present owner ([James A. Bear, J r . ] , Catalogue of an Exhibition of Thomas Jefferson Silver [Charlottesville, Virginia], 1958, p. 4, 6 ) . The drawing of the goblets is in the Massa­ chusetts Historical Society. (Courtesy of Mrs. Stanley F . Horn and the Massachusetts Historical Society) PASSPORTS ISSUED TO JEFFERSON BY LOUIS X V I AND BY T H E PARIS COMMUNE 424

Prudence, as well as convenience, may have suggested the wisdom of having two passports in time of revolution, one being issued under the authority of the hereditary monarch and the other under the authority of elective representatives—with the added endorsement of the commanding general of the Garde Nationale. Lafayette's endorse­ ment on the latter (in an unidentified hand, but signed by Lafayette) reads: "Messieurs les officiers des Gardes nationales et en General tous les Citoyens, sont priés de laisser passer Mr Jefferson ministre pléni­ potentiaire des Etats-unis d'amérique et de lui donner toute l'assistance [ xxxiv ]

I L L U S T R A T I O N S dont il pourroit avoir besoin, à Paris Ce 26. 7e. 1789. Lafayette." It is evident, however, that Jefferson's chief concern was that of getting his English-made carriage safely and quickly through the French customs. He had requested such a passport in mid-April ( T J to Durival, 13 Apr. 1789; Rayneval to T J , 18 Sep. 1789). Hence the royal passport specifically permits him, his family, his servants, and his "bagages et Equipages" to pass, and the passport signed by Lafay­ ette also specifies that Jefferson is to be permitted to pass "avec . . . voitures et effets." (Both passports are on paper, that signed by Louis X V I being engraved and that signed by Lafayette being printed; the latter has a red wax seal affixed; D L C : T J Papers, 52: 8824, 8863.) (Courtesy of the Library of Congress) "OUR COUNTRY SHOULD NOT BE WITHOUT T H E PORTRAITS OF IT'S FIRST DISCOVERERS" 425

As no other American of the 18th century looked so hopefully to the future of the "empire for liberty," so none sought more zealously than Jefferson to collect books, laws, documents, portraits, medals, statuary, manuscripts, and curiosities pertaining to its past. Portraits of Columbus, Vespucius, Cortez, and Magellan copied for him in the Uffizi Gallery in 1788, about the same time that Jefferson also en­ gaged John Trumbull to obtain copies of portraits of "Bacon, Locke and Newton . . . the three greatest men that have ever lived, without any exception" ( T J to Trumbull, 15 Feb. 1789). Something of the background of Jefferson's acquisitions of the portraits of Columbus and others, and of the measure of his attachment to them, can be gathered from his response to Joseph Delaplaine, who in 1814 sought to borrow those of Columbus and Vespucius: "While I resided at Paris, knowing that these portraits, and those of some other of the early American worthies were in the gallery of Medicis at Florence, I took measures for engaging a good artist to take and send me copies of them. I considered it as even of some public concern that our country should not be without the portraits of it's first discoverers. These copies have already run the risks of transportations from Florence to Paris, to Philadelphia, to Washington, and lastly to this place, where they are at length safely deposited. . . . I think that these portraits ought not to be hazarded from their present deposit. Like public records, I make them free to be copied, but, being as originals in this country, they should not be exposed to the accidents of travelling post" ( T J to Delaplaine, 3 May 1814). The four portraits here reproduced are from the paintings in the Gioviana Collection of the Gallery of the Uffizi—and it is to be doubted whether all of them are originals in the sense that Jefferson believed them to be ( T J to Delaplaine, 28 Aug. 1814). Only one of the copies made for Jefferson from these prototypes has been identified with any degree of certainty. This is the portrait of Columbus, which was item No. 56 of the second sale of the Jefferson paintings held at Chester Harding's gallery in Boston on 19 July 1833. It fetched $20, and was [ xxxv ]

I L L U S T R A T I O N S purchased by Israel Thorndike, who on 31 Dec. 1835 presented it to the Massachusetts Historical Society. The Magellan, Cortez, and Vespucius portraits were listed respectively as Nos. 17, 18, and 20 in the second sale at Harding's gallery, but have not been traced further. Jefferson engaged Philip Mazzei, who had studied medicine in Florence, to arrange to have the portraits copied. This was done some­ time late in 1788, for on 25 Sep. 1788 Giuseppe Pelli, Director of the Gallery of the Uffizi, granted permission to Giuseppe Calendi, the copyist, to make the copies under the usual precautions. On 8 Jan. 1789 Jefferson recorded in his Account Book the payment of 13 16s. for the "portage of pictures from Italy," and again on 16 Feb. 1789 he noted the payment of 145 10s. to Mazzei "for pictures from Florence." Mme. Evelyn S. Vavalà, who investigated the Archives of the Gallery of the Uffizi for the Editors and arranged to have these four portraits copied, found what at first appeared to be a puzzling duplica­ tion of Jefferson's request. This was another application by Giuseppe Calendi to make copies of the same four portraits, as well as copies of portraits of Andrea Doria and Castrocuccio Castrocane. Permission was granted by the Director of the Uffizi on 26 June 1789. The explanation of this puzzle appears in Jefferson's letter to Joseph Delaplaine of 3 May 1814: "When I received these portraits at Paris, Mr. Daniel Parker of Massachusetts happened to be there, and deter­ mined to procure for himself copies from the same originals at Florence; and I think that he did obtain them, and that I have heard of their being in the hands of some one in Boston." Thus, within half a century after they were made in Florence, Calendi's copies came to rest in the same city in America. This may help to explain the number of copies of Vespucius and others in learned societies in and about Boston —but there were many other originators of copying programs besides Jefferson and Parker (see Mass. Hist. Soc, Procs., 1st. ser., i v [18581, 117-8; Winsor, Narrative and Critical History, ii, 139-40; Benson J . Lossing, Pictorial Field Book of the Revolution, New York, 1851, I , p. xxviii, note; the Editors are indebted to Mme. Evelyn S. Vavalà of Florence, Mrs. Walter M . Whitehill of North Andover, and Mr. James A. Bear, J r . , Curator, the Thomas Jefferson Memorial Founda­ tion, for information pertaining to these portraits). (Courtesy of the Gioviana Collection of the Gallery of the Uffizi) tt

tt

456

JEFFERSON BY HOUDON

Jean Antoine Houdon (1741-1828) was one of the most productive and popular sculptors of his day, and the height of his esteem with Americans occurred in the 1780's during the time Jefferson was re­ siding in Paris. He was a frequent exhibitor in the Salons held an­ nually by the Académie Royale de Peinture et Sculpture between 1771 and the early years of the next century (Georges Giacometti, La vie et Poeuvre de Houdon, Paris, 1929, I , 167-72). In the summer of 1789 Houdon was represented in the Salon by ten busts, one of which [ xxxvi ]

