Literary Migrations: Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia (17th-20th Centuries) 9789814414333

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Literary Migrations

The Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre (NSC) at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore, pursues research on historical interactions among Asian societies and civilizations. It serves as a forum for comprehensive study of the ways in which Asian polities and societies have interacted over time through religious, cultural, and economic exchanges and diasporic networks. The Research Series provides scholars with an avenue to present the outcome of their research and allows an opportunity to develop new or innovative approaches in the sphere of intra-Asian interactions. The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) was established as an autonomous organization in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are the Regional Economic Studies (RES, including ASEAN and APEC), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world.

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Literary Migrations Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia (17th-20th Centuries)

Edited by Claudine Salmon

INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES Singapore

Reprinted in Singapore in 2013 by ISEAS Publishing Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Pasir Panjang Singapore 119614 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. © 2013 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore The responsibility for facts and opinions in this publication rests exclusively with the authors and their interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or the policy of the publisher or its supporters. ISEAS Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Literary migrations : traditional Chinese fiction in Asia (17th–20th centuries) / Claudine Salmon, editor. 1. Chinese fiction—Asia—History and criticism. 2. Chinese fiction—Qing dynasty, 1644–1912—History and criticism. I. Salmon, Claudine. PL2437 L77 2013 ISBN 978-981-4414-32-6 (soft cover) ISBN 978-981-4414-33-3 (e-book, PDF) Cover picture: Mirror of the Tang Dynasty, A.D. 618–905, representing the animals of the Four Quadrants, Dragon, Phoenix, Tiger, and Tortoise. Drawing by Abay D. Subarna. Typeset by Superskill Graphics Pte Ltd Printed in Singapore by Refine Printing Pte Ltd

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Contents Foreword by Ji Xianlin

xi

Dr Salmon as I Know Her by Ge Baoquan

xvii

Preface to Reprint Edition

xxi

Acknowledgements Introduction Claudine Salmon 1. Chronological Survey 2. Fictional Genres and Translations 3. Transmission of Chinese Fiction 4. The Translators 5. Translations and Adaptations 6. Circulation and Audience 7. Influence on the Development of the Local Literatures 8. The Reception of the Sanguo zhi yanyi Notes PART I. KOREA AND JAPAN The Influence of Chinese Stories and Novels on Korean Fiction (translated by W.R. Skillend) Kim Dong-uk 1. The Acceptance of Chinese Literary Tales: From the Beginnings to the Mid-Fifteenth Century – The Taiping guangji: Success and Influence – The Jian deng xinhua: Popularity and Imitations 2. The Introduction of Chinese Colloquial Novels: Mid-Fifteenth Century to End of the Nineteenth Century

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– – – – – –

The Sanguo zhi yanyi: Translations and Adaptations The Shuihu zhi The Xiyou ji The Jin Ping Mei and Other Ming Dynasty Novels How Chinese Novels Came to Korea Chinese Fiction and Korean Fiction: Similarities and Differences – A Tentative List of Adaptations of Chinese Novels and Stories Concluding Remarks

48 49 50 51 52

The Plots of Chinese Fiction in Korean Vernacular Novels A. F. Trotsevich 1. Sŏl In’gwi chŏn, “The Story of Sŏl In’gwi” 2. Tang T’aejong chŏn, “The Story of T’aejong of Tang” 3. Yang Sanbaek chŏn, “The Story of Yang Sanbaek” 4. Chŏk Sŏngŭi chŏn, “The Story of Chŏk Sŏngŭi” Conclusion Notes

61

Chinese Colloquial Novels in Japan — Mainly during the Edo Period (1603–1867) Ôki Yasushi and Ôtsuka Hidekata 1. Conditions under which Books Were Imported and the Problem of Language Barrier 2. Novels in Literary Style and Historical Romance 3. Okajima Kanzan 4. Okada Hakku and Sawada lssai 5. Ueda Akinari and Takizawa Bakin Concluding Remarks Chronological List of the Works Quoted Notes PART II. MAINLAND NORTHEAST ASIA The Manchu Translations of Chinese Novels and Short Stories — An Attempt at an Inventory Martin Gimm 1. Introduction 2. List of Manchu Translations of Chinese Fiction Notes

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63 66 68 69 70 71 73 73 75 77 79 81 82 83 85

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Contents

A Note about the Spread of Chinese Literature amongst the Mongols (translated by Donald Holzman) Françoise Aubin Mongolian Translations of Old Chinese Novels and Stories — A Tentative Bibliographic Survey (translated by Jeanne Kelly) Boris Riftin Introduction 1. Historical Romances 2. Novels of Manners 3. Fantastic Novels 4. Novels of Swordmen and Trial Cases 5. Huaben Stories Conclusion Notes PART III. MAINLAND SOUTHEAST ASIA The Influence of Chinese Fiction on Vietnamese Literature (translated by Noel Castelino) Yan Bao 1. Vietnamese Fiction in Chinese 2. The Truyện or Verse Stories Written in nôm 3. Translations of Chinese Novels into Romanized Vietnamese 4. Tentative List of Vietnamese Translations of Chinese Popular Fiction Notes Thai Translations of Chinese Literary Works Prapin Manomaivibool Chinese Literary Influence on Cambodia in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries (translated by Noel Castelino) Jacques Népote and Khing Hoc Dy 1. The Situation in the Nineteenth Century – A Tentative Inventory of Translations or Adaptations of Chinese Works – Sino-Khmer Culture and People of Hokkien Descent 2. Chinese Literary Influence via Vietnam and Thailand (in the First Half of the Twentieth Century) – The Two Channels of Literary Penetration

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130 130 135 143 145 147 150 150 152

163 164 166 170 175 193 196

199 200 201 205 207 207

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– A New Public and a New Instrument for Spreading Culture 208 – The First Traces in Print of the Chinese Influence 209 – The Ambiguity of the Official Cambodian Reaction 211 3. Nationalism and the Chinese Vogue (1940–75) 212 – The Stagnation of Chinese Influence and Developments in Modern Literature 212 – The Softening of the Resistance against Chinese Culture 213 – The Sharp Rise in the Taste for Chinese Literature 214 Conclusion 215 Notes 217 PART IV. INSULAR SOUTHEAST ASIA A Note on Javanese Works Derived from Chinese Fiction Claudine Salmon 1. Introduction 2. Tentative List of Javanese Novels Derived from Chinese Fiction Notes Malay Translations of Chinese Fiction in Indonesia Claudine Salmon 1. The First Translations in Print (1877–86) 2. Continuity in Taste (1887–1910) 3. Toward a Greater Differentiation of the Genres (1911–23) 4. Overwhelming Success of Cloak-and-Dagger Stories (1924–42) 5. Syair Based on Chinese Stories Conclusion Notes Writings in Romanized Malay by the Chinese of Malaya — A Preliminary Inquiry Claudine Salmon 1. Birth and Early Development of Literature in Malay by Chinese Living in the Peninsula (1889–c. 1920) – Early Works – A Few Representative Figures • Chan Kim Boon

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235 235 239 243 248 252 258 261 263 267 269 271 277 279 279 281 281

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• Lim Hock Chee • Na Tian Piet – The Pioneers of the Sino-Malay Press – Other Translations and Poems 2. Recrudescence — c. 1930–42 – The Role of Wan Boon Seng – Renewal of Interest in Translations of Chinese Novels Conclusion 3. List of Works in Romanized Malay by the Chinese of the Malay Peninsula Notes Lie Sie Bin Yoe Tee Hoe — Six Malay/Indonesian Translations of a Chinese Tale Eric M. Oey 1. The Six Translations and the Problems they Present 2. Identification of the Chinese Original 3. Textual Comparisons Conclusion Notes Liang Shanbo yu Zhu Yingtai — A Chinese Folk Romance in Java and Bali George Quinn Introduction Appendix: Ki Sampe Ni Engtae Notes Translations of Chinese Fiction into Makassarese Gilbert Hamonic and Claudine Salmon 1. Historical Background 2. Translators and Translations 3. List of the Makassarese Translations of Chinese Novels by Liem Kheng Yong Notes Sam Pek Eng Tay — A Chinese Love Story in Madurese Dédé Oetomo Introduction

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285 286 287 288 289 290 292 293 294 307 315 316 323 326 331 332 336 336 348 354 359 359 361 366 372 375 375

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Contents

1. Synopsis of the Story 2. Local Colour 3. The Author 4. On the Origin of the Madurese Version Conclusion Notes

376 382 385 385 387 389

Post-war Kung Fu Novels in Indonesia — A Preliminary Survey Leo Suryadinata Introduction – List of Works – Oey Kim Tiang (O.K.T) – Boe Beng Tjoe (Oey An Siok & Oey Kim Tiang) – Chung Sin – Gan K.L. (Gan Kok Liang) – Tjan Ing Djiu (Tjan I.D., Can) – Asmaraman S. Kho Ping Hoo Notes

393 400 400 401 402 402 404 407 411

Bibliography

415

Author, story-teller and translator index

443

Title index

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List of Plates

482

Contributors

485

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FOREWORD by Ji Xianlin

In human history, cultural exchanges have been a constant and normal phenomenon. The history of human civilization of thousands of years has proved that every nation, irrespective of its size and length of history, has made its own contributions to human culture in varying degrees of depth and breadth. Being a recipient and a giver at the same time, each country takes in foreign culture and sends out its own, thus enriching the common treasure house of human culture as well as its own culture. I believe that the study of the history of human cultural exchanges is a branch of learning of tremendous significance. It will enable the people of different countries to realize what they have received and what they have offered, whereby they can, on the one hand, strengthen their own confidence and, on the other, form a correct understanding that men should help each other and that no country whatsoever can be, will be or has ever been isolated. Such an insight will greatly help to promote the friendship and understanding between countries and peoples and to strengthen their determination to safeguard world peace and forge ahead courageously toward a still greater goal. As far as China is concerned, it is a country in the Asian continent with a history of thousands of years. Our people, valiant, industrious and intelligent, have created a culture of great brilliance. Our country is among the few in the world with ancient civilizations. What is most noteworthy is that our cultural traditions, despite the historical vicissitudes, have never been broken off. Culturally, we are also a recipient and a giver, having made brilliant contributions to the human culture as well as enriched our own. But for the several great inventions of the Chinese people, one could hardly imagine what the development of human culture would be like today.

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Historically, our cultural exchanges with foreign countries followed a long and tortuous course. As for foreign culture, some of it was adopted by ourselves and some introduced by foreigners; as for Chinese culture, some of it was taken out by foreigners and some offered by ourselves. During the later period of feudal society, Western colonialists kept flocking in and the Chinese people, groaning under both national and foreign oppressions, lived in an abyss of misery. Consequently, a great many of them went overseas for a living and some were even sold under deception to foreign countries as cheap labour. Thus were formed the Chinese communities in Southeast Asian countries. These overseas Chinese, with their hard labour, made contributions to the economic development of the countries they inhabited. At the same time, they brought with them Chinese culture, helping much to build up the spiritual civilization of the areas concerned. In short, the overseas Chinese have played a significant role in promoting cultural exchanges between China and foreign countries. The Chinese culture received by foreign countries and brought out by overseas Chinese is many-sided and extremely complicated. One of its major components is Chinese literature and art. Those transmitted to foreign countries include not only the widely-known literary works which have long circulated among the people, like Sanguo zhi yanyi (The Pilgrimage to (The Romance of the Three Kingdoms), Xiyou ji (Wonders New and Old), Shuihu zhuan the West), Jingu qiguan (The Water Margin), Jin Ping Mei , Liaozhai zhiyi (A Dream (Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio), Honglou meng of Red Mansions), but also some works of fiction less popular in China, , Erdu mei (The Plum-Tree such as Jin Yunqiao zhuan (New Tales of Wick-trimming Flowers Twice), Jian deng xinhua (Additional Tales of Wick-trimming Hours), Jian deng yuhua Hours). This is also the case with the love story of Liang Shanbo , which has been circulated for many generations and Zhu Yingtai among the Chinese people. These works might at first be confined only to the Chinese communities, then were gradually translated into local languages and found their way among the natives. With their circulation greatly widened, they began to exert influence of varying degrees on local communities and made local people gain a better understanding of China, thus promoting the friendship between the Chinese and the people of the countries concerned. I have mentioned in the above the importance of the study of cultural exchanges between countries. Our previous historical books written in

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Foreword

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biographical style have shown that our ancestors have always attached great importance to this kind of exchange. They have recorded unequivocally what we have learned from foreign countries and what foreign things have been introduced into China, be they animals, plants and minerals or scientific technologies, religions and philosophies. I believe that this is one of the fine traditions concerning Chinese historical science, which merits our special attention and admiration. To our deep regret, this fine tradition of painstaking study of cultural exchanges between China and foreign countries failed to be carried forward to a better effect in recent times. Only a few scholars are engaged in the study of this field and their achievements are far from being satisfactory. This branch of study is now facing an imminent danger of being lost. There was an old saying which goes, “When rite is lost, it should be sought among the common folks.” The application of this analogy here may sound somewhat farfetched, yet it can still more or less express what we mean. In the past, the studies conducted by our Chinese proved to be inadequate, whereas those in some of the foreign countries registered brilliant success. In the countries like Germany, the Soviet Union, Japan, Australia, Thailand, Cambodia, Britain, the United States, France and Korea, there exist a number of scholars who are devoted to the study of this field and have gained gratifying achievements. All this deserves our conscientious emulation. May this be considered as an analogy of “seeking the lost rite among common folks”? Among the countries mentioned above, France stands conspicuous by its outstanding achievements in this field. As is known to all, the study of Sinology in France in the past hundred years or more has been recognizably noted for its large contingent of talented scholars, great achievements, wide scope and profundity of research work. Although the last decades have witnessed great historical changes and eventful vicissitudes, the French tradition of Sinological studies has never been broken off and on the contrary, it tends to be carried forward with still greater success. The rising generation of the French Sinologists, as numerous as the stars in the sky, have gained so many splendid achievements that it has almost overshadowed the older generations. This encouraging development makes us feel more confident than ever of the bright future of the French Sinological studies. Among this new generation, two noted scholars, Dr Salmon and her husband Professor Lombard, merit our special attention and admiration. Both of them are commendable Sinologists known internationally for the

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breadth and profundity as well as brilliant achievements gained in their studies. Besides, they both share a common characteristic, that is, apart from the studies of Sinology, they both have conducted in-depth research on the history, languages, literatures and religion of the Southeast Asian countries. Not resting content with the old written material available, they often travel far and wide in these countries, make as many friends as possible, conduct through investigations and try to collect and grasp numerous living material for corroboration of what are recorded in the books and of the relics of ancient times. The results thus achieved can not but be solid and reliable, vigorous and lively and have nothing in common with the pedantic bombast of certain scholars. If there is anyone in doubt about my statement, please read over this book edited by Dr Salmon: Literary Migrations: Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia, which may serve as strong evidence. Now I’d like to give a brief presentation of the scholastic records and academic achievements of Dr Salmon. Born in 1938, she graduated from the Chinese Department of the National Institute for Oriental Languages and Civilisations in 1962. She took her Bachelor of Laws degree in 1963 and Bachelor of Arts degree in 1964. She studied history at Beijing University from 1964 to 1966 and conducted fieldwork in Indonesia from 1966 to 1969. She graduated from the School for Advanced Studies in Social Sciences in 1969 and took her Doctorat ès lettres degree in 1970. From 1972 to 1973, she was in Japan, doing research on the Chinese sources kept there. Her present position is Senior Researcher at the National Centre for Scientific Research. Dr Salmon’s works cover too wide a range to be enumerated here. I can only present a partial picture by mentioning just a few works and articles written by her: An Example of Chinese Acculturation: The Guizhou Province in the 18th Century, running as long as 461 pages; The Chinese of Jakarta, Temples and Communal Life, numbering 358 pages; Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia, a Provisional Annotated Bibliography, totaling 580 pages. Besides, she has written a large number of substantial articles noted for their rich, accurate and reliable information. They deal with the Chinese communities of Makassar, the Chinese religion in Java, the contribution of the Chinese to the development of Southeast Asia, the history of the Chinese community in Surabaya and the Chinese epigraphy in Java, and so on and so forth. This book now presented to the readers Literary Migrations: Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia is edited by Dr Salmon. It consists of seventeen

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Foreword

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papers contributed by the scholars from China, France, the Soviet Union, Germany, Japan, Korea, Cambodia, Indonesia, Thailand, the United States and Australia, with an introduction by our editress. The book not only represents the academic achievements scored by the scholars of many countries but demonstrates as well Dr Salmon’s enthusiasm and talents. It is now translated collectively by my colleagues from the Institute of Comparative Studies and various departments concerned of Beijing University and printed in both Chinese and English by International Cultural Publishing Corporation. I believe that the publication of this book is of great significance, for it will not only enable the Chinese readers to gain an intimate knowledge of the spread of their familiar works in Asian countries and evince within them the most exultant feelings of delight, but also acquaint the other Asian peoples with what they have received from Chinese literature so as to deepen their understanding of China and further strengthen the traditional friendship long-established between them and the Chinese people. All this is certain to make the hearts of the Chinese people linked more closely with those of other Asian peoples, which will undoubtedly help to safeguard world peace and enhance international solidarity. As a third party who is of non-Asian origin — please excuse me for using such an expression which seemingly alienates her from the Asian peoples — Dr Salmon has done for China, and in fact for the whole world, an excellent work. For this, should not we thank her from the bottom of our heart? This is written as a foreword to this book. Beijing University 3 May 1985

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Dr Salmon as I Know her Ge Baoquan

As I remember, it was in 1982 when Dr Salmon came to Beijing, she wrote me a letter, consulting me about certain problems. But it was not till 1984 that we had the opportunity to meet in Paris. That November, at the invitation of the French Ministry of Foreign Relations and the 8th University of Paris, I visited France and gave lectures there. At that time when I was giving a lecture at the Université de Paris 7, Dr Salmon, Dr Marianne Bastid, director at the National Centre for Scientific Research of France, and M. Li Zhihua, our famous translator of the romance “The Dream of the Red Chamber”, were present. Dr Salmon raised several questions regarding translations of French literature into Chinese. Afterwards, she came to Cité Universitaire where I stayed, to see me, and I went to her residence on Vaugirard Street to see her too. Since then we have formed an unforgettable friendship. Dr Salmon lives in the South of Paris, not far from Boulevard Montparnasse and Pasteur Metro station, so the communication is convenient. It is a peaceful locality in the midst of downtown area. When I entered her room on the fifth floor, my first impression is that here is beyond all question the residence of a scholar. The furnishing is not luxurious. But through the way to her arrangement, one can see at the first glance that it is the residence of a Sinologist and Orientalist. For in the room there are some fine arts and furniture from China and Southeast Asia. Bookshelves occupy a great part of the space in the room: there are Classics and local monographs and among them there is The Local Monograph of Guizhou Province. A few steps onward, on the left is the study and work-room of her husband, Prof. D. Lombard. When I called on her family, Prof. Lombard happened to be in Indonesia, so I missed the chance of seeing him. But from the nice collection of

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books on Southeast Asia, it is easy to imagine what kind of research work the owner of these books is engaged in. Furthermore, there is a short passage and against its left wall line up a number of bookshelves filled with some hundred kinds of Chinese popular romances translated into various languages of Southeast Asian countries. They are the books that Dr Salmon collected and stored during the long process of her work to study on Chinese traditional fiction in Asia. A spacious drawing-room joins her study; it is Dr Salmon’s work-room. Here on the bookshelves along the walls, are ranged a large number of reference books in various languages of Chinese literature history, philosophy and canonic, a number of which were printed in Hong Kong, Taiwan and Southeast Asia. The abundance of the collection shows the depth of her ken. Sitting in her drawing-room, I conversed with her under the soft light in the midst of the dripping sound of the ceaseless rain and managed to acquaint myself with her antecedent and her research work. From December 1966 to March 1969 she investigated and did some research work in Indonesia about the culture and life of the Chinese there. In October 1980, October 1982, September and October 1984 she returned to Beijing to carry on her studies. The area of her research is wide and her works are numerous. In a period of more than twenty years, from 1965, the time that she wrote her first articles, till 1984, she published a wide range of essays. These works were written either in French or in English and some of these were published in France Asie, T’oung Pao, Arts Asiatiques and Archipel. When I visited her, she offered me several offprints of Archipel of 1983 and 1984. In the issue n°26 of 1983 she had written an article in French with the collaboration of G. Hamonic which title is: “La vie littéraire et artistique des des Chinois peranakan de Makassar, 1930–1950”, and in the issue n°28 of 1984 an English article headed: “Chinese Women Writers in Indonesia and their Views of Female Emancipation”. Her doctorate thesis entitled Un exemple d’acculturation chinoise: La province du Guizhou au XVIIIe siecle that she published in 1972, is the result of her study on the historical materials and regional monographs of Guizhou Province. More recently she focused her attention especially on how Chinese literary works spread in the Southeast Asian region. In a letter of 26 June 1984 she wrote: “I am at present busy with the editing of a collective work aimed at presenting the influence of Chinese fiction in Asia”. In order to realize her project she relied on scholars of many countries in the world like China, France, Korea, Japan, the Soviet Union,

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Dr Salmon as I Know Her

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West Germany, Cambodia, Thailand, Australia, etc. She wrote for the book not only a long introduction, but also some articles about traditional Chinese fiction in Indonesia and Malaysia. Through this work one can clearly see the reception given to that kind of literature in the various Asian countries. Among the Chinese books which have been translated we find The Romance of the Three Kingdoms (Sanguo zhi yanyi ), The Pilgrimage to the West (Xiyou ji ), Dream of the ), Flowers in a Mirror (Jinghua yuan Red Chamber (Honglou meng ), as well as historical novels and cloak-and dagger stories. In December 1984 when returning to China, I recommended this collective work to the Chinese International Cultural Publishing Company to edit it in English as well as in Chinese. On 16 January 1985 Dr Salmon wrote me a letter thanking me for my recommendation and expressed her hope for early publication. I am glad to learn that this project which has great scientific value to comparative literature is now completed and at the same time I am glad to recommend it to academic and literary circles and to the readers all over the world. Translated by Yan Bao Note Prof. Ge Baoquan (1913– ). A well-known researcher on foreign literature, a translator and researcher on the history of the relations between Chinese and foreign literature, on the history of of translation, and on comparative literature. His works and translations are numerous. He is now research worker in the Academy of Foreign Literatures of the Academy of Social Sciences of China, academic advisor and special research worker of the Academy of Social Sciences of Jiang-Su Province. He is also honorary professor and concurrent professor of various universities and colleges in China. In November–December 1984, he visited France and gave lectures at the invitation of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the 8th University of Paris.

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PREFACE TO REPRINT EDITION This book was written between 1981 and 1986, it was first published in 1987, and it has been out of print since. The Chinese version of it by Yan et al., Zhongguo chuantong xiaoshuo zai yazhou Bao , which was also published in Beijing by the International Publishing in 1989, is equally out of print. Since then more House works especially in Chinese, Japanese, Korean, and Western languages have appeared which are mainly concerned with cultural exchanges between China and the countries of East Asia. Moreover a new interest has arisen among scholars from various countries on what has been termed “Asian Translation traditions” and conferences are regularly organized on this topic. The first, on a very limited scope, was held at the SOAS in London in 2004, and gave rise to the publication of a collective book (Eva Hung and Judy Wakabayashi eds., Asian Translation Traditions, Manchester, St. Jerome Publ., 2005, 287 pp.) Since then three other conferences were held: the second in Baroda (2005), the third in Istanbul (2008), the fourth jointly organized by the Research Centre for Translation, The Chinese University of Hong Kong and the College of Humanities, Arts, and Social Sciences, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore, in Hong Kong (2010). The next to come, in 2012, will be organized by and held at the American University of Sharjah (AUS), the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The Research Centre for Translation (RCT), a research unit at the Institute of Chinese Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK), established in 1971, which aims to promote Chinese literature through English translation works and to foster pioneering research in translation studies, has recently shown an interest for the history of literary translations in Asia. It has just launched a new annual journal entitled Fanyishi yanjiu “Studies in Translation History”, which is edited by the RCT and published and distributed by Fudan University Press

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, Shanghai. This is currently the only journal in Chinese to focus on the study of translation history. It is under the joint editorship of ), RCT and of Uganda Sze Pui Kwan Lawrence Wang Chi Wong ( ) from the Department of Chinese Studies, Nanyang Technological ( University, Singapore. Judging from this rising interest in translation history, we thought that our little book on traditional Chinese fiction in Asia, which sets the question of Asian translations into a general framework, and so far has no equivalent, may still be of service to the researchers. So we were delighted to accept the invitation of the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre at the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore to republish it. Ideally the book should have been revised and eventually enlarged in order to incorporate the results of the newest research, especially as regards East Asia, but this has not been possible. Some contributors have departed this world; some others are too old to enrich their own contributions, while some others have disappeared from our horizon. We were compelled to content ourselves with minor revisions. We added whenever feasible some data, compiled a unique and richer bibliography, and two indexes: one for authors and translators, and another one for titles in order to facilitate the use of the book. As regards the illustrations, we have tried our best to reproduce the original ones; however in a few cases, for technical reasons, we have been constrained to replace them by new ones. It is especially the case for the covers of Indonesian translations of Chinese martial novels. Our thanks go once more to the Late Professor Ji Xianlin and his colleagues at Beijing University as well as the Late Professor Ge who deemed Literary Migrations. Traditional Chinese Baoquan Fiction in Asia (17th–20th centuries) worthy of publication in China, and to the International Publishing House which succeeded in publishing this book, which rounds up so many languages, with so few misprints. We also thank Charles Coppel who is at the origin of this reprint project, and ISEAS’ Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre which has offered a second life to our book through ISEAS Publishing. Our gratitude also goes to E.F. Trotsevich, Martin Gimm, Dédé Oetomo, Eric Oey, George Quinn and Leo Suryadinata who kindly reread and slightly revised their texts. We also thank Mei Feng Mok who inputted Chinese characters and diacritics for Vietnamese. Paris, 14 August 2011

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Acknowledgements In preparing this book we have been helped by several persons to whom we express our thanks: Professor Donald Holzman, Dr Russel Jones, Professor James Siegel and Dr Mary Somers Heidhues who kindly reread parts of the texts. Our gratitude also goes to Dr Castelino, Professor W.E. Skillend and Mrs Jeanne Kelly for their translations from the French, Korean and Russian. We would also like to thank Dr Marcel Bonneff, Dr Peter Carey and Professor Denys Lombard for their comments and bibliographical , Professor information, and Dr Charles Coppel, Dr Chan Hing Ho André Lévy, Mrs Christiane Rageau and Mrs Myra Sidharta who helped to collect some of the materials.

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Reproduced from Literary Migrations: Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia (17th-20th Centuries), edited by Claudine Salmon (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2013). This version was obtained electronically direct from the publisher on condition that copyright is not infringed. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Individual articles are available at .

INTRODUCTION Claudine Salmon

Western scholars have devoted a number of studies to traditional Chinese fiction, but on the whole they seem to have approached it as an entity inside the political borders of China. Few have attempted to cross these boundaries and reflect on the impact of Chinese fiction in neighbouring countries. Yet, the Chinese language and Chinese script have been used for centuries in countries like Korea, Japan and Vietnam, and Chinese literature began to spread in these areas very early, beginning with the Confucian classics, Buddhist sūtras and Chinese poetry. In dealing with European literature, scholars have always been eager to trace the various borrowings and dwell on the influence of new genres on the development of the different national literatures, but up to now this comparative approach has hardly ever been applied to the cultural region (Taibei 1970–), apparently of the Far East. The Tamkang Review the only journal in English devoted to comparative study of Chinese and foreign literatures, did publish a special issue directing researchers’ attention to the influence of Chinese literature in Korea, Vietnam, Japan and the Philippines. Two articles raise the question of the literary relationships between China on the one hand and Korea and the Philippines on the other; two others focus on the adaptation and imitation of particular Chinese novels.1 Of course the specialists in Korean, Japanese, Mongolian and Manchu literature have dealt with the problems of Chinese borrowings and influences for decades. They contributed the greatest part of the extant literature on the subject in both Western and Asian languages.2 We thought it would be enlightening to study how traditional Chinese fiction penetrated into neighbouring countries, how it was received and eventually how it inspired local writers. In the Sinicized countries where the local elite was trained in classical Chinese and could more or less

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understand colloquial Chinese, this kind of fiction was read in the original text. However, very early, local scholars and writers translated, adapted and even imitated Chinese fiction. In the other countries where Chinese was a foreign language known only to a minority composed of Chinese migrants and their descendants — this is especially the case in Cambodia, Thailand and insular Southeast Asia — the reading of Chinese fiction was at first restricted to that group until translations into the local languages began to appear for those in the Chinese communities who could no longer understand the language of the mother country. Our previous studies on the translations of traditional Chinese fiction into Malay/Indonesian prompted us to extend the research to other Asian countries. Such an ambitious project necessarily faced several difficulties. Firstly, it required the participation of scholars who could master the relevant languages and shared an interest in this relatively neglected field. For certain languages, like Korean, Japanese, Manchu, Mongolian and Vietnamese, it was not that difficult to find researchers willing to take part in the project. For other languages, in particular those of Burma, Laos and the Philippines, we have not found anybody to tackle the problem. Secondly, this kind of literary output has never been seriously catalogued, being scattered all over the world. As a result, our understanding of this kind of literature is highly uneven. Before going into detail about literary genres, transmission routes and translating activities, we would like to offer a tentative chronological survey of the translations and adaptations deduced from the studies presented in this volume. The term “translation” will be used in the broadest sense since in the present state of our knowledge it is often impossible to distinguish between translations and adaptations. 1. Chronological Survey Although there is no means to date precisely the appearance of the first Vietnamese verse novels written in nôm and derived from Chinese literary sources, since the extant versions date from the second half of the nineteenth century or later, it is generally admitted that they may be traced back to the fifteenth or sixteenth century. However, the golden age of this literary genre was clearly in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Translations in prose did not begin until the beginning of the twentieth century, when the use of quốc ngữ, or romanized script, became widespread. More than 300 titles have been identified for the period from 1905 to the late 1950s.

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In a country like Korea where Chinese was the only written language for centuries, we also lack information regarding the beginning of the translations. Compared to Vietnam where the invention of the writing in nôm is placed before the thirteenth century that of the Korean script is definitely dated from the mid-fifteenth century. It has been assumed that the first translations from historical novels like the Sanguo zhi yanyi , “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, may have been undertaken during that century; however no versions that old are known to have been preserved. Most of the extant translations in manuscript or in book form are from the nineteenth century. The first translation of a fictional work, “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, that may be dated with certainty is in the Manchu language. (1599–1632), it was Undertaken in 1631 by the eminent scholar Dahai not completed until 1647 and was published in 1650. Indeed the Manchus were very eager to assimilate Chinese culture; during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries they devoted great attention to translations of Chinese didactic works and to fictional works as well. However Manchu translation of Chinese fiction probably reached its peak first during the mid-seventeenth century. Judging from the seventy odd known translations that have survived, despite Qing attempts to suppress Chinese novels and their Manchu translations, we may assume that they had quite a large circulation. Though Chinese sources say that even as early as the beginning of the nineteenth century many Manchus could no longer understand their own language and consequently used to read Chinese novels in the original versions,3 translations were still undertaken and two were printed in 1848 and 1907, respectively. Among the Mongols, the influence of Chinese fiction is considered to go back to the seventeenth century at the earliest. It is related to their surrender to the Manchus and it developed in close connection with the expansion of the Qing rule in the Southern steppes from the eighteenth to the twentieth centuries. So far about eighty titles have been collected and the Chinese originals of fifty-seven of these have been identified. Until the appearance of the first printing house in the 1920s, all the texts were in manuscript form. Only two of these have inscriptions that allow us to date them from the first third of the eighteenth century, the oldest being , “The Pilgrimage to the apparently a translation of the Xiyou ji West” (1721). In Japan, before the introduction of colloquial novels, stories in literary , “New Tales of Wick-trimming style such as the Jian deng xinhua

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Hours”, were already popular in the seventeenth century. This collection of short stories, which had been banned in China in 1442, was actually printed in Japan in 1600, along with its sequel Jian deng yuhua “Additional Tales of Wick-trimming Hours”. Historical romances in colloquial Chinese were introduced in the latter half of the seventeenth century and in the early eighteenth century. Their language was far more difficult to understand than literary Chinese and translations began to era (1688–1703). The first were made by appear in the Genroku and published in 1692, 1695 and 1703. But Konan Bunzan the golden age of Japanese translations of Chinese colloquial novels was in the latter half of the eighteenth century. Later, these translations were rewritten in the popular style of the Edo period, and more recently, new versions have been published in modern Japanese. In Thailand, the royal family maintained an interest in Chinese literature. As early as the seventeenth century several troupes of Chinese actors existed, for Chinese drama was exceedingly popular at the Thai court.4 However it seems that the first translation of a Chinese novel, “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, was only made in 1802 during the reign of Rama I. It was followed by some twenty-nine items, all undertaken under the patronage of high-ranking royal officials from the time of King Rama I to King Rama V (1782–1910). Later on, publishing houses and newspapers sponsored translations. The first serialized translation of a Chinese historical novel appeared in 1921. Since World War II, besides the classical novels that have been reprinted and sometimes also retranslated, or cloak-and-dagger numerous translations of wuxia xiaoshuo stories have appeared. Although Cambodia was influenced by China in various ways for centuries, it seems, given the state of research on the subject today that traces of Chinese literary influences can only be found in little-known manuscripts dating from the mid-nineteenth century. So far fewer than ten manuscripts have been traced; the two texts which can be dated precisely are from 1860 and 1897. In the late 1920s, translations of Chinese stories which have not yet been identified appeared in the press. The first serialized version of an historical novel, “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, only appeared in the mid-1930. After World War II as in Thailand, newspapers also resumed their serials. Cloak-and-dagger stories did not appear in the press until the end of the 1960s.5 As regards insular Southeast Asia the question of when the first translations of Chinese novels appeared is not easier to answer. We are

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faced with many problems, ranging from the great variety of languages used within the area to the probability that the introduction of printing presses during the second part of the nineteenth century may have resulted in the loss of the older manuscripts. The result is that, in the Malay-Indonesian world, the oldest translation of a Chinese story, which is Xue Rengui zheng ; “Xue Rengui Clears the East”, is a Javanese manuscript dong dated 1859. Malay translations in manuscript form have not yet been traced. The oldest printed version we know was published in 1877 in Arabic script. It is not fiction but belongs instead to the category of religious and didactic works. The first known translation of a Chinese novel was published in Batavia in 1882. Between 1883 and 1886 no less than forty works were printed which suggests that they may have been circulated earlier in manuscript form. Only one text in Javanese was published in 1873. It seems that the increasing dominance of Malay among the Chinese in the latter half of the nineteenth century led to the decline, and eventually to the virtual disappearance, of translations in Javanese. Apparently the last one dates from 1913. However a few attempts were made during the 1920s and 1930s to publish translations of Chinese fiction. Judging from the available figures it appears that the total of translations in Javanese does not exceed twenty items; whereas translations in Malay amount to more than 700 items; for a period spanning over a century (from the 1870s until the 1960s) and for Indonesia only. To this should be added some seventy odd translations published in Malaya and Singapore between 1889 and the 1950s. We can assume that Balinese versions of Chinese stories existed toward the end of the nineteenth century. However few manuscripts are dated; the oldest one we know of was written in 1915. Makassar had a Chinese community under the supervision of a Chinese headman at least since the mid-seventeenth century. We have not found any translation of a Chinese novel in the Makassarese language before the late 1920s, and they were all made by the same translator. The oldest is dated 1928 and latest 1936; there are sixty-four pieces in all, all but one in manuscript form only. At almost the same time a Madurese version of the story of appeared, published by Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai the Dutch house, Balai Pustaka, in 1930–31. So far that is the only text in Madurese we were able to trace. No translations are recorded in the catalogues of Sundanese literature; moreover, the specialists we consulted, including Prof. F.S. Eringa and the writer and scholar Ajip Rosidi, agree that they do not know of works in Sundanese that could be regarded as translations from Chinese fiction.

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Since the mid-1960s a demand for cloak-and-dagger stories has mushroomed throughout Indonesia, resulting in mass production exclusively in Indonesian composed of translations, adaptations, and a growing number of imitations. Chinese have settled in the Philippines for several centuries and they played an important part in the beginning of printing at the end of the sixteenth century. Elmer A. Ordoñez has asked without much success, why so far no Chinese literary influence has been traced. One reason that could be advanced is that the Chinese and their descendants did not until very recently write in the local languages, because, thanks to the highly developed system of education maintained by the Spaniards, the local literati used to write in Spanish.6 Though we have not come across translation of Chinese novels into Spanish emanating from the Chinese based in the Philippines we cannot simply dismiss this possibility. As a matter of fact we have translations in European languages in other Southeast Asian countries. In Malacca the first translation of a Chinese novel by a local born Chinese was done in English by Tkin Shen, student of the Anglo-Chinese College of that city, and published in London in 1843.7 The eminent Sinologist James Legge, who at the time was President of the College, in his preface to the translation says: “It is hoped that the production will be received with sufficient favour to encourage the translator and others of his countrymen to study effectively the English language, in order to lay open to the European nations the treasures which their own may contain.” In Burma, too, where so far no translation of a Chinese work in the local language has been identified, some Chinese in Rangoon launched a literary review in English in 1894 called The Hokkien Library Series. It was obviously designed for local-born Chinese trained in English and for Europeans. The first volume provides English translations of abstracts of Chinese classical fiction. A second volume, providing a romanized Hokkien translation of the same texts was supposed to follow.8 To conclude this chronological survey, it appears that China’s neighbouring countries, including those where the Chinese language was not part of the cultural “baggage”, were at certain times of their history, for periods of various lengths, attracted by Chinese traditional fiction. In the north, Chinese traditional fiction is still enjoyed among the Mongols; story-tellers continue to retell Chinese tales. Similarly, the Manchu tradition of translating novels continues up to this day among the Sibe (Xibo ) minority in the Ili region (province of Xinjiang). In Korea and Japan

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since the end of World War II, the publication of classical Chinese fiction in translation has resumed on a wide scale. In the south, in countries like Thailand, Indonesia (and until recently Cambodia and Vietnam), publishers and newspapers have turned translations of Chinese cloak-anddagger stories into a highly profitable mass production article. Though the demand for historical novels is not as great as it was during the first half of this century, reprints and new renditions are still being published in Vietnamese and in Thai. It would have been very interesting to study the influence of Chinese fiction among all the Chinese national minorities. We know from recent studies carried out in the People’s Republic of China that in the southern and the Yao , just to mention provinces, the Bai , the Zhuang a few, borrowed some Chinese stories which were eventually written down in their own languages.9 There are rumours that there is a Qing translation, perhaps only partial, of Sanguo yanyi into Tibetan, but so far no copy of this translation has been located. Absolutely nothing is known of eventual translations of Chinese fiction into Uighur. These aspects of the problem are too complex to be dealt with in this study. Finally, in order to place the historical development of translating activities in Asian countries in perspective, we remind the reader that in Europe ] or the first translation of a Chinese novel, Hau Kiou Choan [ The Pleasing History, appeared in 1761 in London. The author of this translation is not known with certainty, but the manuscript was found among the papers of a certain Mr Wilkinson, a resident of Canton up to 1719, who died in 1736. The first three volumes were in English and the fourth in Portuguese. Dr Percy, Bishop of Dromore, translated the last volume into English and edited the work.10 Only in the first twenty years of the nineteenth century can translations from Chinese be attributed to European translators, with certainty.11 2. Fictional Genres and Translations The term traditional Chinese fiction as used in this book refers especially to novels and short stories of the Ming and Qing dynasties. Whereas novels were almost exclusively written in colloquial language, short stories of the had two forms: the literary tale (derived from the chuanqi ). During the period Tang period).12 and the colloquial story (huaben under consideration here, literary tales were not that numerous. However their influence in Korea, Japan and Vietnam was more pronounced than

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it was in China. This is especially true for the Jian deng xinhua, “New Tales of Wick-trimming Hours” (preface dated 1378) and eventually its sequel Jian deng yuhua, “Additional Tales of Wick-trimming Hours” (1640–1715) composed (preface dated 1420). Later Pu Songling , his well-known collection, “Strange Stories the Liaozhai zhiyi from a Chinese Studio”, which achieved a tremendous success in China and abroad. Although this work had been completed in 1679, it was not published until 1766. Interestingly, this last collection of tales was translated into several languages: Manchu (1848), Malay (1889, 1895–96, 1915),13 Vietnamese (1916–18) and Mongolian (1928); whereas the first two collections gave rise to adaptations and imitations, though there were also a few fragmentary translations in Japanese. The colloquial story as we meet it in the Ming period was already the result of a long process of evolution from Song times onwards. Some stories, mainly those which came into existence during the Ming and Qing periods, did not necessarily evolve from oral versions. We do not intend to go into more details on the genesis of the Chinese story, a topic on which a huge bibliography is available.14 Rather we would like to present in his works here the different genres as classified by Sun Kaidi , “Bibliography of (Zhongguo tongsu xiaoshuo mulu Chinese Popular Fiction” and Riben dongjing suojian zhongguo xiaoshuo , “Bibliography of Novels Seen in mulu Tokyo”) that appeared in 1932. They have since become authoritative works in this field although they do not provide an exhaustive list of traditional fiction.15 The first group consists of historical narratives (jiang shi ). Although they are fictional works, they all contain a core of historical material with allowance for inventiveness in both heroes and events combined with respect for established facts. The best example is the , “Romance of the Three Kingdoms”. The Sanguo zhi yanyi term yanyi that means “elaboration” or “explanation of the meaning” may be a convenient guide to identify this genre because many historical novels contain this expression in their title. However this element may also be replaced by other endings like zhuan , “chronicle” or zhi , “monograph”. This genre was one of the four branches of story-telling during the Song dynasty. Especially well received abroad, it constitutes the majority of the works translated into Thai (for the period 1802– 1910), Javanese and a great proportion of those translated into Manchu, Mongolian, Korean, Cambodian, Malay, Vietnamese (since 1905 onwards)

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and Makassarese. Among these translations “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms” has a privileged position and consequently will be discussed at greater length in a special section. ) of which the A second group is the novels of manners (yanfen , “The Golden Lotus”, and the paragons are the Jin Ping Mei , “Dream of the Red Chamber”. They emphasize Honglou meng realistic descriptions of the life of the urban class. These two novels, which were so well received among the Manchus, Koreans and Mongols, had much less success in the south. No translations have been traced in insular Southeast Asia and the first Vietnamese version of the Honglou meng only appeared in 1963 in Hanoi. However a special sub-group that deals with ) should “talented scholars and beautiful maiden” (caizi jiaren be mentioned here. These novels, most of which appeared since the end of the Ming dynasty, were well received. The Manchus were especially partial to these works, for the number of translations is almost as great as that of the historical stories. The Japanese, the Vietnamese and to a lesser extent the Mongols shared their taste. A story like the Jin Yun Qiao zhuan was translated into Manchu, Japanese and Vietnamese, whereas , “The Fortunate Union”, which incidentally is the Haoqiu zhuan the first Chinese story to have appeared in a Western language (1761), was translated into Manchu, Mongolian (?) and Malay; while Erdu mei , “The Plum-tree Flowers Twice”, was rendered into Manchu, Mongolian, Vietnamese, Malay and Makassarese. Sun’s third group focuses on novels about gods and devils (lingguai ). One of the best examples is the Xiyou ji “The Pilgrimage to the West”, that recounts with great fantasy the pilgrimage of the famous (596–664) who journeyed to India in and revered monk Xuanzang the seventh century and brought back Buddhist scriptures. It achieved a success abroad almost as great as that of “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms”. Renditions are to be found in Mongolian (1721), Japanese (1758), Manchu, Korean, Vietnamese, Thai, Malay and Makassarese. Other , “Investiture of the Gods” were novels like the Feng shen yanyi also translated into several languages: Manchu, Mongolian, Korean, Thai, Vietnamese and Malay. , “legal cases”, in fact contain both novels of trial Fourth, gong’an cases tackled by sagacious officials and stories of heroes and knights-errant. The first genre was especially translated into Korean, Malay, Makassarese and to a lesser extent into Mongolian and Vietnamese. Stories about knights , “Water Margin”, were much more popular. The Shuihu zhuan

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which deals with the exploits of a band of outlaws in the twelfth century, occupies the first place. Even though some characters are historical and the setting, the present Shandong province, correct, it remains a fully fictionalized account of history. In China, especially since the eighteenth century, the authorities regarded it as highly subversive and banned it several times. It was translated into many languages: Manchu (preface dated 1734), Japanese (1757), Mongolian (first third of the nineteenth century), Korean (nineteenth century?), Thai (1867), Malay (1885) and Vietnamese (1906–10). ), a genre Sun names a fifth group, novels of social satire (fengyu that flourished in the mid and late Qing times. The best representative , “The Lives of the Scholars”, work is probably the Rulin waishi which criticizes the examination system from a Confucian viewpoint. This category of novels was deeply rooted in Chinese society and especially in the world of the literati and does not seem to have attracted much attention abroad. or colloquial short His sixth and last group consists of huaben stories, a genre that flourished during the seventeenth century. Some of these huaben were circulated later in anthologies; the most famous is the Jingu , “Wonders New and Old”. This genre was extraordinary qiguan well received among the Japanese and the Manchus. Several selections of short stories in translation appeared in Japan (notably in 1743, 1751 and 1758). The Manchus also translated several collections of huaben like “The Eight Caves”, Jue shi mingyan , the Ba dongtian , “A Piece of “Famous Sayings to Awaken Men”, Liancheng bi . The Mongols, to a lesser jade worth Cities” and Sanjiao ounian extent, were interested in huaben. The Jingu qiguan alone was circulated in various languages: Mongolian (1816), Korean (nineteenth century), Malay (1884), Vietnamese (1910–11), Makassarese (twentieth century). This classification, though useful, does not solve all our problems regarding the translation of fiction. First, some literary genres, for example ), fall outside the scope of recitative literature (jiangchang wenxue Sun’s bibliography. Works of this nature form an extremely important part of Chinese folk-literature and have exerted great influence on the public. Such works usually combine prose and verse. The earliest form, which can . Some of these be traced back to the Tang dynasty, is the bianwen stories were related to Buddhism and very likely were told by monks to propagate their faith, while others already had non-religious content as has been recently pointed out.16 For those dealing with the secular world, the most popular form for the Ming and Qing periods is the tanci

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11

or “ballad”. It spread all over China and in the north was known as guci or “tale with the accompaniment of a drum” whereas in the south in or “wooden-fish book”, and in Guangdong it is called muyu shu or “ballad”. They were written either in Fujian province gezai ce colloquial Chinese or in dialect. These ballads share part of their repertory with that of prose fiction so that it is not always possible to know whether the translations were based on these verse novels or on prose stories. One especially puzzling case is that of the story of Empress Zhong Wuyan . The Chinese original in prose has not yet been traced, but the heroine was very popular in both north and south China.17 She appears on the stage during the Yuan dynasty and we have evidence that during the mid-eighteenth century there existed a guci under the title of Zhong or “Zhong Wuyan Goes to a Meeting”. Now Wuyan zou hui the story is apparently preserved only in a few editions of verse novels belonging to the muyu shu genre. The story was popular among the Mongols, and many versions exist under different titles, the oldest going back to the first third of the eighteenth century. This was allegedly based on a previous, unfortunately lost Manchu version alleged to date from the mid-seventeenth century. In the south, the story of Zhong Wuyan was still extraordinarily popular in the first quarter of this century. It was translated into Vietnamese in 1909–11 and reprinted several times; even now many Vietnamese still know all the details of this story. In Malaya and Singapore, it was performed on the stage until the 1930s when the story was finally translated and published in book form. However the preface tells us that at that time the Chinese original (it is not specified whether it was in verse or in prose) was difficult to obtain. A similar question could be raised for the story of Meng Lijun , also called Longfeng pei zaisheng yuan , “The Resurrection of a Dragon and a Phoenix Couple”, that appeared in China both as a verse novel and a prose novel and which was translated into Malay (1913), Vietnamese (1934) and Makassarese (first quarter of the twentieth century). Moreover the traditional fiction of the late Qing dynasty and a fortiori the direct descendants of the gong’an stories and the caizi jiaren, “talented scholars and beautiful maiden” are outside the scope of Sun Kaidi’s bibliographies. As a matter of fact the gong’an or “legal cases” genre became very popular in the second half of the nineteenth century and gradually deviated from the form of its predecessors. The trial cases were or wuxia ). gradually superseded by tales of knights-errant (xia At a later date, the latter became known as wuxia xiaoshuo, “cloak-and-

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dagger stories”. This branch of the traditional fiction has been by far the most popular, though some attempts were made to revive the historical novel. The caizi jiaren novels gave birth at the turn of the century to or a new trend in love stories called yuanyang hudie pai “The Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies School”. These two last forms of traditional fiction developed in Shanghai and other big cities and were well received by those Chinese readers who were not interested in the social and political message emanating from modern Chinese fiction that developed after 1919.18 It is difficult to appraise the importance of the translations of works of the late Qing since so far few Chinese originals have been identified, at least for the Malay versions.19 The “Mandarin Ducks” literature and more especially the cloak-and-dagger stories have had a tremendous impact in all the southern countries. This new style of popular fiction probably reached Vietnam and the Malay-Indonesian world first, although we really know very little regarding the translated literature that appeared in Thailand prior to World War II. Xu Zhenya (1889–1937), the most representative author of “Mandarin Ducks” literature,20 was translated into Malay in 1921 and in Vietnamese in 1930. The rise of cloak-and-dagger story translations can be placed around 1924 in Vietnam and in Indonesia. Though the selections chosen in these two countries were not always the same, a story like Wunü xing tang , “Five Women’s Support of the Tang Dynasty” appeared in Malay in 1924 and in Vietnamese in 1927. Huoshao honglian si , “The Burning of the Red Lotus Temple” by Pingjiang buxiaosheng (filmed in China in 1931) was translated into Vietnamese in 1935 and into Malay in 1938. Since World War II, translations of cloakand Liang Yusheng and-dagger stories by writers like Jin Yong have been serialized or published in book form in the former South Vietnam, Indonesia, Thailand and Cambodia. In contrast to the translations of popular novels widely circulated in China, we can pinpoint novels little known and sometimes even rare in their original form. In the southern countries for instance some booklets recounted stories which were only popular in particular regions of China. , “The Story of the Such would be the case of the Huajian ji Flowery Scroll”, an anonymous verse novel partly composed in Cantonese style (preface dated 1713) that was adapted into Vietnamese during the eighteenth century in the form of a verse novel or truyện. Similarly, Hokkien , ballads were translated into Malay, such as Chen San Wuniang which recounts a love affair between Chen San and Wuniang, and that of

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Xuemei and his adopted son Shang Lu . Both stories, which were circulated in Fujian and in Taiwan in several versions, achieved great success in the Malay-Indonesian world, where direct translations in prose were published. This leads to the question of the transmission of Chinese fiction. 3. Transmission of Chinese Fiction Generally speaking, we are not well informed about how Chinese fiction spread outside of China. In countries like Korea and Japan we know a little more. As regards Korea we know that the embassies that went to China regularly in peace time during the Ming and Qing periods, and especially the group of interpreters, brought back that kind of books. Judging from the fact that several Ming novels still exist in Korea as manuscripts, we may assume that circulation of printed versions was limited to the upper classes of the Korean society. In Japan, during the period under consideration the government maintained a policy of national isolation, only Dutch and Chinese being permitted to trade in Nagasaki. Conceivably, Chinese merchants introduced most of the novels imported at that time. In Vietnam, apart from official emissaries who purchased books in China, Chinese immigrants probably brought novels with them and eventually started a trade in them. In 1734 the local authorities prohibited the importation of Chinese books, which suggests that there was already a certain amount of trade in books between the two countries. Interestingly, during the last forty years of the nineteenth century, Vietnamese verse novels in nôm were also printed in the province of Guangdong, in . Since the names of the distributors in Saigon particular in Foshan were printed on the title pages of these editions, there must have been well-established business connections between Guangdong and the southern part of Vietnam. The distribution of Chinese books in all southern countries must have followed the streams of emigrants. Whereas Vietnam had privileged links with Guangdong, the Malay-Indonesian world had similar ties with the province of Fujian where since the Yuan and Ming times there has been (in the northeastern part of a famous publishing trade at Jianyang the province).21 All the Chinese novels we saw in a private collection in Semarang (Indonesia) were from the nineteenth century and most came from Fujian. The oldest, dated 1828, was a version of the Ping min or “Complete Account of the Pacification of Fujian” quanzhuan

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in fifty-two chapters. (See Plate 25.) It was newly engraved in Lujiang (Xiamen , in Fujian province). The name of the printing house was not mentioned. Another book was published in the same city in 1859 . It is the Xiyang ji by “The Hall of Literary Virtue” or Wende tang or “Account of the Western Ocean”, better known under the title with a preface by the author of Sanbao taijian xiyang ji (1597) that relates the adventures of the Eunuch Luo Maodeng in the South Seas. (See Plate 26.) According to research Zheng He by Liu Ts’un-yan22 “The Hall of Literary Virtue” was already publishing fiction in 1820. This edition of the Xiyang ji is mentioned in Sun Kaidi’s “Catalogue of Popular Chinese Fiction”. We could not trace older editions than these in Indonesia.23 Yet we know that Chinese novels were introduced in Java rather early. According to J.J.L. Duyvendak, when the Dutch made their first voyage to the East Indies in 1595–98, they brought back some oriental books. Among these was at least one Chinese book, which they might have acquired in Banten (at the time an important trading port in West Java) from Chinese merchants there, a copy of the well-known novel . Unfortunately only a single page has survived and Shuihu zhuan it is kept at the Bodleian Library at Oxford.24 In recent periods, after the foundation of the Commercial Press in Shanghai (1897), agents of this big firm distributed fictional works in major cities of Southeast Asia. In Japan, at least at certain times, Chinese fictional works were printed locally, but in Southeast Asia all production was imported from China. 4. The Translators As regards Korea we have seen how difficult it is to determine when Chinese novels were translated; similarly, we know very little about the translators whose names were rarely revealed. However it seems that the adapters and translators of novels fall into two categories: first, the aristocrats who were able to write and translate the Chinese classical language; among them famous writers of Korean fiction which often is set in China; second, the interpreters who could make the best translations since they also mastered colloquial Chinese. Indeed, we think that these translations were especially commissioned. That was notably the case with (nineteenth century) who translated Chinese novels Yi Chongt’ae by royal order. In Japan the situation was slightly different. Though the translators did not hesitate to reveal their names we do not know much , whose translation of the about the first of them, Konan Bunzan Sanguo zhi yanyi (1692) was to exert a great influence on the literature

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15

of the Edo period. Okajima Kanzan (1674–1728) was born in Nagasaki and it has been suggested that he might have been a member or “Chinese interpreters” whose profession was of the tôtsûji hereditary and who were for the most part naturalized Chinese. At any case he was for a time a master of Chinese and even wrote manuals of the Chinese language. Among his successors were Sawada Issai (1701–1782), who interestingly enough was the owner of a publishing (1734–1809) and house, and leading authors like Ueda Akinari (1767–1848). Takizawa Bakin As regards the Manchus, the first translators of Chinese fiction were who began to translate the Sanguo zhi eminent scholars. Dahai yanyi belonged to a family of civil servants. He had the opportunity to learn Chinese and after he came of age he was put in charge of written communications with the Ming Government and with Korea. He was also commissioned to translate several Chinese administrative works. (1652–1718) who may have translated the Jin Ping Mei Hesu was also a civil servant and in 1712 he held the post of reader in the Grand Secretariat, in charge of the Manchu Chinese Translation Office, the Printing Office and the Book-bindery. Interestingly, his father Asitan (d. 1683), who was recognized as the most outstanding translator of his time and who published Manchu translations of the Confucian classics, is said to have memorialized to the throne against the translation of Chinese novels into Manchu. Probably it is because of attempts to suppress Manchu translations of Chinese fiction that later translations do not identify the translators. Among the Mongols, translators of Chinese fiction also belonged to the aristocracy and the literati. The first known translation of a Chinese novel into Mongolian, “The Journey to the West”, was made by the philologist Arana, one of the compilers of the Manchu-Mongolian dictionary (1717). Moreover, he is said to have written a commentary on the first sixteen chapters of his translation. At almost the same time, a Mongolian prince by name of Cevenǰab translated the story of Empress Zhong. Later translations seldom bear the translator’s name, although probably not for the same reasons as among the Manchus. However the version of the Feng has been ascribed to a Mongolian writer by name shen yanyi of Inǰannasi and that of the Shuihu zhuan to the poet Gülransa, a brother of the former (nineteenth century). In this century the name of Temgetü (c. 1887–1939) deserves mention; he was both a member of the aristocracy and a scholar who for a time held the position of interpreter and teacher of Manchu and Mongolian in Peking.

