Local Governance in Cape Verde: 1970 - 2020 (Local and Urban Governance) 3031058461, 9783031058462

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Local and Urban Governance

Carlos Nunes Silva   Editor

Local Governance in Cape Verde 1970 - 2020

Local and Urban Governance Series Editor Carlos Nunes Silva, Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning,  University of Lisbon, Lisbon, Portugal

This series contains research studies with policy relevance in the field of sub-­ national territorial governance, at the micro, local and regional levels, as well as on its connections with national and supranational tiers. The series is multidisciplinary and brings together innovative research from different areas within the Social Sciences and Humanities. The series is open for theoretical, methodological and empirical ground breaking contributions. Books included in this series explore the new modes of territorial governance, new perspectives and new research methodologies. The aim is to present advances in Governance Studies to scholars and researchers in universities and research organizations, and to policy makers worldwide. The series includes monographs, edited volumes and textbooks. Book proposals and final manuscripts are peer-reviewed. The areas covered in the series include but are not limited to the following subjects: • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Local and regional government Urban and metropolitan governance Multi-level territorial governance Post-colonial local governance Municipal merger reforms Inter-municipal cooperation Decentralized cooperation Governance of spatial planning Strategic spatial planning Citizen participation in local policies Local governance, spatial justice and the right to the city Local public services Local economic development policies Entrepreneurialism and municipal public enterprises Local government finance Local government and sustainable development Anthropocene and green local governance Climate change and local governance Smart local governance

The series is intended for geographers, planners, political scientists, sociologists, lawyers, historians, urban anthropologists and economists.

Carlos Nunes Silva Editor

Local Governance in Cape Verde 1970 - 2020

Editor Carlos Nunes Silva Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning Universidade de Lisboa Lisbon, Portugal

ISSN 2524-5449     ISSN 2524-5457 (electronic) Local and Urban Governance ISBN 978-3-031-05846-2    ISBN 978-3-031-05847-9 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05847-9 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Acknowledgment

The book Local Governance in Cape Verde 1970–2020 is the outcome of the cooperation with colleagues from the University of Cape Verde, which included fieldwork visits to Cape Verde, in 2015 and 2018, and the joint organization in 2019 of the International Conference on Local Governance, within the framework of the International Geographical Union Commission on the Geography of Governance. I am grateful to the generous support of Professor José Maria Semedo, from the University of Cape Verde, on both activities. A word of appreciation is also due to each author of the following chapters. They did part of the research work and most of the writing in a period full of difficulties due to the constraints associated with the Covid-19 pandemic. I would also like to express my gratitude to Professor Anna Trono, University of Salento, Italy, for her review of an earlier version of the book’s manuscript. For the continuous support, professionalism, and attention to detail in the preparation of the book manuscript, I thank all colleagues in the Springer book series Local and Urban Governance.

v

Contents

1

Introduction����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������    1 Carlos Nunes Silva

2

 Urban Development in Cape Verde Between 1970 and 2020 ��������������   19 Aquiles Almada

3

 Local Government in Cape Verde 1970–2020 ��������������������������������������   47 Carlos Nunes Silva

4

 Spatial Planning and Socio-Spatial Cohesion in Cape Verde��������������   85 Ivete Silves Ferreira

5

Unification of the Land Cadastre with the Land Registry in Cape Verde: Challenges and Opportunities for Local and Urban Governance����������������������������������������������������������  113 Alex J. B. Andrade and Carlos A. R. Varela

6

 Genesis and Urban Evolution of Cidade da Praia–Cape Verde����������  139 Lourenço Conceição Gomes

7

 Urban Planning in the Municipality of Praia 1970–2020��������������������  163 Rafael J. Rocha Fernandes

8

Urban Heritage in Ribeira Grande de Santiago – Cape Verde: Constraints, Opportunities, and Challenges for Urban Governance����������������������������������������������������������������������������  221 Lourenço Conceição Gomes

9

Housing Policies in Cape Verde, 1970–2020: Challenges and Opportunities for Urban Governance������������������������  255 Ana Mafalda Rodrigues

vii

viii

Contents

10 Cidade  da Praia, Floods and Inundations: Problems and Challenges for Urban Governance��������������������������������  339 Sílvia Lopes Monteiro 11 Cidade  da Praia: Natural Risks and Spatial Planning ������������������������  355 Romualdo Barros Correia Index������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  387

List of Figures

Fig. 1.1 Fig. 1.2 Fig. 1.3

Fig. 2.1 Fig. 2.2

Fig. 2.3 Fig. 2.4

Fig. 2.5 Fig. 2.6 Fig. 2.7

Cape Verde. (Source: By courtesy of INGT—Instituto Nacional de Gestão Territorial 2022)���������������������������������������������    3 Cape Verde: population growth 1970–2020 and projection to 2100. (Source: Data from United Nations (2019a, b), author’s own elaboration)���������������������������������������������������������������    4 Cape Verde: number of municipalities by date of establishment, 1975–2020. (Source: INE-CV (2015). Cape Verde—Anuário Estatístico (own elaboration))���������������������������������������������������������    7 The evolution of urban population in Cape Verde from 1970 to 2020. (Source: INE 2015 and author own elaboration. Data related to 2020 are estimates by the author)��������������������������   22 Average annual growth rate of urban population in Cape Verde between 1970 and 2020. (Source: INE 2015 and author own elaboration. Data related to 2020 are estimates by the author)������������������������������������������������������������������   23 Evolution of the urban sprawl in Cape Verde between 1970 and 2020. (Source: Andrade (2016), Silva (2014), and Tavares (2012); and estimates by the author)��������������������������   24 Average annual growth rate of the urban area of Cape Verde between 1970 and 2020. (Source: Andrade (2016), Silva (2014), and Tavares (2012) and estimates elaborated by the author)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������   24 Composition of the tertiary sector in Cape Verde’s GDP. (Source: BCV 2020; and elaborated by the author)�����������������������   28 Weight of the services sector in the composition of regional GDP in Cabo Verde in 2017. (Source: INE 2018d; and elaborated by the author)�����������������������   29 Age structure of Cape Verde’s population as a function of the area of residence. (Source: INE 2018a; and elaborated by the author)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������   31 ix

x

Fig. 2.8 Fig. 2.9 Fig. 2.10 Fig. 2.11 Fig. 2.12 Fig. 2.13

Fig. 3.1 Fig. 3.2 Fig. 3.3 Fig. 3.4 Fig. 3.5 Fig. 3.6 Fig. 3.7 Fig. 3.8

Fig. 3.9

List of Figures

Social strata by area of residence in 2015. (Source: INE 2018a; and elaborated by the author)�����������������������   32 Social strata by municipalities/urban centres in 2015. (Source: INE 2018a; and elaborated by the author)�����������������������   32 Evolution of the primacy index of Cape Verde 1990–2010. (Source: INE 2018a; and elaborated by the author)�����������������������   34 Applying the rank-size rule to the urban network of Cabo Verde in 1990. (Source: INE 2018c; and elaborated by the author)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������   34 Applying the rank-size rule to the urban network of Cabo Verde in 2000. (Source: INE 2018c; and elaborated by the author)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������   35 Applying the rank-size rule to the urban network of Cabo Verde in 2010. (Source: INE 2018c; and elaborated by the author)���������������������������������������������������������   35 Number of seats in the National Parliament by Political Party, 1991–2021. (Source: Author own elaboration)������   54 Population by municipality, 2018. (Source: Author own elaboration)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   60 Gender parity in municipal elections—Executive Board, 2020. (Source: Author own elaboration)����������������������������   61 Gender parity in municipal elections—Municipal Assembly, 2020. (Source: Author own elaboration)����������������������   62 Number of elected members in the assembly and in the executive by size of the municipality. (Source: Author own elaboration)��������������������������������������������������   63 Number of municipalities governed by each political party or group of independent citizens (GIC), 1991–2020. (Source: Author own elaboration)������������������������������   64 Municipal revenue and population by municipality. (Source: Fiscal data (Ministério das Finanças 2020); population (INE-CV 2020), author own elaboration)��������������������   69 Concentration of Municipal Revenue—2019 compared to the concentration of the population by municipality—2018: Lorenz curve and Gini coefficient. (Source: Fiscal data (Ministério das Finanças 2020); population (INE-CV 2020), author own elaboration)������������������������������������������������������������������   70 Total revenue by municipality in 2019 (million CVE). (Source: Ministério das Finanças (2020), based on ‘Contas de Gerências dos Municípios’ (author own elaboration))�����������������������������������������������������������������������������������   71

List of Figures

Fig. 3.10

Fig. 3.11

Fig. 4.1 Fig. 4.2 Fig. 4.3 Fig. 4.4 Fig. 4.5 Fig. 4.6 Fig. 4.7 Fig. 5.1 Fig. 5.2 Fig. 5.3 Fig. 5.4 Fig. 5.5 Fig. 5.6

Fig. 6.1

Fig. 6.2

xi

Total expenditure by municipality in 2019 (million CVE). (Source: Ministério das Finanças (2020), based on ‘Contas de Gerências dos Municípios’ (author own elaboration))���������������������������������������������������������������   72 Municipal current expenditure—2019 (% of total expenditure). (Source: Ministério das Finanças (2020), based on ‘Contas de Gerências dos Municípios’ (author own elaboration))�������������������   72 National Spatial Planning System in Cape Verde. (Source: Author own elaboration (2021))���������������������������������������   95 National Spatial Planning Directive (DNOT). (Source: DNOT 2013)��������������������������������������������������������������������   96 Santiago Island Regional Spatial Planning Scheme (EROT). (Source: Santiago island EROT 2010)�����������������������������   97 Municipal Master Plan (PDM) of Island of Sal. (Source: Sal island PDM 2010)������������������������������������������������������   98 Land Management Plan for the Coastal Zone and Adjacent Sea (POOCM) of the Island of Boa Vista. (Source: Boa Vista island POOCM 2020)��������������������������������������   99 Santa Mónica Tourism Management Plan (POT) Boa Vista island. (Source: Santa Mónica POT 2009)���������������������  100 São Pedro Tourism Management Plan (POT) - São Vicente island. (Source: São Pedro POT 2020)������������������������������  101 Land administration model. (Source: Enemark et al. 2005)�����������  117 The cadastral concept. (Source: FIG 1995)������������������������������������  118 The core classes of the land administration domain model. (Source: ISO/TC211 2012)������������������������������������������������  120 The model of land administration in cape verde. (Source: Andrade 2013)������������������������������������������������������������������  128 SIGTP Subsystems adapted from the project Land, 2018. (Source: NOSi 2014 and authors’ own elaboration)����������������������  130 Structure of the Parcel Identification Number— NIP. (B.O., 2015)-Portaria n° 12, defines the configuration rules of the Parcel Identification Number���������������������������������������  131 Panorama of the human settlement in consolidation on top of the small plain revealing the bay of Praia in the nineteenth century. (Source: Acervo iconográfico do Museu de documentos especiais do IAHN)����������������������������������������������������  143 First Urban Axes in Cidade da Praia Designed at the Beginning of the Last Quarter of the eighteenth Century. (Source: Fazzino (Ed.) (1991). Plano de Salvaguarda do Centro Histórico da Cidade da Praia. Praia: Comissão das Comunidades Europeias em Cabo Verde, p. 18)����������������������  147

xii

Fig. 6.3 Fig. 6.4 Fig. 6.5 Fig. 6.6 Fig. 6.7 Fig. 6.8

Fig. 6.9 Fig. 6.10 Fig. 6.11

Fig. 6.12

Fig. 6.13 Fig. 6.14 Fig. 6.15 Fig. 7.1 Fig. 7.2 Fig. 7.3 Fig. 7.4

List of Figures

Urban axes of Praia in the form of squares in the beginning of the nineteenth century. (Source: Idem Fig. 6.2)��������  148 Incomplete Plan of Vila da Praia S. Thiago. (Source: AHM de Lisboa (1826), DIV-3-46 AH2 5–18261.tf)������  149 Map that reflects the layout of the streets in 1840. (Source. Idem Fig. 6.2)�������������������������������������������������������������������  150 Map that reflects the layout of the streets in 1882. (Source: Idem Fig. 6.2)�������������������������������������������������������������������  151 Map that reflects the layout of the streets in 1929. (Source: Idem Fig. 6.2)�������������������������������������������������������������������  152 Aerial image that reflects the city in 1964, covering the entire small plateau and with the streets and squares extending to the extreme of the north axis. (Source: Amaral 1964: 337)�����������������������������������  153 Detailed Plan of the City of Praia, dated from 1990. (Source: Plano Diretor Municipal da Praia 2014. Vol I)����������������  154 Urban planning currently: evidence on subdivision of different urban expansion areas in the city. (Source: Plano Diretor Municipal da Praia 2014, Vol. I)���������������  155 Rapid population growth (close to 20,000 inhabitants in 1940), more than 120,000 in 2010) and with an expectation of 132,000 in 2014 da Praia. (Source: Plano Diretor Municipal da Praia 2014, Vol I)������������������������������������������������������  156 An example of a neighbourhood in the city that has been expanding in recent years—Achada de Santo António and part of another border neighbourhood with complete occupation of the respective territorial space. (Source: José Maria Semedo 2016)������������������������������������������������  156 The seafront with an urbanization rehabilitated at the beginning of the twenty-first century. (Source: José Maria Semedo 2016)������������������������������������������������  157 An example of the aesthetic sense in terms of urban decoration in modern times. (Source: Lourenço Gomes 2020)������  157 Current challenges in the urban expansion of Cidade da Praia. (Source: José Maria Semedo 2016)��������������������������������������  158 Military Cartography 1:25.000 (1969/1974). (Source: INGT)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������  166 Aerial photography (from 1961) in support of Military Cartography 1:25,000 (from 1969/1974). (Source: INGT)������������  167 Old image of the main square (Alexandre de Albuquerque) of Cidade da Praia—Praia Centro (Historical Center)—1967. (Source: Loureiro 1998)�����������������������������������������������������������������  168 Achadinha—Praia West and Praia North, 1968. (Source: Loureiro 1998)�����������������������������������������������������������������  168

List of Figures

Fig. 7.5 Fig. 7.6 Fig. 7.7 Fig. 7.8 Fig. 7.9 Fig. 7.10 Fig. 7.11 Fig. 7.12 Fig. 7.13 Fig. 7.14

Fig. 7.15 Fig. 7.16

Fig. 7.17 Fig. 7.18 Fig. 7.19 Fig. 7.20 Fig. 7.21 Fig. 7.22

xiii

Lem Ferreira—Praia East. (Source: Herminaldo Brito (1975) Permission provided to the author)�������������������������������������������������  169 Lem Ferreira—Access to the Airport—Praia East. (Source: Author unknown)�������������������������������������������������������������  169 Craveiro Lopes neighborhood—location—aerial photography from 1961. (Source: INGT)������������������������������������������������������������  170 Craveiro Lopes neighborhood—image of buildings. (Source: Author unknown)�������������������������������������������������������������  171 Proposal for an expansion project for the City of Praia (North, Plateau/Fazenda), Gaspar de Almeida—1951. (Source: Borges 2007)��������������������������������������������������������������������  173 Multifamily housing buildings in Achadinha (4 floors). (Source: Author 2020)��������������������������������������������������������������������  175 Building Galerias Praia (7 floors) in the Historic Center of Plateau. (Source: INFOPRESS 2019)����������������������������������������  175 Example of modernist architecture—high school (Liceu) of Praia, 1967. (Source: Loureiro 1998)�����������������������������������������  176 Praia Aerodrome (beginning of construction). (Source: Borges 2007)��������������������������������������������������������������������  177 Cape Verde Aero Club Fleet. (Source: Author unknown, published in 1957 in the magazine “Cabo Verde—Boletim de Propaganda e Informação” (retrieved from: www.caboverdemuseu.com))��������������������������������������������������������  177 Praia Aerodrome, 1965. (Source: Loureiro 1998)��������������������������  178 Location of the old harbor of Praia on the west side of the Bay and on the Ilhéu de Santa Maria (beginning of construction). (Source: Cartografia Náutica Histórica dos Portos, https://www.hidrografico.pt/cart.porto)�����������������������  179 Location of the new harbor of Praia on the East side of the Bay. (Source: Cartografia Náutica Histórica dos Portos, https://www.hidrografico.pt/cart.porto)�����������������������  179 Praia Base Master plan—Zoning, José Luís Amorim, 1960. (Source: Fernandes 2016)���������������������������������������������������������������  180 Scheme of population groups of Praia (Total population calculated 10,022 inhab.)—Maria Emília Caria 1962. (Source: Fernandes 2016)���������������������������������������������������������������  181 Achadinha’s housing plan—José Luís Amorim, 1960. (Source: Fernandes 2016)���������������������������������������������������������������  182 Georeferenced 1960 Achadinha housing cell plan. (Source: Author 2021, based on information available in Fernandes 2016)�������������������������������������������������������������������������  182 Praia urbanization, preliminary study of cell 1 main Achada (Plateau Tunnel/Praça—Praia Centro)—José Luís Amorim, 1961. (Source: Fernandes 2016)�����������������������������������������������������  183

xiv

Fig. 7.23 Fig. 7.24 Fig. 7.25

Fig. 7.26 Fig. 7.27 Fig. 7.28 Fig. 7.29 Fig. 7.30 Fig. 7.31 Fig. 7.32 Fig. 7.33

Fig. 7.34

Fig. 7.35 Fig. 7.36 Fig. 7.37 Fig. 7.38 Fig. 7.39

List of Figures

Partial plan Achada principal and adjacent areas—Maria Emília Caria 1969. (Source: Fernandes 2016)�������������������������������  184 Georeferenced partial plan Achada principal 1969. (Source: Author 2021, based on information available in Fernandes 2016)�������������������������������������������������������������������������  184 Urbanization of Praia. Adaptation of the partial plan of Achada principal and adjacent areas resulting from the changes in the position of the harbor—Maria Emília Caria 1970. (Source: Fernandes 2016)�������������������������������������������  185 Partial plan of Achada Santo António—Maria Emília Caria 1971. (Source: Fernandes 2016)�������������������������������������������  186 Georeferenced partial plan of Achada Santo António 1971. (Source: Author 2021, based on information available in Fernandes 2016)�������������������������������������������������������������������������  187 Urbanization of Praia. Plot plan of Achada Santo António: Basic Zoning Planned—Maria Emília Caria 1971. (Source: Fernandes 2016)���������������������������������������������������������������  187 Praia urbanization—Maria Emília Caria 1971: ASA Urban Plan and its relations with tourist objectives. (Source: Fernandes 2016)���������������������������������������������������������������  188 Praia urbanization—Maria Emília Caria 1971: ASA Urban Plan—draft work. (Source: Fernandes 2016)����������������������  189 Proposal for the parcel organization of Achada de Santo António—Pedro Gregório Lopes 1974. (Source: Borges 2007)��������������������������������������������������������������������  190 Plan d’urbanisme of Praia (Avant-Project) authored by a team from Yugoslavia. (Source: Borges 2007)����������������������������  192 Partial studies by Dutch Urbanist Hugo Diddens for two teaching equipment (Preparatory Cycle): ASA and Plateau/Fazenda (behind the Lyceum) 1977. (Source: Borges 2007)��������������������������������������������������������������������  193 Urban plan of Achada Santo António by Dutch Urbanist Hugo Diddens: plots for diplomatic corps (Embassies) and residential areas—1977. (Source: Borges 2007)��������������������������������������������������������������������  193 National Assembly in construction—1982/85. (Source: National Assembly)����������������������������������������������������������  195 National Assembly—1982/85. (Source: National Assembly)��������  195 Praia Urban Development Plan (PDU), by the French team Tecno-Transfer—1986/88. (Source: Borges 2007)����������������  196 Detailed urban plan (PUD) Palmarejo and Quebra Canela—Praia Sul (Tecno-­Transfer)—1988. (Source: Borges 2007)��������������������������������������������������������������������  197 Detailed urban plan (PUD) Achada São Filipe—Praia Norte (Tecno-Transfer)—1988. (Source: Borges 2007)�����������������  198

List of Figures

Fig. 7.40 Fig. 7.41 Fig. 7.42 Fig. 7.43 Fig. 7.44 Fig. 7.45 Fig. 7.46

Fig. 8.1 Fig. 8.2

Fig. 8.3 Fig. 8.4 Fig. 8.5 Fig. 8.6 Fig. 8.7 Fig. 8.8 Fig. 8.9 Fig. 8.10

xv

Municipal master plan: structural scheme, 1998. (Source: Borges 2007)��������������������������������������������������������������������  205 Detailed plan (PD) of Cidadela. (Source: Imprensa Nacional—Boletim Oficial)�����������������������������  205 Detailed plan Palmarejo Grande, 2011–2012. (Source: Imprensa Nacional—Boletim Oficial)�����������������������������  208 PDM of Praia (2016)—Ordinance Plan. (Source: Author (https://sites.google.com/site/praiapdm/, 2016))����������������������������  210 PDM of Praia (2016) – Conditioning plan. (Source: Author (https://sites.google.com/site/praiapdm/, 2016))����������������������������  211 Hydrographic basins, streams, and proposed macro-drainage of the Praia PDM. (Source: Author (https://sites.google.com/site/praiapdm/, 2016))����������������������������  212 PDM of Praia (2016)—UE/UOPG with the programming of Detailed Plans (DP). (Source: Author (https://sites.google.com/site/praiapdm/, 2016))����������������������������  213 Existing buildings in the vicinity of the central square, which was later called the square of the pillory. (Source: Pires 2007: 107)���������������������������������������������������������������  230 Chapel of Nossa Senhora do Rosário, part of the interior of the church of the same name and its founding element. A second chapel with very similar structure can be seen on the right flank. (Source: Author, on 03/10/2020)�����������������������  231 The arched vault or roof based on ribs fitting stones fitted and joined with a key, representing a cross from the Portuguese royal crown. (Source: Author)�������������������������������������  232 Second chapel of the Church of Nossa Senhora do Rosário recently discovered. (Source: Author)��������������������������������������������  233 Structures of the Chapel of Nossa Senhora de Conceição evidenced at the time of excavations carried out recently. (Source: Author, 26/09/2021)���������������������������������������������������������  234 Current images of Rua Banana that retains many traces of its past. (Source: Author, on 10/12/2020)����������������������������������  235 Pillory of Cidade Velha. (Source: Author, in October 2005)����������  236 Image of the Pillory of Ribeira Grande in 1929 without the finishing structure containing the armillary sphere and the cross of Christ. (Source: Lopes 2015: 29)��������������������������������  238 Remains of walls of a presumed warehouse (for slaves?) in the central square of the city, near the pillory artefact. (Source: Author)�����������������������������������������������������������������������������  238 Urban structure of Ribeira Grande in the sixteenth century. (Source: Pires 2007: 108)���������������������������������������������������������������  239

xvi

Fig. 8.11

Fig. 8.12 Fig. 8.13 Fig. 8.14 Fig. 8.15 Fig. 8.16 Fig. 8.17 Fig. 8.18 Fig. 8.19

Fig. 8.20

Fig. 9.1 Fig. 9.2 Fig. 9.3 Fig. 9.4 Fig. 9.5 Fig. 9.6 Fig. 9.7 Fig. 9.8

List of Figures

Old and recent images of the tower that integrated the Church Complex and Hospital da Misericórdia. (Source: Lopes (2015: 61) and Author (image on the right side))���������������������������������������������������������������  240 Church of Our Lady of the Rosary of Ribeira Grande de Santiago (Nossa Senhora do Rosário da Ribeira Grande). (Source: Author, December 2010)��������������������������������������������������  241 Inside the Church of Nossa Senhora do Rosário da Ribeira Grande. (Source: Author, 26/09/2021)������������������������������  243 Image of the Cathedral and Episcopal Palace (left). (Source: Valdez 1864 (collected it in Portuguese archives; version painted by architect Braz Mimoso))����������������������������������  244 Ruins of the Cathedral of Ribeira Grande de Santiago in 1933, revealing their round arches that are still very firm. (Source: Lopes 2015: 50)���������������������������������������������������������������  245 View of the Church and Convent of S. Francisco Complex. (Source: Author, on 10/12/2020)����������������������������������������������������  246 Fortress Real de S. Filipe on top of a plateau, with the city downstream and a view of the sea. (Source: Author, 26/09/2021)����������  247 Model of the Royal Fortress of S. Filipe existing in the interpretive centre of the monuments of Ribeira Grande showing its ancient internal morphology. (Source: Author)�����������  248 Perspective of Ribeira Grande de Santiago stopped in time, in the first half of the twentieth century, highlighting the ruins of the greatest asset of the city’s urban heritage. In its vicinity, there are examples of traditional and seigniorial houses. (Source: Author)�����������������������������������������������������������������������������  249 Landscapes of the city of Ribeira Grande in today’s times where you can see the overlapping of urban structures. (Source: Author)�����������������������������������������������������������������������������  251 Housing Survey 1965. (Source: MU 1965a)����������������������������������  258 Housing Survey 1965. (Source: MU 1965a)����������������������������������  259 Autochthonous dwelling – rental house, own house, mixed house (from left to right). (Source: MU 1965b)������������������  272 Autochthonous dwelling – rental house, own house, mixed house (from left to right). (Source: MU 1965b)������������������  273 Autochthonous dwelling – rental house, own house, mixed house (from left to right). (Source: MU 1965b)������������������  274 Autochthonous houses – surveyed by DSUH – Praia and Mindelo (from left to right). (Source: MU 1965b)�������������������������  275 Autochthonous houses – surveyed by DSUH – Praia and Mindelo (from left to right). (Source: MU 1965b)�������������������������  276 Residences for Sergeants and Plazas – Cape Verde, Mindelo, 1968. (Source: MU 1968)���������������������������������������������������������������  277

List of Figures

Fig. 9.9 Fig. 9.10 Fig. 9.11 Fig. 9.12 Fig. 9.13 Fig. 9.14 Fig. 9.15 Fig. 9.16 Fig. 9.17 Fig. 9.18 Fig. 9.19 Fig. 9.20 Fig. 9.21 Fig. 9.22 Fig. 9.23 Fig. 9.24 Fig. 9.25 Fig. 9.26 Fig. 9.27 Fig. 9.28 Fig. 9.29 Fig. 9.30 Fig. 9.31

xvii

Residences for Sergeants and Plazas – Cape Verde, Mindelo, 1968. (Source: MU 1968)�����������������������������������������������  278 Type A, B, C and D affordable housing models (from left to right). (Source: MU 1972)�����������������������������������������  278 Type A, B, C and D affordable housing models (from left to right). (Source: MU 1972)�����������������������������������������  279 Type A, B, C and D affordable housing models (from left to right). (Source: MU 1972)�����������������������������������������  279 Type A, B, C and D affordable housing models (from left to right). (Source: MU 1972)�����������������������������������������  280 Study of housing evolution. Narrow land parcel – Type B Solution. (Source: LNEC 1983a)���������������������������������������������������  283 Evolutionary housing. Perspective. (Source: LNEC 1983a)����������  284 Conversion of roof into raised pavement – Constructive detail. (Source: LNEC 1983a)��������������������������������������������������������  285 House for All – Sao Miguel 01. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2017)�����������������������������������������  320 House for All – Santa Cruz 01. (Source: Ana Marta Clemente 2013)����������������������������������������������  321 House for All – Santa Catarina 01. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2017)�����������������������������������������  322 House for All – Tarrafal 01. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2017)�����������������������������������������  322 House for All – Praia 02. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2017)�����������������������������������������  323 House for All – Praia 03. (Source: Ana Marta Clemente 2013)����������������������������������������������  323 House for All –Praia 05. (Source: Ana Marta Clemente 2016)����������������������������������������������  324 House for All – Praia 1.1. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2019)�����������������������������������������  325 House for All – Praia 1.2. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2011)�����������������������������������������  325 House for All – Praia 1.2. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2011)�����������������������������������������  326 House for All – Sal 03 Espargos. (Source: Fernando Santos 2014)����������������������������������������������������  326 House for All – Sal 04 Santa Maria. (Source: Fernando Santos_2020)���������������������������������������������������  327 House for All – Praia 06. (Source: Fernando Santos 2016)����������������������������������������������������  328 House for All – Praia 8.1. (Source: João Paulo Madeira 2021)�����������������������������������������������  328 House for All – Praia 8.2. (Source: João Paulo Madeira 2021)�����������������������������������������������  329

xviii

Fig. 9.32 Fig. 9.33 Fig. 9.34 Fig. 10.1 Fig. 10.2 Fig. 10.3 Fig. 10.4 Fig. 10.5 Fig. 10.6 Fig. 10.7 Fig. 10.8

Fig. 11.1 Fig. 11.2 Fig. 11.3 Fig. 11.4 Fig. 11.5

Fig. 11.6

List of Figures

House for All – Praia 10. (Source: João Paulo Madeira 2021)�����������������������������������������������  329 House for All – Praia 04. (Source: Ana Marta Clemente 2016)����������������������������������������������  330 House for All – Praia 07. (Source: João Paulo Madeira 2021)�����������������������������������������������  330 Geographic context of Cape Verde and Cidade da Praia. (Source: Monteiro 2016)�������������������������������������  342 Floods and inundations recorded in Praia, in the |neighbourhood Paiol, near the Church Templo Maior, in 13 September 2020. (Source: Paulino Pires)������������������������������  345 Floods and inundations recorded in Praia, near the bridge Vila Nova, in 13 September 2020. (Source: Paulino Pires)������������  346 Buildings in unplanned areas on the neighbourhood of Safende, on slopes and rivers. (Source: Author 2019)�������������������  347 Buildings in unplanned areas in the neighbourhood of São Paulo. (Source: Author 2020)��������������������������������������������������  347 Drainage works in the neighbourhood of Fonton. (Source: Author 2019)��������������������������������������������������������������������  350 Drainage works in the neighbourhood of Safende. (Source: Author 2019)��������������������������������������������������������������������  350 Small growing neighbourhood ‘Cobom di Fome’ which was dismantled by the municipality of Praia. (Source: Author 2018)��������������������������������������������������������������������  351 Land administration, modified from Dale and MacLaughlin (2003, p. 2). (Source: Extracted from Correia 2019)�������������������������������������������������������������������������  360 Phases of natural risk management, according to ISO 31010. (Source: Extracted from Poljanšekn et al. 2019, p. 29)���������������������������������������������������������  361 Stakeholders involved in risk management in Cape Verde. (Source: Own elaboration)�����������������������������������������  367 Instruments and actors involved in the management of natural risks. (Source: Own elaboration)�����������������������������������  370 Damage caused by flooding in 12.09.2020 in “Jamaica”: occupation of flood beds or river channels with non-licenced (“illegal”) buildings. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)���������������������������������������������������������  375 Water outlet from the valley, at Ponte de Vila Nova, one of the most important hydraulic works built to prevent urban flooding in adjacent areas. The valley is more than 3 metres high in some sectors; even so it was overflowed in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)��������������������������������������������������������������������������  375

List of Figures

Fig. 11.7

Fig. 11.8 Fig. 11.9 Fig. 11.10

Fig. 11.11

Fig. 11.12

Fig. 11.13 Fig. 11.14

Fig. 11.15

Fig. 11.16

Fig. 11.17

xix

The busiest part of the city, next to the Square (Rotunda) f irst May. Commercial area with a large flow of people and goods: flooding in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)����������������������������������������  376 Ribeira de Paiol section, near a primary school in Lém Cachorro: flooding in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)�������������������������������  376 Urban floods in Paiol in Cidade da Praia, in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)�  377 Obstruction downstream of the hydrographic basin of Trindade – Ponte Além Ferreira – the only point of exit of the floods to the sea, in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)���������������������������������������������������������  377 Ribeira de Paiol, near the gas station Enacol Nuno Duarte. An area with strong exposure and vulnerability. Flooding in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020) �������������������������������������������������������������������������  378 Flood hazard zones in Cidade da Praia. The red colour proposed under the PDM and blue by the study sponsored by the United Nations (Mileu et al. 2014). (Source: Author’s own elaboration (in collaboration with the municipality of Praia))������������������������������������������������������  379 Areas most affected by the floods of 12 September 2020. (Source: Author’s own elaboration (with collaboration with the municipality of Praia))������������������������������������������������������  380 Impact of the flood in Ribeira de Safende occupied with non-licenced (“illegal”) buildings, in 12.09.2020. According to residents in the area, in some sections the water level reached more than 2 metres. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)�������������������������������  381 Non-licenced (“illegal”) buildings in steep slopes and in the valley bottom in São Paulo, Cidade da Praia: damages caused by the flooding in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)�������������������������������  381 Damages caused by the flooding of 12 September 2020  in São Paulo in the municipality of Praia, Cape Verde. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)��������������������������������������������������������������������������  382 Damages caused by the flooding of 12 September 2020 in São Paulo in the municipality of Praia, Cape Verde. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)��������������������������������������������������������������������������  382

List of Tables

Table 1.1 Cape Verde islands: population and area, 2018������������������������������    4 Table 1.2 The local governance structure in Cape Verde (1975–2020): 22 municipalities, by date of establishment�������������    6 Table 1.3 Municipalities in Cape Verde by island: population and area, 2015��������������������������������������������������������������    8 Table 2.1 Level of functional specialization of the municipalities of Cape Verde in 2017��������������������������������������������������������������������   36 Table 3.1 Cape Verde at the end of the colonial period: basic data on the administrative division, 1973������������������������������   49 Table 3.2 Legislative elections (number of parliament seats): a stable party system�����������������������������������������������������������������������   53 Table 3.3 Cape Verde—municipalities by island: population and area, 2018��������������������������������������������������������������   59 Table 3.4 Gender Parity in Municipal Elections 2020: list membership (number and percentage of males and females in the lists for the municipal council and municipal assembly)����������������������������������������������������������������   61 Table 3.5 Number of voters in the Local Election 2020��������������������������������   62 Table 3.6 Number of elected members in the municipal boards according to size of the municipality����������������������������������   63 Table 3.7 Local government elections: number of municipalities by political party�����������������������������������������������������������������������������   64 Table 3.8 Total revenue and expenditure by municipality in 2019 (million CVE)��������������������������������������������������������������������   71 Table 4.1 Examples of plans in the period pre-independence������������������������   87 Table 4.2 Examples of urban plan in the first years of the post-independence period�����������������������������������������������������   92 Table 4.3 EROTs published between 2010 and 2016�������������������������������������  101 Table 4.4 PDMs published between 2008 and 2016��������������������������������������  102 xxi

xxii

List of Tables

Table 4.5 Municipal Master Plans (PDMs) not yet published�����������������������  103 Table 4.6 Detailed Plans (PDs) published between 2016 and 2018���������������  104 Table 4.7 Constraints identified within the scope of the REOT preparatory meetings�������������������������������������������������  105 Table 5.1 The structure of the SIGTP������������������������������������������������������������  131 Table 7.1 Spatial plans and planning studies in the colonial period in the municipality of Praia: an inventory��������������������������������������  172 Table 7.2 Inventory of Spatial plans by Island during the colonial period��������������������������������������������������������������������������  173 Table 7.3 Number or Spatial plans prepared during the colonial period by decade���������������������������������������������������������  173 Table 7.4 Plans prepared during the first Republic (1975–1990)�������������������  191 Table 7.5 Complementary initiatives related to spatial planning in the Municipality of Praia during the 1st Republic���������������������  194 Table 7.6 Urban studies and spatial plans and projects: mandate 1991–2000�����������������������������������������������������������������������  201 Table 7.7 Urban studies and Spatial plans and projects: mandate 2000–2008�����������������������������������������������������������������������  201 Table 7.8 Urban studies and Spatial plans and projects: mandate 2008–2016�����������������������������������������������������������������������  202 Table 7.9 Urban studies and Spatial plans and projects: mandate 2016–2020�����������������������������������������������������������������������  202 Table 7.10 Other spatial planning initiatives in the 2nd Republic�������������������  203 Table 9.1 Population and accommodation, according to type, in the cities of Praia, Mindelo, São Filipe and Espargos – Sal (in 02.06.1980 and 02.06.1985)����������������������  259 Table 9.2 Estimate of global increases and annual averages of population and dwellings in the period (1980–2000), admitting 5,2 as the ratio n.° persons / family��������������������������������  260 Table 9.3 Housing deficit in Cape Verde, 2010����������������������������������������������  260 Table 9.4 Distribution of accommodation by type of building, according to occupation and owner������������������������������������������������  262 Table 9.5 Distribution of accommodation by type of building����������������������  263 Table 9.6 Distribution of 116,873 family accommodation, by type and according to the possession of a sanitary installation and access to potable water������������������������������������������  264 Table 9.7 Distribution of 116,873 households, by type and by mode of disposal of wastewater, and mode of disposal of solid waste (garbage)�����������������������������������������������  266 Table 9.8 Distribution of 116,873 family accommodation, by type and by energy source for lighting and cooking�����������������  268 Table 9.9 Legislation regulating local government, published until 2011�����������������������������������������������������������������������  288

List of Tables

xxiii

Table 9.10 Social Housing built by IFH�����������������������������������������������������������  294 Table 9.11 “Economic Housing” program, projects built by the IFH��������������  295 Table 9.12 ‘Housing at Controlled Costs’ Program, projects built by the IFH���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  296 Table 9.13 Housing improvement, built by the IFH�����������������������������������������  297 Table 9.14 Legislation for the housing sector and related sectors, published until 2011�����������������������������������������������������������������������  299 Table 9.15 Programmatic lines and housing programs of the PNH 2011–2021��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  302 Table 9.16 2011–2021 PNH goals and resources needed to achieve them�������������������������������������������������������������������������������  305 Table 9.17 Social interest housing: minimum requirements for UHs established by the SNHIS�������������������������������������������������  306 Table 9.18 Implementation of the ‘Home for All Program’ action plan (2011–2020)�����������������������������������������������������������������  309 Table 9.19 PRRA lines and intervention axes��������������������������������������������������  311 Table 9.20 PRRA program actions�������������������������������������������������������������������  312 Table 9.21 Legislation for the Housing sector and related sectors, published after 2011�����������������������������������������������������������������������  312 Table 9.22 Priority areas of the National Housing Policy (PNH)��������������������  314 Table 9.23 Objectives of the HABITAR CV program and types of projects�����������������������������������������������������������������������  316 Table 9.24 Execution of the ‘Habitar CV’ program (2011–2020)�������������������  317 Table 9.25 Responsiveness of the “Habitar CV” Program (2011–2020)���������  318 Table 9.26 Social facilities ‘Habitar CV’ program (2011–2020)���������������������  331 Table 10.1 Hydrographical network of the municipality of Praia��������������������  343 Table 10.2 Maximum daily rainfall in four stations in the municipality of Praia (1976–2005)���������������������������������������  344 Table 11.1 Analysis of experts regarding the way natural risks are dealt with in the Cape Verdean Spatial Planning legislation������������������������������������������������������������  372

Chapter 1

Introduction Carlos Nunes Silva

Abstract  This introductory chapter aims to outline some of the key features of the local governance system in Cape Verde. It ends with an outline of the book. It is based on a review of the literature and serves as a background for what follows in the other chapters of the book. Keywords  Local government · Colonial · Post-colonial · Cape Verde Local governance systems across the globe have been affected, in the last half century, from 1970 to 2020, by continuities and incremental changes, but also by ruptures.1 In Africa, the process seems to have included, in most countries, an initial period of centralization, immediately after the respective political independence (Burke 1969; Silveira 2004), which led to an increase in state control, later replaced in the early 1990s by decentralization reforms associated with the introduction of multiparty political systems, at both national and local levels, as Brosio (2000), Wunsch (2001), Ribot (2002), Smoke (2003), Crook (2003), and Olowu (2003) reported one decade after the decentralization turn crossed the Continent, or as Dickovick and Riedl (2010) and Erk (2014), among others, described two decades afterwards. Cape Verde followed a similar path in the same period, as Silva (2016b, 2020b) and this book show. As in other African countries, the local governance system in Cape Verde has also been confronted with political transitions, demographic and economic changes,

 Silva, C.N. (ed.) (2020c) provides an informed account of these changes and global challenges. Silva (2015a, b, c, d, e, f, 2020a) examines a similar process within the specific field of urban planning in Africa, in the Lusophone African countries more specifically. The findings regarding the structural dimensions and determinants provided by these previous studies are consistent with the findings of the analysis of the local governance system in Cape Verde carried out in this book.