I L L U S T R A T I O N S (number 241 in the catalogue), was a "buste plâtre of M . Sefferson," who was identified as "Envoyé des Etats de Virginie" (Collection des Livrets des Anciennes Expositions depuis 1673, Paris, 1870, "Exposition de 1789," p. 4 7 ) . Houdon apparently retained this bust, and a bust of Jefferson is shown in the painting by Louis Boilly in 1804 of Houdon in his studio (see Vol.8:215). However, he made copies of this, and among those busts for which Jefferson paid Houdon 1000 on 3 July 1789 there was probably a copy of the bust of himself (Fiske Kimball, "The Life Portraits of Jefferson and Their Replicas," Procs. Am. Phil. Soc, LXXXVIII [1944], 505). Two known signed plaster originals of this work survive in the United States today. One, said to be the gift of David Rittenhouse, is in the American Philosophical Society, where it has been since 1819. The other, illustrated here, is in the New-York Historical Society, which received it from Mrs. Laura Wolcott Gibbs in 1839. It is said to have been originally the property of Hugh Williamson. This bust has been described by a leading authority on Jeffersonian iconography as "a work of the highest quality, among the most realistic portraits of the artist. This is the Jefferson of the French Revolutionary era, with eye of fire, filled with enthusiasm for the rights of man" (Kimball, same, p. 505-7). tt

457

BUSTS BY HOUDON

In his letter to Houdon on 3 July 1789, Jefferson referred to "Les objets que Monsieur Houdon a eu la bonté de faire pour Monsieur Jefferson." The same day he gave the sculptor an order for 1000. The busts very likely included plaster copies of the effigies Houdon had already executed of Franklin, Lafayette, and Washington. In Jefferson's "Catalogue of Paintings &c. at Monticello," he listed—along with plaster busts of Turgot and Voltaire by Houdon—busts of Jones, Franklin, Washington, and Lafayette as being in "the Tea-room" and as "by Houdon size of the life." After Jefferson's death, these and other statuary came into the possession of the Boston Athenaeum, where those of Washington and Lafayette still remain (Account Book, 3 July, 1 Aug. 1789; note to Jones to T J , 28 Feb. 1786; S. Fiske Kimball, "The Life Portraits of Thomas Jefferson and their Replicas," Procs. Am. Phil. Soc, LXXXVIII [1944], 505, note 37). Benjamin Franklin. It was fitting that Houdon, in his capacity as unofficial sculptor to the United States, should find his first American subject in the country's first minister to France. In 1779, two years after Franklin's arrival, Houdon exhibited a bust of him at the Salon de l'Académie Royale de Peinture et Sculpture and in 1781 in the Salon de Correspondance (Giacometti, Houdon, I I , 5 4 ) . Franklin concurred in Jefferson's selection of Houdon to execute the statue of Washington for Virginia, and he and Houdon sailed on the same ship in 1785 ( T J to Harrison, 12 Jan. 1785). In 1802 Jefferson's friend Dupont said that Houdon had left in America "un très beau buste" of Franklin and that he thought it should be purchased by the government or by public subscription, especially since Houdon, "à qui la tt

[ xxxvii ]

I L L U S T R A T I O N S Virginie doit encore mille écus, est dans un veritable besoin d'argent" (Dupont to T J , 20 Feb. and 24 Apr. 1802). The effort failed, and a marble bust believed to be the one of which Dupont wrote is now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art. The plaster copy once owned by Jefferson is in the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. John Paul Jones. Houdon made a bust of the American naval hero probably in 1780, and in the following year exhibited a "buste en platre couleur de terre cuite" at the Salon. Late in 1785 or early in 1786 Jones presented a plaster copy of this bust to Jefferson (Jones to T J , 28 Feb. 1786, note; Giacometti, Houdon, II, 9 8 ) . Two years later Jones asked Jefferson to have Houdon prepare replicas for pres­ entation to friends in America and to undertake the task of shipping them. This was done and the boxes, shipped aboard the Cato for New York, arrived there on 22 Jan. 1790 when Madison, one of Jones' designated recipients, took charge of them (Jones to T J , 25 Aug./9 Sep. 1788; Jones to Short, 15/26 Sep. 1788; T J to Jones, 23 Mch. 1789; Account Book, 22 Sep. 1789). Meanwhile, Jefferson's own copy of the bust was sent to Monticello. It remained at Monticello until Jefferson's death, and in 1828 was deposited, along with other Houdon busts from Monticello, in the Boston Athenaeum. The Jones bust subsequently disappeared from that repository and is now be­ lieved to be in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston (note to Jones to T J , 28 Feb. 1786). Lafayette. While Houdon had undertaken the busts of Franklin and Jones on his own initiative, he executed the bust of Lafayette, as he did the marble statue of Washington, in pursuance of a commission from the Commonwealth of Virginia. The resolutions of the General Assembly of 1781 and 1784 that a bust of Lafayette "be made in Paris of the best marble" to be presented to the City of Paris and that another be made for the Capitol at Richmond were carried out by arrangement between Jefferson and Houdon ( T J to Governor of Vir­ ginia, 22 Aug. 1785; T J to Prévôt des Marchands et Echevins, 27 Sep. 1786; T J to Rayneval, 30 Sep. 1786, enclosure and note ) . Houdon exhibited the bust "pour les Etats de Virginie" at the Salon in 1787, and late that year, on Houdon's advice, Jefferson engaged "Mr. de Lorme, Emballeur," to pack and ship the bust to America. Its pedestal followed in 1789 (Houdon to T J , 12 Sep. 1787; Account Book, 1 Nov., 22 Dec. 1787). The bust—not on its pedestal—is now in the rotunda of the Capitol at Richmond. Jefferson's plaster copy of the Lafayette bust also passed into the possession of Joseph Coolidge and then into the Boston Athenaeum (Mable Munson Swan, The Athe­ naeum Gallery, Boston, 1940, p. 165-6). Washington. Jefferson's bust of Washington by Houdon, now in the Boston Athenaeum, was made as a result of the sculptor's personal study of his distinguished subject at Mount Vernon in the fall of 1785, a commission which Jefferson himself was instrumental in obtaining ( T J to Washington, 10 Dec. 1784; T J to Harrison, 12 Jan. 1785). At that time, Houdon, in addition to taking detailed measurements of the General's frame, made a clay bust which he took back to Paris [ xxxviii ]

I L L U S T R A T I O N S with him as a model for the head of the statue that he eventuallychiselled from marble. He is alleged at this time also to have made a life mask, but Giacometti, Houdon, II, 173-5, doubts this, question­ ing the authenticity of the mask in the Morgan Collection. The clay bust is now at Mount Vernon (reproduced and described in Freeman, Washington, New York, 1948-57, VI, frontispiece). It was the proto­ type for other Washington busts in plaster and other materials. Jefferson's copy was acquired by the Boston Athenaeum from Joseph Coolidge in 1828.

[ xxxix ]

Volume 15 27 March 1789 to 30 November 1789

J E F F E R S O N 1743 1743. 1772. 1775- 76. 1776. 1776- 79. 1779. 1779-81. 1782. 1783- 84. 1784- 89. 1790-93. 1797-1801. 1801-09. 1814-26. 1826.