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In Vietnam the period during which Chinese fiction was adapted in verse stories written in nôm is distinct from that when Chinese fiction was translated into romanized Vietnamese. During the first the authors of adaptations mostly belonged to the class of literati who had mastered the Chinese language. Their names are only known in the later periods. Among (1743–1790) who came them could be mentioned Nguyễn Huy Tự (1765–1820) from a family of distinguished scholars, Nguyễn Du who was vice-minister under the Nguyĕn and went in diplomatic mission (1785–1849) who was a high official to China and Lý Văn Phức of Chinese descent and at the same time a great writer both in Chinese and nôm. After the romanized script had replaced nôm, Vietnamese scholars felt it necessary to translate as many works as possible into Vietnamese. The first translations were undertaken by scholars of classical Chinese culture like Phan Kế Bính (1875–1921), teachers, officials in the colonial government and even merchants. Very little is known of the translators who were active in the 1920s and 1930s. One of the most productive was who used the pen name of Hoa nhân a certain Lý Ngọc Hưng which means “Chinese”. This may suggest that Chinese and SinoVietnamese may have played a special part in the later period when Chinese was no longer taught in schools run by the colonial government. Thailand is the only country in Southeast Asia where translations of Chinese fiction were, for a time, commissioned by high-ranking officials. Chao P’hya K’hlang (c. 1750–1805) to whom is ascribed the first translation of a Chinese novel into Thai, was apparently a descendant of a Hokkien Chinese. He was a prominent civil servant during the reigns of Chao T’honburi and P’huttayotfa. For a time, he was Minister of Trade and of Foreign Affairs and bore the title of Chao P’hya. He became famous both for his administrative capacities and his literary works. He is credited for having revived literary prose which had been neglected since the fourteenth century. His masterpieces, the Rachat’hirat (1784) and the Samkok (1802), belong to historical fiction, the first being an adaptation of a legendary chronicle of Pegu.25 Both works were composed in cooperation with other scholars. The following translations were apparently made in a similar way though so far very little research has been made on the translators. Not until the 1920s did translation of Chinese fiction become a profitable activity. This time the initiative was taken by local publishing houses and newspapers. The new generation of translators was probably Thai of Chinese origin who had been trained in Chinese and in Thai. In Cambodia it appears that the translators of the nineteenth century were descendants of Hokkien Chinese who had studied in Buddhist temples

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where they learned to write verse. Their successors of the twentieth century were very likely similar to their counterparts in Thailand. In Insular Southeast Asia activities were the province of descendants of Chinese, mostly from Fujian, who had been given a Chinese education , 1873–c. 1938, from with a family tutor (like Liem Kheng Yong Makassar, Celebes, and Tjie Tjin Koeij, c. 1890–c. 1978, from Sukabumi, Western Java) or in private schools and who may have spent some years in China. However in some cases, translations were produced in cooperation with someone literate in Chinese whose knowledge of written Malay was insufficient and a writer. That was the case for Lie Kim Hok (1853–1912), educated in a missionary school of West Java who was helped by his friends Tan Kie Lam and Tee Pek Thay. This practice was even more frequent in Malaya during the first thirty years of the twentieth century. This first generation of translators was generally engaged in other activities, mainly in business. Some of them were also involved in , d. 1894, and Tjiong publishing and printing (like Yap Goan Ho , 1847–1917, who were both based in Batavia, now Hok Long , Jakarta) and more rarely in government (like Sie Hian Ling d. 1928, from Semarang, Central Java, who was an interpreter of Chinese and had the honorific title of luitenant). A very interesting figure is that (1851–1920) who went to China to continue of Chan Kim Boon his studies at the Fuzhou Naval School and who after having held a position of assistant tutor in mathematics in that school came back to his native place Penang (Malaysia) in 1872. In the same year, he joined a firm in Singapore where he worked as book-keeper and cashier. Some of these early translators were working for publishers who purchased their manuscripts, and in the case of Javanese versions, for opium farmers, and other leading personalities. The author of the oldest Javanese translation we know (dated 1859) says in the introduction that he has been asked to write it. However some translators may also have taken the initiative in translating Chinese fiction into Malay. That was definitively the case with Tjiong Hok Long and Yap Goan Ho, the two publishers and booksellers mentioned above. From the beginning of the twentieth century, most of the translators were Peranakan or descendants of Chinese who received their education schools, like Oey Kim Tiang in the local Tiong Hoa Hwe Koan (born in 1903 in Tangerang, West Java) or at the Jinan xuetang in Nanking (a school designed for the children of Overseas (1890–1956), Ong Kim Tiat Chinese) like Go Tiauw Goan (1893–1964) and Tan Tek Ho (1894–1948). There are

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also translators who were born in China and came to Indonesia while very young, for instance, Gan K.L. (born in 1928 in Xiamen , Fujian), who became well known only in the 1950s. They learned Malay by themselves and were often associated with the Sino-Malay newspapers. Among the translators active during the first part of the twentieth century were several women: Chen Hiang Niang, Lie Loan Lian Nio, Nona Phoa Gin Hian and Tan Poen Bhik Sio Tjia. Unfortunately very little is known about them. Except for Cambodia and the Malay/Indonesian world where the translators came mainly from the urban petty bourgeoisie of Chinese origin, in the other countries they belonged at least during the early periods either to the local aristocracy or the class of the literati and in some cases the interpreters, as in Korea and Japan. Among the translators emanating from these two last groups were a few persons of Chinese origin who were already well integrated into the local societies. After the beginning of the twentieth century in countries like Thailand, Vietnam and Cambodia, translation activities underwent a tremendous change. Further studies would probably enable us to better trace the trend toward the popularization of translations in connection with the spread of the press. As regards the southern countries, there is no doubt that later generations of translators were mostly attached to newspapers and reviews regularly providing serialised translations. 5. Translations and Adaptations In view of what has been said about the social origins of the translators and the great diversity of qualifications ascribed to them, we can imagine that the translations they produced differ greatly in quality. Also, the different degree of Sinicization of the countries in which these translations appeared had a significant impact on them. Things Chinese, which were directly understood by Japanese, Koreans or Vietnamese, needed explanatory statements for readers of other countries. Before discussing the translations in relation to the Chinese originals a few words should be said on the impact of language changes on the development of translation activities. We will single out four cases: Japanese, Manchu, Vietnamese and Thai. Between the end of the seventeenth century and the middle of the nineteenth century, translations in Japanese evolved greatly. In fact, the first technique used by Japanese scholars to make Chinese texts understandable to Japanese, especially where they were written in classical Chinese,

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consisted of changing Chinese word order to Japanese word order by adding return marks and declensional kana endings to the Chinese original. This method was not appropriate for texts written in colloquial Chinese, but it was used for some historical novels, for their style was similar to a literary style. This may explain why historical novels like the Sanguo zhi yanyi were translated into Japanese at a time when colloquial Chinese was not well known among educated Japanese. These early translations of Chinese fiction were written in classical Japanese, which later on became understandable only to the highly educated Japanese. Consequently, these Chinese novels have been retranslated into modern Japanese more recently. Although we know little about the new translations into Manchu made ) minority, they probably differ from the old among the Sibe (Xibe style translations in Manchu, being written in the modern form of that language. A similar transition occurred in Vietnam. The first adaptations in nôm became unintelligible to the Vietnamese after romanized script had replaced writing based on Chinese characters. The result was that verse adaptations of Chinese stories were transcribed into romanized Vietnamese, whereas Chinese stories in prose were equally translated into modern Vietnamese. In some cases we have both translation(s) and adaptation(s) of the same Chinese story, although sometimes they are not based on a single original text. In Thailand the translated version of the Sanguo is still regarded as a model for literary style, even if it is a bit old-fashioned. A new translation was undertaken in the late 1970s by a Thai of Chinese descent who had studied in China. Besides these diachronic linguistic differences there are those of geographical origin. The Malay used by the translators from Singapore and the Malay Peninsula was quite different from that employed by their counterparts in the Dutch Indies. Readers in the Dutch Indies could only read works published on the other side of the Straits with difficulty, which may explain why the same novels were translated in both places. When we compare the translations with the original fiction, we find a wide range of accurate and loose translations and adaptations. Most of the contributors have left this unexplored, being content with identifying Chinese originals. Only two papers deal with the relationships between Malay or Indonesian translations and the various Chinese versions of a tale on the one hand, and Korean adaptations and the original Chinese works on the other. As may be expected, the problems involved in such close

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comparison of texts are almost insurmountable. In the Malay-Indonesian world, for example, there is a profusion of editions and republications of translations as well as new versions of novels which had already been translated earlier, though it is not always easy to distinguish them from one another. The same translation may eventually be reprinted with a few textual changes needed to bring the language in accord with current usage. Moreover new editions did not always identify the translator; sometimes the original title changed while the text remained the same, or the original translation reappeared with slight changes under another translator’s name. Another difficulty lies in the fact that Chinese fiction was not necessarily translated from the Chinese. We have evidence that some novels were retranslated from other languages. The Korean translation of the Sanguo zhi yanyi (first ed. 1703) is based on the Manchu edition printed in 1650, and possibly the story Mongolian translations of the Jin Ping Mei were also adapted from the Manchu. of Zhong Wuyan In Cambodia some of the translations that appeared during the twentieth century may be based on Thai versions, especially the serialized version of the Sanguo, or on Vietnamese ones, notably the cloak-and-dagger stories that appeared in the 1960s. In Insular Southeast Asia versions of the same tale in the various local languages may all be variations of a single previous rendition. This is and Zhu Yingtai probably true of the story of Liang Shanbo which was first published in Javanese in 1873. Later, several versions in Javanese, Malay, Balinese and Madurese appeared, probably derived from those already extant in Javanese and Malay. So far we can only be sure of the derivation of the Madurese version of 1930–31 from a version in Javanese of 1928: on comparison the Madurese version proved to be a word-for-word adaptation of the Javanese one. Among the Malay translations with which we are most familiar, some are very faithful to the original, while others take some liberties with the text. The same is true of Mongolian translations. Generally speaking, the Malay/Indonesian translators deviated to some extent from the original; “or they usually omitted poetry and sometimes the divisions in hui chapter” and the headings. Sometimes they left out descriptions. Additional material might be included, either for explanatory purposes or to make the translation more appealing to the readers. Judging from a detailed study ’s Journey to the Underworld” it of the six versions of “Li Shimin appears that all Malay translations omit the same details: lengthy lists of

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Introduction

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officials and titles or the type and colour of the clothing worn by various persons in the underworld which have no ready equivalents in Malay. In many passages the Malay translations follow the original closely, especially in describing the Eighteen Halls of Punishments and their gruesome tortures, which probably fascinated the readers. Additions may explain a particular point found in the Chinese text or expand the narrative, allowing characters to do and say things that are not in the original. These explanations which are inserted in the text, in fact function like footnotes. Some translations provide explanatory footnotes like those used by Western translators. Moreover some translators provide introductory notes for historical novels with a survey of the situation in China at the time of the story. Tjie Tjin Koeij, a very competent translator, provided his Sanguo version with a preface in which he explains how he tried to give a faithful translation which would at the same time be palatable to the reader. He added a map with the various place-names found in the novel, gave their contemporary names and tried to give the Western equivalent for each date in the original. Chan Kim Boon, who had produced a translation of the same novel in Singapore somewhat earlier, also proved to be a conscientious translator. He also converted the dates of the original and added footnotes; moreover he included lists giving Chinese expressions used in the Malay version with a translation or an explanation in Malay and sometimes in English as well. From volume 10 onwards he also added the Chinese characters for proper names, titles and functions. Of equal interest are the additions introduced to bring the tale more into the line with the sort of literature the reader is familiar with. One peculiar translated by case is to be found in the story of Wang Zhaojun O.H.T. & Y.P.S. published in Batavia in 1884. In several places there are poems in pantun form in which the princess Zhaojun expresses her sadness in a typical Malay way such as this one:26 Daoen senggoegoe di dalam peti Pegi di pasar kampoeng Melaka Sakit soenggoe di dalem hati Dasarnja kita oentoeng tjilaka

Pegi di pasar Melaka Ambil go-on-koe dengan tjawan Dasarnja kita oentoeng tjilaka Sebab Han Ong jang keterlaoewan.

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Clerodendron leaves are in the chest, I go to the Kampung Melaka market, Very painful is my heart, I always meet with bad luck!

I go to the Kampung Melaka, I get go-on koe [ ] with a teacup, I always meet with bad luck, As Han Ong [ ] is very careless!

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In Singapore translators used to write introductory poems in Malay or in English to introduce the story and sometimes at the beginning of each , who translated Chinese fiction into instalment. Liem Kheng Yong Makassarese, also inserted long poems, which refer to his personal life. It is, of course, extremely difficult to render the compactness and the precision of Chinese into other languages. In many cases there were no ready equivalents so that the translators, if they chose not to omit the details, were obliged to borrow the Chinese terms (sometimes with an explanation), to create new terms by combining a Chinese word with a Malay word, or to rely on terms taken from other languages such as Javanese and Dutch. Most of the authors had no sense of the inviolability of a text and had few qualms about borrowing from other works, so it is difficult to separate loose translations from adaptations. Two kinds of adaptations, the first written in verse and the second in prose, are of interest here. As far as the verse renditions are concerned, this literary genre was itself well rooted in another culture and therefore imposed limitations on the rendering of the original text. Verse adaptations were popular in Cambodia and especially in Vietnam, where the novel in verse was the dominant genre until the end of the nineteenth century. In insular Southeast Asia, adaptations in verse only appeared in Java. They constitute the majority of works in Javanese derived from Chinese fiction and only a very small part of the works in Malay. Those in Malay are of two kinds, either they are based on previous prose translations which they follow closely, or they have a lot of additions not directly related to the story. In any case, both groups are written in a customary manner by poets who begin by introducing themselves. Several verse adaptations of the story of the princess Wang exist in Vietnamese and there is one each in Cambodian Zhaojun and Malay. A comparative study of these works would allow us to see how they deviate from the Chinese tale(s) and to what extent the tale was adapted to the local audience. Of equal interest are the prose adaptations. Korea seems to be the country where that literary genre achieved the greatest success, especially during the nineteenth century among the less educated. Judging from the four Korean stories analysed in this volume, it appears that although the plot was borrowed from Chinese fiction, the Korean novels deviate in many respects; some stories are considerably abridged, different endings may be provided and a lot of details about the heroes are changed.

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6. Circulation and Audience In order to better appraise the reception of Chinese fiction in the various countries we have to reflect on how translations were circulated. In certain countries story-tellers played a significant part in the transmission of Chinese tales. Among the Mongols, for instance, Chinese fiction was transmitted orally by bards who elaborated on Chinese novels which they had heard, or on tales told at the markets in regions inhabited by Chinese settlers. At the same time, Chinese fiction gave rise to written translations circulated in manuscript form, although xylographic printing had been known for a long time among the Mongols. The first publications of Mongolian translations of Chinese novels only appeared in the 1920s after the foundation of a small Mongolian press by the scholar Temgetü (c. 1887–1939) in Peking in 1923. In Korea from the eighteenth century onwards strolling players recited stories in the p’ansuri style, some of which were derived from Chinese fiction. Among the Javanese-speaking Chinese, manuscript translations in verse were also read before an audience on special occasions. There were persons of both sexes who excelled in the art of reading and who were asked to go to private homes in the evening to entertain guests. In Cambodia also story-telling seems to have been practised among persons of Hokkien descent since we are told that the Cambodian version of the story of the Princess Wang Zhaojun is based on an account made to the author by a relative. Theatrical performances may also have created an appetite for Chinese stories. The first European travellers in Banten (West Java), such as the Englishman Edmund Scott, who went there several times between 1602 and 1605, mentions performances of a sort of opera, held when junks were about to sail for China, or when they came back.27 In Siam in the second part of the seventeenth century there were several troupes of Chinese actors performing for the royal family. Later travellers report that Chinese theatre was well known in the immigrant communities in the major towns of the Netherlands Indies as well as in Cambodia and Thailand. Major William Thorn, who reports on performances he saw in Java at the beginning of the nineteenth century, notes that they were in Chinese and adds: “The subjects of these exhibitions are generally taken from the history of that extraordinary nation, and usually such as give the representations of battles between Chinese and Tartars”.28 Belatedly, in Java at least, the descendants of Chinese even performed Chinese plays in Malay and in some places in

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Central Java created a kind of wayang kulit or “shadow theatre”, called wayang ṭiṭi, in Javanese, the repertoire of which consisted of Chinese historical plays. Similarly in Cochin-China the lkhon pāsāk’ or “Bassac theatre” has a repertory with both works of Chinese origin and traditional Cambodian works. Female roles are played by characters in Cambodian costume; male characters wear Chinese costume and make-up, and act in the Chinese way. In the 1930s the links between theatrical performances and translations of Chinese fiction were still obvious. In Singapore for was in instance, the Malay version of the story of Zhong Wuyan great demand because so many had seen the story performed on the stage. In the Netherlands Indies, the tale of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai was immensely popular with audiences of popular theatre such as the Javanese ketoprak and the Balinese arja. Several printed versions in Malay, Javanese, Balinese and even Madurese appeared simultaneously. Even temple wall paintings depicting scenes taken from historical novels may have influenced the demand for translations. In the southern countries there are many such temple decorations. Among the stories illustrated. are: “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, “The Investiture of the Gods”, “The Pilgrimage to the West”, “Xue Rengui’s Conquest of Korea”, and the “Complete Story of Yue Fei”. In Indonesia, for instance, most of the temples which contain illustrations of popular fiction were built or rebuilt during the second part of the nineteenth century, but few unretouched paintings remain. Temple painters can still be found and some continue to paint in the traditional Chinese way, although others have borrowed techniques from the West.29 Finally the written versions appeared in manuscript and printed form. Though wood-block printing was well known among the Mongols, the Manchus and the Koreans, few translations of Chinese fiction appeared in book form. The Mongolian Lamas, who monopolized the printing presses, did not deem it necessary to spread these translations which, apart from “The Pilgrimage to the West” (which was considered as a Buddhist work) and similar stories that might be given a religious interpretation, they regarded as worldly literature. Among the Manchus the situation was more complicated. On the one hand, the reading of some novels like the Sanguo zhi yanyi and other historical tales was encouraged by the rulers; while on the other, novels of manners, which were considered as immoral, and other stories such as the Shuihu zhuan, which were regarded as subversive, were banned, both in the original and in their Manchu translations. This could explain why the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” was printed, but not

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25

why the Jin Ping Mei, which belongs to the category of prohibited fiction, appeared in print in Manchu just a few years after the 1687 ban. Judging from the numerous attempts to suppress translations and transliterations of Chinese stories in prose as well as in verse, their circulation among the Manchus must have been quite large.30 In Korea, although there was some Confucian prudery, Chinese fiction was read first among the upper ranks of the society. Women of the palace and the womenfolk of the aristocracy were the main consumers of translated versions and adaptations. These voluminous versions were kept in manuscript copies like those in the Palace Library in Seoul. The fashion generally spread through society as people made copies first for sale to well-to-do families, and then for loan to the less well-off. According to W.E. Skillend “this last stage was probably reached within half a century, by the 1840s”.31 There are also block print editions which rarely bear a date; if there is one it only designates the year within the sixty year cycle. The surviving copies are considered to date from about the middle of the nineteenth century or later. They were printed on cheap, thin paper and were apparently intended for the lower classes. Lately, this fiction has been reproduced in facsimile or in paperback. Modern printings in moveable type are of different sorts, and they sometimes introduce new confusions because of change made by publishers.32 In Japan, on the contrary, most translated fiction was circulated in printed form, especially in the Kyôto-Ôsaka area. Ôsaka was a prosperous merchant city devoted to commerce with an atmosphere of free exchange which contrasted with that of the political capital of Edo. In Vietnam the situation was to a certain extent similar to that in Korea. Firstly, verse adaptations, in nôm were enjoyed by the elite of the society. Secondly they were circulated both in manuscript and in xylographic editions, but the copies that have survived cannot be traced further than the nineteenth century. Although nothing is known about the development of lending libraries before the twentieth century, one may assume that there was a gradual democratization of the audience with the printing of cheap editions. There was a real shift after romanized characters replaced the nôm. A study of the circulation of the translations in quốc ngữ could easily be made, since the number of copies of the edition often appears on the cover of the books kept in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. In Thailand the translations commissioned by high-ranking officials were first kept in manuscript form. However, after the transmission of printing into this country, the Thai rulers and especially missionaries made use of this technology to spread literature in prose and to launch newspapers.

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Dr Bradley, an American missionary, started the first commercial printing office in 1837 in Bangkok. Among the first publications which came out of his press were the translations of Chinese historical novels, such as “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms” (1865) and the Dongzhou lieguo or “The Romance of the States of Eastern Zhou” (1870). zhi With them, Dr Bradley hoped to attract the descendants of Chinese, whom he thought could be converted to Christianity more easily than the Thai.33 In 1873, however, there were no bookshops in Siam and a printer could be satisfied if in five years he had succeeded in selling 1,000 copies of a book. A good network of bookshops was still lacking at the beginning of this century.34 The situation was even more difficult in Cambodia, where printing with the Cambodian type made its first appearance at the beginning of this century. In 1924, the “Institut Bouddhique” was given the task of propagating traditional culture through printing. Manuscript works derived from the Chinese and kept in monasteries were not deemed worth publishing. However, scholars at the Institut Bouddhique subsequently began to consider providing the Khmer public with adaptations of Chinese novels. In 1933, Nou Kon undertook the translation of the Sanguo from a Thai version that had been published in Bangkok in 1927. In insular Southeast Asia translations in Malay were printed in the early 1880s in book form either by Dutch or Chinese printers; they also appeared in the local press in serial form. In the Straits Settlements as in the Netherlands Indies, the Chinese were quick to show an interest in printing, publishing and selling books and newspapers in Malay. This may be the reason why the manuscripts rapidly became obsolete and even completely disappeared. So far, we have not been able to find a single translation from the Chinese in Malay in manuscript form. The success of the Malay language in Java among the urban population may eventually explain why translations in Javanese, which were apparently begun earlier that in Malay, mainly remained in manuscript form, even though several Chinese printers and booksellers specialized in the publishing and selling of books in Javanese. These manuscripts were owned by the translators or their relatives who lent them out to members of the local Chinese community. By the turn of the century, such manuscripts had become very rare; only rich Chinese, such as opium farmers, for example, could order a handwritten copy of the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” for the price of 50 guilders or more. Since several Javanese translations of Chinese fiction are still kept in the court libraries of Surakarta and Yogyakarta, they must have appealed to the higher classes of the Javanese society as well.

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There is no doubt that the spread of printing involved an increase in readership. This tendency developed at different speeds in different times and places. The result was that Chinese fiction became accessible to more and more readers. In this respect, the development of the local press had a tremendous impact on the diffusion of this translated literature in the southern countries. Another institution which should not be overlooked is the commercial lending libraries. Unfortunately, we know little of their historical development outside of China, where they may be traced to the Tang dynasty. They operated in Korea during the nineteenth century, though it cannot be ascertained whether they were a local creation or a borrowing from China. In the southern countries especially in insular Southeast Asia, they obviously developed in cities where Chinese communities had been settled for centuries, such as Palembang, Batavia, Banjarmasin and Makassar; whereas in other centres the tradition of manuscripts being owned by courts or important families and being lent free of charge still prevailed. Nowadays such lending libraries, which specialize in cloak-anddagger stories, still survive in many a city of Southeast Asia. 7. Influence on the Development of the Local Literatures We hope to stimulate further research on the influence of Chinese fiction, translated or in the original, on local literatures, for little is known about this topic. In the Sinicized countries like Korea, Vietnam and Japan, stories in , “New Tales of Wickliterary style, like the Jian deng xinhua trimming Hours”, soon gave rise to imitations, some in literary Chinese; to , “New Tales from Mount Kumo”, begin with the Kŭmo sinhwa (1435–1493) which was in turn of the Korean writer Kim Sisŭp exported to Japan and belatedly reimported from Japan to Korea and reprinted in the twentieth century; the Vietnamese Truyền kỳ mạn lục , “Huge Collection of Passed-on Marvels” by Nguyễn Dữ (sixteenth , “New Collection of century), and its sequel Truyền kỳ tân phấ (1705–1748); and in the Passing on of Marvels” by Đòan Thị Diểm (1666) by Asai Ryôi (d. 1691). This Japanese Otogibôko collection of fantastic tales was widely read by the Japanese and several sequels appeared during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Popular fiction in colloquial Chinese also inspired similar stories written either in vernacular languages or in literary Chinese. Korean authors

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wrote their novels in Chinese and in Korean; some stories even appeared in both languages, for example Kuun mong , “The Nine Cloud , “The Record of the Lady Dream” and the Sa-ssi namjǒng ki Xie’s Pacification of the South” both written by Kim Manjung (1637–92).35 The introduction of popular novels, especially those of the Ming period, into Korea stimulated the local writers, and many similar novels were written and circulated. Most novels written in traditional style, of which nearly 700 are known, have their setting in China. Yet about 15 per cent of them are considered to be translated from Chinese fiction. Chinese settings were used to create a utopia or to avoid reprisals from the authorities. The comparative study of Chinese and Korean fiction, given the wealth of raw material in both countries, has hardly begun. or “historical In Vietnam the transmission of yanyi xiaoshuo novels” induced local scholars to write historical prose novels in Chinese but in a Vietnamese setting. These literary works have just recently been “rediscovered” after decades of neglect. The number known to date is much smaller than that of the nôm verse novels derived from the Chinese. Chinese fiction in colloquial style also influenced famous Japanese and Takizawa authors of the eighteenth century like Ueda Akinari , who were translators and who composed some of the Bakin best known yomihon or “story-books”, a new genre of fiction combining historical facts and fantasy. Turning to the Manchus and the Mongols, whose culture was not on a level with that of the Chinese, we note that the diffusion of Chinese fiction had different effects; on the one hand the Manchus, who were very eager to acculturate, gradually lost their own literature; while on the other hand, the Mongols were stimulated by its reception. The former started to write in Chinese and even to compose novels. One of the best examples is that , the author of the Ernü yingxiong zhuan of Wen Kang “The Gallant Maid”, who presumably lived during the nineteenth century.36 The Mongols however developed a prose fiction which shows Chinese influence, especially in the first works that appeared during the nineteenth century. One of them, the Tabun ǰuwan or “Five Tales” was even created or “Story of a as a sequel to the Chinese novel Fenzhuang lou Boudoir” which had previously been translated into Mongolian. In the southern countries, translations did not appear until the nineteenth century and as long as they remained in manuscript form, did not have a significant influence on local literary production. After the appearance of printing and newspapers these translated works reached a larger public. At the same time Western fiction was introduced in translation

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and serialized in the press. Though there is still no comprehensive study of the new literature that emerged on the eve of the twentieth century, especially in the Netherlands Indies, it appears that it was the product of a combined influence from China and Europe. Among the first writers of the Netherlands Indies were persons of Chinese origin who had been trained in Chinese schools or who had received their schooling from Dutch teachers. Only recently can we identify a direct influence from China in the southern countries literatures in the form of popular cloak-and-dagger stories. In Cambodia for instance in the 1960s the urban population developed an increasing taste for Chinese fiction so that the most Chinaoriented authors started to compose Cambodian historical novels or even took their inspiration from Chinese cloak-and-dagger stories. A similar process is to be found in Indonesia where since the early 1960s a tendency to “indigenize” Chinese cloak-and-dagger stories has appeared. One of the most famous writers of this kind of fiction is Asmaraman S. Kho . Some of his novels are set in China and Japan while Ping Hoo others occur in Indonesia. In the 1980s Kho started to write novels that took place during the Mojopahit period. It seems that a new “tradition” kungfu novels is arising in Indonesia.37 8. The Reception of the Sanguo zhi yanyi In Asian countries, as in China, the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” was widely read not only by scholars but by the less educated as well. We have seen that its Manchu version from 1631–32 is the oldest known translation that may be dated with certainty.38 Complete translations in Manchu and Japanese appeared respectively in 1650 and 1692. The other dated translations are as follow: Korean: 1703 (excerpts from the Manchu edition of 1650); 1774 (revised. ed.) 1859.39 Thai: 1802 (complete).40 Malay: 1883–85 (partial translation); 1886 (partial translation); 1892-96 (complete) 1910–13; 1912 (complete). Javanese: 1890–94 (incomplete). Vietnamese: 1907, 1909–18, 1928–30, 1931–33, 1934–35, 1937, 1952. Mongol: 1925. Makassarese: c. 1930. Cambodian: c. 1933.

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Besides there are many translations and adaptations especially in Korean and in Mongolian which may probably be traced to the nineteenth century. In the West it seems that the first attempts to translate this novel were made in Spanish and in Latin, apparently at the beginning of the nineteenth century.41 But the first partial translation to appear, in book form was made by Théodore Pavie in 1845–46 in Paris. Interestingly enough the translator made use of both the Manchu and the Chinese versions. In his preface Pavie insists on the importance of mastering the Manchu language in order to better understand the Chinese.42 An English version by C.H. Brevitt-Taylor appeared in 1925, and a German by Franz Kuhn about 1940.43 Obviously, the Asiatic readers were greatly attracted by this novel with its message of importance to them. The Manchus used it as a tool to steel themselves against the Ming troops. It is also said that in Korea it was regarded as “the literature of spiritual victory unfolding in a grand drama of historical fate”. It was widely read, especially after the Japanese invasion during the Yi dynasty (sixteenth century), and a temple to Guan Yu was built. Lately a great number of similar military novels have been composed.44 Schweisguth who comments briefly on the success achieved by the Thai translation says that it can be linked with the political rise of new Sino-Thai elite that took the control of the whole country; besides, both the Chinese and the Thai obviously enjoy the negotiations between the generals and the other military chiefs and the stratagems employed to subdue the traitors. The author adds that the devices they learn from the story may help them to understand the current politics of their rulers. The Thai translation of the Sanguo has been reprinted several times in full length or in fragments, and more than 250,000 copies of the passage were printed in the on the naval engagement with General Cao Cao brief period between 1935 and 1940.45 Similar views regarding the didactic aspect of the novel were expressed in the Malay world by Mohamed Salleh bin Perang (1841–1915), an openminded scholar who had started to learn Chinese as early as 1861. In a letter to a Peranakan Chinese written in 1894 he wrote: I was very fond of reading Chinese tales, my favorite being the story entitled Sam Kok for this work contains much that is of value, including allusions and parables which should be heard by officials in the service of kings.46

In the late 1890s when Chan Kim Boon published his Malay version of the Sanguo in Singapore, he also insisted on the didactic value of the novel and pointed out that it was a masterpiece of Chinese history.

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This viewpoint was shared by readers who in their letters to the translator said that “The Three Kingdoms” is a “valuable history of China useful for Babas and other natives who know the Malay language”. Malays and Indonesians continued to read this novel in the twentieth century. Sukarno himself is reported to have read it several times.47 With “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms” in which superhuman elements play only a minor part, and the emphasis is on the human efforts of rational heroes, the readers could find hints for solving their personal problems and clues to understanding their own world. For many readers in China and abroad, this historical account was superior to official history in terms of readability, and literary interest. This kind of historical narrative, fairly reliable in terms of historical facts, may be a uniquely Chinese contribution to world history writing. Its success, especially in the southern parts of Asia, where historical writing (except in some Islamized areas) up to the beginning of this century was usually heavily laced with legendary events, is remarkable. These introductory remarks may, we hope, help to better define the wide field of research which the reader is about to enter and, in addition, promote an interest in comparative studies. This would not only improve our knowledge of Asian literature but also transform our whole approach to the Far East. Notes   1. Jeon Kyu Tae, “The Influences of Chinese Literature on Korean Literature”, Tamkang Review, II (2)–III (1), Oct. 1971–April 1972, pp. 101–15; Elmer A. Ordoñez, “Notes on Philippine Reception to Chinese Literature”, Idem, pp. 117–32; Masaie Matsumura, “A Refraction of Sayyuki (Hsi You Chi)”, Idem, pp. 81–88; Hatakénaka Toshio, “On Kim-Vân-Kiêu — China, Viet Nam, Japan”, Idem, pp. 89–100. Also a highly interesting study by M. Soymié (“L’entrevue de Confucius et de Hiang T‘o”, Journal Asiatique 242 (1954): 311–92) should be mentioned here. The author presents a Chinese tale about the meeting between Confucius and the little boy Xiang Tuo . He compares this tale, discovered in several manuscript versions in Dunhuang caves, to Tibetan versions also found there, as well as to later Chinese versions and other adaptations in Mongolian, Japanese and Thai. More recently other versions have been discovered. See Dédé Oetomo, “Serat Ang Dok: A Confucian Treatise in Javanese”, Archipel 34 (1987): 181–97.   2. The relevant studies are to be found in the various contributions presented in this volume as well as in the general bibliography. See also the notices on

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Vietnamese, Japanese, Korean, Manchu and Mongol translations in William H. Nienhauser, Jr. (ed. & compiler), The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986), pp. 297–309.   3. Cf. Wang Liqi , Yuan Ming Qing sandai jinhui xiaoshuo xiqu shiliao (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1981) (enlarged ed.), p. 56.   4. G. William Skinner, Chinese Society in Thailand: An Analytical History (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, Second printing, 1962), p. 14, quoting the reports of the French observers François T. Choisy and Simon de la Loubère.   5. A list of these translations is to be found in Lim Ying Chiang , “Taiguo de wenxue yu yishu tan wei ”, Journal of Southeast Asian Researches (Singapore) (1969): 141–44.   6. According to Elmer A. Ordoñez, op. cit., p. 131, note 19: Rizal (1861–1896), the famous Filipino nationalist and writer of Chinese origin, “is reported to have consulted the works of the Sinologists and collected books on Chinese drama, language and the arts for his private library”. He is also said to have collaborated in annotating a manuscript translation of the Zhufan zhi by Fr. Hirth and W. W. Rockhill, op. cit., p. 130.   7. J. Legge, The Rambles of the Emperor Ching Tih in Këang Nan. A Chinese Tale, translated by Tkin Shen, student of the Anglo-Chinese college, Malacca with a preface by J. L., London, 1843, 2 v.   8. The Hokkien Library Series, v. 1. The Celestial Mirror. An English translation by J.A. Maung Gyi and Cheah Toon Hoon of Pókàm, or Extracts from Liau Chai, Pau Kong An, or Decisions of Pau Kong, Rangoon, 1st ed., Jan. 1894, p. 127. The preface reads: “To the Chinese youth who is desirous of forming a more intimate acquaintance with the Hokkien language, spoken so extensively in the Indo-Chinese Peninsula, the compiler offers this little volume of stories… These stories are translated from the “literary Chinese” by the compiler Mr Cheah Toon Hoon, into elegant and polished Hokkien and the romanized text will shortly follow its companion The Celestial Mirror. The youth who makes a careful study of this translation and the Romanized text, will be enabled to converse fluently and elegantly in the Hokkien language. The European too, who is wise enough to make this little volume and its companion a sort of pastime study, will find his intercourse with the Chinese, much easier, whether socially or commercially”. This first volume was printed with the money collected from subscribers whose names are given in a list. We have not been able to locate the second volume.   9. See notably Zhang Wenxun and others, Baizu wenxue shi , Kunming, Yunnan renmin chubanshe, 1983, pp. 152–58 where is given a description of oral adaptations of the story of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai among the Bai ; several other studies deal with the transmission of the

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same story among the Zhuang and the Yao; see inter alia Huang Haibing (Zhuangzu), “Lun ‘Liang Zhu’ gushi zai zhuangzu, yaozu diqu liuchuan bianyi ‘ ’ ”, Xueshu luntan , 1982, n° 3, pp. 93–96; some Yao versions of the story written with Chinese characters have been briefly described; see Gong Zhebing , “Guanyu yi zhong teshu wenzi de diaocha baogao ”, Zhonguo minzu xueyuan xuebao , 1983, 3, pp. 122–28. The ballad of Meng Jiangnü has also been transmitted among the southern minorities; see Guo Wei ,“Meng Jiangnü chuanshuo zai zhuang, dong, maonan, molao zu zhong de liuchuan he bianyi ”, Minzu wenxue yanjiu , 1983, Chuangkan hao, pp. 108–18. For recent translations into Tibetan, see Alsace Yen, “Classical Chinese Fiction in Tibetan”, CLEAR IV, no. 1 (Jan 1982): 162. 10. Cf. A. Wylie, Notes on Chinese Literature, with introductory remarks on the progressive advancement of the art; and a list of translations from the Chinese into various European Languages (Shanghai: The American Presbyterian Church Press, 1867), p. XXIV. 11. See H. Cordier, Bibliotheca Sinica, Dictionnaire Bibliographique des ouvrages relatifs à l’empire Chinois (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1906), III, p. 1754 and following. 12. There is a tendency. among scholars to replace the term chuanqi by that of Tangren xiaoshuo or “Stories written by men of Tang”. 13. See Kow Mei Kao , “Yin-du-ni-xi-ya ‘Liaozhai zhiyi’ de yijie ”, in Kow Mei Kao , Ming Qing xiaoshuo yanjiu jicong (Shanghai: Hanyu dacidian chubanshe, 1997), pp. 70–74; —, “ ‘Liaozhai zhiyi’ zai ma-lai shijie de chuanbo , op. cit., pp. 75–79. 14. See inter alia Li Tien-yi, The History of Chinese Fiction: A Selected Bibliography, 2nd ed. (New Haven: Far Eastern Publications, Yale University, 1970); Winston L.Y. Yang, Peter Li and Nathan K. Mao, Classical Chinese Fiction, A Guide to its Study and Appreciation, Essays and Bibliographies (London: George Prior Publishers, 1978). 15. Two other catalogues should be mentioned: Ôtsuka Hidetaka Chûkoku tsûzoku, shôsetsu; mokuroku kaiteikô , Tôkyô, Kyûko shoin , 1984, p. 229; Zhongguo tongsu xiaoshuo zongmu tiyao , Jiangsusheng shehuikexueyuan Mingqing xiaoshuo yanjiu zhongxin, Wenxueyanjiusuo suobian (Beijing: Zhonguo wenlian chuban gongsi, 1990), p. 1418. 16. Cf. Zhang Hongxun , “Dunhuang jiangchang wenxue de tizhi ji leixing chutan ”, Wenxue yichan , 1982, 2, pp. 62–73.

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17. Zhong Wuyan or Zhongli Chun is an historical figure who lived during the 4th century bc. She has a biography in Liu Xiang ’s Lienü zhuan . She was said to have been so ugly that at forty years of age she was still unmarried. Finally she obtained an audience with the Qi Prince Xuangwang . He was so impressed by her wits that he took her as his wife. 18. See Wei Shaochang , Yuanyang hudie pai yanjiu ziliao (Shanghai wenyi chubanshe, 1962), p. 555; Perry Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies. Popular Fiction in Early Twentieth-Century Chinese Cities (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1981), p. 313. 19. Aying ’s catalogue (Wanqing xiqu xiaoshuo mulu (Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1st ed., 1957), p. 178) although very useful, does not always enable us to identify the original works. 20. For more information, see C.T. Hsia, “Hsü Chen-ya’s Yü-li hun: An Essay in Literary History and Criticism”, Renditions, A Chinese-English Translation Magazine 17 & 18, Spring & Autumn 1982, pp. 199–240. 21. Cf. Liu Ts’un-yan, Chinese Popular Fiction in Two London Libraries (Hong Kong: Long Men, 1967), p. 34; Dell R. Hales, “Yu Hsiang-tou ”, in L. Carrington Goodrich and Fang Chaoying, eds., Dictionary of Ming Biography 1368–1644 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1976), v. II, pp. 1612–14. 22. Liu Ts’un-yan, op. cit., p. 40. 23. On Sanbao taijian in Indonesia and the Malay translations of the Xiyang ji, see C. Salmon, “Sanbao taijian en Indonésie et les traductions malaises du Xiyang ji”, in C. Salmon and Roderich Ptak, eds., Zheng He. Images and Perceptions. Bilder & Wahrnehmungen (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 2005), pp. 113–35. 24. J.J.L. Duyvendak, Holland’s Contribution to Chinese Studies (London: The China Society, 1950), pp. 5–6; quoted from W.L. Idema, “Dutch Sinology and the Study of Chinese Traditional Vernacular Fiction”, in Zhongguo gudian xiaoshuo yanjiu zhuanji , 3, 1981 (Taibei), p. 25. See also Paul Demiéville, “Au bord de l’eau”, T’oung Pao 44 (1956): 242–65; Ma Youyuan , “Niujin daxue suocang mingdai jianben ‘Shuihu’ canye shu hou, ”, Zhonghua wenshi luncong , 1981, n° 4, pp. 47–66. 25. P. Schweisguth, Etude sur la littérature siamoise (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, & Librairie d’Amérique et d’Orient, Adrien Maisonneuve, 1951), pp. 189– 99. 26. Quoted from John B. Kwee “Chinese Malay Literature of the Peranakan Chinese in Indonesia 1880–1942”, Unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, The University of Auckland, 1977, pp. 36 and 50. 27. C. Salmon, Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia, A Provisional

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Annotated Bibliography (Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de I’Homme, Etudes Insulindiennes-Archipel 3, 1981), p. 39. 28. Idem, pp. 128–29. 29. Temple wall paintings were also to be found in China and in Taiwan. See notably W. Eberhard, “Topics and Moral Values in Chinese Temple Decorations”, Journal of the American Oriental Society 87, no. 1 (Jan.–March 1967): 22–32; C. Lombard-Salmon, “Une morale en images: les peintures murales du Xietian gong de Bandung”, Archipel 11 (1976): 167–76. 30. Cf. Wang Liqi, op. cit., pp. 43–56. 31. We are grateful to Professor W.E. Skillend for this information. 32. W.E. Skillend, Kodae Sosŏl: A Survey of Korean Traditional Style Popular Novels (London: The Gresham Press, 1968), pp. 24–25. 33. Schweisguth, op. cit., p. 241. 34. Gérard Duverdier, “La transmission de l’imprimerie en Thaïlande: du catéchisme de 1796 aux impressions bouddhiques sur feuilles de latanier”, Bulletin de l’Ecole Française d’Extrême-Orient 68 (1980), p. 238. 35. For an annotated edition of the old Chinese version of Kuun mong, see Jin Naizhong [Kim Manjung] , Jiuyun meng , Wei Xusheng jiaozhu , Taiyuan, Beiyue wenyi chubanshe, 1986, p. 147. The question of which language, Korean or Chinese, was the language of authorship remains a matter of debate for a new manuscript in Chinese was discovered in 1988, which exhibits various variants. For more details about this difficult issue, see Daniel Bouchez, “La langue d’origine du roman coréen, Rêve de neuf nuages”, Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient 82 (1995): 111–41; and for a study of “The Record of Lady Xie’s Pacification of the South”, see Daniel Bouchez, “Le roman coréen Nam-jŏng ki et l’affaire de la reine Min”, Journal Asiatique CCLIV, no. 3–4 (1976): 405–51. 36. Liu Ts’un-yan, op. cit., pp. 116–18. 37. Myra Sidharta, “Asraman Sukowati Kho Ping Hoo (b. 1926): Writer of Cloak and Dagger Stories in Indonesia”, Archipel 48 (1994): 157–76; Edward Buckingham, “The Memetic Evolution of Indonesian Arts Fiction: Two Case Studies”, Asian Culture/Yazhou wenhua 34 (June 2010): 1–23. 38. For a recent study, see [Andrew Christopher West /Wei An ], “The Textual History of Sanguo Yanyi. The Manchu Translation” (retrieved on 7 February 2012), . 39. Skillend, op. cit., p. 14. 40. For further details, see Malinee Dilokmanich: “A Study of Samkok: The First Thai Translation of a Chinese Novel”, Journal of the Siam Society 73 (1985): 77–112, which brings new lights on the relation between the Chinese versions and the Thai rendition. See also C.J. Reynolds, “Tycoons and Warlords:

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Modern Thai Social Formations and Chinese Historical Romance” (1996): 115–47. 41. John Francis Davis, On the Poetry of the Chinese (Macao, 1834), quoted in Cordier, op. cit., v. III, p. 1754: “It (the Sanguo) has been translated into Spanish, in whole or in part by Padre Segui, many years resident in China, and now Archbishop of Luconia. There is, besides, an old Latin translation belonging to the Royal Asiatic Society.” 42. Théodore Pavie, San Koue-Tchy. Ilan kouroun-i pithé. Histoire des Trois Royaumes. Roman historique traduit sur les textes chinois et mandchou (Paris: B. Duprat, 1845–46), v. I, introduction, pp. LVIII–LIX. 43. For a brief survey of various translations of the Sanguo, see Wang Lina , “Sanguo yanyi zai guowai ‘ ’ ”, Wenxian (1982), 12: 44–66. 44. Jeon Kyu Tae, op. cit., pp. 103–104. 45. Schweisguth, op. cit., p. 195. 46. Amin Sweeney, Reputations Live on: An Early Malay Autobiography (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1980), pp. 86–87. For further information on the impact of the Sanguo zhi yanyi in the Nusantarian world, see C. Salmon, “The Three Kingdoms in Insular Southeast Asia — Religion and Literature”, Yazhou wenhua /Asian Culture (Singapore), 16 (1992): 14–34. 47. H. Abdul Karim (Oey Tjeng Hien), Mengabadi Agama, Nusa dan Bangsa, Sahabat Karib Bung Karno (Jakarta: Gunung Agung, 1982), p. 93.

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Part I

Korea and Japan

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Reproduced from Literary Migrations: Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia (17th-20th Centuries), edited by Claudine Salmon (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2013). This version was obtained electronically direct from the publisher on condition that copyright is not infringed. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Individual articles are available at .

THE INFLUENCE OF CHINESE STORIES AND NOVELS ON KOREAN FICTION Kim Dong-uk

Comparative study of Chinese and Korean novels was first attempted by , author of Chosŏn sosŏl sa “A History Kim T’aejun of the Korean Novel” (1930), and in 1955 was taken up again in Han’guk sosŏre kkich’in chungguk sosŏrŭi yŏnghyang, “The influence of Chinese . Yi Chaesu again novels on Korean novels”, by Pak Sŏngui took up the challenge of this question in 1956. These all consistently probed the question of how influence was cast on Korean novels by such works , “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, as Sanguo zhi yanyi , “The Water Margin Story”, Jian deng xinhua Shuihu zhuan , “New Tales for which One Trims the Lamp”, Lienü zhuan , , “A Journey to the West”, etc. “Tales of Women”, Xiyou ji proposed as a methodology that, in In 1964 Chŏng Naedong the comparison of Korean and Chinese novels, vocabulary, style, content and structure should be examined. Subsequently Chŏn Inch’o compared considered the romances of the Tang period, Yi Hyesun the presentation of chivalry in the works of the two countries, and Yi Nŭngu compiled a bibliography of the Sou shen ji , “Searching Out , “Extensive Records of the Grand the Gods”, Taiping guangji Tranquillity Reign”, and the “Four Great Romances” (Shuihu zhuan , Sanguo zhi yanyi , Xiyou ji and Jin Ping Mei “The Golden Lotus”). Along with these, comparative studies studied of individual works were also attempted. Yi Kyŏngsŏn origins, development and influence more deeply in Samgukchi yŏnŭiŭi pigyo munhakchŏk yŏn’gu, “A Comparative Literary Study of Sanguo zhi

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yanyi”, and various other discussants succeeded in probing further, but the common tendency of these publications was to study chiefly borrowing and influence on the basis of the methods proposed in “Comparative Literature” by Van Tieghem, translated by the present writer (published Sinyangsa, 1959). With the cataloguing of the Former Palace Library in Seoul (also known ), by Chŏng Pyŏnguk in as the Naksŏnjae Library 1966–67, full light was thrown on the translated novels and stories located in it. The translations were made at the end of the nineteenth century, and they include the following: , ,

Baogong yanyi Beisong yanyi

,

Bu honglou meng

,

Cantang wudai yanyi Daming yinglie zhuan Honglou fumeng ,

Honglou meng Honglou meng bu

, ,

Hou honglou meng Hou shuihu zhuan Jingu qiguan Nüxian waishi Ping Shan Leng Yan Ping yao ji , Sanguo zhi

,

, , , ,

Wumuwang zhenzhong lu

02 Literary Migrations.indd 40

,

, ,

Sun Pang yanyi Taiping guangji Tang Jin yanyi

,

,

,

“Romance of Judge Bao”, “Romance of the Northern Song Dynasty”, “Supplement to ‘The Dream of the Red Chamber’”, “The Romance of Expiring Tang and the Five Dynasties”, “Heroes of the Ming Dynasty”, “Second Dream of the Red Chamber”, “Dream of the Red Chamber”, “Dream of the Red Cham­ber, Supplement”, “Later Dream of the Red Chamber”, “Later Water Margin Story”, “Strange Tales Old and News”, “Romance of a Witch”, “Ping, Shan, Leng and Yan”, “Record of the Suppression of Sorcery”, “Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, “Romance of Sun and Pang”, “Extensive Records of the Grand Tranquility Reign”, “Romance of the Tang and the Jin Dynasties”, “Record of the Virtue and Loyalty of King Wumu”,

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Influence of Chinese Stories and Novels on Korean Fiction

Xizhou yanyi Xianzhen yishi Xing feng liu Xu honglou meng

, (

,

Xue yue mei zhuan Yaohua zhuan , Zhonglie xiayi zhuan Zhonglie xiao wuyi zhuan

), , , , ,

41

“Romance of the Western Zhou”, “Forgotten Tales of the Saints”, “Sober Elegance”, “Sequel to ‘The Dream of the Red Chamber’”, “Snow, Moon and Plum”, “The Story of Yaohua”, “The Story of Loyal and Gallant Men”, “The Story of the Five Younger Gallants”.

Because these were late nineteenth century, and because the Naksŏnjae Library was a library of the royal family, it is doubtful how much of an actual readership they had. had professional translators It is said that one Yi Chongt’ae translate them at the end of the nineteenth century. Some of them were rewritings for use in the palace of older novels in Korean, and some are said to have been newly translated. Many of these novels are large, some extending to several hundred volumes, and many taking a year or more to read. Those are generally romans fleuves, and, though they are written in large characters, some of them extend to between 16,000 and 20,000 pages. Among them, the novels which belong to the Qing period are newly translated ones, and the others, original Korean novels and Ming period novels, are in many other, libraries than the Naksŏnjae, but the selection of translated novels is as given above. Because the people in the palace included the interpreter class and other specialist civil service clerks, they were in contact with authors of novels and played a catalytic role in the formation and, diffusion of a general readership for novels. These aspects make studies of the Naksŏnjae Library important for the evaluation of how Chinese novels were received in Korea, but a complete elucidation of this will be achieved with the cooperation of researchers into Chinese novels. 1. The Acceptance of Chinese Literary Tales: from the Beginnings to the Mid-fifteenth Century In exploring the influence which Chinese novels and tales had on Korean fiction, the opening questions will vary according to which period one

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takes. Although there has been intercourse between Korea and China since prehistoric times, if one takes novels as starting with the class of storytellers of the Period of the Annals, one could take up the question of the , “Classic of the Mountains receiving by Korea of the Shanhai jing and the Sea”, or the Sou shen ji. If one starts from the novels of Jin and Tang, the situation changes a little. And if one starts from the Ming and Qing novels of the sixteenth century and later, there will be still other variations on the question of their importation into Korea. If one were to seek for the source of novels in myths, since Korean histories were being compiled as early as the fourth or fifth centuries, the life-blood of Korean novels will have begun to flow with their traditions. Within such Korean sources the influence of Chinese literature entered Korea continually to crystallize and metamorphose Korean literature. Even though Korea did have the spelling called idu, “scribes’ readings”, which recorded the Korean language with borrowed Chinese characters before Korea’s own national alphabet was created in 1446, the mode of expression for novels was basically classical Chinese, beneath and within which again lay the conformity of Confucianism. In such a situation, the question of what is “influence” and what is “originality” is rather complicated. This may be understood if we recollect that there was a period of Latin literature in all countries in Europe in the Middle Ages. Today, when the majority of the books of the earliest times have been completely destroyed, if we set our standards by what remains in the records, , “Tales of the Unusual”, a we can only start from the Sui chŏn work of the ninth or early tenth century. However, though they are slightly , “Historica1 later in time, the twelfth century Samguk sagi records of the Three Kingdoms” (1145) and the thirteenth century Samguk “Traditions of the Three Kingdoms” (1289) are reports, yusa whether right or wrong, of Korean myth literature, which leads us to expect that they will project the literature of the time of the compilation of the histories of the fourth and fifth centuries. In them the first flowering of the rich imaginativeness of the Korean people can be glimpsed. Therefore, whether the work Sui chŏn, the seed of the novel which germinated in the ninth to tenth centuries is influenced by the class of story-telling which is Chinese literature or not will depend on one’s point and of view. Some argue that it was influenced by the novels of Jin Tang , but the present writer would regard it as an inheritance of Korean legend literature. In view of this, there may be circumstances in which it is impossible to treat importation, transformation and influence. For, in so far as one has due regard for the multiple origins theory of legend

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literature, there are several difficulties about saying that similarity of form means Chinese influence. However, in the tenth century Korea put into operation the civil service examination system under Chinese influence, writing in classical Chinese spread greatly, and Buddhism so flourished as to be elevated to an equal status with Chinese society and culture. The ghost stories of the Six Dynasties of China had much influence to early and middle Koryŏ on Korean literature from late Silla (ninth to eleventh centuries) as the concept of “the unusual”. However, at the same time as this, the ideas of the scholar recluses of the time were also received by Koreans and had much influence. This meant that the scholar officials, who entered upon the scene after the introduction of the civil service examination system in early Koryŏ (958), and who tended to worship the pen and despise the sword, invited the reaction of the military officials. There were repeated struggles for political power by the military (1178) on, leading in officials from the revolt by Chŏng Chungbu (l196), after which the end to the coup d’état by Ch’oe Ch’unghŏn the regime of the Ch’oe clan was established. Then there was the Mongol invasion, the moving of the capital to the island of Kanghwa, etc., and a period of domestic discord and foreign incursions for almost a century. This period resembled the Six Dynasties Period in China, and was also a period when the scholar officials either hid in the hills or were sunk in despair, reduced to the status of dependants of the Ch’oe clan. At this time there appeared the scholar officials who adopted the name of “the Seven Sages Across the Sea”, after the “Seven Sages of the Bamboo Grove” of the late Six Dynasties. There were several implications in the or “Extensive Records of the Grand way the Taiping guangji of Song in 978, came to Tranquillity Reign”, compiled by Li Fang Korea also at this time and was read with enthusiasm by them. The Taiping guangji: Success and Influence As is well known, the Taiping guangji is a collection of fairy stories, ghost stories, romances, etc., of Chinese novelists covering the preceding twelve centuries. It exerted immense influence on the creation , “tales of Korean short stories, the so-called p’aegwan sosŏl , “unofficial histories”, from collected by minor officials” or yadam until the early Chosŏn period (fourteenth to middle Koryŏ fifteenth centuries). Because the means of recording at the time was classical Chinese, this became the model. Yet, even so, the great bulk of

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the reportage literature which they recorded was chiefly their own tales of what they experienced in their daily lives. What may be taken, in a situation like this, as the influence of the Taiping guangji is that it contributed to the broadening of imaginativeness through the introduction of romances, interest in biographies, etc., and, if we limit these to the history of the novel, the introduction of novels of personification. Novels of personification put into the form of romances the wine, paper, brushes, and so on, which were around the literati, and within the genres of Korean novels they are called allegorical novels. Many works of the genre were composed in the period to the middle of the Chosŏn Dynasty (sixteenth century). Because the literati were officials before literati, a rejection of novel writing based on pure imaginativeness was inculcated from the first, and even the allegorical novels just mentioned were no more for them than parodies with a didactic purpose. It must be recognized that, because they had a corpus of legend literature belonging to Korea, the influence of Chinese literature of this sort was only a matter of presentation, and restricted anyway to some of the literati. Therefore one can understand how superficial is the view that would regard everything as the influence of Chinese literature, arguing, partially, as it were, from the fact that the means of writing was the same. Such tendencies appear often in studies of influence. Beneath the means of writing, classical Chinese, there exists yet another zone of sympathy: the community of Confucian culture. The plainness of diction which is the mark of the Taiping guangji appears in such works produced by Korean literati as their “comments on poetry” or “unofficial histories” because the creative potentiality of Koreans, which is not simply either borrowing or influence, could be given its independent forms within the community of this zone of sympathy. (918–1392) and Chosŏn At the same time, all through the Koryŏ (1392–1910) dynasties, because even their means of writing, their literary style, was completely different from the Chinese spoken language, here too there were limitations. Although it is true that the colloquial style literature of Song, the dramas of Yuan, etc., were read in the society of the technicians of the Office of Interpreters, who were a special case, for the general literati they were only indirectly accessible in the middle of , “Glossary”, of 1669 the Chosŏn Dynasty through the so-called Ǒrok compiled by the technicians. The general literati needed only to recognize such things as the poetry of Tang and Song recorded in the Chinese literary language and the books of Ming.

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The Jian deng xinhua: Popularity and Imitations When one considers such points, the acceptance, after an interval of some forty years after its publication, of the Jian deng xinhua or “New (1347–1433), by Tales for which One Trims the Lamp”, by Qu You “New Tales from Mount Kŭmo”, of way of the Kŭmo sinhwa (1435–1493) of the early Chosŏn Dynasty, is a special Kim Sisŭp case. Even the Kŭmo sinhwa, follows the current of the novels of Jin and Tang, and, if we view it as anachronistic acceptance of the Taiping guangji, it could be that Chosŏn was in phase with China. We must remember that the Kŭmo sinhwa was in turn exported to Japan, that, in Korea, it does not appear in domestic literature after the seventeenth century, and that this lost book was reimported from Japan and published during the Japanese occupation, in the again by Ch’oe Namsŏn twentieth century. No complete text of the Kŭmo sinhwa, as composed by Kim Sisŭp, remains, only five stories. Several researchers have compared these with the many stories of the Jian deng xinhua, but the background of the Kŭmo sinhwa is everywhere Korea. What are compared are only the themes or intentions, and even here Kim Sisŭp’s creative talents, is not stifled. However, when the two works are compared, it cannot be denied that there are many close resemblances in point of the creation of the heroes, the supernatural and erotic materials, and the style. To collate the researches up to now, one can discover the following points of resemblance: Kŭmo sinhwa Manboksa chŏp’o ki “Gambling at the Manbok Temple”. Yi saeng kyujang chŏk “Mr Yi Crosses the Wall”.



Ch’wiyu pubyŏkchŏng ki “Drunken Revels at the Pubyŏk Pavilion”. Nam yŏnbuju chi “In the Southern County of Air-borne Flames”

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Jian deng xinhua Tengmu zuiyou jujingyuan ji “Tengmu’s Drunken Revels in the Park of Assembled Scenery”, and six others. Weitang qiyu ji “Strange Encounter at the Wei Embankment”, and five others.

Jianhu yefan ji by Night on the Mirror Lake”, and one other. Linghu sheng meng lu “Linghu’s Dream of Hell”, and two others.

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Yonggung puyŏn nok “Invitation to a Banquet in the Dragon Palace”.

Kim Dong-uk



Shuigong qinghui lu “Celebrations at the Under-water Palace”, and one other.

When the question of influence is considered, it can be seen that Kŭmo sinhwa has “New Tales”, the same as xinhua, in its title and an itemized comparison reveals that Kŭmo sinhwa has been influenced by and is a reworking of Jian deng xinhua. We know, if only from the five printed editions which the present writer possesses, that Jian deng xinhua was much read in Korean educated (Yun circles even after this. It was edited by a Korean, Ch’angju ), before the Japanese invasions of 1592–98, and a Ch’unnyŏn (Im Ki ). It was taken to commentary was added by Suhoja Japan at the time of the invasions and published in Japan in 1646, and it is ’s work Otogibôko supposed that it was the stimulus for Asai Ryoi (1666) which was the first of the Japanese tales of the grotesque, and its sequels. Such was the popularity of Jian deng xinhua that that work is regarded as having exerted an imperative influence on, even as the source of, novel writing in Korea also. Chŏng Chudong has pointed out in his Chungguk sosŏlgwaŭi kwan’gye (“Relationships with Chinese novels”) , (“The Story of Hong Kiltong”) that in Hong Kiltong chŏn (1569–1618), the father of novels in Korean, though by Hŏ Kyun there is the possibility of additions by later hands, the scene in which the has something to monsters are destroyed at Mount Mangdang “Record of the Shenyang Cave” in do with Shenyang dong ji , “The Nine Jian deng xinhua, and that the scene in Kuun mong (1637–92) in which the hero, Cloud Dream” by Kim Manjung , goes to the underwater palace and returns to be reborn Xingzhen reminds us of Aiqing in Aiqing zhuan in as Yang Shaoyou Jian deng xinhua going to hell and being born again as a son to the Song family. Apart from this, it is clear that the old Korean Sugung yongwang [presumably “Tale of the Dragon King of the Underwater chŏn Palace”, but I can find no other mention of this] has as its source Shuigong (Jian deng xinhua). qinghui lu Apart from this, Jian deng xinhua was much read in the society of the specialist civil service clerks, generally as a model of style, and we must not forget the service which it rendered in that the supernatural, fantastic, romantic and erotic themes which it has, provided the scene for the unfolding of romantic imagination in the Confucianist social structure of the time, which had no place for love.

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2. The Introduction of Chinese Colloquial Novels: Mid-fifteenth Century to End of the nineteenth Century The official records show that the Lienü zhuan by Liu Xiang of Han was presented by the Ming emperor in 1404, though it is believed that it was imported into Korea also in the Koryŏ period. This was a time when the Confucianist state was teaching the virtue of constancy in women, and in 1543 it was translated by royal command, illustrated by , and widely distributed. an artist of the time, Yi Sangjwa This was published in the new alphabet which was created in 1446, with the aim of the edification of women, but it is regarded at the same time as having played the role of allowing the general people, who were segregated from the upper class circles which had literature in classical Chinese, to embrace the joy of reading books. Nor can we ignore the fact that translations of Chinese books in this new alphabet were resolutely published, and that this played a role of widening the scope of reading. It is assumed that at first such translations began with the Buddhist scriptures in the middle of the fifteenth century, and extended, through the Confucianist canon, to didactic legends, and gradually came to provide the occasion for Chinese novels to be transplanted into Chosŏn Dynasty society. , “Interpreter Pak”, a course As proof of this, Pak t’ongsa in Chinese which was made at the end of Yuan and rewritten, with an additional commentary in Korean, in the middle of the fifteenth century, has resemblances to the conversations in the Yuan drama Xiyou ji . This proves that already at that time colloquial Chinese was read in sections of society for lessons in Chinese. Confirmation of this is given by the fact that at the same time Quanxiang pinghua sanguo zhi (“Chronicles of the Three Kingdoms, Complete, in the Colloquial”) or ’s Sanguo zhi yanyi were transmitted Luo Guanzhong , Wŏn saeng mongyu rok to Korea, and in the short story by Wŏn Ho “Mr Wŏn’s Dream Journey”, of the latter half of the fifteenth century, the depiction of the characters has critical points of resemblance : Samgukchi yŏnŭiŭi pigyo munhakchŏk to it. (See Yi Kyŏngsŏn yŏn’gu, Seoul, 1971). However, the aristocratic bureaucrat class of the time believed in NeoConfucianism as an eternal truth, and denounced as heresy any learning or religion which transgressed it. Therefore in the debate of 1569 between King Sŏnjo and his ministers, not only Sanguo zhi yanyi, but all the

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Chinese novels which were popular at the time, such as Chu Han yanyi “Romance of Chu and Han”, Jian deng xinhua and Taiping guangji, were denounced as sexual pornography and uncanonical tales of the supernatural. The Sanguo zhi yanyi: Translations and Adaptations Among the Chinese novels which became favourite reading in Korea from this time on, the one which most influenced Korean literature was Sanguo . From that time to the end of the nineteenth century zhi yanyi many translations appeared, as well as adaptations. Extant translations from the nineteenth century or earlier may be briefly listed as follows: Manuscripts: Samgukchi, 37 kwŏn, 39 vols. (Academy of Korean Studies), Samgukchi, 19 vols. (Academy of Korean Studies) Samgukchi, 69 vols. (Tôyô Bunkô), Samgukchi, 39 vols. (private collection), Samgukchi, 19 vols. (Seoul University), Samgukchi, 3 vols. (Seoul University), Samgukchi, 17 vols. (Central National Library, Seoul) Samgukchi, 5 vols. (private collection).

Xylographs: Samgukchi, 3 kwŏn, 3 vols. (Seoul xylograph), Samgukchi, 2 kwŏn, 1 vol. (Chŏnju xylograph), Samgukchi, 2 kwŏn, 1 vol. (Ansŏng xylograph), Pyŏl samgukchi (“A Version of Sanguo zhi”), 2 kwŏn, 2. vols. (Seoul xylograph), Samgukchi 1 kwŏn, 1 vol. (Seoul xylograph).

There are eight later movable type editions, and altogether nearly thirty versions have been published up to now. In addition there are novels derived from Sanguo zhi yanyi, such as these nineteenth century manuscripts: Partial translations: Chŏkpyŏk taejŏn Kang yu silgi

, “The Great Battle of the Red Wall”, , “The True Record of Jiang Wei”.

Partial translations with additional adaptations: Hwayongdo silgi , “The True Record of Huarong dao”, Samguk taejŏn , “The Great War of the Three Kingdoms”.

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Complete rewritings: Sanyang taejŏn Cho Charyong chŏn

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, “The Great Battle of Shanyang”, , “The Story of Zhao Zilong”.

Partial rewritings: Kwan unjang silgi , “The True Record of Guan Yunchang”, Chŏkpyŏk ka , “Song of the Red Wall”, sung version. Works influenced by it: Hwang puin chŏn Monggyŏl ch’ohan song a Dream”, Oho taejang ki Monggyŏl chegal yang

, “The Story of Lady Huang”, , “The Case of Chu versus Han in , “The Five Great Generals”, , “Zhuge Liang in a Dream”.