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C. Nunes Silva (*) Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning, University of Lisbon, Lisbon, Portugal e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 C. Nunes Silva (ed.), Local Governance in Cape Verde, Local and Urban Governance, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05847-9_1

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environmental issues, and more recently also with the challenges introduced by the digital transition. In fact, the move to democracy and to forms of decentralized administration, the rapid population growth and urbanization, migration, economic globalization, rising environmental awareness, and the extensive use of information and communication technologies in local government had impact on central–local relations, on the organization of local government, on its functional competences, powers, and resources. The book ‘Local Governance in Cape Verde: 1970–2020’ addresses the following research questions: What is the nature of the local governance system in Cape Verde and how did it evolve in the last half century (1970–2020)? How did it perform in specific policy areas, namely in spatial planning, urban heritage, social housing, and environment? The book takes as its main research lines the following hypothesis: first, the degree of decentralization and the level of local autonomy and thus the importance of local government in the delivery of public policies depend on national and international conditions; second, the level of autonomy correlates positively with the capacity of local government to act and be relevant in the policy areas examined in each of the following chapters. The more decentralized the country was, the more likely local government would have a relevant role in those policy areas. The book adopted a mixed method approach, combining both quantitative analysis and qualitative approaches, in different arrangements from chapter to chapter. Data used in the book come from a review of the literature, from research and policy reports, from official statistics and legislation, from archive research, including iconographic sources, from field work, and from questionnaires and interviews with key stakeholders. The book concludes by asserting that with the demographic growth and urbanization rate that Cape Verde experienced in the last decades, namely the scale of the informal urbanization, and the prospects for the near future, as well as the risks associated with climate change, among other challenges addressed in the following chapters, it is necessary to increase the level of decentralization and autonomy of local government, namely its financial capacity and autonomy, in order to reinforce its role of key player in the local governance system in the country. Cape Verde, an island state in Western Africa, is an archipelago constituted by 10 islands, 9 of which populated, and 5 main islets,2 located 570 km from the Cape Verde Peninsula, in Senegal (Fig. 1.1), with an area of 4033 km2 and 544,092 inhabitants in 2018 (Fig. 1.2), and population density of 134.9 inhabitants/km2. The island of Santiago, where the capital, the city of Praia, is located, is the largest one with 991 km2, 24.6% of the national territory, with nearly 56% of the population of the country in 2018.3 This unequal distribution of the population by the islands

 Five main Islets: ‘Branco’, ‘Raso’, ‘Luís Carneiro’, ‘Grande’, and ‘de Cima’. There are other smaller islets. 3  Basic demographic statistical information for the colonial period is available in INE (1945, 1946, 1973). For the post-colonial period, see INE-Cape Verde (https://ine.cv/en/). For data on electors and elections, see Comissão Nacional de Eleições (https://cne.cv/). 2

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Fig. 1.1  Cape Verde. (Source: By courtesy of INGT—Instituto Nacional de Gestão Territorial 2022)

(Table 1.1) mirrors other dimensions of the regional inequalities in Cape Verde.4 In 2010, 61.8% of the population lived in urban areas and 38.2% in rural areas (INE-CV 2020).5

 The coefficient of variation (CV) of the population and area of the 9 populated Islands are very high (>0.3). 5  INE-CV (2020). Anuário Estatístico de Cabo Verde 2018. Praia: Instituto Nacional de Estatística de Cabo Verde. 4

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Fig. 1.2  Cape Verde: population growth 1970–2020 and projection to 2100. (Source: Data from United Nations (2019a, b), author’s own elaboration) Table 1.1  Cape Verde islands: population and area, 2018 Island Santo Antão S. Vicente Santa Luzia S. Nicolau Sal Boa Vista Maio Santiago Fogo Brava Islets (5 main islets) Total Coefficient of variation (CV)

Area (km2) 779 227 35 343 216 620 269 991 476 64 13 4033 0.78

Population 38,747 83,468 0 12,183 38,245 17,707 7217 305,773 35,214 5521 0 544,092 1.68

Population density 49.74 367.7 0 35.52 177.06 28.56 26.83 308.55 73.98 86.27 0 134.91

Source: INE-CV 2020 (author’s own elaboration)

Cape Verde became independent from Portugal on 5 July 1975,6 515 years after the arrival of the first Portuguese navigators, in the context of the decolonization process, which also granted independence to the other Portuguese colonies in Africa, Guinea-Bissau in September 1974, and São Tomé and Príncipe, Mozambique and Angola also in 1975,7 countries with whom Cape Verde shares an administrative culture inherited from the long common colonial past.8

 Law 13/74, 17 December 1974—Organic Status of the State of Cape Verde (‘Estatuto Orgânico do Estado de Cabo Verde’) provided the institutional framework for the political transition from Portugal to the new independent state. 7  For a brief overview of this process see, among others, Miller, J. C. (1975); Henriksen, T. H. (1977). 8  For an informed account of the local administration in the Portuguese colonies in Africa until the early twentieth century, see, among others, Moura (1913); Ulrich (1908); de Almeida (1920); Vasconcellos (1921); and Caetano (1934). The relevant colonial legislation is published in Boletim Oficial da Província de Cabo Verde. 6

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The Republic of Cape Verde is a unitary state. The current political system is based on the constitutional revision of 1990, which revoked article 49 of the first Constitution of the Republic of Cape Verde adopted in 1980, marking the start of the second main period in the political history of Cape Verde after independence. It was revised subsequently in 1992, 1995, 1999, and 2010.10 In fact, an initial period between 1975 and the early 1990s, the First Republic or revolutionary phase, characterized by a single party regime, strong political-administrative centralization, and the inexistence of local self-government ended with the adoption of the 1990 constitutional revision which revoked the article 4 of the 1980 Constitution. The colonial municipal map, comprising 14 municipalities, was maintained in the first years of the new independent state (Table 1.2). The Administrative Commissions instituted by the Portuguese Administration soon after April 1974 to replace the former mayors and municipal councils were simultaneously a form of local government and a form of local state administration, being the only local administrative structure in each island in charge of local governance. These Administrative Commissions continued operational until after the independence, being replaced at the end of 1975, as referred in Silva (2016). Before that, the first constitutional law adopted in Cape Verde, days before the independence,11 launched the basis for a new model of local government based on the concept of a revolutionary regime conducted by a single political party, which meant a highly centralized administrative structure, and therefore a highly centralized local governance institutional model.12 The Second  Article 4 of the 1980 Constitution granted exclusive power to the PAIGC (Article 4: ‘In the Republic of Cape Verde, the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) is the leading political force of society and the State’.). This article established the single-­ party political regime that lasted until the first multiparty democratic elections in the early 1991 (January 1991—legislative elections; February 1991—presidential elections). The 1980 Constitution was approved on 12 November 1980 by the National Popular Assembly. The military coup in Guinea-Bissau two days afterwards, on 14 November 1980, put an end to the system of two countries and one party (PAIGC). The split led to the creation of the PAICV (Partido Africano da Independência de Cabo Verde) in Cape Verde. The ‘dream’ of the unification of Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde ended with this military coup. See, among others, Chabal, P. (1983). 10  Constitutional Law n° 2/III/90; Constitutional Law n° 1/IV/92; Constitutional Law n° 1/V/99; Constitutional Law n° 1/VII/2010. M. Silva (2010, 2015a) and J. Fonseca (2006) provide broad overviews of this process since the independence. For a comparative perspective with the similar process that took place in the other Lusophone African countries, see, among others, Gouveia (2000) and Miranda (1991). 11  As referred in Silva (2016), the first government of the new independent state decided to implement a reform of local government, based on the revolutionary principle of a single-party political regime, within the framework of the first law that defined the political organization of the Cape Verde state (Law on the Political Organization of the State / ‘Lei sobre a Organização Política do Estado’), approved on 5 July 1975. The new local government system had to express that revolutionary conception of the political organization of the state. This role was assigned to the PAIGC (‘Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde’), the party that conducted the liberation struggle against the colonial power. 12  Brito (2014) refers that, in practice, local leaders had some autonomy and room of manoeuvre, more extended than that explicitly expressed in the law, since they were all members of the same political party. 9

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Table 1.2  The local governance structure in Cape Verde (1975–2020): 22 municipalities, by date of establishment 1975 Ribeira Grande Paul Porto Novo São Vicente São Nicolau Sal Boa Vista Maio Tarrafal Santa Catarina Santa Cruz Praia Fogo Brava

1991 Ribeira Grande Paul Porto Novo São Vicente São Nicolau Sal Boa Vista Maio Tarrafal Santa Catarina Santa Cruz Praia Brava Mosteiros São Filipe

1993 Ribeira Grande Paul Porto Novo São Vicente São Nicolau Sal Boa Vista Maio Tarrafal Santa Catarina Santa Cruz Praia Brava Mosteiros São Filipe São Domingos

1996 Ribeira Grande Paul Porto Novo São Vicente São Nicolau Sal Boa Vista Maio Tarrafal Santa Catarina Santa Cruz Praia Brava Mosteiros São Filipe São Domingos São Miguel

Total = 14

Total = 15

Total = 16

Total = 17

2005 Ribeira Grande Paul Porto Novo São Vicente Tarrafal São Nicolau Sal Boa Vista Maio Tarrafal Santa Catarina Santa Cruz Praia Brava Mosteiros São Filipe São Domingos São Miguel Ribeira Brava S. Salvador do Mundo S. Lourenço dos Órgãos Ribeira Grande de Santiago Santa Catarina do Fogo Total = 22

Source: INE-CV (2020) The 14 municipalities in 1975 correspond to the colonial municipal map inherited by the new independent country. The new municipalities were established by sub-division of the previous ones. In bold, the name of the new municipalities created in each of the dates is indicated. Decret-­ Law n° 96/IV/93, 31 December 1993; Decret-Law n° 63/VI/2005, 9 May 2005

Republic, or democratic period, characterized by a multiparty democracy, replaced the socialist type of political regime adopted when the country became independent and established the basis for a decentralized political and administrative system by adopting a true system of local self-government.13 However, the current form of self-government institutions started to be implemented in the early 1990s, anticipating somehow the 1992 Constitution.14 As a  The relevant legislation post-independence is published in Boletim Oficial - República de Cabo Verde. The post-independence decentralization process in the five Lusophone African countries is examined in more detail in Silva (2016). 14  Cape Verde has a very long history of local self-government that dates to the initial stages of the colonization period in the fifteen century, when the first structures of local government were imple13

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Fig. 1.3  Cape Verde: number of municipalities by date of establishment, 1975–2020. (Source: INE-CV (2015). Cape Verde—Anuário Estatístico (own elaboration))

result of this political process, sub-national government in Cape Verde comprises now 22 municipalities and the possibility to have a regional tier too, which however has not yet been implemented15 (Fig. 1.3 and Tables 1.2 and 1.3). The country has 24 cities and 19 towns.16 There are currently three main political parties at the national level with parliamentary representation in the 2021–2026 legislature. The political party ‘Movimento para a Democracia’ (MPD), which won the 7th election to the National Parliament, in 2021, has 38 seats, while the second party, the ‘Partido Africano da Independência de Cabo Verde’ (PAICV), has 30 seats. The ‘União Caboverdiana Independente e Democrática’ (UCID) has 4 seats in the National Parliament.17 At the local level, mented in Ribeira Grande de Santiago, in the island of Santiago, and in the island of Fogo (Brito 2014). Local government in Cape Verde during the colonial period had an evolution similar to what happened in other parts of the Portuguese colonial empire, as referred Silva (2016). 15  In 2018, central government, supported by the MpD, presented a proposal for the creation of 10 administrative regions in the 9 populated islands (Governo de Cabo Verde 2018). The main opposition party also presented a project for the creation of administrative regions (PAICV 2018). The proposal was approved in general terms in parliament, but the discussion did not reach yet the final decision stage. 16  Cidades (Cities) and Vilas (Towns). Law n° 77/VII/2010, 23 August 2010 (Cities); Decret-Law n° 45/2015 (Towns). Cidade da Praia, the capital, has around 27% of the total national population. 17  The National Assembly has 72 deputies, elected by universal suffrage under a system of proportional representation, serving five-year terms, of which 66 deputies are elected in Cape Verde and six are elected by Cape Verdeans living abroad, two for Africa, two for the Americas, and two for the rest of the world. The 7th elections, since 1991, for the National Parliament, took place on April 2021, with the participation of 6 political parties. Besides the 3 parties that got parliamentary representation, the other 3 participants were Partido Popular; Partido Social Democrata; Partido do Trabalho e da Solidariedade. The VIII Constitutional Government of the Second Republic took office on May 20, 2021. The head of state, the President of the Republic, is elected by universal suffrage to a maximum of two five-year terms. Currently, the President is José Maria das Neves, a member of the PAICV, elected on 17 October 2021. The rate of participation in national elections has declined over the years, which follows a pattern observed in numerous other countries: 42.43 %

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8 Table 1.3  Municipalities in Cape Verde by island: population and area, 2015 Islands Santo Antão

São Vicente São Nicolau Sal Boa Vista Maio Santiago

Fogo

Brava Cape Verde (total) Mean Coefficient of Variation (CV)

Municipalities Ribeira Grande Paul Porto Novo São Vicente Ribeira Brava Tarrafal São Nicolau Sal Boa Vista Maio Tarrafal Santa Catarina Santa Cruz Praia São Domingos Calheta de São Miguel São Salvador do Mundo São Lourenço dos Órgãos Ribeira Grande de Santiago Mosteiros São Filipe Santa Catarina do Fogo Brava 22

Population 17,017 6099 17,431 81,014 7182 5242 33,747 14,451 6980 18,314 45,123 26,360 151,436 14,037 14,671 8652 7127 8415 9364 21,194 5279 5698 524,833 23,856 1.4

Area (km2) 166.5 54.3 564.3 226.7 224.8 119.8 219.8 631.1 274.5 120.8 242.6 112.2 102.6 147.5 77.4 26.5 36.9 137.3 89.45 228.84 152.95 62.51 4033 183 0.83

Source: INE-CV (2015). Anuário estatístico de Cabo Verde—2015 Praia: Instituto Nacional de Estatística (author’s own elaboration)

two parties won the presidency of all municipalities in the most recent local election (2020–2024), which took place in October 2020: the MpD won the election in 14 of the 22 municipalities and the PAICV won in eight municipalities. Cape Verde is highly regarded as one of the best countries in Africa for political rights and civil liberties as Baker (2006) refers. All considered it is undoubtedly an open society characterized by good governance. The country was graduated in 2007 as middle-income country. Its HDI value for 2020 is 0.665, which put the country in the medium human development category, positioning it at 126 out of 189 countries and territories (UNDP 2020). In 2018, the average life expectancy for men was 72.6 years, while for women was around 80.4 years old (INE-CV 2020). In 2018, 7.7% of the population said they had never attended school. The net schooling rate in the abstention in the April 2021 election for the National Parliament; and 52% abstention in the October 2021 election for the President of the Republic, an election with 7 candidates. In the last local elections, in October 2020, abstention reached 41.7%.

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basic education was 92.4% and in the secondary education 53.5% in 2018 (INE-CV 2020). The number and proportion of seats held by women in the national parliament were 23.6% in the 2016–2021 term and 26.3% in the municipal boards in the 2016–2020 term. Despite all the positive progress the country went through in the first 45 years of independence, Cape Verde still faces critical weaknesses, as reported in numerous studies published in recent years (UN-Habitat 2013; Governo de Cabo Verde 2016; MIOTH & ONU-Habitat Cape Verde 2019), some of which fall within the sphere of local government competences, besides the continued high levels of poverty and economic dependency from the Diaspora. For instance, it is estimated that around 23.7% of the population in Cape Verde lives in extreme poverty, with less than $1.90 a day, the International Poverty Threshold, with the rural population and children being the most affected by extreme poverty. In 2015, 35% of the population was considered poor, that is they lived with an average annual consumption per person below the national poverty line (INE-CV 2020). The proportion of the population using an improved source of drinking water, safely managed,18 was around 80%, in 2018. But only 68% has the public network as the main source of water supply. Around 8.4% get water from neighbours, 9.6% get from fountains, 6.8% use auto-­ tanks, and 7.2% use other sources (cisterns, and so on). The deficit is similar in what regards sanitation. It is estimated that the proportion of the population that uses improved sanitary facilities (latrine or toilet) was around 82.9%, in 2018, a similar proportion that uses the container or the garbage car as the main garbage disposal method. The proportion of the population claiming to have access to electricity in 2018 reached 90% (INE-CV 2020). Water, sanitation, and electricity are policy areas in which local government clearly needs additional policy tools and resources for an adequate response. In 2018, around 1% of urban households lived in non-­ classical housing (tents, containers, and so on), according to the Cape Verde National Institute of Statistics, a proportion that might be underestimated. But even in the classical housing stock, the deficiencies are enormous and place a great challenge to local government. For instance, only around 68.6% of the households lived in accommodation with access to piped water through connection to the public water distribution system (INE-CV 2020). These figures are expected to improve substantially in the next years, as a result of actions included in the Strategic Plan for Sustainable Development 2017–2021 (Governo de Cabo Verde 2017), which has been guided by the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG), by the Agenda Africa 2063 of the African Union (African Union Commission 2015), and UN Agenda 2030 (United Nations 2015), as well as by the actions included in the Program of the VIII Constitutional Government 2021–2026 (Governo de Cabo Verde 2021). This picture of a country well-ranked in key indicators but also with social and economic weaknesses concurs with the evidence collected and examined in the

 In Cape Verde, it is considered ‘Improved Sources of Drinking Water’: ‘Chafariz’, ‘Public Network/Plumbing’, ‘Water Piped’, including from neighbours’ houses (INE-CV 2020). 18

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following chapters, which do suggest unequivocally that without a stronger local government, more autonomous and empowered, the attainment of the Sustainable Development Goals, in the specific fields addressed in each of the following chapters, could be at risk, highlighting thus the need to incrementally reform some components of the current local governance system in Cape Verde. These goals can only be achieved through policies and actions designed and implemented locally, which requires institutional capacity at the local level, a spatial planning system adjusted to the local conditions, as well as local policies directed, for instance, to social housing or to environmental and urban heritage issues. Local government in Cape Verde is thus critical for the achievement of the Sustainable Development Goals in the country. And if it is certain that there is no evidence of ostensive resistance to decentralization by central government, during the Second Republic, the fact is that in practice the share of public fiscal resources by local government continues to be low, when compared to developed countries, which constraints its capacity to act, for instance, in spatial planning, in social housing, or in the governing of urban heritage. It seems thus necessary to have a stronger local government, from the point of view of its organization, functional competences, and financial resources, to be able to face the speed and extension of urbanization, the need to plan and govern new urban areas, namely the informal ones, to fulfil the provision of basic urban services, social housing, and the safeguard and valorization of urban heritage. It is not enough to have financial autonomy. Local government also requires organizational capacity. Without this, the ability to raise its own financial resources is somehow diminished. In other words, the system requires skilled local councillors as well as experienced administrative and technical staff, which has not been always the case in all municipalities in Cape Verde. A reinforced local government will also raise issues of local democracy, representativeness, transparency, and accountability, thus requiring new forms of citizen participation in the local policy process, namely in spatial planning, in social housing, and in the field of urban heritage conservation. Cape Verde has a relatively stable local government system, with eight democratic local elections already held in the country since the transition to multi-party democracy in the early 1991, which together with the decentralization measures adopted over the years makes Cape Verde the most decentralized of the five new African countries that became independent from Portugal in the mid-1970s. Nonetheless, as the evidence in the following chapters shows, there are still several challenges with which local government is confronted in Cape Verde: urban and economic informality; weak organizational, functional, and financial autonomy; under-resourced municipalities; lack of a supra-municipal tier or of a stronger inter-­ municipal cooperation; and occasionally also issues of transparency and accountability. On the contrary, political stability and the proclaimed national consensus in favour of decentralization are some of the positive features that favour the role of municipalities in the overall system of local governance in Cape Verde. Besides these challenges confronting the action of local government in Cape Verde, there are also methodological difficulties in the study of local government policies in the country. It is the case, for instance, of the lack of disaggregated data on the activities

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of local government, in areas such as spatial planning, housing, urban heritage, environmental change, and natural risks, thus limiting the possibility to build indicators for monitoring and evaluation of local government policies and actions in these and in other fields. To conclude, as the evidence in the following chapters shows, there is need for a change in the local governance culture that prevailed in the last half century towards increased and more empowered forms of local autonomy.19 In the following chapters, the book contributes with new empirical evidence and new insights to key issues in the field of local governance in Cape Verde, with a particular focus on issues of spatial planning, social housing, urban heritage, environmental change, and natural risks. As the evidence provided in each of the following chapters point out, local government needs to have a greater share of public resources, improved modes of multi-level governance, stronger inter-municipal cooperation, and coordination, in multiple areas, digitalization of local government, including in land cadastre, spatial planning, and local public services, followed by a move towards more empowering forms of citizen participation in the local policy process. The book ‘Local Governance in Cape Verde: 1970–2020’ is not intended to provide a comprehensive view of all dimensions of the local governance system and of how it evolved during the past half century in the country. The book has a more limited aim. It explores a sample of the issues that concern the organization and functioning of the local governance system in Cape Verde, and a sample of policy issues as well, from spatial planning to social housing, urban heritage, and natural risks, and seeks to explore the determinants behind changes observed in the period of fifty years examined in the book. The evidence provided by the case studies included in the book enhances our knowledge of the local governance system in the country. The book comprises 11 chapters, organized into four parts, which add new empirical evidence and critical perspectives on the urbanization process, local government system, spatial planning system, land cadastre, growth and urban planning in the capital city, urban heritage, urban social housing, and environmental change and natural risks. The first part—Urbanization and Local Government—has two chapters and provides an introductory overview of the main trends in the urbanization process and on the organization of the local government system. In Chap. 2, Aquiles Almada offers a comprehensive view of urban development in Cape Verde between 1970 and 2020, highlighting the fact that it broadly follows the pattern of development recorded in other developing countries and setting the scene for the following chapters. The process of population concentration in the main urban areas, the physical expansion of urban centres, the growth of the tertiary sector in urban agglomerations, and the changes in the social structure and in the urban network are some of

 A condition required by the New Urban Agenda set by the United Nations in 2016. See, among others, the cases examined in Silva and Trono (2020). 19

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the dimensions examined in the chapter. The findings reveal a trend towards the concentration of the population in the larger urban centres, an expansion of the tertiary sector, changes in the social structure, all facts that will certainly impact on the local governance system, and on the spatial planning system, and which will require specific responses, namely in the social housing policy. The following chapter— ‘Local Government in Cape Verde 1970-2020’—examines the system of local government in Cape Verde, discusses the decentralization process in the country since the independence, seen as an incremental process of institutional capacity building at the sub-national level, and compares it to other Lusophone African states. The chapter thus seeks to explore the nature of the current system, how it changed over the years, since the independence, and how these changes affected the role of local government in the governance of cities in the country. This is followed in the second part of the book—Spatial Planning—by two chapters. The first deals with the spatial planning system, and the second examines the land cadastre system, a key piece for the modernization of the urban planning and local governance systems. In Chap. 4—‘Spatial Planning and Socio-Spatial Cohesion in Cape Verde’—Ivete Silves Ferreira examines the process that led to the establishment of a formal system of spatial planning over the last decade, namely the strong investment in the design of new planning instruments and in the revision of the existent planning legal framework. In doing this, Ivete Silves Ferreira explores how these reforms have impacted on urban and regional development in the country and discusses the factors that have been behind the rapid process of urbanization in Cape Verde. In the second of these chapters—‘Unification of the Land Cadastre with the Land Registry in Cape Verde: Challenges and Opportunities for Local and Urban Governance’—Alex J.B. Andrade and Carlos A. R. Varela deal with the land administration system, an important issue for the efficiency and effectiveness of any spatial planning system, and through that of the entire local governance system. Starting from the idea that the land administration system has two main functions— the Land Cadastre and the Land Registry—which can be either integrated or unified, with integration being mainly dealt with from the point of view of technical issues, while the unification is usually dealt with from organizational and legal issues, Alex Andrade and Carlos Varela analyse the possible paths for the unification of the Land Cadastre and the Land Registry in Cape Verde, the impact of a new approach on the land administration system based on the unification of laws and institutions, and its overall implications for local governance in the country. For the authors, this change will generate data with higher quality and with less non-­ harmonization cases, will simplify the internal and external land administration workflows, and will reduce the number of different institutions the user has to go through to transact the property, reducing therefore costs and the transaction time and providing more legal guarantee on the property transaction process. All these changes will have positive effects on the efficiency and effectiveness of the local and urban governance system in Cape Verde. The third part—Urban and Planning History, Heritage and Social Housing—has four chapters. The first, Chap. 6, deals with the urban history of Cidade da Praia, the capital city, followed by Chap. 7 on the history of urban planning in the same city.

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Chapter 8 explores issues of urban heritage in Cidade Velha, the first capital of Cape Verde, founded in the XV Century, and Chap. 9 deals with urban social housing. Lourenço Conceição Gomes in Chap. 6—‘Genesis and Urban Evolution of Cidade da Praia, Cape Verde’—presents the geographical–historical background of the city of Praia, starting with a reference to the initial town of Praia, in the context of the administrative district of Alcatrazes, of which it was part in its first years, through the period in which the first Cape Verdean city—Ribeira Grande de Santiago loss importance, which lead Praia to become gradually the main urban centre in the island of Santiago. Lourenço Gomes does also provide an overview of the urban evolution of Cidade da Praia since it became the new capital of the country, as well as a critical analysis of the challenges for urban governance associated with the current expansion of Cidade da Praia. Rafael Fernandes in Chap. 7—‘Urban Planning in the Municipality of Praia 1970–2020’—examines the history of urban and spatial planning in the municipality of Praia, in Cape Verde, in the period from 1970 to 2020. From this retrospective, Rafael Fernandes extracts lessons that will be useful for the future of spatial planning in the municipality of Praia. The chapter starts with a brief reference to the antecedents of urban planning in the last decades of the colonial period and focuses in the post-colonial phase, from 1975 to 2020, on the existing dichotomy between formal and informal urbanism, which characterizes the city today, seen as complementary forms of occupation and structuring of the territory of the municipality of Praia. The challenges of urban heritage conservation in Cape Verde are explored by Lourenço Conceição Gomes in Chap. 8—‘Urban Heritage in Ribeira Grande de Santiago - Cape Verde: Constraints, Opportunities and Challenges for Urban Governance’—in which the analysis of Cidade Velha, the first capital city of Cape Verde, founded in 1462, reveals the richness of the urban and architectural heritage in the country, dating back to the moment of transition from medieval to modern urbanism, having thus an universal relevance that goes beyond the mere local or national interest. All these features confront the local governance system in the country with very specific challenges—capacity for survey, planning, preservation, valorization, and legal capacity to enforce urban heritage policy measures—most of which require a more technical and financially resourced local government. In the last chapter in this section, Chap. 9—‘Housing Policies in Cape Verde, 1970–2020: Challenges and Opportunities for Urban Governance’— Ana Mafalda Rodrigues explores one of the key weaknesses the country has and one of the most difficult challenges confronting the local governance system in the country—the shortage of housing and the large informal occupation of the territory—which, as the author explains, is a direct outcome of the slow response of the housing policy since the independence in 1975. Ana Mafalda Rodrigues dissects the history of housing policies, their models, and forms of interventions, in the context of the constitution and consolidation of the state in Cape Verde, and identifies the strategy, actors, instruments, and means for the implementation of the Housing Policy, giving a particular focus to the Program ‘Casa para Todos’ (‘House for All’), an innovative housing policy instrument. As the author shows, despite all the efforts, the housing policy has been so far insufficient to respond to the housing needs, which raises a few challenges for a socially just urban governance in the country.

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The fourth and last part of the book—Environment and Natural Risks—has two chapters that deal with natural risks and its relationships with spatial planning, both taking Cidade da Praia as the case study. Sílvia Lopes Monteiro in Chap. 10 ‘Cidade da Praia, Floods and Inundations: Problems and Challenges for Urban Governance’ shows how the nature of the territory in the municipality of Praia presents conditions, namely geological, geomorphologic, and hydrological, which enhance the manifestation of hazardous processes related to the occurrence of floods and inundations. This associated with the continuous population growth in the city, after the national independence in 1975, and the occupation of unplanned risky areas, increased the risks for persons and properties, mainly in the urban area. However, as Sílvia Lopes Monteiro argues, this exposure can be mitigated through appropriate land use planning and civil protection measures, including those within the sphere of local government competences, which the author illustrates well through the analysis of how those risks have been managed in the last decade in the municipality of Praia through preventive and corrective measures, which have mitigated the risks by reducing exposure in the territory. These lessons from the case of Cidade da Praia, together with those from the next chapter, should inform the sort of measures needed to strength the capacity of local government to act in civil protection, from land use planning to post-event recovery. In the last chapter—‘Cidade da Praia: Natural Risks and Spatial Planning’—Romualdo Barros Correia explores episodes of natural risks, due to climate change, which have manifested themselves more frequently and with greater intensity in the last decades, causing losses in human lives and in economic assets, in a country which, due to its physical and climatic characteristics, is particularly vulnerable to natural hazards. Through this exploration, the author examines the effectiveness of the current spatial planning legal framework, and the degree of adequacy between the zoning of risk areas proposed in the Municipal Master Plan and the damages recorded following the floods of 12 September 2020, concluding for the adequacy of the current mapping, even if some of the affected sectors in the slopes and on the base of the slopes had not been included in the category of areas with susceptibility to flooding. Both these chapters included in part four point towards key issues that ought to be considered in future reforms of the civil protection system and the respective articulation with other components of the local and urban governance system in Cape Verde. In conclusion, the book ‘Local Governance in Cape Verde: 1970–2020’ offers an informed perspective of key aspects of the local governance system in Cape Verde after the independence and provides new empirical findings and new insights on the urbanization process, on the system of local government, on urban and spatial planning, urban heritage, and social housing, as well as on issues of environmental risks. It will thus be a useful tool for students, scholars, researchers, and policymakers with an interest in issues of local and urban governance in Cape Verde. It is not, however, a full and comprehensive view of the entire system of local governance. Other dimensions and policy issues within the broad system of local governance were not included in the analysis. There is thus room for further empirical research focused on the other dimensions of the local governance system in Cape Verde.

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References Africa Union Commission (2015) Agenda Africa 2063  – the Africa we want. African Union Commission, Addis Ababa Baker B (2006) Cape Verde: the most democratic nation in Africa? J Mod Afr Stud 44(4):493–511 Brito W (2014) Cabo Verde: institucionalização, organização e problemas do Poder Local. In: Melo A (ed) Jornadas de Direito Municipal Comparado Lusófono. Lisboa, Associação Académica da Faculdade de Direito de Lisboa, pp 55–74 Brosio G (2000) Decentralization in Africa—working paper. International Monetary Fund, Washington Burke FG (1969) Research in African local government: past trends and an emerging approach. Can J Afr Stud/Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 3(1):73–80 Caetano M (1934) Resumo da História da Administração Colonial Portuguesa. In: Amaral DF (ed) Estudos de História da Administração Pública Portuguesa. Coimbra Editora, Coimbra Chabal P (1983) Party, state, and socialism in Guinea-Bissau. Can J Afr Stud/ Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 17(2):189–210 Crook RC (2003) Decentralisation and poverty reduction in Africa: the politics of local–central relations. Public Adm Dev 23:77–88 de Almeida F (1920) Portugal e as colónias portuguesas, 2nd edn. F. de Almeida, Coimbra Dickovick JT, Riedl RB (2010) Comparative assessment of decentralization in Africa: final report and summary of findings. United States Agency for International Development, Washington Erk J (2014) Federalism and decentralization in Sub-Saharan Africa: five patterns of evolution. Reg Fed Stud 24(5):535–552 Fonseca J (2006) Do regime de partido único à democracia em Cabo Verde: As sombras e a presença da Constituição Portuguesa de 1976. Themis– Revista da Faculdade de Direito da UNL, edição especial 30 Anos da Constituição Portuguesa 1976–2006, pp 81–118 Gouveia JB (2000) As Constituições dos Estados Lusófonos, 2nd edn. Editorial Notícias, Lisbon Governo de Cabo Verde (2016) Conferência das Nações Unidas sobre a Habitação e o Desenvolvimento Urbano -Habitat III. Relatório de Cabo Verde. Governo de Cabo Verde, Praia Governo de Cabo Verde (2017) PEDS  – Plano Estratégico de Desenvolvimento Sustentável 2017/2021 – Cabo Verde. Governo de Cabo Verde, Praia Governo de Cabo Verde (2018) Proposta de lei que cria as Regiões Administrativas e regula o seu modo de eleição, as suas atribuições e organização, 4 April 2018. Governo de Cabo Verde, Praia Governo de Cabo Verde (2021) Programa de Governo e Moção de Confiança, 2021–2026. Governo de Cabo Verde, Praia Henriksen TH (1977) Some Notes on the National Liberation Wars in Angola, Mozambique, and Guinea-Bissau. Mil Aff 41(1):30–37 INE (1945) Anuário Estatístico do Império Colonial—1943. Instituto Nacional de Estatística, Lisboa INE (1946) Anuário Estatístico do Império Colonial—1945. Instituto Nacional de Estatística, Lisboa INE (1973) Anuário de Portugal—Ultramar (Portugal—Overseas Territories Yearbook). Instituto Nacional de Estatística, Lisbon INE-CV (2015) Anuário Estatístico de Cabo Verde – 2015. Instituto Nacional de Estatística, Praia INE-CV (2020) Anuário Estatístico de Cabo Verde 2018. Instituto Nacional de Estatística de Cabo Verde, Praia Miller JC (1975) The Politics of Decolonization in Portuguese Africa. Afr Aff 74(295):135–147 MIOTH & ONU-Habitat Cape Verde (2019) Perfil do Sector de Habitação de Cabo Verde, 2nd edn. Ministério das Infra-Estruturas, do Ordenamento do Território e Habitação e ONU-Habitat Cabo Verde, Praia Miranda J (1991) As novas Constituições  – Cabo Verde, São Tomé e Príncipe e Moçambique. AAFDL, Lisbon Moura C (1913) A história administrativa, colonial e política de Portugal. Typ. do Annuario Commercial, Lisboa

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Olowu D (2003) Local Institutional and Political Structures and Processes: Recent Experience in Africa. Public Adm Dev 23:41–52 PAICV (2018) Projecto de Lei das Regiões Administrativas, 18 May 2018. PAICV, Praia Ribot JC (2002) African decentralization: local actors, powers, and accountability. United Nation Research Institute for Social Development, UNRISD, USA, Geneva Silva M (2010) As Constituições de Cabo Verde e Textos Históricos de Direito Constitucional Cabo Verdiano (2nd ed). Praia, (n/publisher) Silva CN (ed) (2015a) Urban planning in lusophone African countries. Ashgate, Farham Silva M (2015b) Contributo para a história político-constitucional de Cabo Verde 1974–1992. Almedina, Coimbra Silva CN (2015c) Colonial Urban planning in lusophone African countries: a comparison with other colonial planning cultures. In: Silva CN (ed) Urban Planning in Lusophone African Countries. Ashgate, Farham Silva CN (2015d) Postcolonial urban planning in lusophone African countries: spatial planning systems in Angola, Cape Verde and Mozambique. In: Silva CN (ed) Urban planning in lusophone African countries. Ashgate, Farham Silva CN (ed) (2015e) Urban planning in Sub-Saharan Africa. Colonial and post-colonial planning cultures. Routledge, London/New York Silva CN (2015f) Urban planning in Sub-Saharan Africa: an overview. In: Silva CN (ed) Urban planning in Sub-Saharan Africa, Colonial and post-colonial planning cultures. Routledge, London/New York Silva CN (ed) (2016a) Governing urban Africa. Palgrave-Macmillan, London Silva CN (2016b) Local government and urban governance in lusophone African countries: from colonial centralism to post-colonial slow decentralization. In: Silva CN (ed) Governing urban Africa. Palgrave-Macmillan, London Silva CN (ed) (2020a) Routledge handbook of urban planning in Africa. Routledge, London/ New York Silva CN (2020b) Local governance and urban planning. Centralization, de-concentration, and decentralization in Africa. In: Silva CN (ed) Routledge handbook of urban planning in Africa. Routledge, London/New York Silva CN (ed) (2020c) Contemporary trends in local governance. Reform, cooperation and citizen participation. Springer, Cham Silva CN, Trono A (eds) (2020) Local governance in the new urban agenda. Springer, Cham Silveira O (2004) África ao Sul do Sahara. Sistema de partidos e ideologias de socialismo (PhD thesis, Uppsala University, 1976). Lisboa: Associação Académica África Debate Smoke P (2003) Decentralisation in Africa: Goals, Dimensions, Myths and Challenges. Public Adm Dev 23:7–16 Ulrich RE (1908) Sciencia e Administração Colonial, vol 1. Imprensa da Universidade, Coimbra UNDP (2020) Human development report 2020. The next frontier: human development and the anthropocene. United Nations Development Programme, New York UN-Habitat (2013) Perfil Urbano Nacional República de Cabo Verde. Programa das Nações Unidas para os Assentamentos Humanos, Nairobi United Nations (2015) Transforming our world: the 2030 agenda for sustainable development. United Nations, New York United Nations (2019a) World population prospects 2019, Online Edition. Rev. 1. United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, New York United Nations (2019b) Probabilistic population projections rev. 1 based on the world population prospects 2019 rev. 1: http://population.un.org/wpp/ . United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs, Population Division, New York Vasconcellos E (1921) Colonias Portuguezas – Geographia Physica, Politica e Economica, 2nd edn. Typographia da Companhia Editora, Lisboa Wunsch JS (2001) Decentralization, local governance, and ‘recentralization’ in Africa. Public Adm Dev 21:277–288

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Legislation Colonial period: Boletim Oficial de Cabo Verde (several years) Post-colonial period: Boletim Oficial da República de Cabo Verde (several years) Carlos Nunes Silva, Geographer, PhD, Professor Auxiliar at the Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning, University of Lisbon, Portugal. His research interests focus mainly on urban and metropolitan governance, the history and theory of urban planning, urban planning in Africa, urban e-planning, urban planning ethics, local government policies, local e-government, and research methods. He is member of the editorial board of Planning Perspectives, the editor of the book series Local and Urban Governance, the founding editor-in-chief of the International Journal of E-Planning Research, and chair of the International Geographical Union Commission on “Geography of Governance.”  

Chapter 2

Urban Development in Cape Verde Between 1970 and 2020 Aquiles Almada

Abstract  This chapter analyses the urban development that took place in Cape Verde between 1970 and 2020. Its main objective is to understand how the urban development of the archipelago took place in the last 50 years. For this purpose, it studies the process of spatial concentration of the country’s population in urban areas, the expansion of its urbanized space, the tertiarization of urban centres, the changes in the social structure of cities, the restructuring of the national urban network, the emergence of various negative impacts associated with urban development, and its evolutionary trends and the similarities and particularities of urban development in Cape Verde. To study these issues, an essentially hypothetical-­ deductive methodological approach was used, to understand the temporal and spatial evolution of Cape Verdean urban development. The conclusions reached point out for the existence of an accelerated growth of the archipelago’s urban population; the increase of the urbanized space; the growing economic tertiarization of cities; the occurrence of profound changes in its urban social structure; significant changes in the national urban network; and a set of negative effects resulting from the accelerated urban growth. It is expected that cities will become more tertiary, which will be accompanied by a reduction in poverty and a greater concentration of the population in large urban centres. It is also admitted that their impacts will continue to be territorially differentiated. The urban development that took place in Cape Verde broadly follows that recorded in other developing countries. Cape Verde’s particularities occur above all in the re-composition of urban social structures and in the restructuring of the national urban network. Keywords  Urban development · Urban growth · Urbanization · Cape Verde

A. Almada (*) Ministério da Coesão Territorial, Cidade da Praia, Ilha de Santiago, Cape Verde e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 C. Nunes Silva (ed.), Local Governance in Cape Verde, Local and Urban Governance, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05847-9_2

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2.1 Introduction The Cape Verdearchipelago has experienced in the last 50 years an intense process of urban development, characterized by a growing spatial concentration of the population in urban areas, by the expansion of urbanized space, by the tertiarization of urban settlements, by significant changes in the social structure of cities, by the restructuring of the national urban network, and by the emergence of several negative impacts associated with this process. However, the previous studies focused on the urbanization process in Cape Verde, dealing mainly with the cities of Praia, Mindelo and Assomada, lack a vision of the whole country, a vision that would place these cases into the dynamics of the country. This chapter intends to analyse the urban development of Cape Verde that took place between 1970 and 2020 and with that it aims to fill this gap in the literature on the urbanization process in Cape Verde. Therefore, the chapter examines the evolution of the country’s urban population, the changes that occurred in urban areas, the changes registered in the economic activities in cities, the changes in the urban social structures, the restructuring of the national urban network, and the consequences of urban growth, namely for the local and urban governance system in the country. It seeks also to examine the main evolutionary trends present up to 2050 and the constants and particularities of Cape Verdean urban development. The chapter’s main research question is this: ‘How did the Cape Verde’s urban development process take place in the last 50 years?’ More specifically, the study addressed the following research questions: How did the urban population of Cape Verde evolve during that period? What changes have taken place in urban areas? What changes took place in the economy in urban areas? What re-compositions took place in urban social structures? What changes took place in the national urban network? What were the consequences of the urban growth? What are the main evolutionary trends in urban development for the 2050 horizon? And what are the constants and particularities of Cape Verdean urban development? To answer these questions, a set of theoretical hypotheses or research lines was considered, whose empirical validation was carried out during the study, which postulate that urban development in Cape Verde gave rise to a society dominated by cities and urban values, which entailed a set of interdependent social, economic, and territorial changes, leading to urban growth and urbanization. These transformations were particularly reflected in the spatial redistribution of the population, the increase in the population living in cities, the expansion of urbanized space, the growth of tertiary activities, changes in urban social structures, the increase in the number of urban centres, and the reorganization of the national urban network. To operationalize the proposed objectives, an essentially hypothetical-deductive methodological approach was used. We started with a set of postulates, referred to in the hypotheses listed above, to verify its occurrence or not in Cape Verde, as well as the existence or not of any specificities of this process in the archipelago.