CHRONOLOGY •

1826

Born at ShadwelL Married Martha Wayles Skelton. In Continental Congress. Drafted Declaration of Independence. In Virginia House of Delegates. Submitted Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom. Governor of Virginia. His wife died. In Continental Congress. In France as commissioner to negotiate commercial treaties and as minister plenipotentiary at Versailles. U.S. Secretary of State. Vice President of the United States. President of the United States. Established the University of Virginia. Died at Monticello. V O L U M E

15

27 March 1789 to 30 November 1789 30 April

George Washington inaugurated as presi­ dent. 5 May T J attends opening of Estates General. Short arrived back in Paris. 3 June T J proposes a compromise charter for France so that "time will be gained." Late June-Early July T J advises Lafayette on his proposed Declaration of Rights. 4 July T J gives dinner for Lafayette and receives tribute from some Americans in Paris. 6- 10 July T J experiences the Mirabeau Incident. 20-22 July Archbishop of Bordeaux invites T J to help draft constitution; T J declines. [25 Aug.] Lafayette asks T J to give dinner at Hôtel de Langeac to arrange coalition among moderates of National Assembly. 27 Aug. T J receives congé—and a marble pedestal from Madame de Tessé. 11 Sep. Alexander Hamilton commissioned secre­ tary of treasury. 26 Sep. Nomination of T J as secretary of state confirmed by Senate. T J , Patsy, Polly, Petit, and two servants leave Paris. 7- 8 Oct. T J and party sail from LeHavre to Cowes, "exceedingly seasick." 23 Oct. T J sails in Clermont, Captain Colley 23 Nov. T J arrives at Norfolk, narrowly escaping shipwreck and loss of baggage by fire.

J E F F E R S O N 1743 1743. 1772. 1775- 76. 1776. 1776- 79. 1779. 1779-81. 1782. 1783- 84. 1784- 89. 1790-93. 1797-1801. 1801-09. 1814-26. 1826.

CHRONOLOGY •

1826

Born at ShadwelL Married Martha Wayles Skelton. In Continental Congress. Drafted Declaration of Independence. In Virginia House of Delegates. Submitted Bill for Establishing Religious Freedom. Governor of Virginia. His wife died. In Continental Congress. In France as commissioner to negotiate commercial treaties and as minister plenipotentiary at Versailles. U.S. Secretary of State. Vice President of the United States. President of the United States. Established the University of Virginia. Died at Monticello. V O L U M E

15

27 March 1789 to 30 November 1789 30 April

George Washington inaugurated as presi­ dent. 5 May T J attends opening of Estates General. Short arrived back in Paris. 3 June T J proposes a compromise charter for France so that "time will be gained." Late June-Early July T J advises Lafayette on his proposed Declaration of Rights. 4 July T J gives dinner for Lafayette and receives tribute from some Americans in Paris. 6- 10 July T J experiences the Mirabeau Incident. 20-22 July Archbishop of Bordeaux invites T J to help draft constitution; T J declines. [25 Aug.] Lafayette asks T J to give dinner at Hôtel de Langeac to arrange coalition among moderates of National Assembly. 27 Aug. T J receives congé—and a marble pedestal from Madame de Tessé. 11 Sep. Alexander Hamilton commissioned secre­ tary of treasury. 26 Sep. Nomination of T J as secretary of state confirmed by Senate. T J , Patsy, Polly, Petit, and two servants leave Paris. 7- 8 Oct. T J and party sail from LeHavre to Cowes, "exceedingly seasick." 23 Oct. T J sails in Clermont, Captain Colley 23 Nov. T J arrives at Norfolk, narrowly escaping shipwreck and loss of baggage by fire.

T H E PAPERS OF

T H O M A S JEFFERSON

From Edward Bancroft London March 27. 1 7 8 9 .

DEAR SIR

Your favour of the 15th inst. came safe to my hands though the Mail which brought it was a little delayed: immediately I gave Mr. Young the necessary directions for proceeding with the Deed, as fast as possible, but I fear he is so much occupied or so dilatory that it will not be done so quickly as it ought.—I received great satisfaction at learning that it was your intention to take M r . Para­ dise with you to America, being persuaded that your Presence would operate as a very salutary restraint upon him, and cure him of some bad habits as well as give him good ones, both which I think highly necessary to his future success and Happiness in Life, if there be still room to hope for these. But from a Letter which he wrote me the 18th. inst. I fear you will find it difficult when the time comes to persuade him to make this Salutary Voyage, because I find his desires and purposes are all directed to this Country; where however he can only come on the Terms which I wrote him in my last Letter and which I fear will render his allowance so short that he never will live within it, and conse­ quently will run into new embarrasments. However as you have done so much for him I hope you will extend your Care and Kind­ ness farther, and take the trouble of judging and advising him to what is best.—I communicated your Message to Mrs. Paradise.— The Sale of Pinellfs books will begin much sooner than was in­ tended; I think the day is now fixed for Wednesday the 8th. of April. W e shall take care of your Commission. I find I was somehow or other mistaken when I wrote you that D had no more Volumes. I found by calling on him some days since and making a particular enquiry, that he has one Book con­ taining Copies of his Letters from some time in August 1777 to the end of March 1788, when he sett out on his return to America; and that he has also one or two little Books containing copies of 1

[3]

27

MARCH

1789

some unimportant Letters since that time; I mean since he has been out of all public employment; and one Book into which he has Copied his Account with Congress, I beleive verbatim as it was sent over by him to America. He is however so very far from having any disposition towards parting with any of these Volumes, that the loss of those which Fouloy took away, and which my in­ quiry has made him again sensible of, is now become the subject of fresh uneasiness to him and he has been teazing me with Letters on the subject since I saw him, telling me he cannot sleep, and wishing to fall on some measures to pursue Fouloy &c. Respecting the Kings recovery I have many reasons for beleiving it to be Complete; with this disadvantage however that a person who has been once Affected as he has been, must be more liable to a relapse than one who was never so affected. It is however in­ tended to provide against the danger of such an Event before the present Session of Parliament finishes, by passing a Bill either to appoint, or authorise the K i n g to appoint the Queen as regent in case he should be disabled either by Absence or illness from Exercising his Prerogatives: and such an appointment will doubtless prevent any interruption in the Business of Government, or any Change of Ministers. I find by the Boston Papers that the Electors of the State of Massachusetts, had unanimously given their Votes for General Washington as President, and M r . Adams as Vice President of the United States.—Govr. Clinton of New York is I find put up by the Antifederalists, as Vice. President. I have been waiting without success for a Private Conveyance to you. I hope I shall find one soon. I intended to have written to M r . Paradise today; but having been very much hurried and having very little to s [ay] I must defer it until next Post. Pray presfent] him my best Compliments. I have the honor to be with most respectful Esteem & Attachment Dear Sir Your most faithful & Devoted Humble Servant, EDWD. BANCROFT R C ( D L C ) ; addressed; postmarked: " A N [ G L E T E R ] R E " and (within circle) " M [ H ] 27 89." Recorded in S J L as received 1 A p r . 1789.

i T h u s in M S ; Bancroft meant 1778 (see T J ' s reply of 9 Apr. 1789).