The genre of war tales, which was popular in Korea in the eighteenth century, following the introduction of the Sanguo zhi yanyi, became popular reading for the whole nation because of patriotic indignation over the wounds dealt by the Qing invasion, in the seventeenth century, and the psychology of yearning for heroes. All that appears in them — the methods of deployment of troops, the uniforms, the weapons, the tactical methods, and of course the heroes and the settings — were Chinese, due generally to the influence of the Sanguo zhi yanyi, we may be sure. The Sanguo zhi yanyi is the literature of spiritual victory unfolding in a grand drama of historical fate. It could also have been the imaginary victory looked for in the Koreans’ consciousness of fate. Therefore, it was, by a catharsis of reality, a consolation for their own philosophy of dedication to a great cause for them to read this novel. Although from a literary point of view there are those who would rate Shuihu zhuan (equally called Shuihu by the Koreans) more highly, it is an unalterable fact that the zhi novel most loved by Koreans was the Sanguo zhi yanyi. The Shuihu zhi The Shuihu zhi was introduced into Korea in the same period. Hong Kiltong is said to be the first novel in Korean, and about the time chŏn wrote it, his follower, Yi Sik (1584–1647), when Hŏ Kyun commented that he created it after reading Shuihu zhi a hundred times, but in scale, Hong Kiltong chŏn is less than one hundredth of Shuihu zhi. Moreover, I am one of those who oppose the general theory that Hong Kiltong chŏn was influenced by Shuihu zhi.

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A more natural explanation would be that contemporary Korea had many bandits. There was the bandit with the real name Hong Kiltong around (d. 1562) in the middle 1500, the notorious robber Im Kkŏkchŏng of the sixteenth century, and the “Robin Hoods” — chiefly the illegitimate sons of the aristocracy — in late sixteenth century Korea also, as well , an illegitimate son of the royal as the rebellion by Yi Monghak household, during the Japanese invasions of the 1590s. I have proposed these as sources to be found within Korea for Hong Kiltong chŏn. In view of this, one cannot accept the superficial explanation that, because the intentions of Shuihu zhuan and Hong Kiltong chŏn were the same, it proves automatically that the Chinese work influenced the Korean. However, the fact that there existed vocabularies for the reading of the vernacular Chinese novels Shuihu zhi and Xiyou ji shows that these two novels were much read in Korea, and their translation and wide circulation is evidenced also by the fact that partial translations of them were published in xylograph editions in the middle of the nineteenth century. , “Postface At the time, Hŏ Kyun, in his work Sŏyu rok pal to ‘A Journey to the West’ ”, gave explanations of Shuihu zhi and further ). Since sixteen of of the category of “historical romances” (yanyi these are mentioned, we can tell that a considerable number of them had come into Korea. Although no detailed list is given, Hŏ Kyun mentions the romances of the Three Kingdoms, of the Two Han, of Sui and Tang, of Qi and Wei, of the Five Dynasties, of Expiring Tang, and of Northern Song. This shows clearly that many of the romances which were produced in China on the model of Sanguo zhi yanyi had already been published before the beginning of the seventeenth century. The Xiyou ji As suggested above, the Xiyou ji had been mentioned at an early date by Hŏ Kyun and was very influential in Korea. There are some scholars who argue that the influence of the Xiyou ji on his Hong Kiltong chŏn was greater than the influence of the Shuihu zhuan, because the image of magical transformation in Hong Kiltong chŏn corresponds with that in Xiyou ji. Apart from this, such things as sovereign remedies, the techniques instituting the Jade Emperor, which were inherent in Chosŏn Dynasty novels, corporal transformation and multiplication, combinations of Buddhist and Taoist thought, and the passage about seeking the elixir of life can be found in

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the legends which circulate among the people, but it is possible to take the view that they became established in Chosŏn Dynasty novels by the message sent by Xiyou ji. However, because such questions of influence are complicated, we should refrain from comparison of the type which says that, since there is in the Xiyou ji a passage which corresponds with a certain passage in a Korean novel, that is simply the influence of the one upon the other. Because Buddhism and Taoism had been transmitted to Korea as knowledge from the fifth or sixth century on, and had permeated popular legends, these mechanical correlations are impossible. However, the possibility is not altogether excluded that the magical elements which are inherent in Korean novels were established by such influence of Chinese novels. Also the many themes which exist in Korean novels could be treated as influence from Chinese literature in the form of imitation. The Jin Ping Mei and Other Ming Dynasty Novels We should note that there are records referring to the Jin Ping Mei , which is known as a rare work of Ming, and, at the end of the (1559–1623) in his book Ming period, the record by Yu Mongin “Ǒu’s Tales from History”: “Seventy works called Ǒu yadam have been newly published in China this spring. Among these is a novel which comes from the West Lake. It is so entitled Zhongli hulu obscene that I could hardly bear to look at it.” This tells us that as works were produced in the last days of Ming, they were transmitted to Korea, and proves that many such novels were imported. However, it is difficult to determine when such novels were translated into Korean, because even those for which there is evidence in such records were continually republished in the Qing period also. However, the following is a brief list of those which can be taken as Ming novels, and exist in manuscripts within Korea: Dongzhou lieguo zhi Eastern Zhou”, Jingu qiguan Lianghan yanyi Liangjin yanyi works, Longtu gong’an Ping Shan Leng Yan

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, “The Records of the Kingdoms of , “Strange Tales Old and New”, , “Romance of the Two Han”, , “Romance of the Two Jin” and similar , “Longtu Cases”, ,

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Sanguo zhi yanyi , Shuihu zhuan, Xiyou ji, Xizhou zhi siyou zhuan “The Story of the Four Friends from the Records of Western Zhou”, and similar works.

This list reveals that Chinese novels were not translated, but just read in the original in large numbers and copied in manuscript. How Chinese Novels Came to Korea Next here we feel the necessity to explain the process by which such novels came into Korea. We may mention the fact that embassies of 200 to 300 people travelled to China three or four times a year every year during the Ming and Qing periods, except in time of war. The probability is that one in ten of these were people who could bring in such novels, especially the official interpreters. These played the central role in cultural trade between the two countries, and, because they belonged to the hereditary class of specialist civil service clerks by profession and status, they had an important role in the writing of novels too. It seems that the writers and translators of novels in the Chosŏn Dynasty can be divided into several groups. First there were the aristocrats. Among them were famous writers and scholars, as well as fallen aristocrats. and Kim Manjung . These both wrote Examples are Hŏ Kyun in classical Chinese and translated. Since at the time it was considered a disgrace to write novels, the authors did not reveal their names and so most novels are anonymous. Because classical Chinese was the everyday medium of writing, the writing of novels could be done by this class, but as to translation of Chinese novels, though they could make rough translations, for perfect translations they would have to use the skills of the professional interpreter class. Since this interpreter class had a general knowledge of classical Chinese, we take the view that many writers of novels too emerged from among them. Because the original novels of the Chosŏn Dynasty have Chinese settings, if we take such training as a premise, there is ample possibility that these could emerge as writers of other original novels. The palace women are also included in these classes. In contrast with the importation of classical Chinese learning by the upper ranks of society, these women of the palace and the womenfolk of the aristocracy were the hotbed for the propagation of literature in Korean, and it was

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precisely this class which was the hotbed of novel readership in the Chosŏn Dynasty too. When novels were imported from China, the general case was that the male aristocrats or the class of specialist civil service clerks took the originals as they were, but to get into the society of women they had to be either translated into or rewritten in Korean. In the society of the Chosŏn Dynasty at the time, no commercial society was able to seize the initiative. Since the general ideals of society were controlled at the time by the strict doctrines of Confucianism, it was not unreasonable that Chinese novels, except for historical novels, should be branded as pornography. Chinese Fiction and Korean Fiction: Similarities and Differences Under the influence of the Ming novels, and stimulated by them, many similar novels were written and circulated. The fiction of the Chosŏn Dynasty up to this time was mainly short stories, but gradually they developed into novels, and even novels in chapters appeared. Although the authors of some novels — Hong Kiltong chŏn, Kuun mong and Sa-ssi , “The Record of the Lady Xie’s Pacification of namjŏng ki the South” — are known, most novels are anonymous. Among the old novels, of which up to 700 are known at present, most are set in China. This does not mean to say that they are Chinese novels. While it is true that novels spread the wings of imagination, which are their property, under the clan-centred family system which prevailed in the society of the time, the setting can be seen as a device for avoiding persecution for one’s writing. In spite of the influence upon them of Chinese novels, they did not have the reality which Chinese novels had. The way the birth and growing up, the overcoming of hardships, self-fulfilment and death of an individual, all in the setting of another world, are set also in the typical Korean myth patterns and morality of life, shows that the novels were filled with the established educational aims, because their readers were mainly women. Because these novels were read together within the family by mothersin-law and daughters-in-law, in order that they should not make each other blush when they read them aloud, their diction always employed a graceful style, with an admixture of phrases from classical Chinese. They also played the role of textbooks for the education of women. This meant that it was a factor that the main character of a novel always appeared as a human ideal.

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Such aspects were equally present in Chinese literature, but, in contrast, since Japanese literature existed in the lower class, merchant society, its dialogues were lively and sometimes endowed with vulgar reality. The women of the Chosŏn Dynasty, always confined within the women’s quarters, and having no place for socialising, had only one pleasure: the reading of novels. The rise of the long novel was due to this sort of environment for reading, and it is worthy of special note that among them are romans fleuves of more than 200 volumes, and many novels depicting families through five or six generations. While they were influenced by Chinese novels, they did not stop at translations alone, and the creation of many original novels was all to the good for the development of Korean literature. However, before we go on we must point out that, except for the p’ansori novels, those derived from the stories recited in p’ansori style by strolling performers called kwangdae, who arose in the eighteenth century, there are not many works in which success as a novel through liveliness of style can be credited to individual authors. If we look upon the formation of such anonymous novels as the development of the novel under the Confucian ethical code of the Chosŏn Dynasty, with its segregation of men and women, we may see it as characteristically Korean. Therefore, the result is that these novels lost their readership as we come into the twentieth century, and there are even almost no present-day researchers into novels who have read them through completely. Therefore, in comparison with literature and the history of the novel in China, even the correspondence with Chinese literature itself has not yet been systematized, and in Korean novels too there remain many fields still to be explored. It is a fact that we are not able to draw any definite lines for a perfect comparison of them. Since there is a colossal bequest of them on both sides, only the passage of time will reveal the complete picture. Moreover, if one looks at their titles only, without reading their contents, it is difficult to distinguish Chinese and Korean novels. Their nationality is difficult to distinguish by looking at titles like “The Story of …”, “The Record of …”, “A Dream of …”, “The Marvellous Encounter of …”, “A Dream Journey to …”, “Record of the Loyalty and Piety of …”, “Record of the Loyalty and Righteousness of …”, or “Record of the Words and Deeds of …”. Moreover, we should not overlook the point that about 15 per cent of the total quantity is occupied by translations or adaptations into Korean of Chinese novels. At the same time, one can divide the novels of these

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two countries by clearly distinguishing them by their patterns of literary expression and differences of vocabulary. That is, Korean novels depict the lives and desires of Korean people, and the undercurrent in them is the pattern of development which is a continuation of the development of the very myths which Korean have. From this point of view, each possesses its different view of the world. If we look at the nine-volume Han’guk “Anthology of Korean Novels hanmun sosŏl chŏnjip in Classical Chinese” published in Taiwan (1980), with the Academy of Korean Studies as joint compiler, even though the patterns of expression are classical Chinese, and they also sought the Chinese mainland for their settings, the contents themselves are the world of classical Chinese writing which Koreans established. Moreover the classical Chinese in them preserves a linguistic distinction: classical Chinese grammar is completely different from the colloquial style which Chinese novels had. A Tentative List of Adaptations of Chinese Novels and Stories The following is a brief list of extant manuscripts and block-printed texts derived from translations of Chinese novels. (Texts in movable type are excluded. Among the movable type printed texts, some will have been handed down in manuscript before reaching their final form, but these must await further consideration.) An Noksan chŏn , “The Story of An Lushan”, an abridged translation from Quantang yanyi , Chang Chabang chŏn , “The Story of Zhang Zifang”, Che Mamu chŏn , “The Story of Zhu Mamu” — Quanxiang pinghua sanguo zhi , Ch’o-Han chŏn / ka / , “The Story / Song of Chu and Han”, Chŏkpyŏk ka , a p’ansori novel taken from the Sanguo zhi yanyi, Chŏn sujae chŏn , “The Story of Mr. Qian” — Jingu qiguan , Ch’ungnyŏl hyŏbŭi chŏn , “The Loyal and Gallant Men”, Hanjo samsŏng kiyŏn , “The Miraculous Encounter of the Three Families of the Han Dynasty”, Hong Sujŏn , “Hong Xiuquan”, Hwangmyŏng paesin chŏn , “The Story of the Ministers of Ming”,

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Hwayongdo , “Huarong dao” — p’ansori novel, Kaebyŏk yŏnŭi , “The Creation, A Romance”. An abridgement of Feng shen zhuan , “Record of the Investiture of the Gods”, Kaesomun chŏn , “The Story of Kaesomun”. Derived from Xue Rengui zhuan “The Story of Xue Rengui”, Kang t’aegong chŏn , “The Story of Grand Duke Jiang”. Only a summary of what is told of Jiang Taigong in Xizhou lieguo zhi , Kŭmgo kigwan: Jingu qiguan , Kwak Punyang chŏn , “The Story of Guo Fenyang”. Derived from Quantang yanyi , Mumok wang chŏngch’ung nok (Wumu wang jingzhong lu ), O Chasŏ chŏn , “The story of Wu Zixu”, P’ogong yŏnŭi , “Romance of Judge Bao”, Puksong yŏnŭi , “The Romance of the Northern Song”, P’yŏng San Naeng Yŏn , “Ping Shan, Leng and Yan”, P’yŏngyo ki , “Record of the Suppression of Sorcery”, Sa Kak chŏn , “The Story of Xie Jiao”, Samkukchi yŏnŭi (Sanguo zhi yanyi). There are several dozen stories of individuals and abridged translations derived from this, Sŏju yŏnŭi (Xizhou yanyi ). There are many abridged translations, Sudang yŏnŭi , “Romance of Sui and Tang”, Suho chi (Shuihu zhi), Taemyong yŏngyŏl chŏn , “Heroes of the Ming Dynasty”, Taesong hŭngmang nok , “Record of the Rise and Fall of Song”, Tang-Song yŏnŭi , “The Romance of Song and Tang”, Tang T’aejon chŏn , “The Romance of Taizong of Tang”. Translated excerpts from Xiyou ji. Tonghan yŏnŭi , “Romance of the Eastern Han”, Towŏn kyŏrŭi rok , “Record of the Oath of Brotherhood in the Garden of Peaches”, see Sanguo zhi yanyi, Ulchi Kyŏngdŏk chŏn (Yuchi jing de zhuan) , Yŏlguk chi , “Records of the Kingdoms”. The same as Chunqiu lieguo zhi . There are many stories of individuals derived from this,

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Yŏllyŏ chŏn , Yŏlsŏn chŏn

, A translation of Liu Xiang

57

’s Lienü zhuan

, “Tales of Saints”.

The above list of novels is a selection of those which can be classed by title. Apart from these, many are classed as probably being works of translation, rough translations or imitations, but since no positive study has yet been made of them, it is regretted that perfect correspondences have not been found. Concluding Remarks The influence of the Chinese novels selected by the titles of the novels above is slight, when we class them in a list of 600 or more novels of the Chosŏn Dynasty. The remainder of them are Korean literature, achieved by the creation of Koreans, in spite of the fact that the setting of most novels is China. What we must confirm before going on is that, even after the Manchu wars of 1636, interchanges with Qing were not cut. The fact must be (c. 1601–1661) at least, noted that, in the case of Jin Shengtan his criticism was imported to Korea, but Qing period novels themselves were not apparently imported. In the case also of the Naksŏnjae Library, which provided reading material in translation in the Naksŏnjae, the residence of the queen and concubines in the palace, it seems to have been the same. Among the 2,000 or more volumes of novels which are held here, the great novels of the Qing period are not especially included. This corresponds with the fact that the original novels written by Koreans with China as their setting only have the Tang, Song and Ming periods as their background, and there are no novels which have the Qing period as their background. Yet at the same time Chinese novels went on being imported without a break, and were even officially banned at the end of the eighteenth century. For a while even general books on the classics were also banned. However, in spite of such bans, there was no way of blocking the inflow of novels which were brought secretly, and the high officials and aristocrats even had the interpreters translate them so that they could read them. The nineteenth century scholar of enlightenment, Yi Kyugyŏng , “Pages from the in his Oju yŏnmun changjŏn san’go

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Travel Diaries of Oju”, lists the Chinese novels which had entered Korea up to his time, including novels, dramas, etc., such as Qixie ji , “Yuchu’s Chronicles”, Youyang zazu “True Records”, Yuchu zhi Youyang Miscellany, Shuihu zhuan, Sanguo zhi yanyi, Xuanhe , “Memoirs of the Xuanhe Reign”, Jin Ping Mei, Xixiang ji yishi , “Record of the West Chamber”, Taohua shan , “The Peach Blossom Fan”, Honglou meng, Xu honglou meng and Liaozhai zhiyi , “Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio”. In view of such things, we can guess that even some of the Qing period novels were imported and read in upper class society. It is worth noting that the Jin Ping Mei, which is called pornography, is included here. Again, Honglou meng is also included here, but since this was written seventy to eighty years later than Kim Manjung’s Kuun mong, there is no direct relationship between our novels with “Dream” in the title and Chinese literature. At the same time, that Kim Manjung’s Kuun mong can be seen as a novel written within the same educational system as Liexian zhuan , “Tales of the Saints”, and Han Wu gushi , “Stories of , Emperor Han Wudi”, the collection of anecdotes Shishuo xinyu , “Record “New Tales of the World”, and romances like Nanke ji of Nanke”, hints that it also stays in the sphere of influence of Chinese novels. To this extent we may see that Korean writers of novels, because they explored their own world, continued the characteristic tradition of Korean novels without waiting for translations of Qing period novels. At the same time, they objectivized their characters by borrowing settings in China, set up ideal heroes demanded by the people of Chosŏn against the background of the Korean persecutions, and preserved and handed on Confucian traditions. Because the incidents which formed the action were within these limits, they were unable to break out of the novel of “virtue rewarded and evil punished”. The tendency of such novels was that many so-called “war tales” type of novels were written, with the character of individual biographies of historical figures, and, after the Manchu invasions of 1636, reflecting the craving of the age for heroes, using the methods borrowed from the romance novels of China. Thus, as is found in Kuun mong, the ideal character is depicted through , a reincarnation of the monk Xingzhen the life of Yang Shaoyou . In this Kuun mong, Kim Manjung treats of the love and feats of

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arms of one character, on the premise that life is but a dream. Such love and feats of arms, in the educated society of Chosŏn, had to be viewed as the phenomena of a dream. Feats of arms are the male symbol and love the female symbol. The desire for these things, the cravings which could not be satisfied in real 1ife, were given shape through novels by moving the setting to China. We need do no more than understand that, at such a time, their models were sought in the various literary phases in Chinese literature. At the same time they brought about a transformation in the direction of seeking for such literary phases in the society of Chosŏn. This was strengthened by the awakening of self, which had gradually been stirring in the actuality of the society of Chosŏn, and they even went so far as to seek to establish characters and find settings within Korea. Subsequently, with the popularity of the literary p’ansori of the kwangdae, the singers of the common people, they broke the Chinese fetters, and went so far as to grope gradually for Korean traditions. We may take the view that this began from the eighteenth century, and that a new flowering dependent on Korean novels traditions was possible here. If we consider such aspects, we realize that, even if we speak of the influence of Chinese literature neither in the total quantity of novels, nor in the subsequent handing on of traditions could it reach the depths of Korean novels. We realize that in expression the majority of novels lived on a Korean diet: that is, were written entirely in Korean. The novels themselves, to which it gave form, borrowed only the setting of China. Their contents responded to the edification and the desires of a readership which was mainly the womenfolk of the educated upper class society of Chosŏn. This essay is no more than a quick sketch of the influence which Chinese novels have had on Korean novels. My standpoint has been to stress that there is a comparative literature in the Far East for the Far East, but I am also fully aware that that undertaking is not easy. In each of the three countries situated in northeast Asia, China, Korea and Japan, there exist separate traditions of “national studies”, which do not hold out any great hope for any point of concern called “comparison”. Therefore comparative literature in the Far East has no more than a young tradition yet, and it seems that a feeling of unity, such as we see in Western Europe, is lacking. This relationship is a delicate and subtle point. From this point of view, I am overjoyed that the comparative relationship has been attempted by

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Dr Salmon before it has been in the Far East. This essay is no more than a mere survey, and I hope that, with such a start, researchers in each country will have such concern as to ensure that future research will achieve more precise results. Translated by W.E. Skillend

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Reproduced from Literary Migrations: Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia (17th-20th Centuries), edited by Claudine Salmon (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2013). This version was obtained electronically direct from the publisher on condition that copyright is not infringed. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Individual articles are available at .

THE PLOTS OF CHINESE FICTION IN KOREAN VERNACULAR NOVELS A. F. Trotsevich

The geographic position and the peculiarities of historical development of Korea account for the ties connecting this country with the cultural region of the Far East. In the beginning of the Christian Era Chinese characters were introduced, and Chinese literature began to spread in Korea (at first it was Confucian classics, Buddhist sūtras and Chinese poetry). At that time Korean literature came into existence, and Koreans began to translate Chinese works into their native language using Chinese characters as phonetic signs. The name of the first translator of Chinese (seventh c.) literature into Korean is known to us: it was Sŏl Ch’ong who “… read the Nine Classics in the native language”.1 The translation activity increased especially after the invention of the Korean script in 1446. Not only Buddhist and Confucian works, but also pieces of Chinese poetry were translated into the native language and commented upon. with commentaries were For instance, in 1481 poems by Du Fu published in Korean. Besides “high” Chinese prose and poetry Chinese fiction was circulated in Korea as well. This kind of literature was regarded as “low works”, (sosŏl in Korean) by the Far East traditional society. The xiaoshuo extensive circulation of xiaoshuo during the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries in Korea was connected with the interest in the private life of a man and his place in the world that developed in the Korean society of the time. This interest at first was satisfied by the Chinese romances and short characterizes “The Romance of the Three stories. Kim T’aejun ), “The Water Margin Story” Kingdoms” (Sanguo zhi yanyi

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(Shuihu zhuan ) and “The Pilgrimage to the West” (Xiyou ji ) as the most popular romances in Korea.2 These works circulated not only in the original Chinese, but also in Korean translations. Translations of this sort are voluminous manuscripts, which probably existed in a few copies only. W.E. Skillend, the English investigator of Korean literature, in his “Survey of Korean Traditional Style Popular Novels” writes about single copies from the Former Palace Library;3 in other cases he refers to authors who have mentioned such manuscripts.4 Perhaps such translations were specially commissioned. For instance, Skillend informs us about Yi (nineteenth c.) who translated Chinese romances by Chongt’ae royal command.5 Unfortunately, I have none of those translated works at my disposal. Korean digests of Chinese romances also circulated widely in Korea. As a rule, these works are block prints in one, two or three volumes, printed on cheap thin paper with book covers made of thick paper. Frequently the title of a novel was the name of the main hero and was marked by (zhuan in Chinese), i.e. “a biography”. I regard works the sign chŏn of that kind as vernacular novels.6 The appearance of vernacular novels was connected with the development of prose in Korean. The novels in question were most popular in ill-educated circles of society. They expounded in popular form ideas of social harmony and asserted the possibility for a poor and humiliated man to find himself on the top of the social ladder thanks to his own “correct deportment” and high qualities of his “nature”. As a rule, the concept of “correct deportment” is connected with Confucian views on “good” and “evil”. These ideas are expressed in a way closely related to folktales: a novel depicts the sufferings of a virtuous hero persecuted without guilt, but eventually his virtue is rewarded and evil is punished. Most of the novels describe the final deed which brings glory to the hero (or, for that matter, heroine) as a feat of arms. “… The material written for the common men, and apparently also the material written by common men extols war, fighting and heroism”.7 About fifty titles of vernacular novels (chŏn) are known at present. Some of their plots are popular Chinese ones. It is impossible to solve in a single article all the problems connected with the assimilation of Chinese xiaoshuo fiction in Korea. In the first place, the complications of solving these problems are due to the fact that there are many versions of Chinese popular novels. Because of that it is very difficult to decide which version was used by the authors of Korean novels. Similarly, each

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Korean vernacular novel circulated in several variants, not all of which are known to scholars still. Therefore, I shall try here to take some steps in that field and to illustrate my preliminary considerations by concrete examples of Korean works. It is worth mentioning that the word “translation” may be used here only with reservation, because there was no idea of inviolability of a text of fiction in the old Korean tradition. Every work of fiction was regarded as a collective creation, which could be changed according to the translator’s taste.8 This article is based on the study of the texts of Korean vernacular chŏn novels composed on Chinese plots; these texts are block print editions of the nineteenth century from the Manuscript Department of the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts in St Petersburg (Korean Collection compiled by W. G. Aston). I am going to discuss four works here. I hope that it will help to understand what kind of Chinese xiaoshuo was popular in Korea and what kind of Korean literary form they were given. The novels to be discussed are the following: 1. Sŏl In’gwi chŏn (“The Story of Sŏl In’gwi”); 2. Tang T’aejong chŏn (“The Story of T’aejong of Tang”); 3. Yang Sanbaek chŏn (“The Story of Yang Sanbaek”); Chŏk Songŭi chŏn (“The Story of Chŏk Sŏngŭi”). 1. Sŏl In’Gwi Chŏn, “The Story of Sŏl In’Gwi” There are two block prints in the collection of Manuscript Department in St Petersburg: B-2, v.5, which is of 30 leaves, size 22×17 cm, 15 columns per page, with about 24 syllables in each column; and C-52, which is of 40 leaves, size 26.7×20 cm, 14 columns per page, about 25 syllables in each column. The two copies are very similar in content, but the account of the second one is more detailed. (See Plate 1.) Kim Dong-uk, the Korean investigator of Korean literature, supposes that Korean vernacular novels under the title Sŏl In’gwi chŏn are retellings of two Chinese romances: “Expanded Story of the General from the and “The Tale of Xue Xue Household” (Xuejiajiang yanyi) Rengui who Conquered the East” (Zheng dong Xue Rengui zhuan ).9 According to Kim T’aejun, the Chinese romance about General Xue Rengui was very popular in Korea. A lot of Korean vernacular novels devoted to war-heroes were written under the influence of this story, as well as the Chinese romances of Xue Rengui being translated into Korean. For

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instance, Kim T’aejun mentions a Korean work under the title “Sŏl In’gwi the General in the White Outer Coat” and adds that the Chinese novel was reduced to two or three volumes.10 I have compared the Korean novel with one of the Chinese romances about general Xue, i.e. “The Tale of Xue Rengui who Conquered the East”.11 The results of this study are summed up below. To begin with, the two works have different sizes: the Korean novel is shorter than the Chinese romance. Again, there are eleven “knots” or episodes in the plot of the romance: 1. the presentation of the main character; 2. the emperor’s dream; 3. the hero is deprived of his home; 4. he finds himself in the family of an official and makes acquaintance with his daughter; 5. her father banishes her and Xue Rengui from home; 6. Xue Rengui meets friends in the mountains; 7. together with them he enters the army; 8. a cunning courtier keeps the hero from the emperor; 9. the hero receives miraculous things from the Mistress of the Earth; 10. the hero saves the emperor; 11. the emperor bestows title and rewards upon the hero. The Korean novel preserves all these knots but changes their sequence. Thus, in the Chinese romance the initial point of the intrigue is the emperor’s dream, in which he is attacked by an enemy general, but a warrior in a white outer coat saves his life. Subsequent events bring the hero to a meeting with the emperor and to the emperor’s rescue. The Korean novel sets the emperor’s dream in the fifth knot. The accident of the dream is inserted into the text after the story of the banishment of Sŏl In’gwi from Yu’s home, in other words, when the plot has already begun to develop. The events begin with a conflict: the father does not like his son’s passion for the military arts and dies of distress; subsequently the family house is burnt down and the mother dies too. As a result Sŏl In’gwi becomes an orphan beggar (in the Chinese romance the hero’s losing his property is his own fault). An orphan beggar with a nature of high qualities is a typical character in the Korean vernacular novel. The passage of the hero from the state of a beloved son in a wealthy family to that of beggary and orphanage occurs swiftly: its description takes only one leaf out of the thirty. It is to be noted that disharmony between the high qualities of the na­ture of a hero and his low social status is a necessary motivation for the development of the plot in a vernacular novel. Therefore, the plot unravels in such a manner that at the end of the work this disharmony is done away with (i.e. the hero receives a high office) and harmony triumphs. Thus the knots of

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the Chinese plot were changed in a Korean novel according to the rules of the latter’s structure.12 Hence the main difference of the two works lies in the characters of the main hero. The Chinese romance pays attention to his heroic ability; the Korean novel concentrates on his moral qualities. Thus Xue Rengui is a man of outstanding bodily strength and of immoderate appetite. The deed that led him to the army was the killing of a big tiger. The Korean Sŏl In’gwi is resigned and patient. No mention is made of his strength and appetite in the novel, and the seven brave men he meets take him to the army not as a hunter, but as a wood-cutter. Perhaps it is just this attention to the inner nature of the hero and not to his outer qualities, such as strength, that led to the introduction of miraculous helpers into the novel, which are absent in the Chinese romance. These helpers show themselves every time the hero finds himself in a dangerous situation: ancients and fairies come down from the clouds or appear unexpectedly. The “heavenly leaders” are personages typical of vernacular novels.13 Their part in the plot makes a hero passive in his actions, which constitutes an important difference between the Korean and the Chinese works. There are a lot of discrepancies in the details too. For example, the two descriptions of the main deed, i.e. the rescue of emperor, can be compared as follows: The twenty-ninth chapter of the Chinese romance describes the meeting and an enemy general which takes place by chance of emperor Taizong during the hunt. The emperor tries to escape but his horse sticks in the marsh near the riverside. The enemy forces the emperor to write a manifest of surrender in his own blood. At this moment Xue Rengui appears, turns away the enemy and helps the emperor to get out of the marsh. This episode is described in the Korean novel quite differently. The emperor camps at the foot of a mountain. His camp is attacked by an enemy general. One of the royal attendants, Kyŏngdŏk (Jingde in Chinese), starts a fight with him, neither of the two being able to overcome the other. The Tang army looses strength and the emperor is left without his guard. The enemy general notices this and springs forward to him. Taizong wants to flee, but his way is blocked by a river. At this moment the enemy general Hap Somun, takes him prisoner and unhorses him. He demands that the emperor writes a manifest of surrender in his own blood, but Sŏl In’gwi appears, turns away the enemy and helps the emperor to safety. Thereupon he wins the battle fought with Hap Somun and presents the enemy’s head to his sovereign.14

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Thus the main difference of the two works of literature is connected with variants in the plot and in the characteristics of the hero. Remakes of this sort transform the Chinese romance in question into a Korean vernacular novel. 2. TANG T’aejong Chŏn, “The Story of T’aejong of Tang” Block print, B-2, v.6, is of 26 leaves, size 20.7×17.5cm, 14 columns per page, with about 26 syllables in each column. (See Plate 2.) Kim T’aejun suggests that the story is near to the Chinese bianwen “Record of Taizong of Tang’s View of Hell” (Tang Taizong dongming ) which is among the texts found at Dunhuang.15 The ji bianwen describes a journey of the Tang emperor to hell. The Korean novel tells of more events than does the bianwen, Taizong’s visit to hell being only one of them. That episode covers nine leaves and is central in the novel. Therefore, I do not think that the Korean novel originated from the bianwen. This novel contains six episodes connected with different persons: 1. the wood-cutter and the fisherman; 2. the Dragon of the Jinghe river and the fortune-teller; 3. the Tang emperor Taizong; 4. Yi Ch’unyŏng and his wife; 5. the virtuous couple; 6. the Buddhist priest Samjang. All these persons and the events they are involved in are united around the central character, i.e. the emperor Taizong, the core of the novel being the story of his death and subsequent adventures in the kingdom of Yamarāja, the sovereign of the hell. The first page of the novel presents the hero and describes the prosperity in the country under Taizong’s reign. After that an account of the events of the first episode follows: a wood-cutter and fisherman discuss the pleasures of life in the mountains and on the rivers. The theme is then changed to that of the Dragon of the Jinghe River who wanted to punish a fortune-teller. As a result the Dragon broke an order of Heaven and he was to be punished himself. The frightened Dragon asked Taizong for protection. At that point the story passes to its central theme: the emperor could not protect the Dragon and as a consequence was tortured to death by the Dragon’s ghost. The emperor’s soul found itself in hell, but thanks to the help of justice of the underground kingdom came back into the human world. The fourth episode in the novel is devoted to Yi Ch’unyŏng’s family. The emperor wants to send watermelons to hell as a present; therefore it is necessary to find somebody anxious for death

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and thus able to carry out the commission. Such a man is Yi Ch’unyŏng. Since his wife has died he is seeking death, having no desire to live without her. Shaken by his devotion, Yamarāja sends Yi and his wife back to the human world. Since his wife has been dead for a long time, her soul reincarnates in the body of a princess (the emperor’s sister) who is just gone. The fifth episode brings to the foreground a virtuous couple by name of Chang and Sang. Previously the emperor had a loan from them in the underground kingdom and now sends an official to pay his debt, but Chang and Sang refuse to take the money back. The emperor uses it for the building of a Buddhist temple. The building of the temple brings the reader to the last episode — the trip of a Buddhist monk Samjang, i.e. Tripitaka, to the West in quest of sacred books. The plot of the Korean novel can be traced back to the Chinese romance “The Pilgrimage to the West”. The comparison of the Xiyou ji Korean novel and the Chinese romance, led me to the conviction that “The Story of T’aejong of Tang” is a translation of the Chinese romance (from its tenth chapter). The Korean novel preserves a number of episodes described in these chapters and gives just the same sequence of events. However, at the time of the translation of the Chinese romance into Korean its text was shortened. First, there are many poems in the romance, whereas the Korean work has none of them. Secondly, the description of the pilgrimage of the Buddhist monk to India and his return home is reduced to the last three leaves of the Korean novel, whereas in the Chinese romance it takes 89 chapters (from 12 to 100). The Chinese text was not only shortened but revised too. For example, the story of Liu Quan’s family (in Korean novel the name of the hero is Yi Ch’unyŏng) begins in the Chinese romance with the appearance of Liu, who proffers his services to the emperor as his messenger to the kingdom comes. After this the hero’s story is told. In the Korean novel the episode begins with an introduction of the hero “according to the rules”: “At the time there lived at a distance of nearly 30 li from the capital a man whose surname was Yi and whose name was Ch’unyŏng. Born in a celebrated family he did not serve as an official, but was a farmer…”16 Further, it was said in the Chinese romance that Liu’s wife committed suicide because her husband accused her of unvirtuous conduct. The Korean work does not speak about the woman’s conduct it simply mentions that she died suddenly. The end of the story is changed too. According to the Chinese romance, the Liu couple return home after coming back to life. According to the Korean novel, the emperor sets the

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couple in the capital, giving them a palace and a high rank. Such an end is characteristic of Korean vernacular novels where the hero and the heroine unite after a series of misadventures, receive high ranks and riches and end their life happily. To sum up, I suppose that the plot of “The Story of T’aejong of Tang” was borrowed from the Chinese romance “The Pilgrimage to the West”. A part of that romance was not only translated into, or, to put it more exactly, retold in Korean, but was remade and formed after the model of a Korean vernacular novel. 3. Yang Sanbaek Chŏn, “The Story of Yang Sanbaek” Block print, B-2, v. 7, is of 24 leaves, size 20×17.5cm, 14 columns per page, with about 23 syllables in each column. (See Plate 3.) The plot of this novel comes from a famous Chinese story about the and Zhu Yingtai . A lot of folktwo lovers Liang Shanbo tales, novels and dramas are devoted to these heroes in China. Therefore it is difficult to say, what kind of Chinese work underlies the Korean novel. The solution of the problem requires a comparison between the Korean novel and various Chinese works using the plot of “Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai”. An attempt will be made below to examine how the Chinese plot was transformed into the Korean novel. “The Story of Yang Sanbaek” is devoted to one hero, namely Yang Sanbaek. It has a traditional beginning that contains information about the hero's wonderful birth to a couple which had long remained childless. The novel is divided into two parts. The first describes the unhappy love and death of the hero and heroine; it is written according to the Chinese plot. The second part relates the return of the couple to the human world. According to this the lovers marry, and Yang Sanbaek begins to serve as an official, takes part in a war and wins fame. It seems to me that the second part came into being as a result of the remake of the Chinese story into a Korean vernacular novel. It is indispensable in the novel that harmony be restored and that both the hero and the heroine receive their reward in the human world. This is why the dead lovers were ordered to return to this world and to enjoy deserved happiness. But, the union of lovers is only a part of the reward. It is typical that most Korean novels consider marriage to be a complementary reward to the high social status which hero receives. Because of that, after his marriage Yang Sanbaek successfully passes the examinations and covers himself with glory.

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One can say that the Korean novel transformed the Chinese plot in its own way and therefore “The Story of Yang Sanbaek” can be regarded as an original work.17 4. Chŏk SŏngŬi Chŏn, “The Story of Chŏk SŏngŬi” Block print, B-2, v. 2, is of 27 leaves, size 21.7×18.3 cm, 14 columns per page, with about 25 syllables in each column. (See Plate 4.) It is a story of two brothers, a virtuous younger and an evil elder one. The novel describes adventures of the younger brother who puts out to sea in search of a wonderful pearl for his sick mother. W.E. Skillend supposes that “The hero may well have been non-Chinese, and this might explain the variations in the characters given for the title, which make it impossible to give a reliable transcription of his name as Chinese”.18 That supposition is quite near to the truth. The origin of the plot of the story about the two “Friend of brothers can be traced to the Jātaka entitled Eyou pin Evil”from the 4th juan, 6th chapter of Dafangbian fo bao en jing or “Buddha Dafang bian requites for Favor Sūtra”.19 It is very difficult to say by which way the story of the two brothers reached the Korean vernacular novel. Perhaps it was told orally by wandering monks; or perhaps it came to Korean popular literature from some Korean sermons on the above mentioned Sūtra. Leaving aside this complicated problem for the time being, I shall restrict myself to the comparison of the Korean novel with the above mentioned Jātaka”.20 In the beginning of the Jātaka two brothers, the sons of a king, are presented to the reader, their names being “the Friend of Good” and “the Friend of Evil” (the Korean novel gives the names of its heroes as Sŏngŭi and Hyangŭi21). One of the brothers starts to a search for a famous pearl (supposed to give happiness to everyone). He gets the pearl, but on his return home he comes across his brother, who blinds him and takes away the pearl. After a series of adventures the blind prince finds himself in a foreign country and eventually in a royal palace. He meets the king’s daughter and she falls in love with him. The princess helps him to recover his sight. The mother of the prince suffers without her son and sends a goose with a letter to search for him. The hero receives the letter. The king discovers that the blind beggar has proved to be a prince and gives him the princess in marriage. The couple return to the hero’s country. The Korean novel deviates from the Buddhist works by giving the heroes and the events the colour of a folk-tale. For example, in the Jātaka

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the elder brother is good and the younger is evil. On the contrary, in the novel it is the younger brother who is virtuous, as usually can be seen in folk-tales. Then in the Buddhist work the hero starts on a dangerous journey to save his people from poverty; in the novel he wants to help his sick mother, which is typical of folk-tales. Again, there are different endings in the Chinese and the Korean works. According to the Jātaka, the Friend of Good forgives his evil brother; his conduct reveals one of Buddha’s virtues, which consists in showing mercy to bitter enemies. According to Korean novel, the good brother fights with the evil brother and defeats him. The novel is interested mostly in the hero’s personal fate and tells about his way towards order and well-being, and for this the deed is necessary. Thus it stresses the deed and the reward. The pearl is no longer needed after it finds its way to the hero’s mother and cures her. The state and its people flourish only due to the Friend of Good’s following the model for Confucian behaviour, and not because the pearl has been found. The Korean novel follows ideas dissimilar to those of the Jātaka. The Buddhist sermon on goodness towards all living creatures has been replaced by the idea of devotion to the hero’s parents and punishment for those who destroy harmony. Conclusion Above an attempt was made to outline some Korean vernacular novels, in which plots borrowed from the Chinese fiction are used. I dealt here only with the problem of the contents of literary works, trying to ascertain which elements of the Chinese plots were preserved in the Korean novels, which were changed and what was added to them by the Koreans. It must be said, that one can also observe phenomena of the kind described above in vernacular versions of the Korean literary works originally written in hanmun (classical Chinese written by Koreans). For instance, Kuun mong “The Nine Cloud Dream” by Kim Manjung (1637–92) written in hanmun was circulated as a vernacular work for common people.22 That romance was not only shortened, but was also turned from a work of philosophic profundity into a piece of amusing reading. The adduced instances allow me to draw the following preliminary conclusions: 1. the Korean translators of the Chinese xiaoshuo did not bother to give an exact rendering of the original text; 2. the Chinese work

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was changed and obtained the form of a vernacular novel of the kind popular among ill-educated readers; 3. such “translations” of the Chinese xiaoshuo were circulated in cheap edition as works of vernacular fiction. Thus they became the property of Korean literature for the common people; 4. It was not only a translation from one language to the other, but also a transformation from one genre to the other, as well as a bringing down from a higher to a lower level of literature. Abbreviation mdiom: Manuscript Department of the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts in St Petersburg.

Notes   1. Kim Pusik , Samguk sagi [History of the Three Kingdoms] (Pyongyang: Kwahagweon ch’ulp’ansa, 1958), v. 1, p. 415.   2. Kim T’aejun , Chosŏn sosŏl sa [History of the Korean Novel] (Seoul: Chusikhwesa taedong ch’ulp’ansa, 1939), pp. 90–95.   3. W.E. Skillend, Kodae Sosŏl: A Survey of Korean Traditional Style Popular Novels (London: The Gresham Press, 1968), p. 99.   4. Skillend, op. cit., pp. 107, 124.   5. Skillend, op. cit., p. 99.   6. The genre of vernacular novel is discussed in A.F. Trotsevich, Korejskaja srednevekovaja povest (Korean Mediaeval Novels), Moscow, “Nauka”. Glavnaja redakciya vostochnoj literature, 1975.   7. W. Eberhard, Guilt and Sin in Traditional China (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1967), p. 82.   8. Trotsevich, op. cit., pp. 61–63.   9. Kim Donguk, History of Korean Literature (Tôkyô: Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1980), p. 183. 10. Kim T’aejun, op. cit., p. 106. See So Jaeyŏng , A Survey of Traditional novels (Seoul: Yiu ch’ulp’ansa, 1983), p. 524. 11. Zheng dong Xue Rengui zhuan (The Tale of Xue Rengui who Conquered the East), Shanghai, 1939; the contents of this romance was retold by B.L. Riftin, see Dunganskie narodnie skazki (The Folk-tales of the Dungan), Moscow, “Nauka”. Glavnaja redakciya vostochnoj literature, 1977, pp. 494–502. I should like to express my thanks to B.L. Riftin for his consultation on the contents of the Chinese romance about Xue Rengui. 12. Trotsevich, op. cit., pp. 64–85. 13. Trotsevich, op. cit., pp. 86–88.

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14. Sŏl In’gwi chŏn [The Tale of Sŏl In’gwi], mdiom, B-2, v. 5, 1, pp. 20–22. 15. Kim T’aejun, op. cit., p. 97. 16. Tang T’aejong chŏn [The Story of T’aejong of Tang], mdiom, B-2, v. 6, 4. 16-a. 17. Evidently the plot of the story about Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai was well known in Korea and circulated orally too. For instance, among the Korean folk-tales that were collected by the Russian writer N.G. Garin at the end of nineteenth century is a story under the title “The Vow”. This folk-tale, like the novel in question, begins with a presentation of Yang Sanbaek (his name in the folk-tale is Yan-san-pogi) and ends with the return of the heroes to life after their death. See N.G. Garin, Iz dnevnikov krug­osvetnogo puteshestvija [From the Diary of a Journey Round the World] (Moscow, 1950), p. 417. 18. Skillend, op. cit., p. 392. 19. Taishō shinshū taizōkei , Tokyo, 1924–34, V. 6, N 156. pp. 142–48. 20. This problem is discussed in the work: Povest o Chyŏk Syŏngui. Iz korejskih ksilografov Sankt-Peterburgskogo filiala Instituta vostokovedeniya RAN. Faksimile ksilografa. Perevod s korejskogo, predislovie, kommentarij i ukazatel A. F. Trotsevich (The Story of Chŏk Syŏngui”. Korean Block-print in Keeping of the Manuscript Department of the St. Petersburg Branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies Russian Academy of Sciences. Facsimile of the Korean Text, Translation into Russian, Notes and Preface by A. F. Trotsevich) (St Petersburg: Centr “Peterburgskoe Vostokovedenie, 1996), 232 pp. 21. It seems to me that the Korean names resulted from the wrong reading of the Chinese characters shanyou (sŏnu 선우 in Kor.) and eyou (ak-u 악우 in Kor.), “The Friend of Good” and “The Friend of Evil”. Perhaps the correct pronunciation of these names was changed in the process of their oral transmission. 22. Kuun mong [The Nine Cloud Dream], mdiom, B-2, v. 3, 32 leaves.

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Reproduced from Literary Migrations: Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia (17th-20th Centuries), edited by Claudine Salmon (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2013). This version was obtained electronically direct from the publisher on condition that copyright is not infringed. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Individual articles are available at .

CHINESE COLLOQUIAL NOVELS IN JAPAN MAINLY DURING THE EDO PERIOD (1603–1867) Ôki Yasushi

and Ôtsuka Hidetaka

A large number of Chinese colloquial novels were imported into Japan period (1603–1867) and they had much influence upon during the Edo the literature of the age, because before the Edo period the only foreign literature known to Japanese was Chinese literature (with one exception: a missionary translated Aesop’s Fables into Japanese in the latter half of the sixteenth century). period (1868–1912) and after, Chinese Of course, during the Meiji colloquial novels were still introduced and translated, in quantity and quality not inferior to those of the Edo period. But by that time European literature had become more influential than Chinese literature in Japan, so we will deal here with the colloquial novel during the Edo period, when its influence was especially important. 1. Conditions under which Books Were Imported and the Problem of Language Barrier Chinese colloquial novels began to enter Japan in the middle of the eighteenth century although their heyday in China was the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth centuries. In the Edo period, the Japanese practised a policy of national isolation. Trade with Spain and Portugal was banned in order to prohibit Christianity. Only the Chinese and the Dutch, who were not engaged in missionary work, were permitted to trade, and then only in the port of Nagasaki.

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The Tokugawa government, however, tolerated the importation of books, except for books dealing with Christianity. So the people eagerly sought for books from China and Holland which were their only links with the outside world. While most books from Holland dealt with technology, those from China covered a wide range, including literature and even colloquial novels which were thought little of in China, but had great influence on Japanese literature. We may get an idea of the various kinds of books imported during the Edo period by checking the catalogues of imported books.1 We can also make a survey of the Chinese novels imported during the same period , a dictionary of colloquial Chinese by using the Shôsetsu jii published in 1784.2 The Japanese people formed their culture under Chinese influence, through books and artifacts, not through Chinese people. Therefore, in order , was developed to read Chinese books a technique, called kundoku that enabled the Japanese to read Chinese by changing Chinese word order into that of Japanese. With this method people had come to be able to understand Chinese books without studying Chinese. But kundoku was not sufficient for the books written in a colloquial style imported during the Edo period, for colloquial Chinese includes a lot of expletives and its vocabulary is different from that of literary Chinese. There is a legend that illustrates the hard struggle the Japanese had to understand colloquial Chinese: people in the ninth century could not understand the , “The Dwelling of Playful colloquial expressions in Youxian ku Goddesses”, a romance written during the Tang dynasty, and were only able to read it with the help of the gracious god of Konoshima, Konoshima !3 In order to accept imported colloquial novels, they Myôjin had to overcome the language barrier. There is no doubt that the Japanese had to learn Chinese if they wanted to read through books in the colloquial style. In the age of national isolation, , “Chinese Interpreters”, who were concerned only the tôtsûji with the trade with China in Nagasaki, could use Chinese fluently. They contributed a great deal to the introduction of colloquial novels. Tôtsûji was a hereditary profession mainly in the hands of naturalized Chinese who began their study of the language in childhood. The Chinese they learned was mainly Nanking Mandarin or Fujian dialects.4 Colloquial stories such “Romance of the Water Margin” or Jingu qiguan as Shuihu zhuan , “Wonders New and Old”, were used as textbooks.5

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It was not until they regarded these textbooks as literature and began to translate them into Japanese that colloquial novels were accepted by , who the Japanese. It was quite natural that Okajima Kanzan learned Chinese from tôtsûji in Nagasaki, and his followers, Okada Hakku and Sawada Issai , should contribute greatly to their popularization. We will describe their works in detail later. They were followed by a large number of translations of other colloquial novels, and dictionaries of colloquial Chinese were compiled. As a result the language barrier was overcome and finally these colloquial novels had a great influence on Japanese literature in the Edo period. 2. Novels in Literary Style and Historical Romances In the preceding part we stated that one reason for the acceptance of colloquial novels was an improvement in the ability to understand colloquial Chinese. In this part we will point out another reason — the popularity of the novels in literary style and the historical romances. Before the introduction of colloquial novels, the stories in literary style , “New Tales of Wick-trimming Hours” such as Jian deng xinhua were already popularized in the seventeenth century, and the historical , “Romance of the Three romances such as Sanguo zhi yanyi Kingdoms”, in the latter half of the seventeenth and in the early eighteenth centuries. Popularization of them made people feel familiar with Chinese stories and paved the way to the reception of colloquial stories. Besides, these stories were eagerly read even in the golden age of colloquial stories and had much influence on Japanese literature. Therefore we would like to show in outline the history of the acceptance of Chinese fiction, going back to the beginning of the Edo period. At the beginning of the Edo period, collections of novels in literary (1347–1433), style such as the Jian deng xinhua, written by Qu You were very popular. We can see this popularity by the fact that several editions of the Jian deng xinhua and its sequel Jian deng yuhua , “Additional Tales of Wick-trimming Hours” by Li Changqi (1376–1452) were printed in Japan.6 The Jian deng xinhua is supposed to have been imported in the period (1338–1573), because some of its stories are Muromachi , “Collection of Miscellaneous included in the Kiizô danshû

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Strange Stories” which was written sometime between 1570 and 1580. We can see its very real influence in the collections of ghost stories Otogibôko written by Asai Ryôi (d. 1691) in 1666. No less than eighteen stories of Otogibôko were adapted from Jian deng xinhua.7 Otogibôko was widely read and its sequels8 were written one after another. This brought about a boom of ghost stories; even wellknown Confucian scholars like Hayashi Razan (1583–1657), who rendered distinguished services in establishing an educational policy for the Tokugawa government, collected and translated Chinese ghost stories which were published for the first time in 1698 under the title of Kaidan , “Tales of the strange Compendium”.9 zensho Translations of yanyi xiaoshuo , “historical romances”, started in the Genroku era (1688–1703). Romances which were based on historical facts such as Sanguo zhi yanyi and Lieguo zhi , “Romances of the Warring States”, were popular among the Japanese. People could read them by means of kundoku, for their style was somewhat close to literary style. The first translations of historical romance were Konan Bunzan’s Tsûzoku Sangokushi , “Romance of the Three Kingdoms, Popular Edition” which was published in 1692, and Tsûzoku Kansogundan , “War Stories Between Han and Chu, popular Edition”, in 1695, Tsûzoku Rekkokushi goetsugundan , “Romances of the Warring States — War Stories Between Wu and Yue, Popular Edition”, in 1703. They were soon after followed by other translations.10 Among these books, the Sanguo zhi was read most widely with pleasure and had great influence on the literature of the Edo period especially on the plots used by the novelists. The above-mentioned works were all published in the Kyôto-Ôsaka area which was the centre of the cultural renaissance during the Genroku era. This district, especially Ôsaka, contrasted with Edo. While Edo was the political city of the samurai, Osaka was a prosperous bourgeois city devoted to commerce. The spirit of the rising merchants had made the atmosphere free in Ôsaka. We can say that it is this atmosphere that permitted the literary activity in the Genroku era by Ihara Saikaku (1642–1693), a novelist, and Chikamatsu Monzaemon (1653–1724), a playwright, and afterwards resulted in the first translations of colloquial novels by Okajima Kanzan in Kyôto. In this free atmosphere of the Kyôto-Ôsaka area, the popularity of the novels in literary style and

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the historical romances, and the ability to understand colloquial Chinese led to the introduction of colloquial novels. 3. Okajima Kanzan The pioneer in the introduction of colloquial novels in Japan was Okajima (1674–1728). We have little knowledge of his youth Kanzan beyond the facts that he was born in Nagasaki in 1674 and worked as an interpreter under the Marquis of Hagi . Judging from his youthful ability to converse in Chinese, he might have been a member of a tôtsûji family. Soon he left his place for some reason and came back to Nagasaki to study Confucianism.11 In 1706, when Kanzan was thirty-three years old, he went to Edo for the first time at the invitation of a certain feudal lord.12 In the previous year , “The Romance of Ming Dynasty he had translated Yinglie zhuan Heroes” into Japanese. It was a historical romance which dealt with the foundation of the Ming dynasty. The title of his translation was Tsûzoku and it was published in Kyoto. At that Kômin eiretsuden time historical romances were at the height of their popularity. ,a In Edo, Kanzan had friendly relations with Ogyû Sorai who was an Confucian in the service of Yanagisawa Yoshiyasu influential member of the Shôgun’s council of elders. Sorai devoted himself to Chinese culture. He had once proposed that Japanese scholars should read the Chinese classics, which they used to read by means of kundoku, with Chinese pronunciation instead, and gave a demonstration of his proposal , “The Great Learning”, Zhongyong by lecturing in Chinese on Daxue , “The Doctrine of the Mean” and Lunyu , “The Analects” before . the Shôgun, Tokugawa Tsunayoshi Thanks to the support of Yanagisawa Yoshiyasu, the study of the Chinese language grew in popularity in Edo in the latter half of the seventeenth and at the beginning of the eighteenth centuries, especially in the school whose leader was Sorai. Therefore we can easily suppose of Ken’en that the members of Ken’en welcomed Kanzan who was already famous for his mastery of the Chinese language. After a certain time Kanzan resigned his post and went to Ôsaka. But again he came back to Edo in 1709 to become pupil of Hayashi Hôkô , a professor in the National College of Confucianism. And in the which was a next year he took a post as the lecturer in the Yakusha

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circle of students of Chinese in the school of Ken’en. The meetings were held six times a month and the students in the Yakusha, it is said, were , very eager. Kanzan not only used Shuihu zhuan and Xixiang ji “The Romance of the Western Chamber” as textbooks, but he himself , wrote manuals of the Chinese language such as Tôwa ruisan and so on. His books at first only circulated in Tôwa sanyô manuscript form among the members of the Yakusha, but later some of them were published.13 This indicates that there were many students of Chinese besides those of the Yakusha. Though Sorai and the people of the Ken’en school were eager to study Chinese, their attitude toward colloquial novels was not so different from that of hard-headed Confucian scholars. But Kanzan’s purpose was different from theirs. It was his dream to write a Japanese historical romance in the style of Chinese historical romance and to translate Chinese colloquial novels into Japanese.14 The former dream was realized in 1719 with the publication of the by a publisher in Kyôto. It is based on the Taiheiki Taiheiki engi , a Japanese historical romance on the history of the Japanese period (1332–92). The upper half of the pages is Nambokuchô devoted to its original in Chinese, to which return marks and declensional kana endings are added, and the lower half consists of his own translation of the upper half into Japanese. Translation of Japanese literary works into Chinese began with Kanzan’s Taiheiki engi.15 (See Plates 5 and 6.) The latter dream was realized with Tsûzoku kômin eiretsuden in 1705 and Tsûzoku Chûgi suikoden . The Tsûzoku Chûgi suikoden was the first translation of the Shuihu zhuan in Japan. It was an important work because it was through this translation that “The Romance of the Water Margin” became popular in the Edo period. It is suggested that he made up his mind to translate the Shuihu zhuan at the age of thirty-one for in the preface to the Tsûtzoku Kômin eiretsuden published in 1705 he said that he had been asked to translate the Shuihu zhuan and the Yinglie zhuan by a publisher. By 1728, when he died at the age of fifty-five, he had finished the translation of the Shuihu zhuan using the edition in one hundred chapters with comments by Li Zhi (1527–1602). But this translation was not known to the world during his lifetime because he was very much ahead of his times. He himself lived in the golden age of historical romances. It was in 1757, thirty years after his death that manuscripts left by him were published by his followers in Kyôto. (See Plates 7 and 8.)

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However, as soon as the book was published, it had such a great influence that many adaptations, such as the Honchô Suikoden ; “The (1719–74) in 1773, Shuihu zhuan in Japan” by Takebe Ayatari , “The Shuihu zhuan of Loyalists” the Chûshin Suikoden (1761–1816) in 1779 and 1801, made their by Santô Kyôden appearances one after another in the latter half of the eighteenth century.16 And in the nineteenth century appeared Nansô satomi hakkenden “Biographies of Eight Dogs”, a major work of Takizawa (1767–1848). It is no exaggeration to say that Kanzan’s Bakin work, the translation of the Shuihu zhuan, contributed much to Bakin’s . Hakkenden Kanzan, who had worked as a lecturer in the Yakusha since 1710, moved from Edo to Kyôto in 1725 and lived there for the last three years of his and others who began the life. There he instructed Okada Hakku full-scale introduction of colloquial novels. Okajima Kanzan, who was a master of the Chinese language and a pioneer in the introduction of colloquial novels, died in 1728 in Kyôto when he was fifty-five years old.17 4. Okada Hakku and Sawada Issai The successors of Okajima Kanzan were Okada Hakku and Sawada Issai . They selected and translated colloquial tales from the Sanyan and the Jingu qiguan , “Wonders New and Old”, erpai which were newly imported in the 1720s.18 Sanyan erpai is the title given , “Bright to five collections of colloquial tales: Yu shi mingyan ,“Penetrating Words Words to Edify the World”, Jing shi tongyan “Everlasting Words to to Advise the World”, Xing shi hengyan , Chuke pai’an jingqi Advise the World”, edited by Feng Menglong , “Amazing Stories”, and Erke pai’an jingqi , “Amazing Stories, Second Series”, edited by Ling Mengchu . Jingu qiguan is a selection from the Sanyan erpai. Their translations are by Okada Hakku in 1743 (see Plates 9 to the Shôsetsu seigen by Okada Hakku in 1751 and the Shôsetsu 12), the Shôsetu kigen by Sawada Issai in 1758. These three translations are suigen . called Shôsetsu sangen (Hyôgo Okada Hakku (1692–1767) was born in Harima prefecture at present) and he had been a physician before he went to Kyôto to be a Confucian scholar.19 In Kyôto he was instructed by Okajima Kanzan who had just moved there from Edo, and succeeded to the task

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of translating colloquial novels. Sawada Issai (1701–82), a follower of Okada Hakku, was a proprietor of the Fûgetsudô , a publishing house in Kyôto where each of the Shôsetsu sangen were published.20 The shôsetsu sangen published by Fûgetsudô seem to have sold well, because in the advertisements of each of the Shôsetsu sangen it is suggested that , the publishers were preparing other selections: Shôsetsu sengen and Shôsetsu eigen , although these Shôsetsu kôgen were never completed. The Sanyan erpai had a great impact on the Japanese and produced a or “story book”.21 The first work of new genre of fiction: yomihon , “A Garland of Heroes”, written by yomihon was Hanabusa sôshi in 1749.22 Hanabusa sôshi has nine stories, which Tsuga Teisô are all adaptations from Sanyan erpai. In his other book, Shigeshige yawa , published in 1766, are also included some adaptations from the Sanyanerpai. We would now like to refer to Maiyoulang duzhan huakui , “The Oil Peddler and the Queen of Flowers” which is a story included in Xing shi hengyan and Jingu qiguan, for this story had an especially great influence on Japanese literature.23 It is a story of a poor young oil-peddler winning the heart of a high-class prostitute through his faithful love. Its abridged translation was Tsûzoku Sekijôki’en , “The Strange Fate about Red Strings, Popular Edition”, by Nishida in 1761, and the complete translation was included Korenori , “Wonders Old and New, Popular in Tsûzoku Kokonkikan in 1814. Japanese people like this Edition” by Tansai Shujin love story very much and adapted it for story-telling and as a play.24 As Hakku and Issai’s translations in fact only added return marks and declensional kana endings to the originals for the kundoku reading, only scholars could read them. Therefore common people who were not familiar even with the kundoku reading enjoyed Chinese colloquial novels only through yomihon, story-telling or plays. As to the colloquial short stories, not only Sanyan erpai but also Zhao , “The Cup that Reflects the World”, and Xihu jiahua shi bei “West Lake Tales”, were translated into Japanese.25 The stories of , “Twelve Towers”, written by Li Yu , who was well Shi’er lou known as a novelist, dramatist and artist, were adapted.26 Novels such as , “Pilgrimage to the West”, and Ping yao zhuan Xiyou ji “Sorcerer’s Revolt and its Suppression”, were translated as well as short , “Pilgrimage to the West, stories. They were Tsûzoku Saiyûki , “Story of Popular Edition”, in 1758,27 and Tsûzoku heiyôden

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the Pacification of Devils, Popular Edition” in 1802 by Honjô Koreyoshi . The translation of the Shuihu zhuan was published at that time. These facts indicate that introductions of colloquial novels were at their golden age in the latter half of the eighteenth century. 5. Ueda Akinari and Takizawa Bakin The introduction of colloquial novels produced yomihon or “storybook”. The two leading authors were Ueda Akinari (1734–1809) in Ôsaka and Takizawa Bakin (1767–1848) in Edo.28 Ugetsu monagatari , “Tales of Moonlight and Rain”, a collection of ghost stories which Ueda Akinari wrote in 1768, shows much originality in including the stories adapted from Sanyan erpai as well as those from Jian deng xinhua which were popular in the beginning of the Edo period. For example, Fan Juqing jishu sisheng jiao “Fan Juqing and his Fowl and Millet, Life and Death Friendship” in Yu shi mingyan was adapted for Kikka no chigiri and Bainiangzi yongzhen leifengta “Madam White’s Perpetual Imprisonment in the Thunder Peak Pagoda” in Jing shi tongyan ” for Jasei no yin . As these originals were not included in the Shôsetsu sangen and not translated by other authors, Ueda Akinari probably read them in the original Chinese. Writing the novels, he completely Japanized the original names of persons and places and tried to hide the fact that they were based on Chinese colloquial novels, while Tsuga Teishô’s work still had a somewhat Chinese atmosphere about it. On the contrary, the attitude of Takizawa Bakin, representative of yomihon writers of the latter period, toward colloquial novels, was strikingly different from that of Ueda Akinari. He loved Chinese colloquial stories very much as well as Japanese war-stories such as the Taiheiki and wrote romances in a style similar to that of colloquial stories.29 In his long stories — Chinsetsu yumiharizuki “The Crescent-shaped Bow”, written between 1806 and 1810, and Nansô satomi hakkenden , written between 1814 and 1842, we can find many plots which he got from Chinese colloquial stories such as the Shuihu zhuan.30 In his later years, between 1832 and 1847, he wrote Shinpen Kinpeibai , “A New Version of the Golden Lotus”, which was an adaptation of Jin Ping Mei.31 No doubt, Takizawa was an author whose works would never have existed without the popularity of Chinese colloquial novels. Thus Chinese colloquial novels gave yomihon writers the impulse and the material for their novels directly or through translations.