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Likewise, in accordance with the theoretical hypotheses followed in the chapter, which see urban development as a process that takes place over time and with its own spatial nuances in the different territories, a procedural methodology of essentially temporal and territorial nature was chosen, to understand the temporal and spatial evolution of the Cape Verdean urban development. The universe covered by the study includes the entire territory of Cape Verde, namely its 22 cities, covering a period that goes from 1970, on the eve of national independence, to 2020. The option for this period is justified by the fact that the main data sources for the study of urban development in Cape Verde are the population and housing censuses and also due to the fact that this 50 years period is the time horizon considered in the book. These censuses are carried out every 10 years, and inter-census statistical data are practically non-existent, especially for the last three decades of the twentieth century. On the other hand, the choice of all the country’s municipalities to carry out the study results from the need to understand the urban dynamics that took place for half a century in the Cape Verdean territory, their differentiating factors, and their various territorial nuances. Documental sources were also used. The option for a temporal and spatial approach that reconstructs the territorial evolution of Cape Verde’s urban development over the last 50 years required the consultation of reports, studies, and various statistical publications, which made it possible to know the flows, occupations, and transformations registered. In this regard, the population and housing censuses from 1970 to 2010 were consulted and various other surveys and statistical studies were carried out by the National Institute of Statistics of Cape Verde, available at the organization’s headquarters in Praia and on its website. The primacy index, the rank-size rule, the Nelson index, and some other indicators, estimates, and projections (Carrera et al. 1998) were also used in the analysis that follows. The chapter is organized into 10 sections, including this introduction and the conclusion. Section 2.2 focuses on the dynamics of the urban population in Cape Verde, analysing its evolution, and Sect. 2.3 looks at the increase in urbanized space in the country, especially the growth of informal spaces, the consolidation of planned spaces, and the emergence of tourist spaces. Section 2.4 examines the economic changes that have taken place in Cape Verdean cities, with the emergence of tertiary activities, with an emphasis on formal tertiary and informal activities. Section 2.5, in turn, analyses the changes that occurred at the level of the social structure of urban settlements in the country. Section 2.6 focuses on understanding the restructuring of the national urban network, highlighting its evolution, hierarchy, and functional specialization. In turn, in Sect. 2.7, attention was focused on the study of the consequences of the accelerated urban growth that occurred in Cape Verde, in terms of poverty, housing, water, sanitation, health, and energy. In Sect. 2.8, we sought to identify the main future trends in urban development in Cape Verde, emphasizing mainly the issues of population evolution, urban population growth, the increase in urbanized space, economic outsourcing, changes in the social structure, the restructuring of the urban network, and the future consequences of accelerated urban growth. In Sect. 2.9, the constants and particularities of Cape Verdean urban

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d­ evelopment were addressed and, at the end of the chapter, the main conclusions resulting from the study are presented.

2.2 Urban Population Growth Cape Verde has seen an accelerated growth of its urban population in the last five decades. In the period under review, the archipelago’s urban population grew approximately 12-fold, from 29,773 inhabitants in 1970 to an estimated 355,817 inhabitants in 2020 (Fig. 2.1). This evolution was not always linear, with some fluctuations occurring during this process. Between 1970 and 1980, there was a decrease in the urban population from 29,773 to 25,980 inhabitants. This resulted from the country’s independence and the consequent repatriation of a few thousand Portuguese civil and military officials who inhabited in the cities of the archipelago, to which was also added a significant migratory wave of the population to European countries and North America, mainly economic emigrants and students. From 1980 to the present day, the country’s urban population has steadily increased. The average annual growth rate of the archipelago’s urban population over the last 50 years was 3.38% per year. The greatest growth occurred during the 1980s, when the average annual growth rate was 14.11%, and from then on it reduced to 4.16% between 1990 and 2000, until reaching 1.58% estimated for the decade 2010–2020 (see Fig. 2.2). At first, what we can call the urbanization stage, which goes from 1970 to 1990, is a period characterized by an intense growth of the population of the cities of Praia and Mindelo, the main urban centres in the country. Urban population growth during this period was fuelled in large part by rural exodus, natural population growth, and a significant spatial polarization of economic activities in these two cities. From the 1990s onwards, there has been a growing process of suburbanization of the urban population, with a greater spatial dispersion of the growth of urban centres, especially of urban settlements in the surroundings of the cities of Praia and

Fig. 2.1  The evolution of urban population in Cape Verde from 1970 to 2020. (Source: INE 2015 and author own elaboration. Data related to 2020 are estimates by the author)

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Fig. 2.2  Average annual growth rate of urban population in Cape Verde between 1970 and 2020. (Source: INE 2015 and author own elaboration. Data related to 2020 are estimates by the author)

Mindelo. Since then, there has been a significant growth in the population of the cities of the island of Sal (Espargos and Santa Maria) and Santa Catarina de Santiago. This trend was consolidated during the 2000s with the incorporation of the cities of São Domingos on the island of Santiago and Sal Rei on the island of Boa Vista into this group of fast-growing cities. During this phase, there was a greater spatial dispersion of economic activities, especially towards the islands of Sal and Boa Vista, where tourist activity assumed a major role, attracting population from all municipalities in the country and some immigrants from neighbouring countries from West Africa.

2.3 The Expansion of Urbanized Areas The continuous growth of the archipelago’s urban population, through natural growth and rural-city migrations, generated a greater demand of spaces for housing and for the development of economic activities. This demand was met by resorting to occupation and the creation of new urban spaces. Based on surveys carried out by Andrade (2016), Silva (2014), and Tavares (2012), it was estimated that between 1970 and 2020 Cape Verde recorded an average annual growth rate of the horizontal urbanized space of 3.7%. In 1970, the country had 191.94 ha of urban area and in 2020 this amount reached 4984.94 ha, which represents 1.2% of the country’s surface (Fig. 2.3). The greatest growth in urbanized space in Cape Verde occurred during the 1980s, with an average annual growth rate of around 14.64% being recorded during this period. In the following decade, the 1990s, the growth of the urban sprawl amounted to an annual average of 5.54%. In the 2000s and 2010s, it stabilizes around the 4% annual average (Fig. 2.4). The spatial growth of Cape Verdean urban centres has taken different forms. They have in common the fact that their physical expansion is very much conditioned by the morphology of the relief and the presence of transport routes. This is reflected in an oil slick growth, generally following transport routes, giving rise to

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Fig. 2.3  Evolution of the urban sprawl in Cape Verde between 1970 and 2020. (Source: Andrade (2016), Silva (2014), and Tavares (2012); and estimates by the author)

Fig. 2.4  Average annual growth rate of the urban area of Cape Verde between 1970 and 2020. (Source: Andrade (2016), Silva (2014), and Tavares (2012) and estimates elaborated by the author)

discontinuous and fragmented urban fabrics, placing a heavy burden on the infrastructure of agglomerations. The new urban spaces that have emerged here take on varied typologies. There is the development of new formal residential areas simultaneously with the multiplication of spontaneous neighbourhoods and the emergence of agglomerations dedicated essentially to housing tourists. The new formal residential areas that emerged after the country’s independence appear as extensions and contiguity of the central core of the settlements whose foundation dates to the colonial period. These new settlements are constituted as new urban neighbourhoods adjacent to the already consolidated urban fabric. They were implemented on essentially public land, owned by the central government or municipalities, and in some cases, there was the municipalization of significant portions of private land for this purpose. The initiative to create these new settlements in the first phase (the 1980s to the mid-1990s) was essentially public, with the municipalities promoting the subdivision of spaces and assigning the lots under a sale and tenure regime to private owners that would then build there. At this stage, there were also some initiatives on the part of central government for the

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construction of housing complexes, aimed essentially at the middle class, without continuity, and whose impact on the production of urban space was not significant. During this first period, the urban planning of these agglomerations by public entities was minimal. It was limited to the allotment of space, with the definition of public roads, green spaces, and lots for private buildings. This was followed by the construction of the buildings by the owners under a self-construction regime. These owners were made up mostly of the nascent middle class, made up of civil servants and liberal professionals, with access to the bank mortgage market, and by emigrants whose remittances were used in housing construction. The initial infrastructure of these agglomerates was minimal and has been filled over the years with the construction of infrastructure (water, sanitation, energy, telecommunications, paving of transport routes), the construction of basic social facilities (schools, kindergartens, social centres, and sports centres), the introduction of some urban furniture (vertical and horizontal signage, urban waste bins and containers, garden benches), and so on. These centres have a regular urban structure, with an average occupancy density, where buildings with more than one floor prevail, usually with a reinforced concrete structure, and of medium high constructive quality, considering the Cape Verdean pattern, comprising a great diversity of land uses. In addition to the dominant residential function, other complementary land uses coexist in these spaces, such as commerce, crafts, some light industry, and car repair shops, which contribute to these neighbourhoods having a great economic, social, and cultural vitality. From the mid-1990s, there was a new phase in the formation of formal residential neighbourhoods in Cape Verde, with private agents assuming a greater role in the process, namely land and real estate companies operating in the national market. These firms started to deal with the various stages of the production of urban space, ranging from planning to the construction of buildings. In this second phase, due to the publication of a set of legislation on land use and urban planning and the increase in the population’s purchasing power, public operators are more concerned with the urban quality of new settlements, visible in compliance with the formalism of drawing up urban plans and carrying out the previous infrastructure of the new settlements. Despite the progress made, the new settlements continue to show a precarious urban condition, due to the deficient infrastructure they have, due to the non-­ compliance with the urban standards provided for in the plans, the conversion of plots initially planned for social facilities into plots for the construction of residential buildings, by the lack of green spaces and leisure equipment, by the deficient urban design they have, and so on. Neighbourhoods that emerged after the 1990s have an orthogonal layout, with very diverse occupation densities, ranging from medium to high. The building typologies are equally diverse, in which single-family buildings predominate and with a growing weight of multi-family buildings, especially in larger urban centres (Praia, Mindelo, Espargos, Santa Maria, and Assomada). These urban agglomerations have the middle class as main tenants, linked to the civil service and to private tertiary sector activities. The quality of the existing building is high considering the average standard in the country. Most of

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these clusters that emerged after the 1990s are consolidating clusters. Because they still have many plots to be built and in addition their social, economic, and cultural dynamics are still embryonic, they tend to register in some cases situations of lack of identity and social uprooting. However, despite the growing leading role of private operators, the action of public authorities continues to be relevant. The central government and local authorities have played an important role in providing urban land, in improving the habitability conditions of existing buildings and in building social housing for the non-solvent social strata. Faced with the inability of public authorities to meet the demand for urban land and housing at controlled prices, populations resorted to creating informal settlements to meet their housing needs. These areas of spontaneous occupation are in the interstices and are adjacent to the formal settlements. They generally occupy land with low commercial value, public property and/or belonging to the Catholic Church, exposed to the risk of landslides, falling blocks and to the occurrence of floods and inundations. They generally occur in larger urban centres such as Praia and Mindelo and in areas with greater tourist activity such as Sal Rei in Boa Vista and Santa Maria and Espargos in the island of Sal. Informal settlements in Cape Verde are the result of processes of slow and continuous occupation, presenting, therefore, diverse levels of urban consolidation, depending on the greater or lesser urban dynamics present in each city. The informal areas, especially in the cities of Praia and Mindelo, present an unstructured urban fabric, although with some level of hierarchy, due to the public interventions that have been made over the years. Over time, these agglomerations benefit from actions of urban requalification, which included the definition of alignments, construction of streets, transport routes, creation of public spaces, construction of social facilities, construction of watersupply networks, energy, telecommunications, and the legalization of the ownership of land and buildings. The urban interventions referred in the previous paragraph, in conjunction with the legalization of the ownership of land and buildings, have contributed to the improvement of the housing stock of these settlements, registering a growing qualitative refinement of the existing buildings. Associated with the increase in construction, there is also an increase in the building density of these neighbourhoods, reflecting the rise in the population’s purchasing power and the increased demand for housing close to the centre by the lower middle class. Consolidated informal settlements present a great diversity of land uses, combining the dominant housing function with various commercial uses, especially the proximity and daily use commerce, handicraft, repair shops, being clear, therefore, the existence of several conflicts in terms of land use, which is reflected in a lower quality of life for its populations. Despite the urban improvements introduced, these informal areas continue to show vast urban needs, which is reflected in the emergence and spread of a set of social pathologies that are rife in these settlements: juvenile delinquency, criminality, alcoholism, drug use, and so on. Even so, these neighbourhoods have a very strong identity and sense of belonging, witnessed by a great dynamism at the youth, sporting, and cultural and associative level.

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In turn, newly founded informal settlements reveal incipient levels of consolidation. Its occupation dates to the beginning of the twenty-first century, the basic infrastructure is non-existent, the density of occupation is low and sparse, and precarious buildings, built in wood, cardboard, sheet metal, and plastic, known as barracks, predominate. They generally occupy areas with a very steep slope or areas that are conducive to the occurrence of floods, marginal spaces, with little or no land value. In these settlements, the intervention of public authorities is minimal. Social facilities are non-existent, and ownership of land and buildings is not recognized by public entities. The level of uprooting and the feeling of not belonging of their populations are significant. Its residents are mostly young, single mothers, unemployed, with reduced purchasing power; many of them just arrived in the city. They are generally engaged in the worst-paid activities such as domestic work and in tourist developments. The tourist spaces built in Cape Verde are of recent foundation, dating back to the late 90s of the twentieth century. The first to be implemented are located adjacent to existing urban settlements. They result from the rehabilitation of degraded spaces, such as sea fronts, which began to be used for leisure and tourism activities, with the construction of hotels, restaurants, shopping centres, marinas, casinos, and so on. The new tourist centres built in the last decade, in increasing number, are located near the coast, relatively far from existing urban settlements, functioning as new urban centres, and are the result of public-private partnerships, involving central government and national companies, and foreign private companies. For the rapid implementation of these new settlements, the areas with potential for this type of undertaking were declared tourist development zones (ZDTI), and their management is now carried out by central government or by a business society created for the purpose, leaving the municipality without authority over this portion of its territory, which constitutes an important constraint on or distortion of the local and urban governance system in Cape Verde. ZDTIs are new urban agglomerations, whose main function is the development of tourist activities, and must be equipped with all the necessary infrastructure (water, energy, sanitation, telecommunications, logistics, transport) and social equipment for this purpose. They are planned for all municipalities in the country, but their implementation so far is restricted to the municipalities of Sal, Boa Vista, São Domingos, São Filipe, and São Vicente and has been limited to the construction of some tourist developments. The creation of tourist centres follows the formalism of urban land production. Initially, they are planned by the central state and then urbanized under a public–private partnership, with public and private resources. Once the infrastructure has been built, the subdivision and the concession of land for sale and construction to private land and real estate operators are carried out. The urban fabric of tourist settlements tends to be linear, parallel to the coastline. The building typology they use follows the standard of international tour operators, with the construction of resorts, bungalows, chalets, hotels, hostels, inns, aparthotels, tourist villages, closed condominiums, restaurants, nightclubs, discos, and bars, with a quality of the buildings ranging from medium to high. These tourist centres are mono-functional neighbourhoods, dedicated almost exclusively to tourist

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activity, whose urban, functional, economic, social, and cultural interaction with other urban centres is almost non-existent. These types of settlements are not consensual. Its defenders advocate that these are income generators, promote job creation, and encourage the international insertion of local economies. Their detractors, in turn, allege that the ZDTI’s function as urban enclaves that enhance territorial and social segregation, in addition to being promoters of population flows towards these new agglomerates, coming from other municipalities and countries in continental Africa, looking for a job, without taking care to build housing, infrastructure, and social facilities to accommodate these new residents. This leads to the formation of new informal settlements in municipalities that until now did not know about this phenomenon, as well as the emergence of various social pathologies, such as sex tourism, crime, juvenile delinquency, drug trafficking and use, child prostitution, informal economy, and so on.

2.4 Urban Tertiarization Cape Verde’s economy is based on the services sector. The tertiary sector represented in 2019 71.69% of the national GDP, followed by the secondary sector with 22.90%, while the primary sector showed a residual importance (5.41%) in the country’s economy (BCV 2020). Within the tertiary sector, tourism (transport, accommodation, and restaurants), public administration, commerce, real estate, and other services stand out for their economic importance. In 2019, tourism represented 20.20% of the archipelago’s GDP, followed by public administration with 18.63%, trade with 12.34%, real estate, and other services with 9.83%, financial services with 5.12%, telecommunications and postal services with 3.07%, and business services with 2.50% (Fig. 2.5). The territorialized reading of the national GDP allows us to see that urban municipalities had the highest GDP per capita in 2017. In this, the municipalities of Sal (6041 US$) and Boa Vista (5927 US$) stand out with values ​​above the national

Fig. 2.5  Composition of the tertiary sector in Cape Verde’s GDP. (Source: BCV 2020; and elaborated by the author)

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average which then amounted to 3289 US$ per capita. The island of Santiago, where the city of Praia is located, in the period under review represented 52% of the national GDP, followed by the island of São Vicente, where the city of Mindelo is located, with 16%, Sal 13% and Boa Vista with 6%. The set of municipalities with a rural profile then represented 13% of the national GDP (INE 2018d). In all the country’s islands, the services sector prevails in the composition of regional GDP, except for Fogo Island where the tertiary sector represents only 45% of the wealth produced in the region (Fig.  2.6). Once again, the islands of Sal (77.4%) and Boa Vista (67.7%) stand out as the regions where the services sector has the greatest weight in the regional economy, with emphasis on tourism (INE 2018d). Reflecting the country’s economic tertiarization, in 2017 the tertiary sector represented 64.4% of the employment generated, while the secondary sector accounted to 21.2% and the primary sector to 14.4% of the existing jobs. Within the tertiary sector, the employment was divided by sectors in this way: commerce (15.7%), public administration (9.6%), accommodation and restaurants (9.1%), education (6.5%), domestic employment (6%), and transport and storage (5.5%). According to INE (2018b), there is an embryonic development of employment in the quaternary sector, with emphasis on information and communication activities (1.3%), financial and insurance activities (0.7%), scientific and technical consultancy activities (0.7%), and artistic, sporting, and recreational activities (0.4%). Most of the jobs created in the tertiary and quaternary sectors of the archipelago are in the urban environment. These are mainly jobs arising from branches of activities such as commerce, repair of automobiles and motorcycles (79.6%), transport and storage (80.7%), accommodation and catering (90.8%), information and communication activities (98.9%), financial and insurance activities (92.6%), real estate activities (96%), scientific and technical consultancy activities (88%), administrative and support services activities (92.2%), administration public, defence and security (78.9%), education (74.4%), human health and social action (88.1%), artistic, sporting, and recreational activities (91.4%), and domestic employment (85, 1%) (INE 2018b).

Fig. 2.6  Weight of the services sector in the composition of regional GDP in Cabo Verde in 2017. (Source: INE 2018d; and elaborated by the author)

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Much of the employment generated in the tertiary sector results from jobs created within informal non-agricultural production units. These firms do not have a taxpayer number or formal accounting. In 2015, it was estimated that there were around 33,228 informal production units in Cape Verde. The sector with the highest number of units is commerce (34.9%), followed by the services (28.5%) and industry (36.6%) sectors (INE 2018c). The informal sector in Cape Verde is mainly formed by micro productive units. In 2015, 87.2% of these units were single person and had an average of 1.2 people working and 80% did not have their own space to carry out their activities (INE 2018c). The bulk of informal activity is in urban areas. These settlements comprise 79.5% of the archipelago’s informal productive units and 71% of the added value generated by the informal sector. The most represented economic sector in the country’s urban centres in terms of the number of informal productive units is the industrial sector (36%), with emphasis on the agro-food industry (19.9%), clothing (8.8%) and construction (5.8%). Then come the sectors of commerce and services with the same weight. Here, we highlight the branches of retail trade (9.9%) and other forms of trade (21.8%), accommodation and restaurants (5%), and other services (19.7%), (INE 2018c). The cities of Praia and Mindelo are the main reception centres for informal production units in the country. Together, they housed 60.4% of the existing informal productive units in 2015. The city of Praia alone held 34.8% of the registered informal productive units, with emphasis on the trade sector with 41.5% of establishments, followed by industrial activity with 29.5% and 29% for services (INE 2018c).

2.5 Changes in the Urban Social Structure In the last 50 years, cities in Cape Verde have undergone profound changes in their social structure, largely due to the progress made in terms of their population’s education, with repercussions on the demographic structure, the composition of social strata, and the insertion of women in the market. The literacy rate of the Cape Verdean population aged 15 and over is significant. This increased from 39.3% in 1970 to 87.7% of the population in 2018. In urban areas, this indicator reached 90.9% of the population in 2018. In this regard, the municipalities with the greatest urban tendency stand out, such as Praia (92%), Sal (96.8%), Boa Vista (94.8%), and São Vicente (88.4%) (INE 2018a). The relatively high values ​​of basic education of the population of the archipelago are reflected, among others, in the reproductive behaviour of its inhabitants. In 2005, the country’s synthetic fertility rate was 2.9 children per woman, having dropped to 2.5 children in 2018. In urban areas, the index evolved from 2.7 children per woman to 2.4, a decrease of 11% in the same period. In turn, in rural areas there was a decrease of 16%, from 3.1 children in 2005 to 2.6 in 2018 (INE and MSS

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2018), evidencing a trend towards homogenization of the demographic behaviour of populations. The age structure of populations in urban and rural areas in Cape Verde shows the same trend, as they are similar. In 2018, there was a slight predominance in percentage of age groups aged between 25 and 64 years in urban areas. In contrast, in rural areas there was some prevalence in relative terms of inactive age groups when compared to urban areas (Fig. 2.7). This balance shown at the level of age composition between urban and rural areas is also shared by the composition by sex, the number of males (185,309) living in urban areas in the country was similar of the female population (183,616). The most significant differences occurred in the age group between 25 and 34 years, where there was some prevalence of male individuals (41,849), compared to the opposite sex (35,322) (INE 2018a). The similarity of the demographic structure of urban and rural areas in Cape Verde is equally visible about the average number of people in the household. In 2018, the average size of households in Cape Verde was 3.5 people, whereas in urban areas this figure was 3.4 individuals, while in rural areas it was 3.6 people (INE 2018a). Regarding the social composition, the social polarization in the archipelago is more intense in rural areas than in urban centres. The proportion of poor (27.8%) and very poor (5.3%) in Cape Verdean cities is significantly lower than the percentage of non-poor population (66.9%). In contrast to rural areas where there is a clear social fragmentation between non-poor (31.2%), poor (48.5%), and very poor (20.3) (Fig. 2.8), the urban centres of the islands of Boa Vista, Sal and São Vicente, and the city of Praia reveal a social composition in which the proportion of poor and very poor is significantly lower than that of the non-poor population (Fig. 2.9). The social changes that have taken place in the country are also reflected in a greater participation of the female population in the labour market. The country’s average activity rate in 2017 was 59.2%, while the female population’s activity rate was 52.1%. In urban areas, this indicator is more expressive. In the same period, the

Fig. 2.7  Age structure of Cape Verde’s population as a function of the area of residence. (Source: INE 2018a; and elaborated by the author)

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Fig. 2.8  Social strata by area of residence in 2015. (Source: INE 2018a; and elaborated by the author)

Fig. 2.9  Social strata by municipalities/urban centres in 2015. (Source: INE 2018a; and elaborated by the author)

activity rate of women in urban areas was 60%, compared to 71% for men. In the municipalities of Boa Vista and Sal, the activity rate of the female population exceeds 70% (INE 2018b). The participation of the female population in the labour market is particularly noticeable in sectors such as commerce (22.7%), accommodation and restaurants (13.4%), domestic work (13.3%), manufacturing industry (9, 8%), education (9.6%), human health and social action (3.2%), other service activities (2.6%), extractive industry, in the collection of aggregates (0.8%), and in financial and insurance activities (0.8%) (INE 2018b). Many of these fields of activity show a high level of job insecurity. Underemployment in Cape Verde in 2017 affected 14.3% of the active population. However, in urban areas, this was less significant (10.01%), affecting women (10.53%) more than men (9.56%) (INE 2018b).

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2.6 Re-structuration of the National Urban Network Between 1970 and 2020, Cape Verde’s urban networkunderwent relevant transformations, motivated by the emergence of new urban centres, with changes in the urban hierarchy and changes in the functional specialization of the various urban settlements. In 1975, upon the country’s independence, Cape Verde had only 3 cities (Praia, Mindelo, and São Filipe on the island of Fogo) and a set of 13 municipalities, whose main cores were towns, semi-urban centres. In 1990, there was an increase in the number of municipalities to 14, but the number of cities was maintained. In 2000, the number of municipalities rose to 17, with no change in the number of cities. In 2010, the number of municipalities rose to 22, and 21 more cities, comprising now a total of 24 cities. The sudden increase in the number of cities that occurred in 2010 resulted from the publication of Law No. 77/VII/2010 of August 23, which establishes the regime for the division, designation, and determination of the administrative categories of cities, which established that ‘The places that bear legally, the statute of seat of the Municipalities automatically acquires the administrative category of city’. In this way, all urban centres that are head of a municipality, such as Povoação in the municipality of Ribeira Grande or Santa Maria in the island of Sal, are now classified as cities. Reaching the point in which several linear cities, whose urban structure comprises only a single road, used simultaneously as a street, flanked by public and private buildings on both sides of the road, have a length that does not exceed 1 km in length. Despite this fact, the increase of urban centres in the country is notorious due to the formation of new population settlements, which in turn are at the origin of the formation of new municipalities, which occurred mainly from 1990 onwards because of the economic liberalization policies and administrative decentralization introduced in the country. The analysis of the evolution of the primacy index, which makes it possible to assess the level of macrocephalism in the urban system, highlights that the urban network in Cape Verde has evolved from a bicephalic situation to a scenario of increasing macrocephaly. In 1990, Cape Verde’s primacy index was 51.49%, in 2000 it evolved to 52.82% and in 2010 it stood at 54.59% (Fig. 2.10). The observed evolution largely results from the growing concentration of the urban population in the cities of Praia, Mindelo, Espargos, Santa Maria, and Assomada, leading to a growing territorial imbalance in the distribution of population centres, reflecting an urban network that is still poorly consolidated. The observation of the country’s reality leads us to affirm that this trend has been aggravated in recent years, with the concentration of economic activities and employment in these urban agglomerations. The reading of the graphs resulting from the application of the rank-size rule for the years 1990, 2000, and 2010, which allowed us to assess the hierarchical distribution of cities, corroborates this statement. The analysis of Fig. 2.11 for 1990 shows

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Fig. 2.10  Evolution of the primacy index of Cape Verde 1990–2010. (Source: INE 2018a; and elaborated by the author)

Fig. 2.11  Applying the rank-size rule to the urban network of Cabo Verde in 1990. (Source: INE 2018c; and elaborated by the author)

a bicephalic situation; however as we move into the 2000s (Fig.  2.12) and 2010 (Fig. 2.13), there is a growing predominance of the city of Praia at the level of the urban hierarchy, characterizing a situation of growing macrocephaly and incomplete urban network, which lacks intermediate cities. The level of functional specialization of the archipelago’s urban centres is also low. Based on the calculation of the Nelson index, using data on the distribution of the population aged 15 or over, employed, according to profession by municipality, for 2017, it is concluded that most municipalities in the country do not have any functional specialization. Therefore, its urban centres essentially offer basic consumer goods, which cannot polarize the surrounding space (Table 2.1). Cidade da Praia appears to be specialized in professions linked to representatives of the legislative and executive powers, defence, public administration, administrative personnel, commerce, personal services, and skilled workers. In other words, functions related to sovereignty, public administration, and the marketing and

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Fig. 2.12  Applying the rank-size rule to the urban network of Cabo Verde in 2000. (Source: INE 2018c; and elaborated by the author)

Fig. 2.13  Applying the rank-size rule to the urban network of Cabo Verde in 2010. (Source: INE 2018c; and elaborated by the author)

provision of less frequent goods and services, typical of a country’s capital, predominate in Cidade da Praia. In turn, the city of Mindelo reveals a specialization in professions related to sovereignty, public administration, and industrial activity. This is a city with a regional vocation, whose function is to ensure the supply of goods and services to the entire northern region of the country (Table 2.1). The island of Sal, with the cities of Espargos and Santa Maria, stands out for the prevalence of professions linked to the legislative and executive powers, executive directors and managers, technicians and intermediate-level professionals, administrative personnel, personal services, protection, and insurance and sales. This professional structure reflects the island’s specialization in the fields of economic activities related to air transport, airport activities, commerce, accommodation, and restaurants (tourism), as well as the growing role it has assumed in its sub-region, exerting a growing influence on the neighbouring islands of Boa Vista and São Nicolau to the detriment of the city of Mindelo.

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Table 2.1  Level of functional specialization of the municipalities of Cape Verde in 2017

Municipalities

Professions 1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

Ribeira Grande Paul Porto Novo São Vicente Ribeira Brava Tarrafal São Nicolau Sal Boavista Maio Tarrafal Santa Catarina Santa Cruz Praia São Domingos São Miguel São Salvador do Mundo São Lourenço dos Órgãos Ribeira Grande Santiago Mosteiros São Filipe Santa Catarina Fogo Brava Without Specialization Specalized Highly Specialized Polarized Source: INE (2018b); and elaborated by the author 1—military; 2—representatives of the legislative and executive powers, directors, and executive managers; 3—intellectual and scientific activity specialists; 4—intermediate-­level technicians and professionals; 5—administrative staff; 6—personal services, protection, and insurance and sales personnel; 7—farmers and skilled work in agriculture fisheries and forestry; 8—workers, craftsmen, and similar workers; 9—facility and machine operators and assembly workers; 10—elementary professions

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The municipality of Santa Catarina, where the city of Assomada is located, appears as a specialized centre in professions related to personal services, protection, insurance, and sales. This is an intermediate-level city in consolidation that provides goods and services to the entire northern region of the island of Santiago, however without being able to polarize the region, considering the proximity of Cidade da Praia at the southern end of the island, which ends up working simultaneously as national capital and regional city. The same occurs with the municipality of Ribeira Grande on the island of Santo Antão. The municipality has a specialization associated with intellectual and scientific activities due to the presence of the regional hospital of Santo Antão in the city of Povoação, which provides services to the entire island. We are facing the formation of a potential intermediate city that will have to confront the presence of the city of Mindelo, on the neighbouring island of São Vicente, and the city of Porto Novo, on the same island, which share the same vocation. Its small urban population also militates against the municipality of Ribeira Grande and the circumstance that the urban population of the municipality is dispersed in two relatively distant urban settlements, the city of Ponta do Sol and the city of Povoação. In the remaining cases, there are some specializations in municipalities such as Paul, Maio, Ribeira Brava, Tarrafal de São Nicolau, and Brava, which result from the presence of a high number of civil servants linked to education and health. However, the area of ​​influence of these services is reduced, which means that these are cities with a local scope.

2.7 Consequences of Accelerated Urban Growth Cape Verde experienced an accelerated urban development between 1970 and 2020 and as a result a set of negative effects occurred, with emphasis on situations of poverty, lack of housing, deprivation regarding watersupply, sanitation, and energy, with impacts on the health of the population. Poverty in Cape Verde is significantly lower in urban areas compared to its incidence in rural areas. In 2015, poverty affected 33.1% of the urban population of Cape Verde against 68.8% of the population based in rural agglomerations. Likewise, the number of poor people in the archipelago’s urban areas (108,744) was lower than in rural areas (125,560) (INE 2018a). In a reading broken down by municipalities, it appears that the municipalities with an essentially urban profile then had the lowest incidence of poverty, such as Boa Vista (8.7%), Sal (21.2%), São Vicente (33.0%), and Praia (32.7%). On the contrary, the incidence of poverty appears with greater expression in municipalities where rurality is more pronounced, such as Santa Cruz (85.8%), São Filipe (83.7%), Paul (83.0%), Tarrafal de São Nicolau (81.7%), São Salvador do Mundo (79.9%), Porto Novo (73.6.2%), and São Domingos (69.6%) (INE 2018a). The lack of housing affects households in urban areas with greater intensity and, to a lesser extent, rural municipalities. The housing deficit in Cape Verde was

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estimated at 8.7% in 2019; however, municipalities such as São Vicente (12.6%), Sal (20.2%), Boa Vista (16.3%), and Praia (9%) exceed this value (MIOTH 2019). In 2015, most households in Cape Verde occupied their own dwellings (65.5%), with rented housing representing then 21.1% of the accommodation used. In urban areas, the percentage of households that lived in their own dwellings was then 59.3%, with rent representing 28.9% of the accommodation occupied by families (INE 2018a). The lack of living conditions in the country’s urban areas is equally felt in terms of watersupply, sanitation, and access to electricity. In 2018, only 73.8% of the population residing in urban areas had access to the public water distribution network, against 61.9% of inhabitants in rural areas. Access to the public water network was less significant in urban municipalities such as Boa Vista (39.5%) and Praia (67.4%), with levels of access to piped water below the national average (70%) (INE 2019). Sanitation conditions in Cape Verdean cities are also precarious. In 2018, only 82.8% of the population had access to sanitary facilities in housing. In urban centres, this figure reached 88.7% of the population, against 70.3% in rural areas. Regarding access to the public sewage system, in the same period, it appears that only 25.2% of the population had access to this basic infrastructure. In urban areas, it reached 36.2% and in rural settlements 2.1%. Mindelo is the only urban centre in the country that had significant access by the population to the public sewer system (79.1%), unlike the city of Praia where access was limited to only 30.2% of the population (INE 2019). Access to electricity in Cape Verde in 2018 showed greater penetration than other services. At the national level, the population with access to electricity was then figured at 90.3%, reaching 91.7% in urban areas and 87.5% in rural areas (INE 2019). Despite the high penetration shown, much of the access is carried out illegally, with life risks for offenders, being estimated that this illegal access represents 30% of consumption in urban centres. The physical and social urban environment of the archipelago ends up working as an important factor of morbidity for the populations. As an example, data for Cidade da Praia for 2016 indicated respiratory diseases (8.59%), digestive diseases (5.48%), genitourinary diseases as the main causes of hospital morbidity in the city (4.41%), skin and subcutaneous tissue diseases (3.79%), and infectious and parasitic diseases (3.41%) (MSSS, S/D). Altogether, these represented 25.69% of the city’s hospital morbidity and are directly related to the prevailing precarious housing conditions, namely overcrowding, the supply of drinking water, and access to sanitary facilities. The social environment of Cidade da Praia is also a relevant factor in hospital morbidity. Injuries, poisoning, and some other consequences of external causes represented in 2016 11.26% of hospital morbidity, followed by mental and behavioural disorders with 3.98% (MSSS S/D). Such causes can be explained, in part, by the occurrence of phenomena of juvenile delinquency, alcoholism, domestic violence, road accidents, drug consumption, and symptoms of uprooting and social alienation characteristic of urban areas.

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2.8 Evolutionary Trends: Horizon 2050 The prospective analysis of the evolutionary trends in urban development in Cape Verde shows contradictory signs. If we consider the year 2050 as a horizon, it is expected that at this time the country will have a population of 808,945 residents, of which at least 572,383 will live in urban areas, bringing the urban grid to 8019 ha. Simultaneously, a greater tertiarization of the country’s economy is predicted, with a focus on tourism, the financial sector, re-exports, transport and the informal economy, and a predictable reduction in the incidence of poverty, retracting to 11.56% of the population. On the other hand, an increasing concentration of the population is estimated in the large urban centres of the country, especially in the cities of Praia, Mindelo, Santa Maria, Espargos, and Assomada, following the evolutionary trends already portrayed. In this regard, a greater role is expected from the cities of the island of Sal (Santa Maria and Espargos) which, in conjunction with the city of Sal Rei, on the island of Boa Vista, taking advantage of the dynamism generated by tourist activities, may form an urban axis in the Eastern region of the archipelago, removing some of the leading role played by the city of Mindelo in the regional urban network. It is expected that the impacts of the country’s future urban development will continue to be territorially highly differentiated. In municipalities with a lesser urban nature, the effects will be felt above all in the reduction of their population, especially those who are economically active and with entrepreneurial capacity. This reduction will have as an immediate consequence a greater ageing of its population and greater difficulties in the formation of urbanization economies, and in this way the feasibility of a set of infrastructures and services necessary for the economic and social development of these centres. In the country’s most dynamic urban centres, an increase in the urban population is expected, accompanied by an increase in the number of elderly people, with the consequent increase in competition for access to employment, urban space, infrastructure, equipment, and social services, forcing a greater horizontal and vertical expansion of cities. Likewise, urban diseconomies are expected to worsen, with the increase in the construction of informal settlements and precarious housing; environmental problems related to water, sanitation, and urban waste treatment; from situations of social marginalization linked to alcoholism, drug addiction, prostitution, juvenile delinquency, urban crime; and exposure to natural hazards, and so on. The concentration of the population in the country’s large urban centres may also give rise to new urbanization economies capable of stimulating the emergence of new ventures in the production of goods and services, especially in the tertiary and quaternary sectors that demand economies of scale, taking advantage of location savings. An increase in informal economic activities is also expected, especially in​​ commerce and personal services.