From Descamets [Paris, 27 Mch. 1789. Recorded in SJL as received 28 Mch. 1789. Not found.] 14]

From Sir John Sinclair Whitehall 27 March 1789

DEAR SIR

I have requested Mr. Hamilton, a Gentleman of information, and merit, who will deliver this to you, to take with him to Paris, the appendix to my history of the British Revenue, of which I beg your acceptance. I am much obliged to you for occasional literary communications. M r . Hamilton will inform you, how all is going on here. It will always give me pleasure to hear of your welfare. Excuse haste, as M r . Hamilton is on the wing of departure, and believe me, with very sincere regard, Your faithful humble Servant, JOHN

SINCLAIR

R C ( N N P ) ; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 2 A p r . 1789. The A P P E N D I X to Sinclair's History of the Public Revenue of the British Em­ pire was printed in 1789, and T J ' s copy bears on its half-title the words "From the author" (Sowerby, No. 2 9 3 9 ) .

From James Madison New York, March 29th, 1789

DEAR SIR

My last was committed in December to M r . Gouverneur Morris. I was then on my way to Virginia. T h e elections for the new govern­ ment commenced shortly after my arrival. T h e first was of Electors, to Ballot for a President and Vice President. T h e successful candi­ dates were General Wood, M r . Zachy. Johnson, Genl. Edward Stephens, Doctor David Stuart, M r . W . Fitzhugh of Chatham, Mr. Warner Lewis of Gloucester, M r . Jno. Harvey, M r . W a l k , of or near Norfolk, M r . Kello of Southampton. These nine were federalists. T h e remaining three, M r . Patrick Henry, M r . Roane of K i n g and Queen, and M r . Pride of Amelia, were of the adverse party. T w o of the former party did not attend. T h e votes were unanimous with respect to General Washington, as appears to have been the case in each of the States. T h e secondary votes were given, among the federal members, chiefly to M r . J . Adams, one or two being thrown away in order to prevent a possible competi­ tion for the Presidency. Governor Clinton was the secondary choice of the anti-federal members. I n the succeeding election of Representatives, federalism was also proved to be the prevailing sentiment of the people. T h e successful candidates on this list are Mr. Moore, late of the Executive Council (from Rockingham,) Mr. Alexander White, M r . Richard Bland Lee, M r . John Page,

CS]

29

MARCH

1789

(Rosewell,) M r . Samuel Griffin, M r . Brown, member of the old Congress, (from Kentucky,) J . Madison, Col. Parker, (late nav. officer at Norfolk,) Col. Isaac Coles, (of Halifax,) and Col. Bland. Of these, the seven first have been on the side of the Constitution; the three last in the opposition. Col. Parker appears to be very temperate, and it is not probable that both the others will be very inveterate. It was my misfortune to be thrown into a contest with our friend, Col. Monroe. T h e occasion produced considerable efforts among our respective friends. Between ourselves, I have no reason to doubt that the distinction was duly kept in mind be­ tween political and personal views, and that it has saved our friend­ ship from the smallest diminution. On one side I am sure it is the case. Notwithstanding the lapse of time since the birthday of the new Government, (the 4th of March,) I am under the necessity of informing you that a quorum is not yet formed, either in the Senate or House of Representatives. T h e season of the year, the peculiar badness of the weather, and the short interval between the epoch of election and that of meeting, form a better apology for the delay than will probably occur on your side of the Atlantic. T h e deficiency at present in the House of Representatives requires two members only for a Quorum, and in the Senate one only. A few days will, therefore, fit the Body for the first step, to wit, opening the Ballots for the President and Vice President. I have already said that General Washington will be the first by a unanimous suffrage. It is held to be certain that M r . Adams, though refused a great many votes from different motives, will have the second appoint­ ment. A considerable delay will be unavoidable, after the ballots are counted, before the President can be on the spot, and, con­ sequently, before any Legislative act can take place. Such a pro­ traction of the inactivity of the Government is to be regretted on many accounts, but most on account of the loss of revenue. A prospect of the Spring importations led to the appointment of the first meeting at a time which, in other respects, was unseasonable. It is not yet possible to ascertain precisely the complexion of the new Congress. A little time will be necessary to unveil it, and a little will probably suffice. W i t h regard to the Constitution, it is pretty well decided that the disaffected party in the Senate amounts to two or three members only; and that in the other House it does not exceed a very small minority, some of which will also be restrained by the federalism of the States from which they come. Notwith­ standing this character of the Body, I hope and expect that some [6]

2 9 MARCH

17 8 9

conciliatory sacrifices will be made, in order to extinguish opposi­ tion to the system, or at least break the force of it, by detaching the deluded opponents from their designing leaders. W i t h regard to the system of policy to which the Government is capable of rising, and by which its genius will be appreciated, I wait for some experimental instruction. Were I to advance a conjecture, it would be, that the predictions of an anti-democratic operation will be confronted with at least a sufficient number of the features which have marked the State Governments. Since my arrival here I have received your favor of November 18th. It had been sent on to Virginia; but not reaching Fredericks­ burg before I passed that place, it followed me back hither. I am much concerned that your scheme of passing the ensuing summer in your native country has been defeated. M r . Jay, with whom I have conversed on the subject, tells me that his answer to your public letter has explained the impossibility of giving effect to your wishes, no Congress having been formed under the old Con­ federation since the receipt of your letter, or, indeed, since the expiration of the last federal year. T h e most that can now be done will be to obtain from the new authority, as early as possible, some act which may leave the matter to your own discretion. Perhaps it may be neither more inconvenient to your private nor to the public affairs to make your visit in the fall instead of the Spring, and to pass the Winter instead of the Summer in America. T h e same cause on which you are to charge your disappointment in this instance prevented a decision on the question of outfit, stated in one of your former communications. W i t h some printed papers containing interesting articles, I in­ close a manuscript copy of Col. Morgan's invitation to persons disposed to seek their fortunes on the Spanish side of the Missis­ sippi. There is no doubt that the project has the sanction of Gardoqui. It is a silly one on the part of Spain, and will probably end like the settlements on the Roman side of the Danube, with the concurrence of the declining empire. But it clearly betrays the plan suggested to you in a former letter, of making the Mississippi the bait for a defection of the Western people. Some of the leaders in Kentucky are known to favor the idea of connection with Spain. T h e people are as yet inimical to it. Their future disposition will depend on the measures of the new Government. I omitted to mention that a dispute between the Senate of this State, which was federal, and the other branch, which was other­ wise, concerning the manner of appointing Senators for the Con[7]