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CONCLUDING REMARKS The number of Chinese colloquial novels translated in Japan was quite high,32 the Shuihu zhuan and the Sanyan erpai were especially loved by the Japanese and had a strong influence on Japanese literature. That is definitely shown by the fact that a large number of translations, adaptations and works influenced by them were published throughout the years. Translations were the most prosperous during the latter half of the eighteenth century. After that, these translations were assimilated and rewritten into the popular styles of the Edo period.33 Two great Chinese novels written in the Qing , “The Scholars” and Honglou meng period — Rulin waishi , “Dream of the Red Chamber”, though imported to Japan in the Edo period, were rarely read. This is because the Rulin waishi, whose theme ) did not interest the Japanese, was the examination system (keju and the Honglou meng, written in Beijing dialect, was very difficult in terms of the language. And another reason was that the vogue of Chinese colloquial novels had passed before these novels were imported. After the Meiji period, though Chinese literature had worked as a pilot for Western literature, its esteem lessened as Western literature gradually took over.34

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Adaptations

1600 1666 Otogibôko by Asai Ryôi. 1692 Tsûzoku Sangokushi (Romance of the Three Inuhariko by Asai Ryôi. Kingdoms, Popular Edition) by Konan Bunzan. 1695 Tsûzoku Kansogundan (War Stories between Chu and Han, Popular Edition) by Konan Bunzan. 1698 Kaidan zensho (Compendium of Ghost Stories) by Hayashi Razan. 1703 Tsûzoku Rekkokushi goetsugundan (Romances of the Warring States — War Stories Between Wu and Yue, Popular Edition) by Konan Bunzan. 1705 Tsûzoku Kômin eiretsuden (Romance of the Ming Dynasty Heroes, Popular Edition) by Okajima Kanzan. 1718 1719 Taiheiki engi (Romances of the Nanbokuchô Period in Japan), by Okajima Kanzan. 1743 Shôsetsu seigen by Okada Hakku. 1749 Hanabusa sôshi by Tsuga Teishô 1751 Shôsetsu kigen by Okada Hakku. 1757 Tsûzoku Chûgi suikoden (The Water Margin, Popular Edition) by Okajima Kanzan.

Translations

Chronological List of the Works Quoted

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continued on next page

Tôwa sanyô (Manual of Chinese Language) by Okajima Kanzan.

Japanese reprints of Jian deng xinhua & Jian deng yuhua.

Others

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Translations

Adaptations

1758 Shôsetsu suigen by Sawada Issai. 1758 Tsûzoku Saiyûki (Pilgrimage to The West, Popular Edition) (~ 1831). 1761 Tsûzoku Sekijôki’en (The Strange Fate about Red Strings, Popular Edition) by Nishida Korenori. c.1765 Zhao shi bei 1766 Shigeshige yawa by Tsuga Teishô. 1768 Ugetsu monogatari by Ueda Akinari. 1773 Honchô Suikoden by Takizawa Bakin. 1779 Chûshin Suikoden by Santô Kyôden. 1784 1787 Wakan kawa tonoi bumi by Miyake Shozan. 1802 Tsuzokû Heiyôden (Story of the Pacification of the Devils, Popular Edition). 1805 Tsûzoku Seiko kawa (West Lake Tales, Popular Edition). 1806 Chinsetsu yumiharizuki by Takizawa Bakin (~ 1814). 1814 Tsûzoku Kokonkikan (Wonders New and Old, Nansô satomi hakkenden by Takizawa Bakin (~ 1842). Popular Edition) by Tansai Shujin 1839 Shinpen kinpeibai by Takizawa Bakin (~ 1847).



Chronological List of the Works Quoted — cont’d

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Shôsetsu jii (Dictionary of Colloquial Chinese).

Others

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Notes   1. There are two kinds of catalogues of imported books: the catalogues connected directly with trade, and the bibliographies compiled with the express purpose of acquiring knowledge about foreign books. The former were compiled by persons connected with trade, such as captains of the Chinese ships, the magistrate of Nagasaki, the Nagasaki trading agency, etc. The latter include for example, Tôhon ruishokô “Studies on Chinese Books” (1751), and Shôhaku sairai shomoku “An Alphabetical and Chronological List of Books Shipped from China” (1804). For more details, , Edo jidai ni okeru karafune jito sho no kenkyû see Ôba Osamu (Studies on Chinese Books Imported in Japan in the Edo Period) (Ôsaka: The Institute of Oriental and Occidental Studies, Kansai University, 1967).   2. This dictionary contains words from Chinese vernacular stories. It was for the exclusive use of readers of Chinese vernacular stories. In the Edo period, many dictionaries like this one were compiled. They have been reprinted in Tôwa jisho ruishû (Tôkyô: Kyûko shoin, 1969–76), 20 v.   3. This legend is reported in a preface written during the fourteenth century. For more comments about this topic, see Yagisawa Hajime , Yusenkutsu zenkô (Lectures on the Dwelling of Playful Goddesses) (Tôkyô: Meiji shoin, 1967), bibliographical notes, pp. 6–14.   4. In the early trading, Chinese ships came mainly from Fujian province. After the eighteenth century, most Chinese ships came from Zhejiang and Jiangsu provinces. So, Chinese interpreters who could speak Nanking Mandarin were in demand. Nanking Mandarin was closely connected with the language of vernacular stories.   5. Mutô Chôhei , Seinan bun’un shiron [History of Culture in the Kyûshû District] (Tôkyô: Oka shoin, 1926), p. 428. Mutô reported what he heard from Ka Reishi (1840–1923) who was one of the last Chinese interpreters. The sons of Chinese interpreters, after the completion of fundamental courses, were taught “Wonders New and Old” “Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, “Romance of the Water Margin” and “The West Chamber. After that they studied for themselves Fuhui quanshu , “A complete book concerning happiness and benevolence”, Zizhi xinshu , “The Dream of the Red Chamber” and “The Golden Lotus”.   6. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Jiandeng xinhua jujie , which was written by Yun Ch’unyǒn , a Korean scholar, and Jian deng yuhua were printed with wooden movable type. The former was printed again in 1648 and the latter in 1692.   7. See Kubo Tokuji , “Sentô shinwa ni kansuru koto domo ” (About Jian deng xinhua), in Shinbun 15, 1–4, 6, 12 (1932–33), “Sentô shisetsu to Tôyô kindai bungakuni oyoboseru eikyô (Jian deng xinhua and its Influence

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on Modern Oriental Literature)”, Taipei, Teikoku daigaku Bunsei gakubu Bungaku kenkyû nempô , 1, 1934, and Usami Kisahachi , “Otogibôko ni okeru hon’an ni tsuite ” [On Adaptations in Otogibôko], Kokugo to Koku bungaku , 13 (3), 1935, and Asô Isoji , Edo bungaku to Shina bungaku (Literature in the Edo Period and Chinese Literature) (Tôkyô: Sanseidô, 1946), pp. 39–59.   8. Such as Zoku Otogibôko by an obscure writer in the 1660s, Shin Otogibôko by an obscure writer in 1682, Inuhariko by Asai Ryôi in 1692, Kakinegusa by Kan O in 1769, Hitsujigusa by Tsuga Teishô in 1786, and so on. For more comments on Asai Ryôi, see Hôjô Hideo , Shinshû Asai Ryôi (Tôkyô: Kasama shoin, 1974), and Fuji Akio , “Otogibôko and Inuhariko ”, Kokugo to koku bungaku , 48, no. 10 (1971).   9. For more comments on this figure, see Hori lsao Hayashi Razan (Tôkyô: Yoshikawa Kôbunkan, 1964); Sawada Mizuho , “Hayashi Razan to Chûgokushôsetsusonota ” [Hayashi Razan and Chinese Fiction and other Topics], Tôyô bunka , 175 (1939), and Nakamura Yukihiko , “Hayashi Razan no honyaku bungaku ” (Hayashi Razan’s Translations of Literature), Bungaku kenkyû 61 (1963). 10. Copies of the Tsûzoku Sangokushi are kept in Tôkyô University Library, Kyôto University Library, etc.; Tsûzoku Kansogundan in the Library of Congress, Tôkyô University Library, etc.; Tsûzoku Rekkokushi goetsugundan in Tôkyô University, Tôhoku University, etc. The other translations are Tsûzoku Rekkokushi zenpen buôgundan in 1704, Tsûzoku Rekkokushi zenpen jûnichôgundan in 1712, Tsûzoku zoku Sangokushi in 1716 and so on. 11. Sentetsu sôdan (Collections of Anecdotes about Scholars), latter part, v. 3: “Kanzan at first worked as an interpreter under the Marquis of Hagi, but thinking that an interpreter was low in position, he resigned his post and went home, studying Confucianism”. 12. Ibid: “Kanzan, once being invited by the Marquis of Ashikaga , Toda Tadaari , came to Edo, but he soon resigned and went to Ôsaka”. 13. Tôwa ruisan was in manuscript form, and Tôwa sanyô was published in 1718. The contents of these two books are similar. Both books were compiled according to the order of the length of sentences, so that students could study Chinese by stages. In the last chapter of Tôwa sanyô

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there are two vernacular short stories for exercises. Both books are contained in Tôwa jisho ruishû (cf. note 2, supra). 14. The preface to the Taiheiki engi by Kanzan’s pupil, Moriyama Sukehiro , reported what he heard from Kanzan: “Kanzan said: ‘I do not have very long to live. Now I must follow in the footsteps of Luo Guanzhong ’, And he wrote the Taiheiki engi.” Kanzan liked and respected Luo Ganzhong very much, so the translation and the writing of Chinese romances were his dream. 15. Following Kanzan’s Taiheiki engi, there appeared some translations of Japanese literature into Chinese such as: Shimeisen translated by Tsuga Teishô in 1771 which was a translation of Japanese Nô plays; Kaigai kidan translated by Kameda Hosai (1752–1826) in 1815 which is a translation of a Japanese Kabuki play, Kanadehon Chûshingura “The Treasury of Loyal Retainers”. 16. For more comments on the adaptations of Shuihu zhuan, see Asô Isoji, Edo bungaku, pp. 69–87. 17. “For more details about this figure, see Ishizaki Matazô . Kinsei nihon ni okeru Shina zokugo bungaku shi (Chinese Popular Literature in Modern Japan) (Tôkyô: Kôbundo, 1940), pp. 73–116, and Ueda Misako , “Okajima Kanzan to Taiheiki (Okajima Kanzan and Taiheiki)”, Tôgen 4, no. 2 (1949). 18. In the Shôhaku sairai shomoku it is said that “Stories to Awaken Men” was imported in 1727. 19. For more details about Okada Hakku, see Ishizaki, pp. 149–52. 20. For more details about Sawada Issai, see Ishizaki, pp. 153–57. 21. Yomihon was a new literary genre of fiction, which appeared in the eighteenth century. It was born strongly influenced by Chinese fiction. The leading yomihon writers of the early period were Teishô and Akinari, and the leading yomihon writer of the later period was Bakin. The number of copies of yomihon printed was no more than three hundred in the early period. But by the time of Bakin, they reached one or two thousand. The number of the readers, infact, amounted sometimes to ten times the number of copies because most readers read books through a circulating library. 22. For more comments about this writer and his work, see Nakamura Yukihiko , “Tsuga Teishôdenkô ” (Studies on the Life of Tsuga Teishô), in Kinsei sakka kenkyû (Studies on Modern, Writers), [Tôkyô], Sanichi shobô, 1961; Ogata Tsutomu “Chûgoku hakuwa shôsetsu to Hanabusa sôshi ” (Chinese Vernacular Stories and Hanabusa sôshi), Bungaku 34, no. 3 (1966), and Asô Isoji, op. cit., pp. 102–109.

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23. Ishizaki, pp. 266–285. Kudô Takamura , “Maiyurô to konya Takao ” (The Oil Seller and the Dyer Takao), Chûgoku Bungaku geppô 34 (1938). 24. In 1800 a play, Datekurahe nikki “Diary of the Gay Quarters” was written by Chikamatsu Tokusô . In 1816 the yomihon Maiyurô “The Oil Peddler”, was written by Shibaya Shisô . And the professional story-teller’s tale, Kôya Takao “The Dyer Takao” was also an adaptation of this story. See Ishizaki, pp. 266–79. 25. Zhao shi bei was translated by Seita Tanso (1719–1785) and published by Fûgetsudô in Kyôto before 1765. The translation of Xihu jiahua , “Xihu jiahua, Popular Edition”, was published in 1805. 26. Wakan kawa tonoibumi written by Miyake Shôzan in 1787 was an adaptation of Feng xian lou , “The Male Heir”, included in Shi’er lou , “Twelve Towers”. See Mukai Nobuo , “Edo bungei ni okeru ‘Jûnirô’ hon’an ni tsuite ”, Bunken 14 (1970). 27. Two translations of “Pilgrimage to the West” were published in the Edo period. The first entitled Tsûzoku Saiyûki in 5 volumes, from 1758 to 1831 by Kukkisanjin (Nishida Korenori ), Ishimaro sanjin , Ogata Teisai and Gakutei Kyûzan . The second entitled Gahon saiyû zenden by Kukkisanjin, Sankei Shishin , Gakutei Kyûzan and Gakutei Gogaku . See Torii Hisaharu , “Waga kuni ni okeru saiyûki no ryûkô ”, Tenri daigaku gakuhô 19 (1955). 28. For more details on Ueda Akinari, see Iwahashi Koyata , Ueda Akinari (Tôkyô: Yûseido, 1975). And details on Takizama Bakin, see also Asô Isoji , Takizawa Bakin (Tôkyô: Yoshikawa Kôbunkan, 1959). 29. To write stories in a Chinese style, he used various techniques, one of which was called bôkun : he interlarded his stories with Chinese words which the Japanese could not understand, and at their side the meaning was shown in Japanese kana. See Kobayashi Yoshihiro ,” ‘Hakkenden’ no hakuwa o megutte ” (On the Colloquial Chinese of Hakkenden), Nihon Chûgoku gakkaihô , Kyôto 30 (1978). 30. For more details on Nansô satomi hakkenden and Chinsetsu yumiharizuki, see Asô Isoji, Edo bungaku to Shina bungaku, pp. 174–83 and pp. 191–216. 31. See Kuwayama Ryûhei , “Bakin no Kinpeibai no koto nado ” (On Bakin’s Golden Lotus and so on), Chûbunkenkyû 7 (1967). 32. A “List of books on Chinese Popular Literature in Modern Japan” is contained at the end of Ishizaki Matazô, Kinsei Nihon ni okeru Shina zokugo bungaku

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shi. It contains 194 books, including textbooks and dictionaries of the Chinese language. About 120 of them are concerned with Chinese fiction. 33. In recent times, it is not easy for us Japanese to read the translations of the Edo period because they were written in classical Japanese. We now have new translations of Chinese fiction. Chûgoku koten bungaku taikei (Tôkyô: Heibonsha, 1967–1975), 60 v., for example contains many translations of Chinese fiction, including the Shuihu zhuan, “The Golden Lotus”, “Pilgrimage to the West”, “Dream of the Red Chamber” and so on. See Tan Ruqian , Ribenyi zhongguo shu zonghe mulu (Hong Kong: Chinese University Press, 1981), pp. 260–64. 34. We are grateful to Professor Itô Sôhei , Professor of Tôkyô University, who looked over our paper.

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Part II

Mainland Northeast Asia

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Reproduced from Literary Migrations: Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia (17th-20th Centuries), edited by Claudine Salmon (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2013). This version was obtained electronically direct from the publisher on condition that copyright is not infringed. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Individual articles are available at .

THE MANCHU TRANSLATIONS OF CHINESE NOVELS AND SHORT STORIES AN ATTEMPT AT AN INVENTORY Martin Gimm

1. Introduction The acculturation process of the Manchu tribes to the more highly developed Chinese culture and tradition, taking centuries to complete, included in its different phases of development almost every aspect of spiritual, governmental and institutional life. Other than the learning gained directly from Chinese tutors, the other important vehicle for the transmission of Chinese culture was through the easily obtainable printed books. Chinese influence on the Manchus had begun long before the latter conquered Peking in 1644. It had come indirectly through the descendants of the Jurchen peoples, who ruled North China as the Jin dynasty from 1115 to 1234, and through the neighbouring Mongols. Even such Manchu cultural elements as shamanism, considered until today as purely autochthonous, were pervaded with ideas from Chinese Buddhism and Taoism to such an extent that one often wonders what exactly Manchu culture consisted of. Recent efforts to protect the national language and culture are further evidence both of Chinese culture’s increasingly powerful force and of conscious attemps to mitigate it. It was the Manchus’ acute awareness of Chinese influences early on, however, as well as skill in handling the 2,000 year-old Chinese state, that enabled them to rule for 268 years despite their having been a meagre 2 per cent of the population. The Manchus gave special attention to translations into Manchu of Chinese literature, along with their continued study of Chinese writings

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directly, with the aid of teachers. Further more, as Sinicization grew ever stronger and elements of native Manchu culture were considered inferior, Chinese literature gained ground. Even in the highest period of Manchu rule the native literature was never more than a vehicule of translation. Original Manchu works — apart from a few handwritten exceptions1 and a multitude of preserved official documents — did not survive the following suppressions and are today irretrievably lost. The majority was probably never set down in writing, but existed orally, as in case of the Mongolian tradition. For the expert, the true value and skill of the Manchu translation literature derives from the factual interpretation of linguistically difficult Chinese texts by persons well versed in Chinese scholarship. As has often been pointed out, the Manchu translation of a Chinese original in some sense replaces the Chinese literatus who could translate and explain that particular text in the tradition of his time. In the early days, the goal of Manchu translations was to help the reader become well acquainted with Chinese, and thus to communicate and record traditional Chinese specialized knowledge. Printed editions were mostly monolingual in Manchu. In later times, though, more importance was given to orthodox exegeses developed under the most prominent scholars. Such translations were used as an aid in studying Chinese, and therefore Manchu-Chinese bilingual versions were printed. The reception of those Chinese works dealing with the state and military system, based on the Confucian ideology, appeared to be of special importance in the early days of the Manchu Sinicization.2 Through these works, people wanted to learn how to understand the superior culture and state mechanisms, and to grasp the Chinese way of seeing the world. The earliest translations, from 1632–33, were effected in Mukden, under (Manchu: Hông taiji , reign period 1626–43). They Taizong were a well thought out selection of classical Chinese writings: instructions on military strategy, the legal system, and history.3 From this period there is also a translation of a small handbook of everyday knowledge, as well as Buddhist writings. Here it is striking that, as already as this time the translation of a fictional work, namely “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms”,4 was undertaken by (1599–1632), though completed only in the eminent scholar Dahai 1647. This may have been selected because it included military strategies, or because the novel describes the emergence of new empires during times of dynastic downfall. In this way, the work could be seen as mirroring

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the contemporary situation, that is, the strengthening of Manchu tribal lands and the justification of the Manchu thirst for conquest. Its didactic aim is stressed in the preface of the printed copy.5 But perhaps the choice of this book was purely accidental, since it was one of the most popular and highly regarded historical novels of the time. Criteria for selecting Chinese novels for translation were not just on their instructional nature of the contents, but also on entertainment value and local popularity. The usually anonymous linguistic exercises that produced Manchu renderings provided entertainment and popular education at evening readings, even for the illiterate.6 Like the subject matter of the Chinese theatre, these furnished historically derived knowledge and such closely linked areas as moral, political and legal teaching for those to whom other historical literature was not available. They also offered paradigms of proper behaviour gleaned from historical records. It should be supposed that even the lowest classes of the Manchus were touched by the Chinese world of ideas through the translation of novels. The unusually large circulation of novels and to a significant extent also their Manchu translations,7 was in part responsible for later suppressive measures8 that reflected official absolutism and Confucian prudery.9 It can be deduced from many sources that the Manchu translating activities first peaked in the mid-seventeenth century. This initiated a period of model renderings, that served as subjects for some Mongolian adaptations.10 Concerted official repression seems to be the main reason that, despite the assumed existence of an large number of translations, only two novels plus a selection of short stories ever appeared in print. These are, apart from or “Strange Stories from a a selection from the Liaozhai zhiyi Chinese Studio”, “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms” and, for reasons .11 still unknown, the Jin Ping Mei It is no longer possible to determine which Chinese novels existed in translation during the Qing dynasty. The survivors owe their existence putrly to chance. Such manuscripts range in quality from amateurish school works to linguistic masterpieces; their written forms range from first drafts with corrections to fair copies for the press. The fact that the Manchu tradition of translating novels obviously ) minority living in the Ili continues to this day among the Sibe (Xibe region (Chapchal, province of Xinjiang) is remarkable. Although details are unfortunately unknown hitherto, it is possible to distinguish between those old-style translations in no way deviating from the well-known Manchu and those following the new evolutions of this language.

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The following outline, in accordance with Sun Kaidi’s classification of novels,12 can hold true not just for preserved translations, but also for those whose former existence is only deductible.13 Categories of Fiction Translated into Manchu Category Percentage of Translations I. Historical novels (jiang shi ) 33% II. Novels of manners (yanfen ): 1.5% 1. Love and affection (renqing ) 1.5% 2. Scholar and beautiful girl (caizi jiaren ) 32% 5. Erotic subjects (weixie ) 1.5% III. Novels dealing with supernatural subjects (lingguai ) 14% IV. Novels about legal cases (gongan ): 1. Hero and knight (xiayong ) 5% V. Novels with social satire (fengyu ) 1.5% VI. Short stories 11.5% There seems to have existed a special partiality for the works of the Chinese ( ) who has been placed by Dai author Tianhua (cang) zhuren (pp. 230–35) as Xu Zhen (mid-seventeenth century). Bufan So far, nine Manchu translations of his works are known.14 The names of the Manchu translators are rarely known. Only a portion of the titles in the following section. List of Manchu Translations of Chinese Fiction, is datable. Date 1631–32 1650 c. 1650 1682–83 1688 1690 1696 before 1700 1701–1736 c. 1703 1708 1710 1716 1733 1734

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Work (according to the entry nos. of the list) n°.49a, translation n°.49, printed n°.60, 14 n°.72 n°.65 n°.26 n°.43 n°.46 n°.28 n°.51 n°.28, printed n°.43 n°.51 n°.18 n°.55

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1772 1774 1848 1876 1885 1889 1907

97

n°.3 n°.4 n°.36, printed n°.65 n°.65 n°.29 n°.36, printed.

It is not part of the scope of this article to go into the Chinese works and materials in detail. The problems encountered in identifying sources, versions, and editions can only be solved once the manuscripts are available. For some translations the Chinese original is rarely or not at all obtainable. In such instances the Manchu version offers a substitute for the lost Chinese text. The list attempts to outline the titles of fiction that are available today. It is only an outline; for a deeper understanding, a more detailed examination has to be made. Since Manchu collections are in various parts of the world, an integral and complete study cannot be made.15 It is therefore possible that the inventory presented here will be enlarged in the future.16 2. List of Manchu Translations of Chinese Fiction The following list is set up alphabetically with numbered main entries representing the Chinese original works (in bold italic letters). As a crossreference aid, all Manchu titles as well as any alternative title in the Chinese titles are inserted into the alphabetization (italicized); they are followed by a number pointing to the appropriate main entries. Discussion of the ’s Chinese bibliographical facts is limited mostly to the Sun Kaidi catalogue, still considered a standard work (1st edition 1933; new edition 1957; several reprints). Hereafter, this work, in the the 1958 edition, will be referred to as “Sun”. In a few cases the fuller 1933 edition, with its additional Manchu section is indicated. The main entries have the following format: (1) Chinese title of the original (as far as it can be identified); (2) Manchu translation title; (3) comments, if any, about the contents, or remarks about the history of the translations; (4) current locations of editions, using abbreviations for libraries according to the List of Abbreviations at the end of this article (some entries also give bibliographic data about library editions); and (5) a bibliographical information concerning the work (Chinese original and Manchu translation).

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I must stress that data in the List of Manchu Translations are occasionally uncertain because of the unavailability of so many Manchu originals. Akdaci ojoro sarkiyan, s. n°.32. Amargi Sung gurun-i bithe, s. n°.3.   1. Ba dongtian Ba dung tiyan bithe — Translation of a Chinese collection of short stories of the middle of the seventeenth century; later banned; s. Sun, 103; Karashima, 173. — Category VI. — Pe 1: Ma. Ms, 8 books, 8 ch., complete; translated before 1788. — Fuchs (1932), 474; Sun (1932), 27; Sun (1933), 381; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 33b; Fuchs (1936), 85; Qu Liusheng, 64; Huang, 13, 20. Ba dung tiyan bithe, s. n°.1.   2. [Baishe zhuan ] Šanyan meihe-i ulabun — The Chinese source of this translation (s. Sun, 177). has so far not been found; perhaps Leifeng ta — Category III. — U 3: Ma. Ms, details unknown. , s. n°.49 a. Banri yanwang quanzhuan   3. Beisong Amargi Sung gurun-i bithe — The Chinese source of this historical novel which according to Kanda is Beisong zhizhuan tongsu yanyi , has not yet been established (as with n°.42). Sun, 48–49; Idema, 57, 112 etc. — Category 1. — Be 1: Ma. Ms, 2 tao, 10 books, presumably complete, Chinese colophon from 1772. — Fuchs (1966), 121–22, n°.228; Kanda, 87. Can jen giyoo ši (-i) bithe, s. n°.5. Can jen heo ši (-i) bithe, s. n°.4. Can jen i ši, s. n°.6.   4. Chanzhen houshi Jalan be ulhibure Can jen heo ši bithe — Deviating translation of n°.5. Continuation of n°.6. Sun, 189–190. — Category IV, 1. — L l: Ma. Ms, complete, 20 books, 1–20; dated 1774; L l: Ma. Ms, incomplete (only ch. 2, 3, 5, 8, 11); L 2: Ma. Ms, Sign. Xyl. 758, details unknown, presently missing. — Volkova, 172, 175; Gimm (1968, I), 3.03, 304.   5. Chanzhen jiaoshi Can jen giyoo ši-i hithe — Deviating translation from n°.4; Sun, 190. — Category IV, 1 L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, only books 1–18; s. n°.4; Sun, 190. — Category IV, 1 — L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete,

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only books 1–18; s. n°.4. — Banzarov, 92; Volkova, 173; Gimm, (1968, 1), 304.   6. Chanzhen yishi Can jen i ši — Sun, 190; Courant, 4074–76. — Category IV, 1. — L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 10 books (only ch. 1–10 of 40); L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 1 book (only ch. 22). — Banzarov, 92; Volkova, 174, 176; Gimm (1968, I), 304.   7. [Chun (?) Feng mian, probably ] Cun (Misig: Cung) fung miyan bithe — Type and content of the work as yet unknown. According to Misig’s catalogue it is about how three men and two women became a family. — Perhaps category II, 3 or II, 5. — U 1: Ma. Ms, 8 books, probably incomplete. — Misig, 224. Ciyoo liyan ju-i bithe, s. n°.45. Ciyoo ši yan-i bithe, s. n°.46. Cun(g) fung miyan bithe, s. n°.7. Dalbai suduri bithe, s. n°.37. Dergi Han gurun-i bithe, s. n°.8. Dergi Jeo gurun-i bithe, s. n°.9.   8. Donghan yanyi Dergi Han gurun-i bithe — For the Chinese original, s. Sun, 29; Courant n°.4064 etc. — Category I. — L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 1 tao, only 5 books (6 to 10). — Klaproth (1810), 92; Katalog (1843), p. 73, n°.443; Ivanovskij (1887), 46; Möllendorff, p. 44, n°.243; Volkova, 146; Gimm (1968, I), 299; Huang, 21. For its continuation, s. n°.64.   9. Dongzhou lieguo zhi Jeo gurun-i bithe — For the Chinese original, s. Sun, 26; Zheng Zhenduo, 433–34. — Category I. — L 1: Ma. Ms, 2 tao, 20 books, complete; Pe: In a Peking bookshop c. 1937, only 9 books, whereabouts unknown; Sibe: Ma. Ms, details unknown; L 1: Ma. Ms, 100 books, probably complete. — Klaproth (1810), 91; Klaproth (1822) 151; Möllendorff, 43 n°.240; Wenkui tang, 647; Misig, 220–22; Volkova, 148; Gimm (1968, I), 299; Zhongguo shaoshu minzu wenxue, 378; Huang, 21. S.a. n°.37. — Cf. n°.37. El du mei, s. n°.10. Enduri fungnehe bithe, s. n°.14. Erdemungge sargan jui Hông ioi-i bithe, s. n°.22. 10. Erdu mei El du mei — Sun, 148. — Category II, 3. — U 2: Ma. Ms, 4 books, perhaps incomplete.

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Fanyi shitai yanliang , s. n°.28. 11. Feilong (quan) zhuan ( ) Fei lung juwan-i bithe — Sun, 49. — Category I. — L 1: Ma. Ms, 5 books incomplete. — Grebenšcikov (1909), 15, n°.2g and p. 49; Vo1kova, 168. Content presumed identical to Nansong (Julergi Sung gurun-i bithe), s. no°.42. Fei lung (ji) juwan-i bithe, s. no°.11. 12. [Fenjia lou?] Fun jiya lou — Chinese original as yet not identified; perhaps , Sun 47. — Category I. — Fenzhuang lou quanzhuan U 2: Ma. Ms, 4 books, incomplete. 13. Fenghuang chi Feng huwang c’i bithe — Sun, 140. — Category II, 3. — L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 13 books (1–9 12–15); dated 1701–1736. — Banzarov, 92; Volkova, 168; Gimm (1968, I), 302-03; Huang, 21. 14. Feng shen yanyi Enduri fungnehe bithe — Sun, 171–72. — Category III. — Pe 1: in the archives, Ma. Ms, 20 books, presumed incomplete; translation from the beginning of the Qing dynasty (ca. 1650); Pe 2: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 13 books; Sibe: details unknown; U 3: Ma. Ms (title Jeo gurun-i bithe; cf. n° 9). — Qu Liusheng, 63; Huang, 22. , s. n°.12. Fenzhuang lou quanzhuan Fulgiyan sirgengge be. usabuha bithe., s. n°.21. Fun jiya lou (leo), s. n°.12. Gao junggui-i bithe, s. n°.15. 15. [Gao Zhonggui…?] Gao jung gui-i bithe — Content and source of this work as yet unknown. It is probably about the figure of the demon-master Zhong . — Sun, 197–98. — Perhaps category V, 1.–VI, 1: Ma. Kui Ms from Tsitsihar, 2 books, completion uncertain — Grebenščikov, (1909), 18, n°.17 and p. 49; Huang, 23. Gen siyang ting-i bithe, s. n°.29. Geren gurun-i bithe, s. n°.37. Gi siyoo tang, s. n°.52. Gin fun si bithe, s, n°.27. Gin ping mei bithe, s. n°.28. Gin siyang ting-ni bithe, s. n°.29. Gin yôn kiyoo-i bithe, s. n°.30. Ginggun tondo U mu wang bithe, s. n°.56.

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Giyo ši ming yan bithe, s. n°.31. 16. Guilian meng Gui liyan meng bithe — Novel about a woman who learned religious practices; one of the banned books. Sun, 177–78; Courant, n°.4237, Zheng Zhenduo (1934), 438–39; Karashima, 174. — Category III — Pe 1: Ma, Ms, 12 books, 12 ch., probably complete. — Fuchs (1932), 474; Sun (1933), 380; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 33b; Fuchs (1936), 85; Qu Liusheng, 64; Huang, 22. Gui liyan meng, s. n°.16. , s. n°.49 a. Gujin xiaoshuo Gurun-i bithe, s. n°.33. Han ce gu bithe, s. n°.17. 17. Hanche gu Han ce gu bithe — Translation of a collection of short stories which . See a print is also known under the title of Renzhong hua from 1739–40 in 4 chapters, in Naikaku, 438, 6 and Sun, 103. It is apparently the translation of chapter five only. — Category VI. — Pe 1: Ma. Ms, 1 book, incomplete, draft. — Huang, 19, 23. Hao cio juwan, s. n°.18. Hao kio juwan-i bithe, s. n°.18. 18. Haoqiu zhuan Hoo kiyo juwan-i bithe — (edition in 10 books); Hao kio juwan-i bithe (ed. in 6 books); Hao cio juwan (ed. in 5 books). Sun (1931), 20–21; Sun, 140. — Category II, 3. — L 1: Ma. Ms, 10 books, b.1–10, dated 1733; L 1: Ma. Ms, 6 books, b.1–6; L 1: Ma. Ms, 5 books; not a translation but a phonetical transliteration of the Chinese wording; Pa 1: location presently unknown. — Banzarov, 92; Möllendorff, n°.242, p. 44; Volkova, 158, 159, 160; Gimm (1968, 1), 300; Huang, 18. , s. n°.36. Hebi Liaozhai He wan juwan, s. n°.19. 19. [He wan zhuan] He wan juwan — Translation which has not yet been identified with certainty. The source is probably the Chinese work Huiwen zhuan by Li Yu (b.1611 — ca. 1680), whose title is inexactly transcribed here. Cf. Sun (1931), 17; Courant, 4127–28; Xidi shumu, ch. 4, 37a; H. Martin, 272–78. — Category 1. — U 2: Ma. Ms, 10 books, probably incomplete. Heo si yo gi bithe, s. n°.23. Hi io gi, s. n°.65. Hioi jing yang doro be baha…, s. n°.50, pt. 3.

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20. Honglou meng — Sun, 118 ff. — Category II, 1. — Peking: seen in a bookshop by W. Fuchs in about 1940 (not a translation but a transliteration in Manchu writing of the Chinese wording); Sibe: Ma. Ms, probably of an earlier date, details unknown; Sibe: Ma. Ms, new translation by , Zhong-huo a.o.; U 3: Ma. Ms, incomplete, Mu-de-ke only one book; Ma. — Chinese print: existence most dubious.17 Guo Jicheng, p. ?; Zheng Wenguang, p. ?; Yi Su, 82; Fuchs (1971) 126, n°.22; Zhongguo shaoshu minzu wenxue, 378. 21. [Hongxian… ?] Fulgiyan sirgengge be usabuha bithe — Content and source of this work as yet not ascertained. It probably has the slave girl Hongxian mentioned in Tang sources as subject. See Edwards, II. 123–27, etc. — Probably category II, 3. — U 3: Ma. Ms, details unknown. 22. [Hongyu…?] Erdemungge sargan jui Hông ioi-i bithe — Content and source of this work not as yet ascertained. According to Misig’s catalogue it is a tale . — Presumed category II, about a virtuous girl called Hongyu 3. — U 1: Ma. — Chinese Ms, 1 tao, 5 books, completion uncertain. — Misig, 224. Hoo kiyo juwan-i bithe s. n°.18. 23. Hou xiyou ji Heo si yo gi bithe — Continuation of the well-known novel (s. n°.65). Sun, 168. — Category III. — Pe 1: Ma. Ms, 4 tao, 20 books, 40 ch., fair copy, complete, (illustr. s. Qu Liusheng, in Gugong bowuyuan , Peking, 1981, I, p. 61). — Gugong, III, yuankan lla; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 34b; Sun (1933), 383; Qu Liusheng, 63: Huang, 8, 22. Hôwa guwan so boo san niyang bithe, s. n°.24. Hôwa mu luwan-i bithe, s. n°.25. Hôwa tu yuwan bithe, s. n°.26. Hôwang ming da zu Wang yang ming…, s. n°.50, pt. 1. 24. [Hua guan suo bao san niang?] Hôwa guwan so boo (bao) san niyang bithe — So far not yet identified. — Vl 1: Ma. Ms, 4 books; present whereabouts unknown. — Grebenščikov (1909), 18, n°.15 and p. 49. 25. [Hua Mulan ] Hôwa mu luwan-i bithe — Popular story or ballad about the well-known girl Mulan (fifth century). Chinese original as yet not

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ascertained. (For Chinese ballads with this title s. Fu Xihua, 1962, 502). — Vl 1: Ma. Ms from Tsitsihar, 11 books; present whereabouts unknown. — Grebenščikov (1909), 18, n°.19 and p. 50. 26. Huatu yuan Hôwa tu yuwan bithe — Sun (1931), 4; Sun, 135–36; Courant, 4243; Cordier, 817; Karashima, 171. — Category II, 3. — L 1: Ma. Ms, 8 books, probably complete; dated 1690. — Vo1kova, 169; Huang, 22. Huang Ming daru Wang Yangming, s. n°.50, pt. 1. , s. n°.66. Huang Ming yinglie zhuan , s. n°.19. Huiwen zhuan Ilan gurun julun, s. n°.49. Ilan gurun-i bithe, s. n°.49. Ilan gurun-i nirugan, s. n°.49. Ilan gurun-i suduri, s. n°.49. Ilan tacikô-i uhei doro-i ajige julen, s. n°.50 Ing liyei juwan-i bithe, s. n°.66. Ioi giyoo li, s. n°.67. Ioi j’i gi bithe, s. n°.69. Ioi lung (ji) juwan-i bithe, s. n°.68. Jalan be ulhibure Can jen heo ši bithe, s. n°.4. Jalan de wenjehun andahôri-i goiman bithe, s. n°.28. Jang ze mei-ni bithe, s. n°.70. Jang ze mei ulabun… bithe, s. n°.70. Jeo gurun-i bithe, s. n°.9, n°.14. Jeo pu tuwan-i bithe, s. n°.47. , s. n°.72. Jidian dashi zui puti quanzhuan , s. n°.52. Ji Xiaotang 27. Jinfen xi Gin fun si bithe — Content and source of this translation not as yet ascertained. — Probably a love story of the category II, 3 or 4. — Pe 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 6 books, fair copy, — Huang, 22. 28. Jin Ping Mei Gin ping mei bithe — The only Manchu translation of novels in print, besides the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms,” already out in 1650, was to be the Jin Ping Pei in 1708 (Foreword Kangxi 47, 5th month; Huang and Wang, 2–4). (See Plate 13.) This translation is generally considered one of the Manchu literary masterpieces because of its flowing unaffected style and true to life interpretation (Fuchs 1968,

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6). It is to be supposed that it was produced by outstanding experts in both languages. Unfortunately the only commonplace preface of 1708 gives no clues. The circumstances of the translation have not as yet been clarified, owing to the lack of sources. The fact that such a translation could appear in print only a few years after the 1687 ban is remarkable. (For more about the ban of the Chinese Jin Ping Mei of which Grube, 431 said: “nobody wants to own it but everybody knows it”, cf. also Wylie, Notes, 203, Ou Itai, 174, Ch’en Shou-yi, 492, Goodrich, XXI, note 6…). The work seems to have been very popular in those days. In 1786, it was mentioned by name on the index of prohibited books once again. — Varying accounts are given about the translator of the Jin Ping Mei (1708) so that it is impossible to establish on what the present available version is based. Likewise, it is uncertain whether there exist several possible translators for our version. Till now the following three people can be established: (1) Hesu ( , 1673–1718) from the Manchu “Wanyen” clan, who accounts as one of the most important names at the Manchu peak of translation. At least five other titles, among them the translation of the “Three Kingdoms”, are attributed to him. His translations of the (Foreword 1710, 5th Jin Ping Pei and the drama Xixiang ji month) are considered to be “especially good”18 (2) Sioi yuwan meng (Xu-yuan-meng , 1655–1741) from the Manchu Šumuru clan of the Plain White Banner. This high-ranking official is likewise men­tioned as a prominent translator of this work.19 (3) Brother of the Emperor Kangxi or Qianlong — This information has till now only been found in European literature.20 There is hitherto no evidence from the Chinese side for this assumption. Moreover, the idea that a member of the imperial family translated a novel which was then being condemned as a subversive immoral work seems absurd; this belief, which has prevailed in Europe for one century and a half, will have to be relegated to the realm of myth.21 — Category II, l. According to H. Georg C. von der Gabelentz (1840–93) his father Hans Conon von der Gabelentz (1807–74) is supposed to have done a complete German translation from the Manchu version. Unfortunately the manuscript was lost during World War II.22 Ma. print with occasional Chinese characters (for personal names etc.); preface 1708, 5th month; place and printing works unknown,

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40 books, 100 ch., size: 14.2×16.5 cm, 9 columns. — Ba 1 (without book 3); Be 1; Be 2 (3 tao, 48 books, collection E. Haenisch); Bu 1 (only book 31, ch. 74–75); Ca 1 (2 copies); CaM 1 (only ch. 17–19 and 62–65); Huh I (details unknown); Ir 1 (6 tao, 48 books); L 1 (5 copies); L 2 (2 complete copies, 1 incomplete: 8 books, ch. 22–23, 25–28, 30, 32, 58–59); L 3; Le 1 (32 books with handwritten parts); Le 2 (incomplete); Lo 1 (5 tao, 40 books; 12 tao, 80 books); Ma 1 (5 tao, 40 books); Mo 1 (30 books, ch. 1–5, 59–100, dated 1753: ch. 8–97; ch. 31–36, 38–54); Mo 2 (56 books); NY 1; 02 (40 books); Pa 1 (7 tao, 40 books; 10 books, incomplete, only ch. 1–29); Pe 2; Pe 4; Pe 5; Pe 6; Pr 1; St 1 (put together out of two different copies, from Urga); Te 1 (10 tao, 80 books); To 2; U 1; Vl 1; Wa 1 (4 tao, 40 books). Ma. Manuscripts: Be 3 (4 tao, 20 books); CaM 1 (only ch. 31–40); Da 1 (subtitle: Ubaliyambuha jalan de wenjehun andahôri-i goiman ; L 1 (l tao, 11 books, ch. bithe, Fanyi shitai yanliang 1–11, 21–28; 2 books, ch. 1–2, dated 1709); Pa 1 (40 books); U 1 (48 books). Photoprint of the 1708 edition: Gin p’ing mei bithe, A Manchu Edition of Chin P’ing Mei, San Francisco, 1975, 10 v., 5804 p. Partial edition: Grebenščikow (1913), 108–117: from ch. 1, pp. 5–9, 21–22, 30; Haenisch (1961), 124–142, with translation of ch. 100, 17b, 25b–46b. References: Klaproth (1839), II, 61, n°.244; Banzarov, 92; Wylie (1855), XLII; Vasiliev (1856), 247; Gabelentz (1862), 543–45; Catalogue (1883), 24; Ivanovskij (1890), 7; Möllendorff, 24, n°.235; Cordier, III, 1772; Grebenščikov (1909), 42, DN 4; Watanabe (1925), 29; Seikadô (1930), 206; Laufer (1931), 15, 32; Watanabe (1932), 60, n°.1; Sun (1933), 379; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 707–702, n°.4; Yamamoto (1963), 119; Tenri (1955), 131; Mambun (1955), 16; Misig, 209–210; Volkova, 151, 157; Fuchs (1966), 122, n°.229, Anhang, 142, n°.83; Gimm (1968, I), 299; Seuberlich, 128; Rohnström, 135, n°.4; Matsumura (1976), 055; Walravens (1976, I), 621; Walravens (1976, II), 576; Simon, 115, II 144 A/B; Bese (1978), 57; Puyraimond, 127–29; Huang and Wang, 2–4 (Chinese translation of the preface); Huang, 9–12, 22. Postscript: For more details concerning the Manchu version of Jin Ping Mei see Martin Gimm, Hans Conon von der Gabelentz und die Übersetzung des chinesischen Romans Jin Ping Mei (Sinologica

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Coloniensia, 24), Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz (2005), 203 pages. The German translation of 1862/9 by H. C. von der Gabelentz based on the Manchu version is being published in instalments since 2005 under the title: Hans Conon von der Gabelentz (1804–1874), Jin Ping Mei, Chinesischer Roman, erstmalig vollständig ins Deutsche übersetzt. Herausgegeben und bearbeitet von Martin Gimm, in: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Neuerwerbungen der Ostasienabteilung, Sonderhefte. 29. Jin xiang ting Kin siyang ting-ni bithe — Sun (1931), 9; Sun, 142. — Category II, 3. — 0 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 2 books, only ch. 3; copy from 1889; Vl 1: Ma. Ms, 3 books, incomplete, supposed title: Gen(!) siyang ting-i bithe; present whereabouts unknown. — Grebenščikov, (1909), 15, n°.2b and p. 49; Gimm (1968 II), 121. 30. [Jin Yun Qiao zhuan ] Gin yôn kiyoo-i bithe (inaccurate: Gin yung kiyoo-i bithe) — Karashima, 171; Sun (1931), 9; Sun (1932), 65; Sun, 134–35. — Category II, 3. — L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 8 books (1–8). — Banzarov, 92; Volkova, 170; Huang, 22. , s. n°.50, Jingcisi jidian luohan xian sheng ji pt. 2. Jing z’e s’e de Ji diyan lo han…, s. n°.50, pt. 2. , s. n°.56. Jingzhong wumu wang zhuan Joo siyang (go)-i bithe, s. n°.71. 31. Jue shi mingyan Giyo ši ming yan bithe — Partial translation of the short story collection by Li Yu mostly known under the title of Shi’er lou . Sun, 101; (1611–c. 1680); only the 4th story: Hiya I leo Zheng Zhenduo, 448. — Category VI. — Pe 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 1 book. — Li Deqi, Union Cat., 33a; Sun (1933), 379. Julergi nadan gurun-i bithe, s. n°.44. Julergi Sung gurun-i bithe, s. n°.42. Juwan juwe jergingge taktu sere bithe, s. n°.54. 32. [Kexin lu ] Akdaci ojoro sarkiyan — Content and source of this work as yet not ascertained. Author or translator is according to Sun a certain J’i-jai ), who as yet cannot be traced. — Pe 2: Ma. — Chinese (Zhi-zhai Ms, 1 tao, 2 books; completeness questionable; draft of 1834. — Li Deqi, Union Cat., 1, 32a; Sun (1933), 384; Huang, 21.

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Kin siyang ting-ni bithe, s. n°.29. 33. [Kuang (Guang) zhe (?) sheng…?] Kuwang (Guwang) jei šeng-ni bithe — Text as yet unidentified. According to Grebenščikow it belongs to a series gurun-i bithe; probably not a novel. — Vl 1: Ma. Ms, 2 books, details unknown. — Grebenščikov (1909), p. 13, n°.2 and p. 49. Kuwang (Guwang) jei …, s. n°.33. 34. Liancheng bi Liyan ceng bi bithe — Translation of the well-known short story (1611– collection (not drama as Fuchs suggests) of Li Yu . Sun (1932), c. 1680), also known under the title Wusheng xi 155; Karashima, 172; Sun Kaidi, in Bull of the National Library of Peiping, 6, 1 (1932), 9–25; Sun, 100; Shimada, 11, 32; Martin, 375a–376, 314/5, etc. — Category VI. — Pe 1: Ma. Ms, complete, 10 books. — Fuchs (1932), 474; Sun (1932), 23–27; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 33a; Fuchs (1936), 85; Huang, 22. 35. Liang jiaohun Liyang giyoo hôn bithe — The Chinese original is also called a continuation of the famous novel Jin Ping Mei. Zheng Zhenduo (1934), 432; Karashima, 171; Sun, 134. — Category II, 3. — Pe 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, only 1 book with ch. 7–8 (book 4). — Sun (1933), 380; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 33a; Qu Liusheng, 64; Huang, 22. 36. (Zefan) Liaozhai zhi yi ( ) (Sonjofi ubaliyambuha) Liyoo jai j’i i bithe — Selected translation of 128 stories in 24 juan of the well-known Chinese collection of (1640–1715). — Category VI. short stories by Pu Songling , born c. 1782) of the Plain — Translator is Jakdan (Zha-ke-dan Red Banner. The Ma. — Chinese print appeared with 5 prefaces in 1848 (24 books, 24 ch., size: 29.2×17.5 cm). A reprint under the title was brought out by the Eryou zhai Hebi Liaozhai printing works in Peking (Liuli chang nanlu) in 1907. A photoprint of this appeared under the title of “A Manchu Edition of Liao Chai Chih I”, San Francisco (1975), 7 v., 2627 p. Earlier selections: Ivanovskij (1895), II, 176–184; P. Schmidt (1908), 1, 17, 21; Grebenščikov (1913), 105–07. — A selection of libraries possessing the print: Ba 1; Be 1; Be 2; Ber 1; Bu 1; Ca 1; CaM 1 (2 copies); Ch 1; L 1 (3 or more copies); L 2; L 3 (incomplete, only books 2, 4, 5, 20, 24); Le 1; Lo 1 (2 copies); Lo 2; Mo 1 (5 copies, partially incomplete);

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Mo 2; Mu 2; NY 1; 0 2; Pa 1; Pe 2; Pr 1 (2 copies); Ri 1; To 1 (2 copies); To 2; U 1; Vl l. — Möllendorff, 45; Giles, 142; Grebenščikov (1909), 42–43; Watanabe (1925), 29; Watanabe (19#@), 60, n°.2; Seikadô (1930), 206; Laufer (1931), 46, Li Deqi, Union Cat., 707, 1–2, 206; Misig, 216, n°.138; Poppe (1964), 303, n°.524–25; Fuchs (1966), 141, appendix 81; Walravens (1976 II), 576; Simon, 115–16; Bese, 57; Puyraimond, n°.131; Huang and Wang, 4 (Chinese transl. of Jakdan’s preface); Huang, 14–16, 23. 37. Lieguo zhi (zhuan) ( ) Geren gurun-i bithe — The Chinese original of this historical novel has not yet been traced more precisely. Sun, 24–25. — Category I. — Be 1: Ma, Ms, incomplete, 4 tao, 23 books (parts of ch. 10–19ff), tao-inscription: Lieguo zhizhuan; CaM 1: Ma, Ms, presumed complete, 20 books, eighteenth century; L 1: Ma. Ms, complete, 4 tao, 20 books, collection of Z.F. Leontevskij (1799–1874); L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 5 books (1–5); L 1: Ma. Ms, complete, 20 books; L 1: Ma. Ms, 21 books, present location unknown; Pe 1: Ma. Ms, 22 books, completeness questionable; Sibe: Ma. Ms, details unknown; Vl 1: Title: Dalbai suduri bithe, Ma. Ms, 4 books, details unknown. Probably this manuscript is a popular version of the mentioned novel. — Klaproth (1810), 91; Klaproth (1822), 151; Banzarov, 92; Grebenščikov (1909), 15, 2a; Hülle, 36; Volkova, 143–44; Fuchs (1966), 121, n°.227; Walravens (1976), 577; Zhongguo shaoshu minzu, 221; Qu Liusheng, 63. Huang, 22. — S. a. n°.9. 38. Liner bao Lin el boo bithe — Karashima, 172; Sun (1931), 3-4; Sun, 135. — Category II, 3. — L 1: Ma. Ms, 5 books, complete; L 1: Ma. Ms, 5 books, complete, damaged, older, carelessly written; title inexact: Liyan el boo; Huh 1: Ma. Ms. — Klaproth (1810), 93; Banzarov, 92; Volkova, 164, 165; Huang, 22. Liyan ceng bi bithe, s. n°.34. Liyan el boo, s. n°.38. Liyang giyoo hôn bithe, s. n°.35. Liyoo jai j’i i bithe, s. n°.36. Manju nikan hergen-i…, s. n°.49. 39. Mingshi yanyi — The Chinese original cannot as yet be identified. — Category I. — Sibe: Ma. Ms, details unknown. Guo Jicheng, ?. 40. [Mu Guiying ] Mu gui ing-i ulabun — This is probably not a long novel but a shorter

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popular version of the material about a female general of the Song dynasty named Mu Guiying , also worked into several other dramatic forms. The Chinese original is as yet unidentified; perhaps novel.23 — U 3: it is a partial adaptation of the Yangjiajiang Ma. Ms, details unknown. 41. [?] Muraki gebungge niyalma-i julen — Content and source of this popular story as yet not ascertained. Perhaps here it is not a case of a translation. — U 3: Ma. Ms, details unknown. 42. Nansong Julergi Sung gurun-i bithe — The Chinese source of this historical novel of the Ming dynasty, the contents of which were probably linked to Feilong zhuan (s. n°.11), cannot as yet be identified. — Sun, 48; Idema, 57, 108ff. — Category I. — L 1: Ma. Ms, 10 books, complete; Pe 1: Ma. Ms, 10 books, copy from the mid-seventeenth century, complete; Pe 2: Ma. Ms, 10 books, complete. — Klaproth (1810), 91; Courant, n°.4049; Volkova, 147; Gimm (1968, I), 299; Qu Liusheng, 63; Huang, 14, 22. See also n°.3, 11. 43. Ping Shan Leng Yan Ping šan leng yan-i bithe — For the Chinese versions, s. Sun, 133. Cf. also Karashima, 172; Sun (1931), 2. — Category II, 3. — L 1: Ma. Ms, 10 books, complete; L 1: Ma. Ms, 7 books, incomplete, only books 2–5, 7–8, 10, dated 1696; Mo 1: Ma. Ms, 2 tao, 8 fasc. (collection Pankratov); Mu 1: Ma. Ms, 1 tao, 10 books, complete; Mu 2: Ma. Ms, dated 1710, 10 fasc. 10 ch. (Sign. 2488); Pa 1: Ma. Ms (according to Möllendorff), whereabouts unknown; Pe 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 8 books with ch. 9–16 (new indications suggest that it is complete, 16 books), fair copy; Vl 1: Ma. Ms, 8 books, whereabouts unknown. — Banzarov, 92; Möllendorff, 44, n°.248; Grebenščikov (1909), 15, n°.3: Gugong, III, 11a; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 34; Manmeng, 36; Volkova, 162, 163; Gimm (1968, 1), 300–01; Huang, 21. , s. n°.44. Qian hou Qiguo zhi 44. Qian Qiguo Julergi nadan gurun-i bithe — The Chinese original is probably the which is set during novel of Sun Pang douzhi yanyi the time of the Warring States. It is also known under the title of Qian (s. Sun, 26). There is a similar novel in hou Qiguo zhi my own collection entitled Qian Qiguo Sun Pang yanyi (reprint, Shanghai, 1909). — Category 1. — Pe 2: Ma. Ms,

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incomplete, 5 books, only ch. 6–10. — The Sequel Hou Qiguo zhi has not survived in Manchu translation. See also n°.59. — Sun (1933), 378; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 32b; Zheng Zhenduo, 343; Huang, 22. , s. n°.44. Qian Qiguo Sun Pang yanyi 45. Qiaolian zhu (or ) Ciyoo liyan ju-i bithe — Sun, 142. — Category II, 3. One copy of the Chinese edition is in the Otani University Library in Kyôto (— not in Cabinet Library as Sun wrongly states). — Pa 1: Ma. Ms, with some Chinese and Russian interlinear translations, 8 books, 4 ch., 690 p. — Kanda, 84; Puyraimond, n°.130; Huang, 21. 46. Qiaoshi yanyi Ciyoo ši yan i bithe — Translation of the novel banned in the Chinese original version in 1778 and extremely rare today. — Sun, 69. — Category 1. — Pe 1: Ma. Ms, complete, 20 books, 40 ch., altogether over 400 p. Early valuable manuscript from before 1700. — Li Deqi, Qiaoshi…; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 34; Gugong dianben…, III, 1Ob; Sun (1933), 382; Qu Liusheng, 64; Huang, 13, 23. , s. n°.17. Renzhong hua 47. Roupu tuan Jeo pu tuwan-i bithe — Sun, 155–56. — Category II. 5. — Be 4: Ma. Ms, draft; details unknown; lost in World War II. — Klaproth (1822), 152; Wylie (1855), XLII; Möllendorff, p. 44, n°.245. Postcript: The Manchu version kept in Berlin was published with introductions by Lutz Bieg and Martin Gimm, and with a preface of Harmut Waltavens, in: Staatsbibliothek zu Berlin, Neuerwerbungen der Ostasienabteilung, Sonderheft, 2011. 48. Sai hongsi Sai hông se bithe — Translation of the Chinese novel from the . mid-seventeenth century entitled Sai hongsi xiaoshuo S. Zheng Zhenduo (1929), 430–31; Sun (1931), 5; Sun, 136; a new abridged edition of the Chinese copy in the Dairen Library appeared in Peking (1981), 156 p. — Category II, 3. — Pe 1: Ma. Ms, 8 books, complete, 16 ch. — Fuchs (1932), 474; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 33a; Sun (1933), 380; Qu Liusheng, 64; Huang, 23. Sam yŏk ch’ong hae, s. n°.49. 49. Sanguo zhi (yanyi) ( ) Ilan gurun-i bithe — Category 1. — As the introduction points out the “Romance of the Three Kindoms” played a long and important role for the Manchu in the assimilation of knowledge about Chinese

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history and military strategy. Because of this it is considered one of the most important works in the Sinicization of the Manchus. The (Nurhači, work enjoyed special favour with the emperors Taizu (1592–1643). The Manchu translation, 1559–1626) and Taizong therefore, belonged to the canon of textbooks used by contemporary Koreans to study Manchu. According to native reports (see below) the Manchus are said to have used the historical events recounted here to improve themselves against the Ming troops. The integration into the of the Chinese hero and latter-day God of War Guan Yu native state religion and shamanistic cult is said to go back to this source. It is therefore hardly surprising that the famous novel was one of the earliest books ever translated. A first order to translate it was evidently issued in 1631. The title then appeared in 1632, 7th month, on the list of nine books translated by the important scholar Dahai , 1599–1632).24 At his death he had completed four (Chin. Da-hai works and left five more only in fragments. It is as yet impossible to ascertain whether later translations were based or not on Dahai’s drafts. At any rate the preserved 1650 translation is a commissioned , ch. work which according to the Yanxia xiang zuolu 10, amongst others, was ordered in 1639 and completed in 1647. The preface of this first edition which appeared without Chinese text is 7 (1650), 1st month, 17th day. (Chinese transl. dated Shunzhi by Huang and Wang, 4–5). It names Kicungge (Qi-chong-ge , d. 1651) as responsible and lists seventeen other names including Enektu and Yecengge as chief translators. Although not specifically (1597–1666) and Garin stated in the preface, Fan Wencheng , d. 1651) could possibly also be considered as further (Gang-lin ) who translators. (See Plate 14.) Probably Sunahai (Su-na-hai is also mentioned in the preface was also directly involved, since he announced the completion of the work in 1650 according to the (Qin ) Baqi tongzhi , ch. 158, 29b. The mentioning of ding , 1672–1718) in some sources is probably due to Hesu (Hesu either error or confusion. The Chinese print of the year 1522 was the basis of the Manchu translation. The quality of the translation is considered exemplary. Since the distribution of the work is attested to as soon as Shunzhi 7 (1650), 1st month, 7th day, the printing, one of the very earliest datable, must have taken place in the same month. Therefore the date given in Taizu… shilu, (ch. 48, 20a–b, repr. p. 568) can only refer to the

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distribution of payment of those officials concerned with its production and not with the completion of the printing. A further distribution took place during the second month of the seventeenth year of the reign of Shunzhi (1660). From this time on the translation seems to have era (c. 1770) (see enjoyed a wide circulation up to the Qianlong Plates 15 and 16), when a new Manchu-Chinese edition was deemed necessary. The Manchu wording is identical to that of the earlier print. — Théodore Pavie (1811–96) brought out his own incomplete translation (only ch. 1–6) of the Manchu edition into French. Ma. print (Palace edition) of 1650, 24 books, 24 ch., size: 36×22.9 (28.1×20) cm: — Da 1; Ir 1 (2 copies); L 1; L 2 (2 copies); Mu 2; NY 2; Pa 1 (2 copies, dated 1721, 1767; incomplete copy, only ch. 1–10, 12–18); Pa 2; Pe 1; Pe 2 (incomplete copy, books 1–16): U 1 (2 copies). Ma.-Chinese print, era Yongzheng (1723–1735), without preface; 8 tao, 48 books, 24 chap. size: 24.8×16.6 (21.5×15.5) cm: — Be 2; Ca 1; Da 1; L 1 (2 or 3 copies); L 2 (2 incomplete copies, only ch. 2–24 and 1, 2, 4); Mu 2; O 2; Pa 1 (with wrong title page); Pe 2; Pe 3; Pe 4; Pe 5; Pe 6; Pe 7; Po 1; Ro 1 (only 2 books from ch. 14 and 24); Sibe; To 1; Tsi 1; Tü 1 (only 37 books, chapters 14–24 are missing). Reprint of the last mentioned edition (with incorrect title page according to Pa 1): “A Manchu Edition of the Ilan-gurun-i bithe”, San Francisco (1979), 8 v., 6958, p. Modern Sibe translation: IIan gurun julun(!); further details unknown. Manuscripts: Bao Zhongyan , private collection (old Ms, before 1644; incomplete, only ch. 19; cf. Wang Lina, 65); CaM 1 (2 copies, only ch. 19–24, 1–5); Ir 1 (draft, title: Ilan gurun-i suduri, 4 tao, 24 books); Ir 1 (incomplete, 4 tao, 1st book incomplete); L 1 (incomplete, dated 1888, 1895, 12 books: 1, 5, 7–9, 12, 15, 17, 20, 23, 24); L 1 (incomplete, dated 1909); L 1 (incomplete, only book 1); L 2 (incomplete, only ch. 6–11); Pa 1 (incomplete; phonetic transliteration of the Chinese wording, 18 books, only ch. 34–99); Pa 1 (Ma. — Chinese illustrated album, title: Ilan gurun-i nirugan, 1 book, dated 1769); Pe 1 (incomplete, only ch. 7–12, 6 books); Ro 2 (incomplete, only 2 books with ch. 14, title: Manju nikan hergen-i kamcime araha Ilan gurun-i bithe; U 3 (details unknown); China

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(= Pe 1 ?; Ma. draft Ms; different version, written in the period 1634–44 on Korean paper; further details unknown; s. Sun (1983), 208. Korean print: Sam yŏk ch’ong hae , excerpt from the Manchu printed edition of 1650; interlinear Hang’ul transliteration of the Manchu wording with Korean translation after every passage. First edition 1703, revised edition 1774, 5 books, 10 ch. Photoprint: P’alsea Soaron, Sam yŏk ch’ong hae, Tongmun yuhae, Seoul, 1955. Cf. Shinmura, 38–40. Korean edition of 1774 in: Lo 1; Pa 1. — Klaproth (1810), 90; Klaproth (1822), XI,2; Plath (1831), 1020–21; Klaproth (1839), n°.236; Pavie, translation; Banzarov, 92; Ivanovskij (1887), 46; Möllendorff, 42, n°.233–34; Ivanovskij (1895), 7; Giles (1898); 142; Courant, I, 87-98, n°.116; Grebenščikov (1909); 42; Shinmura, 38–40; Laufer (1931), 22, 28; Fuchs (1932), 477, 480–81; Watanabe (1932), 62, n°.7; Sun (1933), 378; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 32b, 707–2; Dairen 36; Fuchs (1936), 40–42, 86, 124; Haenisch in: OLZ (1937), 762; Fuchs (1942), 35; Li Guangtao (1945); Misig, 204-06, n°.127; Haenisch (1961), 119–24 (selection and partial translation); Poppe a.o., 302, 523; Volkova, 73–74, n°.138–140; Fuchs (1966), 142, app. 82; Kanda, 77, 82; Wu Zhefu, 66–67, Lie Hiu, 98–111; Wang Lina, 65–6; Walravens (1976), 576; Walravens (1976, II), 621; Simon a. o., 117; Durrant (1979), 654–56; Wu, Silas, 129; Puyraimond, n°.119–125; Zhongguo shaoshu minzu, 221; Zhonguo shaoshu minzu wenxue, 378; Qu Liusheng, 63; Sun (1983), 207–8; Huang, 6–8, 20; Huang and Wang, 4–5. 49a. Sanguo yin (other title: Banri yanwang quanzhuan 25 ) — Short story of pinghua type; separate edition of ch. 31 of (published in 1620 or 162126). — For the Gujin xiaoshuo Chinese source s. Liu (1967), 249–51; Dai (1980), 174–79; B. Riftin, 14, Peking (1982), 103–04. — Category I or VI. — in Wenxian L 1: Ma.Ms (19+2 pages, complete?). — Volkova (1965), 95, n°.187; Gimm (1968, I), 305; Riftin (1982), 103; Huang, 20. 50. [Sanjiao ounian ] Ilan tacikô-i uhei doro-i ajige julen — The Chinese titles discovered and by Sun (1933), 381, as Sanjiao tongli xiaoshuo by Fuchs (1931), 474, as Sanjiao tongdao xiaozhuan are incorrect. Is established the work under the Chinese name of Sanjiao ounian only; it is a very rare collection of short stories by (1574–1646) and others which is preserved Feng Menglong

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in a Ming print kept at the Tôkyô University Library.27 Judging by the headings of the chapters this seems to be identical to the Manchu translation. (The Manchu translation of the book title is probably an interpretation of one of the subtitles). The translator of this work is known only in the Manchu transcription: Ci-lo-šeng (Chin. Qi Lesheng from Ugi (presumably Wuji , Hebei province). Contents: (1) Hôwang Ming da žu Wang yang ming siyan šeng facuhôn be toktobume yabuha be ejehe suduri, incomplete, only 18 books: 1–13, 15–19; the Chinese original by Feng Menglong is entitled: Huang Ming daru Wang Yangming xiansheng chushen jingnan lu , 3 ch. — Category I, s. Sun, 60. (2) Jing z’e s’e de Ji diyan lo han-i enduri beye be sabuha bithe, 13 books, complete; the Chinese original is presumably Jingcisi (author yet to Jidian luohan xiansheng ji be established). The story is about the Buddhist monk Jidian dashi , s. n°.72. (3) Hioi jing yang doro be baha de nimada be jafaha yongkiyan ulabun, incomplete, only book 2–13; the Chinese original is a ghost story by (fl. 1586) and entitled Xu Jingyang de dao qin Deng Zhimo , also known under shorter title; jiao tieshu ji , 2 ch, 15 hui. — Sun, 169. — Category III. — Pe Tieshu ji 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, only ch . 3, with 43 books. — Fuchs (1931), 474; Sun (1931), 381–82; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 33–34; Sun, 222; Li Tianyi, 70; Qu Liusheng, 64. , s. n°.50. Sanjiao tongdao xiaozhuan , s. n°.50. Sanjiao tongli xiaoshuo Šanyan meihe-i ulabun, s. n°.2. Šeng hiyoo giyan bithe, s. n°.53. Šeng hôwa meng-ni bithe, s. n°.51. Šeng šiwan juwan-i bithe, s. n°.52. 51. Shenghua meng Šeng hôwa meng-ni bithe — For the Chinese source, s. Sun, 144. — Category II, 3. — L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 12 books, only 1–2, 4–8, 10–12 and 14–15; L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 9 books in approximatively 5 different hands; only books 2–9, dated 1716. Translator or owner of the manuscript(?) is possibly a certain Piyoodurši (Biyoodurši); year of translation probably before 1703; — Banzarov, 92; Volkova, 166, 167; Gimm (1968, I) 301–02; Huang, 22.