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2.9 Constants and Particularities of Urban Development in Cape Verde Between 1970 and 2020, Cape Verde experienced an intense process of urban development, with great similarities with that seen in other developing countries, especially in terms of the growing concentration of population living in cities, the increase in the number of urban centres, the expansion of urbanized space, and the tertiarization of cities. The urban growth that Cape Verde has experienced over the last 50 years, with a significant increase in the population concentrated in urban places, especially in the cities of Praia, Mindelo, Espargos, Santa Maria, and Assomada, is largely explained by the migratory flows of the young population towards cities and by the consequent natural growth. At first, between 1970 and 1990, the archipelago’s urban growth was marked by the emergence of large cities, Praia and Mindelo, with the spatial concentration of people and economic activities in these centres. From the 1990s onwards, there is a greater de-concentration of urban growth, with the development of new urban centres, and with the dispersion of economic activities towards new urban centres, such as the cities of Espargos and Santa Maria in the island of Sal, and Assomada in the north of the island of Santiago. Due to the accelerated growth of the urban population and the development of economic activities registered in the country, there was an expansion of the archipelago’s urban space in the form of new formal residential areas, spontaneous occupations, and new tourist spaces. The formal residential areas that emerged in the country are the result of the public and private initiative in which land and real estate developers provide land plots for construction and buildings for housing and for commerce and services. These formal residential areas are mainly oriented towards housing the country’s emerging middle class, made up of civil servants and self-employed professionals and emigrants whose remittances are invested in the construction of their own housing. These settlements, despite the advances that have taken place, reveal a precarious urban situation, with various deficiencies in terms of infrastructure, social facilities, green spaces and leisure facilities, poor urban design, and so on. In turn, the new areas of spontaneous development that emerged in the archipelago occupy peripheral areas and interstitial spaces, in the vicinity of urban centres, on land devalued by the strong exposure to natural risks, of uncertain or collective ownership, showing a disordered urban fabric, where it prevails illegal occupation of land, precariousness and low quality of buildings, shortage of common spaces, and insufficiency of social facilities and infrastructure. In Cape Verde, in line with what happened in other developing countries, there is also the emergence of new urban fronts destined to the development of leisure and tourism activities, in which tourism appears as an activity capable of boosting the local economy, accelerating the urbanization process, and inserting the local urban network into international networks. However, similarly to what has been seen in

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other developing countries, these new urban centres engender new problems of social and territorial segregation which still cannot be answered. From an economic point of view, the urban development registered in Cape Verde has translated into a dual urban economic structure: on the one hand, there is the development of the so-called higher tertiary system that makes use of high-level technology, intensive capital, imported, hand- salaried workforce, housing a small number of people, consisting of the banking, trade and export industry, modern urban industry, modern services, wholesalers, transport, and public services sub-­ sectors; on the other hand, at the same time, the growth of the so-called lower circuit can be observed in the cities of the archipelago, which includes service activities such as domestic, transport, handicraft, pre-modern forms of production, informal trade, which have a role of shelter for the poor, migrant or from the city, where the employment generated is mainly temporary or unstable and is remunerated at or below the minimum survival limit. The particularities of urban development in Cape Verde, compared to those that occurred in other developing countries, are mainly related to the re-composition of urban social structures and the restructuring of the national urban network. Regarding changes in urban social structures, Cape Verde has seen a significant number of changes in behaviour and lifestyles, because of living in cities. These changes occurred across the board and were not restricted to urban centres, being also present in rural areas. In Cape Verde, urbanization has been an inducing factor for social and cultural changes and has worked as a diffuser mechanism for transformations throughout society. The demographic behaviour of the Cape Verdean population does not show significant differences when we compare what happens in urban areas with what happens in rural areas. The various demographic indicators analysed fertility, age structure of the population, balance between the number of men and women, rate of female activity, and average family size and reveal an evolution towards a rapid modernization of the country’s demographic structure, without any evidence of significant cleavages between urban and rural areas. Regarding the social composition of the cities of Cape Verde, despite the significant social contrasts, in Cape Verdean cities, the poor population and very poor population are not the dominant one, on the contrary, the middle class plays a major role and is the majority and dominant social group. In our view, these particularities of urban development in Cape Verde can be explained by three orders of reason: the population’s level of education, the small size of the country, and cultural factors. The relatively high level of education of the population of Cape Verde favours the diffusion and incorporation of a set of innovations, social practices, and the introduction of new lifestyles, such as the adoption of birth control practices and the formation of single-family households. On the other hand, the reduced territorial and demographic dimension of the country, in which there is great geographical proximity between rural and urban areas, also facilitates the propagation of new social values ​​and practices to rural areas, minimizing the inequalities in behaviour that occur in other countries, because of the unequal diffusion of values and ​​ practices associated with urbanization. Finally, Cape Verde’s

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social and cultural homogeneity and the prevalence of Christianity in the country, which provides greater levels of freedom for women, explain the high activity rates of the female population in Cape Verde and, consequently, the lower poverty rates in urban areas, as well as the significant reduction in the level of fertility and the average size of families. In turn, the urban network of Cape Verde shows a growing tendency towards the concentration of the population in Cidade da Praia, where it directs a large part of the internal and external migratory flows, where a large part of the country’s economic activities is concentrated, functioning as an incomplete metropolis. Nevertheless, the appearance of some urban centres at a regional (Mindelo) and sub-regional level (Assomada, Povoação, Espargos, and Santa Maria) and the significant increase in the number of cities at a local level did not avoid the growing level of macrocephalism in the national urban network, centred on the city of Praia, contradicting the idea that as the urbanization process matures there would be a trend towards harmonizing the urban network of developing countries, reducing the level of macrocephalism. The growing imbalance evidenced by Cape Verde’s urban network, in our view, can be explained by considering two types of reasons. On the one hand, the country’s small demographic dimension stimulates the concentration of people and economic activities in a single urban centre with a view to obtaining economies of scale, namely urbanization economies, a fundamental element for the competitiveness of nations. On the other hand, the political and economic liberalization of the country that took place from 1991 onwards removed the State’s power to influence a less unequal distribution of the population and economic activities throughout the territory, which began to be located essentially according to economic and social factors, and not necessarily as an outcome of political decisions. In sum, regarding the impacts of urban development that took place in Cape Verde during the period under analysis, its effects are ambivalent. If, on the one hand, there is a reduction in poverty in the country’s urban areas, on the other hand, there are situations of overcrowding of housing, poor access to drinking water and electricity, lack of sanitary infrastructure, high incidence of risks on urban populations with the occurrence of floods, inundations, landslides of materials, falls of blocks, and epidemics. This aggravates the health problems of the population, at home, and in the local and regional environment, similarly to what has been mentioned for most urban centres in developing countries.

2.10 Conclusion This chapter sought to understand the urban development that took place in Cape Verde between 1970 and 2020. Its main research question was to understand how Cape Verde’s urban development took place in the last 50  years. Questioning, among other issues, how the urban population of Cape Verde evolved during that

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period? What changes have taken place at the level of urbanized space? What changes have been registered at the level of economic activities in urban areas? What re-compositions took place in urban social structures? What were the changes registered at the level of the national urban network? What were the consequences of the urban growth that took place? What are the main evolutionary trends in urban development for the 2050 horizon? And what are the constants and particularities of Cape Verdean urban development? The results obtained corroborate the hypotheses initially advanced. The process involved a set of interdependent social, economic, and territorial changes, leading to urban growth and urbanization in Cape Verde. In fact, the archipelago’s urban development took place through the reorganization of society over space with the spatial redistribution of the population, leading to an increase in the population living in cities, the expansion of urbanized space, the growth of tertiary activities, and transformations in the level of urban social structures, and to an increase in the number of urban centres, ultimately leading to a reorganization of the country’s urban network. Between 1970 and 2020, Cape Verde registered an accelerated growth of the urban population. This evolution was not always linear, with some fluctuations occurring during this period. The sharpest increase in the urban population took place during the 1980s, only to decline thereafter. From 1990 onwards, there was a growing process of suburbanization of the urban population, with a greater spatial dispersion of the growth of urban centres. In 2020, the urban area of the ​​ archipelago reached 4984.94 ha, which represents 1.2% of the country’s surface. The greatest growth in urbanized space in Cape Verde occurred during the 1980s. During this period, there was development of new formal residential areas, simultaneously with the multiplication of spontaneous neighbourhoods and the emergence of agglomerations dedicated to receiving tourists. Cape Verde’s urban economy is based on the services sector. Urban municipalities have the highest GDP per capita. Most of the jobs created in the tertiary and quaternary sectors are in urban areas. The informal sector is also of significant importance in the archipelago’s urban economy. This is located predominantly in urban centres. Cape Verde has also seen profound changes in its urban social structure in the last five decades. The literacy rate of the Cape Verdean population registered a significant advance. In this regard, municipalities with a greater urban tendency stand out. There is countless similarity in the demographic structure of urban and rural areas in Cape Verde, which is undergoing an accelerated process of modernization. Regarding social polarization in the archipelago, social fragmentation is lower in urban areas than in rural areas. The social changes that have taken place in the country are also reflected in a greater participation of the female population in the labour market, especially in urban areas. Between 1970 and 2020, the urban network in Cape Verde showed marked changes, with the emergence of new urban centres, with changes in the urban hierarchy and with relevant changes in terms of the functional specialization of the

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various urban settlements. Cape Verde’s urban network evolved from a bicephalic situation to a scenario of increasing macrocephaly. The level of functional specialization of the archipelago’s urban centres is incipient. The country’s urban network is unbalanced and incomplete, comprising an incomplete metropolis, a regional city, three intermediate cities in consolidation and a group of local cities whose territorial structuring capacity is reduced. Due to the accelerated urban development that Cape Verde experienced, there was a set of negative effects on urban settlements, with emphasis on situations of poverty, lack of housing, deprivation regarding watersupply, sanitation, and energy, with effects on the level of health of the population. The lack of housing affects households in urban areas with greater intensity and, to a lesser extent, rural municipalities. Sanitation conditions in Cape Verdean cities are also precarious. Foreseeing the evolution of the archipelago’s urban areas, considering the year 2050 as the horizon, it is expected that by then the country will have a population of 808,945 residents, of which at least 572,383 will inhabit urban areas, leading the urban fabric to reach the 8019  ha. Simultaneously, a greater tertiarization of the country’s economy and a predictable reduction in the incidence of poverty are expected. An increasing concentration of the population is also estimated in the country’s large urban centres, especially in the cities of Praia, Mindelo, Santa Maria, Espargos, and Assomada. However, it is anticipated that the impacts of the country’s future urban development will continue to be territorially differentiated. The urban development observed in Cape Verde between 1970 and 2020 broadly follows that observed in other developing countries. This should be taken into consideration by all stakeholders within the local and urban governance system in Cape Verde. The particularities of urban development in Cape Verde occur above all at the level of re-composition of urban social structures and regarding the restructuring of the national urban network. The reasons for these singularities should be further researched in future studies.

References Andrade D (2016) Evolução da estrutura urbana da Cidade do Mindelo. Contributos para a proposta de um plano de estrutura. Instituto Superior Técnico, Lisboa BCV (2020) Boletim de Estatísticas. Abril de 2020. INE, Praia Carrera C, Del Canto C, Gutiérrez J, Méndez R, Pérez M (1998) Trabajos Practicos de Geografia Humana. Editorial Sintesis, Madrid INE (2015) 40 Anos de Independência. 40 Anos a Informar por um Cabo Verde Próspero. 5 de julho de 1975-5 de Julho de 2015. INE, Praia INE (2018a) Perfil da Pobreza. Evolução da Pobreza Monetária Absoluta 2001/2002, 2007 e 2015. INE, Praia INE (2018b) Estatísticas do Mercado de Trabalho 2017. Inquérito Multiobjectivo Continuo. INE, Praia INE (2018c) Inquérito Multi-objectivo contínuo 2015. Módulo Sector Informal. INE, Praia INE (2018d) Produto Interno Bruto por Ilha (Série 2016–2017). INE, Praia

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INE (2019) Estatísticas das Famílias e das Condições de Vida. Inquérito Multi-objectivo contínuo 2018. INE, Praia INE e MSSS (2018) Apresentação dos Principais Resultados Preliminares do IDSR-III. INE, Praia MIOTH (2019) Politica Nacional de Habitação, MIOTH, Praia MSSS (S/D) Relatório Estatístico 2016. MSSS, Praia Silva P (2014) Avaliação das dinâmicas do crescimento urbano na cidade da Praia de 1969 a 2010, Cabo Verde. Universidade do Porto, Porto Tavares S (2012) O Planeamento na Assomada: Proposta de Parâmetros Urbanísticos Para a Construção da Qualidade no Ambiente do Território Urbano em Cabo Verde, Assomada-Santa Catarina como Caso de Estudo. Universidade Lusófona de Humanidades e Tecnologias, Lisboa Aquiles Almada is a geographer and holds a PhD in geography, with specialization in human geography from the Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning at the University of Lisbon, a master’s in human geography and regional and local planning from the Faculty of Arts at the University of Lisbon, a degree in geography and regional planning from the Faculty of Social and Human Sciences at the New University of Lisbon. He is an assistant professor in the University, where he teaches economic geography, geography of industry and energy, transport geography, geographical analysis, regional and urban planning methodology, spatial planning, and regional planning. His research areas are insularity, economic globalization, and spatial planning. He has already coordinated and participated in the preparation of several urban and territorial studies and plans in Cape Verde.  

Chapter 3

Local Government in Cape Verde 1970–2020 Carlos Nunes Silva

Abstract  The chapter examines the system of local government in Cape Verde, discusses the decentralization process in the country since the independence, seen as an incremental process of institutional capacity building at the sub-national level, and compares it to other Lusophone African states. The chapter thus seeks to explore the nature of the current local government system in Cape Verde, how it changed over the years, since the independence, and how these changes affected the role of local government in the governance of cities. Keywords  Local government · Colonial · Post-colonial · Cape Verde

3.1 Introduction Decentralization reforms in Africa became a common practice at least since the start of the 1990s, in part as an outcome of the move towards the adoption of multi-party-­ political systems in countries previously led by single-party authoritarian and highly centralized political regimes (Rondinelli et al. 1983; Ribot 2002; Silva 2016b). In some of these African countries, both in the North Africa and in sub-Saharan Africa, sub-national tiers of government, at the municipal but also at the regional level, are now elected (Erk 2014; Dickovick and Riedl 2010; Tordoff 1994; Silva 2016a, b), and reforms aiming to increase the organizational, functional, and fiscal autonomy of sub-national tiers of government have been implemented, with different degrees of success across Africa, due to different factors, as Burke (1969), Rondinelli (1981), Brosio (2000), Wunsch (2000, 2001), Olowu (2003), and Gumede et  al. (2019) describe, and as Silva (2016a, 2020) shows in the case of the Lusophone

C. Nunes Silva (*) Institute of Geography and Spatial Planning, University of Lisbon, Lisbon, Portugal e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 C. Nunes Silva (ed.), Local Governance in Cape Verde, Local and Urban Governance, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05847-9_3

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African countries. Nonetheless, despite this overall positive change, the situation is uneven in the continent, with some countries reaching high levels of administrative decentralization, as is the case of Cape Verde, while others remain fully centralized as before. The chapter explores and discusses the nature of the current local government system in Cape Verde and its changes since the independence. The chapter addresses two research questions: What is the type of local government in Cape Verde and how does it compare with the other Lusophone African Countries? What are the prospects for the type and role of local government in Cape Verde? For that, the study followed three main lines of research. First, considering that during the colonial period the local government system was the same in mainland Portugal and in its African colonies, the culture of local governance in Cape Verde had numerous similarities with that of the other Portuguese African colonies at the end of the colonial period. Second, the post-independence period in Cape Verde is marked by ruptures but also by important continuities in the local government system, and in other key legal frameworks, relevant for local governance. And third, the study admitted that the national context (political regime, economic system, and other national factors) explains part of the differences between Cape Verde and the other Lusophone African countries, namely the more advanced level of decentralization achieved in Cape Verde. The analysis considers eight dimensions in the definition of the local self-­ government system: (1) organizational autonomy, or the extent to which local government is free to decide about its own organization; (2) functional formal autonomy, or the extent to which local government is formally autonomous and has a choice regarding which tasks to perform; (3) range of functions (tasks) in which local government is effectively involved in the delivery of the services, be it through own financial resources and/or through own staff; (4) political discretion over these functions, or the extent to which local government has real influence (can decide on service aspects) over these functions; (5) fiscal autonomy, the extent to which local government can independently tax its population; (6) block grant proportion, that is the proportion of unconditional financial transfers in the total financial transfers received by local government; (7) own resource proportion, or proportion of local government revenues derived from own/local sources (taxes, fees, charges); and (8) borrowing autonomy, or the extent to which local government can borrow. The chapter is structured into six main sections. Starting with this introduction, it comprises five other sections. In the next, the chapter deals with ‘Local Administration in the Colonial Period‘, followed by a section on ‘Local Government in the Post-Colonial Period‘. In the fourth, the chapter presents the current structure of local government in Cape Verde and discusses in the fifth the proposals for decentralization and modernization of local government in the country. In the last section, ‘Conclusion’ presents final remarks and a summary of the main findings.

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3.2 Local Administration in the Colonial Period1 The legal framework for local administration in Cape Verde was common to the other Portuguese colonies in Africa during the colonial period and similar to the system that existed in mainland Portugal (Silva 2016a).2 For that reason, the urban governance culture in Cape Verde and in the other Portuguese African colonies was similar (Silva 2016a). Nonetheless, its concrete expression in each of the colonies was uneven and there is evidence of important differences between the colonial metropole and the colonies, and among these, over the twentieth century and until the independence. Local administration in Cape Verde, since the 1869 Rebelo da Silva reform, followed organizational principles similar to those adopted in the then Portuguese colonial empire in Africa (Silva 2016a). However, on the ground, the colonies were different from mainland in Europe, due to the racial discrimination, but also among themselves. Apart from a short period during the Republican democratic regime in the 1910s and 1920s, even so only in formal terms, local administration in Cape Verde has always been a mere form of administrative de-concentration, a form of state local administration. An entity with very low organizational, functional, and financial autonomy and poorly resourced. Local administration in Cape Verde, similarly to what happened in the other Portuguese colonies in Africa at the time, was largely understaffed and underfinanced. At the end of the colonial period, there was an administrative division similar to what existed in mainland Portugal and in the other Portuguese colonies in Africa, which also became independent in 1975.3 The administrative structure of Cape Verde comprised 14 municipalities (Table 3.1). The Parish was a mere administrative circumscription without real capacity to administer the territory. Table 3.1  Cape Verde at the end of the colonial period: basic data on the administrative division, 1973

Cape Verde

Area (km2) 4033

Population Regional and local tiers 1970a 272,072 2 districts 14 municipalities

Municipal area and population (average) Capital 288 km2 Praia 19,434 inhab.

Source: INE (1973). Anuário de Portugal—Ultramar (Portugal—Overseas Territories Yearbook), own elaboration a This figure should be considered as indicative due to the constraints of the 1970 colonial population census  This study considers as colonial period the period post-Conference of Berlin in 1884/85. However, it does not ignore the  long period of  colonization/occupation since the  fifteenth century. Basic demographic statistical information for the last decades of the colonial period is available in INE 1945; INE 1946; and INE 1973. 2  For an informed account of the local administration in the Portuguese colonies until the early twentieth century, see, among others, Moura (1913); Ulrich (1908); Vasconcellos (1921), and Caetano (1934). The relevant colonial legislation in this period was published in Boletim Oficial de Cabo Verde (several years). 3  Guinea-Bissau in September 1974. 1

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In sum, local government in Cape Verde has always been a form of administrative de-concentration during the entire colonial period. The ‘government’ element in the colonial period was essentially the Central State apparatus and its local administration entities run by central government-appointed officers. It was this poorly resourced and understaffed local government system that Cape Verde, as an independent country, inherited from the colonial power in 1975. As Gumede et al. (2019) pointed out, for Africa in general, most colonial regimes did not prepare their colonies for independence, and therefore, the new independent countries inherited administrative structures full of structural weaknesses, which took years for the new states to reverse the situation. Cape Verde was no exception from this point of view. Currently, the sub-national tier of local administration in Cape Verde comprises 22 municipalities (Table 3.4).

3.3 Local Government in the Post-colonial Period4 3.3.1 The Transition to Independence and the First Republic The post-independence in Cape Verde is marked by ruptures but also by important continuities in the nature of the local government system and in key legal frameworks relevant for urban governance.5 In 1974, the former colonial power approved the Constitutional Law 7/74, 27 July, on the aftermath of the overthrown in Portugal of the authoritarian political regime of Estado Novo, on 25 April 1974, based on which was approved the statute of the State of Cape Verde6 on 19 December 1974, as part of the Independence Agreement. This provided the institutional setting for the transition government, responsible for the preparation of the formal handling to the new independent country.7 On the eve of the independence, on 4 July 1975, was  Basic statistical information for  the  post-colonial period is available in  Instituto Nacional de Estatística de Cabo Verde: https://ine.cv/en/. For  data on  electors, see: Comissão Nacional de Eleições: https://cne.cv/. Legislation is available in Boletim Oficial da República de Cabo Verde (several years) and in collections of legislation, such as those published by the National Assembly (Assembleia Nacional 2018, 2019a, b, 2020). 5  For instance, the land urban policy (e.g. expropriation) continued regulated by Law 2030, 22/6/1948. Law No. 71/VI/2005, 27 June, issued by the National Parliament, authorized central government to adopt new legislation to replace the 1948 legislation. In other words, this colonial law of 1948, important for spatial planning, was only replaced 3 decades after the independence. The 2005 law also authorized the revision of Law 85/IV/93, 16 July on spatial planning. This led to the adoption of the first spatial planning system fully structured in 2006. For more information about the spatial planning system, see Chap. 4 in this book. 6  Constitutional Law No. 7/74, de 27 de julho (Estatuto Orgânico do Estado de Cabo Verde). 7  The liberation/colonial war was conducted by the PAIGC for Guinea-Bissau and Cape Verde. There were plans for joining the two states that emerged from the end of the Portuguese colonial rule. This unification plan ended on 14 November 1980 with the military coup in Bissau led by Nino Vieira. The PAIGC, as a bi-national party, also ended on this occasion. A new political party emerged in Cape Verde, the PAICV—Partido Africano da Independência de Cabo Verde. For an overview of this process, see, among others, Fernandes (2007). 4

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signed the law on the political organization of the state, which was applied from 5 July 1975 onwards.8 As a result of the work of the commission established in 1977 for the preparation of the constitutional law, the National Popular Assembly of Cape Verde approved, on 5 September 1980, the first Constitution of Cape Verde,9 which established a unitary state with a single level of sub-national public administration composed of 14 municipalities. The first constitution did not consider any subnational tier of local self-government but only a form of administrative de-concentration. The national context—the political regime, economic system, and other national factors—explains part of the differentiation among the five Lusophone African countries and between each of these countries and the former colonial power, as well in comparison with other African countries. The evidence suggests a different evolution in the former metropolis and in each of the new independent countries. This different evolution is reflected in the development of a different local governance culture compared to the former colonial power and compared to other African countries, similarities, and differences that, as Chabal (1993) and others have noted before, can also be observed in other dimensions. If in some policy sectors, the legal framework inherited from the colonial period (e.g. spatial planning; building construction, and legal regulations of technical issues) continued to be applied, on political issues the transition to independence was marked by a clear rupture with the colonial institutional framework.10 That was the case with the local government system. In Cape Verde, similarly to what happened in the other new Lusophone African States, it was adopted a centralized political system.11 In this centralized political context, there was an overlap between the state and the ruling party—the PAICV—and therefore, there was no real local self-­government. The sub-national tier of administration was technically, as before in the colonial period, a mere form of administrative de-concentration. In December 1975, few months after the independence, the Administrative Commissions, which had been in place in all municipalities, after April 1974, both  The law on the political organization of the state (Lei da Organização Política do Estado—LOPE) was approved on 5 July 1975, the day of the independence of Cape Verde. This law on the political organization of the state was changed in 1977 by Law 2/77 of 9 April 1977, which established a commission with 7 members of the National Assembly for the preparation of a Constitutional Law for Cape Verde. 9  This first constitution, adopted in 1980, was revised 3 times: in 1981; in 1988; and in 1990 (Law 2–81, 14 February; Constitutional Law 1-III-88, 17 December; Constitutional Law 2-III-90, 29 September) and replaced in 1992 by a new Constitution, which introduced the multi-party political regime (Constitutional Law 1-IV-92, 25 September). 10  The relevant legislation post-independence is published in Boletim Oficial da República de Cabo Verde (several years). For a broad and compared perspective of the post-independence decentralization process in the five Lusophone African countries, see Silva (2016a). 11  See, among others, Alves Furtado (2016) for an analysis and reflection on the first four decades of independence. 8

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in Portugal and in its African colonies, which became independent afterwards, replacing the former municipal administrations nominated by the authoritarian regime of the Estado Novo, overthrown on 25 April 1974 in Portugal, were abolished in Cape Verde and replaced by an institutional model of local administration that lasted until 15 December 1991, when a multi-party democratic local election took place for the first time in Cape Verde.12 The first constitution, approved in 1980, established that local government is part of the unitary state power.13 At the end of the decade, there were attempts to reform the system. In 1989 was approved the Law 47/III/89, which set the basis of the local government system. It was never implemented but was taken as a reference in the reforms introduced in the local government system in the early 1990s. In the same year was also approved the electoral law for the municipal boards, which considered only the possibility of candidatures by groups of citizens as it was not possible the creation of political parties.14 Therefore, during the first decade and half after the independence there was no real local self-government system. The system was a mere form of administrative de-concentration. The municipal system and the municipal map inherited by the new independent country were thus organized along a similar de-concentration model. The municipal administration continued fully dependent from central government. The municipality was governed by a Delegate of the Government, nominated by the Prime Minister, and accountable to the Deliberative Council. An indication of the complete dependence from Central Government is the fact that any decision or act practiced by the Delegate or by the Deliberative Council could always be cancelled by Central Government.

3.3.2 The Second Republic: Democratization and Decentralization This changed in the early 1990s when a new constitution was adopted,15 a process somehow similar to what happened in the other Lusophone African countries that became independent in the mid-1970s, despite the ideological differences within the  Decret law 58/75, 13 December (Decreto-lei 58/75, 13 de Dezembro) extinguished the Administrative Commission in the Municipalities in Cape Verde. In Portugal, the equivalent Administrative Commissions in the Municipalities were only replaced in early 1977, after the first local government elections that took place in December 1976. 13  Constitution 1980, Part V: ‘...’. Important to highlight here is the fact that creation of political parties was not possible. Article 4 of the Constitution stated that the PAICV was the leading political force of the society and the State. Therefore, local government was in this period also under the direct leadership of the PAICV, the leading political force. 14  Law 48/III/89, 13 July (Lei 48/III/89, 13 de julho). 15  Constituição da República de Cabo Verde, 1992 (Constitutional Law 1-IV-92, 25 September). The 1992 Constitution was revised 3 times; in 1995; in 1999; and in 2010 (Constitutional Law 1/ IV/95, 13 November; Constitutional Law 1/V/99, 23 November; Constitutional Law 1/VII/2010, 3 May; and rectified in 1999). 12

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overall commitment to Socialism they all had (Chabal 1996), replacing the first constitution adopted when the country became independent. The constitution of 1980 was changed as part of the negotiations for the transition from the single to the multi-party-political regime between the PAICV and the then recently constituted MpD—movement for the democracy.16 The change introduced allowed the creation of political parties,17 a shift similar to what happened in numerous other African countries, as Goeke and Hartmann (2011) report in their study of the regulations of party switching in Africa. The introduction of the multi-­ party democratic regime18 at the national level and the possibility to have also multi-­ party elections at the municipal level were two of the most important changes introduced by the political reform in the early 1990s, both highly successful, especially when compared to what happened in other countries in the continent, as is shown in Vanhanen (2004). The Local Government Act was deeply changed in July 1990,19 in part because of the end of the exclusivity of the political representation by the PAICV. The first national legislative elections took place on 13 January 1991, and the newly created party, the MpD, won with an overall majority (Table 3.2 and Fig. 3.1). The newly elected government introduced, in September 1991,20 changes in the Local Government Act and in the Electoral Law for local elections, allowing the Table 3.2  Legislative elections (number of parliament seats): a stable party system Political Party MpD PAICV UCID PCD PTS Total

Seats 1991 56 23 – – – 79

Seats 1996 50 21 – 1 – 72

Seats 2001 30 40 – 1* 1* 72

Seats 2006 29 41 2 – – 72

Seats 2011 32 38 2 – – 72

Seats 2016 40 29 3 – – 72

Seats 2021 38 30 4 – – 72

Source: Governo de Cabo Verde and Assembleia Nacional (* coalition PCD + PTS, 2 seats)

 Movimento para a Democracia (MpD) registered in 1990 (https://cne.cv/partido-politico/).  The previous article 4 of the 1980 Constitution, which granted the PAICV the role of leading political force of the society and the state, was removed. There are currently (2021) eight political parties registered in the CNE and in the Constitutional Court: PAICV—Partido Africano da Independência de Cabo Verde (1981)—http://paicv.cv/repositorio-de-documentos/; MpD— Movimento para a Democracia (1990); PP—Partido Popular de Cabo Verde; PSD—Partido Social Democrata; PTS—Partido do Trabalho e da Solidariedade; UCID—União Caboverdiana Independente e Democrática; PCD—Partido da Convergência Democrática; PRD—Partido da Renovação Democrata (https://cne.cv/partido-politico/; https://www.tribunalconstitucional.cv/ index.php/lista-de-partidos-politicos/). 18  The legal framework of political parties in Cape Verde—Law 102/V/99, 19 April 1999 (Lei No. 102/V/99, 19 de Abril) replaced Law 86/III/90, 6 October 1990 (Lei No. 86/III/90, 6 de Outubro). 19  Decret law 52-A/90, 4 July 1990 changed the Local Government Act. 20  Decret law 123/91, 20 September 1991—changed the Local Government Act. 16 17

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Fig. 3.1  Number of seats in the National Parliament by Political Party, 1991–2021. (Source: Author own elaboration)

participation of political parties and groups of citizens in the municipal elections. The first multi-party local election took place on 15 December 1991. At the end of 1991, the Parliament approved the statute of the municipal councillors.21 This political reform and the transition from a single-party regime to a multi-­ party democratic regime culminated in the approval of the new Constitution of the Republic of Cape Verde, in 1992.22 This marks the formal beginning of the Second Republic. The new constitution recognizes and respects the existence and the autonomy of local government and the principle of decentralization in the organization of the state. The adoption of the new constitution forced the revision of several legal acts related to local government. In 1995 was approved the Statute of the Municipalities.23 The changes introduced reinforced the powers and the autonomy of the municipality. For instance, the regime of administrative tutelage was deeply changed. It was abolished the possibility of corrective tutelage by central government, or the regime of approval by the central government responsible for the tutelage of municipalities. The new local government act considers only the tutelage of the legality of the administrative acts, being any disagreement between the state and the municipality

 Law 14/91, 30 December 1991—approved the statute of municipal councillors (‘Estatuto dos eleitos municipais’). 22  Approved by the Constitutional Law No. 1/IV/92 (Lei Constitucional No. 1/IV/92, de 25 de Setembro 1992). Instituted, for the first time in the history of Cape Verde, the democratic rule of law in the country, anchored in the dignity of the human person and in the fundamental rights and freedoms, in accordance with the best international practices. The independence of the judiciary and the autonomy of the local government are other central aspects of the II Republic period in Cape Verde. 23  - Law 134/IV/95, 3 July (Lei-quadro dos municípios). 21

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only solved through the Courts. Several other key legal acts were also approved in the early 1990s as part of these reforms of local government.24

3.3.3 The Deepening of the Decentralization Process in the 2000s If the 1990s is marked by the introduction of a true system of local self-government, the following decade is marked by successive reforms of the local government system in several key dimensions: decentralization of new competences, reform of the local finance system, creation of new municipalities, among other aspects. Important in this second stage of the local government reform, in the first decade of the 2000s, is the Law on Administrative Decentralization published in 2010.25 Numerous other legal acts pertaining to the local government system were published between 2000 and 2010. Besides the legislation on organizational aspects,26 this period saw the publication of laws on municipal associations in 2004, a new local finance law in 2005, which increased the financial capacity of municipalities, the spatial planning act in 2006, the land law in 2007, the law on the division and classification of territorial units and the law on decentralized international cooperation, both in 2010. The construction and fine-tuning of the legal system of local government continued in the following years, with the publication, for instance, of the statute of the cities in 2011,27 which clearly established the principle of citizen participation in the municipal government as a criterion of good governance, which, however, is far of being fully achieved on the ground. These changes in the organization of sub-national administration, included in the constitutional changes that occurred in 1992, were also in part a consequence of the new international political context in Africa. In fact, the centralized governance

 Law on the Organization of Municipal Services (1990); Law on the creation and extinction of municipalities (1990); law on associations of municipalities (1990); law on the transfer of competences in the field of public transport (1994); law on the transfer of social promotion to municipalities (1994); law of local government finance (1998); and numerous other legal acts until the end of this first decade of democratic local self-government in Cape Verde. 25  The law on decentralization (‘Lei-Quadro da Descentralização Administrativa’) maintained the municipality as the key tier of local government but also introduced two other tiers in the local government system: the administrative regions, as the upper tier of local government, and the Parish (Freguesia), as a tier below the municipality. None of these two tiers have been implemented on the ground, so far. 26  For instance, on the collection of municipal taxes (2000); on aspects of labour organization in the municipal administration (2000); on municipal symbols (2003). 27  There are 24 cities (‘Cidade’) and 19 towns (‘Vilas’) in Cape Verde (INE, 2020). Law No. 77/ VII/2010, 23 August 2010 established the legal regime of the 7 categories of human settlements in Cape Verde: Povoação; Cidade (‘City’); Vila (town); Bairro; Povoado; Aldeia; Aglomerado populacional. Decret law No. 47/2015, 15 September 2015—promoted 19 settlements to the category of ‘Vila’ (‘Town’), the second highest category. 24

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practiced in the 1960s and 1970s was by then seen as responsible in part for the political and economic problems the continent was experiencing. In this new political narrative, decentralization was perceived as a basic condition for an improved governance in Africa. Adding up to this, international development agencies and donors started to ask for more decentralization, as part of the conditions for their support. All these conditions, national and international, contributed to the political changes that occurred in Cape Verde in the early 1990s.

3.3.4 Cape Verde in Comparison with the Other Lusophone African Countries Considering the implementation on the ground of the eight dimensions of local autonomy, Cape Verde emerges as a relatively decentralized country, by comparison with the other Lusophone countries (Silva 2016a, 2020a, b), as well as when compared to the broad African context (Silva 2020c), notwithstanding the fact that the decentralization process started solely three decades ago (Silva 2016b, 2020), or even as an exception in the continent as Meyns (2002) suggests, which, however, did not eradicate poverty28 and dependence from the diaspora, as Baker (2006) argues. In fact, Angola and Guinea-Bissau continue to have a simple model of administrative de-concentration, with sub-national tiers being no more than state local administration, which means that what is in the constitution has not yet been implemented. And in Sao Tome and Principe, even though the formal local government system established in the democratic constitution has also been implemented in the entire country, the level of autonomy is much lower in some of the dimensions considered, namely  in what regards financial autonomy. Finally, compared to Mozambique, Cape Verde also emerges as a much more decentralized country, in part due to the option taken in Mozambique for the gradual implementation of the local government system established in the democratic constitution, a process that so far reached only 53 municipalities, which is little in such territorially large country. Regarding the type of local government, combining the degree of local autonomy with the capacity to initiate policies, Cape Verde also emerges as a more decentralized country, in which the local government system is far more developed, compared to the other four Lusophone countries and to other African countries as well. And this is certainly due to the differences in the national context. If the content of the democratic constitution that each of these countries adopted in the early 1990s, put all of them in the same group, a different picture emerges when is considered the level of implementation of what is in the constitution. There are huge differences, with Cape Verde coming out as the most decentralized of the five.

 The proportion of poor population reached 35.2% in 2015 (INE, 2020), with a higher percentage for children (44.4% for 0–4 years; 43.1% for 5–14 years). 28

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3.3.5 Deep Changes Since the Independence But a Long Way Still Ahead In sum, the independence marked a rupture with the former colonial administrative system. However, the political options taken in the first constitution kept Cape Verde as a country with a centralized administrative system. The overall centralized nature of the Cape Verde polity in the first decades after the independence is due to historical factors, namely the colonial administrative heritage, the de-colonization process itself, and the complex political transition associated with it, and the post-­ independence political options, namely the single-party system, planned economy, the administrative centralism, all of them, as already pointed out in Silva (2016a, 2020a), political options facilitated by the international political context in Africa in the 1970s. This centralized character prevailed in the first 15  years, changing gradually since the early 1990s due to the new constitution, which established the multi-party political regime, the decentralization of the state, and the consolidation of the market economy. The successful transition to democracy in the 1990s was followed by a regular party shift in office. Cape Verde is since then among the countries with better performance in political liberties and civic rights.29 One factor that may have been responsible for the implementation of a true system of local government on the ground, compared to some of the other Lusophone African countries that became independent at the same time, is perhaps the inexistence of a relevant and strong political elite resistance in the Central State apparatus towards decentralization to the municipalities. There is no evidence that decentralization was perceived in those years as a potential source of challenges to the ruling party and political elites, even if here or there some doubts may have been raised about the existence of the necessary resources for the functioning of a true autonomous local government system in Cape Verde. Contrary to what happened with certain political forces in Angola and in Mozambique, two countries involved in civil wars in the 1990s, decentralization to the municipalities has not been perceived as a risk to the integrity of the national territory by any political force in Cape Verde. And there were also no informal power mechanisms—traditional authorities— which in some of the other African countries tended to persist.

 The multi-party political system in Cape Verde comprises currently 3 main political parties with representation in the National Parliament: Movimento para a Democracia (MpD); Partido Africano da Independência de Cabo Verde (PAICV); and União Caboverdiana Independente e Democrática (UCID). The MpD won the two first legislative elections in 1991 and 1996. The following 3 national elections were won by the PAICV (2001; 2006; and 2011). The MpD won the last two national elections in 2016 and 2021. Cruz (2012) examines the political ideologies prevailing in these parties between 1975 and 2010. In sum, Cape Verde developed a bi-partisan stable political system (PAICV and MpD), also reflected at the level of municipal elections. This bi-partisan character is an important difference when compared with São Tomé and Príncipe, as Sanches (2016, 2017) shows. 29

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This political democratization and overall administrative decentralization were not accompanied by the empowerment of civil society organizations. These structures continued to a large extent dependent from the state, embedded in the logic of party politics, as Costa (2013) argues. Nonetheless, despite all this overall positive move towards democratization and decentralization, there is still a gap between the constitutional aims and the real local government system on the ground, namely in what respects the financial capacity and autonomy of municipalities.

3.4 The Current System of Local Government in Cape Verde 3.4.1 The Structure: Municipal Map, Boards, and Local Elections The Constitution of the Republic of Cape Verde assigns organizational, functional, and financial autonomy to local government. Local government in Cape Verde comprises the municipality30 (Table  3.3). Local government authorities are territorial collective persons endowed with representative bodies of the respective populations, which pursue the interests of the respective populations, according to the constitution.31 The new independent country inherited the colonial municipal map, with 14 municipalities,32 and it was only in the early 1990s, as part of the political reforms that instituted the Second Republic, that new municipalities were created: Mosteiros, in 1991; São Domingos, in 1993; and São Miguel, in 1996 (INE 2020). A second group of five new municipalities were created in 2005: São Salvador do Mundo, São Lourenço dos Órgãos, Ribeira Grande de Santiago, in the island of Santiago; Santa Catarina do Fogo in the island of Fogo; and Ribeira Brava in the island of São Nicolau. In 2005, Cape Verde reached the current number of 22 municipalities, with an average size of 24,730 inhabitants and 183,3 km2 in 2018 (Table 3.3 and Fig. 3.2). The representative boards of the Municipality in Cape Verde are the elected Municipal Assembly, with deliberative powers, the City Council (‘câmara municipal’), which is an executive collegiate body, and the President of the City Council (‘President of câmara municipal’). Local councillors are elected for a four-year

 According to the constitution, local government comprises the municipalities. Other categories of local government, above or below the municipality, can be established by law. Until now, this possibility has not been used. 31  Constitution of the Republic of Cape Verde, second Ordinary revision, 2010 (Constituição da República de Cabo Verde (1ª Revisão Extraordinária, 1995; 1ª Revisão Ordinária, 1999; 2ª Revisão Ordinária, 2010). Praia: Assembleia Nacional). 32  The 14 municipalities: Ribeira Grande; Paul; Porto Novo; São Vicente; Tarrafal de São Nicolau; Sal; Boavista; Maio; Tarrafal de Santiago; Santa Catarina; Santa Cruz; Praia; Fogo; Brava. 30

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3  Local Government in Cape Verde 1970–2020 Table 3.3  Cape Verde—municipalities by island: population and area, 2018 Islands Santo Antão

São Vicente São Nicolau Sal Boa Vista Maio Santiago

Fogo

Brava Cape Verde (total)

Municipalities Ribeira Grande Paul Porto Novo São Vicente Ribeira Brava Tarrafal São Nicolau Sal Boa Vista Maio Tarrafal Santa Catarina Santa Cruz Praia São Domingos São Miguel São Salvador do Mundo São Lourenço dos Órgãos Ribeira Grande de Santiago Mosteiros São Filipe Santa Catarina do Fogo Brava 22

Population 16,034 5648 17,068 83,468 6965 5217 38,246 17,708 7215 18,172 46,337 26,100 162,814 14,135 14,121 8620 6990 8488 9286 20,688 5240 5521 544,081

Area (km2) 166.5 54.3 564.3 226.7 224.8 119.8 219.8 631.1 274.5 120.8 242.6 112.2 102.6 147.5 77.4 26.5 36.9 137.3 89.45 228.84 152.95 62.51 4033

Source: INE-CV (2020). Anuário estatístico de Cabo Verde—2018. Praia: Instituto Nacional de Estatística (author own elaboration)

term.33 The statute of the municipalities34 and the statute of the local councillor35 define the functioning of the system. According to the Electoral Code of Cape Verde,36 may run for and be elected to the boards of the municipality the following citizens: Cape Verdean citizens over 18 years of age; foreign and stateless citizens, with eighteen or more years, and with legal and permanent residence in Cape Verde for over five years; and Lusophone citizens legally established in Cape Verde, under the same conditions as national

 Local elections, as all the other elections in Cape Verde, are organized and supervised by the National Election Commission (CNE—Comissão Nacional de Eleições) created in 1994 as a permanent and independent board (Law 112/IV/94) replacing the previous system introduced in 1984 (Law 46/II/84) (CNE, n/d). The evidence seems to suggest, after several electoral acts, that municipal elections in Cape Verde are second-order elections, as Pereira et al. (2019) argue. 34  Law 134/IV/95, 3 July 1995 (Lei No. 134/IV/95, 3 de Julho—Estatuto dos Municípios). 35  Law 14/IV/91, 30 December (Lei No. 14/IV/91, 30 de Dezembro—Estatuto dos eleitos municipais). 36  Electoral Code—Law No. 92/V/99, 8 February; Law No. 56/VII/2010, 9 March. 33

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Fig. 3.2  Population by municipality, 2018. (Source: Author own elaboration)

citizens. The Electoral Code lists the categories of citizens that are ineligible in local elections. The law on gender parity establishes specific criterion for the lists of councillors for the municipal boards,37 which is well reflected in the composition of the electoral lists presented and in the results in the last municipal elections in 2020  Law 68/IX/2019, 16 November—parity in this context means a minimum of 40% of each sex for the Municipal Assembly and Municipal Executive Council (‘câmara municipal’). The two first places in the list must be of different sexes and shall not be more than two of the same sex consecutively in the ordering of the remaining places in these lists. 37

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(Table 3.4 and Figs. 3.3 and 3.4). The gender balance improved since the previous municipal election in 2016 (e.g. elected women for the municipal assembly increased from 27% to 42% from 2016 to 2020; and from 26% to 41% in the municipal executive board). And according to the Electoral Code can vote in the local elections: Cape Verdean citizens, over 18 years old, registered in the national territory; foreigners and stateless persons of both sexes, over the age of eighteen, and with legal and permanent residence in Cape Verde for over three years and registered in the national territory; and Lusophone citizens legally established in Cape Verde, under the same conditions as national citizens, provided they are registered in the national territory. In the local election of 2020, there were 336,642 registered electors, of which 58.4% voted and 41.6% abstained (CNE 2020a, b). Of those that voted, 52.3% were female voters and 47.7% male were voters (Table 3.5). Table 3.4  Gender Parity in Municipal Elections 2020: list membership (number and percentage of males and females in the lists for the municipal council and municipal assembly)

List membership Elected members

Municipal council (‘câmara municipal’) Male Female 435 55.1% 355 44.9% 82 59.42% 56 40.58%

Municipal assembly Male Female 988 54.2% 834 45.8% 198 57.89% 144 42.11%

Source: CNE (2020a), author own elaboration

Fig. 3.3  Gender parity in municipal elections—Executive Board, 2020. (Source: Author own elaboration)

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Fig. 3.4  Gender parity in municipal elections—Municipal Assembly, 2020. (Source: Author own elaboration)

Table 3.5  Number of voters in the Local Election 2020 Number of electors % of electors

Male 93,158 47.66%

Female 102,286 52.34%

Total 195,444

Source: CNE (2020a), author own elaboration

The local election comprises the election of the municipal council (‘câmara municipal’) and the municipal assembly (‘Assembleia Municipal’), in two separate votes. The election for both boards is done on a list that aggregates the names of the candidates. The candidate who occupies the first place in the list is the candidate for president. Citizens vote in the entire list for each of these two boards and not for individual candidates. The vote for both boards takes place on the same day. Political parties and groups of citizens can take part in the election for the municipal boards. In the case of the groups of citizens, its members must be registered in the municipality area and not affiliated with political parties. These groups must be proposed by at least 5% of the number of voting citizens in the respective municipality, according to the Electoral Code. The number of candidates on the lists for the assembly and for the executive council is different. These numbers on both lists also differ from municipality to municipality (Table 3.6). The determining criterion is the number of inhabitants of the municipality. According to this criterion, the municipalities are divided for this purpose into three categories (Table 3.6 and Fig. 3.5).