30

MARCH

1 7 8 9

gress, was so inflexibly persisted in that no appointment was made during the late session, and must be delayed for a considerable time longer, even if the dispute should on a second trial be ac­ commodated. It is supposed by some that the superintending power of Congress will be rendered necessary by the temper of the parties. The provision for the choice of electors was also delayed until the opportunity was lost; and that for the election of Representatives so long delayed that the result will not be decided till tuesday next. It is supposed that at least three out of the six will be of the federal party. I n New Jersey, the inaccuracy of the law providing for the choice of Representatives has produced an almost equal delay, and left room for contests, which, if brought by the disappointed candidates into the House, will add a disagreeable article to the list of its business. I am much obliged for the two estimates on the subject of our foreign debt, aiid shall turn your ideas to the account which they deserve. M S missing; text from The Writings of James Madison, Gaillard Hunt, ed., New York, 1904, V , 333-8. Recorded in S J L as received 8 June 1789. E n closures T h e manuscript of C O L . MORGAN'S

INVITATION

was

probably

copy (missing) of the printed handbill issued 3 Oct. 1788 by George Morgan (facsimile in Max Savelle, George Morgan: Colony Builder, New York, 1932, facing p. 2 0 6 ) .

a

To Edward Bancroft Paris Mar. 3 0 . 1 7 8 9 .

DEAR S I R

M r . Paradise writes to you by this post on the subject of the proposition made to him by the Creditors to take the money in the funds and a third of his Virginia income instead of £ 4 0 0 a year. I think with him that he should accept it. M y greatest objection is that it will not admit of a plain and unsuspicious execution. For it will be a question, pretty difficult to decide in England, and which the inexactitude of those who remit will often bring on, Whether a Remittance be of the debts due to the estate or of it's annual profits? However it must be accepted, even under this unpromising appearance; because, to be in England, is a first requisite to his happiness. He mentions to you the necessity that the debts con­ tracted for the daily subsistence of himself and Mrs. Paradise must first be paid: this is rational, because, reduced to a moderate pittance, that pittance should be clear of previous debts. A n d this ought to come out of the first monies to be received, before the [ 8 ]

30

MARCH

17 8 9

deed begins it's operation. A s he does not tell you how much these debts are, I must supply the omission. M y advances for him have been 30. Louis on his journey to Bergamo, 30. Louis more in January for the subsistence of himself and Mrs. Paradise, 20. Louis to Mrs. Paradise for her journey to London, and 15. Louis since her departure to M r . Paradise for his subsistence, in all 95. Louis. T h i s with the proceeds of his chariot cleared off all scores here to the 1st. or 2d. week of this month. T o that you must add half a guinea a day nearly from that time till he shall go away, and ten guineas for his journey. W h a t Mrs. Paradise's necessities may have called for in London you will know, so that putting both together you may satisfy the creditors by naming a definite sum, as I suppose they would not accede to a vague proposition to pay his debts of subsistence, the amount of which they can know nothing about. I am sorry to be obliged to let my advances be named on this occasion. But on my approaching return to America I must settle my publick accounts, and from the statement I have made of them I shall be in want of this sum, as well as others which I had advanced in the same way, to make up my balance, a balance which, not made up, would affect my reputation as a public man. M y manner of living here, however regular, has never per­ mitted me a copper of savings out of which I could assist my countrymen who have been here in distress. I have been obliged then to anticipate, trusting to their honour to replace it, and where they have failed, which has happened too often, I bear the loss. Besides in the present case, it is only a question between M r . Para­ dise's creditors and me, which of us shall lie out of this money. They have had advantages in their dealings with M r . Paradise which decide the question fairly against them. Pardon, my dear Sir, this momentary attention to my own affairs, which I have been forced to make & believe me to be with great affection to M r s . Paradise & yourself Your most obedt. humble servt., TH:

JEFFERSON

PrC ( D L C ) .

To Boyd, Ker k Co. Mar. 30. 1789. M r . Jefferson has the honour to present his compliments to Messieurs Boyd & K e r and to inclose them a letter for M r . Rut­ ledge, with two bills of exchange of twelve hundred livres each. m

3 1 MARCH

17 8 9

P r C ( M f f i ) . S J L Index records an undated letter from Boyd, K e r & Co. under this date, perhaps an acknowledgment of the above.

From Lucy Ludwell Paradise D E A R SIBT

London March the 31st 1789

Your Excellency by this Post will recvd. two Letters. T h i s I was obliged to write by it's self, as it is a Letter only for your Excellencies private reading. Your Letter of the 24th. of Mar. arrived this day and as it is Five days a going, I thought proper, contrary to my first intention to answer it immediatly. D r . Bancroft and myself wait for your Answer to his Last Letters however in the meantime I will trouble you with these few lines to tell you that the T w o Creditors upon Ludgate Hill will not agree to any thing except we accept their terms, which is, to give us one third of the P[r]ofits of the Virginia Estate. W a s I M r . P . I should think myself in Duty bound to go again to Virginia and try, all, I could, to send over as fast as I could things that would pay all the Creditors and have a little ready Money left in case of Sickness &c &c &c. Indeed his going with your Excellency would be of very great Service to him, as from your Example, he would learn to live regularly, and Soberly. For me I can have no objection, as I am certain he will be happy to be always near you. But the Subject is so very delicate for me to determine, that whatever your Excel­ lency shall think proper for him to do, will be well done. I f we could get the Money Norton owes us, and if Virginia would, or could pay us what is in their Funds Clear, I am certain the Debts would easely be paid. B y the Depreciation W e have lost Virginia Money £ 2 6 3 0 0 which brought into Sterling is almost £ 1 5 0 0 besides our Negroes. I f your Excellency will take the trouble to ask Wilkinson you will find, what I have told you to be true. But It was for my Countries Glory and I therefore submit. T h e Post Bell rings, ancl I must conclude. I am Dear Sir Your Excellencies Grateful and Much Obliged Humbl. Servt. and Friend, L U C Y PARADISE RC ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 5 Apr. 1789. T h e second of Mrs. Paradise's T W O L E T T E R S has not been found and is not recorded in S J L : it evidently related to two of T J ' s bids at the Pinelli sale (see T J to Mrs. Paradise, 6 Apr. 1789).

[10)

From Madame Oster [Nancy] ce 1er avril 1789

MONSIEUR

Je profite de la permission que vous m'avez donné de vous adresser mes lettres pour Pamerique. Voulez vous bien avoir la bonté d'Envoyer celles-cy directement a Madame Banister sous votre couvert, car je suis très inquiette de ce quaucune de mes lettres ne sont encore parvenues a mes amies. Quelquautres personnes, à ce que je soubsonne, pourroient bien se les Etre appropriées, connoissant mon Ecriture; vous connoissez Monsieur la facilité que Ion trouve dans ce Pays la a satisfaire cette sorte de curiosité. Je ne le crains que par la certitude ou je suis que cela ce pratique. Mille pardons Monsieur de vous interrompre. Je sais que vos moments sont Précieux et je n'en abuse que le moins qu'il m'est possible, mais j'ay tant de confiance que par vôtre moyen je parviendrai encore à me faire entendre aux amies de mon coeur, et il est d'un si grand besoin pour moi d'en recevoir des nouvelles que je n'ay pu différer de recourir à vous pour vous prier de me rendre ce service. J'ay l'honneur d'Etre avec la plus Parfaite considération Monsieur Vôtre très humble et très obéissante Servante OSTER R C ( M H i ) ; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 4 Apr. 1789. Enclosures not identified.