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52. [Sheng xian zhuan] Šeng šiyan juwan-i bithe — The Chinese source is probably the , 8 ch., 56 hui; s. Sun, 180. Central figure Sheng xian zhuan who, according to Misig, took several literary is Ji Xiaotang examinations in the first half of the sixteenth century (hence the Manchu secondary title: Gi siyoo tang). — Category III. — U 1: Ma. Ms, 32 books, completeness questionable. — Misig, 225. 53. Sheng xiao jian Šeng hiyoo giyan bithe — The Chinese source of this collection of Ming short stories is mentioned by Sun, 106. — Category VI. — Pe 2: Ma. Ms, 10 books, 20 individual parts. — Huang, 22. , s. n°.31. Shi’er lou 54. Shier zhong lou Juwan juwe jergingge taktu sere bithe — The Chinese source of this narrative work have nothing in common with the well-known collection , by Li Yu (s. Sun, 101, and of short stories, Shier lou here n°.31). It is probably a popular story. — Pe 2: Ma. — Chinese Ms, 1 book, 21 double pages; the author calls himself Runzhai zhuren . , s. n°.28. Shitai yanliang 55. Shuihu zhuan Šui hô bithe (Šui hô juwan) — Manchu translations of the Shuihu zhuan seem to have been especially popular in the mid-eighteenth century and even as early as the seventeenth century, because this is the only title in a prohibition document of Qianlong 18 (1753), 7th month (cf. note 8). The Chinese version is mentioned in the index of 1774 (Goodrich, 261). S. Sun, 181 ff. Category IV, 1. — Kp 1: Ma. Ms, 2 books, ch. 18–19, 59 p., ch. 20–21, 57 p., incomplete; dated 1709, 5th month; L 1 : Ma. Ms, incomplete, 12 books (2–10, 12–14); L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 28 books (2–4, 6–12, 15–32); Mo 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 12 books (12–22, 24), title: Šui hô juwan-i bithe; O 2: Ma. Ms, complete (?), 32 books, foreword of 1743; Pa 1: Ma., Ms (collection of P. Pelliot), probably complete, 20 books, 100 ch., ; Pe 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 32 previous owner: Baoming tang books, ch. 6–9, 12–13 and 17–32: Pe 1: Ma. Draft Ms, incomplete, 3 v.; Sibe: earlier translation, details unknown; Sibe: new translation , Zhong-huo and others, details unknown. by Mu-de-ke — Klaproth (1810), 90; Wylie (1867), 162; Möllendorff, 244, p, 44; Watanabe (1925), 29; Watanabe (1932), 62.6; Li Deqi, Union Cat.,

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33a; Gugong, III, 10b; Fuchs, in Monumenta Serica 3 (1938), 305, Guo Jicheng, p. ?; Volkova, 149, 150; Zhongguo shaoshu minzu wenxue, 378; Kanda, 84, 91; Puyraimond, n°.126; Yuan Ming Qing… (1981), 43; Qu Liusheng, 63; Huang, 8–9, 21. 56. Shuo Yue quanzhuan Ginggun tondo U mu wang bithe — According to the Japanese transcription of the Manchu title given by Watanabe, the Chinese . It is probably source is Jingzhong Wumuwang zhuan identical with the story mentioned by Sun, 51, under the title of Wumu . The book deals with the life of Yue jingzhong zhuan (1103–1141). S. Idema, XLI. Banned during the Qianlong Fei era. — Category 1. — O 2: Ma. Ms, 8 books, probably complete. — Watanabe (1925), 30; Watanabe (1932), 61. Si yo gi bithe, s. n°.65. 57. [Song… …] Sung gurun-i bithe — The Chinese original of this translation has not yet been identified. It is obviously a short historical tale. — Category I. — Vl, 1: Ma. Ms, 3 books, location unknown. — Grebenščikov (1909), p. 13, n°.3. Sonjofi ubaliyambuha Liyoo jai j’i i bithe, s. n°.36. Šui hô bithe, s. n°.55. 58. Sui Tang yanyi — The source of this Manchu fragment has not yet been identified. For the Chinese Sui Tang yanyi, 10 ch., 114 jie, s. Sun, 43; Hsia (1974), 341, 379–82; Idema, XX, LX. — Category I. — Kp 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 1 book, 300 pages; Sibe: earlier translation, details unknown. — Guo Jicheng, p. ?; Zhongguo shaoshu minzu wenxue, 378. 59. [Sun Bin… ?] Sun bin-i bithe — The Chinese source of this story dealing with Sun Bin (4th B.C) has not yet been established. It could be connected to the one mentioned in n°.44. — Category I. — L 3: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 8 books, only ch. 1–5, 7–9; Pe 3: Ma. Ms, allegedly 10 books; present whereabouts unknown (perhaps identical to manuscript in L 3). — Möllendorff, 231. — An earlier version of the same story existed in Jürchen language (s. Jin yiwen zhi, 35). , s. n°.44. Sun Pang douzhi yanyi , s. n°.61. Tangchao ren xiaoshuo , s. n°.61. Tangdai congshu

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60. Tangdai yanyi Tang gurun-i bithe. — The Chinese original has not yet been identified. could be Perhaps Tangshu zhizhuan tongsu yanyi possible. S. Sun, 42. — Category I. — Pe 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, only 3 books, copy from the mid-seventeenth century. — Qu Liusheng, 63; Huang, 14, 23. Tang gurun-i bithe, s. n°.60. Tang gurun-i niyalma-i siyoo šo bithe, s, n°.61. Tang gurun-i siyoo šo bithe, s. n°.61. 61. Tangren shuohui Tang gurun-i niyalma-i siyoo šo bithe — Translation of a well known collection of Tang short stories known under various editions and . For this work several titles. S. for example Tangdai congshu cf. Edwards, 2 v.; Gimm (1966), 66–67 etc. — Category VI. — L 2: Ma. — Chinese Ms. Sign: Md. 177, xyl. 1093; obviously incomplete, fair copy bound in yellow silk. Title: Tang gurun-i siyoo šo bithe, 13 books, 40 ch., Size: 19.8×29..8 (about 16.5×23.5) cm, 9 columns per page, book 1 (ch. 1–3), 2 (4–6), 3(7–9), 4(10–13), 5(14–16), 6(17–19), 7(20–22), 8(23–25), 9(26–28), 10(29–31), 11(32–34), 12(35–57), ), 40 13(38–40); Pe 1: Ma. Ms (other title: Tangren xiaoshuo books, 11 tao; size: 31.5×21 cm, incomplete; tao 1 (ch. 1, 2, 6), II(1, 2, 4–7), IV(1, 4, 6, 7), V(5), VI(1, 3, 4, 6–8), VII(1, 4, 7), VIII(2, 4, 5, 7), IX (1, 2, 4), X(4), XI (1, 3, 4, 6, 7), XII (1, 2). — Both manuscripts, whose wording has not yet been compared, have an undated preface (i.e. perhaps Tian Puyuan ); copy by Taoyuan jushi from the mid-seventeenth century. — Ivanovskij (1887), 46; Fuchs (1932), 473 (content and title inaccurately characterized as Tangchao )·Li Deqi, Union Cat., 32; Gugong, III, 10a; ren xiaoshuo Qu Liusheng, 63, Huang and Wang, 1–2 (transl. of the preface and content of the Pe 1 Ms); Huang, 12, 22. , s. n°.61. Tangren xiaoshuo , s. n°.65. Tang siyang jui jing (?) 62. Tang Song yanyi — The Chinese source has not been established. Perhaps there is a connection with the work mentioned under n°.60. — Category I. — Sibe: Ma. Ms, details unknown. — Guo Jisheng, p. ? 63. Tieguan tu Tiyei guwan tu-i bithe — A Chinese version of this historical novel set during the Ming dynasty and entitled Tieguan tu quanzhuan

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, 8 ch., 50 hui, is mentioned by Sun, 70; s.a. Lu Xun (1935), 170; Aying, 45. — Category I. — L 2: Ma. Ms (formerly in Pe 3), 18 books, obviously incomplete. — Möllendorff, 230. , s. n°.50, part 3. Tieshu ji Tiyei guwan tu-i bithe, s. n°.63. Ubaliyambuha jalan de wenjehun…, s. n°.28. …, s. n°.50, part 1. Wang Yangming xiansheng… Wargi Han gurun-i bithe, s. n°.64. , s. n°.56. Wumu jingzhong zhuan , s. n°.34. Wusheng xi 64. Xihan yanyi Wargi Han gurun-i bithe — Sun, 28. For continuation, s. n°.8. — Category I. — L 1: Ma. Ms, 16 books, probably incomplete; copy of 1679; L 1: Ma. Ms, (Brosset, VIII, 21), 1 book, whereabouts unknown; L 3: Ma. Ms, 2 tao, 16 books, 16 ch. (Ka 21 271, xy1.384), fair copy, complete; Pe 1: Ma. Ms, 16 books, complete; Pe 2: Ma. Ms, only ch. 9; U 1: Ma. Ms, 15 books, probably incomplete; U 3: Ma. Ms, details unknown. — Banzarov, 92; Ivanovskij (1887–88), 46; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 34b; Sun (1933), 383; Misig, 222, Volkova, 144, 145; Gimm (1968, I), 299; Qu Liusheng, 63; Huang, 21. 65. Xiyou ji Si yo gi bithe — Sun, 164. — Category III. — L 1: Ma. Ms, perhaps incomplete, 15 books, dated 1885; L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 12 books (1–10, 13–14); L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 7 books (11–13, 15, 18–20); L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 18 books (1–2, 5, 7, 9, 11, 112, 13–20); Mo 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 5 tao (16–20); O 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 1 book, only ch. 36–40, copy from 1876; O 2: Ma. Ms, complete, 38 books, dated 1688 (illustr. s. Watanabe, 1926, beginning); Pe 1: Ma. Ms, complete, 10 tao, 50 books, 100 chap., fair copy, abbreviated transl.; Sibe: Ma. Ms, details unknown; Vl 1: — Ma. Ms, incomplete, only 5 , location unknown. books, subtitle: Tang siyang jui jing (?) — Klaproth (1810) 91; Katalog (1843), XI, 4; Grebenščikov, 18, n°.18; Watanabe (1932), 62; Gugong, III, 10b; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 34b; Yi Su, 82; Volkova, 152–55; Gimm (1968 II), 299; Zhongguo shaoshu minzu, 221; Zhongguo shaoshu minzu wenxue, II, 378; Qu Liusheng, 63; Huang, 8,21. , s. n°.50, Xu Jingyang de dao qin jiao tieshu ji part 3. , s. n°.40. Yangjia jiang

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66. Yinglie zhuan Ing Liyei juwan-i bithe — The Chinese source of this historical novel concerning the Ming dynasty is probably the Huang Ming yinglie zhuan dated 1628. S. Sun, 57; Idema, xxx. — Category I. — L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, only 4 books; preface, b.1. 1, 2, 4, ?, (formerly in Pe 3); L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 5 books (3, 6, 7, 11, 13); — Möllendorff, 229; Sun (1932), 49; Volkova, 156; Huang, 22. 67. Yu Jiao Li Ioi giyoo (giyao) li (-i) bithe — For the Chinese version of this novel also known as a continuation of the Jin Ping Mei (n°.28), s. Sun (1931), 1 ff; Sun, 133. — Category II,3. — L 1: Ma. Ms, probably complete, 13 or 14 books (1–13 or 14); L 2: Ma. Ms, probably complete, 1 tao, 10 books, 20 ch., Sign.: Kaz. 12971, xy1.52; Pa 1: present whereabouts unknown. — Katalog (1843), 73, n°.442; Banzarov, 92; Ivanovskij (1887),46; Möllendorff, n°.241, D. 45; Volkova, 161; Huang, 21. 68. [Yu long …] Ioi lung (ji) juwan-i bithe — The Chinese original of this work, probably a tale, has not been identified. Vl I: Ma. Ms, 1 book, 2 ch., present whereabouts unknown. — Grebenščikov (1909), 15, n°.2d and p. 49. 69. Yuzhi ji (or ) Ioi j’i gi bithe — The Chinese title of this novel dating back to the first half of the seventeenth century is given by Sun, 134–35, as , 4 ch., 20 hui. Sun (1931), 1 ff and Yuzhi ji xiaozhuan Aying, 33, mentions the title Yuzhi ji zhuan. S. a. Courant n°.4094; Zheng Zhenduo, 430. — Category II, 3. — Pe 1: Ma. Ms, complete, 10 books, 20 ch.; size: 31×20 cm. Sun (1931), 379; Li Deqi, Union Cat., 33a; Qu Liusheng, 64; Huang, 21. , s. n°.36. Zefan Liaozhai zhiyi 70. [Zhang zi (or si) mei…] Jang ze mei-ni bithe — The Chinese original, apparently a short novel, has not been identified. It is probably a work belonging to the nineteenth century, in which the career of a young man, the bachelor Zhang ) from Nanking, is depicted. — Presumably category II. — ( L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 1 book; Vl 1: Ma. Ms, title: Jang ze mei ulabun bithe, 4 books, whereabouts unknown. — Banzarov, 92; Grebenščikov (1909), 18, n°.14 and p. 49; Volkova, 191; Gimm (1968 I), 306. 71. [Zhao (or Zao) xian(g) gu (or ge)…] Zoo siyan gu-i bithe — Source and content of this work have not

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as yet been established. Possibly a story about a beautiful girl. — Perhaps category II, 3. — Vl 1: Ma. Ms, 5 books, complete (?); present whereabouts unknown. — Grebenščikov (1909), 18, n°.16 and p. 49. Zoo siyan gu-i bithe, s. n°.71. 72. Zui puti Zui pu ti-i bithe — The source of this ghost novel is mentioned in Sun, . 174, 228, as Jidian dashi zui puti quanzhuan It is also known under the abridged title of Zui puti. S. Karashima, 171. — Category III. — L 1: Ma. Ms, incomplete, 7 books (4–10), dated 1682–83; Ma 1: Ma. Ms, 20 books, 10 ch., complete, fair copy. — Banzarov, 92; Bibliotheca Lindesiana, p. ?; Courant, n°.4093; Volkova 171; Gimm (1968, I), 303; Kanda, 80; Huang, 23. For the content of this novel s. a. n°.50, part 2. Zui pu ti-i bithe, s. n°.72. Notes   1. The few collections of original Manchu literature preserved in manuscript form all over the world urgently need to be classified and critically edited. Just as important, if not even more so, is a collection of the remaining folk literature still alive in the few places of the People’s Republic of China where Manchu is still spoken. (See Gimm, “Zur Mandjuristik in der Voklksrepublik China”, T’oung Pao 67 (1981): 285–87; —,“Literatur der Manjuren”, in Günther Debon, ed., Neues Handbuch der Literaturwissenschaft, Bd. 23 (Wiesbaden: Aula-Verlag, 1984), 193ff. Recently the Xinhua News Agency reported some attempts along this line (2 November 1981, no. 110214). The publication of Manchu popular religious and shamanistic texts also falls within the scope of such efforts; these are forthcoming in the Cologne series Sinologica Coloniensia. The great popular epic Teptalin, recorded by the Russian ethnologist Sergej M. Širokogorov (1887–1939), also described as a “Manchu Odyssey”, is obviously in toto now to be considered irrevocably lost. Širokogorov’s manuscript, was never published during his lifetime, and disappeared around 1937. Furthermore, a native recording extant in 1965 was mislaid during the Cultural Revolution. In March 1983, I succeeded to record a part of the epos.   2. There were tight restrictions against transmitting purely historical works to the “Barbarians”. Those writings were considered paradigms of concrete judgment, and thus actual aids for the practice of government. For this see E. Rosner, “Zum Verbot der Weitergabe chinesischer Geschichtswerke an die Barbaren”, in W. Bauer (ed.), Studia Sino-Mongolica Festschrift für Herbert Franke (Wiesbaden, 1979), pp. 88–96.

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  3. See St. W. Durrant, “Sino-Manchu Translations at the Mukden Court”, 653; W. Fuchs, Beiträge, 40 and following.   4. For the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” see under n°.49 and note 24. According to a colophon of a Mongol manuscript translation kept in UlanBator, there once existed another Manchu translation of a Chinese novel dating from roughly the same period as that of the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” (cf. end of note 8). Allegedly this Manchu version used as a basis of the Mongolian adaptation was undertaken during the Chongde era (Mong.: degedü erdemlü, i.e. Manchu: wesihun erdemungge), 1636–44. Unfortunately, it is neither preserved nor inferred from Manchu or Chinese sources. The Mongolian version entitled: ǰüng dakini-yin teüke (also ǰüng-kuǰin teüke, Či ulus-un qowangqo ǰüng dakini-yin cadigh, ǰüng u yen-i bicigh, etc) was, according to the above mentioned colophon, done by a Mongolian translator named Cevenǰab. His name appears in the Chinese sources as Cewang-zha-bu ; from 1691 he bore the noble title Hošoi cin wang ; from 1703 that of qan of the Qasaktu (Zha-sa-ke-tu-han ) of the Khalka Mongolians. The translation into Mongolian must have been undertaken between 1703 and 1732. For more details on this Mongolian translation, see also B. Riftin & V.I. Semanov, 234–79, and the works of W. Heissig mentioned there; s.a. Qing shi , reprint., Taibei, 1961, v. 5, 3366–67. — The Chinese original that describes the deeds of Empress Zhong (Zhong guomu ) has not yet been traced. But the heroine was once very popular both in North and South China. As early as the Yuan dynasty she appears on the stage in a play entitled (Zhong Lichun) zhiyong ding Qi ( ) or also Chou Qihou Wuyan po lian huan (13th century), cf. Xu Tiaofu , Xiancun yuanren zaju shulu , Shanghai 1955, 68, 126, etc. For further details, s. the enlarged Chinese version of the above mentioned excellent article by Boris Riftin: “Zhongguo zhanghui xiaoshuo yu huaben de mengwen yiben” , Wenxian , 14, Peking, 1982, 100, 101–02.   5. See Fuchs (1932), p. 480.   6. In this field also belong phonetic transcriptions of Chinese texts in Manchu characters, thought to be for the contemporary Bannermen who had not learnt any Chinese characters, but nonetheless understood spoken colloquial Chinese. In this way two novels have also survived, namely Haoqiu zhuan (s. n°.18) and Honglou meng (s. n°.20). See also Fuchs (1971), 123.   7. “At this time [middle of the seventeenth century] the [literature of] storytellers and the novel were flourishing in the world. The Manchus completed translations of these wherever possible”. See Asitan’s biography (below note 8) in Beizhuan ji , ch. 52, 25a. See also Fuchs, Beiträge, 42.   8. The reasons for banning fictional works can be traced to: 1) their supposed danger to state and order (the best example being the Shuihu zhuan ),

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2) their immorality and licentiousness. By far the greater number of novels came under this heading. This is to be seen in the context of the observed boom in literature related to eroticism, namely fictional, dramatic and profane works, including the so called “Spring Pictures”, dating from the spread of Jin Ping Mei up to the end of the Ming period. The wording of a memorial of 1682 by the censor Asitan (A-shi-tan , d. 1683), who also made his name as a translator, is characteristic for the treatment of these kinds of works (s. Baqi tongzhi, ch. 237, 8b–9a, reprint, 1798–99): “These other books [apart from classical and historical writings etc.] bring no profit. They are simply to be dismissed and are not worth considering… Recently I have noticed many obscene passages in fictional works translated into Manchu. These not only have no use, but it is to be feared that their harmful influence will spread everywhere, until the hearts of men turn to rebellion and wickedness… This literature with its immoral passages ought to be forbidden and its translation no longer permitted. Such action will do nothing but support the advancement of education and will create a basis for the development of human capacities”. Cf. also Fuchs, Beiträge, 42, and in Monumenta Serica, 3, 1938, 305). An especially large number of titles mostly dating from the Ming period up to the beginning of the Qing period were destroyed during the Qianlong era. A list from the year 1782 mentions 538 works with 13,862 juan (cf. Li Deqi, 1933, 111). It is therefore understandable that some of them are lost or extremely rare today. Proscriptions or actions taken against Chinese fictional works can be attested to for the following years: 1642, 1652, 1663, 1687, 1701, 1709, 1711, 1714, 1724, 1736, 1738, 1754, 1802, 1810, 1813, 1834, 1844, 1851, 1868 and 1871; among others, Jin Ping Mei was proscribed in 1736 and 1868, Shuihu zhuan in 1642, 1753, 1774 and 1851. See also an interesting paragraph in the Manchu elementary book Tanggô meyen, in which this kind of literature is characterized as useless, delusive and stupid. See the Japanese edition by Ura Ren’ichi and Itô Takao , “Tanggô meyen (Shinwa hyakujô) no kenkyû ”, in Hiroshima daigaku bungakubu kiyô , 12, 1957, n°.9, p. 201, n°.61; different version in: M.F.A. Fraser, Tanggu meyen, London, 1924, p. 117, n°.71). The explicit mention of Manchu translations of harmful Chinese literature, namely the Shuihu zhuan as well as the drama Xixiang ji , together with a complaint about the decline of manners and a demand for the promotion of classical education is to be found in a document dating from 1753, 7th month, day 29. See Yuan Ming Qing… (1958), 40; (1981), 43; see also (Da Qing) Gaozu… shilu, ch. 443, 28b, new ed., p. 6524; A. Wylie (1855), XLIII; H.G.C. von der Gabelentz (1862), 546; 1.1. Zacharov, XX (translated by M. F. A. Fraser, in The Chinese Recorder, XXII (4), 1891, 153); Goodrich, 8. About the bannings in general, see Yuan Ming Qing… (1958), 1985; Goodrich, 261; Wu Zhefu, 64–72; Idema, XI, XLII; Levy, 6 ff.

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One of the earliest references to Manchu translations of unorthodox Chinese texts is to be found in (Da Qing) Taizu… shilu, ch. 23, 14b (new ed., v. 1, p. 419) under the date of 1635 third month 19th day.   9. According to Yü Zhi , Deyi lu , ch. 11, 2b–3a, from the period c. 1840, the collecting of erotic novels brings about the following disadvantages: (1) damage of natural dispositions, (2) impairment for female relationships, (3) danger to youth, 4) spreading of terrible diseases. 10. See W. Heissig (1972), 266 and fol.; Haenisch (1958); Riftin and Semanov (1981), 241, 259 etc. 11. See note 20. 12. Sun Kaidi , Zhongguo tongsu xiaoshuo shumu , (1st ed, Shanghai, 1933), new editions since 1957. 13. By chance, we found notes to a Manchu translation kept in Leningrad (see List n°.51) that lists of about 115 titles of fictional works (especially novels) from the year 1703. See Gimm, “Verlorene mandjurische Übersetzungen chinesischer Romane”, in Documenta Barbarorum, Festschrift W. Heissig (Wiesbaden: 1984), pp. 127–42. 14. See n°.10, 26, 30, 35, 38, 48, 66, 69, 72. The identification is not quite certain. 15. The compilation of a comprehensive catalogue of preserved Manchu works has been undertaken by Harmut Walravens and M. Gimm. 16. Additional titles may be expected from public and private collections especially in Japan, the Mongolian People’s Republic, the People’s Republic of China (particularly in the northeastern provinces and the Ili district), Vietnam and both parts of Korea. 17. According to a certain Zhang Zongxiang , who is said to have seen two or three fascicles of a print on high-class paper (probably a fair copy?). S. Yi Su, Honglou meng shulu, enlarged edition (Peking, 1981), p. 81. 18. Xiaoting zalu , Xu I, 23a, new ed., 1981, 397. See also Qingbai leichao , ch. 70, 217 (tai in the name has to be corrected to su ). About Hesu, see also the contemporary opinion of Father Dominique Parrenin (1665–1741), in Der neue Welt-Bott mit allerhand Nachrichten dern Missionariorum Soc. Jesu, ed. by Franz Keller, v. 5 (Vienna: 1748), n°.623, 1–2 (cf. also Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, ed. 1843, III, 750): Hesu is… “a famous name in this empire and the very man to whom the great emperor Chamhi [Kangxi] entrusted most of his princes as master of the Chinese and Tartarian languages; under his guidance the old Chinese books called King and the Chinese Description of History came to light in Tartarian. We owe him a complete Tartarian dictionary, or rather a rich collection of all Tartarian words and idioms. This man died at a very early age, with the reputation of being one of the most skilful contemporary teachers in both languages”. 19. See the critical edition of Yuan Mei’s (1716–98) Suiyuan shihua by a certain Wu , quoted by Ye Dejun, 622.

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20. The following authors credit the Manchu translations of Jin Ping Mei, all without source references, to a brother of Emperor Kangxi: Rémusat (1833), 182–83, n°.1637, Klaproth (1839), 61, n°.244, Wylie (1855), XLIII, Gabelentz (1862), 543, Wylie (1867), 162, Rochet (1878), 69–70, de Saint-Denis (1894), 17, n°.73; Grube (21909), 431, Laufer (1908) 32, Fr. Jaeger, in Ostasiatische Rundschau, 14 (1935), 539, W. Bauer, in Kindlers Literaturlexikon, v. 6, München. 1974, 1940–41. No source is given either for the attribution to a brother of Emperor Qianlong: Gabelentz (1879), 171, Möllendorff (1890), n°.235, E. v. Zach, letter of Oct. 11 1905 (published in: Nachrichten der Gesellschaft für Natur- und Völkerkunde Ostasiens, 130, Hamburg: 1981, 43), Grebenščikov (1879), 171. Riftin and Semanov (1981), 259, mention “one of the Manchu princes” as translator. S. a. B. Riftin, in Franz Kuhn (transl.), Kin Ping Meh, new ed. (Leipzig and Weimar: 1983), v. 2, 501. If any member of the imperial family is to be considered for this translation, then the most likely person would be a great-uncle of emperor Qianlong, who is also the 13th son of Kangxi, namely Yin(Yun)-xiang ( ) , Manchu: In (Yôn) siyang (1686–1730), who also made himself a name as poet (see Hummel, 923–24). Yinxiang’s seventh son, Hongxiao , Manchu: Hông hiyoo (d. 1778), is supposed to have written a commentary for the novel Ping Shan Leng Yan — if the identification of the pen-name Bingyu zhuren (Sun, 133) is justified. (Idema, LXIII, erroneously calls him a brother of the Emperor Kangxi, but he is grandson of Kangxi and nephew of Emperor Qianlong). 21. This calls to mind the myth about a Latin translation of the Buddhistic Heart-Sutra within a multilingual edition (Manchu, Mongolian, Latin and Tibetan) which has been haunting the literary circles since 1895. For this see W. Fuchs, “Die mandjurische Druckausgabe des Hsin-ching (Hṛdayasûtra)”, Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes XXXIX, no. 3 (Wiesbaden), 1970. 22. Georg von der Gabelentz (1879), 171, W. Grube, Geschichte…, 431, note 1. Just a few selected translations have been published by the two brothers Hans Georg von der Gabelentz (1840–93) and Hans Albert von der GabelentzLinsingen (1834–92) after they had been revised by their father. See von der Gabelentz (1862), 343–46, (1863), 143–46, (1864), 348–50, (1879), 169–97. 23. I am grateful to C. Salmon for pointing out to me that Mu Guiying (also ) appears as one of the main figures in the well-known historical novel Yangjia tongsu yanyi of the Ming period (s. Sun, 52). This character won such popularity that even today rewritings of the material are published; see for instance Nüjiang Mu Guiying by Shi Guo , Shanghai 1959, reprint 1978. For the plays about this heroine, see MacKerras, 262–64.

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24. One of the earliest references is to be found in the old Manchu documents Manwen laodan (Japanese ed. Mambun rôtô, V, 825). The Sanguo translated by Dahai is not the official history of the Three Kingdoms as has been claimed since Klaproth (1811), 189, by Laufer, 28, and recently by Durrant (1979), 654–56 etc. See Wang Songru , Zhanggu lingshi , ch. 1, 9b; E. Haenisch, in Ostasiatische Zeitschrift, N.F. 1 (1925), 237, note 1; E. Haenisch, in Orientalische Literaturzeitschrift, 40 (1937), 12, 762–63; W. Fuchs (1936), 40, 124; W. Fuchs (1942), 35. 25. I am grateful to Boris Riftin (Moscow) for this identification. 26. See reprint Peking (1955), v. 5, ch. 31, 1a–1lb. 27. See Tôkyô Daigaku Tôyôbunka kenkyûsho kanseki bunrui mokuroku (Tôkyô: 1973), I, 862a.

List of abreviations Ba 1: Be 1, Be 2: Be 3: Be 4: Ber 1: Bu: Ca 1: CaM 1: Ch 1: Da 1: Huh 1: Ir 1: Kö 1: Kp 1: L 1: L 2: L 3: Le 1: Le 2: Lo 1: Lo 2: Ma 1:

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Baltimore, Milton D. Eisenhower Library, Berlin Staatsbibliothek Preussischer Kulturbesitz, Berlin, Freie Universät, Ostasiatisches Seminar, Berlin, Universitätsbibliothek, Humboldt-Universität, Berkeley, University of California, East Asiatic Library, Budapest, Academy of Sciences Library, Cambridge, University Library, Cambridge/Mass., Harvard Yenching Library, Chicago, University, Far Eastern Library, Dairen (Dalian), Library of the South Manchurian Railway; now Dalian tushu guan , Huhehot, Hohhot, Hu-he-hao-te (Inner Mongolia Auton. Reg.), Library of the University of Inner Mongolia, Irkutsk, former Geographical Society; present whereabouts unknown, Köln, Universität, Ostasiatisches Seminar, Copenhagen, Royal Library, Leningrad (St Petresburg), Institut Vostokovedenija, Akademii Nauk SSSR, Lenigrad (St Petresburg), University Library, Lenigrad (St Petresburg), Public Saltykov-Ščedrin-Library, Leiden, Sinological Institute, University, Leipzig, Universitätsbibliothek, London, British Museum, London, School of Oriental and African Studies, Manchester, John Rylands Library (collection Lord Crawford, Bibliotheca Lindesiana),

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Mo 1: Mo 2: Mu 1: Mu 2: NY 1: NY 2: O 1: O 2: Pa 1: Pa 2: Pe 1: Pe 2: Pe 3: Pe 4: Pe 5: Pe 6: Pe 7: Po 1: Pr 1: Ri 1: Ro 1: Ro 2: Sibe: St 1: Te 1: To 1: To 2: Tsi 1: Tü 1: U 1: U 2: U 3: Vl 1: Wa 1:

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Moscow, State Library (Lenin Library), Moscow, Institut naučnoj informacii (INION), AN SSSR, Sinological Department, Mukden (Shenyang), former Zhongyang tushu guan : present location unknown, Mukden (Shenyang), Liaoning Province Library, New York, Columbia University Library, New York, American Museum of Natural History, Oslo, University Library Ȏsaka, University Library (Watanabe collection), Paris, National Library (BNF) Paris, Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, Peking, Palace Museum Library (at present in the Xuanshou tang of the Shou’an gong ), Peking, National Library, Peking, former Library of the Orthodox Mission in Nanguan (now partly in L 2), Peking, Municipal Library (former Guozi jian ), Peking, The Minorities’ Cultural Palace Library, Peking, Central Academy of Minorities, Library, Peking, Academy of Social Sciences, Library, Port Arthur Library, Dalien (Dairen), Princeton, Princeton University, Gest Oriental Library, Riga, University Library, Rostock, Universitätsbibliothek, Rome, Vatican Library, Xinjiang Province; further details unknown (perhaps Yining ), Stockholm, Royal Library, Tenri, University Library, Tôkyô, Tôyô Bunko , Tôkyô, Seikadô Bunko , Tsitsihar (Qiqihar), Municipal Library (Qi-qi-ha-er shi tushu guan ), Tübingen, Universitätsbibliothek, Ulan-bator, National Library, Ulan-bator, Private Collection I, Ulan-bator, Private Collection II, Vladivostok, Vostočnij institute (collection Grebenščikov), present location unknown (possibly now in Mo 1), Washington, Library of Congress.

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Reproduced from Literary Migrations: Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia (17th-20th Centuries), edited by Claudine Salmon (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2013). This version was obtained electronically direct from the publisher on condition that copyright is not infringed. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Individual articles are available at .

A NOTE ABOUT THE SPREAD OF CHINESE LITERATURE AMONGST THE MONGOLS Françoise Aubin

The diffusion of Chinese literature amongst the Mongols took place in two stages. The first of these goes back to the fourteenth century, when the Yuan rulers had the Chinese Classics translated into Mongolian for the edification of their subjects. While the Four Books (Daxue , Zhongyong , Lunyu , Mengzi ) were still being reprinted in the 1920s by Temgetü (on whom see below), it was the “Classic of Filial Piety” — Xiaojing — which really took root. Already translated into Xianbi (or Sienpi ) for the benefit of Tabgač youth toward the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth century, it was later also popular among the Tangut XiXia (or Si-Hia ) and the Mongols. Thus it inspired both written and oral Mongolian aphoristic literature and has left traces throughout the entire body of Mongolian popular literature. The second stage, that of the influence of Chinese novels, only goes back at the earliest to the seventeenth century, when the Mongols surrendered to the Manchus. And its development is closely linked to the expansion of the Qing rule in the Southern steppes from the eighteenth to the twentieth century. It is, therefore, an inherently Inner Mongolian phenomenon, which was transmitted to other regions, especially to Urga (now Ulan-Bator), mainly by Southern Mongolian emigrants. Mongolian studies have only recently discovered the enormous variety of themes and styles in this type of literature. The first novel to be taken up by the Mongols was the Xiyou ji , “The Journey to the West”, which was then considered to be a Buddhist

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work. Afterwards, translated literature grew away from the monasteries, but it was not until the publication of books was no longer a monopoly of the monasteries or of governmental offices that it started to be printed. Chinese prose novels and works of fiction gave rise to two theoretically different, but in fact related styles of Mongolian literature. On the one hand, there are the more or less freely translated Chinese novels, circulated in written versions (printed belatedly). These translated novels have given rise, since the nineteenth century, to new novels of manners, put by their Mongolian author into an imaginary Chinese surrounding, so that they would look like a translation from the Chinese. On the other hand, there are stories including lengthy songs with viol (quur) accompaniment; they were orally transmitted by bards who elaborated on translation of Chinese swashbuckling novels or adventure stories which they heard read or told, or on stories narrated at the markets in regions occupied by Chinese settlers. They form the bensen üliger (or bengsen-ü üliger,1 that is a “narration from books”), something like the French “chantefable”. It is a genre that had been well adopted into Mongolian epic literature, since the poetic, sung parts, with alliteration at the beginning of lines and parallel couplets, are very characteristic of Mongolian epic style, as are numerous similarities in themes and motifs. But their written origin can be clearly seen in their titles or in their introductory passages, where we find the words bicig “writing”, šastir “book”, etc.2 Since these orally transmitted stories have also been written down in ever increasing numbers during the twentieth century, the first task of specialists in comparative literature is to draw up a list of all the Mongolian works (long and short novels, stories, tales) directly based on actual Chinese works, to ascribe a precise source to each of them, and to eliminate those patterned on a non-existent Chinese model. Such a preliminary inventory is what B. Riftin gives us in the following article. The very length of his list shows how successful this literature has been and continues to be among Southern Mongols. At the end of 1977, Qasbuu’s translation of the “Dream of the Red Chamber” was still being published in Inner Mongolia. The next stages should be to define the content behind each title and to establish categories of thematically related versions. As for a general study of the bensen üliger genre, B. Riftin, a specialist of Chinese novels, is currently working on one, in collaboration with his colleague, the Mongolist S. Nekljudov.

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There still remains a little known branch of Mongolian literature translated from the Chinese: the adaptation of the works of the great classical Chinese poets, above all of the poets of the Tang dynasty.3 The Tang dynasty has benefited from outstanding prestige in Central-Asiatic cultures, as can be seen in the large number of novels bearing the word “Tang” in their title that have been popular amongst the Mongols. Here and is the place to mention the attraction felt during the Liao , Jin dynasties of the Tang imperial model of Emperor Taizong Yuan and of Tang political theories and practice on their own governments.4 Translated by Donald Holzman Notes 1. The term bengsen in classical Mongol (or bensen in modern Mongol) comes from the Chinese benzi , with nasalization of the final n, a distinctive feature of Northern Chinese dialects, those that the inhabitants of Inner Mongolia were acquainted with. 2. As a rule, titles ending with the word bicig, šastir (for example Ghurban ulus-un bicig, literally “The Writing of the Three Kingdoms”) show that the translation has been written down. We have arbitrarily, rendered bicig by “tale” in the translation of B. Riftin’s article. 3. The latest example of this literary genre is the translation of the “Three Hundred Tang Poems”, Tangshi sanbai shou , published in 1983 at Hohhot (formerly Köke-Qota, the capital of Inner Mongolia). 4. About the influence of literature translated from the Chinese among the Liao, Jin, Yuan, XiXia, see Herbert Franke, “Chinese Historiography under Mongol Rule: the Role of History in Acculturation”, Mongolian Studies. The Journal of the Mongolia Society 1 (1974): 15–26.

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Reproduced from Literary Migrations: Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia (17th-20th Centuries), edited by Claudine Salmon (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2013). This version was obtained electronically direct from the publisher on condition that copyright is not infringed. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Individual articles are available at .

MONGOLIAN TRANSLATIONS OF OLD CHINESE NOVELS AND STORIES A TENTATIVE BIBLIOGRAPHIC SURVEY1 Boris Riftin

Introduction An American Sinologist, Stephen W. Durrant, in a short note in 19792 raised the question of the importance of studying Manchu and Mongolian translations of old Chinese novels. Indeed, a close study of these translations, the majority of which are preserved in the form of manuscripts, can contribute much that is new not only to the history of Manchu and Mongolian literature or to the study of literary relations in the Far East from the seventeenth to the twentieth century, but also, to a certain extent, to the history of Chinese literature itself. It would be ideal of course to study Manchu and Mongolian translations of Chinese novels simultaneously, since the Mongols often translated from Manchu rather than from Chinese. However, this study would go beyond the capabilities of the author of the present article, who has limited his task to the study of Mongolian translations only. If, for example, Manchu translations of Chinese novels, undertaken from the mid-seventeenth to the beginning of the nineteenth century remained a fact of translated Manchu literature itself, Chinese novels, having found their way to the Mongols on the one hand with their plots gave life to a special genre of oral Mongolian tales — the bensen üliger,3 Mongolian song-narrative works based on Chinese novels, and these novels on the other hand became a basis for the creation in the mid-nineteenth century of the first Mongolian novels such as Köke sudur, “The Blue Chronicle”,4

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Nigen dabqur asar, “The One-Story Pavilion”,5 Ulaghan-a ukilaqu tingkim, “The Scarlet Pavilion of Tears” and Tabun ǰuwan, “Five Tales”. It is known, for example, that in “The Blue Chronicle” by Wangcinbala and his son Inǰannasi, there are episodes inspired by corresponding passages from ’s “Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, while “the Luo Guanzhong One-Story Pavilion” by Inǰannasi is a creative reworking of Cao Xuejin ’s “Dream of the Red Chamber”. The first information on the existence of Mongolian translations of Chinese novels was obtained by accident. At the end of the last century, the famous German Sinologist Wilhem Grube purchased in Beijing an old Mongolian manuscript — a translation of the Chinese novel Fan Tang “Tale of the Revolt against the Tang Dynasty”.6 When in yanyi 1907, Berthold Laufer wrote his first “Outline of the History of Mongolian Literature,” he mentioned only this work,7 since at that time nothing in the scholarship was known about other translations. Since that time, manuscripts of Mongolian translations of Chinese novels have been found in the libraries of the Mongolian People’s Republic (MPR), Russia, Japan, Germany, Hungary, the USA, Denmark and Sweden. It is not until recently that we are aware of the existence of translations of Chinese novels in collections to be found in Inner Mongolia as well as in various libraries of the People’s Republic of China, where they have been discovered in the last years;8 for example a few manuscript copies of Mongolian versions of the “Dream of the Red Chamber” and several other translations of various works which had been till now unknown by the specialists.9 Up to the present, most manuscripts of this type come to light in the collections of the State Library of the MPR in Ulan-Bator. It is worth mentioning that the dissemination of these translations throughout the entire territory populated by the Mongolian people was apparently far from being even. Most of the copies were prepared and circulated in the South Mongolian regions i.e., within the borders of present-day Inner Mongolia as well as in old Urga, which from 1911 to 1921 was the capital of Autonomous Mongolia. Some manuscripts, which we will discuss below, were apparently in circulation among the Western Mongols (Oirats) in West Mongolia and Xinjiang; but it is characteristic, for example, that in the rich collection of Mongolian manuscripts in the Buryat archives at Ulan-Ude, no translations of Chinese novels have been found, nor were any discovered among the Volga Kalmyks, descendants of the Oirats who in the seventeenth century came within the borders of Russia.

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It should be noted that despite of the long existence of xylographic printings among the Mongols, translations of Chinese novels were disseminated among them in manuscripts only, up to the beginning of the twentieth century. This led to peculiar consequence — to the appearance not only of a large number of different copies of the same translation (which is quite natural), but also to different translations of the same work. The latter is explained, apparently, by the fact that copies of the translations of the same work often had a local circulation and, in setting about the translation, the translator may not even have known about the existence of other translations of that novel. The lack of xylographic editions of Mongolian translations of Chinese novels is apparently explained by the concentration of all printing work within the walls of Lamaist monasteries. It is known that Lamas were interested in these translations and read them, but probably did not consider them worth reproducing in quantity by xylographic means in monastery printing shops. It is characteristic, for example, that the well-known Russian, Mongolist Academician B. Ja. Vladimirtsov was able during a scholarly mission to Mongolia and China in 1926 to find and buy manuscripts of Mongolian translations at the in Beijing. There were, however, Lamaist monastery Songzhu si no printed editions of novels there. The famous Sinologist Academician V.M. Alekseev, who was with B. Ja. Vladimirtsov in Beijing, describes this very interesting fact in his unpublished diary (entry from 8.15. 1926) as follows: “I travelled with Vladimirtsov to Songzhu si, where they had prepared for us the much sought after manuscripts of Mongolian novels [that is, of Chinese novels translated into Mongolian — B.R.]: Erdu mei , ‘The Plum-tree Flowers Twice’, ‘The Seven Kingdoms’, ‘The Sixteen States’10 and others. They asked an exorbitant price of 96 dollars. I foolishly and clumsily bargained but could get it no lower than 85 dollars (I started at 45 dollars). I was explained that there was a whole series of hunters before this (Laufer, Japanese, French — a whole gallery, the American Nicholsy).11 The conversation was quite gay and went on in a stuffy room for an hour or even more. I ended with the acquisition of the manuscripts — a triumph for Vladimirtsov”. This quotation confirms our idea that Lamaist monasteries and the printing shop which existed in them possessed manuscripts of translations of Chinese novels but did not publish them. Only in the 1920s did the first publications of Mongolian translations of Chinese novels appear. In 1923, in Beijing the Mongolian scholar

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Temgetü (c. 1887–1939) organized the publishing house of Mengwen “Literary Society of Mongolian Literature”, which set shushe as its goal the collection of old Mongolian, Tibetan and Chinese books and the publication of works in Mongolian.12 A translation of the Xihan , “Romance of the Western Han Dynasty”, was published yanyi in 1925 by this new publishing house. In 1928, a new translation of “Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, completed Sanguo yanyi by Temgetü was published.13 Besides this, the publisher also put out in “Strange 1928 a Mongolian translation of the Liaozhai zhiyi 14 Stories from a Chinese Studio”. Temgetü’s publishing and translation activities were in many respects connected with his position as a Mongolian intellectual who attempted to oppose the Sinicization (carried out on a broad front) of the Eastern and Southern Mongolians who lived on Chinese territory. “I am afraid”, he wrote, “that now very few people have perfect command of the Mongolian script, and many Mongolian books have become a bibliographic rarity. If this situation is not remedied, we will lose our literature altogether”.15 As far as we know, publications of Mongolian translations of Chinese novels were not undertaken in the , “Wonders New 1930s and 1940s; however, the Jingu qiguan “Story of (Wang) Zhaojun”, and Old” and the Zhaojun zhuan, both based on old manuscripts, were reissued in the MPR during the 1950s and 1960s. In the PRC, publications of Mongolian translations of a few of the most popular Chinese novels were also undertaken in the 1950s and at the end of the 1970s. The first bibliographical description of a basic group of manuscript translations was made in Mongolia in 1937.16 In 1960, the Mongolian bibliographer Žaadamba continued the work: describing briefly the large number of rare manuscripts kept in the State Library of the MPR, he quoted numerous translations of Chinese novels and stories.17 However, he, like his predecessors, did not set himself the goal of identifying the Mongolian novels with their Chinese originals, but merely gave a formal description of the available manuscripts. Only in the 1960s and 1970s did the well-known German Mongolist Prof. W. Heissig (Bonn University) prepare detailed descriptions of the collections of Mongolian manuscripts and xylographs kept in the libraries of Germany and the Royal Library in Copenhagen.18 Then in his two-volume long Geschichte der Mongolischen Literatur, Prof. Heissig drew the first parallel between the well-known handwritten translations and their Chinese originals, using for the Chinese

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Lu Xun’s “A Brief History of Chinese Fiction” (English version) and some other works in English and German.19 Unlike Prof. Heissig, this author is not a Mongolist but a specialist in Chinese folk-literature and folklore who became interested in Mongolian translations of the old Chinese novels and stories in connection with the study of the repertoire of the Mongolian qûrci (see n. 123), performers of the bensen üliger tales. With the help of Mongolian colleagues, he examined numerous manuscripts in the collection of Ulan-Bator as well as in St Petersburg and Moscow libraries, where he enjoyed the kind consultations of the Mongolists Aleksei Georgievič Sazykin and Zoia ’s well-known Kononovna Kas’ianenko. With the help of Sun Kaidi “Catalogue of Chinese Popular Fiction”20 and supplementing it with the 21 and other Chinese works, this author book by Prof. Liu Ts’un-yan made it his goal to give as full a list as possible of the old Mongolian translations of Chinese novels and stories which can be identified at present. In a number of cases, he checked his suppositions by turning to the texts of Chinese editions of the novels themselves and comparing them with the translations. Besides an examination of the manuscripts, he also relied on information obtained from the Mongolian qûrci or “story-tellers”, who at one time read the manuscript translations of a number of novels and used them as a basis for the plots of their bensen üliger tales. Unfortunately, by no means were all the translations known to this author identified. The fact is that Mongolian translators often changed the titles of the translated works. In addition to this, not only were the widely known Chinese novels translated but also those which could be preserved in single copies and which were unaccounted for by Sun Kaidi, Liu Ts’un-yan or the compilers of other catalogues. Concrete examples of this kind will be cited below. Of the whole mass of discovered manuscripts, approximately two thirds have been identified by him with a greater or lesser degree of certainty. For convenience in describing Mongolian translations of Chinese novels this author will use the Chinese classification accepted by tradition, in accordance with which historical romances, novels of manners, fantastic novels of miracles, and finally novels of swordsmen and trial cases are stories stand by themselves distinguished. The collections of huaben in this classification. By mischance, the overwhelming majority of Mongolian translations of Chinese novels have no dates. One can suppose that they were completed from the beginning of the eighteenth century to the beginning of the twentieth century (what this assumption is based on, will be discussed

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below). It is striking that probably those novels interpreted by Mongolian scribes in the spirit of religious Buddhist (Lamaist) doctrine were the first to be translated into Mongolian. This is how they considered Zhong guomu , “Empress Zhong” and Wu Cheng’en ’s “Journey to the West” which the Mongols took as a description of man’s comprehension of the true (in the Buddhist understanding of this word) path to salvation. The small handwritten Mongolian catalogue of translations from the Chinese found by A.G. Sasykin in the archives of the St Petersburg Branch of the Institute of Oriental Studies (Mong. sect. I, list 3, n°.61) might prove to be of some help in the dating of translations. In 1864 this catalogue was given by the Asiatic Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia to the Library of the former Asiatic Museum. Hence the translations recorded in it were completed no later than the middle of the nineteenth century. It is interesting that in contrast to traditional Chinese catalogues, the Mongolian catalogue begins with a list of novels rather than with canonical Confucian works which are also recorded in it. This shows that the works of narrative fiction in Chinese literature attracted the Mongols above all; and the novels constitute exactly half (17 of 34) of the titles. Henceforth we will conditionally call this catalogue, which has no title simply “The St Petersburg Catalogue”. 1. Historical Romances To our knowledge the following Chinese historical novels and epics were translated into Mongolian:   1. Lieguo zhi “History of the States”. Mongolian title (Žaadamba, p. 13) Olan ulus-un teüke, “History of the States” or Olan ulus-un bicig. The translation of this novel is mentioned in the St Petersburg Catalogue; thus it was carried out no later than the middle of the nineteenth century. Two copies were preserved in Tôkyô,22 and four in China.23   2. Fengjian chunqiu “Chronicle of Spears and Swords”, a lesser known novel about the wars of the famous strategist of antiquity . The Mongolian translation is entitled (Žaadamba, Sun Bin p. 112) Füng jiyan cün ciu bicig (repetition of the Chinese title).   3. Qiguo zhi “History of the Seven Kingdoms”. The Mongolian translation: Dolughan ulus-un debter, “The Seven Kingdoms”, is known in several copies: one, under the title of Dolughan ulus-un… nci debter, is kept in the Royal Library in Copenhagen;24 four others,

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entitled Dolughan ulus-un bicig are kept, one in the collection of B.Ja. Vladimirtsov in the Manuscript Department of the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts in St Petersburg (henceforth abbreviated: MDIOM), and three in the Chinese collections;25 another copy, with the title of Dolughan ulus-un tughuji, is too in the MDIOM (n°.F-45); and one Collection in Tôkyô. more is in the Seikadô   4. Zhong Wuyan “[Empress] Zhong Wuyan”, a widely popular novel among the Mongols known, in a whole series of copies, under different titles. Three copies in Copenhagen (title: ǰung dakini);26 one in each of the following libraries: Marburg,27 Ulan-Bator,28 and the Oriental Faculty of St Petersburg University (n°.E-26) — an old copy in bodhi form, written apparently in Southern Mongolia and brought by the well-known Mongolist A.D. Pozdneev. One other copy, under the title Ci ulus-un quwangkeü ǰung U-yan-u bicig, “Tale of the Empress Zhong Wuyan from the Kingdom of Qi”29 is kept in the private collection of the Mongol Academician Ts. Damdinsüren. On the binding of this manuscript there is an inscription which states that this Chinese novel was translated into Manchu during the Chongde era (Mong: Degedü erdemtü, 1636–43) of the reign of Abaqai (1592–1646), and then, in the first third of the eighteenth century, from Manchu to Mongolian by the Mongol prince Cevenǰab. Later in the year of the Earthern Hen (in 1729 or more likely in 1789), the Lama Gandan Rabča made a copy in the form of a sûtra (bodhi), which apparently was the basis for later copies in the form of the ). The copy, which is kept usual Chinese notebooks (benzi in the collection of Ts. Damdinsüren was prepared in 1868. Two uncompleted manuscripts are kept at the Institute for Languages and History of Inner Mongolia Library;30 since their titles differ from each other, they have been wrongly described in the catalogue as being and two distinctive works namely “Zhong Wuyan’s Story” . “Empress Zhong’s Story” Zhong guomu zhuan To determine which Chinese original was the basis for the Manchu (evidently long since lost), and then the Mongolian translation, is far from simple. In Sun Kaidi’s book and other catalogues, this novel does not appear. Thanks to the kind assistance of the Chinese , the author was able to learn that in China scholar Chen Yupi (Beijing Library) there is a xylograph — perhaps the only copy still in existence — under the title of Xinke Zhong Wuyan niangniang or “The Complete Story of Empress quanzhuan Zhong Wuyan”, having the second title of Zhong guomu, “Empress

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Zhong” (notice that among Mongolian story-tellers the tale from this novel is precisely Zhong guomu). It was edited by Shouzhuo and printed by the Bijing tang . The work zhuren ), each of which being composed is divided into six parts (liu ji of ten juan. This work is composed not in prose but in seven-word verse with an addition in certain cases of two or three characters, which is quite typical of Chinese folk-literature. This work written or “Wooden-fish in Cantonese and belonging to the muyu shu book” genre is a special kind of novel in verse.31 Whether it is the basis for the Manchu and Mongolian prose translations is difficult to say for the time being. First, there must be a collation of the texts. It should be noted that the xylograph preserved in China was printed in the southeastern province of Guangdong, far from the home of the Mongols and from the center of Manchu culture of that time. However, there is also evidence that the folk-works on the Empress Zhong were popular in the eighteenth century in the Beijing region as well. The scholar, known under the pseudonym of Zhiyan zhai , wrote commentaries on Cao Xueqin’s novel “Dream of the Red Chamber” (up to chapter 22) in which he mentions a contemporary genre under the title Zhong Wuyan edition belonging to the guci or “Zhong Wuyan Goes to a Meeting”.32 The zou hui commentaries of Zhiyan zhai date from 1760. It is known that during these years he lived in Beijing, thus one can suppose that folk-works on the Empress Zhong were at this time popular both in the north and the south of China. In taking into account the fact that both the guci and the muyu shu were often reworkings of well-known novels, one can suppose that the basis for these folk-books was the same Chinese novel, now unknown, which was the basis for the Manchu and then the Mongolian translations. A Vietnamese translation of a also novel about Empress Zhong entitled Chung Vô Diệm appeared in 1909.33 However, the present writer does not know on which Chinese version it is based. Among the Chinese, the history of the Empress Zhong (Zhongli Chun ), in full, the wife of the Qi Prince Xuanwang , (after the name of her native who bore the title Wuyan jun ), did not receive home Wuyan which in fact should be written such a wide reading public among the Chinese as among the Mongols even though it is well-known in literature beginning with Liu Xiang ’s Lienü zhuan , “Biographies of Famous Women” first century B.C.). The popularity of this novel with the Mongols promoted

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the widespread concept among them that the Empress Zhong was a powerful goddess. In the muyu shu version, the Empress Zhong is , “The a reincarnation of one of the daughters of Xiwangmu Queen of the West”. In the Mongolian translation of this story from the Žamtsarano collection (MDIOM n°.F-308), for example, there is the following inscription: “The history, setting forth the deeds of a tengri (i.e. an heavenly being — B.R.) from the Zhong clan, the reincarnation of the mighty Okin-tengri, who put down the disorders in China by command of the high tengri” (p. 2a). It was characteristic of Mongolian story-tellers who preformed the tale of Zhong guomu, to establish certain rules to regulate the performance of the tale (for instance, banning the performance of certain fragments, requiring the master who invited the story-teller to light incense and to read certain prayers before the beginning of the performance, and demanding the work be performed without departing from the plot given in the novel, etc.). These were all connected with the fear of revenge from the powerful goddess, who assumed the appearance of Zhong guomu. The inscription from the St Petersburg copy indicates that these conceptions were current not only in the story-telling milieu but also among Mongolian scribes.   5. Xihan yanyi “Romance of the Western Han Dynasty”. The Mongolian translation is known under the title of Baraghun Qan ulusun bicig (~ teüke), “Historical Tale of the Western Han Dynasty”.34 Since the translation is mentioned in the St Petersburg Catalogue, it was completed no later than the mid-nineteenth century.   6. Donghan yanyi “Romance of the Eastern Han Dynasty”, an epic created at the same time as the previous one. The Mongolian translation is called ǰegün Qan ulus-un bicig, “Romance of the Eastern Han Dynasty”.35   7. Zhaojun zhuan “Story of (Wang) Zhaojun”. Mongolian title Xe wan ǰuwan-u36 bicig gedeg tughuji, “Tale of He Wang (?)”. The question of the identity between the original and the translation awaits study.37 8/9. The period of the Han is also described in two other Mongolian translations of Chinese novels, Qan ulus-un Šeng su gi nu bicig and Qan ulus-un Sioi qan giuwan-u bicig terigün debter, kept in Tôkyô in .38 The identification of these manuscripts the Tôyô bunko has not yet been carried out. A copy of the first one is also found in the collection of the MIDIOM (n°.F-304) and three others are kept in

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China.39 The action in it goes back to the times of the Han emperor (179–157 B.C.). Wendi Sanguo yin , “The Cause (of the Appearance) of the Three , who Kingdoms”, a short narrative on the scribe Sima Mao ends up for a time in the Underground Court and passes judgment or Yama, “King of on the souls of the dead in place of Yanwang Hell”, foreordaining the events of the period of the Three Kingdoms. A rare work of narrative prose, not recorded in Sun Kaidi’s catalogue, but described by Liu Ts’un-yan (p. 171, n°.32). Reprints have recently appeared in Taiwan.40 Its Manchu version41 and two different Mongolian translations under various titles (in the collection of the State Library of the MPR42 and in Ts. Damdinsüren’s collection) are known. In addition to those copies three more were recently discovered in Chinese collections.43 Reference to this work in the St Petersburg Catalogue shows that the Mongolian translation was completed before the middle of the nineteenth century. A copy from Damdinsüren’s collection is called Erte čaghtu erlig-ün oron-a kereg sidkegsen Sema Mao-yin debter. Sanguo yanyi “Romance of the Three Kingdoms”. According to the Mongolian scholar B. Sodnom, the Mongolian translation under the title of Ghurban ulusun bicig, “Tale of the Three Kingdoms”, was done from the Manchu,44 affirmation which, however, still requires verification. In 1925, a lithographic edition of one variant of the translation appeared in China,45 then a new translation, done by Temgetü, was published in 1928, and was the basis for the last typeset edition of Hohhot (Köke-qota) in 1959. A separate notebook constituting a list in Mongolian of all the main heroes of the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” is also kept in the MDIOM, Such copies were sometimes found in xylograph editions of Chinese novels to assist the readers. Hua Mulan “(The Maid) Hua Mulan”. A manuscript in 10 notebooks (ben ) entitled Yeke Tang ulus-un qoyitu-yi töbsidkegsen Quwa Mu-lan-u üliger, “Tale of Hua Mulan who during the Great Tang Dynasty, Pacified the North”, is kept in Inner Mongolia Library.46 Sui Tang yanyi , “Romance of the Sui and Tang Dynasties”. A Mongolian translation under the title Sui Tang is recorded in the St Petersburg Catalogue; two copies are kept in China.47 It cannot be ruled out that the Mongolian manuscript from the collection of the Ethnographic Museum in Stockholm, entitled Sui (?) ulus-un ǰang tai

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jin bicig, “Tale of Zhang Daijin (jin ? or yin?) of the Sui Dynasty”,48 is a translation of this novel. Though it is possible that this refers to , “Short Chronicle of the lesser known novel Suifu jilüe the Sui House”, a Mongolian translation of which is recorded in the Collection. Seikadô Of all the old Mongolian translations of Chinese novels, the works describing events of the Tang dynasty present the greatest difficulty. Their number exceeds fifteen. These manuscripts have not yet been studied, and the matter is complicated by the fact that there are original Mongolian works among them, created by local authors in the nineteenth century such as, for example, the cycle of works of the novel type, known under the title Tabun ǰuwan or Tabun častir, “Five Tales”. The present author has generally limited himself to the lists of those manuscripts which he was able to identify with the Chinese originals. 14. Shuo Tang , “Story of the Tang Dynasty”. The illustrated Mongolian translation entitled Yeke Tang ulus-un egüskel-ün teüke, “History of the Beginning of the Tang Dynasty” is kept in the State Library of the MPR.49 Another copy from this collection is called simply Tang ulus-un teüke, “History of the Tang”.50 In the catalogue of the Mongolian collections of the Chinese libraries, there still appears a translation of a Chinese novel entitled Yeke Tang ulus-un bicig, “Tale of the Great Tang Dynasty”, in sixtyfour juan and twenty notebooks, which the editors of the catalogue identify as the Tangshu zhizhuan tongsu yanyi “Popular Tale about the History of the Tang”.51 It is difficult to affirm the accuracy of this statement, as this Chinese novel is made up of eighty-nine juan; it is probably a translation of the Shuo Tang (which consists of however sixty-eight juan). 15. Luo Tong sao bei , “Luo Tong Clears the North”. Two copies are known to us in the MPR. An old one from the collection of the State Library of the MPR entitled Yeke Tang ulus-un Lüwe Tüng süwe be ǰuwan-u bicig, “Tale of Luo Tong who Clears the North in the Great Tang Dynasty”52 and a newer one (1925) under the title Luwe Tung from Ts. Damdinsüren’s collection (neither manuscript was preserved in full). Five more copies are in Chinese libraries. 16. Xue Rengui zheng dong “Xue Rengui Attacks the East”. Among the Mongols, this novel and the cycle of stories based on it are known under the short title Dongliao, “Eastern Liao”, that is, the

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lands of the Eastern part of Liaodong, in which the Tang commander Xue Rengui waged war against the Korean tribes. A few copies of this translation are known: the one kept at the University of California at Berkeley, for example, has the title Yeke Tang ulus-un siüwei li nu i.e. Xue ǰegün liyoo-yi töbsidkegsen… debter,53 “How Xue Li ( Rengui) Freed the Eastern Liao in the Great Tang Dynasty”. Three late copies (of 1927 and 1937) have been discovered in China.54 Xue Dingshan zheng xi , “Xue Dingshan Attacks the West”, a novel which is the continuation of the previous one, translated into Mongolian under the title of Yeke Tang ulus-un baraghun Liyang-yi toghtaghaghsan bicig, “Tale of how the Great Tang Dynasty Founded (the Kingdom of the) Western Liang”, is in the University of California at Berkeley,55 and in two Chinese collections.56 It is possible that the unidentified translation of a Chinese novel entitled Yeke Tang ulus-un siǰai Tang-yüi bicig, “Tale of She Tangyu(?) of the Great Tang Dynasty”, is part of this cycle. Manuscripts with such a title were preserved in Ulan-Bator57 and in the MDIOM from the collection of B. Ja. Vladimirtsov (F-253). Since the syllable Siǰai can also translate the Chinese Xue (suë in the northwestern dialectal Chinese pronunciation to which the Mongolian translators were often oriented), one can suppose that the name of the main character mentioned at the beginning of the manuscript must be reconstructed as Xue Baolang . The district of Longmen xian is mentioned as the scene of the action at the beginning — the birthplace of Xue Rengui, which is why we suggest that this novel is related to the cycle of works on the Xue clan. The second title of this novel, inscribed on the twenty-second notebook of the St Petersburg manuscript is Siji-pai ǰuwan-u bicig. The Ulan-Bator copy is divided into forty chapters, the St Petersburg one into twenty-four notebooks. Fan Tang yanyi “Tale of the Revolt against the Tang”. In the Mongolian translation: Sine seyilügsen öbere ügülel-ün emüne Tang ulus-un jirum-i silghaghsan bürin-e bicig, “The Newly Created Complete Annotated Separate Tale of the Revolt against the Tang”. Several copies are known; one in the State Library of the MPR (n°.895. I/T-21); in Leipzig another, examined by E. Haenisch and clearly mistakenly determined by him to be a seventeenth century copy,58 and one in the Inner Mongolia Library, under the title Tang ulus-un pan Tang-un üliger.59 Fenzhuang lou “Story of a Boudoir”. Mongolian translation: Tang ulus-un fun ǰuwang leü kemekü bicig, “Tale entitled Story of a

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21.