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Table 3.6  Number of elected members in the municipal boards according to size of the municipality Municipality size (number of inhabitants) ≥30.000 10.000–30.000 Enhance the economic and social value through regeneration, rehabilitation and urban requalification and improvement of accessibility, in all municipalities in the country, according to projects presented by the Municipal Councils > Improve the quality of life of families by promoting the rehabilitation of housing in the different municipalities of the country, according to the needs identified by the Municipal Councils > Regenerate historic centres by promoting the rehabilitation of public spaces with pedestrian mobility, urban equipment, rehabilitation of green spaces, facades and public lighting > Requalify the historical, cultural and religious heritage in almost all municipalities in Cape Verde, according to the classification of the Institute of Cultural Heritage > Requalify the seafronts, with emphasis on the municipalities of Porto Novo in Santo Antão, Tarrafal de São Nicolau, São Miguel and Tarrafal on the island of Santiago, Mosteiros on the island of Fogo and São Vicente na ilha do Fogo e São Vicente > Continue the process of clearing localities by rehabilitating roads with high agricultural and tourist potential, with the collaboration of the Instituto de Estradas > Promote the improvement of accessibility, safety and operational conditions, berthing and parking of vessels through the construction and/or rehabilitation of fishing trawlers, namely on the islands of Santiago, Fogo, Brava and Santo Antão > Execute the Detailed Plan for Chã das Caldeiras, as well as the Strategic Plan for the Integrated Development of the Communities of Tarrafal de Monte de Trigo and Monte Trigo > Rehabilitation of the municipal markets of Assomada and Praia Source: PSH (2019) Author’ own elaboration

Table 9.21  Legislation for the Housing sector and related sectors, published after 2011 Legal Act Law n.° 26/ VIII/2013, 21 January 2013 Decret-Law n.° 50/2013, 5 December Law n.° 60/ VIII/2014, 23 April Decret-­ Regulamentar n.° 21/2014, 25 April Resolution n° 65/2018, 10 July Decret-­ Regulamentar n.° 7/2018, 20 September

Approves the general principles and rules applicable to tax benefits, establishes their content and sets the respective granting rules (Fiscal Benefits Code) Establishes the Legal Regime applicable to the exercise of construction activity. Amends Decree-Law no. 45/2010, of 11 October. Establishes the legal regime for urban planning operations, namely allotment, urbanization, construction and the use and conservation of buildings. Amends article 19 of Regulatory Decree no. 9/2010, of 13 September, which regulates the parameters and characteristics of social housing, as well as the conditions of access to projects, programs and public benefits for the acquisition, construction and rehabilitation of social housing. Institutionalizes the Requalification, Rehabilitation and Accessibility Program (PRRA) Establishes the Single Social Registry as an instrument to support the social protection system at the safety net level

(continued)

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Table 9.21 (continued) Legal Act Despacho n.° 20/2018, 26 November Resolution n.° 51/2019, de 23 de April Decret-Law n.°56/2019, 30 December

Resolution n° 161/2019, 30 December Resolution n.° 24/2020, 18 February Resolution n.° 25/2020, 18 February Deliberation IFH 10 July 2020

Creates the Commission for the Coordination of Resettlement of Households residing in informal settlements on the islands of Sal and Boa Vista, which defines the best proposals for resettlement according to the socio-economic profile. Approves the Charter for the National Housing Policy

Diploma regulates the general conditions for rehousing households residing in informal settlements in the Bairros of Alto Santa Cruz, Alto São João on the island of Sal, the consolidated north zone and the south zone of the Boa Esperança and Farinação district on the island of Boavista, resulting from of the plan to eradicate informal settlements on tourist islands. Approves the Housing Subsidy for Young People and People with Disabilities registered in the Single Social Registry Approves the National Land Planning and Urban Planning Policy (PNOTU) Approves the National Housing Policy (PNH)

Regulation for Housing Subsidy for Young People and People with Disabilities registered in the Single Social Registry

Source: Official Bulletins Author’ own elaboration

9.3.3.7 National Housing Policy The Ministry of Infrastructure, Spatial Planning and Housing (MIOTH), assisted by UN-Habitat Cape Verde, prepared the document ‘National Housing Policy’ (PNH), published in December 2019. Also in 2019, a diagnostic study was carried out, PSH – Profile of the Housing Sector, which promoted the preparation of the National Housing Policy (PNH). This profile identified priority actions implemented to improve the habitability conditions of Cape Verdeans, in line with the Strategic Plan for Sustainable Development of Cape Verde (PEDS) and the Sustainable Development Objectives (Agenda 2030), which includes the PRRA. That National Housing Policy (Resolution No. 25/2020) constitutes a tool that defines premises, principles, guidelines and instruments for the development of the housing sector, impacting the transformation of human settlements in Cape Verde, poverty reduction and widespread and continuous improvement of living conditions in the country. The main objective is to provide a framework for the housing segment, promoting the inclusive, resilient, efficient and sustainable functioning of the housing sector.

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Table 9.22  Priority areas of the National Housing Policy (PNH) Actors in the housing sector Political and regulatory framework Offer and housing stock Deficit, need and housing demand housing finance

Urban planning and housing Land for housing

Infrastructures and services Construction and materials

Involvements of public sector, private sector and civil society actors Establishment of a robust, efficient and consistent legal framework that promotes and disciplines the housing sector The offer must be diversified, both in its source and in its models, taking into account the target groups The ability to pay for housing should be the basis of any housing program that is developed at national or municipal level. For the sustainable development of the housing sector, it is imperative to have an inclusive, efficient, effective and well-structured system that includes formal and informal mechanisms. Housing development necessarily involves land use and urban planning policies The management of territory and land resources and legal certainty in property transactions are crucial matters for a balanced, efficient and fair urban development and, consequently, for the affordability of housing. Housing provision and infrastructure are intrinsically related Sustainable methods of producing local building materials are key to curbing over-reliance on expensive imported materials due to high import costs and taxes.

Housing resilience Source: PNH Author’ own elaboration

The NHP is based on a new strategic approach that determines the continuation of interventions aimed at consolidating housing production that responds to the needs of all layers of the population, and especially the most vulnerable, in the 10 priority areas presented in Table 9.22. According to the PNH, the implementation process of this policy must have, as its only implementation instruments, the National Housing Plan (PLANAH), Municipal Housing Plans (PLAMUH) in all municipalities and a Housing Information System (SIH), in addition to the essential harmonization of the entire legal and regulatory framework (UN 2019b). The National Housing Plan (PLANAH) will be the main instrument for implementing the PNH, which will support the integration of interventions at the central and local administration levels. PLANAH should define the programmatic lines and housing programs in accordance with the political instructions and strategies outlined in the NHP. The local instruments for implementing the NHP are the Municipal Housing Plans (PLAMUH), whose objective is to promote the planning of actions in the housing sector to guarantee access to decent housing (social interest housing) in the respective municipality. The Housing Information System (SIH) is a database including records with geo-referenced information identifiers of housing conditions throughout the national territory, at the level of families. The Monitoring and Evaluation System (SMA) is created for the purpose of monitoring and evaluating the implementation of the Policy. It is considered,

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therefore, that the monitoring, evaluation and periodic review are fundamental factors for the assessment of the performance of the policy, and justification for its review, whenever necessary, thus confirming the progress of the fulfilment of the objective that everyone carries out.

9.4 ‘Casa Para Todos’ Program (‘House for All Program’): The Impact of Habitar CV The ‘Casa para Todos’ program, here referred to as ‘Habitar CV’, aimed to carry out works and services that resulted in new housing units, in urban areas, inserted in legally defined parcels of an area, endowed with minimum standards of habitability, health and safety. This program included several actions comprising three axes: (i) production of housing units through conventional processes at reduced costs; (ii) planning and infrastructure of the areas of new housing developments; and (iii) construction of collective equipment (Table 9.23). A total of 6010 units were designed and distributed over 50 projects, on 8 islands and 19 municipalities. Some of the contracting processes involved the allocation of funds greater than those foreseen for infrastructure works, which is why the construction of only 5620 rooms, spread over 49 housing projects, was carried out. Based on data provided by the management entity – Imobiliária, Fundiária e Habitat, SA (IFH) – it was found that between 2011 and 2015, 2098 units were completed, distributed over 25 projects on 7 islands, with the other contracts having been completed by end of 2017. Of the housing units implemented, 2178 were destined for class A households, 2519 for class B and 923 for class C, as shown in Table 9.24. According to data provided by IFH, ‘Habitar CV’ registered, at the national level, 29,606 inscriptions in CUBHIS, between 2010 and 2019. In Praia, around 48.5% of applications were registered (14,368). Of the remaining municipalities, the application rate was 4.3% in Boa Vista, 12.1% in Sal, 4.5% in Santa Cruz and 18.5% São Vicente . The CUBHIS statistics provides an idea of the families who applied for ‘Habitar CV’ and were granted a property or who are awaiting a possible allocation. Families enrolled in the rogram are mostly composed of 3 members: in total (27.26%); those registered in the municipality of Praia (28.19%); and those registered in the remaining municipalities (26.38%). Families registered with CUBHIS, in Praia (n:14,368) corresponded to 43,392 persons, and in total of the remaining municipalities (n:15,238) corresponded to 42,081 persons. At the start of ‘Habitar CV’, Class A houses were created for around 83.9% of those registered (24,837), 13.1% (3870) for Class B and only 3.0% (899) were for Class C. Table 9.25 shows the distribution by island and municipality of the number of dwellings, the number of subscribers and the corresponding response rate of the Program. It results show that between 2011 and 2020, the concession of new housing was made possible to approximately 19% of the candidates registered in the CUBHIS. However, the analyses of the demand for housing by class, at the national level, show a response rate of 8.8% for Class A, 65.1% for Class B and more than

A. M. Rodrigues

316 Table 9.23  Objectives of the HABITAR CV program and types of projects General objective Carry out works and services that result in new housing units, in urban areas, inserted in legally defined portions of an area, endowed with minimum standards of habitability, health and safety

Source: IFH Author’ own elaboration

Axes Production of housing units through conventional processes at reduced costs

Type of project HU Class A for Lease or Resolvable Income HU Class B for Own Home HU Class C for Own Home Water Branch Planning and infrastructure of areas for Electricity Branch new housing Sewer branch developments WWTP Sewage Network Call Extensions (Est.) Electricity Branch (Est.) Transformation Station PT reinforcement Street lighting Access ways Internal Access Roads External Access Roads Access Road walking tours Parking Exterior Arrangements Afforestation Green spaces Urban Equipment Urban Furniture Retaining wall Viewpoint Cisterns Rehabilitation of Buildings Construction of collective Teaching Equipment equipment Social Equipment Cultural Equipment Recreation and Leisure and Sports Equipment

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Table 9.24  Execution of the ‘Habitar CV’ program (2011–2020) Number of dwellings built Island BOAVISTA 780 FOGO 196 MAIO 90 SAL 841 SANTIAGO 2479 SANTO ANTÃO 248 SÃO NICOLAU 86 SÃO VICENTE 900 TOTAL 5620 Municipality 1941 Cidade da Praia

Classes Class Class A B 300 380 84 70 60 30 327 376 1040 1127 100 102 58 28 209 406 2178 2519 728 949

Class C 100 42 0 138 312 46 0 285 923 264

Number of dwellings projected 780 196 90 841 2869 248 86 900 6010 2331

Classes Class Class Class A B C 200 410 170 84 70 42 60 30 0 327 376 138 1192 975 702 100 102 46 58 28 0 192 418 290 2213 2409 1388 880 797 654

Source: IFH Author’ own elaboration

102.7% for Class C.  In São Vicente, the disparity is significant: The built HUs respond to only 4.3% of the registered families of Class A, contrary to the Class C HUs, which present a low demand compared to the larger offer (Figs. 9.17, 9.18, 9.19, 9.20, 9.21 and 9.22). The response rate from ‘Habitar CV’ is considerable. In certain municipalities, supply (number of homes built) exceeded demand (number of subscribers). With a rate of around 118.2% in the municipality of São Salvador Mundo, and considering that the number of homes built was higher than the number of people enrolled in CUBHIS, it can perhaps be concluded that the ‘Habitar CV’ program may have had an extremely strong impact. The municipalities of Ribeira Grande de Santiago and São Domingos registered some applications in CUBHIS; however, no housing development was built in these municipalities, so both have a zero-response rate. From the analysis of the response rate by class, there is a considerable representation of Class C. In general terms, this class registers a response rate above 100%, with its highest and most extreme representations being registered in the municipalities of Mosteiros (1200.0%), Boavista (454.5%), Ribeira Grande (418.2%), São Vicente (323.9%), Sal (186.5%) and Santa Cruz (180, 0%). In this class, the least favoured, a rate of less than 50% in CUBHIS has been registered in the municipality of Praia (41.1%). Class B presents, at the national level, a response rate just above 50% (65.1%). However, also in this class there was an offer that is extremely superior to the demand. This is the case of the municipalities of Santa Catarina (1500.0%), Ribeira Brava (666.7%), Maio (333.3%), São Salvador Mundo (257.1%), Santa Cruz (245 .0%), São Lourenço Órgãos (228.6%), Boavista (203.2%), São Miguel (200.0%), Tarrafal de São Nicolau (200.0%) and São Filipe (103.4%). The municipalities of Tarrafal (50.0%) and Praia (42.1%) have response rates equal to or less than 50%, so it can be considered that at the intersection between the number of built dwellings

SANTO ANTÃO

MAIO SAL SANTIAGO

Island BOAVISTA FOGO

Municipalities Boavista Mosteiros Santa Catarina São Filipe Maio Sal Praia São Salvador Mundo Santa Catarina Santa Cruz São Domingos São Lourenço Orgãos São Miguel São Salvador do Mundo Tarrafal Paul Porto Novo Ribeira Grande 84 0 30 26 34 40

100 0

40 48 50 150

10 22 16 64

16 0 0 0 0 46

0 0

30 18 0 0

0 104 0 34

50 220 0 50

20 98 0 16

UH built by class Class Class Class A B C 380 100 300 30 10 12 30 30 0 24 30 30 60 30 0 327 376 138 728 949 264 60 18 0

Number of dwellings built 780 52 60 84 90 841 1941 78

Table 9.25  Responsiveness of the “Habitar CV” Program (2011–2020)

321 292 357 526

284 66

315 1323 32 195

Number of subscribers 1285 200 115 267 232 3573 14,368 27

301 260 332 427

275 59

216 1273 30 186

20 29 25 88

8 7

65 40 2 7

0 3 0 11

1 0

34 10 0 2

Subscribers CUBHIS by class Class Class Class A B C 1076 187 22 186 13 1 112 2 1 238 29 0 219 9 4 2942 557 74 11,473 2252 643 22 5 0

12.5 16.4 14.0 28.5

35.2 0.0

15.9 16.6 0.0 25.6

Response rate (%) 60.7 26.0 52.2 31.5 38.8 23.5 13.5 288.9

10.0 10.0 10.2 9.4

30.5 0.0

0.0 8.2 0.0 18.3

50.0 75.9 64.0 72.7

200.0 0.0

30.8 245.0 0.0 228.6

0.0 0.0 0.0 418.2

0.0 0.0

88.2 180.0 0.0 0.0

Response rate by class (%) Class A Class B Class C 27.9 203.2 454.5 16.1 76.9 1200.0 26.8 1500.0 0.0 10.1 103.4 0.0 27.4 333.3 0.0 11.1 67.5 186.5 6.3 42.1 41.1 272.7 360.0 0.0

318 A. M. Rodrigues

Ribeira Brava Tarrafal de São Nicolau São Vicente

Source: IFH – CUBHIS Author’ own elaboration

SÃO VICENTE TOTAL

SÃO NICOLAU 209 2178

5620

30 28

900

50 36

2519

406

20 8

923

285

0 0

29,606

5479

176 173

24,837

4873

170 167

3870

518

3 4

899

88

3 2

19.0

16.4

28.4 20.8

8.8

4.3

17.6 16.8

65.1

78.4

666.7 200.0

102.7

323.9

0.0 0.0

9  Housing Policies in Cape Verde, 1970–2020: Challenges and Opportunities… 319

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Fig. 9.17  House for All – Sao Miguel 01. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2017)

and the number of entries in the CUBHIS, these are the municipalities where Habitar CV had the least impact. Class A presents a surplus in the response rate only in the municipality of São Salvador Mundo (101.7%). Of the other municipalities in the Cape Verde archipelago, none of them has a rate above 31%. In this class, there was an offer that was extremely inferior to the demand. This is the case of the municipalities of São Vicente (4.3%); Praia (6.3%); Santa Cruz (8.2%); Ribeira Grande (9.4%); Tarrafal, Paul, Porto Novo and São Filipe with about 10%; Sal (11.1%); Boavista (27.9%) and São Lourenço dos Órgãos (30.5%). The municipalities of Praia, Sal and São Vicente are the ones that register the largest number of built dwellings and, at the same time, the largest number of subscribers to CUBHIS. However, Habitar CV’s response rates are among the lowest, as the demands largely surpassed the supply. The municipality of Praia, which registered the highest number of applications (48.5%), also registers the highest number of assignments (34.5%). However, the attribution rate compared to the number of applications does not exceed 6.3%. São Vicente was the second municipality to receive more applications (16.0%), but the response rate was only 16.4%. São Salvador do Mundo was the municipality with the highest response rate (118.2%), followed by Boavista (60.7%), Santa Catarina do Fogo (52.2%), Maio (38.3% ), São Miguel (35.2%) and São Filipe (31.5%). The remaining councils register response rates of less than 30%.

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Fig. 9.18 House for All – Santa Cruz 01. (Source: Ana Marta Clemente 2013)

In the case of the municipalities of Ribeira Grande de Santiago and São Domingos, which had the lowest number of applications, no house was built. Boavista, on the other hand, presents itself as the municipality most favoured by the program. With an index of applications that places it in 5th position in this ranking and a considerable number of built dwellings, this municipality presents a relatively favourable response rate (60.7%). The data from CUBHIS referring to families with housing allocation, allow us to understand the impact of ‘Habitar CV’ on the improvement of housing conditions. Crossing the application rate with the attribution rate by housing occupancy regime, it appears that the candidates who rented a house are the ones with a more significant attribution rate (68.5%). The rate calculated based on the number of attributions by the number of applications is also the highest (2.8%). Second, in terms of benefits arising from participation in this program, there are participants who did not have a home, with a rate of around 2.4%, and participants living in illegal houses (2.1%). With an attribution rate in the order of 3.2%, the candidates who lived in houses without connection to a wastewater evacuation system were the ones who most benefited from this program. In this category, 6636 (22.5%) applications were registered, and of these, 25.4% were housing allocated under this programme.

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Fig. 9.19  House for All – Santa Catarina 01. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2017)

Fig. 9.20  House for All – Tarrafal 01. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2017)

9  Housing Policies in Cape Verde, 1970–2020: Challenges and Opportunities…

Fig. 9.21  House for All – Praia 02. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2017)

Fig. 9.22  House for All – Praia 03. (Source: Ana Marta Clemente 2013)

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A. M. Rodrigues

The use of septic tanks for the evacuation of dirty water is the largest representation in the total number of applications (11,601; 39.3%) and in the attributions (35.6%) within the scope of Habitar CV. However, the highest response rate (4.4%) is registered in evacuations dumped directly into the river or into the sea (applications: 596; 2.0% / assignments: 3.1%). So, in this parameter of the analysis, the applicants were the ones who most benefited from the program (Figs. 9.23, 9.24, 9.25, 9.26, 9.27 and 9.28). It appears that the candidates who did not use electricity as their main source of energy (2948; 10.0%) were the ones who most benefited from this program (11.7%), which corresponds to a response rate of 3.3%. It was the candidates who used candles and access to irregular light who benefited the most from this program. In the case of irregular lighting, 389 applications (1.3%) and 14 assignments (1.7%) were registered, which shows a response rate of around 3.6%. The use of candles for lighting in the home was mentioned by 2596 applicants (8.8%), and of these, 10.4% received properties allocated under this programme, evidenced by a response rate of around 3.4%. Candidates who lived in an accommodation without connection to the public water distribution network benefited from this program, representing 35% of the assignments and a response rate of 2.84%. Candidates who depended on the fountain as their main source of watersupply (22.9%) were the main beneficiaries of this program (24.2%), showing a response rate of 3%, closely followed by the candidates who depended on it (application: 0.7%; attribution: 0.7%) and those who lived in properties connected to a public distribution network inside the house (application: 58.5%; attribution: 60.1 %), showing a response rate of 2.9%.

Fig. 9.23  House for All –Praia 05. (Source: Ana Marta Clemente 2016)

9  Housing Policies in Cape Verde, 1970–2020: Challenges and Opportunities…

Fig. 9.24  House for All – Praia 1.1. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2019)

Fig. 9.25  House for All – Praia 1.2. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2011)

325

326

Fig. 9.26  House for All – Praia 1.2. (Source: Ana Mafalda Rodrigues 2011)

Fig. 9.27  House for All – Sal 03 Espargos. (Source: Fernando Santos 2014)

A. M. Rodrigues

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Fig. 9.28  House for All – Sal 04 Santa Maria. (Source: Fernando Santos_2020)

Habitar CV is an instrument of public housing policies but also of urban policy, in that it seeks to mitigate the social vulnerability of populations regarding urban insertion. The ‘Casa para Todos’ program does not contemplate only the construction of houses. Decree-Law No. 5/2016 stipulates in its articles 15 and 16 the inclusion of public community facilities and social integration plans in the housing projects. The inclusion of social equipment in the housing projects is mandatory whenever more than 50 homes of social interest are produced. According to article 15 of Decree-Regulatory No. 9/2010, the equipment provided must be for: health; education and citizenship; urban mobility and security; leisure sport and community living; job and income generation; assistance to children, the elderly, the physically handicapped or those with special needs (Figs. 9.29, 9.30, 9.31, 9.32, 9.33 and 9.34). In this context, social equipment associated with the various projects were planned and built, as shown in Table 9.26. Investments were considered in the internal infrastructure of the areas where the projects are located, resulting from the need for construction in areas of expansion of the cities, new areas without the basic urban infrastructure, that contributed to the consolidation of cities through the creation of new centralities. To sum up, the ‘Habitar CV’ program has been, in the period under analysis in this chapter, an instrument that embodies not only the Right to Housing, although with an impact below expectations, but also the Right to the City in Cape Verde. And in that sense, it constituted an important driver in the changes that took place in recent years in the local and urban governance system in Cape Verde, as is shown and reiterated in the other chapters of the book that deal with other facets of the local governance system in the country.

328

Fig. 9.29  House for All – Praia 06. (Source: Fernando Santos 2016)

Fig. 9.30  House for All – Praia 8.1. (Source: João Paulo Madeira 2021)

A. M. Rodrigues

9  Housing Policies in Cape Verde, 1970–2020: Challenges and Opportunities…

Fig. 9.31  House for All – Praia 8.2. (Source: João Paulo Madeira 2021)

Fig. 9.32  House for All – Praia 10. (Source: João Paulo Madeira 2021)

329

330

Fig. 9.33  House for All – Praia 04. (Source: Ana Marta Clemente 2016)

Fig. 9.34  House for All – Praia 07. (Source: João Paulo Madeira 2021)

A. M. Rodrigues

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Table 9.26  Social facilities ‘Habitar CV’ program (2011–2020) Island Municipalities SANTO ANTÃO RIBEIRA GRANDE

SÃO VICENTE

PAÚL PORTO NOVO SÃO VICENTE

SAL

SAL

BOAVISTA

BOAVISTA

FOGO

SÃO FILIPE SANTA CATARINA MOSTEIROS

Social equipment 2 Children’s Playgrounds Square Paulense Club Centre Playground 5 Sports Boards 3 Squares 5 Children’s Playgrounds Community Equipment Community Centre Community Space 4 Children’s Playgrounds 3 Sports Boards 3 Children’s Playgrounds Street furniture Equipment Inner courtyard Garden 2 squares Green Walks and Corridors 4 Condominium Halls Sports Hall Solidarity House Multipurpose Room Social Equipment 2 Sports Boards Community Centre Square (Heart of Baraca) 3 Children’s Playgrounds Police Station Sports field in the sand 3 Condominium Hall Square + Playing Field + Playground Square + Playgrounds + Urban Furniture Kiosk Playground (continued)

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Table 9.26 (continued) Island SANTIAGO

Municipalities PRAIA

SÃO LOURENÇO DOS ÓRGÃOS SANTA CRUZ

SÃO MIGUEL

SÃO SALVADOR DO MUNDO TARRAFAL MAIO

MAIO

Social equipment 4 Squares 2 kiosks Children’s Equipment 15 Condominium Halls 8 Children’s Playgrounds Musical Equipment Nursery Garden Community Hall Student Home Social Reintegration Centre 2 Kindergartens (schools) Children’s Urban Furniture Landscaping Primary school Children’s Emergency Centre Playground Community Centre Kindergarten (school) Square + Urban Furniture + Green Spaces Municipal Equipment (two houses) Playground 2 Children’s Playgrounds Sports plate Kindergarten (school) sports plate Community Centre Playground Sports board Playground

Source: IFH Author’ own elaboration

9.5 Conclusion Over the last 45 years, the development of the housing policies in Cape Verde has been dependent on the resources available, both financial and technical, necessary for the implementation of housing projects and the associated social actions. The housing policies implemented in this period had an impact on the mitigation of social vulnerability that is below expectations, and due to that, the number of families living in a situation of serious housing shortage is still high.

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Population growth, migration to urban areas, lack of land tenure and insufficient financial resources resulted in an increase in inadequate housing as this chapter shows. This situation, confronted with the international recognition of the Right to the City and the Right to Adequate Housing, led the state in Cape Verde to assume as its duty the promotion of public housing and to develop urban policies to increase access to housing and to enhance social inclusion, especially for the most disadvantaged sections of the population, drawing on the contribution of other actors, such as civil society, the scientific community, multilateral agencies, financial institutions and construction companies, among others, as we have argued before (Rodrigues 2014). The recent National Housing Policy defines premises, principles, guidelines and instruments for the development of the housing sector, with an impact on the transformation of human settlements in Cape Verde, on the reduction of poverty and on a generalized and continuous improvement of living conditions in the country. In its new strategic approach, which has as its main objective the inclusive, resilient, efficient and sustainable functioning of the housing sector, it is important to reinforce the importance of the reforms advocated for the inclusive approach, the improvement of housing conditions and the urbanization of informal settlements. In pursuing the interventions defined by the PNH, aimed at consolidating housing production as a means of responding to the needs of the population, especially the most vulnerable, it is essential to consider: the involvement of public, private and civil society actors in the housing sector; the robust policy and regulatory framework for the housing sector; the diversified and adequate offer of the housing stock; the recognition of the housing deficit, need and demand; integration of policies in the domains of urban planning and housing; the management of land and land resources for housing; the provision of infrastructure and services alongside housing; and, to make the actions feasible, the creation of a robust and structured housing financing system. Currently, the implementation process of this policy has as its only implementation instruments the National Housing Plan (PLANAH), Municipal Housing Plans (PLAMUH) in all municipalities and a Housing Information System (SIH), as well as the harmonization and the structuring of the legal and regulatory framework. PLANAH is appointed as the main implementation instrument, integrating interventions at central and local administration levels, with programmatic lines and housing programs defined in accordance with the political instructions and strategies outlined in the NHP. In Cape Verde, the housing policies implemented are still insufficient to respond to the current needs, which are reflected in an approximate housing deficit of 8.7% of the families, as referred before. Although the determination of the state to promote affordable housing is considered important, the social role of the state in responding to the housing problem that affects the population of the poorest and most vulnerable social classes must be accompanied by other prosperity-promoting social policies, as the case of Cape Verde shows. The main challenges are the control of non-licensed or illegal and precarious constructions. This requires the reinforcement of the technical and financial

334

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resources of the municipalities that primarily support the actions of rehabilitation/ requalification, demolition, and relocation. This may be complemented by the construction of permanent housing solutions and temporary accommodation, as a response to the needs of families in situations of severe housing shortages. In Cape Verde, it is essential to meet the needs of people and families in situations of precariousness, overcrowding, unhealthy conditions, insecurity or inadequacy and whose financial situation does not allow them to bear the cost of access to adequate housing. It is important that housing policies respond to serious housing shortages, associated with precarious housing situations that put people’s safety at risk (domestic violence, structural insecurity, and so on), people’s health (housing without minimum living conditions, people in homeless or at-risk situations) and situations of overcrowding or inadequacy (insufficient and incompatible housing for the composition of the household). In addition to providing more social housing, it is important to consider the provision of housing as a response to urgent and temporary situations caused by various events, which require immediate and adjusted responses, as is the case of people in precarious situations and social vulnerability, covering immigrants who provide temporary work and have difficulty in accessing housing with a minimum of dignity. It is understood that the resolution of the serious housing problem in Cape Verde may involve actions of: (a) reinforcement of the public housing stock, integrating construction and rehabilitation operations of vacant buildings, to provide more housing offer of social interest (housing permanent or urgent and temporary accommodation); (b) rehabilitation of housing integrated in degraded consolidated urban centres; and (c) rehabilitation of housing, private and public housing stock of social interest, leading to providing them with the minimum conditions of habitability. In the creation of decent housing as a right and vector of social inclusion, it is important to integrate the sociological and anthropological vision in the design of adequate housing models for the target groups, which may include alternative solutions such as evolutionary single-family or multi-family housing and the infra-­ structured lots in special areas of social interest, defined in municipal housing and land use plans, as well as self-construction programs developed with technical assistance. As the PNH points out, urban plans are also instruments for implementing the housing policy, promoting the protection and fulfilment of the Right to the City, by giving powers to the local government to apply instruments that can fulfil the social function of urban property. The recognition and institutionalization of the Right to the City necessarily imply the definition of objective parameters for the location, integration in the surroundings and urban design of HIS projects. The urban insertion of these enterprises and rehabilitated centres must guarantee public spaces that promote sociability, comfortable pedestrian circulation and full access to public transport and equipment, commerce, services and other activities essential to urban life. The implementation of integrated and cohesive policies, in the domain of housing and land use planning, is the way to combat inequalities and social exclusion

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and guarantee the Right to Housing and the Right to the City. This goal ought to be central in all reforms to be undertaken in the current local and urban governance system in Cape Verde, namely in central–local relations, by enhancing the organizational, functional and financial autonomy of municipalities in Cape Verde, a conclusion that concurs with the main findings and argument of the book, as expressed in all chapters that deal explicitly with the system of the local government and with the spatial planning system in the country in the post-colonial period. Acknowledgments  IFH, S.A.; MAHOT; MIHOT; INGT; UNICV; and FCT

References Afrosondagem (2013) Relatório “Descentralização em Cabo Verde”. Afrosondagem. Afrosondagem, Praia. Retrieved from https://info.undp.org/docs/pdc/Documents/CPV/ Relat%C3%B3rio%20Final%20Descentraliza%C3%A7%C3%A3o%2006%2010%2013%20 %20pdf.pdf Allegretti G, Fortuno M, Lucchi GP (2021) Campo de Forças – Experiência para Integração da Praia Informal. Movimento África 70, Praia Câmara Municipal da Praia (2011) Relatório de Caracterização e Diagnóstico-Dimensão do Uso e Ocupação do Solo. In: PDM do Município da Praia. Câmara Municipal da Praia, Praia Carneiro LA (1990) Urbanização e habitação urbana no terceiro mundo - o caso de Cabo Verde. Instituto de Investigação Científica Tropical, Lisboa Delgado PM (2011) Cabo Verde: Habitação - uma política uma estratégia e uma visão. Africana Studia 16:41–45 Governo de Cabo Verde (1985) DESPACHO n.° 17/85 de 19 março de 1985, publicado no B.O. de Cabo Verde n.° 12/85  – Contagem da População residente nas cidades de Praia, Mindelo, S. Filipe e em Espargos/Sal. Governo de Cabo Verde, Praia Instituto de Fomento à Habitação (1984) Esquema Geral de Programas Habitacionais e Medidas de Financiamento para o Sector da Habitação. IFH, Praia Instituto Nacional de Estatística (2010) Recenseamento Geral da População e Habitação (RGPH) 2010. IFH, Praia Instituto Nacional de Estatística (2018) Relatório Estatístico – (ODS) Objetivos de Desenvolvimento Sustentável Cabo Verde. IFH, Praia Laboratório Nacional de Engenharia Civil (1983a) Critérios para o loteamento urbano em Cabo Verde. Estudo integrado no projecto DED/CV 02/83 “Apoio à edificação urbana em Cabo Verde. Soluções preferenciais para o desenho da habitação”. LNEC, Lisboa Laboratório Nacional de Engenharia Civil (1983b) Missão a Cabo Verde em Novembro de 1982: Breve Descrição e Análise de Aspectos Relacionados com a Realidade Urbanística. Estudo integrado no projecto DED/CV 03/83 “Legislação urbanística”. LNEC, Lisboa Laboratório Nacional de Engenharia Civil (1989) Manual de soluções construtivas para a habitação popular. LNEC, Lisboa Laboratório Nacional de Engenharia Civil (1996) Plano Nacional de Habitação para Cabo Verde – Grandes Opções do Plano do IV PND: proposta para o Sector da Habitação. LNEC, Lisboa Laboratório Nacional de Engenharia Civil (1998) Proposta de Programa Estratégico do Plano Nacional de Habitação de Cabo Verde. LNEC, Lisboa Milheiro AV (2012) O Gabinete de Urbanização Colonial e o traçado das cidades luso-­ africanas na última fase do período colonial português. Urbe - Revista Brasileira de Gestão Urbana (Braz J Urban Manag) 4(2):215–232. Retrieved from https://www.redalyc.org/ pdf/1931/193124832005.pdf. ISSN: 2175-3369

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Milheiro AV (2013) Africanidade e Arquitectura Colonial: A casa projectada pelo Gabinete de Urbanização Colonial (1944–1974). Cadernos de Estudos Africanos [online], 25:121–139. Retrieved from http://www.scielo.mec.pt/scielo.php?script=sci_arttext & pid=S1645­37942013000100008 & lng=pt & nrm=iso. ISSN 1645-3794 Ministério das Infraestruturas e Transportes (1996) Balanço de execução do III Plano Nacional de Desenvolvimento e Diagnóstico do IV Plano Nacional de Desenvolvimento. MIT, Praia Ministério das Infraestruturas e Transportes (1997) Esboço do IV Plano Nacional de Desenvolvimento: Diagnóstico. MIT, Praia Ministério do Ambiente, Habitação e Ordenamento do Território (2010) Plano Estratégico Nacional de Habitação (PENH), v.I e v.II. MAHOT, Praia Ministério do Plano e Cooperação (1985) II Plano Nacional de Desenvolvimento 1986-1990: Relatórios Sectoriais. MPC, Praia Ministério Do Ultramar. (1964). Plano Intercalar de Fomento para 1965-1967. Capítulo I  – Província de Cabo Verde. MU (Documento disponível no Arquivo Histórico Diplomático  – AHD), Lisboa Ministério Do Ultramar (1965a) Inquérito Habitacional: Ocupação e Condições de Sanidade  – Cidade da Praia. MU (Documento disponível no Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino – AHU), Lisboa Ministério Do Ultramar (1965b) Relatório de Missão do grupo de Trabalho Urbanismo e Habitação na Província de Cabo Verde. MU (Documento disponível no Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino – AHU), Lisboa Ministério Do Ultramar (1968) Residências para Sargentos e Praças  – Cabo Verde, Mindelo. Processo. MU (Documento disponível no Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino – AHU), Lisboa Ministério Do Ultramar (1971) Documento disponível no Arquivo Histórico Diplomático  – AHD.  In: III Plano Nacional de Fomento da Província de Cabo Verde  – Programa de Investimentos para 1972. MU, Lisboa Ministério Do Ultramar (1972) Habitações Económicas: Tipo A-B-C-D. Processo. MU (Documento disponível no Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino – AHU), Lisboa Ministério do Ultramar (1973) Cabo Verde - Habitação Colonial – Projectos do Gabinete enviados à Colónia 1946-1973. Processo. MU. (Documento disponível no Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino – AHU), Lisboa Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros (1991) Ofício N/PROMEBAD de 27/8/91- Cooperação com FENU (V C.I.P. 92–96). Crédito a Habitação Social e 2ª fase do PROMEBAD. MNE, Praia Nascimento JM (2010) O Crescimento Urbano e os Sistemas de Gestão e de Planificação na Cidade da Praia, em Cabo Verde: Proposta de uma nova Abordagem na Intervenção Urbanística. Revista Portuguesa de Estudos Regionais 24:107 Organização das Nações Unidas (PNUD – Programa das Nações Unidas para o Desenvolvimento) (1985) Ofício N.° 0652-91 de 16/07 – PROMEBAD CVI/85/C01. ONU, Praia Ramos MA (2013) Direito da Terra – Compêndio de Legislação. Millenium Challenger Account – Cabo Verde. Retrieved from https://portondinosilhas.gov.cv/images/igrp-­portal/img/document os/25D5473815744F31E053E700040ABE32.pdf Rodrigues AM (2014) Direito à Cidade e Direito à Habitação, Vulnerabilidade Social e Violência Urbana: Caso de Estudo Cidade da Praia - Cabo Verde. Revista de Estudos Cabo-Verdianos. Número Especial/Atas II Encontro Internacional e Reflexão e Investigação, 41–50 Rodrigues AM (2015) Gestão do Risco e Políticas Públicas: Política de Habitação em Cabo Verde. InterEspaço: Revista de Geografia e Interdisciplinaridade 1(3):56–81. Retrieved from http:// www.portaldoconhecimento.gov.cv/bitstream/10961/5075/1/Gest%C3%A3o%20do%20 Risco%20e%20Pol%C3%ADticas%20P%C3%BAblicas.pdf Rodrigues AM, Walbe Ornstein S, Allegretti G (2022) Habitação social contemporânea na cidade da Praia Cabo Verde: O “Casa para Todos” sob a ótica da percepção e da satisfação dos moradores. Oculum Ensaios, 19. https://doi.org/10.24220/2318-­0919v19e2022a4901 Silva PFPD (2014) Avaliação das dinâmicas do crescimento urbano na cidade da Praia de 1969 a 2010, Cabo Verde. Master’s thesis, Universidade de Porto. Universidade do Porto Repository. https://repositorio-­aberto.up.pt/bitstream/10216/73589/2/32317.pdf

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Silveira EMBD (2011) Áreas residenciais clandestinas na Cidade da Praia: caso Latada e Achada Eugénio Lima Trás. Master’s thesis, Universidade de Lisboa. Universidade de Lisboa Repository, Lisboa. http://repositorio.ul.pt/handle/10451/6030 UN-Habitat, Governo de Cabo Verde (2013a) Perfil Urbano da Cidade da Praia – Ilha de Santiago – República de Cabo Verde. UN-Habitat, Praia UN-Habitat, Governo de Cabo Verde (2013b) Perfil Urbano da Cidade dos Espargos – Ilha do Sal – República de Cabo Verde. UN-Habitat, Praia UN-Habitat, Governo de Cabo Verde (2016) Relatório Nacional do Habitat de Cabo Verde  – Habitat III. UN-Habitat, Praia UN-Habitat, Governo de Cabo Verde (2019a) Perfil do Sector da Habitação. UN-Habitat, Praia UN-Habitat, Governo de Cabo Verde (2019b) Plano Nacional de Habitação. UN-Habitat, Praia

Legislation Assembleia Nacional (1992) Constituição da República de Cabo Verde de 1992. Cabo Verde, Praia CONSTITUIÇÃO DA REPÚBLICA DE CABO VERDE, publicada no Suplemento do B.O. n.° 41, de 13 de Outubro de 1980 CONSTITUIÇÃO DA REPÚBLICA DE CABO VERDE, Decreto-Lei n.° 11, Lei Constitucional n.° 01/IV/92, de 25 de Setembro de 1992 CONSTITUIÇÃO DA REPÚBLICA DE CABO VERDE, Lei Constitucional n.° 01/V/99, de 23 de Novembro de 1999 Decreto Lei n° 754/74, de 28 de Dezembro de 1974 do Ministério … Boletim Oficial de Cabo Verde: n. °2 (1974). Acedido a 24 jan. 2010. Available in: https://www.parlamento.cv/userfiles/ image/B.O/B%20O%20n%C2%BA%202%20Supl%20I%20Serie%201975.pdf Decreto Lei n° 726/74, de 13 de Dezembro de 1974 do Ministério … Boletim Oficial de Cabo Verde: n. °2 (1974). Acedido a 24 jan. 2010. Available in: https://www.parlamento.cv/userfiles/ image/B.O/B%20O%20n%C2%BA%202%20Supl%20I%20Serie%201975.pdf ESTATUTO ORGÂNICO DO ESTADO DE CABO VERDE, Lei n.° 13/74, publicado no B.O. de Cabo Verde n° 2, de 13 de Janeiro de 1975 LEI SOBRE A ORGANIZAÇÃO POLÍTICA DO ESTADO, de 5 de Julho de 1975. Boletim Oficial de Cabo Verde: n. °1 (1975) Ana Mafalda Rodrigues, Architect at IHRU - Instituto de Habitação e Reabilitação Urbana, in the Project Team Management function, under the Recovery and Resilience Plan (PRR - Plano de Recuperação e Resiliência). Has a degree in Architecture (2002) and a Master in “Architecture, Territory and Memory” (2007) at the University of Coimbra (Portugal), with a thesis on Spatial Planning. Specialized in Post-Occupation Evaluation (POE) at the Faculty of Architecture and Urbanism of the University of São Paulo, Brazil (2017). Developed activity as a consultant in the implementation and evaluation of public housing policies, in Local Administration. PhD researcher at the Centre for Social Studies (CES), University of Coimbra (Portugal), in “Territory, Risk and Public Policies” doctoral program. She holds a fellowship by the Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) and develops her PhD thesis at CES on the subject of housing policies in Cape Verde. Visiting researcher at the Centre for Research in Local Development and Spatial Planning (CIDLOT) of the University of Cape Verde. Guest lecturer and coordinator of the Master of Architecture and Urbanism at the Universidade Lusófona of Cape Verde.  