From Edward Rutledge M Y DEAR S I R

[Charleston, S.C., ca. 1 Apr. 1 7 8 9 ]

It is a long while since I have done myself the Pleasure of writing you; but the variety of concerns of a public and private Nature, together with the constant attention which I am necessarily obliged to give to an affectionate wife, who is in constant ill-Health, have suffered one week to steal after another, and leave me in shameful silence. I cannot however permit M r . Cutdng to quit us, without thanking you for a Copy of your Book which you were so obliging as to send me, and answering in some measure the Letter which accompanied it. T h e Gentleman who had spoken to me on the original settlement of America, is Doctor Turnbull of this Place. He is very well known in Europe, and came out shortly after the Peace, to colonize East Florida, on its being ceeded to Great Britain: He passed a considerable portion of his early Life in the

[ I D

From Madame Oster [Nancy] ce 1er avril 1789

MONSIEUR

Je profite de la permission que vous m'avez donné de vous adresser mes lettres pour Pamerique. Voulez vous bien avoir la bonté d'Envoyer celles-cy directement a Madame Banister sous votre couvert, car je suis très inquiette de ce quaucune de mes lettres ne sont encore parvenues a mes amies. Quelquautres personnes, à ce que je soubsonne, pourroient bien se les Etre appropriées, connoissant mon Ecriture; vous connoissez Monsieur la facilité que Ion trouve dans ce Pays la a satisfaire cette sorte de curiosité. Je ne le crains que par la certitude ou je suis que cela ce pratique. Mille pardons Monsieur de vous interrompre. Je sais que vos moments sont Précieux et je n'en abuse que le moins qu'il m'est possible, mais j'ay tant de confiance que par vôtre moyen je parviendrai encore à me faire entendre aux amies de mon coeur, et il est d'un si grand besoin pour moi d'en recevoir des nouvelles que je n'ay pu différer de recourir à vous pour vous prier de me rendre ce service. J'ay l'honneur d'Etre avec la plus Parfaite considération Monsieur Vôtre très humble et très obéissante Servante OSTER R C ( M H i ) ; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 4 Apr. 1789. Enclosures not identified.

From Edward Rutledge M Y DEAR S I R

[Charleston, S.C., ca. 1 Apr. 1 7 8 9 ]

It is a long while since I have done myself the Pleasure of writing you; but the variety of concerns of a public and private Nature, together with the constant attention which I am necessarily obliged to give to an affectionate wife, who is in constant ill-Health, have suffered one week to steal after another, and leave me in shameful silence. I cannot however permit M r . Cutdng to quit us, without thanking you for a Copy of your Book which you were so obliging as to send me, and answering in some measure the Letter which accompanied it. T h e Gentleman who had spoken to me on the original settlement of America, is Doctor Turnbull of this Place. He is very well known in Europe, and came out shortly after the Peace, to colonize East Florida, on its being ceeded to Great Britain: He passed a considerable portion of his early Life in the

[ I D

1 APRIL

1789

Eastern World: and is a Gentleman of very general Information. W i t h all these Qualities, however, he will not be able to answer your wishes on the Point before us and yet he very obligingly com­ mitted to Paper some Thoughts on the Subject, and I inclose them for your observation.—It would give me Pleasure if I could tell you that the Account Sales of the Rice shipt to M r . Berard had been such as answer'd my Expectations. I cannot with accuracy de­ termine the difference which it would have made had it been sold in this Country, I believe about Eight per Cent: in Paper Medium, and pretty nearly equal had it been sold for Specie. I t sold however some what better then if it had been sent to an English Market. W h y then complain? you will naturally enquire. It is because he did not understand, or did not attend to the Business.—His charges were unusual, and to the conception of commercial People, who wish well to the Connection with France, exceeding improper. Messrs. Brailsford & Morris, who are very able Merchants wrote him fully on the Subject, and pointed out the Errors. Those I suppose he will rectify, but the mismanagement of the Business cannot now be set to rights. And whilst he was making these Sales, the Correspondent of M r . Ross of Philadelphia was making others that were really beneficial. This last Circumstance had on my Mind a very different Effect, from what might have been expected. I t gave me a great deal of Pleasure. It answer'd in a certain Degree my object, which was to find out a Market for our Rice, independent of G . Britain; and by directing the Attention of our Commercial People to the Dominions of France, we gain some­ thing, if our produce should sell only as well as it does in England. W e gain the Satisfaction of withholding a Benefit from our real Enemies, and of aiding in some sort our real Friends.—But my dear Sir, the State of our Commerce, and the Price of our Produce fill my Mind with serious Concern. T h e Principal Articles raised in this Country are Rice and Indico. T h e Price of the first is as low as it was prior to the war; and of the latter much lower: whilst the debts on the State are so immense, as to render the payment of them absolutely impossible, within the Compass of a reasonable Period, if the Prices of our Exports continue as low as at present: and yet the Merchants who make remittances to Europe, com­ plain loudly of their Losses. W h a t then is to be done you will naturally ask. I will take the Liberty of telling you. W e must change in part the Articles that we raise; we must import as little as possible; and we must find out new markets for our Produce. As I can afford to make Experiments, I am doing it in the Articles [12]

1 APRIL

1789

of Hemp and Cotton to a pretty considerable Degree; and if they answer, my Countrymen shall know the result, and partake as far as can be wished, of the Benefits of my Experience. T h e Second Scheme must be a general Matter; and must be the Effect of wisdom, and observation; it must result from the good Sense of the thinking part of our Community. W e are retrenching with us, and I hope will go far in our Plans of (Economy. But we must apply to you my Friend to aid us in the third Part of the Scheme. I n the first part of this Letter, I mentioned to you the Name of Doctor Turnbull, and I told you he had passed a large portion of his Time in the Eastern World. He has given me considerable Reason to think that if we could contrive to open a Trade with the Turks, particularly in the Article of Rice, it would turn to very considerable Advantage. From Pocock's Account of Constantinople, there are Three Million Seven Hundred thousand Inhabitants in that City and the environs; the principal part of their Food is rice; the Countries from whence they have been supplied, from the oppression which is exercised over their Inhabitants, do not fur­ nish, by any Means, as amply as they formerly did. Before the war a M r . Brewton of this State; a Native indeed, and a Mercantile Gentleman of a very enterprising Temper, sent a Vessel under the Command of a Captain Carter to Constantinople, and sold a Cargo of Rice to considerable Advantage. Doctor Turnbull gave rise to the Idea, in conjunction with our old Friend M r . Lynch, in consequence of which a M r . Ashby sent from this State to Cowes and from thence to Constantinople two Cargoes. He gave here a fair price, and made 2 / 6 ^ Hundred on his Rice; that is equal to 1 3 / per Barrel profit. I do not know how far it will be for the Interest of European Nations to aid us in this intercourse; but I see very clearly that it will be for our Advantage to attempt it. It must be a part of your pleasure, you who have done so much, to obtain every Light on this Subject. W e wish to know particularly what has been the usual Sales of that Article for several Years back in Constantinople, and the other Countries under the Influence of the Port. Indeed if we could get the Prices Current for some Years back, it would assist us greatly. I know there will be, or rather there is at present considerable risque in the Trade; but, if my Ideas are well founded, it will be worth our while to remove that risque tho' at a considerable expence: and I believe that almost all parts of the Union will be benefited by the intercourse. But I submit these Things to you, and doubt not you will enlighten us on the Subject. [13]