22.

23.

24.

25.

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Boudoir”.60 This novel had a marked influence on Mongolian fiction; one of the famous Mongolian tales Tabun ǰuwan, “Five Tales”, was created in the nineteenth century as a direct sequel of the Chinese novel.61 Can Tang Wudai shi yanyi , “Tale of the Fall of the Tang and the Five Dynasties”. In the Mongolian translation kept in MPR, this novel is called simply Tang ulus-un bicig, “Book of the Tang Dynasty”.62 Judging from everything, the old version of the ), constructed novel with the traditional chapter sub-titles (huimu as couplets, was the basis for the Mongolian translation. This Chinese Library in Tôkyô.63 version is kept in the Naikaku bunko In Inner Mongolia, a manuscript retains the original title: Can Tang ǰuwan-u bicig.64 Beisong zhi , “History of the Northern Song Dynasty”. Mongolian title: Qoyitu Süng ulus-un (üliger-ün) bicig, “Tale of the Northern Song Dynasty”.65 Quite a few copies of this translation were preserved, but with definite differences in the titles. Some of them for example are entitled Sing Süng ǰuwan-u bicig.66 It is possible that further investigation will reveal the existence of several translations of this novel. Wuhu ping nan yanyi , “The Five Tigers Pacify the South”. In Mongolian translation Süng Man qoyar ulus-un bicig, “Tale of Two Kingdoms: Song and Man”,67 with the sub-title of Di Cing-un emüneki-yi töbsidkegsen ulamjilal, “Tale of how Di Qing Pacified the South”.68 Yangjiajiang yanyi , “Generals of the Yang Family”, Manuscripts of Mongolian translation have still not been discovered; information on its existence was obtained from the Mongolian storytellers mentioned earlier, Čoinxor and Sambodaš. Wanhua lou , “The Pavilion of Ten Thousand Flowers”, sequel to the novel on the generals of the Yang family. No manuscripts have been discovered, information was obtained from the same oral sources as above. Yinglie zhuan , “Tale of the Heroes”. The Mongolian translation entitled Jing liyei ǰuwan-u bicig repeats the Chinese title.69 The mention of this title in the St Petersburg catalogue shows that the translation was completed no later than the middle of the nineteenth century. As is known, different versions of this novel exist. One of them, called , “Tale of in Chinese Huangming yinglie zhizhuan the Valiant Heroes of the Most August Ming Dynasty”, was also

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translated into Mongolian under the title of Ming ulus-un Hung-wu mandsan bicig, “Tale of the Flowering in the Hongwu years of the Ming Dynasty”.70 27. Tieguan tu zhuan “Tale of Tie Guantu”, a lesser known novel, describes, albeit from anti-popular positions, the rebellion of at the end of the Ming Dynasty. Probably several Li Zicheng versions of this novel existed because the Mongolian translation in twenty-nine notebooks, preserved in the State Library of the MPR with the long title of Tiyan Ghuwan-tu kemekü yeke Ming bicig-eče tasulan…, “Selected Passages from the History of the Great Ming called Tien (= Tie) Guantu”71 is divided into a large number of chapters — 205 — but from the postscript at the end of the last notebook it is clear that the manuscript is not complete; it also contains a reference to a division into eleven parts (possibly reminiscent of the former juan of the Chinese original). The chapters have a title of one line, as in early versions of Chinese novels.72 At present, there is no chance to know on which text the translation is based. 28. The manuscript on the Qing Emperor Renzong , who ruled under (1796–1820), belongs to the unidentified the reign-title of Jiaqing translations with various titles, such as Jiyacing qaghan-u üliger “Story of Emperor Jiaqing”.73 Other copies are kept in Copenhagen74 as well as in the Library of the Oriental Faculty of St Petersburg University (Mong. B-26): Dayicing ulus-un jiya-cing ji-u panǰa terigün (in four notebooks, four chapters). The beginning of the work tells how chose a successor to himself and how the Emperor Qianlong Lama (panchen-erdeni?) was invited from Tibet.75 2. Novels of Manners 29. Jin Ping Mei , “The Golden Lotus”. Apart from the works of a historical and pseudo-historical character, quite a few novels of manners were also translated into Mongolian. The earliest Chinese novel of manners, Jin Ping Mei, was translated in 1708 into Manchu, and then from Manchu to Mongolian. When the Mongolian translation was made, and how many versions exist, has not yet been established. In one of the six copies kept in the State Library of the MPR under the title Jing ping mei kemekü bicig there is the following colophon: “In 1910 Dawa, Idam and others translated this book from the Manchu by sacred command of the Bogdaqan”.76 It is clear, however, that this is not the first Mongolian translation since one is mentioned in the

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30.

31. 32. 33.

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St Petersburg Catalogue compiled no later than the mid-nineteenth century. Honglou meng , “Dream of the Red Chamber”, the famous , created two centuries later than Jin novel by Cao Xueqin Ping Mei, early on attracted the attention of educated Mongols. This is attested to by the preserved copy of “The Story of the Stone” , alternate title for the novel), dating to the period (Shitou ji of the Qianlong years (1736–96) and belonging to the headquarters , i.e. probably the of the Mongol princes (menggu wangfu 77 Mongol Princes’ mansion in Beijing). In the 1840s the Mongolian scholar Qasbuu wrote an abridged translation of “The Dream of the Red Chamber” (in forty chapters) and supplied it with a foreword (1847) and numerous commentaries. Already six copies of this translation entitled Sine hung leü meng, “New Honglou meng” have been discovered in Tôkyô (Seikadô Collection), in Ulan-Bator78 and four in Inner Mongolia.79 This translation by virtue of its creative nature (rewriting a shorter version of a novel requires great mastery) and the special commentaries have in recent years drawn the attention of scholars in China. In 1976 the full translation of Cao’s novel, prepared by three contemporary translators, was published in Inner Mongolia. Ping Shan Leng Yan , titled after the names of four heroes. In Mongolian Ping šan lang yen-ü bicig.80 Lü mudan , “The Green Peony”. It is known in Mongolian in several copies under various titles: in Ulan-Bator,81 in the Seikadô Collection in Tôkyô, and in Copenhagen.82 Erdu mei , “The Plum Tree Flowers Twice”. Four copies of the Mongolian translation under somewhat varying titles are known. A copy obtained in 1926 in Beijing by B. Ja. Vladimirtsov and preserved at present in MDIOM (F-232) is called Yeke Tang ulus-un el-dü-mei kemekü bicig, “The Tale Entitled Erdu mei of the Great Tang Dynasty”. Three other copies are kept in the State Library of the MPR83 and two in Inner Mongolia.84 Hudie mei , “The Butterfly-go-between”. A Mongolian translation of this lesser known novel85 is kept in Inner Mongolia under the title of Qu-diye-mei kemekü üliger.86 Wumei yuan , “Story of the Five Beauties”, in Mongolian translation U-mei- ǰuwan-u bicig.87 Jin xiang ting , “Pavilion of Brocade and Aroma”. A translation of this novel is kept in the Seikadô Collection in Tôkyô.

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37. It should not be excluded the eventuality that behind the Mongolian translation printed with mobile characters and entitled Siya-yi ǰuwan kemekü teüke bicig, “The Tale Called Xiayi zhuan” is to be found , “The Fortunate Union”,88 because the second Haoqiu zhuan , “A Tale of title of this novel is Xiayi fengyue zhuan 89 Chivalrous Love”. 38. Apart from these works, a number of manuscripts are known which are translations of Chinese stories and novels of manners, the originals of which have not yet been identified. Such, for example, is the tale that this author discovered in the State Library of the MPR. The tale Yin (or Jin?) deals with Liu Yuxian — widow of young juren Guocai — who after enduring every hardship in the end is rewarded for every thing. The manuscript of this translation is entitled Yirtinčü-yi mandughulughci teüke liu-yüi-siyan-u üliger, “Story of the Blooming of the World — The Tale of Liu Yuxian”.90 The action goes back to years (1368–98). Hongwu 39. The source of the manuscript entitled Süng ulus-un li qang [variant: cing or ying] qoyar oboghtu yuwan-wei-yin91 jirum-i iletgegsen bicig, named “Tale Reporting the Rule [of Life] of Two yuanwai Li and Han [var. Cing or Jing, or in Beijing pronunciation Qing or Jing] of the Song Dynasty”,92 has not been determined. It cannot be ruled out that this is a translation of the Chinese novel Liang jiaohun , “A Short Tale of Two Marriages” with which, xiaozhuan unfortunately, this author was not able to acquaint himself. 40. One can refer also to the manuscript entitled Cen čai jin-u teüke, “Story (of the Maid) Chen Caijin”, which tells of two ministers with the family name of Wang and Chen and their children Wang Guyu and Chen Caijin.93 41. This author was not able to determine the source of the translation entitled Ci ling meng.94 The title can presumably be translated as )”(?). The action takes place during “Dream of the Unicorn (qilin the Song dynasty. Besides these, other manuscript novels are briefly listed in Heissig’s catalogues.95 These manuscripts remain unstudied and unidentified. 3. Fantastic Novels Perhaps novels about miracles, including the “Journey to the West”, “The Investiture of the Gods”, and the “Biography of the Monk Jigong” enjoyed popularity among the Mongols even more than novels of manners.

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42. Xiyou ji , “Journey to the West”. More than twenty manuscript , preserved copies of translations of this novel by Wu Cheng’en at Ulan-Bator,96 St Petersburg, Budapest, Copenhagen,97 Stockholm, Hohhot (=Köke-qota) and Tenri University in Japan are known. According to the colophon found in five of the thirteen Ulan-Bator copies, the first translation into Mongolian was completed in 1721 (as the Mongolian scholar E. Tümenžargal suggests it) by the philologist Arana, one of the compilers of the Manchu-Mongolian dictionary (1717). The latter, according to the authors of “An Abridged History of Mongolian Literature” (Chinese ed. of 1981, p. 139), also composed a commentary to the first sixteen chapters of his translation. This novel drew the attention of Mongolian scribes earlier than others (approximately at the same time as “Empress Zhong”) by virtue of a Buddhist interpretation, characteristic of the Mongols of that time. Mongolian scribes took it as a Buddhist revelation: the story of a ) grasp of Buddhist doctrine. As E. Tümenžargal man’s (Xuanzang has established, there exist two different translations and a kind of combined version (in which the first thirty chapters are borrowed from the second version). This novel is known among the Mongols by the title of Tangsang-blama… (which means literally “Tang Lama-monk” — The Chinese word seng, “monk” being duplicated by the Tibetan word blama).98 43. Feng shen yanyi , “The Investiture of the Gods”. Copies of the Mongolian translation are kept in Ulan-Bator, Hohhot, Beijing, Copenhagen and St Petersburg. Mention of it in the St Petersburg catalogue indicates that the translation was completed no later than the mid-nineteenth century. It is commonly ascribed to the Mongolian writer Inǰannasi,99 though no real proof of this has yet been found. A comparison of the three copies from the collection of the State Library of the MPR showed that these are three different translations. An examination of the St Petersburg copy has not yet been conducted. Manuscript copies have several different titles, for example, Qubilghan ergüm jilegsen teüke [~bicig], “Elevation of a Qubilghan” in the Library of the MPR,100 or ǰuu ulus-un bicig, “Tale of the Zhou Dynasty”, with the sub-title Füng-šen yen-yi bicig.101 44. Jigong zhuan , “Biography (of the Monk) Jigong”. Several different versions exist; mention of its translation in the St Petersburg catalogue makes it possible to date it to a time before the middle of the nineteenth century. A very large number of copies of the Mongolian

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translation (or translations) of this novel (or these novels) exist.102 The titles are, as a rule, different. In some the name Jigong appears, (the character dian in others the nickname of the hero, Ji Dian is used here instead of that of which means “mad”),103 and in still others (and there are many of these) the Chinese compound Šeng ?).104 Like the “Journey to the West”, this novel was cin qui ( known among the Oirats (Western Mongolia and Xinjiang), which is indicated by the copies, written in the so-called “clear script”, todo bicig, invented by the Oirats in the seventeenth century. Its popularity among the Mongols in former times was explained, apparently, once again by its Buddhist interpretation. The reverence for Jigong in the Mongolian Buddhist Lamaist milieu even led to the appearance of a brief biography of Ji Dian, compiled in the Tibetan language — sacred to the Lamaists — and published by xylograph in the year of the Wooden Pig (1935?) in Urga.105 45. Sheng xian zhuan , “Elevation to Immortality”. A Mongolian translation under the title Šen-siyan ǰuwan kemekü teüke, “Story Entitled Sheng xian zhuan”, is kept in the State Library of the MPR106 and in the Library of Inner Mongolia.107 46. To this group of works belongs apparently the still unidentified translation entitled U-tu ǰuwan kemekü ǰan tiyen si tabun qooratai simnus-i darughsan teüke, “Fate of the Five Heads (Five Poisons?)”, ) Suppressed the also entitled “Story of how Zhang tianshi ( Five Poisonous Spirits”. An incomplete manuscript is kept in the State Library of the MPR.108 The only title in Sun Kaidi’s catalogue which somewhat resembles this title is Hunyuanhe wudu quanzhuan , “The Complete Story of the Magic Box with Five Poisons”.109 Unfortunately the much too inadequate details in the catalogue of Chinese novels do not provide a key to the identification of the texts. 4. Novels of Swordsmen and Trial Cases 47. Shuihu zhuan , “The Water Margin”, the famous novel by Shi occupies first place in this group of novels. Mongolian Nai’an translations are known under various titles. In some cases they contain a transcription of the Chinese original: Sui-qu ǰuwan…;110 in others, the exact translation of the Chinese title Ghool-un toqoi, “River Creeks”; in others still (these cases are rather frequent) the words küiten aghula,

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“Cold Mountain” appears in the title (this is how the Mongolian translators, who knew the Chinese spoken language better than the — literally: “Beam written, interpreted the name Liangshan — “Cool Mountains”. Mountains”, translating it as Liangshan One of the copies described by E. Tümenžargal is thus titled Süng ulus-un küiten aghula-yin bicig, “Tale of the Cool Mountain in the Song Kingdom”. According to the researches of Tümenžargal, who studied particularly the translations of “The Water Margin”111 there are two different versions. Both of them are apparently based on the seventy-chapter version of the novel belonging to the seventeenth century scholar Jin (or Jin Renrui ), though in the Mongolian Shengtan translation one encounters certain passages which are missing in the standard seventy-chapter version. The first translation was apparently completed in part by the poet Gülransa, brother of Inǰannasi, in the first half of the nineteenth century (it is mentioned under the title of Sui qu in the St Petersburg Catalogue). The last translation was completed in 1909 by the Mongolian officials, Öljeytü, Baldančering and Čoghbadaraqu. The Library of Inner Mongolia keeps three ben of a lithographic edition without date. A new four-volume edition in Mongolian appeared in Inner Mongolia in 1978. 48. Chanzhen yishi , “Forgotten Story of the Chan Followers”. A Mongolian translation entitled Čen-ǰeng-ai-si bicig is kept in the State Library of the MPR.112 49. Sanxia wuyi , “The Three Brave and the Five Just”. A Mongolian translation appeared in 1907. As far as we know, this was the first translation into any language. The Mongolian manuscript entitled San-siyan-u-i kemekü boo-güng-ün tughuji, “The Three Brave ”, is kept in the same and Five Just also Called Story of Baogong 113 collection. As is known, after the appearance of this novel there followed more than twenty sequels and imitations, some of which were translated into Mongolian. 50. Xiao wuyi , “The Five Junior Just” for example enjoyed popularity among the Mongols. The Mongolian translation under the title Siyau-u-yi was preserved in three copies (two in the State Library of the MPR and one in the collection of Prof. Damdinsüren). From the afterword in the copy belonging to Damdinsüren it is clear that there was an attempt to publish this translation in xylograph in the printing house of Wen-gu-wa-lü(?) in Khenteï aïmag, but for lack of money it

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was not possible to print it as a whole. Probably the Damdinsüren’s copy which also stops abruptly at the 84th chapter (altogether there are 124 in the novel), is made from a printed text. The xylograph itself has not yet been found. It could well be that this was the first attempt at publication of a Mongolian translation of a Chinese novel. In the Chinese catalogue, two more copies are listed under the title of Süng ulus-un Siyau-u-yi kemekü bicig, “Tale Named Siao-wu-yi of the Song Dynasty”.114 51. Jiuyi shibaxia , “Nine Faithful and Eighteen Knights”. This lesser known novel apparently should also belong to this cycle. ’s It is neither recorded in Sun Kaidi’s catalogue nor in Aying catalogue of late Qing novels, but is available in the Zheng Zhenduo collection.115 At our disposal is only the modern Taibei reprint of 1970. Information on the existence of a manuscript of the Mongolian translation in eight notebooks was obtained from the old story-teller Čoinxor from whom we also recorded a part of the Mongolian story (bensen üliger) based on this novel. 52. Da bayi “The Eight Elder Just” and Xiao bayi “The Eight Younger Just”. According to the report of Čoinxor and other story-tellers there also exist Mongolian translations of these two other ’s novel, whose manuscripts have not sequels of Shi Yukun yet been found. 53. The cycle of adventure novels on the brave and just is connected with stories of the wise Judge Bao. Among the Mongolian manuscripts in the State Library in Ulan-Bator there is a fragment (tenth notebook) under the title Boo-güng-ün bicig, “Tale of Baogong” which contains .116 Prof. W. Heissig suggests the story of court cases by Baogong that this is a fragment of a translation of a Ming collection of stories, , “Cases [of Judge known under the title Longtu gong’an 117 Bao] known as the Dragon Picture”. At the same time in Tôkyô in the Seikadô Collection there is a large Mongolian manuscript “Cases of in twelve notebooks, described as Bao gong’an Judge Bao” which is possibly a translation of this collection or one of its versions. For the time being the question of the relationship between them and a small manuscript entitled Bao güng qubilghan argha-bar törü ulus-i silmu samaghuragh ulghsan-i ilghan sidkegsen teüke, “Story of how the Reincarnated Baogong, with the Help of Magic Broke the Spells Bringing Misery to the Dynasty” remains unresolved, the latter contains three stories of Baogong’s fight with

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spirits. This translation was made by the official Mijigh in the year of the Red Sheep of the Qing Dynasty. Prof. Heissig suggests that it is 1907, maintaining that the text is a fragment from the beginning of the novel “The Three Brave and Five Just”,118 but the manuscript containing the three stories including the translator’s afterword is clearly a finished work and could therefore have appeared sixty years earlier i.e. in 1847. 54. Shi gong’an , “Cases of Judge Shi”. Translations of this novel enjoyed great popularity among a number of Mongolian tribes, though this popularity was not widespread. Nearly thirty copies have been revealed (in Ulan-Bator,119 Copenhagen,120 St Petersburg, but a few in China). As in other cases, most of them have several different titles. The most widespread is Si mergen noyan-u üliger [teüke], “Story of the Wise Official Shi”. The recording in the St Petersburg catalogue indicates that the translation was completed no later than the midnineteenth century. 5. Huaben Stories 55. Jingu qiguan “Wonders New and Old”. This collection of stories famous in Qing times, was translated into Mongolian. The first rendition was completed in 1816 in South Mongolia. Later, other translations were undertaken, one of which has already been published in the present day in MPR.121 56. The short translation of the story entitled Ciu-siyan-u[~siyen-ü] čečeg “Flower of Qi Xian?” must also apparently be ascribed to this group of works extracted from the Jingu qiguan. The manuscript is kept in the State Library of the MPR.122 57. Pai an jingqi “Strange and Striking Stories”. This collection (beginning of the seventeenth of stories by Ling Mengchu century) apparently enjoyed much less popularity among the Mongols. Its translation, as we know it, was preserved in a single manuscript kept in Japan (Seikadô Collection). It is quite probable that among the Eastern Mongols such manuscripts circulated in copies, which is indirectly attested to by the presence of stories from this collection in the repertoire of Eastern Mongolian story-tellers. Information on the manuscript preserved in Japan is very meagre since it is difficult , or second to say which of the two collections (first — Chuke ) was translated into Mongolian. — Erke

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Conclusion The scope of this article, which is basically bibliographical in nature, does not allow this author to dwell on the problem of illustrations for the Mongolian translations of Chinese novels and stories. We know that coloured and black and white illustrations were used in the “Dream of the Red Chamber”, the “Wonders New and Old” (see Plates 17 and 18), the “Investiture of the Gods”, the “Elevation to Immortality” and a few other novels. Two large albums with multi-coloured illustrations for the “Journey to the West” and “Cases of Judge Shi” are preserved in the State Library of the MPR. It is not possible here to discuss in detail the special features of the translations, which in some cases are quite close to the text of the original and in others, apparently (if we chose precisely the version of the original for comparison), very far from it. The question of the translation of poetry contained in novels should be particularly singled out. The Mongols, as far as we know, were not interested in Chinese poetry and did not translate it specially. Mongolian translators in a number of cases threw out the verse but often translated it poetically, or they used initial alliteration which was characteristic of Mongolian poetry, or they translated the poetry by a peculiar rhythmic prose without an exact division into verse lines. In transforming the terse Chinese poetry into a wordy Mongolian, the translators developed one interesting method: they divided the Chinese verse into two (at the caesura), so that the quatrain was transformed into a poem of eight lines. (It is interesting that such a method was also applied in translations of Chinese poetry of the shi genre into Russian). Mongolian translations of old Chinese novels and stories (as well as possibly of some works of folk-literature: tales told to the accompaniment of a drum — guci or of a string instrument — tanci — this question is still not completely clear) greatly influenced the development of written Mongolian literature, although this development occurred in varying degrees in different regions. This influence is especially notable in the first Mongolian novels, where it appeared both on the plot level, in the manner of character description, in the organization of the narrative and in style. In this, the first Mongolian novelists were not blind imitators. They adopted creatively the legacy of the neighbouring people. This legacy was adopted as well by the Eastern Mongolian story-tellers, the qûrci,123 who recounted the old Chinese novels and composed sequels to them.

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Judging by the facts available to this author, unknown Mongolian translators translated more than eighty works of Chinese narrative prose. The discovery and study of Mongolian translations of Chinese novels is only beginning. There is no doubt that further research could provide a whole series of new and unique material, important not only to the history of Mongolian literature, but also to Chinese literature itself, and to the translated Manchu literature which is already certainly dead. To conclude we would like to mention here that Chinese was also for a time at least — at the beginning of the twentieth century — the medium through which the Mongols acquainted themselves with Western literature. Thus the Mongolian translation of the novel Un capitaine de quinze ans by Jules Verne (1878) appeared in 1909 in a Sino-Mongolian review in the province of Jilin124 in parallel with the Chinese version by the famous .125 writer Liang Qichao Translated by Jeanne Kelly Abbreviations mdiom: Manuscript Department of the Institute of Oriental Manuscripts in St Petersburg. The St Petersburg Catalogue: hand-written catalogue of Mongolian translations from the Chinese, kept in the archives of the MDIOM (MONG., sect. I, list 3, n°.61).

Notes *

In transliteration of Russian and modern Mongolian (or Qalqa) words, j stands for iod (i.e. ja = ia, ju = iu); while j in classical Mongolian stands for the sound dj (but ji, ci are always for dji, tchi); gh in classical Mongolian is for gamma.   1. This article represents a version highly abridged, but at the same time supplemented by new facts, of my previous study written in Russian in collaboration with Prof. V. Semanov, and published in Literaturnye svjazi Mongolii (1981), pp. 234–79. I would like to express here my thanks to Jeanne Kelly who was kind enough to translate my contribution into English.   2. Stephen W. Durrant, “A Note on the Translation of Chinese Historical Romances into Manchu and Mongolian” (1979), pp. 273–74; —, “SinoManchu Translations at the Mukden Court” (1979), pp. 653–61.   3. The term bensen üliger in modern language (or earlier bengsen-ü üliger) derives from the union of the Chinese word benzi , “notebook”, and the original Mongolian word üliger, “tale”, “folk-epic narrative”. This genre

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was first described by the Mongol Academician B. Rinčen (1959). For more details, see Walther Heissig, Geschichte der Mongolischen Literatur (Wiesbaden: 1972), II, pp. 835–95 (or the English translation in Orientalia Romana, 1972), and passim in the biliography quoted infra. The newest facts are given by Riftin & Tserensodnom (1981).   4. Heissig, Geschichte der Mongolischen Literatur, I, pp. 307–21; Hangin, Köke Sudur (1973).   5. Bawden (1979); Clunas (1980); Skorodumova (1981).   6. Grube (1901), p. 133. Later, the German Mongolist Eric Haenisch examined this translation, comparing it with the Chinese original, in a short article (1958).   7. Laufer (1907): Russian translation (1927), p. 69.   8. See Bükü ulus-un mongghol qaghucin nom-un gharčagh (Chinese title: Quanguo Mengwen gujiu tushu ziliao lianhe mulu , Hohhot = Köke-qota), 1979.   9. Liang Yiru (1979); Bükü, p. 265.   10. So far this author has not been able to find out any novel entitled “Sixteen States” among the manuscripts obtained by B. Ja. Vladimirtsov and kept at the LB IOSAS. This is probably a mistake.   11. Sic in Alekseev.   12. The printing house of Mengwen shushe (or Mongghol bicig-ün qoriya) was located at Beijing in the Drum Tower Street; it was removed to Nanking in 1930, but was closed two years later owing to the Japanese occupation. Temgetü, Chinese name Wang Ruichang , style Yinhou — an expression taken from the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, which means “the one who has been granted a seal and conferred the title of marquis” — was an extraordinary man. Born in Qaracin, Western Wing Banner, Josut League (now in Jo-uda, South of Inner Mongolia), he was among the first eight Mongolian students sent to Japan in 1906. There, under the name of Komatsu , he studied military arts and medicine, and in 1910 married Jin Shuzhen , one of the few Mongolian girls who studied abroad at that time. He came back in 1912 and practised medicine for a short time. Then he went to Beijing where he was appointed interpreter and teacher of Mongolian and Manchu. His interest in Mongolian culture, literature and history may be traced to this time, see Krueger (1966), p. 109; Na-gu-dan-fu (1981), pp. 310–18 (editor’s note).   13. According to Na-gu-dan-fu (1981), p. 314, the translation of the Xihan yanyi had a circulation of 4,000 copies. Prof. Heissig discovered in Leipzig another translation of a yet unidentified Chinese novel entitled Urughsad-un irügel kemekü teüke, “Parental Blessing”, put out in 1927 in Beijing, apparently by the same publishing house (Heissig, Mongolische Handschriften. Blockdrucke. Landkarten, Wiesbaden (Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, Bd 1), 1961, p. 92, n°.145).

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  14. Bükü, p. 275. This version is also kept at the University of Washington’s Far Eastern Library (Seattle), call number M. 5463 4242-2; cf. Krueger (1966), p. 112. A short article in the Guangming ribao , 19 April 1983, attributes to Temgetü the publication of a translation of the Dongzhou lieguo zhi as well. According to Na-gu-dan-fu (1981), p. 316, Temgetü also made a new translation of the Honglou meng, but it remained unpublished.   15. Ghurban ulus-un bicig, “The Three Kingdoms”, Beijing, 1928, p. 2.   16. Ulus-un nom-un sang-un aji-yin anggi-du büküi mongghol anggi-yin bicibel ba dermal nom bicig-yin bürtgêl, Ulan-Bator, 1937.   17. Žaadamba (1960).   18. Heissig, Mongolische Handschriften (1961); Heissig & Bawden, Catalogue (1971).   19. Especially Heissig, Geschichte der Mongolischen Literatur, I, pp. 265–77.   20. Sun Kaidi (1957).   21. Liu Ts’un-yan (1974).   22. Poppe, Hurvitz & Okada, Catalogue (1964), p. 182, n°.217; Seikadô (1951), p. 31. However, it is not quite clear if the catalogue of the Seikadô Collection refers to the translation of an early version of the novel or to the later one done by Cai Yuanfang and known under the title of Dongzhou lieguo zhi , It is this title which appears in the Japanese catalogue, where Mongolian titles of translations are not given.   23. Bükü, pp. 246–47.   24. Heissig & Bawden, Catalogue, p. 99, MONG. 71.   25. Bükü, pp. 24–25, n°.0801.   26. Heissig & Bawden, Catalogue, p. 94, MONG. 237, 236, 110.   27. Heissig, Mongolische Handschriften, p. 90, n°.143.   28. Žaadamba, p. 55.   29. This author follows the transliteration of the owner of this copy himself, Prof. Damdinsüren.   30. Bükü, pp. 294, 301.   31. Another edition entitled Zhong Wuyan niangniang , (Guangzhou, Wugui tang , n.d., in six parts) is kept in Paris in the private collection of Chan Hing Ho (editor’s note).   32. Yu Pingbo (1961), p. 318.   33. See in this volume, Yan Bao, Tentative List of Vietnamese Translations of Chinese Popular Fiction, n°.311. There is also a Malay translation in 55 volumes which appeared in Singapore in 1938–39; see in this volume C. Salmon, “Writings in Romanized Malay”, n°.35 (editor’s note).   34. Žaadamba, pp. 19–21; Bükü, p. 255.   35. Žaadamba, p. 46; Bükü, p. 298.   36. Mong. ǰuwan = Chin. zhuan (F. a.).   37. Sodnom (1969).

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  38. Poppe, Hurvitz & Okada, Catalogue, p. 183, n°.218–19.   39. Bükü, p. 301.   40. Sanguo yin , Taiwan, Xin zhu shi, Zhulin shuju, 6th ed., 1969, 28 p.   41. Volkova (1965), p. 95, n°.187. This translation is mistakenly listed by the compiler among Manchu folklore works.   42. Žaadamba, p. 10.   43. Bükü, p. 277.   44. Sodnom (1957), p. 43.   45. Two copies of this 1925 edition are kept in the United States. One at the University of Washington’s Far Eastern Library (Seattle), call number M 5754 6153, another at Columbia University in New York; cf. Krueger (1966), p. 112. (F.A.). Also in China (Bükü, p. 269).   46. Bükü, p. 301. We may suppose that the translation described in this catalogue (p. 302) under the title Yeke Tang ulus-un ping bei ǰuwan “Tale of the Pacification of the North during the Great Tang Dynasty”, also in ten notebooks (ben ) represents another translation of the same novel about Hua Mulan. As a matter of fact, story-tellers like Čoinxor and Sambodaš have orally reported the existence of manuscripts in ten books.   47. Bükü, p. 283.   48. Aa1to (1953), p. 92 (H 4775).   49. Žaadamba, p. 56.   50. Žaadamba, p. 62 (n°.895. 1-T. 21).   51. Bükü, p. 302; see also Sun Kaidi (1957), p. 42.   52. Žaadamba, p. 56.   53. Geschichte der Mongolischen Literatur, I, p. 268.   54. Bükü, p. 288.   55. Heissig, Geschichte der Mongolischen Literatur, I, p. 268.   56. Bükü, p. 302.   57. Žaadamba, p. 109, Siǰai Tang-yüi kemekü bicig.   58. Haenisch (1958); Heissig, Mongolische Handschriften, pp. 91–92, n°.144.   59. Bükü, p. 286. The Chinese catalogue (Bükü, p. 240) still quotes a manuscript, Emünetü Tang-un jirum silghaghsan bürin-e šastir, in 100 chapters, which the editors of the catalogue assign to the Nantang yanyi quanzhuan , “Complete Story of the Southern Tang”. But judging by Sun Kaidi’s catalogue (1957, p. 46), it is the same novel as the “Tale of the Revolt against the Tang Dynasty”, which was known in China under various titles. The question is more complex with another title which appears in several copies, one being a lithographic edition (Bükü, p. 241), Dumdatu Tang ulusun mandughsan hou siui ǰuwan kemekü teüke, which is identified with the Datang zhongxing houxu zhuan , “Sequel to the Tale of the Revival of the Great Tang”. The Datang zhongxing yanyi zhuan is the third edition of the same “Tale of a Revolt against the

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Tang Dynasty” (Sun Kaidi (1957), p. 46). Here it is referred to as “sequel” — or more precisely to a “later sequel”, but so far this author has not been able to trace it in the list of Chinese novels.   60. Žaadamba, p. 64; Bükü, p. 305, with a variant of the title.   61. Menguzu wenxue jianshi (1960), p. 155. The edition of 1981 does not include this information.   62. Žaadamba, p. 62.   63. See Liu Ts’un-yan, pp. 266–67.   64. Bükü, p. 307.   65. Žaadamba, pp. 27–28.   66. Žaadamba, p. 98. A copy obtained by B. Ja. Vladimirtsov in Beijing in 1927 is generally called Ging Sung ǰuwanu šastar, though what ging means is not clear — probably a slip of the pen for sing: in the Chinese catalogue of Mongolian works, which records only a later list of 1940, this sing is expressed with the character xing , “to raise”, “to make a country strong”.   67. Žaadamba, pp. 101–102.   68. Two copies under different titles are described by the Chinese catalogue as different works (Bükü, pp. 287, 290): Tabun bars emüneki-yi töbsikegsen üliger (1892) and Di Cing-un emüneneki-yi töbsikegsen üliger (no date).   69. Žaadamba, p. 49.   70. Not quoted in Žaadamba; Mss n°.9 (51) [M-533] IX. In a copy kept in the State Library of the MPR, in twelve notebooks with five chapters in each, the names of ten copyists are indicated. This means that the preserved copy did not emanate from the translator himself. In the handwritten catalogue of the LB IOSAS (where all the titles are in Manchu alphabet) besides the copy entitled Ing lei ǰuwan (following the reading of M.P. Volkova) i.e. Yinglie zhuan , in twelve notebooks, there is also a work under the title of Ing lei čün ciu. i.e. Yinglie chunqiu , “Springs and Autumns of the Valiant Heroes”, in forty-eight notebooks. It is difficult to say which version of the Mongolian translation the compiler of the catalogue had available. It may be the same variant which is kept in two Inner Mongolian collections under the title of Ing liye čuin-ciu (Bükü, p. 245). If one takes into account that the Yinglie zhuan manuscript preserved in Ulan-Bator contained ten of the eighty chapters of the novel and that the second version described here (Huangmingo…) consists of twelve notebooks, it is difficult to imagine which version existed in the forty-eight notebooks.   71. Not in Žaadamba; the Mss number in the State Library of MPR is almost the same as the one quoted for “The Tale of Hongwu”: 9 (51) / M-553 (but without IX).   72. For example, the second chapter is called “The Monster-abductor Discusses how to Destroy Two People”, while in the well-known fifty-chapter version of Tieguan tu , the second chapter is called Li Zicheng chu shou guanxing, mizhixian xianli sha yun , ,

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“Li Zicheng is Punished for the First Time; Xianluo Kills a Man in the Mizhi district”. This observation shows the principal differences between the versions.   73. Žaadamba, p. 47.   74. Heissig & Bawden, Catalogue, p. 96, MONG. 121.   75. It looks very likely that it is the same work which is quoted in the Chinese catalogue (Bükü, p. 297) under the title of Ciyen-lüng qaghan saghurini tayiji daghan negülgesen inu, “How Emperor Qianlong Gave up his Throne to his Heir”; cf. Heissig, Geschichte der Mongolischen Literatur, I. p. 275: Kiyenlung qaghan tayisi-daghan saghurin-i negüdegsen… debter. There are two other works obviously translated but not identified about the same Emperor Gaozong (Bükü, pp. 276, 289).   76. Žaadamba, p. 52.   77. The Mongolian scholar Žargal, who devoted his dissertation to the influence of the “Dream of the Red Chamber” on Mongolian literature in the Qing Dynasty, draws the attention to this fact; cf. Žargal , ‘Honglou meng’ yu ‘Yiceng lou’, ‘Qi hong ting’ — Lun ’Honglou meng’ dui Qingdai menggu wenxue de yingxiang (lunwen tiyao) , ( ), Beijing, 1981 (typed).   78. Žaadamba, pp. 29–36.   79. Cf. Liang Yiru (1979), p. 199; Bükü, p. 265, with mention of a preserved fragment of a translation made by Inǰannasi.   80. Žaadamba, p. 112.   81. Žaadamba, p. 88: Lu-mu-tan bicig ~ Lu-mu-tang kemekü teüke.   82. Heissig & Badwen, Catalogue, p. 99 (MONG. 75), with a Mongolian title translating the Chinese one.   83. Žaadamba, pp. 11–12.   84. Bükü, p. 250.   85. Sun Kaidi (1957), p. 141.   86. Bükü, p. 264.   87. Žaadamba, p. 17.   88. Bükü, p. 282.   89. Sun Kaidi (1957), p. 140.   90. Not in Žaadamba; n°.895.1 / E-689: 1 notebook, 5 chapters.   91. Yuwan-wei: following the pronunciation of Northwestern dialects for yuanwai which means in everyday language “man of wealth”, “landlord”.   92. Žaadamba, p. 101.   93. Žaadamba, p. 81.   94. In the Library of the Oriental Faculty of St Petersburg State University: n° MONG. B. 24.   95. Heissig, Mongolische Handschriften, p. 92, n°.145; Heissig &. Bawden, Catalogue, pp. 98–99.

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  96. Žaadamba, pp. 64–69.   97. Heissig & Bawden, Catalogue, p. 93, MONG. 10.   98. Tümenžargal, “Tansan lama baruun êtgêêgêd zorcsonyg têmdêglêsên tüüx gêdêg zoxiolyg mongol xêlnêê orčuulsan n’ ”, 1968, pp. 228–36. It should be noted here that there is also a modern abridged translation of this novel into Tibetan under the title Thang sin bla-ma’i rnamthar (thar sdudpa), (Tang seng de gushi , Beijing, 1981; cf. Alsace Yen, “Classical Chinese Fiction in Tibetan”, in Chinese Literature, Essays, Articles, Reviews, v. IV (1), Jan. 1982, p. 162.   99. Shi Binglin (1968), p. 1. Shi Binglin likewise, ascribes to Inǰannasi the translations of the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” and “The Dream of the Red Chamber”. As he reported, in a letter to Prof. Heissig, he, a native of the same place as Inǰannasi, is basing this only on hearsay. 100. Žaadamba, pp. 28–29. Heissig & Bawden, Catalogue, p. 96, MONG. 348, identify this translation as being the Jigong huofo zhuan; it is an obvious mistake. 101. In the LB IOSAS, number G-41 / Z. IV. 9. In Ulan-Bator too, versions entitled Füng-šen-yen-yi or Füng-šen-yen-yi kemekü (Žaadamba, pp. 112–13). 102. See Heissig, Geschichte der Mongolischen Literatur, I. p. 270; Heissig & Bawden, Catalogue, pp. 94–95, MONG. 112. 103. Or both of them altogether, see Žaadamba, p. 47. 104. This is, for example, the title of a copy in twelve notebooks from the collection of the famous Mongolist and Sinologist B.I. Pankratov: Šeng-cin-qui kemekü bicig, which at present is kept in the Sinological Library in Moscow. 105. According to Prof. Damdinsüren, in 1935 it was still possible to publish in Tibetan in any monastery of MPR. 106. Žaadamba, p. 106. 107. Bükü, pp. 284–85. 108. Žaadamba, p. 17. 109. Sun Kaidi (1957), p. 179. 110. Žaadamba, p. 111. 111. Tümenzargal, “Sun ulsyn xüjtên uulyn bicig”. 112. Žaadamba, p. 81. 113. Žaadamba, p. 88. 114. Bükü, p. 284. Curiously enough in this catalogue, the title is translated into Chinese as Songchao xu xiao wuyi “Sequel to the Xiao wuyi of the Song Dynasty”. Up to now there is no evidence that this sequel (recorded by Sun Kaidi, 1957, p. 192) has ever been translated into Mongolian. It is quite possible that the character xu is a slip of the pen. 115. Xidi shumu , juan 4, p. 77. 116. Žaadamba, p. 23. 117. Heissig, Geschichte der Mongolischen Literatur, I, p. 269.

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118. Ibid. 119. Žaadamba, pp. 106–108. 120. Heissig & Bawden, Catalogue, pp. 100–103. 121. About Mongolian translations of the Jingu qiguan, see Heissig, Geschichte der Mongolischen Literatur, I, p. 272; Heissig, Mongolische Handschriften, p. 88, n°.140; Heissig & Bawden, Catalogue, pp. 95–96. 122. Žaadamba, p. 89 (number 895.1 / C-6991). 123. Qûrci, “bard”, i.e. in classical mongolian qughurci, in modern Qalqa xuurč, and similar forms in the various dialects. 124. Girin mongghol üge-yin bodorul / Jilin menghua bao . The first chapter appeared in the issue 15 (1909), pp. 63–71 with the mention “to be followed”. Unfortunately we could not consult the following issues in order to verify whether the translation was continued or not. At any case it does not appear anymore in the issue n°.25 (1910). 125. All the articles published in this review were given both in Mongol and in Chinese. The Chinese version of the first chapter of Un capitaine de quinze ans does effectively appear (with a few supplementary sentences) in the collection of works by Liang Qichao , Yin bing shi heji , zhuanji 19, Zhonghua shuju, n.d., pp. 1–46.

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Part III

Mainland Southeast Asia

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Reproduced from Literary Migrations: Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia (17th-20th Centuries), edited by Claudine Salmon (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2013). This version was obtained electronically direct from the publisher on condition that copyright is not infringed. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Individual articles are available at .

THE INFLUENCE OF CHINESE FICTION ON VIETNAMESE LITERATURE Yan Bao

The fact that Chinese was used for centuries as the written language necessarily made a deep impact on Vietnamese literature, to such an extent that the Chinese and Vietnamese cultures are, in many respects, indistinguishable from each other. Until the invention of the chữ nôm, which marks the first attempt to write down the Vietnamese language, all written literature was in Chinese while Vietnamese was restricted to the oral sphere. This new form of national writing derived from Chinese ideograms1 was never taken seriously at the court except for brief periods at the beginning of the fifteenth century and under under Hồ Quí Ly in the eighteenth century. Moreover, this form of writing Quang Trung could never really satisfy the aspirations of those who wished to do away with the dichotomy between written and oral language since, in order to be able to use the chữ nôm, it was practically necessary to know Chinese. Nonetheless, this new form of writing was undeniably well-received by some members of the lettered classes who used it to write poems as well as verse novels that were often inspired by Chinese literature. These two forms of writing, which remained essentially the preserve of scholars, gradually came to be replaced by the quốc ngữ which owed its emergence in the nineteenth century solely to France’s active military intervention in Vietnam. Quốc ngữ did not emerge without provoking the fierce resistance of Vietnamese patriots opposed to their country’s occupation. The year 1865 saw the appearance of the first journal in quốc ngữ, the Gia Ðịnh Báo, a monthly published at the initiative of the occupiers while 1919 brought

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an end to the mandarinal system of examinations in Sino-Vietnamese and saw the French take control of the educational system. We shall consider the influence of Chinese Romanesque literature on Vietnamese literature in Chinese and in Vietnamese written in chữ nôm, then in romanized script, laying special stress on this last case since it is characterized by a movement for the translation of Chinese novels, all the more noteworthy as the purpose of the French in substituting romanized script for Chinese characters was essentially to cut the Vietnamese off from Chinese culture. 1. Vietnamese Fiction in Chinese The use of the Chinese language in Giao Châu (present-day Vietnam) goes back to the Han period. Under the Tang , there were Vietnamese who went to study in China and who subsequently entered the ranks of officialdom, the most celebrated of these being undoubtedly Khữơng Công (Jiang Gongfu) who became Minister at the Chinese court.2 Phụ The proclamation of the first independent State of Vietnam in 939 in no way modified the position of the Chinese language which remained the language of the administration just as Confucianism remained the official ideology. And it was through Chinese translations that the Vietnamese were initiated into Buddhism. As in China during the same period, prose-writing was generally linked with history. The earliest pieces are imperial mandates, ministerial petitions and scholar’ dissertations but not, as yet, works of fiction. It would seem that it was only towards the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries that works of a new genre made their appearance; these were accounts of a historical kind, influenced by the accounts and anecdotes of strange facts of the Six Dynasties and Tang periods. Of these, the oldest surviving text is dated and is entitled Việt Điện 1329: it was written by Lý Tế Xuyên , “Collection of Invisible Powers of the Land of U Linh Tập Viet”. This work is composed of twenty-seven legends in biographical form.3 Another work of the same kind is the Lĩnh Nam Trἱch Quái , “Collection of Strange Beings of Linh Nam”, (1493), by Trần Thễ . Pháp This collection of miscellaneous observations is already at the dividing line between history and fiction. However, it would seem that it was only with , “Huge Collection of Passed-on Marvels”, the Truyền Kỳ Mạn Lục

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that we enter, in a real sense, into the realm of historical fiction. The author of this work, Nguyễn Dữ who lived at the beginning of the sixteenth century, came from a family of scholars. He was himself successful in the examinations at the capital and, for a while, held the office of sub-prefect of Thanh-toàn. Disheartened by the political troubles then afflicting his country, he decided to retire into the countryside, using the excuse that he had to take care of his mother. It was then that he wrote his work modelled , “New Tales for which One on the Chinese Jian deng xinhua (1347–1433).4 We know how popular the Trims the Lamp”, by Qu You Jian deng xinhua was in China, where its first imitation, Jian deng yuhua by Li Changqi , appeared in 1420 and was soon followed by Shao Jingzhan by others, among them the Mi deng yinhua (1592).5 The welcome received by Jian deng in Vietnam was apparently no less enthusiastic. Nguyễn Dữ’s imitation proves to us that this work was well-known at the beginning of the sixteenth century.6 The Truyền Kỳ Mạn Lục is the earliest extant work of Vietnamese satirical fiction. It was republished several times, and there exists, notably, an interesting print with a preface dated 1783, with explanations in nôm characters and various commentaries.7 This work was greatly appreciated in scholarly circles who recognized its author as the spokesman of the intelligentsia in his day, disgruntled as he was with the social disorders that presaged the rise of a new social stratum in sixteenth century Vietnam. The recourse to the fantastic, to demon foxes who changed into scholars to offer advice to rulers and into beautiful women from whose lips fell Confucian precepts, enabled the author to exert his criticism without risk. This work itself had a sequel entitled Truyền Kỳ Tân Phả , “New Collection of the Passing on of Marvels”, by Đoàn Thị Điểm (1705–48), teacher and woman of letters who is also known for , “Complaint of her nôm translation of Chinh Phụ Ngâm Khúc the Warrior’s Wife”, a poem written in Chinese by Đặng Trần Côn (early eighteenth century). Also on the Chinese model, certain scholars wrote historical prose novels that were set in the Vietnamese context. Among these was the Hoàng , “Spring and Autumn in Imperial Vietnam”, Việt Xuân Thu which was translated into the national language (Saigon, 1971). They (note-form fiction). This literary output also wrote biji xiaoshuo was long ignored and it is only recently that it has drawn the attention of scholars.8

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2. The TruyỆn or Verse Stories Written in Nôm The truyện (zhuan in Chinese) were very popular and were circulated, until the start of the twentieth century, either in manuscript form or as woodblock-printed booklets. The widespread use of quốc ngữ led these to gradually disappear. Although romanized versions of most of these texts are still available today, usually with commentaries and explanations, it is difficult to obtain the originals in nôm. As yet, there is no systematic catalogue of all these literary works and the majority of the extant editions date from not earlier than the second half of the nineteenth century. There are, so to speak, no first editions to be found any more and, besides, a good many of these novels are anonymous which only adds to the difficulty of dating them.9 While the golden age of the verse novel can clearly be set in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, its origins are, by contrast, far more difficult to determine and the specialists sometimes have diverging viewpoints on this matter. The poetic form, which changed with time, and the language may help to pinpoint the period during which the works were composed. Drawing inspiration from popular song forms, innovative poets replaced the strict rules of the hàn luật genre10 which were not easily understood by common folk and hindered the expression of complex sentiments and the narration of complicated facts, by the rules of lục-bát (six/eight-foot verse) and song-thất-lục-bát (seven seven, six/eight-foot verse). These were far simpler forms with easy rhythms and an unlimited number of verses. They enabled poets to express their feelings more freely and to launch into rich and varied descriptions of facts and lengthy narrative. It was in these later forms that most of the great novels of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries were composed, some of them several thousands of verses long. Although the poetic form gradually freed itself from the Chinese model, the links between Chinese literature and this new Vietnamese literature remained close. For most of these Romanesque works written in nôm had their source in the storehouse of Chinese culture; sometimes the sources were anecdotes narrated in the Chinese chronicles such as the story of (Tô Công ) who was sent during the Han period on a Su Wu where he was held in captivity diplomatic mission to the Xiongnu (Vương for nineteen years or that of the Princess Wang Zhaojun ) who, also during the Han period, was offered in marriage Tường to the chief of the Xiongnu. Again the sources might be the Tang chuanqi

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or wonder tales, like the one about Yuanshi (Viên thị) a white anthropoid being transformed into a pretty woman with whom Sun Ke (Tôn Các) fell in love or they might be romances from Yuan and and Kiều-liên Ming plays, like the love story of Phan-sinh , “The Jade Hairpin”, by the Ming writer, Gao taken from Yuzan ji . Finally, these verse poems may be drawn straight from Ming Lian and Qing tales and novels. Various studies of specific works have already made it possible to relate each Vietnamese work concerned to the Chinese source or sources of its author’s inspiration. For example it is now well (1765–1820), author of that paragon of established that Nguyễn Du Vietnamese classical literature, Kim Vân Kiều, who was a vice-minister under the Nguyễn dynasty and was in diplomatic mission to China from , 1813 to 1814, found his inspiration in the Jin Yun Qiao zhuan “The Story of Jin, Yun and Qiao”, a prose novel in twenty-eight chapters or hui , the author of which is known to us only by his pseudonym, . The date of the first edition of this novel is Qingxin cairen still unknown, but we do know that it was imported into Japan in 1754, where it enjoyed some success.11 It was probably written towards the end of the seventeenth century or at the beginning of the eighteenth. Nor, are we better informed as to when Nguyễn Du composed his adaptation. However, the prevalent view seems to be that he wrote it after he returned from China. The date when the Chinese work entered Vietnam has not been ascertained although it is known that it had been read by the Vietnamese before Nguyễn Du composed his own version of it.12 In general, there is very little information on the spread of Chinese novels in Vietnam. It may be supposed that Chinese immigrants brought some with them and it is possible that they started a trade in these novels. A 1734 decree in the domain of Trịnh (in the north of present-day Vietnam) orders more, books to be printed locally while prohibiting the import of books from China, a measure suggesting that there was a certain amount of trading in books between the two countries. Moreover, during the last forty years of the nineteenth century, even works in nôm were sometimes . In many printed in Guangdong, particularly in the town of Foshan books, the title-page gives the publisher’s name and place in China as well as the name of the distributing bookshop in Saigon. (See Plate 21.) Recent studies on verse novels tend to prove that those truyện considered, because of their prosodic form, to be the earliest, such as which tells of the sorrows of Princess the Truyện Vương Tường and which some people regard as dating from the Wang Zhaojun

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fifteenth or sixteenth century, were not directly inspired by a novel. In the example just cited, the anonymous Vietnamese author was inspired , by two sources: a short account taken from the Xijing zaji “Various accounts relating to the Capital of the West” (4th century) and, written by Ma Zhiyuan above all, by a play, Hangong qiu of the Yuan period. Similarly, the Truyện Tô Công Phụng Sứ , “The Tale of Tô Công on a Diplomatic Mission”, whose date is set by some in the sixteenth or seventeenth century and which recounts the , seems to have exemplary life led by Su Wu among the Xiongnu . The been inspired solely by the biography of Su Wu in the Hanshu (also known as the Truyện Bạch Truyện Lâm Tuyền Kỳ Ngộ ), composed of 150 octets of seven-foot lines Viên Tôn Các and supposed to date from the sixteenth or seventeenth century, is very probably the earliest truyện to be derived directly from a Tang tale, now (juan 445, preserved in a Song collection, the Taiping guangji ). Sun Ke zhuan While keeping to the Chinese outline of the story, the Vietnamese adaptation made innovations by changing place-names and the names of some characters. In particular, it transformed the anthropoid heroine, Viên thị, into a young woman, consumed by the memory of her love for Tôn Các, who does not hesitate to come down to earth for a second time in order to continue her life of happiness with her husband and children. Furthermore, this novel was a forerunner of the sentimental verse novels that were to appear in the following centuries. For the Vietnamese lettered class came to display a pronounced taste for the Chinese novels known describing love affairs between scholars as caizi jiaren shu and pretty girls. Vietnamese writers were to excel in the portrayal of sentiment. They paid attention essentially to morphology, syntax and artistic arrangement as means to express personal talent. Consequently, they had few qualms about borrowing from other works: all was grist to their mill. In fact, this manner of thinking was shared by Chinese authors many of whose works hinge upon common themes. At the same time, the Vietnamese authors, who were deeply influenced by Confucian ethics, also sought to achieve didactic ends. There can be no question here of examining all these novels in detail. The by Nguyễn first one that we shall consider is the Truyện Hoa Tiên (1743–90), who came from a family of distinguished Huy Tự scholars and was himself successful in the imperial examinations. His novel is, somewhat unusually, derived from a verse novel, partly composed , “The Story of the Flowery in the Cantonese style, the Huajian ji

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Scroll”, of anonymous authorship.13 The earliest known edition of this work has a preface dated 1713. The text relates the love story of a young , and a young man, Liang Fangzhou , girl, Yang Yaoxian well-versed in both military arts and letters. The Vietnamese text, which is in lục bát and comprises some 1,800 verses, basically preserves all the characteristic features of the original. Similarly, the Truyện Nữ Tú Tài , “The Tale of the Maiden with a Degree”, by an anonymous author, closely follows the outline of Nüxiucai yi hua jie mu , “The Maiden with a Degree who Grafted another Flower on the (1580–1644), Branch”, from the collection of tales by Ling Mengchu . This tale depicts a girl who uses the Erke pai’an jingqi an arrow to decide which of her two college friends is destined to be her husband. A final example is that of the Ngọc Kiều Lê Tân Truyện , by the Sino-Vietnamese author, Lý Văn Phức (1785–1849) who was a high official and, at the same time, a great writer in both Chinese , “The Two and nôm. The work is an adaptation of the Yu Jiao Li or Fair Cousins”, one of the famous novels of the caizi jiaren 14 “Talented Scholars and Beautiful Maiden” genre. In all likelihood it was the Confucian ideology with which the Vietnamese scholars were imbued that prevented them from taking an interest in historical novels and, even less, in fantastical novels, which indeed were intended for a more popular, urban readership. Very few adaptations of novels of this kind are to be found, and even then, these are written in a somewhat unpolished style, leading some people to state that they were composed not by scholars but by commoners. This could be true , “The Pilgrimage to the West”, and of adaptations of the Xiyou ji , “Guanyin’s Birth or of the Guanyin chu shen nanyou ji The Pilgrimage to the South”, which were very popular works. Although it is anonymous, the former adaptation, entitled Truyện Tây Du would seem, judging by its style, to date from the eighteenth century. It retains only some episodes of the original but follows it in its manner of presenting the facts. The latter adaptation, which has several titles, among them Truyện , diverges from the original so as to suit its phật bà quan âm Vietnamese readership: in particular, it changes the place-names and turns Guanyin into a Vietnamese goddess. There is, nonetheless, at least one , a scholar adaptation of a historical novel, done by Nguyễn Kiều about whom we know very little.15 This is the Quân Trung Đối Ca whose source is the Sui Tang yanyi , “The Romance of the Sui and the Tang”.16 In fact, it is not all that certain that the Vietnamese lettered class never enjoyed Chinese historical novels. A number of such

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novels, set in Vietnam, had also been written in nôm from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries onwards, and it would be worthwhile to examine the extent to which they imitated Chinese novels.17 However, at the end of this short description, we should not conclude that every novel written in nôm was drawn from a Chinese source. As a matter of fact, there are other novels, most of them of the popular variety, which owe nothing to the Chinese cultural pool.18 3. Translations of Chinese Novels into Romanized Vietnamese To fully appraise the wave of translations from Chinese fiction that arose when the use of quốc ngữ became widespread, the author has made the list of translations published in book form (see below). He has drawn upon Cordier’s and Boudet’s printed catalogues19 as well as the microfiche catalogue compiled by Mme. C. Rageau, which lists all the works in quốc ngữ preserved at the French Bibliothèque Nationale from the time when the legal depositary system was instituted in 1922 until 1954. These documents were supplemented by the sequel volume to this latter catalogue, which is about to be completed and which lists all the pre-1922 collections of Bibliothèque Nationale.20 Furthermore, with C. Salmon’s cooperation, the author had indirect access to the card files of the Ecole française d’ExtrêmeOrient library, which has editions published after the Second World War, and to those of the Institut National des Langues et Civilisations Orientales. The list, which comprises 316 translations (not counting re-issues), includes only works of which the originals have been identified. There is no doubt that the figure here is smaller than the actual one. The author believes, however, that it is fairly representative of the translation movement that seems to have begun around 1905 and continued until the arrival of the Japanese. The Second World War marked a very clear break in publishing activity. The list however, is relatively unrepresentative, both of the real number of republished works that were translated before the war and of new translations.21 (See Plate 22.) To understand how such a movement for translations could take root and grow, it must be borne in mind that the use of romanized script, which soon came to be encouraged by the Vietnamese themselves, for example, by the Ðông Kinh nghĩa thục (the Đông Kinh — present-day Hanoi — Free School) group, had led to a rapid increase in the number of potential readers.22 At the same time, it should be remembered that

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there were, as yet, not many works composed in quốc ngữ. The press, initially launched through the efforts of the French, was to play a vital role during this period of transition. Numerous translations from the French and the Chinese first appeared in newspapers. This also meant that Vietnamese journalists generally assumed the role of translators while the newspapers became the forum of the new Vietnamese literature. The parallel development of modern printing had definite repercussions on the growth of publishing. To encourage the reading habit, publishers brought out novels and translations in serial instalments whose sale was stretched out over periods of time. The printing runs of the translations from the Chinese, to go by the figures jotted down in the copies themselves, ranged from 1,000 to 3,000, which explains the frequency of reprints and even the appearance of fresh translations. (1875–1921), scholar of classical Chinese culture Phan Kế Bính and journalist,23 very clearly explains why he felt it is necessary to translate as many works as possible into Vietnamese. He himself did one of the very first translations of the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” (No. 177) into Vietnamese, and this is what he tells us in the preface: Many people among us Annamites are beginning to learn quốc ngữ, which is an encouraging development; formerly, we men had to make unlimited efforts and were forced to consume large quantities of food and spend our parents’ money before we were capable of taking up a book and reading it aloud or even reciting it mentally. Even then we were still not certain of being able to appreciate its content. Things are quite different now; not only men but also young girls and children are able to read and perfectly understand the meaning of books and savour the beauty of each word… this new writing is easy to understand but it is unfortunate that so few books are available. When one has finished reading the Cung Oán Ngâm Khúc, one turns to the Kim Vân Kiều. The total number of published books is not more than a few dozen, and a man who reads quickly can devour them all within three days. In view of this situation, we have decided to publish a collection called Sách ngoài dịch nôm, “Foreign Books in Translation”, of which we shall bring out one instalment per week…

The first stories narrated in quốc ngữ were generally rewritten from texts in nôm, starting from the very 1880s. As for Chinese novels, it would seem that the first translations date only from the beginning of this century. We found only one for the year 1905 (No. 299). It can be attributed to a about whom we have no information. certain Phụng Hoàng Sang

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For the following year, we found some nine translators; among them may be noted Trần Phong Sắc , professor of Chinese characters at the (in Cochinchina), and Nguyễn Chánh Sắt school of Tân-an (1869–?) editor-in-chief of the Nông Cỏ Mín Đàm (founded in the south in 1900). In the span of a few years, there appeared numerous translations of very popular historical novels. Thus, the popularity of the Sanguo zhi yanyi may be measured by the fact that it was translated almost simultaneously in Hanoi (by Phan Kế Bính) and in Saigon (by Nguyễn Liên Phong & Nguyễn An Cư ). Indeed, the way in which the Vietnamese , one of the novel’s principal hero, was similar to revered Guan Yu that of the Chinese. Temples were raised to him in many places and many families had his image in their homes. This novel, in terms of both scenes and portraits of heroes, occupied a special place in popular Vietnamese imagery. The heroes were so well-known to the Vietnamese that they were used as qualifiers in daily speech.24 More recently, the Vietnamese savant, 25 has described the strong impression that was Mr Đặng Thai Mai made on him when he read the Sanguo in his childhood: My grandfather had told one of my uncles that Kim Thánh Thán26 loved to appreciate and judge novels and that people held him in contempt for it. But I noticed that my elders always enjoyed novels and I too came to have a taste for them. One day I took up a Tam quốc by chance: it was wonderful. I was wrapped up, body and soul, in the tale… I remember one night when I went on reading even though it was very late; my grandmother woke up, came and con­fiscated my book and made me go to bed… On another occasion, when I came to the passage describing the death of Quan Vũ (Guan Yu), I could no longer hold back my tears and wept so bitterly that I was forced to put my book aside for several days. When I took it up and read the same paragraph, I cried again and was once more forced to stop. It was only a month later, when I got accustomed to the scene and my heart grew calmer, that I had the courage to touch my book… I wept again when the author described the death of Trướng Phi (Zhang Fei). In this way, I took many months to reach the end of the novel.