Chapter 10

Cidade da Praia, Floods and Inundations: Problems and Challenges for Urban Governance Sílvia Lopes Monteiro

Abstract  The Municipality of Praia, due to the nature of its territory, presents conditions, namely geological, geomorphologic, hydrological, among others, which enhance the manifestation of dangerous processes related to the occurrence of floods and inundations. With the continuous increase of the population in the city after the national independence in 1975 and the occupation of unplanned risky areas, the relationship with nature increases fragilities that can endanger life and goods, mainly in the urban area, where there is greater exposure to natural hazards. However, this exposure can be mitigated when public policies integrate land use planning and civil protection measures. This chapter’s main objective is to identify the factors that enhance the increased susceptibility and exposure to natural hazards, specifically floods in the city of Praia. It is also intended to demonstrate how these risks have been managed, especially in the last decade, through preventive and corrective measures, which have mitigated the risks by reducing exposure in the territory. Keywords  Floods · Inundation · Hazards · Dangerous processes · Urban governance · Cidade da Praia

10.1 Introduction This chapter addresses the issue of floods and inundation, and their susceptibility in the Municipality of Praia, as well as the resulting challenges for urban governance. Veyret (2007) considers that inundation represents the most widespread dangerous phenomena on the planet, affecting a large proportion of the population

S. L. Monteiro (*) University of Cape Verde, Praia, Cape Verde e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 C. Nunes Silva (ed.), Local Governance in Cape Verde, Local and Urban Governance, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05847-9_10

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worldwide. They can result from either slow or fast floods, during torrential rains, which can lead to major catastrophes. Veyret differentiates the concepts of floods from inundation, referring to floods as the discharge of water that can remain in the smaller bed of the watercourse and from the moment it is no longer able to contain the runoff, the water overflows and spreads through the larger bed causing an inundation. Almeida (2012) distinguishes between the concepts of floods and inundation, considering a flood as a phenomenon that occurs when there is an increase in the water level or flow of a river or stream, due to strong periodic precipitations but without overflow of its smaller bed or flood bed, while flooding or inundation occurs when there is an overflow of water beyond the flood bed and there is occupation of the larger bed. The author considers that urban spaces are risk spaces par excellence, where the diversity of threats potentially produces considerable damage, especially those of natural origin. According to Lima (2012), urban floods are consequences of two processes that can occur separately or at the same time, highlighting natural floods in riparian areas, where the river or stream occupies its largest bed after extreme rainy events, and inundation caused by urbanization through the waterproofing of soils and the discharge of artificial rainwater drainage systems, which facilitate surface runoff. Souza and Romualdo (2009) consider that these phenomena result from natural dynamics but are intensified by anthropic action. The socio-environmental effects of inundations are aggravated because the process of use and occupation of urban land are done inappropriately, exposing the population to risks. Also in this sense, Cunha et al. (2012) report that the magnitude and catastrophic dimension that these natural phenomena can assume are related, above all, to the lack of land use planning, which arises, above all, from the occupation of flood beds, which, in addition to increasing exposure of people and goods, by interfering with the functioning of natural systems, tend to increase the risk of occurrence of inundations. Almeida (2012), Cunha et al. (2012) and Silva (2014) consider that floods and the consequent inundations are one of the main causes of the type of disasters that involve a substantial number of victims and damages, especially in densely populated areas, especially when the floodable area does not have a suitable occupation, as housing construction in riparian areas. In this sense, the knowledge of the causes of the phenomena that can turn into disasters or catastrophes becomes one of the most important fields of geographic research and geographical knowledge. Understanding the triggering mechanisms, the functioning, frequency and magnitude of a dangerous phenomenon, such as floods/inundations, is of fundamental importance for designing and applying measures for the reduction of these risks (Almeida 2012). The proposals for risk mitigation are usually of a technical nature, based on structural measures. In this sense, Zanella (2012) draws attention to the need to consider the social relations that are established in the city and in society as a whole and mentions Foladori (2001) who claims that the solutions to environmental issues are primarily social and the psychological and cultural aspects must also be considered in the design of the policy measures to tackle these issues.

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The United Nations (2010) mentions some of the main factors that increase risks in urban centres, namely: the increase of the urban population and the growing density; a weak urban governance; an unplanned urban development; lack of urban land for low-income citizens and inappropriate construction, among other factors. The municipality of Praia, in Cape Verde, especially its urban area, is an area susceptible to the occurrence of these dangerous phenomena, both due to the physical and natural conditions, as well as due to the form of occupation of the territory, with a rapidly growing population, which brings great concern to the populations and to national authorities. This chapter aims to identify the factors that have contributed to the increased susceptibility of these phenomena in the municipality of Praia, in Cape Verde, over time and identify how the municipality and the state have worked to mitigate them, especially in the last decade. The study started from the following research questions: ‘What are the factors that contribute to increase the susceptibility and exposure to the dangerous phenomena of floods and inundations in Cidade da Praia?’ and ‘What are the main mitigation measures for these risks that have been developed, mainly by central and local government and NGOs?’. The methodology used is based on documental research on the subject and on fieldwork carried out in recent years in the Cidade da Praia and on the recent experience during the floods and inundations caused by torrential rains on September 12th and 13th, 2020. In addition to this Introduction, the chapter is structured in four more sections. Section 2 addresses the geographic framework and factors that increase the susceptibility of the urban area of Praia to floods and inundations. Section 3 analyses the action of the State, Municipality and NGOs in mitigating these dangerous processes within the scope of Spatial Planning. And Sect. 4 deals with final considerations.

10.2 Factors That Increase the Susceptibility of the Urban Area of Cidade da Praia in Relation to Floods and Innundation 10.2.1 Geographic Context The Cape Verde archipelago is in the eastern sector of the North Atlantic, about 450 km of the West African coast, between the parallels 17° 13′ and 14° 48′ N and the meridians of 22° 42′ and 25° 22′ W. With a surface of 4033 km2 and an exclusive maritime zone that exceeds 600,000 km2, it is formed by ten islands: Santo Antão, São Vicente, Santa Luzia, S.  Nicolau, Sal, Boa Vista, Maio, Santiago, Fogo and Brava. The municipality of Praia (Fig. 10.1), where the urban area under study in this chapter is located, the capital city of the country, is located on the island of Santiago, the largest island in Cape Verde between parallels 15° 20′ and 14° 50′ north latitude

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Fig. 10.1  Geographic context of Cape Verde and Cidade da Praia. (Source: Monteiro 2016)

and the meridians 23° 50′ and 23° 20′ west longitude of Greenwich. It occupies a total area of 991 km2, about 25% of the national territory (Monteiro 2016).

10.2.2 Main Factors of Natural Origin that Favour the Occurrence of Floods and Inundations In the study area, the combination of physical factors, namely geological, geomorphologic, hydroclimatic, associated with a weak vegetation cover, are extremely important in favouring the occurrence of floods and inundations. Rainfall in the entire island of Santiago reaches an annual average of 200 mm and is concentrated in the months of August, September and October. They are often characterized by being torrential, very intense and concentrated, with drainage networks that have some non-permeability, altitudes and slopes that enhance situations of rapid flooding and inundations, especially in the urban area located at the mouth of the main hydrographical basins. The municipality of Praia’s hydrographical network comprises five hydrographical basins: São Martinho; Palmarejo Grande; Trindade; Corral Velho and São Francisco (Table 10.1). The largest hydrographical basin is the Trindade, which includes the São Filipe sub-basin, with 67 km2 (Table 10.1), which, together with the Palmarejo Grande, are

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Table 10.1  Hydrographical network of the municipality of Praia Hydrographic basins SÃO MARTINHO (34 Km2) PALMAREJO GRANDE (17 Km2) TRINDADE (69 Km2)

CURAL VELHO (9 Km2)

SÃO FRANCISCO (27 Km2)

Main water streams (‘Ribeiras’) São Martinho Grande Palmarejo Grande Palmarejo Pequeno Covão Grande São Jorge Laranjo São Filipe Água Funda Ribeirão Pedro Curral Velho São Tomé São Francisco Lobo

Source: Câmara Municipal da Praia (2013)

the ones that most influence the floods and inundations in Cidade da Praia, as the city is located at the river mouth of these hydrographical basins. The Trindade basin in its upstream sector reaches the highest altitude about 600 metres, and is the one that also has a greater unevenness, which influences the potential energy of runoff, with the capacity to produce higher flows than the other basins (Lima 2012). Lima mentions other important parameters for analyzing the danger of floods, such as the concentration time, which reflects the time required for all its water lines to respond and contribute to surface runoff at the mouth. It is also important for determining the maximum flow in each location in the basin after the onset of rain. The shorter the concentration time of a basin, the greater is its degree of danger in the face of rapid floods and the magnitude of inundations, referring to the flood peak flows. Two main basins that drain Cidade da Praia have a very short concentration time, less than 5 h, as well as the response time, around 2 and a half hours, due to their small drainage areas and relatively steep slope, which makes them favourable to the occurrence of rapid floods, flash floods, being the Palmarejo basin the most dangerous in relation to this type of flood, being able to respond in a little more than 1 h. Regarding flows, she considers that the Trindade Basin is the one that reaches the highest peak flow due to its greater extent, which can produce important floods capable of causing serious damage to people and goods (Lima 2012). By analyzing the average maximum daily rainfall, in four stations in the municipality (Table 10.2), it seems that there is a great variation in rainfall over the years. Although there are values that do not reach 20 mm, as in the cases of 1977 with 14.8 mm, or 1994 with 15.3 mm, there are years in which the maximum daily precipitation values reach 109 mm (1979) or even 116 mm (1984). At the Trindade and Praia stations, whose rainfall values directly influence the drainage network of Cidade da Praia, the maximum daily rainfall often exceeds the

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Table 10.2  Maximum daily rainfall in four stations in the municipality of Praia (1976–2005) Year 1976 1977 1978 1979 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990 1991 1992 1993 1994 1995 1996 1997 1998 1999 2000 2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 Mean

Stations Ribeirão Chiqueiro 150 10 82 130 122 63 52 90 169.5 57 119.5 92.5 100 30 93 22 90 40 21 82.4 45 45.5 31 24 58.5 54.8 71 76.5 35.7 37.5

São Francisco 96.0 23.0 48.5 122 120 17.5 30.6 59 92.4 33.4 95.1 112.5 51.5 27.6 85 19.2 98 75 12 126 42.5 52 23 35.5 82 47 55 59 43 74

Trindade 55.3 15.1 42.9 91 59.8 27 36.9 71 112.1 34.2 58 91.5 160 16.5 80 99.9 50 50 16 48 44 49 29 47 82 54 25 75 52 65

Praia 23 11 28 94.2 56.4 20.2 45 41 90 35.4 70 70 67.5 29.4 82 9 53.2 36.4 12 94.4 5.6 25.9 8.3 44.7 76 35 8.7 29.8 37 60

Mean 81.1 14.8 50.4 109.3 89.6 31.9 41.1 65.3 116 40 85.7 91.6 94.8 25.9 80 37.5 72.8 50.4 15.3 87.7 34.3 43.1 22.8 38.2 74.6 47.7 39.9 60.1 41.9 59.1 58.1

Source: INMG – Instituto Nacional de Meteorologia e Geofísica

average (58.1 mm for the years considered), reaching 112.1 mm in 1981, at Trindade station and 94.4 mm at Praia station, in 1994 (Table 10.2). More recent data show that the year 2013 was a rainy year for the entire archipelago, causing floods and inundations all over the islands. In the municipality of Praia, rainfall was concentrated in the months of August and September, having recorded on September 1st, a total rainfall of 85 mm in Praia station and 95 mm in São Francisco station, which caused floods and inundations in the city.

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Fig. 10.2  Floods and inundations recorded in Praia, in the neighbourhood Paiol, near the Church Templo Maior, in 13 September 2020. (Source: Paulino Pires)

Although 2014 was considered a dry year for the whole archipelago, in Cidade da Praia, September 21 was marked by a large amount of rainfall, which reached a total of 112 mm in the city. It was a very rainy year, marked by the passage of the tropical storm, Hurricane Fred, whose rainfall was concentrated on the 30th and 31st of August (with 51 mm and 26.7 mm, respectively, at the Novo Aeroporto da Praia station), and September (41 mm and 17 mm, on the 24th and 29th, respectively), having caused floods and inundations, cutting or creating access difficulties in some neighbourhoods of Praia, according to INMG bulletins. In 2020, there was a record of rainfall between the 11th and the 13th of September, having been recorded around 92 mm in Praia at the S. Francisco station on the 11th and 173 mm at the Quartel Escola station on the 13th. These precipitations caused floods and inundations in Cidade da Praia (Fig. 10.2) that dramatically affected the population living in risk areas (Fig. 10.3).

10.2.3 Main Factors of Anthropogenic Origin that Favour the Occurrence of Floods and Inundations This section presents a brief history of the human occupation of the current urban area of Praia to better understand the influence of anthropogenic factors on the movement of material in the slopes.

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Fig. 10.3  Floods and inundations recorded in Praia, near the bridge Vila Nova, in 13 September 2020. (Source: Paulino Pires)

Until the end of the 1950s, Cidade da Praia was a relatively small settlement. Gradually, the axes linking the city to the interior were intensely occupied, a process that expanded at an ever-faster pace after the great drought of the late 1960s, also driven by the difficult situation of poverty in rural areas, which favoured the departure of many people who were looking for better conditions in the urban centres. The city grew towards the North and East, occupying the areas closest to the central nucleus, the Plateau. When Cape Verde became independent in 1975, Cidade da Praia had virtually no industries and lacked basic urban infrastructures. However, it was from this date that it grew explosively because of strong internal migration, caused by the drought and the prospects of finding better living conditions in the city. Between 1980 and 1990, the city expanded beyond the achadas, witnessing the occupation of hillside areas (Silveira 2011). The rhythm of building construction increased, without infrastructure and basic equipment in most cases, and largely in unpaved areas. It is from the year 2000 that new planned urban expansion neighbourhoods emerged, but in addition to these areas, other unplanned areas appeared too. The Cidade da Praia population has undergone a very rapid growth, in 2010 it was around 30% of the national population (491,875) and the trend is towards continued growth at an accelerated pace. Regarding the growth of Cidade da Praia, the Africa70 Movement (2010) claims that, in an initial phase, urban growth was characterized by the coexistence between the growth of spontaneous occupation and official public actions intended to control and to stop it. A population without the ability to access the market of urban land began informal construction while institutions tried to give a formal response to the increase in demand for urban land and housing. Successively, the so-called informal

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housing sector grew exponentially, thus becoming the main component of the urban expansion process in Cidade da Praia, a process which is still ongoing today. Therefore, in the urban area of ​​the municipality of Praia, over time and especially in recent decades, there has been intense occupation, in areas considered susceptible to floods and inundations (Figs. 10.4 and 10.5). The high density of occupation in low-lying areas, in flood beds, mostly by low-income population, becomes even

Fig. 10.4  Buildings in unplanned areas on the neighbourhood of Safende, on slopes and rivers. (Source: Author 2019)

Fig. 10.5  Buildings in unplanned areas in the neighbourhood of São Paulo. (Source: Author 2020)

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more worrying when the occupation is spontaneous, without any planning, and with buildings that do not follow any safety rules. Thus, anthropogenic factors, namely the increasing spontaneous occupation in risk areas, are the key factors responsible for the increase in exposure, vulnerability, and risk in large sections of Cidade da Praia.

10.3 The Action of the State and Municipality in the Mitigation of Hazardous Processes According to Tavares (2006), in Cape Verde, spatial planning is one of the national priorities enshrined in the National Development Plan. However, due to its characteristics of insularity, fragile ecosystems, rapid population growth, scarcity of resources and weak economy, it faces major environmental challenges, as shown also in Chap. 11 in this book. As is shown in this book, namely in Chaps. 4 and 7, spatial planning and urban planning in Cape Verde are themes that only really came to the fore in the late 1990s, when the government recognized a set of problems that needed to be solved and, in this sense, became aware that they could jeopardize the country’s future if effective urban planning measures were not taken. Before and after national independence in 1975, there were several instruments that tried in some way to address these issues. However, it was the approval of some legal acts in the last decade and half that constituted a turning point in the process of land use and urban planning in Cape Verde, namely the Legislative Decree no. 1/2006, of February 13, revised by Legislative Decree n. 6/2010, of June 21, 2010, regulated by Decree-Law no. 43/2010 of September 27th and again amended by Legislative Decree No. 4/2018 of June 6th, which established the current formal spatial planning system1. The Land Use Regime, approved by Legislative Decree n. 2/2007, of July 19, and the legal regime for the expropriation of real estate and related rights approved by Legislative Decree No. 3/2007 of July 19 are also part of the milestones that shaped the National Spatial Planning System in Cape Verde. Regarding the implementation of these spatial planning instruments in Cidade da Praia, it is important to highlight, among others, the General Urbanization Plan of 1986, the structural scheme of the Municipal Master Plan (PDM) of Praia of 1998, whose Municipal Master Plan (PDM) was only approved in 2016, the Detailed Plans (PD) of several neighbourhoods in the city and the Urban Requalification Plans for certain parts of the city. However, according to the CMP (2013), the PDM of Praia was not applied during a long period of time and therefore was not in practice a useful and effective plan before being formally approved, which means the

 The LBOTPU defines the bases of the national spatial planning system, and points out guidelines for plans, projects and other instruments. 1

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loss of all the potential positive consequences that it might have had on the territory if it had been effectively fully applied2. As a result of this, there was a proliferation of small allotment plans and projects, based on the application of discretionary criteria, and on which urban parameters changed in an arbitrary way, as well as the land uses accepted for a specific parcel of the territory, closely coexisting with the spread of so-called spontaneous neighbourhoods, often technically legal, but without a global vision and strategy of action, both for the formal and for the informal cities. The existence of these extensive areas of spontaneous and informal growth, often located in risk areas, clearly shows the failure of the land use policies followed by central government and by the municipality of Praia, which produced an insufficient amount of urban land plots, as well as the failure of planners. This also shows that there is need for programmed action on the ground, since the city grew largely outside formal urban planning. The persistent expansion of Cidade da Praia into areas considered at risk, impacted negatively on the urban landscape, while at the same time reinforced the spatial and social segregation, negatively affecting the future of the city. The analysis of natural and anthropogenic factors demonstrates that the urban area of Praia is very susceptible to the occurrence of dangerous processes, namely floods and inundations. In this sense, there is great concern for the safety of the citizens living in Cidade da Praia and their property. To mitigate the effects of these dangerous processes in Cidade da Praia, projects have been developed within the framework of urban requalification programmes, namely within the scope of the Government’s PRRA Programme (Rehabilitation, Rehabilitation and Accessibility Programme) in cooperation with the municipality of Praia which has benefitted poor families in the redevelopment of their homes, in addition to the urban redevelopment work in the city’s neighbourhoods. Some NGOs have also been working to improve unplanned areas, promoting their integration in the consolidated city. Especially in the last decade, several neighbourhoods with spontaneous/informal growth have already undergone improvements, with very positive effects on the quality of life of the populations in these areas. These projects fundamentally contemplate actions of defensive structural character and reinforcement, through drainage works in the areas of slopes and riversides (Figs.  10.6 and 10.7), paving of streets but also requalification of degraded housing, and other measures related to the development of information and awareness programmes for the population, developed by municipal and national civil protection. Other measures taken by the municipality of Praia have to do with the demolition of spontaneous constructions, the last of which were in the Alto da Glória neighbourhood, measures that were very much contested by the local populations and the disintegration and relocation of families in rented houses, of a small spontaneous

 For a developed analysis of the spatial planning system in Cape Verde and in the municipality of Praia, see Chaps. 4 and 7 in this book. 2

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Fig. 10.6  Drainage works in the neighbourhood of Fonton. (Source: Author 2019)

Fig. 10.7  Drainage works in the neighbourhood of Safende. (Source: Author 2019)

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Fig. 10.8  Small growing neighbourhood ‘Cobom di Fome’ which was dismantled by the municipality of Praia. (Source: Author 2018)

neighbourhood, known as ‘Cobon di fomi’ (Fig. 10.8), located in Achada São Filipe, and which was already expanding as other similar spontaneous neighbourhoods did in the past. In September 2020, the entire archipelago received heavy rains during the passage of a tropical storm, causing floods and inundations throughout the islands. The National Institute of Meteorology and Geophysics (INMG) forecasted and monitored the storm through its surveillance and monitoring system, updating the weather information regularly and continuously. For this reason, the country and Cidade of Praia were not surprised by the storm. This was an asset in the management of meteorological risks in Cape Verde. Despite the advanced knowledge of the forecasts, Cidade da Praia was the most affected place in the country, with a dramatic and sad scenario left by the occurrence of floods and inundations. There was one fatal victim, a baby less than 1-year old, whose home where the family lived was completely flooded, and hundreds of families whose homes were flooded. About 200 people had to be resettled in the National Stadium, and these people lost their property (including some houses). In this operation, there was intervention by the municipal civil protection and by the National Civil Protection . The most affected neighbourhoods in terms of losses from floods and inundations in Cidade da Praia were: Fazenda (mainly the Sucupira market); Safende; Jamaica/Água Funda; Paiol; São Paulo and São Pedro. In addition to the loss of homes and other assets, especially in neighbourhoods with buildings along the water lines, several vehicles were dragged and destroyed, as well as a pedestrian bridge. The local authority estimated the damage to infrastructure alone at around 200,000 contos (1,813,810 euros).

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The Crisis Cabinet was convened, and an emergency programme designed to return the city to normalcy. The Government provided around 258 thousand contos (2,339,820 euros) to repair the damage in the country’s capital. The municipality started the next day, in the morning of September 14th, the cleaning of the city and restoration of accesses. Through the social department of the municipality of Praia (CMP), about two hundred people3 were relocated in the Municipal Stadium for 11 days4, some lost their homes with all their possessions and others their homes did not offer security at the time. Through the municipality of Praia and OGN’s, donations were also collected for these resettled families and for other families in disadvantaged neighbourhoods that were affected. The biggest market in the country, the Sucupira market, located in the neighbourhood of Fazenda, was completely flooded due to the obstruction and the consequent overflow of the Ponte de Vila Nova, which meant losses for the merchants. In this sense, the municipality of Praia and the Pró-Empresa provided support, making access to credit easier and alleviating the cost of renting the site. Regarding the drainage works carried out recently by the municipality of Praia, in the last rains of September 2020, some gave a good response, such as those in Achadinha, Vila Nova, and in Fundo Cobom-Fonton. However, those developed in Safende and close to the Templo Maior in Paiol did not give a good response due to the large volume of water in the floods and to the materials transported leading to heavy flooding in the surrounding areas, which provoked important damage. The Mayor of Praia, in an interview5, acknowledged that there are still many drainage works that need to be carried out in the city to make it more resilient; however, it is a large investment that will necessarily involve a partnership with central government and with external partners. Regarding this issue, the lack of infrastructure is the main problem of floods and inundations, and the torrential rains in September showed that in addition to the micro-drainage works that have been carried out by the municipality, within the scope of urban requalification programmes, there is a need for drainage works, macro-drainage and large dykes, upstream of the main streams/watersheds that pass through the city of Praia, already identified in the Municipal Master Plan (PDM). These macro-drainage works involve the torrential correction of the streams/watersheds, with the construction of four Mini-Dams and five large Dikes, whose estimated total amount is around 5 million escudos (around 45 thousand euros). The priority works are in the largest hydrographical basin (Trindade), where the construction of a dam and four dykes is expected to occur soon, with an estimated value of around 20 thousand euros.

 Information provided by TCV’s Evening Newspaper, on September 19, 2020.  Information acquired from the consultation of one of the people relocated at the Estádio Nacional, during the fieldwork carried out on October 23, in Bairro de Água Funda. 5  Access at https://noticias.sapo.cv on 14 September. As of the October 25 elections, there was a change in the President of the CMP (Municipality of Praia). 3 4

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The formulation in 2018 of the National Strategy for Disaster Risk Reduction (Government of Cape Verde 2018) is also an indicator that the country has this theme as a priority in the sense of creating more internal resilience. These changes will certainly have a positive impact in the local and urban governance system in Cape Verde. A necessary move, besides all the aspects already mentioned in the chapter, is the reinforcement of decentralization to the municipalities in Cape Verde, providing the municipalities with more competences, more organizational resources and, above all, a stronger financial capacity and autonomy, a political and administrative reform also seen as necessary in the other facets of the local governance system examined in the book.

10.4 Conclusion The municipality of Praia and its urban area, due to its physical characteristics, the form of occupation of a large part of the territory, and the character of rainfall when it occurs, is highly susceptible to dangerous phenomena such as floods and inundations. It is a city that has had a rapid growth since independence in 1975, without adequate monitoring of the necessary public policies capable of creating a harmonious and balanced territory. Deficiencies in urban planning are noted, despite the existence of urban plans, which end up facilitating situations of poor land use and great social inequality. However, the Government, the Municipality and NGOs have been working to improve the urban area, especially through urban requalification with interventions in various neighbourhoods with several torrential correction works, in the improvement of degraded housing, to mitigate the situations of danger especially in areas most susceptible to dangerous phenomena. However, there is a need to reinforce urban requalification programmes, especially in unplanned areas, which must rely on the effective participation of communities to improve the quality of life of these same communities. The torrential rains of September 2020 uncovered the major deficiencies in what concerns spatial planning and urban management in Cidade da Praia and highlighted the urgent interventions that are required to be taken mainly by local government, to further mitigate the existing risks, reducing the territory’s exposure to these risks. There is also a need to develop social policies for a reduction in the social vulnerability of the poorest families, which ought to include social housing policies to reduce the urban housing deficit in safer areas, thus reinforcing the conclusions of Chap. 9 for a more responsive social housing policy in the urban areas in Cape Verde.

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References Almeida L (2012) Riscos ambientais e vulnerabilidades nas cidades brasileiras: conceitos, metodologias e aplicações. Cultura Académica, São Paulo Câmara Municipal da Praia (2013) Anteprojeto do Plano Diretor Municipal (PDM) da Praia, 2ª Versão. Câmara Municipal da Praia, Praia Cunha L, Leal C, Tavares A, Santos P (2012) Risco de inundação no concelho de Torres Novas (Portugal). Revista Geonorte, Edição Especial 1(4):961–973 Governo Cabo Verde (2018) Estratégia Nacional de Redução do Risco de Desastre (ENRRD). Série I n° 66 «B. O.», 20 de outubro de 2018. Aprovada em Conselho de Ministro, Resolução 114/2018 Lima I (2012) Inundações urbanas: desafios ao ordenamento do território. O caso da Cidade da Praia -Cabo Verde. Dissertação de Mestrado em Geografia Física e Ordenamento do Território apresentada à Universidade de Lisboa. Universidade de Lisboa, Lisboa Monteiro S (2016) Riscos ambientais urbanos e a sua percepção na cidade da Praia (Cabo Verde). Tese de doutoramento apresentado à UFC, Brasil. Universidade Federal do Ceará, Fortaleza Movimento Africa’70 (2010) Melhoramento das Condições de Vida nos Bairros Espontâneos da Cidade da Praia: Intervenção pilota no bairro da Bela Vista. Movimento Africa 70, Praia Silva P (2014) Avaliação das dinâmicas do crescimento urbano na Cidade da Praia de 1969 a 2010 -Cabo Verde. Dissertação de mestrado. Universidade do Porto, Porto Silveira E (2011) Áreas Residenciais Clandestinas na Cidade da Praia: Caso Latada e Achada Eugénio Lima Trás. Dissertação de Mestrado em Gestão do Território e Urbanismo, Especialização em Ordenamento do Território e Urbanismo. Universidade de Lisboa, Lisboa Souza G, Romualdo S (2009) Inundações urbanas: A percepção sobre a problemática sócio-­ ambiental pela comunidade do bairro Jardim Natal – Juiz de Fora (MG), UFF. In: Simpósio de Geografia, Brasil. Disponível em: http://www.geo.ufv.br/simposio/simposio/trabalhos/trabalhos_completos/eixo11/038.pdf. acesso em 01 de setembro de 2014 Tavares C (2006) A política de solo na política urbana: a sua relevância na Cidade da Praia – Cabo Verde. Dissertação de Mestrado. Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa Zanella ME (2012) Inundações em Curitiba: impactos, risco e vulnerabilidade socioambiental. Edições UFC, Fortaleza Veyret Y (2007) Os riscos: O homem como agressor e vítima do meio ambiente. Ed. Contexto, São Paulo Sílvia Lopes Monteiro, a geographer, holds a PhD in development and environment. She is professor in the Faculty of Science and Technology at the University of Cape Verde. She was coordinator of the geography section in the University of Cape Verde from 2019 until 2021. Her main research area is natural hazards and risk perception. She has published several scientific articles and has participated in international conferences and congresses on these themes.  

Chapter 11

Cidade da Praia: Natural Risks and Spatial Planning Romualdo Barros Correia

Abstract  The episodes of natural risks because of climate change, in the last 40 years, have manifested themselves with more frequency and amplitude, causing losses in human lives and economic assets, with island and poor countries being the most affected. Cape Verde, due to its physical and climatic characteristics, is particularly vulnerable to natural hazards. The objective of this chapter is to analyze the effectiveness of the provisions contained in the legal framework and that of the stakeholders involved in the management of natural risks in Cape Verde, with a particular focus on spatial planning. It also aims to analyze the degree of adequacy between the zoning of risk areas proposed in the Municipal Master Plan (PDM) and the damages recorded following the floods of 12 September 2020. The research question that served as the basis for this research is this: “To what extent are the provisions that make up the legal normative framework, and the action and articulation between different actors, sufficient to ensure the safety of people and their goods, in the face of natural hazards?”. The methodology adopted was essentially the consultation of legislation and existing plans concerning natural hazards. Then, an overlap was made between the zoning of hazards in the plans and the damage caused by the floods of 12 September 2020, to understand the correspondence between the mapped areas susceptible to natural risks, in this case the flood, and the damages that were registered. The chapter concludes that the susceptibility mapping of the Municipal Master Plan (PDM) is adequate, even though part of the affected population is not found in the areas defined as being susceptible. The mapping of flood hazard zones carried out by the company Municipia proved to be more realistic. However, both cartographies disregarded the criteria that define the population’s vulnerabilities. On the other hand, a fringe of the population that lives on the slopes and on the foot of the slopes that were deeply affected by these floods is completely excluded from this cartography on the susceptibility to flooding in Cidade da Praia.

R. B. Correia (*) University of Cape Verde, Cidade da Praia, Ilha de Santiago, Cape Verde e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 C. Nunes Silva (ed.), Local Governance in Cape Verde, Local and Urban Governance, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05847-9_11

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Keywords  Natural hazards · Legislation · Actors · Floods · Risk zoning · Cidade da Praia

11.1 Introduction Natural disasters have now manifested themselves more frequently with significant impacts in terms of loss of human lives and economic assets. About 88 million people worldwide were affected by multi-hazards between 1997 and 2017, and of these, 76 million were affected by floods (UNDRR 2019). Cape Verde, due to its archipelagic, insular, economic and social characteristics, is extremely vulnerable to the manifestation of extreme natural events. The archipelago is made up of ten islands, with a meagre surface of 4033 km2, located in the middle of the Atlantic Ocean, on the west coast of Africa, 500 km from Senegal. According to projection data from INE (2017), the resident population is around 524,833 inhabitants, with approximately 65% ​​living in urban areas. Cidade da Praia, the country’s capital, has the highest concentration of population, representing, in 2017, around 30% of the country’s total population.1 Monteiro et al. (2016, p. 10) state that “there is a strong danger associated with the geographic position and origin of the islands of Cape Verde. On the other hand, there is a significant increase in vulnerabilities, particularly in rapidly expanding urban areas, which leads to increased risks”.2 In fact, the archipelago‘s location in the extension of the Sahelian region, as well as the volcanic origin of the islands, makes the country extremely susceptible to extreme weather events, as well as to seismic-volcanic risks. The recent floods in the city of Praia, on September 12, 2020, following the passage of a tropical wave caused a trail of destruction of public and private property,3 and the death of a six-month-old child, inside his own home. The World Risk Report 2019 places the country in the 11th position worldwide, in other words, in the top 15 with the highest risk index, in a group of 180 countries. On the African continent, it is the country with the highest risk index (18.02), followed by Djibouti (16.46), Comoros (14.63), Niger (13.77), Guinea Bissau (13.32) and Nigeria (13.7) (World Risk Report, 2019, pp. 48 and 49). However, regarding the vulnerability index, strongly influenced by the socioeconomic conditions of the populations, the country is relatively well placed in the sub-region. According to Roy and Ferland (2015), land use planning is currently one of the best tools for managing natural disaster risks and increasing the resilience of communities. Thus, through zoning plans and allocation of different land uses, the occupation of areas susceptible to risks can be safeguarded. Also, according to the same  Anuário Estatístico (Statistical Yearbook), INE 2017.  Our translation «(...) il y a une forte dangerosité inhérente à la position et à l’origine des îles du Cap-Vert. En outre, on peut noter une augmentation significative des vulnérabilités, en particulier dans lesa zones urbaines en rapide expansion, ce qui entraîne un risque accru». 3  http://www.rcv.cv/index.php?paginas=21&id_cod=25429 (see the images). 1 2

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authors “In the context of natural disaster risk management, land use planning encompasses a wide range of activities, ranging from prevention, mitigation, pre-­ disaster preparation, as well as in the emergency response phases – post-disasters, recovery, reconstruction and resettlements” (Roy and Ferland 2015, p. 30). Currently, Cape Verdean planning legislation typifies a set of spatial planning instruments in which natural risk management issues, particularly those related to prevention, are considered (Decree Law n°61, 2018). To manage natural hazards in Cape Verde, the legal normative framework provides a set of legal instruments and plans, such as the laws that regulate the planning and use of land, the basic law on the environment, the basic law on civil protection as well as the laws of soils. The chapter thus aims to address the following research questions: “How are natural hazards dealt with in the legal instruments of spatial planning in Cape Verde?”; “To what extent the provisions provided for in the legal framework contribute to the prevention and mitigation of natural risks, in a context in which socio-­ environmental and economic vulnerabilities are important?”; “Does the zoning of risk zones contained in the Municipal Master Plans (PDM) provide guarantees of protection for communities against the manifestation of dangers already identified in the country’s risk profile?”. This entire legal arsenal, starting with the mother law – the Constitution of the Republic of Cape Verde – without explicitly referring to natural risks, provides in its Article 73 that, all citizens have the right to a healthy environment, and it is up to the State, through adequate policies, to guarantee this right.4 Furthermore, the Spatial Planning Law stipulates that risk zones must be delimited in the spatial plans. In the different legal acts in Cape Verde, such as the laws on Spatial Planning and Urban Planning, the basic law on Civil Protection, the Basic Law on the Environment, among others, the issue of natural risk management is considered in the different stages of the spatial planning process. However, the legal framework sets out generic principles in terms of mapping and handling of natural hazards in the plans. Regarding certain risks, the law requires the development of regulations in specific legal regimes. Indeed, it is accepted that the effectiveness and protection of citizens against natural hazards depend on the quality of the zoning of risk zones in the spatial plans, on the one hand, and on its implementation and monitoring, on the other. In addition, the knowledge that the population has of the natural risks that they incur, either through the dissemination of non-structural measures, or through participatory sessions in the processes of drawing up plans, can also be a factor for the mitigation of natural risks. This chapter aims to analyze the issue of integrating natural hazards into the regulatory and institutional framework that shapes public policies for Spatial Planning and Urban Policy in Cape Verde, aiming at the management, prevention and/or mitigation of the impacts of the extreme events. Emphasis will be given to land use planning, but as the issue of risks, due to its complexity, goes beyond the

 See, among others: Silva, M. R. P. (2010).