1 APRIL

1789

I have the Pleasure to tell you that we have done for our foreign Creditors all that the State of Things would admit of. M r . Cutting has had a great deal of Merit in the Affair, and his Desires have been pretty well answertL—He has received considerable attention, and returns to Europe as well satisfied as a Person can well be, who had to negociate with People in our deranged Condition. He has just called for this Letter. I must therefore conclude without having time even to read over what I have written. Adieu. God bless you my dear Sir, & always consider me as your very affte. Friend, E D : RUTLEDGE E N C L O S U R E

A n d r e w T u r n b u l l to E d w a r d R u t l e d g e That America may have been peopled by one or more of the Cartha­ ginian Ships being driven to that Continent with Families for their Colonies on the West Coast of Africa, seemed to me probable from the Resemblance between the Inhabitants of the Country formerly possessed by the Carthaginians and the Indians nighest East Florida: their Make Size and Features appeared to be almost the same their Language and Manner of speaking was also like that of the Arabs, and some of the Indian Words differed but little in Sound and signification from Arabick; but as I had not a sufficient Knowledge of the Indian Language spoken by those People, I cannot speak with Certainty of the affinity, if any, that may be between them. The Circumstance, however, of these Indians resembling the People I had seen in Barbary led me to conjecture that the peopling of South America, and of the Southern Parts of North America may have happened by some of the Carthaginian Ships (bound to the West Coast of Africa and to the Cape de Verd Islands ) being driven by easterly storms, and by the Trade Winds to the American Continent; or by having missed and passed the Cape de Verd Islands. We know from antient History that the Carthaginians established many Colonies on the West Coast of Africa. Deodorus Seculus, in particular, says that Hanno their admiral convoyed at one time many Vessels with thirty thousand Men Women and Children on board of that Convoy, and that after landing them on that Coast and on the Cape de Verd Islands he stretched to the South­ ward for ten Days on a further Discovery of that Part of Africa. Navi­ gation was not then in such an improved State as to render it improbable that the Easterly and Trade Winds which blow from that Quarter the whole Year may have carried some of his Convoy to the Westward so far that it would be impossible for them to return to their destined Port. Consequently they would be driven to the American Continent or Islands: this Conjecture is the more probable as we know that if Ships are blown off that Coast, they never attempt to beat up to it against those easterly Winds and Current, but they are always obliged to stand to the Northward till they are out of Trade Wind Latitudes; we also know that though Navigation is now at a very high State of Improve[ 14]

1 APRIL

1789

ment such accidents, as may have happened to the Carthaginians, are frequently heard of; Ships bound to the East Indies have been driven by the North East Trade Winds on the Coast of Brazil, other Ships have missed Islands they were bound to; and Currents not known, nor ac­ counted for, have carried Ships much out of their intended Course: the Trade Wind and Current is so strong and always in the same Direction nigh the Island of St. Helena that if a Ship pass it only a quarter of a Mile they never can beat up to it, but when they miss their anchoring Ground they are obliged to bear away; and it is not many Years ago that we heard of a Captain, an expert Navigator, who shot himself for having missed and passed the Island of Barbadoes with his Ship: It is not unfair therefore to conjecture that one or more of the Carthaginian Ships with Families on board may have been driven to the Westward beyond a Possibility of returning on a Direct Course or may have missed the Cape de Verd Islands and consequently were carried to the American Continent from which the Westermost of these Islands is not more than ten Days easy Sail. It has been objected by some (who think that America has been peopled from Europe—the Vicinity of the two Northern Points of Land of these Continents favouring this probable Conjecture) that if by such a civilized People as the Carthaginians the Americans would not have been in such a rude state as they were found to be in when America was discovered; to this it may be answered that People thrown into a wild Country by accident would be immediately obliged to such Labors as was necessary to shelter and support them­ selves. Consequently the most civilized Man or Artist would (from Necessity) lay aside that knowledge or Art that could not be of use to him in such Circumstances. Consequently all he knew would die with him, allowing even that the first Inhabitants may have been in a state of Civilization: extraordinary Occurrences or circumstances might have thrown them into a rude state again. For we know that in the Country formerly possessed by the Carthaginians and on that Coast of Africa where the Colonies mentioned were established, the present Inhabitants are in as rude a state as the Indians in the Southern Parts of North America and not so much civilized as the Mexicans were when Cortez conquered that People. The Maritime Towns and Ports on the Coast of Barbary and on the West Coast of Africa with the Environs of these Ports have an appearance of civilization but the Country in general is inhabited by Barbarians in every Sense of the Word. The Vicinity of the Northern Points of EuiDpe and America has induced very respectable Men to think that America has been peopled from the Circumstance of that Vicinity, but we are told by Men of Veracity and Observation that the numerous Tribes of Esquimaux and other Indians in their Northern Countries seem to be a different Race of men from the Indians south of them; but as all is Conjecture there seems to be a Probability that the Northern Parts of America may have been peopled by Europeans from that Northern Land and that South America and the southern Parts of North America may have been peopled by some of the Carthaginian Ships being driven on that Continent. [ 15]

2 APRIL RC (DLC); endorsed. Enclosure ( D L C ) ; in Rutledge's hand. Both letter and the enclosed extract from D r . Turnbull's letter are undated; but Rutledge's was carried by John Brown Cutting, who left Charleston early in April, 1789. T h e letter is recorded in S J L as received 22 June 1789. D r . Andrew Turnbull (ca. 17181792), a Scottish physician, married

1789 "a Grecian lady of Smyrna" and under­ took to colonize the new British prov­ ince of E a s t Florida with Greeks, Italians, and Minorcans. W h e n this venture failed in 1781, he sailed for Charleston, where he practised medicine until his death ( D A B ) . See Rutledge to T J , 23 Oct. 1787; T J to Rutledge, 18 July 1788.

From Charpentier {Paris, 2 Apr. 1789. Recorded in SJL as received 3 Apr. 1789. Not found.]

From Francis Hopkinson Philada. April 2d. 1789.