It was not only the Sanguo that was appreciated by all classes of the population but also other historical novels and stories of love between scholars and pretty girls. A scrutiny of the publishers who undertook to publish these translations during the first years of the twentieth century will show that they were, firstly, officials in the colonial government and,

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secondly, merchants. The former included Nguyễn Hữu Sanh , employed by the Société d’Etudes Indochinioises, Huỳnh Khắc Thuận and Đỗ văn Hòa , secretaries in the Government·secretariat. , a trader in Mytho, Nguyễn The merchants included Huỳnh Trí Phú , a jeweller in Tân-an and Đinh Thái Sơn , called Thành ký , Saigon bicycle repairer and dealer in quốc ngữ books.27 Phát Tóan At the outset, the printing houses, both in the north and in the south, were in the hands of French people. The growth of the urban population in the years 1920–30 was accompanied by a boom in local printing and the rise of a new literary genre of cloak-and-dagger novels around 1925. One of the main translators was a certain Lý Ngọc Hưng called of wuxia xiaoshuo meaning “Chinese”). The use of Hoa nhân (from the Chinese huaren this pseudonym suggests that the author was of Chinese origin. Between 1927 and 1941, he translated no less than sixteen cloak-and-dagger stories (Nos. 62, 103, 124, 129, 149, 155, 156, 159, 173, 258, 263, 266, 278, 280, 300 and 312). This infatuation with cloak-and-dagger novels occurred distinctly at the same time as did a similar attitude among the population of the big cities in China. Similarly, until the Second World War, there was a persistently big demand for sentimental novels, both of the caizi jiaren shu variety, with which readers were already familiar from adaptations in nôm, and of the new-style “mandarin ducks and butterflies” (yuanyang hudie pai ) type of popular fiction that was launched in Shanghai at the start of the twentieth century, and whose most famous representative was Xu Zhenya . At least three of his works were translated into Vietnamese (Nos. 277, 291 and 294). The translators of this period included Nguyễn Đỗ Mục (1866–c. 1948), man of letters and journalist who worked for the daily Trung Bắc Tân Văn (founded in 1913). His translations, published between 1922 and 1935, include works from all genres (Nos. 1, 10, 26, 46, 52, 157, 199, 206, 270 and 302). After the Second World War, in so far as the matter may be judged, sentimental novels gave way to historical ones whose popularity had never declined, and to cloak-and-dagger novels. (No. 63) Re-issues of some earlier works by Nguyễn An Khương (No. 298) can be found, but in general the and Nguyễn Chánh Sắt works are fresh translations or at least earlier translations that were recast and attributed to new translators. Only a comparative study of the various versions could establish the relationships, if any, in each case. For example, the earliest translation that has been found (No. 299), that of the story of

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the Song general, Yue Fei , was done by Phụng Hoàng Sang with, according to Cordier’s catalogue, the collaboration of Nguyễn Chánh Sắt. The new edition of this novel, brought out by Nguyễn Chánh Sắt in 1928, names himself as the sole translator but this in no way means that he did not use the earlier 1905 translation. It can thus be seen that, beyond changes in language and writing, the Vietnamese preserved close links with Chinese Romanesque literature. It was first a source of inspiration for authors writing in Chinese or in nôm. Then, after the spread of quốc ngữ, Chinese Romanesque literature was seen as part of the cultural heritage that was carefully treasured in translation. The fact that so many Chinese works were translated into Vietnamese prose had a definite influence on the development of modern Vietnamese in the same way as did the translation of French works. It would clearly be worthwhile to make a diachronic study of the language of various translations of works. The Sanguo and the San xia nantang offer first-rate material for such a study. Translated from the French by Noel Castelino

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Place & date of Publication

  1. Aizhou qinghai Thuyền Tình Bể Aἱ, Nguyễn Đỗ Mục, Hanoi, 1926.   2. Bagua dao Bát Quái Đạo, Hải Bằng, Hanoi, 1938.   3. Baxia lianmeng Bát Hiệp Liên Minh, Lương Giang, Hanoi, 1928.   4. Baxian dongyou Bát Tiên Đong Du, Trúc Lâm, Hanoi, 1929.   5. Bai hudie Bạch Hồ Điệp, Bích Ngọc, Hanoi, 1938.   6. Baishe qingshe Bạch Xà Thanh Xà, Cao Hải Ðế, Saigon, 1915.  �������������������� 7. Baishe qingshe   ” B���������������������������������������������� ạ��������������������������������������������� ch Xà Thanh Xà, Trần Phong Sắc, Saigon, 1930.  �������������������� 8. Baishe qingshe   ” B��������������������������������������� ạ�������������������������������������� ch Xà Thanh Xà, Tô Chẩn, Saigon, 1951.   9. Baishe yanyi Bạch Xà Diễn Nghĩa, Đinh văn Đẩu, Saigon, 1906. Baishe yanyi   ” B���������������������������������������������� ạ��������������������������������������������� ch Xà Di������������������������������������� ễ������������������������������������ n Nghĩa, Đinh văn Đẩu, 3rd ed. 1917.   10. Baizi jindan Bạch Tử Kim Đơn, Nguyễn Đỗ Mục, Hanoi, n.d.   11. Baogong chu shi Bao Công Xuất Thế, Tr�������������������������� ầ������������������������� n Hồng Loan, Hanoi, 1950.   12. Baogong qi’an Bao Công Kỳ Án, Ngô văn Triện, Hanoi, 1925. (Trúc Khê) Baogong qi’an   ” Bao Công K��������������������������������� ỳ�������������������������������� Án, Ngô văn Triên, Hanoi, 1927. Baogong qi’an   ” Bao Công K����������������������������������� ỳ���������������������������������� Án, Ngô văn Triên. Reprint, 1928. Baogong qi’an   ” Bao Công K����������������������������������� ỳ���������������������������������� Án, Ngô văn Triên, 4th. ed. 1931.  ����������������������������������������������������������������� 13. Baogong qi’an   ” Bao Công K���������������������������������� ỳ��������������������������������� Án, Trần văn Bình, Saigon, 1954.   14. Baogong shen Guo Huai an Bao Công Tra Án, anonymous, Hanoi, 1936. Quách Hòe, continued on next page

Title in Chinese Title in Vietnamese Translator’s name

4. Tentative List of Vietnamese Translations of Chinese Fiction

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Place & date of Publication

Baogong shen Guo Huai an    ” Bao Công Tra Án, anonymous, Reprint, 1941. Quách Hòe,   15. Baogong zhengshi, Yixia qishu, Bao Công Chính Sử, Nghĩa, Nguyễn Xuân Mai, Hanoi (before Hiệp Kỳ Thư, (Thanh Khương) 1942). Baogong zhengshi, Yixia qishu, Bao Công Chính S���������������������������������� ử��������������������������������� , Nguy��������������������������� ễ�������������������������� n Xuân Mai, Reprint, 1968. Nghĩa Hi������������������������� ệ������������������������ p K��������������������� ỳ�������������������� Thư, (Thanh Khương)   16. Beisong quanzhuan Bắc Tống Toàn Truyện, Nguyễn Kim Đình, Gia Dinh, 1930.   17. Beisong yanyi Bắc Tống Diễn Nghĩa, Huỳnh Công Giác, Saigon, 1906.  ������������������������������������������������������������������������ 18. Beisong yanyi   ” Bắc Tống Di���������������������������������������� ễ��������������������������������������� n Nghĩa, Nguy�������������������������� ễ������������������������� n văn Hiến, Saigon, 1929. Beisong yanyi   ” Bắc Tống Di���������������������������������������� ễ��������������������������������������� n Nghĩa, Nguy�������������������������� ễ������������������������� n văn Hiến, Saigon, 1951.   19. Beiyou yanyi Bắc Du Diễn Nghĩa, Lê Duy Thiện, Saigon, n.d.   20. Beiyou zhenwu zhuan Bắc Du Chơn Võ Truyện, Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Phong Sắc, Saigon, 1909.  ��������������������������� 21. Beiyou zhenwu zhuan    ” Bắc Du Trần Võ, Nh���������������������� ậ��������������������� t Quang, Hanoi, 1931.  ����������������������������������������������������������������������� 22. Beiyou zhenwu zhuan    ” Bắc Du Chơn Võ, Lê Duy Thiện, Saigon, 1957.   23. Cantang yanyi Tàn Đường Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn An Khương, Saigon, 1906–14.  ������������������������������������������������������������������� 24. Cantang yanyi   ” Tàn Đường Di���������������������������������� ễ��������������������������������� n Nghĩa, Trần Xuân, Saigon, 1928.   25. Changjiang guainü Trường Giang Quái Nữ, Nguyễn Nam Thông, Hanoi, 1937.   26. Chuangqian guying Chiếc Bóng Dong The, Nguyễn Đỗ Mục, Hanoi, 1928.   27. Da bayi Đại Bát Nghĩa, Tùng Nông, Hanoi, 1929.   28. Da hongpao Hai Rui Đại Hồng Bào Hải Thoại, Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Phong Sắc, Saigon, 1907.  ���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 29. Da hongpao Hai Rui    ” Đ������������������������������������������������������ ạ����������������������������������������������������� i H�������������������������������������������������� ồ������������������������������������������������� ng Bào Hải Tho����������������������������������� ạ���������������������������������� i, Nguy��������������������������� ễ�������������������������� n An Khương, Saigon, 1910.  ����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 30. Da hongpao Hai Rui    ” Đ������������������������������������������������� ạ������������������������������������������������ i H��������������������������������������������� ồ�������������������������������������������� ng Bào Hải Tho������������������������������ ạ����������������������������� i, Thanh Phong, Saigon, 1952.   31. Daming Hongwu Đại Minh Hồng Võ, Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Phong Sắc, Saigon, 1911.  �������������������� 32. Daming Hongwu   ” Đ������������������������������������������� ạ������������������������������������������ i Minh H���������������������������������� ồ��������������������������������� ng Võ, Thanh Phong, Saigon, 1953.

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176 Yan Bao

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  33. Daming qixia Đại Minh Kỳ Hiệp, Đào Khắc Hưng, Hanoi, 1928.   34. Daming yinglie Đại Minh Anh Liệt, Nguyễn Thúc Khiêm, Hanoi, 1935. (Hoàng Sơn)   35. Dapeng xia Đại Bàng Hiệp, Mậu Ngữ, Hanoi, 1937   36. Dangkou zhi Đãng Khấu Chí, Du Trung Hòa, Hanoi, 1935. Nguyễn Khắc Hạnh.   37. Donghan yanyi Đông Hớn Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Ân Linh, Saigon, 1907. Hồ văn Trung & Tr���������� ầ��������� n văn Me.   38. Dongyou baxian Đông Du Bát Tiễn, Đương Mạnh Huy, Saigon, 1934.   39 Dongyou baxian   ” Đông Du Bát Tiễn, Tô Chẩn, Saigon, 1957.   40. Dongyou baxian   ” Đông Du Bát Tiễn, Bát Quái, Hanoi, 1968.   41. Dongyou baxian   ” Đông Du Bát Tiễn, Thanh Phong, Saigon, 1952.   42. Dongzhou lieguo Đông Châu Liệt Quốc, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon (1911).  ������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 43. Dongzhou lieguo   ” Đông Châu Li������������������������������������������� ệ������������������������������������������ t Quốc, Nguy������������������������������ ễ����������������������������� n Công Kiêu, Saigon, 1914–19.  ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 44. Dongzhou lieguo   ” Đông Châu Li�������������������������������������� ệ������������������������������������� t Quốc, Trần Đình Nghi, Saigon, 1928.  ������������������������������������������������������������������������� 45. Dongzhou lieguo   ” Đông Châu Li�������������������������������������� ệ������������������������������������� t Quốc, Đao Trinh Nh����������������� ấ���������������� t, Saigon, 1929.  ����������������������������������������������������������������������� 46. Dongzhou lieguo   ” Đông Châu Li������������������������������������ ệ����������������������������������� t Quốc, Nguy����������������������� ễ���������������������� n Đỗ Mục, Hanoi, 1933.   47. Dongzhou lieguo yanyi Đông Châu Liễt Quốc Hy Chương, Hanoi, 1935. Diễn Nghĩa,   48. Dongzhou lieguo Đông Châu Liệt Quốc, Vũ Minh Trí, Saigon, 1953.   49. Enqing xiaoshuo Ân Tinh Tiểu Thuyết, Nguyễn Quang Sánh, Nam Dinh, 1932.   50. Erdu mei Nhị Độ Mai, Nguyễn văn Bân, Hanoi, 1929. (Kim Giang)   51. Ernü zao yingxiong Nhi Nữ Tạo Anh Hùng, Võ Lộ, Saigon, 1931.   52. Ernü zao yingxiong    ” Nhi Nữ Tạo Anh Hùng, Nguyễn Đỗ Mục, Hanoi, 1935. The Influence of Chinese Fiction on Vietnamese Literature 177

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  53. Fan tang hou zheng xi Phản Đường Hậu Chinh Tây, Nguyễn Tân Chiểu, Hanoi, 1934.   54. Fan tang yanyi Phản Đường Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn An Khương, Saigon, 1906. Fan tang yanyi   ” Phản Đường Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn An Khương, Reprint, 1923.   55. Fan tang yanyi   ” Phản Đường Diễn Nghĩa, Lê Sum, Saigon, 1914–15.   56. Fan tang yanyi   ” Phản Đường Diễn Nghĩa, Tr����������������������������� ầ���������������������������� n Quang Nhiễu, Saigon, 1916.   57 Fan tang yanyi   ” Phản Đường Diễn Nghĩa, Hoàng Minh Tự, Saigon, 1934. Fan tang yanyi   ” Phản Đường Diễn Nghĩa, Hoàng Minh Tự, Reprint, 1951   58. Feijian qixia Phi Kiếm Kỳ Hiệp, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1939–40.   59. Feilong jian erniang sanxia Phi Long Kiếm Nhị Huyền Châu, Hanoi (1935). Nương Tam Hiệp,   60. Feilong yanyi Phi Long Diễn Nghĩa, Huỳnh Công Giác, Saigon, 1906–14.  �������������������������������������������������������������������������� 61. Feilong yanyi   ” Phi Long Diễn Nghĩa, Trương Minh Chánh, Saigon, 1933.   62. Feixian tianbao yanyi Phi Tiên Thiên Báo Lý Ngọc Hưng, Hanoi, n.d. Diễn Nghĩa, (Hoa Nhân)   63. Fenzhuang lou yanyi Phấn Trang Lầu Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn An Khương, Saigon, 1908. Fenzhuang lou yanyi    ” Phấn Trang L���������������������������������������������� ầ��������������������������������������������� u Diễn Nghĩa, Nguy��������������������������� ễ�������������������������� n An Khương, Reprint,1918. Fenzhuang lou yanyi    ” Phấn Trang L���������������������������������������������� ầ��������������������������������������������� u Diễn Nghĩa, Nguy��������������������������� ễ�������������������������� n An Khương, Reprint,1952.   64. Fengbo ting Phong Ba Đình, Lê Xuân Khôi, Hanoi, 1938. (Thạch Tâm)   65. Fengchen jianke Phong Tr������������������������������������ ầ����������������������������������� n Kiếm Khách, Bát Quái, Hanoi, n.d.   66. Fengchen sanjian Phong Tr������������������������������������� ầ������������������������������������ n Tam Kiếm, Vũ Như Hải, Hanoi, 1936.   67. Fenghuang dao Phụng Hoàng Đao, Lê Xuân Khôi, Hanoi, 1930. (Thạch Tâm)   68. Fengjian chunqiu Phong Kiếm Xuân Thu, Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Công Hiến, Saigon, 1917.   69. Fengjian chunqiu   ” Phong Kiếm Xuân Thu, Phan Như Tiếp, Saigon, 1930.   70. Fengjian chunqiu   ” Phong Kiếm Xuân Thu Quảng Nguyễn, Hanoi (1935).

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  71. Fengjian chunqiu   ” Phong Kiếm Xuân Thu,   72. Feng shen yanyi Phong Thần Diễn Nghĩa,   73. Feng shen yanyi   ” Phong Thần Diễn Nghĩa,   74. Feng shen yanyi   ” Phong Thần Diễn Nghĩa,   75. Feng Yuxiang xiaoshi Lịch Sử Phùng Ngọc Tường,   76. Fengyue xiayi Hiệp Nghĩa Phong Nguyệt,   77. Gan feng chi Cam Phương Trì,   78. Guangzhou nüxia tuan Quảng Châu Nữ Hiệp Đoàn,   79. Guixiu yingcai Khuê Tú Anh Tài,   80. Hepu zhu Hợp Phố Châu,   81. Hongguang daxia Hồng Quȧng Đại Hiệp,   82. Hongjia nüxia Hồng Gia Nữ Hiệp,   83. Honglou meng Hồng Lâu Mộng,   84. Hongyan diandao Má Hồng Điện Đảo,   85. Hongyi nüxia Hồng Y Nữ Hiệp,   86. Hou sanguo yanyi Hậu Tam Quốc Điễn Nghĩa,   87. Hou Sanguo yanyi    ” Hậu Tam Quốc Điễn Nghĩa, Hou sanguo yanyi    ” Hậu Tam Quốc Điễn Nghĩa,   88. Houhan sanhe baojian Hậu Hớn Tam Hợp Bửu Kiếm,

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Đinh Gia Hân, Haiphong, n.d. (Cảnh Viêm) Tr������������������������������ ầ����������������������������� n Phong Sắc, Saigon, 1906–07. Vũ Như Khôi, Hanoi, 1927. Vương Quốc Sung, Hanoi, n.d. Mai Sơn, Hanoi, 1929. Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1931. (Bá Nghiêm) Hiệp Hồn, Hanoi, 1928, Hận Nghi, Haiphong (1935). Ngô văn Triện, Hanoi, 1928. (Trúc Khê) Tùng Nông Vũ Kính, Hanoi, 1929 (Đào Viên) Thanh Đinh, Hanoi, 1936. Lê Xuân Khôi, Hanoi, 1936. (Thạch Tâm) Nguyễn Đức Vân, Hanoi, 1963. Nguyễn văn Huyến, Lạc Khổ, Hanoi, 1934. Lương Giang, Hanoi, 1928. Nguyễn An Khương, Saigon, 1906. Danh Nho, Saigon, 1929. Danh Nho, Saigon, 1954. Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Công Danh, Saigon, 1906, Nguyễn Phước Du, The Influence of Chinese Fiction on Vietnamese Literature 179

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Houhan sanhe baojian    ” H��������������������������������������������� ậ�������������������������������������������� u Hớn Tam Hợp Trần Công Danh, Reprint, 1917. Bửu Kiếm, Nguyễn Phước Du,   89. Hou xiyou Hậu Tây Du, Thanh Ngọc Duyên, Hanoi, 1924.   90. Hou yingxiong (Xu yingxiong nao Hậu Anh Hùng (Tục Anh, Trần Phong Sắc, Saigon, 1908. sanmen jie ) Hùng Náo Tam Môn Giai),   91 Hou yingxiong nao sanmen jie Hậu Anh Hùng Náo Tam, Tô Chấn, Saigon, 1951. Môn Giai,   92. Hou zaisheng yuan Hậu Tái Sinh Duyên, Thanh Phong, Saigon, 1953.   93. Hudie hua Hồ Điệp Hoa, Nghiêm Xuân Lãn, Hanoi, 1928.   94. Hua heshang Sư Hổ Mang, Nguyễn Tử Siêu, Hanoi, 1935.   95. Huoshao honglian si Bọn Võ Hiệp Đốt Cháy Chùa Ngô văn Triện, Hanoi (1935). Hồng Liên Si, (Trúc Khê)   96. Jiating zhuanzhi Mảnh Gửơng Chuyên Chế, Ngô văn Triện, Hanoi, 1927. zhi mingjian Trong Gia Đình, (Trúc Khê)   97. Jianguang nüxia Kiếm Quang Nữ Hiệp, Lê Xuân Khôi, Hanoi, 1936. (Thạch Tâm)   98. Jiangdong sanxia Giang Đông Tam Hiệp, Văn Tuyền, Haiphong, n.d.   99. Jianghu heijian Giang Hồ Hắc Kiếm, Vũ Hầu, Hanoi, 1941. 100. Jianghu nü jianxia Giang Hồ Nữ Kiếm Hiệp, Ĺê Xuân Khôi, Hanoi, 1936– (Thạch Tâm) 101. Jianghu nüxia Giang Hồ Nữ Hiệp, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1938–39. (Tân Châu) 102. Jianghu qiwen Giang Hồ Kỳ Văn, Bách Lữ, Haiphong, n.d. 103. Jianghu yixia Giang Hồ Nghĩa Hiệp, Lý Ngọc Hưng, Hanoi, 1928. (Hoa Nhân)

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104. Jingu qiguan Kim Cổ Kỳ Quan, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1910–11. 105. Jingu qiguan   ” Kim C��������������������������������������� ổ�������������������������������������� K������������������������������������ ỳ����������������������������������� Quan, Trần Thanh Đạm Saigon, 1957. & Nguyễn Tố Nguyên, 106. Jinguo yingxiong Cân Quắc Anh Hùng, Thành Ngọc Duyên, Hanoi, 1924. 107. Jiangnan jianxia Giang Nam Kiếm Hiệp, Đông Quang, Hanoi, 1936. 108. Jinling sanjie Kim Lăng Tam Kiệt, Nguyễn Nam Thông, Hanoi, 1937. (Đông Quang) 109. Jinghua yuan Kích Hoa Duyên, Nguyễn Xuân Lâm, Hanoi, 1928. 110. Jiu kujian Gươm Cứu Khổ, Nguyễn Tử Siêu, Hanoi, 1928. 111. Jiumei qiyuan Cửu Mỹ Kỳ Duyên, Phạm Quang Sáng, Hanoi 1924. 112. Jiuzhou shenjian Cửu Châu Thần Kiếm, Châu Hưng, Hanoi, 1936. 113. Kongtong qixia Không Đồng Kỳ Hiệp, Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Tuấn Khải, Hanoi (1935). 114. Kunlun wu jianxia Côn Lôn Ngũ Kiếm Khách, Thạc Quân, Hanoi, 1936. 115. Li Cunxiao yanyi Lý Tồn Hiếu Diễn Nghĩa, Ngô văn Triện, Hanoi, 1928. (Trúc Khê) Li Cunxiao yanyi Lý T����������������������������������������������� ồ���������������������������������������������� n Hiếu Diễn Nghĩa, Ngô văn Triện, Hanoi, 1934. (Trúc Khê) 116. Li Yuanhong xiaoshi Lịch Sử Lê Nguyên Hồng, Mai Sơn, Hanoi, 1929. 117. Liaozhai zhiyi Liễu Trai Chí Dị, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1916–18. (Tâm Chân) 118. Liaozhai zhiyi   ” Liễu Trai Chí D����������������������������������� ị���������������������������������� , Huyền Mạc Đạo Nhơn, Saigon, 1933 119. Liaozhai zhiyi   ” Liễu Trai Chí D��������������������������������� ị�������������������������������� , Nguyễn Khẳk Hiếu, Hanoi, 1939. (Tản Đà) 120. Liaozhai zhiyi   ” Liễu Trai Chí D����������������������������� ị���������������������������� , Nguyễn Hoạt, Saigon, 1959. 121. Lienü jian Liệt Nữ Kiếm, Học Hải, Hanoi, 1923. 122. Lingnan yishi Lĩnh Nam Dật Sử, Nguyễn Hữu Tiến, Hanoi, 1925. The Influence of Chinese Fiction on Vietnamese Literature 181

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123. Lingnan yishi   ” Lĩnh Nam D����������������������������� ậ���������������������������� t S������������������������� ử������������������������ , Bùi Đàn, Saigon, 1968. 124. Lingyun jianke Lăng Vân Kiếm Khách, Lý Ngộc Hưng, Hanoi, 1937. 125. Liujian tong Lục Kiếm Đồng, Lữ văn Tuyền, Haiphong, 1935–36. 126. Longfeng zaisheng Long Phượng Tái Sinh Tinh Liễu, Hanoi, 1934. Duyên, 127. Longtu gong’an Long Đồ Công Án, Nguyễn Ngộc Thơ, Saigon, 1906. Longtu gong’an   ” Long Đ������������������������������������������ ồ����������������������������������������� Công Án, Nguyễn Ng���������������������� ộ��������������������� c Thơ, Reprint. 1927. 128. Longtu gong’an   ” Long Đ������������������������������������������ ồ����������������������������������������� Công Án, Nguyễn Chánh S����������������� ắ���������������� t, Saigon, 1916. 129. Longxing guaike Long Hính Quái Khách, Lý Ngộc Hưng, Hanoi, 1937. 130. Lu huaniang Lỗ Hoa Nương, Vưong.Quốc Sung, Hanoi, n.d.? 131. Lülin bajian Lục Lâm Bát Kiếm, Hải Bẳng, Hanoi, 1939. 132. Lü mudan Lục Mẫu Đơn, Nguyễn Trọng Quyển, Saigon, 1908. 133. Lü mudan   ” L���������������������������������������� ụ��������������������������������������� c M������������������������������������ ẫ����������������������������������� u Đơn, Trần văn Bình, Saigon, 1953. 134. Lüye xianzong Lục Giã Tiên Tung, Nguyễn Khắc Hanh, Hanoi, 1931. 135. Luo Tong sao bei La Thông Tảo Bắc, Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Phong Sắc, Saigon, 1906. Luo Tong sao bei   ” La Thông T�������������������������������������� ả������������������������������������� o B���������������������������������� ắ��������������������������������� c, Trần Phong S������������������ ắ����������������� c, Reprint. 1915. 136. Luo Tong sao bei   ” La Thông Tảo Bắc, Vũ Hi Tô, Hanoi, 1926. 137. Luo Tong sao bei   ” La Thông Tảo Bắc, Tô Chấn, Saigon, 1950. 138. Mafeng jianke Ma Phong Kiếm Khách, Kỹ Hà, Hanoi, 1936. 139. Manhuang jianxia Man Hoang Kiếm Hiệp, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1938. 140. Mei Liangyu yanyi Mai Lương Ngọc Diễn Nguyễn An Khương, Saigon, 1909. Nghĩa, 141. Mei Liangyu yanyi   ” Mai Lương Ng������������������������������������� ọ������������������������������������ c Di�������������������������������� ễ������������������������������� n Phạm văn Cường, Saigon, 1927. Nghĩa,

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142. Mengzhong yuan Mộng Trung Duyên, Đinh văn Đẩu, Saigon, 1907. 143. Mengzhong yuan   ” M���������������������������������������� ộ��������������������������������������� ng Trung Duyên, Cảnh Chi, Saigon, 1926. 144. Mingshi de yanyi Minh Thế Đức Diễn Nghĩa, Ngọc Liên Hoàng, Hanoi, 1921–22. 145. Mingzhu yuan Minh Châu Duyên, Đinh Gia Hân, Haiphong, 1927. 146. Mulan cong jun Mộc Lan Tòng Quân, Nguyễn Tứ Lãng, Nam Dinh, 1929. 147. Moyi nü Ma Y Nữ, Bát Quái, Hanoi, 1968. 148. Nanyou huaguang Nam Du Hu������������������������������� ệ������������������������������ Quang, Tô Chẩn, Saigon, 1951. 149. Nü bawang Nữ Bá Vương, Lý Ng��������������������� ọ�������������������� c Hưng, Hanoi, 1937. 150. Nü bao fuchou Gái tr������������������������������������������ ả����������������������������������������� thù cha, Nguyễn Chánh S����������������� ắ���������������� t, Saigon, 1925. 151. Nü junzi yanyi Nữ Quân T�������������������������������������������� ử������������������������������������������� Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Khắc H����������������� ạ���������������� nh, Hanoi, 1923. 152. Nü yingxiong Gái Anh Hùng, anonymous Hanoi, 1934. Nü yingxiong   ” Nữ Anh Hùng, Nguy����������������������� ễ���������������������� n văn Bân, Hanoi, n.d. (before 1942). 153. Nüxia hongniangzi Nữ Hiệp Hồng Nương T������������������������������� ử������������������������������ , T. Thanh Ch����������������� ứ���������������� c, Hanoi (1935). 154. Pa qi riji Nh���������������������������������� ậ��������������������������������� t Ký S��������������������������� ợ�������������������������� V������������������������ ợ����������������������� , L�������������������� ạ������������������� c Kh��������������� ổ�������������� , Hanoi, 1928. 155. Penglai xiake Bồng Lai Hiệp Khách, Lý Ngọc Hưng, Hanoi, 1936. 156. Piaoliu xiashi Phiêu Lưu Hiệp Sĩ, Lý Ngọc Hưng, Hanoi, 1937. (Hoa Nhân) 157. Ping Shan Leng Yan Bình Sơn Lãnh Yến, Nguyễn Đỗ Mục, Hanoi, 1927. 158. Pingyang qixia Đinh Dương Kỳ Hiệp, Đỗ Thủy, Hanoi, 1935. 159. Qiguo zhi yanyi Thất Quốc Chí Diễn Nghĩa, Lý Ngọc Hưng, Hanoi, 1929–30. (Hoa Nhân) Qiguo zhi yanyi   ” Th������� ấ������ t Qu�� ố�c Chí Diễn Nghĩa, Lý Ng��������������������� ọ�������������������� c Hưng, 2nd ed. 1932 (Hoa Nhân) Qiguo zhi yanyi   ” Th������� ấ������ t Qu�� ố�c Chí Diễn Nghĩa, Lý Ng����������������������� ọ���������������������� c Hưng, 3rd. ed. 1932. (Hoa Nhân) The Influence of Chinese Fiction on Vietnamese Literature 183

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160. Qijian shisanxia yanyi Thất Kiếm Thập Tam Hiệp Nguyễn văn Dược, Saigon, 1924. Diễn Nghĩa, 161. Qijian shisanxia yanyi     ” Th������������������������������������������������������� ấ������������������������������������������������������ t Ki�������������������������������������������������� ế������������������������������������������������� m Th��������������������������������������������� ậ�������������������������������������������� p Tam Hiệp, Phạm văn Diễu, Saigon, 1931–32. Diễn Nghĩa, 162. Qijian shisanxia yanyi     ” Th��������������������������������������������� ấ�������������������������������������������� t Ki���������������������������������������� ế��������������������������������������� m Th����������������������������������� ậ���������������������������������� p Tam Hiệp Hy Chương, Hanoi, 1934. Diễn Nghĩa, 163. Qijian shisanxia yanyi     ” Th������������������������������������������������ ấ����������������������������������������������� t Ki������������������������������������������� ế������������������������������������������ m Th�������������������������������������� ậ������������������������������������� p Tam Hiệp Quảng Nguyên, Hanoi, 1935. Điện Nghĩa, 164. Qijian shisanxia yanyi     ” Th����������������������������������������������������� ấ���������������������������������������������������� t Ki������������������������������������������������ ế����������������������������������������������� m Th������������������������������������������� ậ������������������������������������������ p Tam Hiệp Phạm văn Diễu, Saigon, 1931–32. Điện Nghĩa, Qijian shisanxia yanyi     ” Th��������������������������������������������������� ấ�������������������������������������������������� t Ki���������������������������������������������� ế��������������������������������������������� m Th����������������������������������������� ậ���������������������������������������� p Tam Hiệp Phạm văn Diễu, Reprint, 1951. Diễn Nghĩa, 165. Qixia wuyi Thất Hiệp Ngũ Nghĩa, Quảng Nguyên, Hanoi (1934–35). 166. Qixia wuyi   ” Th���������������������������������������������� ấ��������������������������������������������� t Hiệp Ngũ Nghĩa, Phạm văn Diễu, Saigon, n.d. 167. Qianlong xia jiangnan Càn Long H�������������������������������������������� ạ������������������������������������������� Giang Nam, Huỳnh Trí Phú, Saigon, 1908–10. 168. Qianlong xia jiangnan    ” Càn Long Hạ Giang Nam, Sơn Nhân & Hanoi. 1933–34. Nh������������� ậ������������ t Nam thư xã 169. Qianlong xia jiangnan    ” Càn Long Hạ Giang Nam, Thanh Phong, Saigon, 1952. 170. Qinghai fengbo B��������������������������������������������� ể�������������������������������������������� Tình N������������������������������������� ổ������������������������������������ i Sóng, Nguyễn Tử Siêu, Hanoi, 1927. 171. Qingshe baishe Thanh Xà B������������������������������� ạ������������������������������ ch Xà, Tân Sơn, Saigon (1935). 172. Qingshi Tinh Sử, Nguyễn Quang Oánh, Hanoi, 1931. 173. Qingtian daxia Thanh Thiên Đ����������������������������������� ạ���������������������������������� i Hiệp, Lý Ngọc Hưng, Hanoi, 1936. 174. Qunxiong jianhui Qu������������������������������������������ ầ����������������������������������������� n Hùng Ki�������������������������������� ế������������������������������� m Hội, Đ����������������������� ỗ���������������������� văn Lâm, Hanoi, 1936. (Thanh Đinh) 175. Qun yingjie yanyi Truyện Qu����������������������������������������������� ầ���������������������������������������������� n Anh Kiệt, Trịnh Hoài Nghĩa, Saigon, 1906–07.

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176. Sanguo zhi yanyi Tam Quốc Chí Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Liên Phong, Saigon, 1907. Nguyễn An Cư, 177. Sanguo zhi yanyi Tam Quốc Chi Diễn Nghĩa, Phan Kế Bính & Hanoi, 1909–18. Nguyễn văn Vĩnh, Sanguo zhi yanyi   ” Tam Quốc Chí Di�������������������������������� ễ������������������������������� n Nghĩa, Phan K���������������� ế��������������� Bính, 4th ed., & Nguyễn văn Vĩnh, Saigon. 1928. Sanguo zhi yanyi   ” Tam Quốc Chí Di������������������������� ễ������������������������ n Nghĩa, Phan K��������� ế�������� Bính &, Saigon, 1949. Nguyễn văn Vĩnh, 178. Sanguo zhi yanyi   ” Tam Quốc Chí Diễn Nghĩa Đinh Gia Hân (Cảnh, Haiphong, Việm) & Vũ Giáp, 1928–30. 179. Sanguo zhi yanyi   ” Tam Quốc Chí Diễn Nghĩa, Nghiêm Xuân Lâm, Hanoi, 1931–33. 180. Sanguo zhi yanyi   ” Tam Quốc Chí Diễn Nghĩa, Hiền Lương, Hanoi, 1934–35. 181. Sanguo zhi yanyi   ” Tam Quốc Chí Diễn Nghĩa, Vũ Hi Tô, Hanoi, 1937. 182. Sanguo zhi yanyi   ” Tam Quốc Chí Diễn Nghĩa, Hồ Hải Lãng Nhân, Paris, 1952. 183. Sanhe baojian Tam Hợp Bửu Kiếm, Thanh Phong, Saigon, 1954. 184. Sanxia nantang Tam Hạ Nam Đường, Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Phong Sắc, Saigon, 1906. Sanxia nantang   ” Tam H��������������������������������������������� ạ�������������������������������������������� Nam Đư������������������������������������� ờ������������������������������������ ng, Trần Phong S�������������������� ắ������������������� c, Saigon, 2nd ed., 1916. Sanxia nantang   ” Tam H�������������������������������������� ạ������������������������������������� Nam Đư������������������������������ ờ����������������������������� ng, Trần Phong S������������� ắ������������ c, 3rd. ed., Saigon, 1918. Sanxia nantang   ” Tam H������������������������������������� ạ������������������������������������ Nam Đư����������������������������� ờ���������������������������� ng, Trần Phong S������������ ắ����������� c, Reprint. Saigon, 1928. 185. Sanxia nantang   ” Tam H��������������������������������������������� ạ�������������������������������������������� Nam Đư������������������������������������� ờ������������������������������������ ng, Nguyễn Kim Đĩnh, Gia Dinh, 1929. Sanxia nantang   ” Tam H�������������������������������������� ạ������������������������������������� Nam Đư������������������������������ ờ����������������������������� ng, Nguyễn Kim Đĩnh, Reprint, Saigon, 1930. 186. Sanxia nantang   ” Tam H��������������������������������������� ạ�������������������������������������� Nam Đư������������������������������� ờ������������������������������ ng, Quảng Nguyên, Hanoi, 1934. The Influence of Chinese Fiction on Vietnamese Literature 185

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187. Sanxia nantang   ” Tam H���������������������������������������� ạ��������������������������������������� Nam Đư�������������������������������� ờ������������������������������� ng, Vương Th������������������� ọ������������������ Hoa, Hanoi, 1937. (Tô Sinh) 188. Sanxia nantang   ” Tam H������������������������������������� ạ������������������������������������ Nam Đư����������������������������� ờ���������������������������� ng, Vũ Xuân Mai, Hanoi, n.d. 189. Sanxia nantang   ” Tam H����������������������������������������� ạ���������������������������������������� Nam Đư��������������������������������� ờ�������������������������������� ng, Đinh Gia Hân, Haiphong, n.d. (Cảnh Viêm) 190. Sanxia nantang   ” Tam H����������������������������������� ạ���������������������������������� Nam Đư��������������������������� ờ�������������������������� ng, Tô Ch����������������� ẩ���������������� n, Saigon, 1951. 191. Shandong jianke Sơn Đông Kiếm Khách, Lê văn Giới, Hanoi, 1937. (Thanh Đình) 192. Shaolin changhen Thiếu Lâm Trường Hận, Hải Bằng, Hanoi, 1937. 193. Shaolin nüxia Thiếu Lâm Nữ Hiệp, Nghiêm Xuân Lâm, Hanoi, (1935). 194. Shenlong wujian Thần Long Vũ Kiếm, Lỗ Công Tài, Hanoi, 1937. 195. Shentong chu shi Thần Đồng Xuất Thế, Bát Quái, Hanoi, n.d. 196. Shi’er guafu zheng xi Thập Nhị Quả Phụ Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Phong Sắc, Saigon, 1918. Chinh Tây, Shi’er guafu zheng xi   ” Th����������������������������������������������� ậ���������������������������������������������� p Nh������������������������������������������ ị����������������������������������������� Quả Ph���������������������������������� ụ��������������������������������� Trần Phong S�������������������� ắ������������������� c, 2d. ed., Saigon, Chinh Tây, 1923. 197. Shiguo yingxiong Thập Quốc Anh Hùng, Hòe Đình, Hanoi (1935) 198. Shitou hun Thạch Đầu Hồn, Trần Tuần Khải, Saigon, 1933. 199. Shuangfeng qiyuan Song Phưọng Kỳ Duyên, Nguyễn Đỗ Mục, 2d. ed., Hanoi, 1922. Shuangfeng qiyuan   ” Song Phưọng K�������������������������������������� ỳ������������������������������������� Duyên, Nguyễn Đỗ ���������������������� Mục���������������� , 3rd. ed. 1924. Shuangfeng qiyuan   ” Song Phưọng K�������������������������������������� ỳ������������������������������������� Duyên, Nguyễn Đỗ ���������������������� Mục���������������� , Reprint. 1928. Shuangfeng qiyuan   ” Song Phưọng K�������������������������������������� ỳ������������������������������������� Duyên, Nguyễn Đỗ ���������������������� Mục���������������� , 5th. ed. 1931. 200. Shuangfeng qiyuan   ” Song Phưọng Kỳ Duyên, Lan Hương, Hanoi, 1934. 201. Shuangguang baojian Song Quang Bửu Kiếm, Dương Tấn Long, Saigon, 1934. 202. Shuangmei liangyuan Song Mỹ Lương Duyên, Nghiêm Xuân Lam, Hanoi, 1926.

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203. Shuangxia po jian Song Hiệp Phá Gian, Nghiêm Xuân Lam, Hanoi, 1927. 204. Shuihu yanyi Thủy Hử Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn An Khương, Saigon, 1906–10. 205. Shuihu yanyi   ” Thủy H��������������������������������������������� ử�������������������������������������������� Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1911. 206. Shuihu yanyi   ” Thủy H����������������������������������������� ử���������������������������������������� Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Đ������������������� ỗ������������������ Mục, Hanoi, 1933. 207. Shuihu yanyi   ” Thủy H���������������������������������������� ử��������������������������������������� Diễn Nghĩa, Võ Minh Trí, Saigon, 1953. 208. Shunzhi guo jiang Thuận Trị Quá Giang, Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Phong S����������������� ắ���������������� c, Saigon, 1908. 209. Shunzhi guo jiang   ” Thuận Trị Quá Giang, Tr�������������������������� ầ������������������������� n văn Bình, Saigon, 1951. 210. Shuo tang yanyi Thuyết Đường Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Chánh S�������������������� ắ������������������� t, Saigon, 1908–19. 211. Shuo tang yanyi   ” Thuyết Đường Diễn Nghĩa, Phan Như Tiếp, Saigon, 1930. 212. Shuo tang yanyi   ” Thuyết Đường Diễn Nghĩa, Dương Mạnh Húc, Saigon, n.d. 213. Song Ciyun yanyi Tống Từ Vân Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn An Khương, Saigon, 1906. Song Ciyun yanyi   ” Tống T�������������������������������������������������� ừ������������������������������������������������� Vân Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn An Khương, Reprint, 1914. 214. Song Ciyun yanyi   ” Tống T��������������������������������������� ừ�������������������������������������� Vân Diễn Nghĩa, Đào Phố, Hanoi, 1927. 215. Song Ciyun yanyi   ” Tống Từ Vân Diễn Nghĩa, Thanh Phong, Saigon, 1952. 216. Song Yue Fei Tống Nhạc Phi, Quảng Nguyên, Hanoi, 1934. 217. Sui Tang zhuan Truyện Tùy Đường, Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Phong S����������������� ắ���������������� c, Saigon, 1910. 218. Sui Tang zhuan   ” Tùy Đường Diện Nghĩa, Nguyễn Gy, Hanoi, 1933. 219. Taiwan nü jianke Đài Loan Nữ Kiếm Khách, Đông Hương Hanoi 1936. 220. Taiyi shendao Thái Ất Th������������������������������ ầ����������������������������� n Đao; B��������������������� ằ�������������������� ng Côn, Hanoi, 1939. 221. Tiehua xian shi Thiết Hoa Tiên Sử, Nguyễn văn Bân, Hanoi, n.d. (Kim Giang) 222. Wanhua lou yanyi Vạn Hoa L������� ầ������ u Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn văn Bân, Saigon,1906–11. 223. Wanhua lou yanyi   ” V��������������������������������������������������������� ạ�������������������������������������������������������� n Hoa Lầu Điễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn An Khương 3rd. ed. 1915–17. and others, 224. Wanhua lou yanyi   ” V������������������������������������������������������ ạ����������������������������������������������������� n Hoa Lầu Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1917. Wanhua lou yanyi   ” V������������������������������������������������������� ạ������������������������������������������������������ n Hoa Lầu Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Reprint, 1929. Saigon, The Influence of Chinese Fiction on Vietnamese Literature 187

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225. Wanhua lou yanyi   ” V������������������������������������������������� ạ������������������������������������������������ n Hoa Lầu Diễn Nghĩa, Quảng Nguyên, Hanoi, 1933. 226. Wanhua lou yanyi   ” Tồng Địch Thanh Đinh Gia Hân, Haiphong, n.d. (V������������������������ ạ����������������������� n Hoa Lầu), (Cành Viêm) 227. Wanli qiyuan Vạn Lý Kỳ Duyên, Chu H������������������������ ồ����������������������� ng Nguyên, Hanoi, 1942. 228. Wannian qing Vạn Niên Thanh, Phùng Huy, Hanoi, 1923–28. 229. Wuhu ping liao Ngũ Hổ Bình Liêu, Lê Xuân Lôi, Hanoi, 1930. 230. Wuhu ping 1iao   ” Ngũ Hổ Bình Liêu, Quảng Nguyên Hanoi, 1933. 231. Wuhu ping nan Ngũ Hổ Bình Nam, Trần Hữu Quảng & Saigon, 1907. Trần Quảng Xuân, 232. Wuhu ping nan   ” Ngũ H���������������������������������������������� ổ��������������������������������������������� Bình Nam, Nguyễn Như Hoàng, Saigon, 1907–11. 233. Wuhu ping nan   ” Ngũ H����������������������������� ổ���������������������������� Bình Nam, ? Gia Dinh, 1929. 234. Wuhu ping nan   ” Ngũ H�������������������������������������� ổ������������������������������������� Bình Nam, Quảng Nguyên, Hanoi, 1934. 235. Wuhu ping nan   ” Ngũ H��������������������������������������� ổ�������������������������������������� Bình Nam, Đinh Gia Lam Haiphong, n.d. 236. Wuhu ping xi Ngũ Hổ Bình Tây, Nguyễn Chánh S����������������� ắ���������������� t, Saigon, 1906. Wuhu ping xi   ” Ngũ H����������������������������������������������� ổ���������������������������������������������� Bình Tây, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Reprint, 1914–18. Wuhu ping xi   ” Ngũ H�������������������������������������������� ổ������������������������������������������� Bình Tây, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Reprint, 1923. 237. Wuhu ping xi   ” Ngũ H������������������������������������������� ổ������������������������������������������ Bình Tây, Nguyễn An Khương, Saigon, 1907. Wuhu ping xi   ” Ngũ H�������������������������������������������� ổ������������������������������������������� Bình Tây, Nguyễn An Khương, Reprint, 1914. 238. Wuhu ping xi   ” Ngũ H���������������������������������� ổ��������������������������������� Bình Tây, Tô Chẩn, Saigon, 1951. 239. Wuhu xiake Ngũ Hổ Hiệp Khách, Thượng Văn, Hanoi (1937). 240. Wuhuajian yanyi Ngũ Hoa Kiếm Diễn, Nguyễn Tử Siêu, Hanoi, n.d. 241. Wujian chao wang Ngũ Kiếm Triều Đức Lưu Phương, Hanoi, 1940. Vương, 242. Wujian xiao bayi Ngũ Kiếm Thập Nguyễn Tử Lãng, Nam Dinh, Bát Nghĩa, 1928.

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243. Wunü xing tang Ngũ Nữ Hừng Đinh Gia Hân, Hanoi, 1927. Đường,������������ (C��������� ẩ�������� nh Viêm) 244. Wunü xing tang Ngũ Nử Hưng Đường, Trần văn Liêm, Saigon, 1931. 245. Wu Yue chunqiu Ngô Việt Xuân Thu, Ngô Tất Tố, Saigon, 1928; 246. Wu Yue qixia Ngũ Nhạc Kỳ Hiệp, Hoàng Đạo Thăng, Hanoi, 1936. 247. Wu Zetian sida qi’an Võ Tắc Thiên Tứ Đại Kỳ Án, Nguyễn Khắc Hanh, Hanoi, (1927). 248. Wu Zixu Ngũ Tử Tư, Phi Tùng Tử, Hanoi, 1928 249. Xihan yanyi Tây Hớn Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Chanh Sắt, Saigon, 2nd ed., 1908. 250. Xihan yanyi   ” Tây H����������������������������������������� ớ���������������������������������������� n Diễn Nghĩa, Nguy���������������������� ễ��������������������� n Chánh S������������ ắ����������� t, Reprint, 1912–15. 250. Xihan yanyi   ” Tây H���������������������������������������� ớ��������������������������������������� n Diễn Nghĩa, Lê Xuân Lộc, Hanoi, 1931. 251. Xihan yanyi   ” Tây Hớn Diễn Nghĩa, Thanh Phong Saigon, 1952. 252. Xi Shi zhuan yanyi Tây Thi Chuyện Diễn Nghĩa, Ðào Phổ, Hanoi, 1924. 253. Xiyou ji Tây Du Ký, Trần Phong Sắc, Saigon, 2d. ed. 1914. 254. Xiyou ji   ” Tây Du Ký, Lạc Kh������������������ ổ����������������� , Hanoi, 1933–35. 255. Xiyou yanyi Tây Du Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Công Kiêu, Saigon, 1917. 256. Xiyou yanyi   ” Tây Du Diễn Nghĩa, Hoàng Minh Tư, Ben Tre (1935). 257. Xiyou yanyi   ” Tây Du Diễn Nghĩa, Tô Chẩn, Saigon, 1951–52. 258. Xianjian Thanh Kiếm Tiên, Lý Ngọc Hưng, Hanoi, 1935. 259. Xiao Hongpao Hai Rui Tiếu Hồng Bào Hȧi Thụy, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1910–11. Xiao hongpao Hai Rui   ” Tiểu H�������������������������������������������������� ồ������������������������������������������������� ng Bào Hải Thụy, Nguyễn Chánh S������������������ ắ����������������� t, Reprint, 1930. 260. Xiaolin xinshuo Tiếu Lâm Tân Thuyết, Trần Quang Nhiễu, Saigon, 1908. 261. Xiao nüxia Tiểu Nữ Hiệp, Bích Ngọc, Hanoi, 1936. 262. Xiao wuyi Tiểu Ngũ Nghĩa, Phạm văn Điêu, Saigon, 1930. The Influence of Chinese Fiction on Vietnamese Literature 189

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263. Xiaoxia fuchou Tiểu Hiệp Phục Thù, Lý Ngọc Hưng, Hanoi, 1936. 264. Xin nüxuesheng Tân Nữ Học Sinh, Song Động, Hanoi, 1929. 265. Xin sanguo zhi Tân Tam Quốc Chí, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1910. 266. Xu qijian shisanxia T����������������������������������������������� ụ���������������������������������������������� c Thất Kiếm Thập Lý Ngọc Hưng, Hanoi, 1928–29. Tam Hiệp, (Hoa Nhân) 267. Xu shuihu T������������������������������������ ụ����������������������������������� c Thủy Hử, Tân Hiên, Hanoi, (1935). 268. Xu xiao wu yi T����������������������������������������������� ụ���������������������������������������������� c Tiêu Ngũ Nghĩa, Phạm văn Điêu, Saigon, 1931. 269. Xu yingxiong nao sanmen jie Tục Anh Hùng Náo Tam Vũ Đình Long, Hanoi, 1925. Môn Giai, 270. Xu zaisheng yuan T���������������������������������������������� ụ��������������������������������������������� c Tái Sinh Duyên, Nguyễn Đỗ Mục, Hanoi, 1924. 271. Xue dingshan zheng xi Tiết Đinh Sơn Chinh Tây, Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Phong Sắc, Saigon, 1907. Xue dingshan zheng xi   ” Ti���������������������������������������������������� ế��������������������������������������������������� t Đinh Sơn Chinh Tây, Trần Phong Sắc, 2d. ed. 1918. 272. Xue dingshan zheng xi   ” Ti������������������������������������������������������� ế������������������������������������������������������ t Đinh Sơn Chinh Tây, Nguyễn Dương Quan, Saigon, 1907. 273. Xue dingshan zheng xi   ” Ti��������������������������������������������������������� ế�������������������������������������������������������� t Đinh Sơn Chinh Tây, Nguyễn Chánh S�������������������� ắ������������������� t, Saigon, 1914–18. Xue dingshan zheng xi   ” Ti������������������������������������������������� ế������������������������������������������������ t Đình Sơn Chinh Tây, Nguyễn Chánh S������������ ắ����������� t, 3rd ed., Saigon, 1928. 274. Xue Rengui zheng dong Tiết Nhân Quý Chinh Đông, Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Hữu Quȧng, Saigon, 1907. Xue Rengui zheng dong    ” Ti��������������������������������������������������������� ế�������������������������������������������������������� t Nhân Quý Chinh Đông, Trần Hữu Quang, Reprint, 1910–11. Xue Rengui zheng dong   ” Ti����������������������������������������������������� ế���������������������������������������������������� t Nhân Quý Chinh Đông, Trần Hữu Quang, 4th ed. 1918. 275. Xue Rengui zheng dong   ” Ti�������������������������������������������������������� ế������������������������������������������������������� t Nhân Quý Chinh Đông, Nguyễn Kim Đĩnh, Gia Dinh, 1929. 276. Xue Rengui zheng dong   ” Ti�������������������������������������������������� ế������������������������������������������������� t Nhân Quý Chinh Đông, Quảng Nguyên, Hanoi, 1933. 277. Xuehong leishi Tuyết Hồng Lệ Sử, Nguyễn Quang Sánh, Hanoi, 1932. 278. Yanhua qishi Yên Hoa Kỳ Sử, Lý Ngọc Hưng Hanoi, 1931. 279. Yang Wenguang ping nan Dương Văn Quảng Bình Nam, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1908. 280. Yaochi xianü Giao Trì Hiệp Nữ, Lý Ngọc Hưng, Hanoi, 1939.