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issue of drawing up urban plans, the chapter will also consider issues within the competences assigned to the Civil Protection Service. The chapter analyses the legislation that has a direct or indirect relationship with natural risk management and, particularly, the spatial planning acts. The analysis is also based on the interviews with actors with a relevant role in spatial planning and risk management. It is also analyzed, albeit briefly, the mapping of risks within the Municipal Master Plan (PDM), considering the provisions established in the law in terms of prevention and mitigation against the risks of natural disasters. A survey of the places most impacted by the floods of 12 September 2020 in Cidade da Praia was also carried out, to understand the level of effectiveness of the zoning proposed for the protection of the populations, in each of the municipal plans relevant for the affected area. The chapter is structured as follows. The first section analyses the natural risks in Cape Verdean legislation, given their dispersion in different legal and policy instruments. Then, it focusses particularly on the integration of risks in the legal instruments of spatial planning in Cape Verde, followed by a SWOT analysis. The third section focusses on the organization of the services with competences in the field of natural risk management and land management in Cape Verde. The fourth section focusses on the analysis of the effectiveness of zoning floodplains in the case of Praia. The last point of the chapter presents the conclusions and recommendations.

11.2 Natural Hazards in the Cape Verde Legislation This section presents the concepts of natural hazards and land management in the broad sense of the term and spatial planning. Then, it looks at the risks in Cape Verdean legislation, in general, and in the spatial planning instruments.

11.2.1 Terminological Clarification The analysis of natural hazards cannot be carried out disregarding the legal and institutional framework of land management, in the broadest sense of the term, understood as “a process carried out by governments through public and private sector entities comprising aspects related to land tenure management, land value, land use and urbanization” (Williamson et al. 2010, p. 453). Indeed, public policies for access to urbanized lots for the construction of housing and support infrastructure, as well as the development of other economic activities, have a direct impact on the occupation and use of land, which presents different levels of susceptibility to hazards. In this chapter, we will focus on one of the important dimensions of land management, namely land use planning and management, without, however, neglecting other aspects.

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For Saunders and Kilvington (2016, p. 1), land use planning is the most important tool for reducing threats from natural hazards and at the same time for helping to improve environmental sustainability and resilience. Thus, land use planning and management from the perspective of natural risk management require an assessment of land use skills and the adoption of restrictive measures that may prove necessary. Acheampong (2019, p.  6) asserts that “spatial planning constitutes one of the universally established systems used by governments to influence the distribution of activities and their implications for the social, economic and environmental dimensions of development”. In this sense, it means that public entities can play a preponderant role in the mitigation of natural risks through the a priori assessment of the levels of land susceptibility before the allocation of activities and infrastructure. Fleischhauer et al. (2005), cited in Sutanta et al. (2010, p. 4), identify a set of attributions of spatial planning in natural disaster risk management: 1. Prohibiting future development in certain areas. In highly flat areas, especially with history of occurrence of disasters, the urbanization should be prohibited. Areas required for emergency response and retention need to be kept free. 2. Classify different land use settings for disaster areas. Every disaster has their own acceptable risk on different land use classes. Steep slope which is highly susceptible to landslide should not be used for residential or commercial activities but may still be suitable for agriculture. 3. Regulating land use or zoning plans with legally binding status. In an area vulnerable to earthquake, regulation on building density is essential to reduce the impact of building collapse. 4. Hazard modification. Spatial planning can play a role in promoting soft engineering methods to reduce the risk of flooding. Retarding basin required to contain floodwater should be kept free of development to maintain its function. These principles ought to be present in planning regulations and in the preparation of plans, as instruments for the management of the occupation and transformation of land, as well as for their implementation, incorporating, in certain cases, total prohibition measures and, in other situations, structural measures to mitigate vulnerabilities. Cape Verde has since 2006 a spatial planning system with three levels of plans: national, regional and municipal, with municipal plans comprising several types of plans (Silva 2015). The planning instruments already elaborated in accordance with the spatial planning system in Cape Verde include the issues of natural risks in the different spatial panning tiers, among which stand out, for example, the prohibition of construction in certain areas, and the adoption of structural measures. However, as the spatial planning system emerged relatively late, it did not follow the strong dynamics of urban demographic growth that took place in the last 30 years in Cape Verde, which has caused an enormous demand for urban land for construction. As a result, real estate speculation took root in a pernicious way, with prices of urban land for the construction of houses increasing significantly, making them inaccessible for a large part of the population, particularly the most disadvantaged.

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Thus, in the face of inappropriate public policy measures for land management and inadequate monitoring of their implementation, there has been a growing occupation of risk areas. On the other hand, in the specific case of Praia, it should be said that by the time of the ratification and publication of the Municipal Master Plan (PDM) in 2016 by central government, the areas that were considered as problematic in the plan, from the point of view of the threats of dangerous natural phenomena, were already largely occupied. Therefore, the revision of the PDMs should propose measures to correct and mitigate threats or, in the limit, the relocation of houses in situations of very high vulnerability. Before presenting the legal and organizational framework that governs the management of natural risks in Cape Verde, it is important to clarify the concept of natural risk management, seen in a broader perspective, which encompasses land management. As mentioned above, the occupation of areas susceptible to natural hazards is, in part, a consequence of policies implemented in ​​land management. From a conceptual point of view, land management is polysemic, as it encompasses a multitude of dimensions, interests and challenges inherent to land management, as a fundamental economic resource. Figure  11.1 represents a classic land management scheme, in which the natural risk component ought to be considered. However, traditionally, land administration was focussed on legal aspects related to property title and property taxation issues. Currently, due to the increase of dangerous external natural phenomena, there is a reorientation of the land management model. Therefore, the inclusion of the natural risk management dimension in urban

Property tax valuation

Planning

Transaction

Alienation

Land administration

source : Correia, 2019, p.127

Land use

Risk management integration

Fig. 11.1  Land administration, modified from Dale and MacLaughlin (2003, p.  2). (Source: Extracted from Correia 2019)

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planning is essential, as a strategic measure for the protection of the population, particularly the most disadvantaged, in the face of natural disasters. According to Schwab et al. (2005, p. 26), natural risks are defined as “the potential losses associated with a hazard, defined in terms of expected probability and frequency, exposure, and consequences”. When the potential for losses manifests itself, it can translate into catastrophe. Thus, it is understood that risk presupposes the presence of people and goods in areas likely to be affected by a hazard. Hence, the assessment of natural hazards requires the analysis of several components and parameters already duly specified in the literature, namely: vulnerability, exposure, susceptibility; and comprises the different stages of action: ex-ante, during and after. Therefore, for each phase, the involvement and coordination of different actors are necessary. Poljanšekn et al. (2019, p. 29) synthesize the ISO 31010 standards (Fig. 11.2) in a very relevant way, aiming at the harmonization of procedures and methodologies concerning the treatment of natural hazard issues and their integration in public policies in general and in the instruments of spatial planning. As can be seen from the workflow, according to ISO 31010, concerning the treatment of natural risk issues, three phases stand out: risk identification, risk analysis and risk assessment. It is evident that to support this process of dealing with risk issues, it is essential not only to establish a very precise legal framework in this matter, but also to reinforce organizational and cultural aspects, so that adequate public policies must be rethought. The question that arises in this context is this: how are natural hazards dealt with in the Cape Verdean legislation?

NRA Context

1. List the assets to be protected 2. Decide hazards and risks to be studied, potential impacts, and time window 3. Select the minimum quality criteria 4. Design protocols for expert opinion

Risk Identification

1. Characterize Risk - Hazard - Exposure - Vulnerability - Capacities 2. Build Scenario(s)

Risk Analysis

1. Calculate the likelihood and related impacts of the event - Qualitative

Risk Evaluation

Risk Treatment

1. Share Risk Analysis Outputs

1. Decide which risks need to be reduced

- Maps

2. Decide possible paths of action

- Curves

- Semi-qualitative - Indicators - Quantitative - Risk Matrix -- Probabilistic -- Deterministic

2. Compare and confront risk to the risk criteria

5. Define risk criteria

Fig. 11.2  Phases of natural risk management, according to ISO 31010. (Source: Extracted from Poljanšekn et al. 2019, p. 29)

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11.2.2 Legal Framework for Natural Risk Management in Cape Verde, from the Perspective of Territorial Management Legislation concerning natural hazards in Cape Verde is dispersed among the various legal instruments and, therefore, disseminated by different institutions that often carry out their tasks independently or in coordination imposed by law, where there are often conflicts of protagonists, with clear institutional losses. Indeed, aspects related to the management of natural risks appear in the Constitution of the Republic of Cape Verde, general bases for Civil Protection, in the Basic legislation for Spatial Planning and Urban Planning, National Regulation for Spatial Planning and Urban Planning, Bases of Environmental Policy, in the Environmental Impact Study laws, in the Building and Urban Housing Code, Legal Regime for Urban Operations and more recently in the National Strategy for Disaster Risk Reduction (ENRRD-CV), published in 2017. This last instrument, whose coverage period runs until 2030, constitutes a key document in terms of public policies for the reduction of natural risks in Cape Verde, defining a clear framework of actions, and the competences of the actors, with the aim of reducing exposure and vulnerabilities, through measurement mechanisms. The expression natural hazards appeared for the first time, explicitly, in the 1993 Spatial Planning Act, having no consequences from a practical point of view, since the plans provided for in that legislation were not elaborated due to institutional and technical weaknesses on the one hand, and the lack of a planning culture on the other hand, is shown in Chap. 7. It should be noted that the delimitation of risk areas, in the current sense of the term, appeared for the first time, in the legal framework that regulates the Spatial Planning Instruments (IGT), in the 1993 Planning Act, in its Article 8 Point (1) point (C), proposing the following: “Buildings should not be located in areas subject to natural hazards, in particular areas of natural drainage, areas at risk of severe erosion (…) and other situations of instability (p. 5).” However, if the legislation is analyzed from a diachronic perspective, there has always been a concern to protect the population in relation to the manifestation of extreme natural phenomena. It is true that the legal framework relating to the use and occupation of land, as well as the Urban Planning Law No. 57 / II / 85, of June 22, which includes about 28 articles and Law No. 88/90 of June 13, which regulates this Basic law are not very explicit about natural hazards. Indeed, in that decade, the issues of natural hazards, particularly in urban areas with low population densities, were not a relevant issue, nor did they justify it. However, a closer reading of the law reveals that legislators were already concerned with the construction of buildings in safe conditions. Because, when, for example, Decree-Law No. 88/90, of August 13, in its Article No. (2)(j) stipulates the criteria for building plots, including “the definition of threshold quotas”, for construction of housing, takes into account the flooding of housing, although it does not

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use the expression natural hazards, as the concept did not even existed in the sense that it is used today, it was somehow a preventive measure aimed at protecting against risks of floods. Before the institution of legislation that implements the planning system in the country, it is important to highlight the authorities’ concern with certain types of hazards, such as urban floods, enshrined in Decree-Law No. 130/88, of 31st December, relating to the urban construction regime. Article 23, point (1), (c and d), referring to “The conditions of installation of buildings in an undeveloped area” ensures that: “… we must allow good drainage of rainwater, without, however, causing problems to the downstream” (p. 658). Furthermore, Article 26 goes further by prohibiting the construction of buildings in wetlands, unless it is clear in the detailed urban plan which preventive measures must be considered. Although the Basic Land Use Law was approved in the 1990s, the implementation of legislation in the field of urban planning until 2000 was timid. In fact, until 2000, natural hazards were not properly dealt with by public authorities, as local authorities did not have urban plans. There were, in essence, the urban subdivision plans that, in some way, provide the location of housing in safe conditions in the face of certain dangerous phenomena, such as floods. In general, they are plans designed by architects and topographers who engaged in the implementation of allotment plans, without the studies that could provide the adequate knowledge of the physical conditions of the territory. As of 2006, with the amendment of the first Basic Law on Spatial Planning approved in 1993, there was a substantial improvement in the legislation regarding the preparation of plans and regarding the treatment of natural hazards as well. There is a growing concern with the inclusion of territories susceptible to natural hazards in the spatial planning  instruments, because of the reorganization of the ministerial structure and the strengthening of the institutional framework. Thus, an intense period of elaboration of the Municipal Master Plan began. Private companies contracted to prepare these plans, as well as the State Central Services responsible for following up the plans, began to look after issues related to the inclusion of natural hazards. Tavares (2014, p.  178) presents a chronological framework summarizing over time all Cape Verdean legislation, after independence, regarding land management, focussing on spatial planning. In these laws, the issue of natural hazards is addressed in the provisions designated as “land use constraints mapping”, as well as in the legal Building Code. In addition to the legal framework of spatial planning, the basic law of the National Civil Protection Service also provides elements related to the management of natural risks. Tavares (2014, p. 181) refers to a set of laws that define the legal and institutional framework for land management in Cape Verde, in the broadest sense of the term, which includes provisions related to natural risk management, as is the case of the following legislation: Constitution of the Republic; land laws; land expropriation laws; laws on spatial planning; legal framework for urban construction; legal regime for urban rehabilitation; the status of cities, among others.

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In relation to natural risk, the object of our analysis, there is no specific legal instrument. The legal and regulatory framework of land use planning, applied in the country, namely the 2010 regulation of the National Spatial Planning System (RNOTPU), revoked in 2018, which regulates the preparation of the Municipal Master Plan (PDM), in its Article 106 on “Soil Qualification, definition of special conditions” orders the delimitation of risk  areas in the cartography of the constraints.5 However, the proposed delimitation needs to be further developed in the rules included in these legal acts, making it more precise in relation to different types of “hazards”. Because the criteria that define the technical component for mapping the different types of risks, namely the magnitude/intensity and the frequency, were not sufficiently developed and regulated, it ended up compromising part of the proposed zoning. Just to give an example, what criteria should be adopted to classify a zone as being of doubtful geotechnical security? And a flood zone? The delimitation of risk areas in terms of spatial planning instruments is thus inconsistent for the reasons already mentioned above. To operationalize Articles 105 and 106 of the 2010 regulation of the National Spatial Planning System (RNOTPU), the Government at that time published Ordinance No. 6/2011 of January 24, which in its Article 3 “Qualification of the soil: special constraints on land use” classifies the special conditions in categories: (i) risk zones, (ii) protection zones and (iii) public interest easements. These conditions were presented through a matrix which shows the incompatibilities of land use considering the 17 land use classes considered in the Cape Verdean legislation. Regarding the definition of risk areas, it appears that only “area subject to flooding” and “areas of doubtful geotechnical security” were considered (p.  3, ordinance 2011). Therefore, it does not include some important threats that define the risk profile of the country, such as seismic hazards. On the other hand, given the inherent complexity of the nature of natural hazards, it becomes evident that spatial planning instruments are insufficient; hence the need to resort to other related legislation, particularly legislation on Civil Protection, on land and on the environment, in a concerted effort to mitigate the effects of natural hazards. Notwithstanding the consideration of natural risks in the Cape Verdean legal system, namely in the urban plans of a binding nature, published in the Official Bulletin,6 therefore fully legally effective spatial plans, the problem has been the development of the specific legal regime regarding the mapping of natural risks and the implementation and monitoring of the laws for the mitigation of natural risks, by entities with supervisory responsibilities, namely the municipality. On the other hand, the multiplicity of spatial plans and their dispersion among governmental institutions do not support their effectiveness. Given the inefficiency of public authorities in the implementation of urban plans that include the natural hazards component, informal construction in the main urban centres, such as Cidade da

 “Planta de Condicionantes”.  Boletim Oficial.

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Praia, has increased dramatically, consuming the bottom of the valleys, the slopes and the steep slopes, prone to different types of natural hazards. In this regard, Rodrigues (2017, citing CMP 2014) assures that informal occupation and spontaneous allotment correspond to 57% of the municipal territory. Regarding clandestine constructions, Tavares (2014) assures that given “institutional weaknesses and the lack of resources and a strategic vision in relation to land management, the results are still limited”. The amendment to the 1993 Planning Act, through Legislative Decree No. 1/2006, of 13 February, amended by Legislative Decree 6/2010, of 21 June, improved the legal framework, although from an operational point of view, the old practices of occupation of areas susceptible to natural hazards have worsened, without the authorities, for different reasons, among which of an electoral nature, being able to enforce the legislation regarding the uses and occupation of urban spaces (Tavares 2014). Within the scope of the legislation that shapes the legal and regulatory framework on spatial planning and land use, the country has developed several instruments of spatial planning (IGT), at different spatial and administrative layers, in which the theme of natural risk appears in the cartography of the constraints that set limits to certain uses,7 which should include the delimitation of natural risk zones, as restrictions on occupation and land use. If it is true that, in relation to the EROT (Regional Spatial Planning), the scale does not lend itself very well to the delimitation of risk areas, the same cannot be said regarding the Municipal Master Plan (PDM), as well as the Detailed Plan (PD), which can be important spatial planning tools to prevent natural hazards. The RNOTPU (Decree-Law No. 43/2010) in its Article 46, point (4) subparagraph (a) and Article 104 (2b) orders the preparation of those land use mapping constraints8, which include, among others, the zoning of natural risk, within the scope of the elaboration of the EROT and the PDM. These provisions were changed and substantially improved with the revocation of the RNOTPU through the legislative decree Decree-Law n°61/2018 of 10 December, in which natural hazards deserved a more in-depth treatment, both at the level of DNOT, EROT and PDM. However, by insisting on the representation of natural risks at different spatial scales, some of these scales being inappropriate, created difficulties for the effectiveness of the implementation of technical and political measures in the management of natural risks, made worse by the fact that these spatial planning instruments are prepared and implemented by different entities. At a macro-scale, the risks are addressed, albeit briefly, in the context of the preparation of different spatial plans, including the sectoral spatial plans under the responsibility of the different Ministries, within the scope of their competences. The national spatial planning system, through the National Spatial Planning Directive

 Plantas de condicionantes de ocupação do território.  Planta de Condicionantes.

7 8

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(DNOT), integrates seven strategic axes, subdivided into 33 directives.9Natural risks are embodied in strategic axis 6, directive 29, which focusses on risk prevention, by ensuring that: Regional Spatial Planning Schemes (EROT) shall include in their documentation maps of natural or anthropogenic hazards, and according to them, the Municipal Master Plans shall prohibit or limit any residential installation or any other use that may pose a risk to people or property.

Also, as an example, at the level of the Ministry of Infrastructure and Water Resources Management, the Planning of Hydrographical Basins provides for the zoning of basins, considering the susceptibility to risks, including mitigation measures of surface flows to mitigate the damage caused by floods. The map of land use constraints10 is mandatory, as a graphic part of spatial plans, either in the Regional Spatial Planning Schemes (EROT), in the Municipal Master Plan (PDM) or in the Detailed Plan (PD). However, from our point of view, the legal provisions on the conditions of the territory, in terms of typifying risk zones, need to be further developed and regulated, since certain threshold parameters of hazards are not specified, in terms of magnitude, intensity and acceptable frequency to be considered in the delimitation of risk zones. Indeed, certain risks require specific studies to ensure that the proposed zoning to mitigate and prevent against the existence of hazards is appropriate and to ensure the safety of the populations, goods and economic activities. The issues of spatial and temporal scales seem important to us when one intends to include natural hazards in spatial planning  instruments. Regarding the spatial scale, except for the Detailed Plan (PD) and the Municipal Master Plan (PDM), 1/10,000, the other spatial planning instruments, even with reference to natural hazards, seem to us inappropriate and difficult to put into practice, particularly with regard to the spatial delimitation of areas susceptible to risks, such as the case of flooding, for example (Correia 2019). Thus, from our point of view, in a certain way, the inclusion of risk zones in the spatial planning instruments aims to merely comply with the required formalities. First, the methodologies used for the spatial delimitation and mapping of hazard risk zones lack consistency from a scientific point of view, especially regarding the zoning of risk areas, flooding, mass movements and areas of doubtful geotechnical security. Second, there is not yet a sufficiently prepared technical capacity at the level of institutions with competences in this domain, to validate the risk studies within the scope of their duties, as a monitoring committee, and to monitor the implementation of the regulations imposed under the plans. At the micro-scale level, the Legal Regime for the Construction of Buildings provides for preventive measures during the implementation of land plots, considering the threshold of the door in relation to the road, which serve as channel for the evacuation of rainwater.  See Chap. 4 for a comprehensive view of the Spatial Planning System in Cape Verde and Chap. 7 for the history of urban planning in the municipality of Praia in the post-colonial period. 10  Plantas de Condicionantes. 9

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The spatial planning instruments already elaborated by the different entities and validated by central government already include the so-called “risk areas”. However, the criteria and methodologies used to delimit these areas in these plans lack scientific robustness. For example, in what regards floods, the delimitation of risk zones is limited to a zoning around the water lines, without the scientific basis criteria being duly explained, putting the inhabitants and their belongings at risk. Neither the height of the water nor the intensity and speed of the floods as a function of the return periods of the centenary rainfall are explicitly considered (Correia 2019). Correia (2019) assures that the use of the concept “risk area” in the Municipal Master Plan (PDM) is inappropriate. Indeed, the terminological confusion between exposure, susceptibility and risk is notorious. As an example, if it is true that in certain sections of the streams the exposures are significant, the risks are mitigated by the measures of /protection/resilience implemented by the populations. Figure 11.3 summarizes the most relevant stakeholders in natural risk management in Cape Verde. The Spatial Planning Act and the respective regulation detach themselves from the rest of the legislation for their importance in the overall legal apparatus related Head of the System

PrimeMinistre Municipal Council CNPC - National Council of Civil Protection

MAI - Ministry of Home Affairs

SNPCBT - Nacional Council’s Civil Protection Service and Fire Fighting

Planning Coordination and Preparatoin of Political Measures

INGT NOSI

INE

Tutelage and Management of Risk, Proposition of Operational and Policy Measures, Elaboration of Contingency Plans, Simulations, Training and Information, Risk Cartography, rescue and Post Disaster Evaluation

Mayor

Family (self-help)

Other Stakeholders; Armed forces, Police, Red Cross and other NGOs

Fig. 11.3  Stakeholders involved in risk management in Cape Verde. (Source: Own elaboration)

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to the management of natural risks in Cape Verde, namely through its different spatial plans, some of which of a binding administrative nature. However, it should be noted that other legal provisions, such as the Constitution of the Republic, the Basic Civil Protection Law, the Legal Construction Codes and the Basic Environmental Law are also bearers of legal provisions on the protection of people and buildings against the effects of potentially dangerous phenomena. It is evident that land management, due to its complexity, goes far beyond simple physical zoning and the occupation of urban spaces. For example, Law n°12/VIII/2012, which establishes the general bases of civil protection, in its Article 5 clarifies the fields of action of civil protection, placing emphasis on the study of risks and information to the population, as well as on protection mechanisms. Also, in Article 8 it states that “citizens have the right to be informed about the risk they incur and about the measures to be adopted to mitigate them”. It is up to the entities to organize themselves and provide technical and human resources to comply with the law in this regard. The general basis of civil protection law also deals with the key actors in this policy field and determines the preparation of contingency plans for action during the crisis, and in its Article 9 defines the situations in which Alert, Contingency and Calamity situations must be declared. Regarding the basic environmental laws and the assessment of environmental impact studies, risk issues are considered at the level of projects and activities with a strong impact on the environment. The law of 1993 that defines the Bases of the Environmental Policy, which were developed through the Legislative Decree n°14/97 of first July, regulates the Assessment and Study of the Environmental Impact. It was amended by Decree-Law n° 29/2006, of sixth of March. Decree-Law 27/2020 considers the issues of natural risks at project level and particularly in interventions in sensitive areas, as stipulated in Article (1) point (2). Furthermore, Decree Law No. 29/2006 provides only in Article (13) point (4) on the specifications of the structure, the content of the EIA in which there is a set of “hazard” processes that must be considered in these studies, as is the case of the collapse of land, soil erosion, saline intrusion, desertification (see annex 2, p.9 of Decree-Law n° 29/2006). Decree-Law 27/2020, which approves the legal framework for environmental impact assessment, is much more explicit about the integration of risks. For in its Article (5) point (1 a), it states that it is necessary to consider the vulnerabilities of projects in the face of risks of accidents or catastrophes following the interaction between the various environmental factors including climate change. Decree-Law 27/2020 presents a grid of criteria to be considered for the assessment of environmental and social risks classified into three levels of severity: low, medium and high risk, and in Annex VI it focusses on the minimum requirements for the structure and the content of the EIA, and requires that “natural and anthropogenic risks“(including vulnerabilities to climate change) be one of the topics to be addressed in the item “Characterization of the reference situation” (Decree-Law 27/2020, p. 70). As demonstrated, other legislation, beyond that specifically related to spatial planning, such as the Basic Law on the Environment, Law on the study of

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environmental impact, the Basic Law on Civil Protection, the Land Law, the Expropriation Law, among others, ended up defining the legal framework that both central and local government cannot ignore in the management, prevention and mitigation of natural risks.

11.3 Risk Governance in Cape Verde: An Overview In the Cape Verdean legal system, the management of natural risks is a competence shared by several public entities. The highest authority with administrative and inspection powers in the management of natural risks in Cape Verde is the National Civil Protection Service, under the Ministry of Internal Administration. It should be noted that the Central Government plays a relevant role in risk management through the National Civil Protection Service. It is important to highlight the role of the Civil Protection Services stipulated in basic law n. 12 / VIII /2012, referring to the preparation and implementation of mitigation measures after a disaster, but mainly in the event manifestation phase. In fact, the National Civil Protection Service has competences in the regulatory, study and in the inspection domain. In the event of a major disaster, it involves the National Civil Protection Service under the leadership of the Prime Minister and the Minister of Internal Administration, as the managing entity of the crisis. As a key stakeholder in the risk management process, the Civil Protection Service serves as a platform for the articulation and coordination of different government departments (Fig. 11.4). The law mentioned above establishes in its Article 5 that the Civil Protection Service is responsible, among other issues, for collecting data, predicting risks, assessing and preventing risks. Yet the same article guarantees that the State must keep citizens informed about the risks they incur. To fulfil its mission, the Central Civil Protection Service articulates and coordinates with the various Central Departments of the State, where the important role played by the National Institute of Spatial Planning (INGT) stands out, providing a geo-referenced cartographic base, thus allowing different actors to work in articulation. In relation to Local Government, it houses the decentralized services of Municipal Civil Protection, a form of decentralization from Central Government, whose action is carried out mainly during and after the crisis. The Municipal Executive Board, through the Municipal Civil Protection Services, is also responsible for preparing Emergency Plans (PEM) that aim to mitigate natural risks, particularly in the rainy season, that is, the risks associated with hydro-meteorological phenomena. In other words, the municipality has technical and legal instruments for spatial planning and urban management, which are the urban plans and the legal tools that allow it to prevent risks or intervene during the crisis, helping victims to return to normality during or after the crisis. The INGT, as the Central Government department in charge of spatial planning, has the mission of regulating, monitoring and implementing the national spatial planning system, taking into due account the restrictions on occupation of the

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Natural risks in the instruments of Spatial Planning and Land Use Planning in Cape Verde: Stakeholders, Competences and Tools

Natural Risk & Planning Instruments

Spatial Planning and Developement instruments: National Spatial Directive (DNOT); Regional Spatial Planning Instrument (EROT)

Stakeholders: Ministries, Government Departments: INGT, DGA, PE, IMP.

Competences: Legal regulation, plan elaboration, monitoring and verification of conformity. Tools: Imposition through DNOT and EROT; elaboration of the constraint’s maps of land use in the spatial plans of lower hierarchical level.

Spatial Planning instruments: Muncipal Mater Plan (PDM) and Detailed Plan (PD)

Environmental Impact Study (EIA)

Stakeholders: Municapality

Stakeholders: Directorate-General for the Environment (DGA)

Competences:

Competences:

Elaboration of land use urban plans and their implementation

Tools: Map of land use constraints that include flood and geotechnical risks

Environmental impact studies mainly related to large projects, including allowing large areas for urbanization with the identification of risks and mitigation measures.

Emergency Plan

Stakeholders: National Service of Civil Protection, and Local Fire Fighting and Civil Protection Service,

Competences: Elaboration of emergency plans at national, municipal level. Declaration of state of alert, calamity. Rescue plan and evaluatino POS disaster.

Fig. 11.4  Instruments and actors involved in the management of natural risks.  (Source: Own elaboration)

territory, particularly in risk areas. Risk management has a component of land management, which is why entities with competences in land administration have played a relevant role, such as the INGT, the entity responsible for mapping and defining the policies of spatial planning. Still, there are other actors that intervene in land management. A special reference should be made to the Maritime Port Agency (AMP), whose objective is to manage the Maritime Public Domain, which extends up to 80 metres from the coast line. Another actor, with important competences in land management, is the Ministry of Justice, through the Notaries Services and Land Registry, which is responsible for registering the title of properties and all real estate transactions. The taxation of real estate, as well as the register of real estate transactions, is the responsibility of the Ministry of Finance, and Local Government through the municipal tax administration services. The decentralization of property assessment and taxation services to the municipalities, which are the entities responsible for urban planning and urban management, namely the preparation of the Municipal Master Plan (PDM) and the Detailed Plan (PD), further increased in the complexity of the system. The higher-level plans, the National Spatial Planning Directive (DNOT) and the Regional Spatial Planning Scheme (EROT) are prepared at the initiative of the Government, through the Government Department in charge of Spatial Planning.

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In summary, the responsibilities in matters of natural risk management are subdivided into two levels, namely: the central government level and the local government level. This multi-level governance framework in the field of risk management is another additional factor that makes local and urban governance system in Cape Verde increasingly complex, as other chapters in the book also show.

11.4 Strategic Diagnosis of Land Management and Natural Risk Management: Swot Analysis We will now analyze the strengths and weaknesses of existing technical (plans), legal and institutional instruments to manage natural risks. The expression management of natural risks are taken here in a broad sense, therefore, including the ex-ante phases, during and after the crisis, and its analysis must consider the different technical, legal and institutional tools involved in the process. The management of natural risks includes thus all normative devices, as well as the preparation of different types of plans, namely the spatial planning instruments and emergency plans. In this perspective, it is necessary to mobilize human and financial resources, so that the existing legal provisions are put into practice, either through the implementation of plans, or through the application and monitoring of other urban laws. Table 11.1 presents the point of view of the specialists, advisers and independent consultants, questioned about spatial planning as a set of tools to deal with natural hazards, in the Cape Verdean legislation. Regarding the Civil Protection service, the experts consulted did not express their opinions during the interview, despite this service having a key role in the management of natural risk. From direct contact with national and municipal Civil Protection entities, the following issues have been identified and referred. Municipal Civil Protectionintervenes from the preparation stage of Emergency Plans through their implementation to mitigate the effects of natural hazards, particularly the effects of rain. The preparation of this plan, for the prevention of the effects of natural hazards, contributes to the mobilization of resources, public awareness, enabling the mitigation of critical situations. The National Civil Protection‘s main attribution is the creation of the normative tools, to prepare the corresponding planning tools and to carry out studies considered to be necessary. However, its response capacity is limited, in part due to insufficient human and material resources. Thus, according to the diagnosis of the situation, it seems that the management of natural risks depends on the legal and institutional framework, as well as on the collection of credible data, and reliable, for the production of knowledge to be used in the decision-making processes. First, those that have to do with the production of scientific knowledge necessary for a management that protects the physical and biological heritage. It is evident that the production of robust and credible knowledge for decision making is conditioned, in turn, by the scarcity of data and its

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Table 11.1  Analysis of experts regarding the way natural risks are dealt with in the Cape Verdean Spatial Planning legislation Strengths Weaknesses Spatial planning instruments as tools for the management of natural risks in Cape Verde Plan regulations that impose rules on action in As far as natural risk is concerned, zoning is not obvious. In fact, in the process of risky areas, namely in urban plans. elaborating these instruments, there are some DNOT guidelines so that risk issues are deficiencies in certain areas of technical skills, incorporated in plans and territorial actions. Guidelines for the assessment of the danger in which are necessary for the elaboration of the mapping of natural hazards. the installation of human settlements and economic activities. These are binding laws that regulate the use and Violation of plan determinations. occupation of land. Lack of concrete operationalization of plans to act in prevention and adaptation, due to lack of good financial engineering, and the authorities’ action for their materialization. Lack of an institutional culture to enforce The zoning and classification of risk areas are laws. The weak articulation and coordination required, but they are not yet regulated and developed in terms of specific legislation. Risk between the services, as well as the dispersion, zones are one of the requirements demanded at overlapping of legislation and competences do not favour the application of the law. the level of “planta de Condicionantes”. The “lobbies” and the difficulty of the They encourage debate among technicians on municipality in producing and offering the issue of risks and encourage public urbanized land plots, which serve as a pretext awareness for the issue of natural hazards. for installation in prohibited areas from the point of view of natural risks. The plans are already drawn up and approved, Lack of authority in follow-up and verification, requiring compliance with which allow the authorities to implement legality. Dispersion of the zoning of risk areas preventive measures, especially regarding the in different territorial management construction of buildings in risky areas. instruments, at different scales, which do not always coincide. Which can lead to the question: What is the correct zoning? Existence of conditional plans in regional Construction outside the plan in risk areas spatial planning schemes and at the urban level. with impacts on land use planning and people’s safety. Prohibit the occupation and building of areas potentially subject to flooding. Legislation The legislation is quite extensive, modern, and Dispersion of legislation between institutions and laws that sometimes prove to be consistent with what has been done in other inadequate to the social and cultural reality of realities, especially in Portugal. the country. In fact, there is a transposition of Portuguese legislation without considering local particularities. Sometimes the laws are excessively long, Existence of compliance verification boards, including many articles, losing sight of the whether at the level of central and local essence of the problem to be solved. government departments, or at the level of justice. (continued)

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Table 11.1 (continued) Strengths Weaknesses Spatial planning instruments as tools for the management of natural risks in Cape Verde Lack of legal regimes and public utility easements and restrictions, such as waterline easements. There is a lack of awareness on the part of the various central and local entities of the importance of the issue of prevention and mitigation. The country and institutions are faced with a great lack of specialists on these issues, and the articulation between the various central and local services is non-existent. Analysis of organizations responsible for the management ofnatural risks: Institutional resources (human resources, articulation between government departments and between these and the services of the municipalities) Some difficulty in articulating the services, as A ministry with a strong focus on risk they aim to become main protagonists. management issues was introduced in the structure of central government. And the creation of distinct state services with a relevant coordination role in risk management, in particular the civil Protection service, and the National Institute of spatial planning. Young and motivated human resources. A culture of laxity. There are no prospective studies regarding the Government entities are sensitive to problems of spatial planning and risk prevention, having event. The inability to predict events with a certain degree of certainty. The lack of a adhered to several international agreements. research culture and institutions endowed with research resources affects the quality of information provided for decision making.

reliability arising from the lack of a network of observatories for the collection of data related to various dangerous phenomena. Even the research institutions in the country do not have in most cases the human and financial resources, and a research culture, necessary for setting up a solid and sustained research infrastructure, which could produce such applied knowledge.

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11.5 Analysis of the Adequacy and Effectiveness of the Zoning of Floodable Areas, Proposed by the PDM, During the Floods of 12 September 2020: The Case of Cidade da Praia The rain in 12 and 13 September 2020 caused significant economic losses, particularly in Praia, and one death. According to the National Meteorology and Geophysics Services, during the weekend, 173 mm of rain fell, a value that is much higher than normal. The violence of the floods has to do with the intensity of rainfall in a short period of time and the occupation and disturbance of the slopes and the bottom of the valleys, which contributed to increase the solid load, as Rebelo (1999) has already noted two decades ago.11 Now, 23 years after the publication of this article, clandestine constructions grew enormously on the slopes, in the bed of the rivers, further aggravating the vulnerabilities, which is why the massive damage and loss of human life were already expected (Fig. 11.5). The Government of the Republic announced the availability of an amount of about 258 million Cape Verdean escudos (2.3 million Euros), partial estimate, for the restoration of normality in Cidade da Praia, with global losses taking on values ​​much higher than these, as stressed by the authorities (Figs. 11.6, 11.7, 11.8, 11.9, 11.10 and 11.11). In the wake of the floods of September 12, 2020, several questions arise. First, what studies exist regarding the mapping of risk zones? Do these studies provide adequate answers in the case of the extreme natural phenomena? Who is the responsible? Do the existing and applicable laws on risk management provide acceptable answers? What lessons can be drawn from existing studies and from Cape Verde’s policies, within the framework of international agendas, and from agreements already signed? What measures to introduce to improve the legal framework, to the point of serving to protect the population and their assets? The Constitution of the Republic (CRP) of 1992 adopts the principle of spatial planning as one of the pillars to guarantee sustainable development and the protection of environmental and natural resources. These concerns were carried over to various internal regulations to respond to the challenges posed by climate change. In this regard, it should be noted that from 2000 onwards, there were important institutional rearrangements, with the publication of various laws and the elaboration of spatial planning  instruments (DNOT, EROT, PDM, PD), as well as the  We pay a tribute here to Professor Doutor Fernando Rebelo, who published an article in 1999 entitled – “When it becomes easy to predict Rapid floods – two examples in Cape Verde”, where he explicitly addresses the issue of floods, from the perspective of risk science, which at the time was still at a very initial stage. In this article, the author emphasizes the triggering factors of rapid floods, which in this case are heavy rains in a short period of time and adds a fundamental human factor: “The stirring of materials on the slopes and construction in precarious conditions on them can be considered also as important vulnerabilities, given that, in situations of intense rain, landslides can occur and drag houses, with people and goods. These landslides will increase the solid load of the streams and make the floods even more violent” (Rebelo 1999, p. 202). 11

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Fig. 11.5  Damage caused by flooding in 12.09.2020 in “Jamaica”: occupation of flood beds or river channels with non-licenced (“illegal”) buildings. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)

Fig. 11.6  Water outlet from the valley, at Ponte de Vila Nova, one of the most important hydraulic works built to prevent urban flooding in adjacent areas. The valley is more than 3 metres high in some sectors; even so it was overflowed in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)

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Fig. 11.7  The busiest part of the city, next to the Square (Rotunda) first May. Commercial area with a large flow of people and goods: flooding in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)

Fig. 11.8  Ribeira de Paiol section, near a primary school in Lém Cachorro: flooding in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)

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Fig. 11.9  Urban floods in Paiol in Cidade da Praia, in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)

Fig. 11.10  Obstruction downstream of the hydrographic basin of Trindade – Ponte Além Ferreira – the only point of exit of the floods to the sea, in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)

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Fig. 11.11  Ribeira de Paiol, near the gas station Enacol Nuno Duarte. An area with strong exposure and vulnerability. Flooding in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)

reinforcement of civil protection, and the publication of other laws in the field of risk management. Some studies on natural hazards are noteworthy, such as the inventory under the SIERA project (MAHOT 2013),12 the National Hazard Mapping Study, promoted by the United Nations and elaborated by Mileu et al. (2014), the Detailed Study of Urban Risks (DURA) promoted by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MAI 2018), in addition to the National Strategy for Disaster Risk Reduction (ENRRD).13 These studies bring some interesting elements for understanding the problem, especially the mapping of hazards carried out within the framework of a project promoted by the United Nations. According to the historical analysis of disaster events, carried out in the SIERA project, the events of floods in the country are frequent, almost every year, especially in the months of August and September. Although the DURA project aimed to propose a methodology for risk assessment in the urban zone, the findings of the report were not conclusive. In sum, the insufficiency of data, as well as the scales adopted and, in some cases, the methodology used in the treatment of

 SIERA - Systematic Inventory Evaluation for Risk Assessment. Study of disaster risk, according to sources and historical records for a period of 100  years, prepared with the support of the University of Cape Verde. 13  Governo de Cabo Verde (2018). 12

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risks, proved to be inadequate for the objectives defined, and unable to guarantee the protection of the population. Considering the floodplains proposed in the Municipal Master Plan, which prohibit the occupation of these areas, and those carried out within the scope of studies promoted by UNDP, and which was based on hydrological modelling, having as input the geometric parameters of the hydrographical basins and the characteristics of the rainfall regime, with different return periods, including centuries-old rainfall, point to the following results, as shown in Fig. 11.12. According to the zoning of flood risk areas proposed in the PDM (red spots), which is a binding regulatory instrument, and therefore mandatory, around 15,491 people are exposed to flooding, which represents 2794 homes. It is visible on the map that this spot does not even cover the entirety of water courses. Furthermore, the flooding in the city is not limited to the strips adjacent to the water lines, as the map intends to demonstrate. As a matter of fact, the runoff from the slopes, as reported by the populations, is important source of loss of material goods. Regarding the zoning studies of floodable areas, proposed by the company Municipia, based on hydrological modelling, using the simulation of floods, depending on the period of occurrence of rainfall, it covers a larger area (2.4%) of the municipal territory, as they coincide with the extension of the beds of the main streams and have the advantage of providing the height and speed of the floods, which however need to be

Fig. 11.12  Flood hazard zones in Cidade da Praia. The red colour proposed under the PDM and blue by the study sponsored by the United Nations (Mileu et  al. 2014). (Source: Author’s own elaboration (in collaboration with the municipality of Praia))

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validated on the ground. According to this study dating from 2014, both the number of people affected and the number of households covered are slightly lower. To get an idea of the conformity between the risk spots elaborated within the scope of these studies and the massive damage caused by the floods of 12 September 2020, we will present the cartography of the flood zones (Fig. 11.13) as well as the land surveys. According to the map, the areas susceptible to flooding are relatively well mapped, particularly the bottom of the valleys and the confluence areas of the floods and low areas upstream of the Trindade basin, where the greatest human concentration is located as well as the main services and large companies such as private banks (Fig. 11.14). According to the data, the most affected areas and whose population was resettled in the National Stadium are Jamaica, São Paulo, Safende, São Pedro Latada, Pensamento, Calabaceira and Zona de Fazenda Sucupira. In more susceptible areas, where the authorities, in disregard of the law, allowed occupation of the bottom of the valleys with clandestine constructions made of precarious materials, several houses were invaded by the floods and the water reached more than one metre in height (Fig. 11.15), according to the reports of the population, whom in some cases lost all their meagre resources. Car companies located in these sensitive areas suffered considerable losses. Indeed, according to older people and young adults, the floods that occurred on September 12, 2020, were an exceptional event, as there is no memory of such an event in the last 50 years (Figs. 11.16 and 11.17).