M Y DEAR S I R

Convenient Opportunities of writing to you seem less frequent than formerly, and those of hearing from you, still more scarce. My last was dated the 1. Deer, by M r . Govr. Morris by whom also I sent a Packet of News Papers for yourself and a small Book of Songs for Miss Jefferson. I hope they have long since reached your hands. I have at last received the Case of Vinegar ( V i a Baltimore) for which I heartily thank you. It affords me a most agreeable Regale, and I am very choice of it. There is nothing in the eating or drinking way that could have been half so acceptable. Again I thank you. The Assembly of this State have lately risen after doing a deal of important Business, Amongst which they have incorporated our City, and thrown the Government of it into the hands of a Mayor, Recorder, Aldermen and Common Council. They have re­ stored all the Estate and Rights of the Collidge, Academy and charitable School of this City to the former Trustees, from whom they had been taken nine Years ago, by force, but without the Form of L a w . They have even recommended to the People the calling a Convention to reconsider the Constitution of Pennsyl­ vania, all which have a direct Operation in dissolving that powerful Party Combination which has so long kept this State in Broils and Discontent. The Powers of the new federal Government are assembling at New York. But there yet want two Members of the House of [16]

2 APRIL

1789

Representatives and One Senator to complete the Quorum. T h i s Deficiency will probably be made up in a few days and then the Tickets of Election will be opened and the President and Vice President anounced. There is no Doubt but that Genl. Washing­ ton will have the unanimous Vote of the States, and that M r . John Adams will have sufficient Votes to make him Vice President. Rhode Island has lately again moved the Question whether they should join the federal Union, and has again rejected it, with the usual Majority in their House of Assembly. North Carolina says nothing about it. No philosophical News, only great Heats and Contests between the Partizans of Fitch and Rumsey about their Project of navi­ gating Boats by the force of Steam. I belong to neither, as I never approved of the Project. D r . Franklin seems to decline, his Disorder grows upon him. He has had little Ease or Rest for some Time past but by the force of Annodynes, which must gradually wear out his excellent Constitution. M r . Rittenhouse is as well as usual, that is, in a precarious State of Health. His eldest Daughter has been lately married to M r . J . D . Serjeant, a Lawyer, whom you know. I am sometimes a little uneasy about the Money I owe you for my Encyclopedia, but it shall be faithfully paid in due Time. I am looking out for another Livraison, and suppose the W o r k must be nearly completed by this Time. I have published this Winter a small Book containing a few selected Cases of Admiralty Jurisdiction, decided in my Court, being part of a larger work which I may hereafter publish. I would send you a copy, but am afraid of the Postage from Bourdeaux to Paris. I have also scribled a few lines of fun, occa­ sioned by a ridiculous Quarrel amongst our Physicians and Anatomists. T h i s I enclose for your Amusement. W i t h sincere Wishes for your Health & Happiness, & best Regards to Miss Jefferson, I am Dear Sir Your ever affectionate and faithful hble. Servt., FRAS. HOPKINSON R C ( D L C ) ; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 30 May 1789. Enclosure: Hopkinson's An Oration Which Might Have Been Delivered to the S dents in Anatomy, on the Late Rupture hetween the Two Schools in This City, Philadelphia, 1789 (see Hastings, Hop-

kinson, 425-6, 4 8 4 ) . Hopkinson's book of S E L E C T E D CASES was his Judgments in the Admiralty of Pennsylvania, in Four Suits Brought as for Maritime Hypothecations, Philadelphia, 1789.

[17]

From André Limozin M O S T HONORED S I R

Havre de Grace 2nd April 1789

A Most Serious illness, of which I only begin to recover forced me to postpone to own the receit of the Letter your Excellency hath honored me with the 8th Ulto, and to wait upon Monsieur D u Mistral Intendant of Normandy. I intend to do it as soon as the Weather will be a little milder, for I am Still weak and am afraid of relapsing. I shall let your Excellency now what I shall learn further from Monsieur D u Mistral. I have the Honor to inclose you a Letter arrived for your Excellency under my Cover. I have the Honor to be with the highest regard Your Excellency's Most obedient & very Humble Servant ANDW. LIMOZIN R C ( M H i ) ; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as received 4 Apr. 1789. Enclosure not identified: the only other letter recorded in S J L as received on 4 Apr. was that of Madame Oster of 1 Apr.

From Sarsfield 2 avril 1789 Vous ne me dîtes point l'autre jour, Monsieur, que vous Etes sur le point de votre depart. Je n'ay pu aprendre cette nouvelle avec indifference. Je partage le plaisir que vous allez trouver à rentrer chez vous, mais Je regretterai fort de ne plus avoir l'honneur de vous voir. Je compte aller vous chercher incessament; mais, en attendant, Voicy une observation sur la diminution de notre livre qui vous occupoit la dernière fois que j'étois chez vous. Avez vous pris garde que langleterre est la seule nation avec qui le pair du Change se regle sur la monnoie d'or. C'est celle dargent que l'on compare avec toutes les autres. A u moins le plus grand nombre n'a pas changé a cet Egard. Or notre monnoie d'argent n'a souffert aucune alteration, E t J'entens dire qu'il en resuite un effet qui fait la Condamnation de l'Opération de M . de Calonne; Si J'ay douze cens livres a payer en flandres ou en Allemagne, Je m'aquitte avec 200 gros E c u s , mais I I me faudra plus de 50 louis. Cela mérite que vous vous preniez quelque peine pour le verifier. Je vous prie de Garder ma lettre parce que J'aurai a vous demander ce que c'est proprement qu'on entend en Amérique par

C18 3

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1789

les mots, impost, Excise, et Rotation. Excise est Sûrement le droit sur L e s Boissons. Je ne s ai pas les autres. Vous connoissez, Monsieur, le Sincere attachemt avec lequel J'ay L'honneur d'Etre Votre très humble et très obeisst Servitr. SARSFIELD R C ( M H i ) ; endorsed. Recorded in S J L as sent from Paris and received 3 Apr. 1789.

From Nicolas Sc Jacob van Staphorst Amsterdam, 2 Apr. 1789. Inform T J that "the vindictive Proceedings of the Party, that has triumphed by the late Revolution in this Country" has deprived them of "the usual Assistance of Our Mr. Jacob," and they have made Nicholas Hubbard an active partner in the firm, thenceforth to be the Firm of Nichs. & Jacob Van Staphorst & Hubbard; who will always esteem themselves peculiarly happy, in rendering . . . all the Services and agreeable Offices in their Power." They append the signature of the new partner, to which they ask "the same confidence as to our's."—"Our Mr. Jacob writes us, that previous to your departure for America, Your Excellency, desired much to discharge a Claim of £16 to £ 1 7 , 0 0 0 * for Medals; We recommend your Excellency, to propose to the Commissioners of Congress Loans here, to accept your drafts for this Object. We flatter ourselves this would meet no difficulty, at least Your Excellency, might depend not only upon our hearty Concurrences, but also upon our warmest recommendation that your Request should be complied with; But if contrary to our Expectation, there should be a Demur, We most chearfully offer to supply this Sum for our private account and to wait our Reimbursement until Your Excellency, should procure and forward us an Order from the Board of Treasury, to place the same to the Account of the United States."