Fig. 11.13  Areas most affected by the floods of 12 September 2020. (Source: Author’s own elaboration (with collaboration with the municipality of Praia))

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Fig. 11.14  Impact of the flood in Ribeira de Safende occupied with non-licenced (“illegal”) buildings, in 12.09.2020. According to residents in the area, in some sections the water level reached more than 2 metres. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)

Fig. 11.15  Non-licenced (“illegal”) buildings in steep slopes and in the valley bottom in São Paulo, Cidade da Praia: damages caused by the flooding in 12.09.2020. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)

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Fig. 11.16  Damages caused by the flooding of 12 September 2020 in São Paulo in the municipality of Praia, Cape Verde. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)

Fig. 11.17  Damages caused by the flooding of 12 September 2020 in São Paulo in the municipality of Praia, Cape Verde. (Source: National Civil Protection Service of Cape Verde, 2020)

The intensity of the floods is due, in part, to the great intensity of rainfall (173 mm) associated with the obstruction of the channels with loose debris from the slopes resulting from clandestine constructions and garbage deposited in the waterway. Thus, the violence of the floods is largely due to the solid loads transported and the subtraction of water flow channels by clandestine constructions on the slopes and at the bottom of the valleys.

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It should be noted that there is a reasonable adequacy between the susceptibility cartography of the flooding areas existent in the municipality and the damage that has occurred. However, the susceptibility map prepared under the PDM (blue spot) represents the susceptible areas in a deficient way when compared with the areas susceptible to flooding prepared by the municipality for the United Nations. It should be noted however that the floodplains bordering the streams, as shown in the maps, leave out a substantial part of the populations who live on the slopes and foot of the slopes, in the areas of Vila Nova, Achadinha, Várzea and Pensamento, whose houses were flooded, and significant damage to both movable property and homes. These areas need to be evaluated through other methodologies, because the classical hydrological modelling of floodplains fails to capture these types of phenomena in contexts of sudden and brutal ravines.

11.6 Conclusion It should be noted that the issue of security of goods, even without the concept of risk having been formulated, has always been a concern of successive Governments of the Republic of Cape Verde. This finding is evident even in the colonial planning legislation that was transposed from colonial times to the newly independent country. The legal normative framework regarding the management of natural risks in Cape Verde is adequate to respond to certain extreme phenomena but not for all. It seems necessary to develop a specific regulatory regime for earthquakes, volcanic eruptions, large floods, droughts, landslides and biological hazards. The need to specify in the laws the intensity/magnitude parameters that must be considered in the elaboration of risk zones, as conditions for land occupation, became evident in this event of September 2020 in Cidade da Praia. It should be noted that in the charts prepared to date, the criteria of the communities’ weaknesses are not mapped, so that it is difficult to build their resilience without having viable and credible data regarding vulnerabilities. The only effort made in the scope of mapping natural hazards was in the project of detailed cartography of urban hazards in Praia, Ribeira Brava of São Nicolau and Mosteiros, which brought some interesting elements. However, not having the concepts clearly defined, or the methodology used, as well as the small scale of the study, makes the results not significant from a scientific point of view, and therefore not suitable for decision making. The laws that frame the actions of Civil Protection services in the various stages of risk management are sufficient to provide answers. Improving the Civil Protection response capacity requires strengthening the human, financial and logistical resources. The mapping of risk zones, as a preventive measure, is a competence committed to the municipality and to the INGT, but the evidence suggests it needs to be improved. It should be noted that there is no risk mapping in the country. There is a cartography of susceptibility and there is an acceptable degree of adequacy between

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this cartography and large damages recorded following the floods of September 12, 2020. It can thus be concluded that there is a failure of the authorities in what regards the enforcement of the planning law. It should also be noted that the elaboration of the PDM of Praia happened too late, so its effectiveness was already compromised, a priori. The elaboration of requalification plans that must follow an event such as this of September 2020 must be supported by scientific data and studies carried out by specialists in the field of hydrology, proposing zones whose structural measures can mitigate the effects of flooding and identifying the houses to be removed. A large part of the problem of floodrisks has to do with access to land, which pushes the underprivileged social groups to areas not suitable for urbanization and construction due to the natural hazards referred. Thus, given the weaknesses found, namely the existence of several entities with interventions in the risk domain and whose areas of expertise require clarification, or the existence of risk mapping in various plans, some with an inadequate scale, as well as insufficient knowledge of vulnerabilities in several of these government departments, some changes are required. In addition, further problems emerge from the fact that the implementation is carried out by several public and private entities that intervene in the transformation of the territory, such as municipalities and central government departments with competences in spatial planning. It is our understanding that the availability of a susceptibility/risk map and planning instruments, prepared by different entities, may raise the question of which map to adopt, which can generate conflicts. To conclude, this study suggests that the study of the vulnerabilities of clandestine or informal constructions be carried out, since a significant part occurred before the elaboration of the Municipal Master Plan (PDM) that prohibits such buildings. These findings also point out to the need to adopt policy measures that will adapt these areas and increase their resilience or will simply relocate part of the houses that are in areas affected by these multi-hazards. The need to develop a specific regulatory regime is evident, focussing on the minimum parameters, intensity, magnitude, frequency and scales that must be observed on how to prepare the hazard and risk maps. All these are critical issues that need to be addressed to reinforce the capacity and resilience of the local and urban governance system in Cape Verde.

References Acheampong RA (2019) The concept of spatial planning and the planning system. In: Acheampong R (ed) Spatial planning in Ghana. Origins, contemporary reforms and practices, and new perspectives. Springer, Cham CMP (2014) Plano Director Municipal da Praia. Câmara Municipal da Praia, Praia Correia R (2019) Un Système d’information foncière pour gérer le risque d’inondation  – Expérimentations à Praia (Cap-Vert). These Doctorat. Avignon Université, Avignon

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Legislation Imprensa Nacional de Cabo Verde. Bases gerais da Proteção civil. Praia, Lei n° 12/VIII/2012: Boletim Oficial da República de Cabo Verde, 2012, Série I, n° 16- Suplemento, pp. 1–14 Imprensa Nacional de Cabo Verde. Decreto n° 88/90, de 13 de Outubro – Regulamenta as figuras de Plano Urbanístico consagradas na Lei n° 57/II/85, de 22 de Junho (Boletim Oficial n° 41, I Série, 13 de Outubro de 1990)

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Imprensa Nacional de Cabo Verde. Decreto que Aprova o regime jurídico da avaliação de impacte ambiental dos projetos públicos e privados suscetíveis de produzirem efeitos significativos no ambiente. Decreto-Lei n° 27/2020. Boletim Oficial da República de Cabo Verde, 2020, Série I, n° 33 de 19 de março Imprensa Nacional de Cabo Verde. Decreto-Legislativo n.° 14/97, de 1 de Julho, desenvolve as Bases da Política do Ambiente Imprensa Nacional de Cabo Verde. Decreto-Lei n° 130/88, de 31 de Dezembro – Regulamento Geral de Construção e Habitação Urbana (Boletim Oficial n° 53, I Série, &ª Suplemento) Imprensa Nacional de Cabo Verde. Lei bases da política do ambiente. Praia, Lei n.° 86/IV/93 Imprensa Nacional de Cabo Verde. Lei de Bases do Ordenamento do Território e Planeamento Urbanístico. Praia, Decreto Legislativo n° 1/2006: Boletim Oficial da República de Cabo Verde, 2006, Serie I, n° 7, pp. 170–181 Imprensa Nacional de Cabo Verde. Lei de Bases do Ordenamento do Território e Planeamento Urbanístico. Praia, Decreto Legislativo n° 4/2018: Boletim Oficial da República de Cabo Verde, 2018, Serie I, n° 45 Imprensa Nacional de Cabo Verde. Princípios e Normas de Utilização dos solos. Praia, Decreto Legislativo n° 2/2007: Boletim Oficial da República de Cabo Verde, 2007, Serie I, n° 26Suplemento, pp. 2–23 Imprensa Nacional de Cabo Verde. Regulamento Nacional do Ordenamento do Território e Planeamento Urbanístico. Praia, Decreto Legislativo n° 43/2010: Boletim Oficial da República de Cabo Verde, 2010, Serie I, n° 37 Imprensa Nacional de Cabo Verde. Regulamento Nacional do Ordenamento do Território e Planeamento Urbanístico. Praia, Decreto Legislativo n° 61/2018: Boletim Oficial da República de Cabo Verde, 2018, Serie I, n° 81 Ministério da Descentralização, Habitação e Ordenamento do Território (2011) Diploma que fixa o uso dominante e outros usos compatíveis e incompatíveis das diferentes classes de espaços. Portaria n°6 /2011 de 24 de janeiro. Gabinete da Ministra

Romualdo Barros Correia, Geographer, holds a PhD from the University of Avignon, in France. He is Assistant Professor of GIS, Remote Sensing and Cartography at the Faculty of Science and Technology in the Cape Verde University. His main area of research interest is GIS, Cadastre and Risk Modelling. He has a post-graduation in Geography, Engineering and Geomatic from the Faculty of Sciences, University of Lisbon. He has also been consultant for municipal master plans and for the land cadastre system in Cape Verde. He has several publications on these issues and participated in conferences and congresses related to these themes.  

Index

A Accountability, 10, 73, 80 Administrative centralism, 57 Administrative centralization, 5 Administrative commissions, 5, 51, 199 Administrative culture, 4, 188 Administrative decentralization, 33, 48, 55, 58, 281, 291 Administrative de-concentration, 49–52, 56, 78, 183 Administrative region, 76, 77 Administrative tutelage, 54 Affordable housing, 165, 271, 276, 279, 333 Affordable rents, 256 African Development Bank, 287 African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC), 5, 125, 188 Agrarian reform, 125 Allotment plans, 204, 349, 363 Anthropogenic factors, 345, 348, 349 António da Noli, 140 Archaeological, 229 Archipelago, 2, 20, 22, 23, 28–31, 34, 37–41, 43, 44, 88, 90, 122, 132, 140, 141, 146, 159, 223–228, 236, 250, 320, 341, 344, 351, 356 Architectural heritage, 13, 225, 233 Assigned grants, 69 Audit court, 65, 73 Authoritarian regime, 52, 252 Autonomous services, 65 Azores, 223, 227

B Banana Street, 234, 235 Bank credit, 286, 290 Block grants, 48, 69, 70 Brazilian cooperation, 297, 298 C Cadastre, 116–119, 123–129, 131–134 Casa do Governador, 233 Casa para Todos, 13, 204, 297, 301, 315 Cathedral, 226, 229, 231, 237, 239–245, 250, 251 Central government, 24, 27, 50, 52, 54, 64, 65, 67, 69, 70, 74–80, 92–94, 97, 98, 125, 133, 146, 160, 183, 188–190, 204, 206, 209, 217, 252, 261, 270, 284, 286, 349, 352, 360, 367, 369, 371, 373, 384 Centralization, 1, 5, 68, 286 Central-local relations, 2, 335 Central state, 50, 57, 134 15th century, 6, 13, 49, 122, 140–142, 223, 225, 228, 233, 250, 252 16th century, 122, 142, 146, 223, 224, 228, 229, 234–239, 242, 246–250 17th century, 145, 224, 227–229, 250 18th century, 141, 143–145, 147, 224, 246 19th century, 123, 124, 140–143, 145–159, 222, 232 20th century, 4, 21, 27, 49, 141, 144, 150, 152, 153, 158, 215, 244, 249 Chart of Athens, 215

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 C. Nunes Silva (ed.), Local Governance in Cape Verde, Local and Urban Governance, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05847-9

387

388 Citizen participation, 10, 11, 55, 77, 80, 109, 209 City council, 58, 131, 142, 146, 176, 208, 213, 214, 292, 293 Civic rights, 57 Civil liberties, 8 Civil protection, 14, 66, 77, 79, 211, 349, 351, 357, 358, 362–364, 368, 369, 371, 373, 375–378, 381–383 Civil servants, 25, 37, 40 Civil society, 58, 68, 107, 108, 248, 297, 298, 333 Civil war, 57 Climate change, 2, 14, 368, 374 Coast line, 370 Colonial administrative heritage, 57 Colonial empire, 49, 88 Colonial government, 252, 277 Colonial metropole, 49, 86 Colonial municipal map, 5, 6, 58 Colonial period, 13, 24, 48–51, 78, 86, 87, 106, 109, 144, 165–186, 188–191, 194, 195, 198–202, 204, 206–210, 212–214, 216, 256, 257, 277, 281 Colonial planning, 170, 383 Colonial urbanism, 165, 215 Colonial Urbanization Office (GUC), 165, 170 Colonies/colony, 4, 48–50, 52, 78, 86, 89, 123, 124, 146, 149–151, 160, 165, 166, 170, 174, 183, 215, 224, 227, 233, 270, 271 Common Municipal Fund (FMC), 67, 70 Concession, 27, 66, 90, 123, 124, 209, 315 Constitution of Cape Verde, 51 Continuities, 1, 25, 48, 50, 78, 89, 164, 188, 206, 215, 227 Corrective tutelage, 54 Councillors, 54, 60, 78, 214, 236 Countries Angola, 4, 56, 57, 124, 174 Austria, 94 Cape Verde, 1, 20, 48, 86, 114, 139, 164, 222, 341, 356 Guinea, 5, 124, 224, 226, 228–230, 237, 241, 247, 251 Guinea-Bissau, 4, 5, 49, 50, 56, 356 Mozambique, 4, 56, 57, 124 Portugal, 4, 10, 48–50, 52, 67, 78, 90, 165, 174, 176, 180, 183, 185, 215, 216, 235, 236, 242, 247, 256, 257, 282, 290, 298, 308 Sao Tome and Principe, 4, 56 COVID-19 pandemic, 68 CUBHIS, 301, 308, 309, 315, 317, 320, 321

Index D Decentralization, 1, 2, 10, 12, 48, 54–58, 74–79, 288, 291, 297, 353, 369, 370 Decentralization reforms, 1, 47 Decentralized cooperation, 67, 75 Decolonization, 4, 89 De-colonization process, 57 De-concentrated, 79 De-concentration, 40, 52 Degraded spaces, 27 Delegate of the government, 52 Democratic period, 6, 188, 200, 214 Democratization, 58 Demographic structure, 30, 31, 41, 43 Derramas, 66 Detailed Plan (PD), 91, 92, 96, 103–106, 154, 192, 201–209, 212, 213, 215, 348, 365, 366, 370, 374 Developing countries, 11, 40–42, 44, 115, 116 Diaspora, 9, 56 Digitalization, 11, 76 Digital transition, 2 Diocese, 124, 224, 226, 230, 237, 251 Directorate for Spatial Planning and Environment (DGOTA), 93 Donatários, 122, 227 Donors, 56, 79, 236 Dwelling, 38, 229, 234, 249, 261, 272–274, 280, 282, 286, 287, 292, 293, 315, 317, 320, 321 E Ecological tax, 75 Economic housing, 277, 286, 290, 293, 294 Economic liberalization, 33, 42, 86, 109 Electoral code, 59–63 Electoral law, 52, 53 Electra, 167, 199, 206 Electricity, 9, 38, 42, 150, 159, 176, 206, 261, 292, 324 Emigrants, 22, 25, 40 Empowerment, 58 Energy, 21, 25–27, 37, 44, 99, 167, 199, 206, 258, 261, 324, 343 Energy efficiency, 99 Environment, 2, 14, 29, 38, 42, 77, 91–93, 142, 158, 159, 207, 208, 214, 222, 224, 234, 289, 297, 309, 357, 364, 368 Epidemics, 42 Episcopal palace, 226, 229, 237, 239–241, 243–245 Equalization fund, 67

Index Estado Novo, 50, 52, 183, 252, 270, 271 Extractive activities, 98 F Fees, 48, 66, 67, 69, 116 Financial autonomy, 10, 49, 56, 58, 64, 66, 74, 78, 183, 200, 215, 252, 253, 288, 289, 291, 335 Financial bonds, 67 Financial capacity, 2, 55, 58, 68–69, 75, 76, 291, 353 First Republic (1st Republic), 5, 50–52, 63, 144, 165, 183, 186–199, 216, 218, 281–288 Floodable areas, 89, 340, 374–383 Floodplains, 358, 379, 383 Flood risk areas, 379 Floods, 14, 26, 27, 42, 91, 158, 160, 339–353, 356, 358, 359, 363, 364, 366, 367, 374–384 Formal residential areas, 24, 40, 43 Formal urbanism, 196 Fortress, 229, 240, 246–250 Functional autonomy, 65, 252 Functional competences, 2, 10 Functional specialization, 21, 33, 34, 36, 43, 44 Functionalist urbanism, 106 Fund for the environment, 68 G Gender parity, 60–62 General Directorate of Spatial Planning and Urban Development (DGOTDU), 93, 102, 297 General Regulation on Construction and Urban Housing (RGCHU), 90, 287 Gentrification, 108 Geotechnical security, 364, 366 Good governance, 8, 55 Gothic-manueline, 231, 232, 235, 244 Governance of cities, 12 Groups of citizens, 54 Groups of independent citizens (GIC), 63, 64 H Habitar CV, 308, 315, 317, 320, 321, 324, 327 Hazardous processes, 14, 348–353 Health, 21, 29, 32, 37, 42, 44, 65, 77, 165, 190, 282, 315, 327, 334

389 Historic centres, 89, 139, 145–147, 166, 172, 179, 208, 213 Homeless, 259, 334 Hospital da Misericórdia, 240 House for All, 13, 298, 301, 308–310, 321–330 House for All Program, 256, 298, 315–327 Household, 9, 31, 37, 38, 41, 44, 259, 261, 298, 308, 315, 334, 380 Housing deficit, 37, 256–258, 261, 292, 294, 301, 308, 309, 333, 353 Housing policies/policy, 13, 256–335 Housing program, 256, 271, 282, 286, 290, 293–308, 314, 333 Hydrographic basins, 98, 212, 343, 377 Hydrological modelling, 379, 383 I Immigrants, 23, 334 Income tax, 66, 69 Incremental change, 1 Industrial allotment, 204 Industrial parks, 66 Industrial zones, 91, 92, 178, 191 Informal activities, 21, 30 Informal areas, 26, 281 Informal economy, 28, 39 Informal growth, 349 Informal housing, 91, 256, 281, 346–347 Informal occupation, 13, 164, 195, 207, 214, 365 Informal settlements, 26–28, 39, 105, 106, 108, 109, 159, 287, 289, 291, 310, 333 Informal urbanism, 13 Informal urbanization, 2, 164, 216, 282 Informal urban settlements, 281 Information and communication technologies (ICT), 2, 116, 128 Information Society Operational Nucleus (NOSI), 115, 129 Institute for Housing Development (IFH), 75, 174, 194, 202, 203, 208, 257, 282, 284, 286, 287, 289, 290, 292–297, 308, 309, 315 Institute of Meteorology and Geophysics (INMG), 344, 345, 351 Institutional capacity, 10, 105, 106 Intermediate cities, 34, 37, 44 Inter-municipal, 74 Inter-municipal cooperation, 10, 11, 74, 79 International cooperation, 55, 66, 79, 80, 121, 190

390 Inundations, 14, 26, 42, 339–353 Islands Boa Vista, 4, 8, 23, 26, 31, 35, 38, 39, 59, 74, 93, 95, 97, 99, 100, 102, 104, 107, 257, 341 Brava, 4, 74, 100, 341 Fogo, 4, 7, 29, 33, 58, 65, 74, 100, 140, 173, 228, 341 Maio, 4, 8, 59, 74, 95, 100, 140, 341 Sal, 4, 8, 23, 26, 29, 31, 33, 35, 39, 40, 59, 71, 93, 98, 100, 104, 105, 107, 141, 173, 292 Santa Luzia, 4, 341 Santiago, 2, 4, 8, 37, 40, 58, 59, 74, 77, 96, 97, 100, 104, 107, 140–142, 158, 173, 174, 223, 224, 226–228, 243, 245, 246, 250, 261, 289, 292, 293, 308, 341, 342 Santo Antão, 4, 8, 37, 59, 74, 100, 293, 341 São Nicolau, 4, 8, 35, 58, 59, 100, 123, 173, 293, 341 São Vicente, 4, 8, 29, 31, 37, 59, 97, 100, 123, 141, 173, 174, 289, 341 Island state, 2 L Land administration, 12, 114–128, 133–135, 360, 370 Land administration system, 12, 114–117, 119–121, 126–135 Land cadastre, 11, 12, 80, 114–135 Land cadastre system, 12, 129 Land expropriation, 93, 363 Land law, 55, 135, 294, 363, 369 Landlords, 122, 144, 226 Land plots, 40, 125, 129, 204, 271, 349, 366, 372 Land registry, 12, 114–135, 297, 370 Landslides, 26, 42, 159, 359, 374, 383 Land use planning, 14, 86, 90, 92, 103, 120, 190, 334, 340, 356–359, 364, 372 LBPOTPU, 206 Lei de Bases do Ordenamento do Território e Planeamento Urbanístico (LBOTPU), 94, 96, 209 Leisure, 25, 27, 40, 88, 270, 327 Linear cities, 33 Literacy, 30, 43, 121, 217 Literacy rate, 30, 43 Loans, 67, 69, 79, 256, 308 Local administration, 48–50, 52, 91, 183, 189, 314, 333

Index Local and regional development, 76 Local associations, 107 Local autonomy, 2, 11, 56 Local community organizations, 66 Local councillor, 10, 58, 59, 73, 78, 106 Local democracy, 10 Local election, 8, 10, 52, 53, 60–63, 200, 214 Local finance system, 55, 79 Local governance, 2, 5, 6, 10–12, 14, 48, 78, 108, 114 Local governance culture, 11, 51 Local governance system, 1, 2, 11–14, 95, 327, 353 Local government, 2, 5, 9–14, 48–80, 92, 108, 135, 160, 164, 183, 185, 200, 215, 216, 252, 253, 261, 270, 288, 291, 334, 335, 341, 353, 369–372 Local policy process, 10, 11, 65 Local public services, 11, 79 Local referendum, 66 Local state administration, 5 Low-income families, 109, 289 Lusophone African countries, 5, 6, 47–48, 51, 52, 56, 57, 78 Lusophone African states, 12, 51 M Macrocephalism, 33, 42 Macrocephaly, 33, 34, 44 Madeira, 223, 227, 287, 328–330 Market economy, 57 Master plan, 80, 88–90, 92, 93, 148, 172, 174, 180, 194, 203, 215 Mayor, 5, 63, 73, 199, 213, 214, 352 Medieval cities, 230 Medieval urbanism, 250, 252 Meso level, 77 Method of Hondt, 63 Metropole, 49, 86 Metropolis, 42, 44, 51, 88, 89, 178 Middle class, 25, 26, 40, 41, 286 Middle-income country, 8 Mixed method, 2 Modernist, 167, 174, 176 Modern urbanism, 13, 146, 215 Morgadios, 122 Movimento para a Democracia (MpD), 7 Multi-family building, 25, 209 Multi-hazards, 356, 384 Multi-level governance, 11, 252, 371 Multiparty democracy, 6, 215

Index Multi-party elections, 53, 185 Multi-party local election, 54 Multi-party political system, 47, 57 Municipal assembly, 58, 61–63, 78, 102, 202–204, 209, 213 Municipal assets, 66 Municipal association, 55, 65, 74, 75, 79 Municipal budget, 73, 76 Municipal cohesion, 67 Municipal council, 5, 61, 66, 129, 174, 175, 189, 200, 209, 214, 292, 309 Municipal election, 54, 60–62, 200, 206 Municipal enterprises, 66 Municipal executive board, 61, 63, 199, 369 Municipal expenditures, 70 Municipal fees, 66 Municipal financial fund (FFM), 66, 67, 70, 75 Municipal funds, 70, 79 Municipal government, 55, 214 Municipal investment, 67 Municipalities Boa Vista, 6, 27, 28, 30, 32, 36–38, 59, 95, 106 Brava, 6, 36, 37, 58, 59, 71, 74 Maio, 6, 71, 95, 317, 320 Mosteiros, 8, 36, 58, 59, 65, 71, 74, 106, 317 Paul, 6, 8, 36, 37, 58, 59, 71, 76, 102, 106 Porto Novo, 6, 8, 36, 37, 58, 59, 71, 76, 102, 106, 320 Praia, 36 Ribeira Brava, 6, 36, 37, 317 Ribeira Grande, 36 Ribeira Grande de Santiago, 6, 8, 36, 58, 59, 68, 71, 76, 95, 103, 200, 201, 317, 321 Sal, 6, 27, 28, 32, 36–38, 103, 104, 106, 292, 320 Santa Catarina, 6, 8, 36, 37, 58, 59, 71, 74, 76, 106, 107 Santa Catarina do Fogo, 6, 8, 36, 58, 59, 71, 76, 105, 106, 320 Santa Cruz, 6, 8, 36, 37, 58, 59, 71, 106, 107, 315, 317, 320 São Domingos, 6, 8, 27, 36, 37, 58, 59, 71, 104, 106, 107, 200, 201, 317, 321 São Filipe, 6, 8, 27, 33, 36, 37, 59, 67, 71, 74, 76, 105, 106, 317, 320 São Lourenço dos Órgãos, 6, 8, 36, 58, 59, 71, 95, 106, 107, 320 São Miguel, 6, 36, 58, 59, 71, 76, 104, 106, 107, 317, 320

391 São Salvador do Mundo, 6, 8, 36, 37, 58, 59, 71, 76, 105–107, 320 São Vicente, 6, 8, 27, 30, 36–38, 58, 59, 67, 71, 95, 103, 105, 106, 261, 289, 315, 317, 320 Tarrafal, 6, 8, 36, 37, 58, 59, 67, 71, 105, 107, 317, 320 Tarrafal São Nicolau, 6, 8, 36, 59 Municipal map, 52, 200 Municipal Master Plan (PDM), 14, 80, 93–96, 98, 103, 105, 106, 159, 171, 178, 191, 194, 201, 202, 204–206, 208–217, 348, 352, 357, 358, 360, 363–367, 370, 374–384 Municipal police, 75, 79 Municipal property, 65, 66, 261 Municipal public enterprises, 65 Municipal revenues, 66, 67, 69, 70 Municipal services, 65, 66, 286, 291 Municipal solidarity fund, 67 Municipal treasury, 67 N National Association of Municipalities of Cape Verde (ANMCV), 68, 73, 74, 76, 79 National independence, 14, 21, 87–91, 115, 122, 125, 237, 348 National Institute for Territory Management (INGT), 3, 95–101, 103–105, 115, 130, 133, 135, 166, 167, 170, 369, 370, 383 National Spatial Planning Directive (DNOT), 96–99, 104, 365–366, 370, 372, 374 National spatial planning system, 80, 86, 87, 91, 94, 95, 97, 104, 105, 108, 135, 348, 364, 365, 369 National taxes, 67 Natural growth, 23, 40 Natural hazards, 14, 39, 357–366, 368, 369, 371, 372, 378, 383, 384 Natural risks, 11, 14, 40, 356–384 Neighbourhoods, 24–27, 87, 89–91, 104, 108, 144, 151–157, 160, 165–167, 170, 171, 174, 180, 181, 190–192, 194, 196, 199, 203, 204, 206–209, 213, 216, 217, 224, 235, 250, 271, 282, 287, 290–293, 295, 298, 310, 345–353 Nelson index, 21, 34 Neo-colonial, 106, 109 Neoliberal, 107, 109 New Urban Agenda, 11, 209

392 NGO, 203, 291, 292 Nossa Senhora da Conceição, 233, 234 Nossa Senhora do Rosário, 229–234, 240–243 O Old town, 159, 233, 235, 237 Open society, 8 Organic model, 222–228, 233, 250 Organizational autonomy, 48, 64 Overseas Urbanization Office (GUU), 170 P Partido Africano para a Independência de Cabo Verde (PAICV), 5, 7, 8, 51, 53, 63, 64, 77, 188 Periphery, 90, 159, 199, 257, 261, 281 Pillory, 229, 230, 235–238, 244 Piped water, 9, 38, 258, 261, 292 Planned economy, 57 Planners, 106, 116, 190, 191, 215, 216, 349 Planning instruments, 12, 86–88, 91, 93, 96, 97, 103–109, 164, 170, 289, 348, 357–359, 362–367, 371, 372, 374, 384 Plateau, 87, 142–146, 149, 151–153, 159, 166, 167, 171–176, 178, 183, 191, 193, 204, 208, 210, 212, 216, 247, 346 Political decentralization, 1, 6, 56, 58 Political independence, 1 Political liberties, 57 Political parties/party, 5, 7, 52–54, 62, 64 Political rights, 8 Political stability, 10 Political transition, 1, 57 POOCM, 97, 99 Population growth, 2, 4, 14, 21–23, 86, 104, 152, 155, 156, 257, 271, 288, 289, 333, 348 Population settlements, 33, 224, 227, 228, 236 Port of Praia, 150, 177 Post-colonial, 13, 215 Post-colonial period, 48, 50–58, 164, 165, 186–215, 335, 366 Post-independence, 48, 50, 57, 78, 87, 90–95, 109, 158, 159, 186, 215, 256, 257, 291 POT, 97, 100 Poverty, 9, 21, 37, 39, 42, 44, 56, 68, 90, 313, 333, 346 PRACIMP, 293 Praia airport, 177, 180, 203 Primacy index, 21, 33, 34 Principle of generality, 65 Professional association, 107

Index PROMEBAD, 287, 290, 291 Property tax, 66, 76 PS, 97 PSOT, 104 Public administration, 28, 29, 34, 35, 51, 64–65, 188, 270 Public calamity, 68 Public participation, 106, 107 Public-private partnerships, 27 Public resources, 11 Public sewage system, 38 Public sewer system, 38 Public water, 9, 38, 324 Q Quaternary sector, 29, 39, 43 Quintalona, 249 R Racial discrimination, 49 Rank-size rule, 21, 33–35 Real estate, 25, 27–29, 40, 76, 131, 157, 174, 194, 203, 204, 286, 287, 290, 293, 294, 298, 348, 359, 370 Recentralized, 79 Referendum, 66, 77 Regional imbalances, 106, 109 Regional inequalities/inequality, 3, 86 Regional Spatial Planning Schemes (EROT), 97, 100, 101, 365, 366, 370, 372, 374 Rehabilitation, 27, 89, 100, 150, 210, 258, 291, 293, 297, 298, 301, 309–311, 334, 349 Rehabilitation and Accessibility Program (PRRA), 310–313, 349 Remittances, 25, 40 Renaissance, 224, 242, 244, 248 Rent, 38, 66, 282, 286, 308 REOT, 86, 95, 100, 104, 105 Residential areas, 191, 193, 271, 282 Residential neighbourhoods, 25 Resilience, 353, 356, 359, 367, 383, 384 Revolutionary regime, 5 Right to housing, 289, 327, 335 Right to the city, 327, 333–335 Risk areas, 14, 105, 106, 345, 348, 360, 362, 364, 365, 367, 370, 379 Risks, 2, 10, 14, 26, 38, 42, 57, 105, 106, 109, 117, 158, 160, 310, 334, 340, 341, 345, 348, 349, 351, 353, 356–374, 378–380, 383, 384 Risk zones, 357, 364–367, 374, 383

Index RNOTPU, 206, 209, 219, 300, 364, 365 Road network, 99, 172, 180, 191, 210, 292, 293 Ruptures, 1, 48, 50, 51, 57, 78, 90, 164, 188 Rural agglomerations, 37 Rural areas, 3, 30, 31, 37, 38, 41, 43, 125, 259–261, 297, 309, 346 Rural-city migration, 23 Rural exodus, 22, 88–89, 91, 153, 158, 271, 281 Rural municipalities, 37, 44, 261 S SALHabit, 292 Sanitation, 9, 21, 25, 27, 37–39, 44, 65, 74, 77, 89, 159, 191, 203, 276, 281, 291 Sea fronts, 27 Second Republic (2nd Republic), 7, 10, 52–55, 58, 64, 78, 165, 185, 188, 189, 199–216, 218–219, 288–315 Sector plans, 97 Seigniorial house, 145, 148, 249, 250 Self-construction, 25, 65, 94, 203, 277, 282, 286, 287, 290, 292, 334 Semi-urban centres, 33 Settlements, 24–28, 30, 38, 40, 88, 122, 141–143, 152, 158, 159, 222–225, 227–229, 233, 235, 237, 250, 271, 282, 293, 313, 333, 346, 372 Single-family housing, 209, 271 Single party regime, 5, 281 Slavery, 122, 237 Social composition, 31, 41 Social fragmentation, 31, 43 Social housing, 2, 10–14, 26, 65, 203, 256, 282, 287, 289–294, 296–298, 334 Social housing policy, 12, 256, 257, 270–315, 353 Social pathologies, 26, 28 Social polarization, 31, 43 Social segregation, 28, 108, 349 Social structure, 11, 12, 20, 21, 30–32, 41, 43, 44 Social uprooting, 26 Socialism, 53 Society for Tourism Development of Boa Vista and Maio (SDTBM), 94–95, 102 Social-spatial fragmentation, 86, 87, 93, 104, 108 Social-spatial segregation, 28, 41, 108, 349 Spatial concentration, 20, 40

393 Spatial dispersion, 22, 23, 43 Spatial planning, 2, 10–14, 51, 55, 65, 74, 75, 77, 80, 86–109, 132, 163–215, 217, 257, 289, 291, 297, 313, 341, 348, 353, 356–384 Spatial planning act, 75, 357, 362, 367 Spatial planning system, 10–12, 86, 92, 93, 96–109, 164, 215, 270, 335, 348, 349, 359, 366 Spatial plans, 87, 91, 93, 94, 97, 106, 172, 173, 190, 200–202, 217, 357, 364–366, 368 Spatial polarization, 22 Spontaneous allotment, 365 Spontaneous neighbourhoods, 24, 43, 203, 292, 349, 351 Spontaneous urbanization, 282 Stadium, 180, 203, 204, 351, 352, 380 State local administration, 56 Statute of municipalities, 76 Statute of the cities, 55 Statute of the municipalities, 54, 59, 65, 76 Strategic plan, 9, 76, 297, 313 Sub-national, 7, 12, 47, 50, 51, 55, 56, 77, 80, 185, 188 Sub-national administration, 55, 77, 185 Sub-national level, 12 Sub-Saharan Africa, 47 Suburbanization, 22, 43 Supra-municipal, 10, 77 Susceptibility, 14, 339, 341–348, 358, 359, 361, 366, 367, 383, 384 Sustainability, 86, 108, 121, 209, 309, 359 Sustainable development goals (SDGs), 9, 10, 209, 261 T Tariffs, 66 Tax revenues, 69 Territorial imbalance, 33 Tertiarization, 20, 28–30, 39, 40, 44 Tertiary sector, 11, 12, 25, 28–30 Tourism activities, 27, 40 Tourist development zones, 27 Touristic activity, 93 Touristic Special Zones, 66 Tourist spaces, 21, 27, 40 Town hall, 142, 144, 149, 210, 235, 236, 241 Towns, 7, 13, 33, 88, 141–144, 146–149, 151, 165, 224–226, 229, 234–237, 247, 251, 292

394 Traditional authorities, 57 Transfers, 48, 65, 67, 70, 74–76, 78, 79, 119, 124, 126, 127, 144, 146 Transition government, 50 Transparency, 10, 73, 76, 80, 135 Tropical storm, 345, 351 Tutelage, 54, 73 Tutelage of legality, 54 Twinning, 67 U Underemployment, 32 UNESCO, 252 UN-Habitat, 9, 209, 256, 287, 310, 311, 313 Unitary state, 51, 52 Unplanned areas, 346, 347, 349, 353 Urban agglomeration, 11, 25, 27, 33, 94, 166 Urban areas, 3, 10, 11, 14, 20, 23, 24, 30–32, 37–39, 41–44, 68, 89, 146, 153, 154, 159, 194, 197, 213, 216, 228, 250, 259, 261, 282, 288, 289, 295, 308, 309, 315, 333, 341–349, 353, 356, 362 Urban centre, 11–13, 20, 22, 23, 25–28, 30–34, 38–44, 86, 141, 235, 257, 258, 270, 276, 281, 288–290, 334, 341, 346, 364 Urban development, 11, 20–44, 86, 87, 92, 94, 95, 104, 145, 150, 151, 156–159, 213, 216, 341 Urban Development Plan (PDU), 91, 92, 96, 103, 191, 192, 194, 196, 202, 203, 208, 212 Urban expansion, 89, 105, 106, 155, 158, 170, 178, 257, 346, 347 Urban furniture, 25 Urban growth, 20, 21, 37–38, 40, 43, 153, 346 Urban heritage, 2, 10, 11, 13, 14, 139, 140, 153, 174, 222–253 Urban heritage conservation, 10, 13 Urban hierarchy, 33, 34, 43 Urbanization plans, 87, 90, 165, 181, 191, 271, 286, 348 Urbanization processes, 11, 14, 20, 40, 42, 87–91, 98, 109 Urbanized space, 20, 21, 23, 40, 43

Index Urban land, 26, 27, 89, 105, 106, 109, 204, 213, 292, 340, 341, 346, 349, 359 Urban management, 165, 175, 190, 199, 209, 216, 217, 353, 369, 370 Urban municipalities, 28, 38, 43 Urban network, 11, 20, 21, 33–37, 39–44, 97 Urban planning, 11–13, 25, 87–91, 103, 106, 109, 121, 139, 148, 154, 155, 157, 159, 163–217, 270, 281, 282, 289, 333, 348, 349, 353, 357, 360–363, 370 Urban plans, 25, 88–93, 96, 100–103, 106, 108, 144, 145, 164, 165, 170, 171, 188–194, 196–199, 201, 203, 204, 206–209, 214–216, 270, 271, 334, 353, 358, 363, 364, 372 Urban rehabilitation, 99, 100, 297, 363 Urban settlements, 20–22, 27, 33, 37, 44, 88, 107, 256 Urban system, 33, 88 Urban tertiarization, 28–30 V VAT, 67, 75 Vulnerability, 327, 332, 334, 348, 353, 356, 357, 359–362, 368, 374, 378, 383, 384 W Waste, 25, 39, 74, 77, 99, 258 Water, 9, 21, 25–27, 37–39, 42, 44, 65, 74, 77, 147, 159, 167, 176, 199, 203, 206, 211, 212, 258, 261, 276, 324, 340, 343, 351, 352, 359, 366, 367, 375, 379–382 Water supply, 9, 26, 37, 38, 44, 65, 167, 199, 206, 261, 276, 324 World heritage, 252 Y Yugoslav planning team, 196 Z Zones for Integrated Tourism Development (ZDTI), 27, 28, 99, 201, 204 Zonas Turísticas Especiais (ZTE), 66