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281. Yizhimei da xiashi Nhất Chi Mai Đại Hiệp Sĩ, Lê Xuân Khôi, Hanoi, 1936. (Th�������� ạ������� ch Tâm) 282. Yinsheng jian Âm Thanh Kiếm, Điệp Hừng, Hanoi, n.d. 283. Yin xiashi Ấn Hiệp Sĩ, Ngươn Long, Hanoi, 1938. 284. Yinglie yanyi Anh Liệt Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Tân Chiều, Hanoi, 1928. (Ninh Xuyên) 285. Yingxiong nao sanmen jie Anh Hùng Náo Tam Môn Giai, Trần Phong Sắc, Saigon, 1907. 286. Yingxiong nao sanmen jie   ” Anh Hùng Náo Tam Môn Giai, Vũ Đình Lợi, Hanoi, 1924. 287. Yingxiong nao sanmen jie   ” Anh Hùng Náo Tam Môn Giai, Quảng Nguyên, Hanoi, (1935). 288. Yingxiong nao sanmen jie   ” Anh Hùng Náo Tam Môn Giai, Nguyễn Mân Châu, Hanoi, 1950. 289. Yingxiong nao sanmen jie   ” Anh Hùng Náo Tam Môn Giai, Tô Chẩn, Saigon, 1951. 290. Yongqing sheng ping Vĩnh Khánh Thăng Bình, Tr������������������������������ ầ����������������������������� n Phong Sắc, Saigon, 1910–11. You long xi feng , s. n°. 307 291. Yuli hun Ngọc Lê Hồn, Ngô văn Triện, Hanoi, 1930. (Trúc Khê) 292. Yu tang chun Ngọc Đường Xuân, Vũ Kính, Hanoi, 1929. 293. Yu yuanyang Ngọc Uyên Ương, Ngô văn Triện, Hanoi, 1928. 294. Yu zhi qi Vợ Lẽ Của Tôi, Nguyễn Nam Thông, Hanoi, 1939. 295. Yuanhun jian Oan Hồn Kiếm, Bát Quai, Hanoi, n.d. 296. Yuanshi yanyi Nguyễn Sử Diễn Nghĩa, Đào Xuân Trinh, Saigon, 1935. 297. Yuanyang jian Uyên Ương Kiếm, Thanh Đình Hanoi, 1937. & Tuấn Lang 298. Yue Fei yanyi Nhạc Phi Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1928–29. Yue Fei yanyi   ” Nh��������������������������������������������������� ạ�������������������������������������������������� c Phi Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Reprint, 1952. 299. Yue Fei zhuan Truyện Nhạc Phi, Phụng Hoàng Sang, Saigon, 1905–09. 300. Yun tian ling Vân Thiên Lãnh, Lý Ngọc Hưng, Hanoi, 1938. The Influence of Chinese Fiction on Vietnamese Literature 191

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301. Zaisheng yuan Tái Sinh Duyên, Tr��������������������������� ầ�������������������������� n Công Đông, Saigon, 1920. 302. Zaisheng yuan   ” Tái Sinh Duyên, Nguyễn Đỗ Mục, Hanoi, 1923. 303. Zaisheng yuan   ” Tái Sinh Kỳ Duyên Diễn Nghĩa, Phạm thị Phương, ?, 1928. 304. Zaisheng yuan   ” Tái Sinh Kỳ Duyên Diễn Nghĩa, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1929. 305. Zaisheng yuan   ” Tái Sinh Kỳ Duyên Diễn Nghĩa, Lê Duy Thiện, Saigon, 1930. 306. Zaisheng yuan   ” Tái Sinh Kỳ Duyên Diễn Nghĩa, Thanh Phong, Saigon, 1950. 307. Zhengde you jiangnan (Du Long Hí Phưọng) Tr�������������������������� ầ������������������������� n Phong Sắc, Saigon, 1907 Chánh Đức Du Giang Nam, 308. Zhengde you jiangnan   ” (Du Long Hi Phưọng), Nguyễn Bá Thời, Saigon, 1932. Chánh Đức Du Giang Nam, (Vạn Phược) 309. Zhengde you jiangnan   ” (Du Long Hi Phưọng) Trần văn Bình, Saigon, 1953. Chánh Đức Du Giang Nam, 310. Zheng xi yanyi Chinh Tây Diễn Nghĩa, Vũ Hi Tô, Hanoi, 1923–24. 311. Zhonghua nüfeijian Zheng Yüxiu Trung Hoa Nữ Phi Tướng Nguyễn Học Hẩi, Hanoi, 1927. Trịnh Dục Tú, 312. Zhongnan xuehen Chung Nam Huyềt Hận, Lý Ngọc Hưng, Hanoi, 1938. 313. Zhong Wuyan Chung Vô Di�������������������������������������� ệ������������������������������������� m, Nguyễn Chánh Sắt, Saigon, 1909–11. 314. Zhong Wuyan   ” Chung Vô Diệm, Đào Phổ, & Đinh Hanoi, 1934. 315. Zhu longjian Chu Long Kiếm, Gia Hân, Văn Tuyền, Haiphoing, (1935) 316. Zou ma chunqiu ������� Tầu Mā ������������������������������� Xuân Thu, Đào Phổ, Hanoi, 1928.

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Notes   1. Each nôm character is made up of one or more Chinese characters. In the former case, the sole purpose of the Chinese character is to register a Vietnamese term phonetically. When characters are combined, one of them represents the phonetic element while the other represents the semantic element. Thus the word chợ, “market”, is written in nôm. The top element represents the sound trợ, chợ while the bottom element is the Chinese for “market”. There has been much discussion about when nôm was invented. Some trace it back to the eighth century and others to the eleventh–twelfth centuries. Whatever may be the case, there is no doubt that nôm writing was widely used in the thirteenth century. However, the very first poetical works written in nôm have not come down to us.   2. Cf. Xintang shu , juan 152, Jiang Gongfu zhuan .   3. For a partial translation, see Maurice Durand, “’Recueil des puissances invisibles du pays de Viet’ par Lý Tế Xuyên”, Dân Việt-Nam, Le Peuple Vietnamien (Hanoi), 3 (August 1949): 3–19.   4. There is no full western-language translation of this text, but it is well described, with summaries of the various tales, in Herbert Franke, “Eine Novellensammlung der frühen Ming-zeit. Das Chien-teng hsin-hua des Ch’ü Yu”, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft, 108 (1958): 338–82. For a partial translation, see Jacques Dars, En mouchant la chandelle, Nouvelles chinoises des Ming (Paris: Gallimard, Collection L’Imaginaire, 1986).   5. However, the Jian deng xinhua was banned in China in 1442 at the request of an official who complained that reading this work distracted scholars from their studies.   6. On the influence of the Jian deng xinhua in Korea and Japan, see in this volume, the article by Kim Dong-uk and that by Ôki Yasushi & Ôtsuka Hidekata (editor’s note).   7. For a French translation, see Nguyên Du, Vaste receuil de légendes merveilleuses, traduit du vietnamien par Dr Nguyên-Tran-Huan, Paris, Gallimard, Connaissance de l’Orient, UNESCO Collection of Representative Works, 1962; reprint, 1989.   8. There was a project to republish novels written in Chinese by writers from countries neighbouring China, and more generally to publish to prose writings of these authors. The collection concerning Sino-Vietnamese literature edited by Chan Hing Ho , Cheng A-tsai & Trần Nghĩa is entitled Yuenan hanwen xiaoshuo congkan / Collection Romans & Contes du Vietnam écrits en Han (Paris: Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, Taipei, Xuesheng shuju) appeared in 1992, in seven volumes. The third volume contains three historical novels set in Vietnam, namely: Huangyue long xing ji , Huanzhou ji , Houchen yishi (editor’s note).

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  9. A catalogue of Hán Nôm texts preserved in Hanoi and Paris libraries has since been published under the direction of Trần Nghĩa & François Gros: Di Sản Hán Nôm Việt Nam Thư Mục Đề Yều. Catalogue des livres en Han Nôm (Hà Nội, Nhà Xuất Bản Khoa Học Xã Hội, 1993), 3 v. (editor’s note) 10. That is, rules of Chinese prosody in the Tang manner. 11. See Hatakénaka Toshio, “On Kim-Van-Kiêu — China, Vietnam, Japan”, Tamkang Review, II (2)/III (1), Oct. 1971 — April 1972, Taipei, pp. 94–95. 12. See in particular Mélanges sur Nguyễn Du réunis à l’occasion du bi-centenaire de sa naissance (1765), published under the direction of Maurice Durand (Paris: Publications de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, 1966), 317 p. 13. For a Dutch translation of this Chinese verse novel, see G. Schlegel, Hoa Tsien Ki , Geschiedenis van het gebloemde Briefpapier, Chineseche Roman uit het oorspronkelijken text vertaald door —, Batavia, Lange & C°, 1865 1865. Also included in Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van kunsten en wetenschappen, v. XXXII, Batavia, 1866. (editor’s note). 14. Lý Văn Phức also made an adaptation of a Yuan play, Xixiang ji (The Romance of the Western Chamber), with the title Truyện Tây Sương. 15. Some give 1694 as the year of his birth whereas others are of the opinion that he was born after 1765. 16. For more details on the Chinese-influenced truyện, see notably Trần Quang Huy , Yuenan nanzhuan yu Zhongguo xiaoshuo guanxi zhi yanjiu , “Research Into The Relationship Between Chinese Novels and Vietnamese Verse Novels Written in Nôm”. This is a stenciled thesis presented at Taiwan National University (Guoli Taiwan Daxue) in 1973, 2 v., 307 p. The author examines about twenty Vietnamese novels for each of which he traces the Chinese original (or originals) in which the Vietnamese authors found their inspiration. There is an abundant bibliography of Vietnamese, Chinese, French and English works. It is regrettable however that the only Vietnamese works cited are those published in the former South Vietnam. For some case studies, see Chen Yiyuan , “Yuenan hanwen xiaoshuo Truyền Kỳ Mạn Lục de yuanyuan yu yingxiang ”, Yuwai hanwen xiaoshuo lunjiu, (Taipei: Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1989), pp. 87–225. 17. See among others Zheng Acai , “Yuenan hanwen xiaoshuozhong de lishiyanyi ”, in Yuwai hanwen xiaoshuo lunjiu, , Zhongguo gudian wenxue yanjiuhui zhubian , Taipei, Taiwan xuesheng shuju, 1989. 18. Maurice Durand (Imagerie populaire vietnamienne, Publ. de I’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, Paris, 1960, p. XXXV) cites the example of the Thạch Sanh

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Truyện , “The Story of Thạch Sanh”. Some Vietnamese commentators believe that this story which is also found in Cambodia, is derived from the Tripitạka. But it should be mentioned here that this hero also appears in China. He was a popular figure in the regional theatre of Zhejiang province (for a modern version, see Fang Hairu , and Wu Zhaoqian , Yunzhong luo xiuxie , Zhejiang wenyi chubanshe , 1984, 59 p.) and many tales about him circulate among the minorities in Yunnan province. This simple example suggests that literary migrations may be more complicated than we imagine. 19. Henri Cordier, Bibliotheca Indosinica, Dictionnaire bibliographique des ouvrages relatifs à la péninsule Indochinoise (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1915), V. IV, pp. 2328–82; P. Boudet & R. Bourgeois, Bibliographie de l’Indochine Française, Hanoi, Imprimerie Nationale, 3–4 (1), 1932–1943; 4 (2), published in 1967 by Mme Boudet, Paris, Adrien Maisonneuve. 20. Christiane Rageau, Catalogue du fonds indochinois de la Bibliothèque Nationale, V. 1, Livres vietnamiens imprimés en quốc ngữ, 1922–1954 (Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale, 1979). 21. There are now reproductions in France and in the United States of translations formerly published in Saigon. 22. This was a private school run under the direction of progressive intellectuals like Nguyễn Quyền , Hoàng Tăng Bí and Dương Bà Trạc . The purpose of the school was to spread the new knowledge and to stimulate cultural and social reforms. Its existence was ephemeral (1907–1908) but it had a definite influence. The school had branches in all the towns of Tonkin. cf. Đào Trinh Nhất, Dông Kinh Nghĩa Thục, Hà Nội, Nhà xuất bản Mai Lĩnh, 1937. 23. In particular, he was the editor of the Đǎng Cỗ Tùng Bào and the Đông Dương Tạp Chí (respectively founded in 1907 and 1913). 24. As, for example, in the following expressions: Tính Trương Phi, literally: Zhang Fei’s temperament; that is, someone with a quick temper. Giống như Tào Tháo, literally: like Cao Cao ; that is, a sensitive man. Mưu Gia Cát, literally: A stratagem of Zhuge Liang , that is, a good tactic. 25. Đặng Thai Mai, a scholar much steeped in the Chinese and French cultures, was the President of both the Academy of Letters and of the Writers’ Association of Vietnam. Cf. Trên đường học tập và nghiên cứu, “On the path of study and research” (Hanoi: Van Hoc, 1969), v. 2, pp. 191–92. 26. Kim Thánh Thán (Jin Shengtan ) was a Chinese literary critic (ca. 1610–1661) whose commentaries include one on the Shuihu zhuan. 27. Cf. Cordier, op. cit., pp. 2328–82.

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Reproduced from Literary Migrations: Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia (17th-20th Centuries), edited by Claudine Salmon (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2013). This version was obtained electronically direct from the publisher on condition that copyright is not infringed. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Individual articles are available at .

THAI TRANSLATIONS OF CHINESE LITERARY WORKS Prapin Manomaivibool

Translation of Chinese literary works into the Thai language can be divided roughly into three periods as follows: 1. From the time of King Rama I to King Rama V (1782–1910). 2. From the time of King Rama VI to King Rama VIII (1910–46). 3. From the time of the present reign up to now. In the first period, the Chinese literary works that were translated into Thai were mainly historical romances. There are altogether thirty translations done from the time of King Rama I to the time of King Rama V. The very first translation from Chinese is “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms” which was translated in the reign of King Rama I. The translation of Chinese historical romances into Thai in the reign of King Rama I to King Rama III were all done under royal patronage, while those translated in the reign of King Rama IV and V were under the patronage of high-ranking royal officials. In the second period, translations from Chinese were those of historical stories and novels, and they were done under the patronage of the owners of publishing houses or newspaper editors. Translations of Chinese historical novels were first published in series in Thai newspapers in 1921 and were very popular among the readers. Some newspapers such as Srikrung published at least one series or sometimes three in every issue. When Thailand got involved in the Second World War, the newspapers were closed down, and that was also the end of the translations from Chinese novels published in these newspapers.

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In the third period, translations from Chinese works were no longer historical stories only. Translators who knew English started translating works of Chinese that were already translated into English or works written by Western writers about China. Pearl S. Buck’s works were highly popular among the Thai readers. Thai translations of Buck’s works are numerous; for example, The First Wife, The Mother, The Young Revolutionist, East Wind, West Wind, The Good Earth, Big Tooth Yang, etc. Then there were translations of Chinese short stories, such as those of Lin Yutang and some other writers. The most popular among translations from Chinese were those of the type. The wuxia type stories were first introduced to Thai wuxia readers around 1957. They were published both in book form and in newspaper series. Translations from the wuxia type stories are still very popular now. Most of the Thai translations at present are those of Jin and Gu Long . Translations from Chinese literary works Yong in the first period were done under royal patronage with the purpose of providing Thai readers with more reading materials. But in the second and third periods, it was for business. Newspapers that published pieces from Chinese stories were very popular and sold well. Since the purposes of translating were not the same, the process of translating in the first period was different from that of the second and third periods. In the first period, each work was done by at least two parties or four at the most. There were the patrons who were either the King or high-ranking officials, the translators who were Chinese and he editors who were Thai poets. The final work was usually of high quality. The translation of Chinese historical romances is not word-by-word translation, but rather what one would call interpretative translation. A good example of Chinese translation from the first period is Sam Kok which is an interpretative translation of Sanguo zhi yanyi done in the reign of King Rama I. Sam Kok was written in such a good Thai style that it was regarded by the Literary Club in the reign of King Rama VI as “The best of tales in prose.” The style and diction of Sam Kok has been regarded as a model of the translation of Chinese stories into Thai from then on. Translations of Chinese stories in the second and third periods were mostly done by one author. The style and diction are not edited. The translation style of wuxia type stories is “hybrid”; that is, it imitates the style of Sam Kok but it is done irregularly. Such a “hybrid” style results from the fact that the demand for wuxia type stories is high while time

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is limited so some translators such as W. Na Mueng Lung have their oral translation typed and sent directly to the publisher. As a result, the style and diction of Thai translation of wuxia type stories have their special characteristics: the sentence structures are similar to those of the Chinese language and some words and expressions in Chinese are translated into Thai in “word-by-word” fashion with no consideration for their deeper or interpretive meaning. However, such expressions are understood among wuxia type story fans.

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Reproduced from Literary Migrations: Traditional Chinese Fiction in Asia (17th-20th Centuries), edited by Claudine Salmon (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2013). This version was obtained electronically direct from the publisher on condition that copyright is not infringed. No part of this publication may be reproduced without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Individual articles are available at .

CHINESE LITERARY INFLUENCE ON CAMBODIA IN THE 19TH AND 20TH c. Jacques Népote and Khing Hoc Dy

Although considered to be one of the jewels of Further India, Cambodia has been influenced by China in a variety of ways: through Chinese immigration1 and the spread of techniques2 as well as in a way that can broadly be described as “cultural”.3 Naturally, the Cambodian language has recorded this penetration, for example by absorbing several hundreds of words of Chinese origin.4 One would therefore expect to find the stamp of a similar influence upon Cambodian literature. Yet, paradoxically, this influence on classical literature can barely be perceived through “hints and guesses”.5 For, although they are clearly discernible in the Cambodian texts, the themes of the Chinese merchant and of Chinese political power6 appear to reflect social and political realities rather than trends in inspiration or literary sensibility. Given the state of research on the subject today, the traces of Chinese literary influence, if indeed they must be sought, can only be found either in a handful of little-known manuscripts dating from not earlier than the mid-nineteenth century, or else in a regional (in a sense, foreign) and short-lived genre of popular theatre that sprang up a few decades later. In fact, it is only in the 1960s that the Chinese influence can unmistakably be seen to be direct, explicit and meaningful. This influence was then all the more palpable as it was found in popular-priced books, serialized novels and comics, that is to say, in literature of the liveliest and most widely read variety. Moreover, in contrast to the meagreness

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in the number of “Chinese-inspired” works published in earlier times, the output of the sixties was abundant and varied, and increasingly well received. Yet, and here is another paradox, specialists of contemporary Cambodian literature have rather ignored this class of literature7 while paying attention, for example, to the products of the French influence on Cambodian literature. Our purpose here, therefore, is to return to the question by summing up what is known about the contribution of the Chinese influence to the development of Cambodian literature. We shall first describe the situation in the nineteenth century, then pinpoint the emergence of a Chinese-inspired literature during the first half of the twentieth century, and finally examine the contemporary wave of Chinese influence. 1. The Situation in the NINETEENth Century Since the end of the eighteenth century, Cambodia has undergone a revival of Chinese cultural influence whose scope extends well beyond that produced by the specific role of the local Chinese communities. This influence was sometimes received willingly, as when the Cambodian élites were dependent on the Siamese8 or Vietnamese courts, and sometimes imposed by force, as when the Vietnamese extended their cultural sway over the land by authoritarian methods.9 Then Cambodia, in turn, sought inspiration from the Chinese imperial model, which is why it comes as no surprise to learn that, in the mid-nineteenth century, Chinese troupes were playing in the royal capital of Udong, not only for the common people10 and in private homes11 but also at the palace.12 Yet, in contrast to what happened to Cambodia’s powerful neighbours, this development does not seem to have resulted in any specific influence being exerted by Chinese literature upon Khmer letters — this at a time when the conditions for the acceptance of such an influence seemed to be better than ever, as Ang Duong, reigning since 1847, was then trying to stimulate literary activity, especially through the imitation of foreign models. But although the monarch’s interests clearly extended to the most varied horizons of literature and language,13 it is as yet impossible to find any trace of Chinese influence other than that contained in the handful of manuscripts presented below.

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A Tentative Inventory of Translations or Adaptations of Chinese Works From among the thousands of texts that have been identified in the Cambodian manuscripts preserved in the libraries of a number of scientific institutions, both in Cambodia and elsewhere,14 it has not been possible, up to now, to locate more than four stories of Chinese origin, in other words, a tiny proportion (about 0.1 per cent) of the whole. One should not, however, rule out the possibility that some manuscripts of Chinese origin have been preserved in private collections, where they would have escaped recension. Indeed, the archives that we were able to scrutinize were put together by French scholars and Cambodian personalities whose foremost concern was with “classical” literature. The four texts that were located are presented below. Two of them are preserved in Parisian libraries, while a third was in Cambodia before the recent events in that country. The fourth one is known only through a reference in the third manuscript. They all appear to be translations (or, perhaps, adaptations) of Chinese texts. The first three are historical novels, while the fourth belongs to the group of novels about gods and ). devils (lingguai The Story of Princess Zhaojun: Jāv guṇ [ci :ev Kun] , who was given in The adventures of Princess Wang Zhaojun marriage to a Hun chief in the first century B.C., have inspired many Chinese writers until quite recently, and given rise to both prose and verse compositions. The adaptation referred to here is written in modern Khmer heptameters and octameters (a form used since the second half of the nineteenth century), and the story is told as a tale of rivalry between Chinese and Khmers.15 The manuscript, which is kept in the Buddhist Institute of Phnom Penh (Mss. No. 1.381) consists of nine fascicles, each comprising about 50 olla or cadjan strips (giving a total of 456 strips). It should contain some 10,000 to 15,000 verses. There is a preface in which the author tells us that he belongs to the clan (sae ) of the Tān’ (or Chen ), and that his given name is dūc [tu :c], meaning “small” in Cambodian. He also

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describes himself as being Hokkien and says he had a grū “teacher” (which implies that he pursued a course of classical studies for his ordination as a Buddhist monk in a Theravada monastery). He says he composed his work in a nostalgic mood one day, that he did it at the request of his elder brother in whose house he was at the time, and that the work is based on (“mother” or “elder aunt” in the an account given to him by his im Hokkien dialect) in Cambodian. Tān Dūc’s text is dated 1897. In addition to the fact that this brief, autobiographical and sentimental preface does not really conform to Cambodian canons, it must be pointed out that the place names in the story remain Chinese. In contrast (and this is typically Cambodian), the author begins with an invocation to the Triple Gem and an address of homage to his parents and spiritual teacher. Moreover, the descriptions of nature are all typically Cambodian. Since the Wang Zhaojun tale itself was told by a female relative of Tān Dūc, it may be supposed that the Chinese original was a ballad composed in heptameters, and in Hokkien. Verse texts of this kind were circulated in ) as well as orally. It was thus quite frequent for small books (gece unlettered women in Fujian to learn all these verse tales by heart. The Story of Di Qing

: Tik cheṅ [tek che :ŋ]

In a commentary on the story of Jāv gun, just after he has composed it, Tān’ Dūc says: “It is very beautiful, far more so than the previous one, Tik cheṅ”. Tān’ Dūc thus suggests that there exists an adaptation of another Chinese story, of which he might also be the author and whose main hero would be Di Qing, a renowned Song general who appears in many Chinese novels and ballads.16 The Story of the Western Han

: Sāy hān’ [sa :y han]

This is an anonymous prose translation of the beginning of the famous Chinese historical novel, Xihan yanyi , “The Romance of the Western Han Dynasty”. It is written in a Western-style register book and consists of twenty-one pages. The text, whose spelling is that of the end of the nineteenth century, has no claims to style. Its dense form is like that of the traditional tales and it lacks, for example, the preliminary invocation to the Triple Gem. This suggests that the author had a rather limited Cambodian education. The manuscript may be seen at the Société Asiatique de Paris (Aymonier collection 39. T. 10).17 The author, who does not explain

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his intentions, renders an adaptation that is quite faithful to the original, although certain liberties are taken with the first four episodes of the novel’s first chapter. The following is a summary of the Cambodian version: In the land of Guṅ Guk ( ) reigns a king (guk gun ) whose son is named Ị Yin ( ). Acting on his father’s orders, Ị Yin attacks the kingdom of Dīev ( ), whose king, Sīv Han Ger18 is refusing to behave as a vassal any more. Ị Yin is defeated and taken prisoner by the king of Dīev, who first thinks of executing him but then takes the advice of his courtiers and decides to keep him hostage. An official, Kaṅ Ŝun Gvīen ( ) is put in charge of Ị Yin and has to bring him to the palace whenever there is an audience. One day, as Ị Yin is coming to the palace, he is seen by Lim Līy Put Üy ( ), a rich and intelligent merchant who has no less than three wives, Iy, Uk and Cūv Ker ( )19 the youngest and most beautiful of them all. Struck by the marks of nobility that shine forth from Ị Yin, Lim inquires about him. After consulting his father, Lim Gār, during a visit to the latter, Lim Līy Put Üy decides to do all he can to help the Prince return to his country. On learning that Ị Yin’s bodyguard has a brother named Tān’,20 Lim buys him two pieces of silk and some gold, and asks him for an introduction to Kaṅ Ŝun Gvīen, which he gets without any difficulty. Later, Kaṅ who, in turn, is showered with many gifts, invites Lim for a game of chess. There, Lim meets Ị Yin and discreetly informs the latter of his willingness to help him return to his country. Ị Yin writes his parents a letter asking them to send an army to fetch him from Poeṅ Dīev Hor(?). Lim, for his part, asks Kaṅ Ŝun Gvīen for a letter of introduction that would allow him to trade in the kingdom of Guṅ. Lim travels to Guṅ Guk and succeeds in meeting the king to whom he gives the prince’s letter, asking for an army of 5,001 men to be sent under General Nāṃ Haiy Kuṅ.21 Lim also tells the king that he will help Ị Yin escape on condition that the prince is named heir-apparent. The king agrees, and Lim returns to Dīev where he holds a banquet at which the wine flows in abundance. This helps Lim’s third wife, Cūv Ker, to seduce Ị Yin. Then Lim, while knowing that Cūv Ker is pregnant with his own child, grants her to Ị Yin for a wife, thus hoping that his own child will one day inherit the throne of Guṅ. As the month of kattik22 draws near, Lim sends his ex-wife and son, Cūv Ceṅ(?), born in the meantime, to the kingdom of Guṅ. Then Lim holds another banquet, this time in honour of Kaṅ Ŝun Gvīen, who drinks far too much and falls asleep. This enables Lim and Ị Yin to flee on horseback to Poeṅ Dīev Hor,23 where they meet General Nāmn Haiy Kuṅ’s 5,001 soldiers. In the meantime, Kaṅ wakes up and discovers that he has been

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cheated. He informs King Sīv Hān Ger, who is enraged and sends him to prison. General Mau Jīev24 is ordered to fight against Nāṃn’s army. He is killed on the battlefield, his army surrenders and the king of Dīev is taken prisoner. Ị Yin ascends the throne and Cūv Ker becomes his queen while her exhusband, Lim, is appointed minister. After reigning for thirteen years, Ị Yin dies and is succeeded by Prince Cūv Ceṅ. Seven months later, the king is informed that the queen mother is having an affair with Lim. Furious he orders her execution while Lim kills himself by taking poison. Every official who intercedes on the queen mother’s behalf is executed. However, one official, Han Sīn ( )25 is ready to suffer the prescribed punishment of being boiled to death in a cauldron, and dares rebuke the king for having condemned his own mother to death. Listening to him, the king comes to know that Lim was his true father and that his mother was two months pregnant when she married Prince Ị Yin. The king gives Han Sīn a promotion and builds a pavilion for Lim’s mortal remains, similar to the one designed for his mother.26 The kingdom of Guṅ’s seven27 vassal States bear regular tribute to King Cūv Ceṅ, and the people are happy and prosperous.

It is not easy to explain the liberties that the translator has taken with the original. There are changes both in the narrative itself, especially in the first part of the translation, and in proper names and place names. This could be the result of confusion, which might mean that the story was rewritten from an oral narrative. No less curious is the addition of a patronym before the name of Lü Buwei while his father is renamed Lim Gār. Finally, the translator seems to have concluded his story as if it formed a complete whole, even though the King of Guṅ has not yet proclaimed himself “First Great Emperor of China” and the succeeding dynasty (that of the Western Han from which the novel gets its title) has not even come into the picture as yet. The Story of Xu Hanwan Han buon [hā :n bu :en]

and the White and Black Snakes:

This tale, which is very famous in China, has been rendered in several verse and prose versions. According to Au Chhieng,28 the Cambodian or adaptation is based on the tale called Leifeng ta qizhuan “The Story of the Thunder Peak Pagoda”. The story has no title, and its end is missing. Here is Au Chhieng’s summary:

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In the land of Jīv Tuṅ Tuon, whose governor was called Hān Jiv Hūr, there was a merchant named Aṅg. His wife was called nāṅ Tān Sī . His daughter, nān Tāv Aṅ , married a young man called Sī Kuṅ Hūr . His five-year-old son was named Hān Buon . When the merchant died, young Hān Buon was looked after by his sister and brotherin-law who got him apprenticed, when he was 16, to a rich merchant. Hān Buon had a love affair with two female serpents, one white and the other black, both of whom had assumed womanly shape. Hān Buon took one of the snakes as his wife and the other as his mistress.

The author, who does not divulge his name, states however, in the introduction, that he is of Hokkien origin (būj huk kīen), that he was born in Phnom Penh and that, having studied at the Sraḥ Cakkh pagoda, he has just learned to write verse. This translation, based in all likelihood on a Chinese original, was done according to the Khmer rules of poetry, probably as part of the author’s training. Indeed, the Cambodian text is composed of tetrameters, which is a classical form. The text is dated 1860. Sino-Khmer Culture and People of Hokkien Descent Our inventory, whose total is (as the commentary on the Wang Zhaojun story suggests) very probably below the real figure, points to the presence, from the mid-nineteenth century onwards, of a group of people of Chinese (as it happened, Hokkien) descent,29 who were, in all likelihood, of mixed ancestry and capable of straddling both cultures. Furthermore, the existence of these translations or adaptations proves that some of these people were equally fluent in Cambodian and Chinese, and that there was a readership for this kind of literature. It may be noted that the two precisely dated texts are, respectively, from 1860 and 1897. The spelling of a third text places it at the end of the nineteenth century. This span of thirty years between the oldest text and the most recent one suggests that the interest in Chinese ancestral literature lasted for a certain time. Here we have, on a much smaller scale, a phenomenon that bears some comparison with what took place among Chinese communities (in the Hokkien milieu precisely, and at the same time) in other Southeast Asian countries. It is of no less significance that such translated works can also be found in Indonesia. Given the paucity of the documents available, it is of course difficult to assess the extent and impact of this translated literature. However, two points may be noted:

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(1) Since the adapters of the Wang Zhaojun and Xu Hanwen stories took pains to stress their education in Buddhist Theravada monasteries, it may be supposed that some sort of curiosity for this exotic literature did indeed develop among certain scholarly circles, especially in monasteries some of those monks (and perhaps even teachers) might have been Hokkien people in the process of being assimilated. There would have been a sort of demand for these Chinese translations, reminiscent of the Mongolian monks’ fondness for Chinese stories. The fact that a greater number of these manuscripts was not preserved could then be explained as the consequence of a sort of censorship, operating within the very precincts of these monasteries and directed at this form of literature which, all said and done, was profane.30 (2) Besides, the fact that the author of the Wang Zhaojun adaptation says he wrote his text at the request of his elder brother and based it on the account of a relative seems to suggest that, within the Hokkien community of mixed ancestry, there was a persisting taste for Chinese historical novels (whose style is diametrically opposed to the apparently rather stereotyped genre of Cambodian Buddhist supernatural literature). All the same, this Hokkien taste was already Cambodian in its appreciation of the host culture’s rules of style and prosody. The lack of information on the existence, if any, of private lending libraries that might have preserved and lent these manuscripts out at a small charge (as was being done quire recently for Chinese-reading people in Cambodia) prevents us from making any exact appreciation of the importance of this current and from pinpointing its impact among the lower urban classes of Cambodia at the end of the nineteenth century. The smallness of the Hokkien community gives us every reason to suppose that this current, if it existed, could only have been a marginal one. Be that as it may, the facts at this point all tend towards the supposition that the culturally mixed group from which these translators/adapters emerged was being constantly assimilated by Cambodian society and that, at a later stage, its contribution could no longer really be distinguished from that of the Khmers themselves. For, thereafter, manuscripts revealing an explicit Chinese influence (or whose authors claim Chinese ancestry) are no longer to be found, even though the manuscript continued to be virtually the sole vehicle of written literature during the first quarter of the twentieth century.

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2. Chinese Literary Influence via Vietnam and Thailand (in the first half of the TWENTIEth Century) And yet, it should not be imagined that the Khmers have been exceptionally shielded from Chinese literary influence by virtue of some supposed ability to acculturate their Chinese immigrants without taking anything in return. For we have only a partial view of Cambodian literature, which we tend to judge from the written (or printed) cultural tradition, as gathered from royal Cambodia. That is, our vision of Cambodian literature is above all the one given of it by the official hierarchy which administered the scriptoriums and was the recognized repository of culture. This hierarchy comprised essentially the great families and the Buddhist gentry of the kingdom’s central provinces in which, for centuries, the royal court has moved from palace to palace. It was the “classical” vision of this hierarchy that was confirmed by Western Orientalists. At the same time, almost nothing is known about Cambodian oral literature (whose importance for the Hokkien community has been noted). Its bards, story-tellers, actors, singers and popular musicians have gone virtually unnoticed. Equally unknown are the specific features of the literary world of those Cambodian communities that had ceased to depend on the Cambodian State:31 the Khmer communities of the Mekong delta (among them, those who later became the Khmers of Cochin-China) and those under the rule of Bangkok. Yet we know how important the Chinese influence was in both these areas. It may be supposed that these peripheral communities were permeated, quite deeply and early on, with “Chinese” influence, for it is through them that this influence came into Cambodia. This penetration undoubtedly occurred in an insidious, almost invisible way, but it never ceased to grow once political and technical conditions brought about a proliferation of contacts among the different Cambodian communities. The Two Channels of Literary Penetration By the beginning of the nineteenth century, the greater part of the Mekong delta provinces, which had been gradually occupied by Chinese and then Vietnamese communities, was under Vietnamese rule. The Khmers of Cochin-China, surrounded by a growing Sino-Vietnamese population,

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were subjected to the powerful outspread of Chinese cultural patterns.32 This was reflected in the appearance of a new type of popular theatre, the lkhon pāsāk’, which was greatly marked by Chinese influence. This genre of theatre was long confined to Cochin-China and seems to have made its appearance in Cambodia during the 1920s,33 having been brought there by wandering troupes.34 Thus it was that works adapted from the Chinese literary tradition, came to be played, with great success, to Cambodian audiences: Sām kuk [sa :mkuk]35 Jāv gun [ci :ev kun]36 Lo cā [la :o ca:]37 Ŝi yin guy [si :yin kuy]38 Tik cheṅ [tek che :ŋ].39 These works of the oral tradition did not lead to a revolution in writing: their success should be related to the decline and sclerosis that overtook traditional means of expression.40 With the Siamese, the problem was quite different. For it was precisely the patrons of the West, whose scholars were educated in the Siamese school, that came to power during the reigns of Ang Duong and his sons. It is probable that Siamese translations41 gave them regular access to a part of Chinese literature, but they did not seem to feel the need to translate these texts into Cambodian for people who did not know the Siamese language. In any case, there is no manuscript presently available that might illustrate the Khmer elite’s taste for Chinese literature as known through Siamese translations. A New Public and a New Instrument for Spreading Culture It would seem that things might have remained as they were, with no real consequence for Cambodian literature. At the most, a few plays of Chinese inspiration might have slipped into the theatrical repertory, alongside plays of Indian, Siamese, Javanese and other inspiration. And then, after a while, one might have discovered, buried among texts of a more traditional temper, a few distant adaptations of Chinese works — as happened with the Hokkien manuscripts from the second half of the nineteenth century. But, at this point, two factors arose to modify literary life in a palpable

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way: the growth of a new social milieu, that of the “urban bourgeoisie” and the appearance of a new technique for the spread of the written word, printing. And both factors gradually escaped the bounds of traditional frame-works, pattern and censorship. The problem, within the limits of our research, is to assess the actual role played by the “Chinese” influence in this development. Our view is that beneath these changes, which the habitual approach analyses as stemming from a “Westernization”42 of Cambodian society, it is possible to detect a deeply-based diffusion of Chinese cultural patterns. That Cambodia was undergoing urbanization is beyond doubt, but who were these new citydwellers if not, is most cases, Sino-Cambodians (indeed pure Chinese) and Vietnamese?43 It is equally true that the French introduced printing into Cambodia, but the head offices were in Vietnam and the staff were generally Vietnamese or Chinese, and soon it was these people who would take over the direct running of the printing houses.44 Can the new literary styles that were to develop be laid exclusively to the French literary influence?45 Should we not look, far deeper, for the signs of this Chinese taste whose presence we have discerned in the Hokkien manuscripts, or for the direct influence of Vietnamese literature, which was read and known by a good many Cambodians of the Mekong delta region?46 Being unable to furnish precise answers to these questions, we may at least describe certain facts and certain stages in the transformation of Cambodian literature. The First Traces in Print of the Chinese Influence Printing with Cambodian type made its first hesitant appearance at the beginning of the twentieth century. For nearly twenty-five years thereafter, it was of interest only to Government departments and to a few patrons of letters.47 For Cambodia recognized itself exclusively in terms of its traditional values and so, in the same way, exclusively in its traditional teaching methods and its palm-leaf manuscripts. After some attempts which were not always successful, the protectorate authorities undertook, during the 1920s, to bring this traditional framework into line with modern conditions. The key element of this reform was the establishment of a kind of university, specialized in Cambodian classical studies, which later came to be more broadly called the “Institut Bouddhique”.48 In 1924, this institution was given the further task of propagating traditional culture

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through printing. It published a growing number of books and then, from 1926, a monthly magazine called Kambujā Suriyā. Since the moral responsibility for the Institute was entrusted to the Buddhist Church and to traditional scholars, it brought forth religious and literary texts of only the purest cultural orthodoxy.49 However, behind the apparent conservatism and the harnessing of modern methods to serve a classical vision, it is possible to sense the rise of modern cultural practices. A sort of will to break the bounds of supervision by the Buddhist hierarchy was already appearing, even among Buddhist scholars.50 What is most important is that from 1927 onwards and under the influence of this new literary life, Paul Mignon, the Saigon editor of the French magazine, Extrême-Asie (a good-quality, cultural magazine for a popular readership) undertook to publish a selection of articles, of interest to the Cambodian public. This made him start the magazine Sruk khmaer, in fact the first secular magazine written in Khmer and published in Phnom Penh. The articles were accompanied by a variety of literary texts inspired by Khmer works of the most classical kind (such as Rāma kerti, Mā yoeṅ, poetry by Santhor Mok etc.). But among these texts crept little adaptations from Chinese novels, such as the “Geou Hieng” story,51 and some short narratives which are difficult to classify under traditional genres.52 Although the magazine was unable to establish itself in a lasting way,53 it soon drew emulators for it was succeeded in 1935, a few months after its death, by a weekly, Rātrithṅai saur. Once again, it has to be stressed that this weekly was, to begin with, the fruit of a French and then Vietnamese venture. With this magazine, modern Cambodian literature may be considered to be truly born: the first Cambodian novelists made their start in it, with short stories and little serials that owed as much to the SinoVietnamese literary influence as to the French one (if not more).54 In any case, such was the Chinese literary influence by this date that, at the end of 1936, when some members of the new administrative élite launched the first exclusively Cambodian-inspired weekly, Nagara vatta (which, under the impetus of Son Ngoc Thanh, a Khmer from CochinChina, was to become the tribune of future Cambodian nationalists), they published in it a serial story adapted from the Chinese: Sām kuk.55 But here again, despite subsequent assertions by the editors, it is not certain that adaptation was based on the Chinese rather than on the Siamese or the Vietnamese.56

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The Ambiguity of the Official Cambodian Reaction The traditional Khmer hierarchy, insofar as it may be considered to have expressed itself, on the literary plane, through the publications of the Institut Bouddhique, did not remain indifferent to the slow rise of this modernist pressure interwoven with a “Chinese” pressure. For the latter made itself all the more felt as Chinese immigration continued and as the Chinese played an increasingly decisive role in the country’s economic development and in the creation of new cultural models, especially models of social success. It is necessary to stress the complex and ambiguous nature of this reaction, of which we shall furnish examples taken from two sectors of traditional literature: “serious” literature and literature “for entertainment”. There was, as our examples show, a two-pronged effort: on the one hand to mould the members of the Sino-Khmer community into a moral pattern through the cpāp’ (this form of didactic literature cherished by the Khmers) and, on the other, to assimilate the new literary forms brought by this community. From 1932 onwards, the Institut Bouddhique undertook to publish to work of a peasant poet, Kram Ngoy, whose injunctions against the Chinese went well beyond the precepts of traditional wisdom.57 Then, in 1935; the Institute published another modern cpāp’ which had the particular feature of being explicitly and exclusively addressed to people of Chinese origin and urged them to conform to Khmer cultural models.58 It must be noted that the author of this work was of Hokkien origin. His contribution appears, therefore, to be an offshoot or a modern echo of the previously mentioned manuscripts from the second half of the twentieth century. At the same time, the cultural authorities began to take an interest in these texts and new literary forms, including those that were carrying on the Chinese influence.59 In this way, like the Siamese whose cultural tradition they continued in Cambodia,60 scholars at the Institut Bouddhique began to consider providing the Khmer public with adaptations of Chinese classical novels. Thus Nou Kon undertook in 1933 to translate Sām kuk from a Siamese version that had just been published in Bangkok, in 1927.61 A little later, the Institut Bouddhique started putting into circulation, directly and through serials in Kambujā Suriyāj, those first modern novels whose roots, as we have seen, must be related as much to French literature as to the Chinese tradition of novel-writing which may have arrived via Siamese or Vietnamese versions.62

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3. Nationalism and the Chinese Vogue (1940–75) At the beginning of the 1940s the few elements of literary history to which we have just referred provide us with a glimpse of the stimulating — albeit generally indirect — role played by this small stream of Chinese literary influence. Along with other influences, it provided Cambodian literature with models for adapting to the modern world and to modern sensibility and rules of communication without, at the same time, wearing down the ability to react of the Cambodian literary world. Printing made a new Cambodia aware of its identity in the terms of a new age. And, having seen the skill with which it handled the ambiguous nature of its relationship with its Chinese communities, whose role was intrusive and inspiring at the same time, we are entitled to suppose that, as with other foreign influences and as with the Hokkien manuscripts in the second half of the nineteenth century, Cambodian literature was now absorbing and “indigenizing” the Chinese element within the terms and forms of a modern, printed literature.63 The Stagnation of Chinese Influence and Developments in Modern Literature Things did not seem to change very much in subsequent years. When the magazine, Nagara vatta, was suspended by the authorities in 1942, it attempted to survive through its serial, Sām kuk “d’après le caractère chinois” (sic), published in separate fascicles, but apparently with no great success.64 It should be noted that the previous year, 1941, had seen the printing, in Cholon, of Rim Kin’s Sophat65 (“Cambodia’s first modern novel” — or what came to be seen as such), an event that symbolized the catalytic role of the Chinese community in the renewal of Cambodian literature. A little later, in 1945, the Chinese “current” observed in the Institut Bouddhique resulted in the adventures of the Chinese pilgrim, , being presented by Nhok Thaem in Kambuja Suriyā. Huon Chaṅ In view of the fact, however, that the reference text for this presentation was an article by a French scholar, one is entitled to ask if the Buddhist apologetical aspect of the matter was not more important here than the Chinese aspect as such.66 And it is difficult to say whether Nou Kon’s own translation of Sām kuk (which he did from 1948 to 1961 and which was published in Kambujā Suriyā) was a tribute paid to Siamese or to Chinese literature. Finally, although it is true that the first genuine Khmer newspaper, Mātu Bhūmi (launched in 1952, its director being Sonn Phoek Tho, a Khmer from Cochin-China who was close to Son

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Ngoc Thanh), also serialized Chinese novels, there is nothing to prove that the translators worked on the basis of Chinese originals. Besides, in contrast to actual Khmer serials that appeared in other periodicals, these “Chinese” serials do not seem to have left any lasting impression in the public memory.67 But the most important fact to note is that these few “translations” amount to very little when set against the prodigious growth of modern Cambodian literature. These traces of more or less direct Chinese influence were of little consequence in the sudden flood of printing that came about in the aftermath of the war. All the signs suggest that the dozens of novels, published every year thereafter, were quite free of any Chinese inspiration as such.68 Furthermore, during this very period when the Chinese influence appeared to be restricted to secondary forms (such as adaptations, translations, serials etc.), one gains an overall, deeper impression of the stagnation (or the decline even) of the influence. Thus, the lkhon pāsāk’, the most explicit and most popular vehicle of Chinese influence, suffered a profound crisis at the end of the 1950s. Its popularity diminished and it was unable to compete with a new form of entertainment, the Indian cinema, which had returned to a sense of the marvellous and to a sensibility perhaps closer to the Cambodian tradition. The Softening of the Resistance against Chinese Culture Just when it might have been supposed that the phase of Chinese influence, insofar as this influence was linked to the relative slowness with which Cambodian literature was being redefined, there occurred a sequence of accidental events, outside the literary ambit, which in fact gave a sharp impetus to Chinese literary influence. Although they were welcomed, and despite the successful integration of certain groups (among them that of the Hokkiens), the Chinese, as such, were nonetheless foreigners in Cambodia. This is why there was no lack of preventive measures and controls, applied more or less consciously against them. Such a situation might have been expected to harden at a time when independence had been regained and emphasis was being placed on the recovery of the Khmer cultural identity. Yet, at the end of the fifties and in the early sixties, People’s China and Cambodia agreed to resolve the problem of the Chinese in Cambodia by promoting their administrative integration into Cambodian society. With its foreign label removed, the Chinese cultural influence was now politically cleared. At the same time, and paradoxically, it received support from two sources:

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(1) Cloak-and-dagger films (wuxia pian ) from Hong Kong began to invade the Cambodian market and became an important form of support for Chinese influence. Earlier Chinese films had interested only Chinese film-lovers.69 (2) A more piece-meal, but at the same time a more elitist form of support was derived from the Chinese literature in French with which Peking flooded Chinese bookshops in Cambodia. This propaganda literature, with its often moralizing tone, is in a way akin to the Cambodian spirit in some of its moods. These factors contributed to the cultural acceptance of Chinese manners and tastes, more especially of the model of Chinese social success which had been constantly asserted in the process of urban growth. This occurred to the detriment of the traditional, rural, royal and religious model (along with that put forward by the Indian cinema) which had sustained the Khmer literary vision and sensibility. This quite unconscious advantage for Chinese “style” was reflected in two ways: (1) The fashion of publishing Chinese serials in newspapers grew constantly until even the very nationalistic Phnom Penh Presse succumbed to it.70 (2) A more direct Chinese influence began to creep into Cambodian novel-writing. The writers most attuned to prevailing tastes took to rewriting (for example) the stories of Chinese hit films as books for popular distribution.71 Cambodian authors, known to be Chinese speakers and of Chinese origin, no longer hesitated to produce novels that clearly owed their inspiration directly to Chinese novels, and some of them soon became no more than translators. Some Cambodian novelists went so far as to work with Chinese narrators, getting them translate popular Chinese stories of which they would then make Cambodian adaptations. Other Cambodian novelists, who were at home in the French language, found material for didactic novels in the contemporary Chinese literature. In a word, all this led to the creation of novel-writing styles that were hybrid in relation to Cambodian habits and in which the Chinese influence is, on the whole, beyond question even if the original Chinese models were not easily recognizable in their Cambodian masks.72 The Sharp Rise in the Taste for Chinese Literature The nationalization of the press at the end of 1967, which came as a warning sign of the storms that threatened, brought to light a collective

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need for Chinese-inspired literature. The newspapers that carried the Chinese serials could no longer be published. Nonetheless, the newspaper houses became the publishers of Chinese serials. In the subsequent game of daily deliveries, the serial, which was supposed to be nothing more than an entertaining supplement, was all that remained. Newspapers practically turned into literary leaflets. And since the demand grew ever more intense, the recipe of the serial came to be diversified and soon comics started to appear. Then, to make things easier (or perhaps to better satisfy the public taste), original comics came to be quite simply lifted and the Chinese texts were replaced by Cambodian words. The interest in this literature spread gradually, until a stage when entire novels were being published at once.73 As soon as the newspapers were allowed to appear again, Chinese serials returned with increasing success.74 Things came to a point where readers bought a newspaper more for its Chinese serial than for its political leanings or for the quality of its news reports. At the same time, there was an ever-increasing number of Cambodian novels that were adaptations of Chinese works75 although it is still not possible (as our knowledge of these matters stands today) to trace these novels to their Chinese (or Vietnamese) originals. Paradoxically, this infatuation on the part of the Cambodian public did not lessen with the 1970 coup d’état which was accompanied by a series of discriminatory measures, violent in varying degrees, against the Chinese and the Vietnamese. Not only did these measures not have the desired effect, but the situation reached a point where one might have wondered if this fashion in Chinese styles was not going to gradually invade the whole of the Cambodian literary domain. But soon, publishing conditions grew ever more precarious, and after the fall of Phnom Penh in 1975, all publishing for entertainment ceased in Cambodian, territory. However, the Cambodians’ taste for this kind of literature does not seem to have faded away. Refugees still enjoy these texts which circulate from hand to hand, and people who should know are of the opinion that anyone who undertook to publish this kind of literature would encounter total success. Conclusion At this stage of our analysis, and given the materials that are presently available, it would seem to be premature to draw any actual conclusions about the reality of the Chinese influence upon Cambodian literature. We do not mean, by this, that the importance of this stream, represented by

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translations and adaptations of Chinese works into the Khmer language, can be questioned or dismissed in the name of some “classical” vision of Cambodian literature. On the other hand, it seems to us that our reflections on this subject should move along the four following paths: The sudden rise of Chinese influence should, perhaps, be examined as the acculturated reflection of traditional, Chinese urban life which, under the impetus of unfolding events (such as the growth of the towns, and, in particular, the confinement of the republican regime to Cambodia’s largest towns from 1970 to 1975) came to the forefront in the communications media. It will be necessary, in a few years’ time to inquire into what exactly happened to the Cambodian cultural heritage among the rural masses which, to say the least, were not really able to find any meaning for themselves in the modern town. Might one not see the accompanying attraction exerted by Chinese literature (and by these great historical novels in particular) as representing, for Cambodian society, a means by which it might relate itself to — or more simply integrate itself into — a modern historical age, an age of the State and an age that was relatively new to Cambodia’s cultural conception of things? Such an integration would have been necessitated by (or related to) the independence of the State and the attrition of the royal, cyclical conception of time. This would be the reason why the most Chinese-oriented authors started by writing Cambodian historical novels before they went in for plagiarism or the straight translation of Chinese novels. This would also be the reason why the only competition from the Cambodian side, encountered by the Chinese serials, was from a serialized edition of the Royal Cambodian Chronicles, published in 1969–70. In the atmosphere of crisis that Cambodia has known since the end of the 1960s, with traditional values and recognized institutions collapsing one after another, it is possible that the Cambodians were unconsciously seeking answers in these two aspects to Chinese literature, the puritanical and moralizing ultra “Left” trend of thought which appeared during the Chinese “Cultural Revolution”. On the one hand and, on the other, the rough justice of the cloak-and-dagger literature, in which people on the fringe of society succeed in redressing the evils, perpetrated by the establishment. Finally, one might ask if this literature of combat, in which the Chinese often fight Foreigners and Oppressors (such as Manchus, Huns and Westerners) did not provide the Cambodians with models of nationalism that they could not find in their own literature. Translated from the French by Noel Castelino

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Notes *

The authors are indebted to Claudine Salmon for the major part of the information concerning the specifically Chinese aspect of this work.   1. The most complete account of the Chinese in Cambodia is that of William E. I., Willmott, The Chinese in Cambodia (Vancouver: University of British Columbia, 1967), with an extensive bibliography of some 200 titles (although, reviewing this work in the Journal of Southeast Asian History IX, no. 1 (March 1968), J.P.L. Jiang doubts the validity of some of Willmott’s analyses). Also by Willmott: The political structure of the Chinese community in Cambodia (London: Athlone Press/University of London (London School of Economics: Monographs on Social Anthropology No. 42). This work is centred on modern and contemporary political issues. His article, “History and Sociology of the Chinese in Cambodia prior to the French Protectorate”, Journal of Southeast Asian History 7, no. 1 (March 1966): 15–38, which is partly summarized in his 1967 work, is little more than a bibliographical compilation and contains no new facts or ideas. See also: Tsai Maw-kuey, Les Chinois au Sud-Vietnam (Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale, 1968), a remarkable work in which the author — of Hokkien origin — dwells at length on the links between the Chinese communities of Cambodia and Cochin-China. He mentions the existence of the following work which we were not able to consult: Tch’en K’i-tsing, L’Oeuvre des Chinois au Sud-Vietnam et au Cambodge, Cholon, published by the author in 1956. Some information on the Chinese communities in Cambodia in the nineteenth century can be found in the following titles: Wolfgang Vollman, “Notes sur les relations interethniques dans le Cambodge précolonial”, ASEMI IV, no. 2 (1973): 171–208; Maurice Comte, “Rapports de classes et relations interethniques dans le Cambodge précolonial”, ASEMI VII, no. 1 (1976): 59–90; Alain Forest, “Le Cambodge, la Chine et les Chinois”, Critique 364 (Nov. 1976): 1192–205. Also by the same author: “Les Cambodgiens et les Chinois”, in Le Cambodge et la colonisation française: Histoire d’une colonisation sans heurt (1897–1920) (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1980), chap. 17, pp. 463–84.   2. George Groslier, Recherches sur les Cambodgiens (Paris: Challamel, 1921), p. 21 ff.   3. Some information on the Chinese (and Vietnamese) influence in aesthetics can be found in Madeleine Giteau, Iconographie du Cambodge post-angkorien (Paris: Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient (PEFEO 100), 1975). Cf. index under “China” and “Viet-Nam”. There is equal scope for developing the theme of the Sino-Vietnamese influence in dress, popular religion, styles in houses, music, dance and so forth. No article has yet been written to provide even a broad conspectus of the information scattered in the available sources.   4. Saveros Pou & Jenner, Philip N., “Some Chinese Loanwords in Khmer”, Journal of Oriental Studies 11, no. 1 (1973): 1–90, lists more than 300 terms without claiming to be in the least exhaustive.

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  5. Au Chhieng, Catalogue du fonds khmer (Paris: Bibliothèque Nationale, Département des Manuscrits, 1953), p. X: “(…) in Cambodian literature, besides the Indian influence which has been known for a long time, there is a Chinese influence which, hitherto, was only hinted or guessed at.” (our translation).   6. Thus, to give only one example, in the picaresque cycle of his adventures, the hero Thmenh Chey alternately derides the King of Cambodia and the “King of China” (ṣtec kruṅ cin). Cf. Rīoeṅ Dhanañjǎy, Phnom Penh: Institut Bouddhique, 196? (republished, Paris: Cedoreck, 1982). There is an adaptation by Nicolas, Pierre in 108ème Degré Est. Récits d’Extrême-Orient (Paris: SEPE, 1947), pp. 115–56; and a translation by Pierre Bitard in France-Asie, 116–17 and 121–22 (Saigon: 1956).   7. The only author to have written about this type of Chinese-inspired literature is Martine Piat, “La littérature populaire cambodgienne contemporaine”, in P.-B. Lafont & D. Lombard, Littératures contemporaines de l’Asie du Sud-Est, Colloque du XXIXe Congrès International des Orientalistes (Paris: L’Asiathèque, 1974), pp. 19–27.   8. To give but one example of the influence exerted by the imperial Chinese model on the courts of Thonburi and Bangkok, the Kings of Siam and the great mandarins used to have themselves depicted in imperial Chinese dress. Cf. Sumet Jumsai, The Phra Palace with Notes on its History and Architecture, Bangkok, privately published by Mai Ting and Sumet Jumsai, c. 1975, p. 3.   9. Apace with their military victories during the first half of the nineteenth century, the Vietnamese attempted to “civilize” Cambodia by propagating the Sino-Vietnamese political and cultural model in an authoritarian fashion. Cf. Adhémard Leclère, Histoire du Cambodge depuis le 1er siècle de notre ére (Paris: Geuthner, 1914; Reprinted, New York: AMS Press, 1975), p. 421 & ff; David Porter Chandler, “Cambodia before the French: Politics in a Tributary Kingdom, 1794–1848” (Ph. D. thesis in history), University of Michigan, 1973, University Microfilm 74-15, 685, p. 84 & ff. It may be pointed out (see also note 8) that, during this period, the Vietnamese used to present the Cambodian kings and officials with Chinese-style clothes according to their rank. 10. It is to the art of these popular dramas that we should probably relate the “puppets of the Sino-Cambodian theatre” (three princesses and three mandarins) exhibited by the Musée d’Alençon: Le Cambodge à Alençon. Présentation des collections Adhémard Leclère. Exposition, Halle au Blé. Juillet-Août 1976, p. 28, No. 286. Michel Tranet informed us that a Chinese version of “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms” was found among the papers of Adhémard Leclère (lithographed edition, Shanghai, Jiujingzhai, 1907). It might be noted here that the Chinese loan-words in Cambodian include many

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terms related to the theatre such as: paa hii , “jugglery, juggling act or exhibition” (7); chut , “act (of a play)” (162); jiiw , “Chinese theatre” (213); jii hun , “face-powder mixed with oil, used by actors” (238); hii , “Chinese theatre” (238), cf. Pou & Jenner, note 4 above. 11. Charles Emile Bouillevaux, (Abbé), Voyage dans l’Indo-Chine, 1848–1856 (Paris: Palmé, 1858), pp. 330–32, describes theatre performances by Chinese in Udong, the royal capital, but he refused to attend them and his knowledge of the subject is questionable. 12. Thus, when Adolf Bastian was received at the palace in Udong in 1864, he reported: “When I visited the king, he received me in his private apartments (…) while the Chinese jugglers were exhibiting their art and even played a drama. Boys fenced with long sticks and leaped from every side. One ‘slew’ another and then fought against a handful of imaginary enemies with a sword or with his fists. In the meanwhile, an actor pulled funny faces. At last the victor, decked in a golden crown, sang a paean of praise to himself in a high-pitched voice, while young snakes hissed in the hall”. (From the French translation by Wolfgang Vollman, L’ethnologue allemand A. Bastian, Son œuvre théorique, ses voyages en Asie du Sud-Est, doctoral thesis (IIIe cycle), Ethnology, EPHE (VI section), Paris V, 1975. It soon became customary to call upon the services of Chinese troupes. They appeared regularly at public festivals organized by the palace on ritual occasions such as royal anniversaries. Thus Jean Moura, Le royaume du Cambodge (Paris, 1883), describes one such event in 1874: “On that occasion, acrobats, tumblers, tight-rope dancers and Chinese and Annamese actors gave a performance…” (V. 1, p. 243). Apart from the play of cultural influence, political pressure and plain curiosity for the exotic, it should be borne in mind that a sovereign was obliged to display his territorial authority by ritual means, among them theatrical performances combining musical, theatrical, political and religious elements. As long as the Cambodian kings claimed to rule provinces inhabited by Vietnamese and Chinese, especially in Cochin-China, they had to put on troupes with Chinese and Vietnamese in them. This is one of the reasons why these troupes performed at important royal occasions such as coronations and cremations. (This point was brought to our attention in private conversation with the late Bernard Philippe Groslier). Similar developments occurred in Siam at the end of the seventeenth century, as noted in the diaries of La Loubère (1693, p. 47) and de Choisy. The latter notes, in his entry for 1st November, 1685, that “The entertainment given by Mr. Constance (the Prime Minister) was beautiful…. After dinner, we had a Chinese comedy, a Siamese opera, a dance by the Pegouans and, to finish it all, a Chinese tragedy.” Cf. Martial Dasse (ed.), Abbé de Choisy, Journal de Voyage de Siam fait en 1685 et 1686 (Bangkok: D. K., 1976), p. 44. A similar situation existed in Vietnam. When Gibson, who conducted the Burmese embassy to Vietnam in 1822,

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left the country: “On the eve of their departure, the Governor of Gia-dinh…. offered a theatrical performance”. It was: “Ou Leva, a very popular Chinese historical drama, translated into Vietnamese… the exact title being Phân lê Hao or ‘The Pear Orchard in Blossom’ ”. Cf. Suzanne Karpéles, “Notules sur un manuscrit relatif a une ambassade birmane en Cochinchine”, Bulletin de la Société des Etudes Indochinoises XXIV, no. 1 (1949): 42, n. 28. In this context, it should not be forgotten that when Huê became the capital of the Vietnamese empire in 1802, a Ministry of Rites (on the lines of the one in Beijing) was set up there and was made responsible for theatrical groups playing Chinese dramas in the Chinese language. Gaston Knosp, “Le théâtre en Indochine”, Anthropos III, no. 2 (1908): 284. 13. Ang Duong even prided himself on his knowledge of Latin while his son and successor, Norodom, claimed to speak a few words of English. Of course, both of them spoke Siamese and even wrote verse in it. Even if this picture contains an element of royal self-glorification, it is true that Prince Norodom did want to build up a library of French and English works (and his library is the only one of which we have any knowledge). Cf. Frank Vincent, The Land of the White Elephant (1871–1872) (London: 1873), pp. 277–83. This without neglecting oriental works including “several libretti of dramatic Indian poems adapted to theatre, printed in Bangkok in the Siamese language”. Antoine Cabaton, “Rapport sur les littératures cambodgienne et chame”, Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres, 1901, p. 2. 14. The following are the manuscript collections that we examined in our search for texts of Chinese origin: — Bibliothèque Nationale de Paris: Cf. Au Chhieng, Catalogue du fonds khmer; — Musée de l’Homme de Paris: Cf. Thierry, Solange, “Manuscrits cambodgiens du département d’Asie (dons de 1888 à 1951)”, Objects et Mondes, II (1°, 1962, pp. 13–24); — Musée historique de Berne: Cf. C(onstantin) Regamey, Manuscrits sur feuilles de palmier. — Les manuscrits indiens et indochinois de la Section ethnographique du Musée historique de Berne. Catalogue descriptif, Berne, 1948; — Ecole Française d’Extrême-Orient: Cf. Incomplete catalogue by Coedès, George, BEFEO, 1902, who gives 140 titles; — Institut Bouddhique de Phnom Penh: cf. Khing Hoc Dy, Catalogue des manuscrits arrêté à l’année 1965, still unpublished. We also went through the collections of the Musée Guimet, Societé Asiatique and Societé des Missions Etrangères de Paris. Michel Tranet, who has begun cataloguing the manuscripts brought back by Adhémard Leclère and kept in the municipal library of Alençon (France) tells us that he has not found any texts of Chinese origin apart from the one indicated in note 10 above. 15. We are not able to give the exact content of this manuscript because it is in Phnom Penh. We have had to rely on our notes and on a brief presentation by Nhok Them in Kambujā Suriyā, 1967 (6), p. 644.

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16. This hero appears in several novels such as: Wuhu ping xi , “The Five Generals’ Conquest of the West”, Wuhu ping nan , “The Five Generals’ Conquest of the South”, and Wanhua lou , “The Pavilion of the 10,000 Flowers”. It is impossible, at present, to know which of these novels Tān’ Dūc had in mind. 17. It is also possible that this text came from Cambodia via its Siamese version whose existence is mentioned by P. Schweisguth, Etude sur la littérature siamoise (Paris: Maisonneuve, 1951), p. 241, where he refers to “the translations of Chinese novels such as Samkok, Lietkok [ ], Sayhan [ ],” of which the third, completed in 1806, was printed only in 1874. Cf. Lim Ying Chiang , Taiguo de wenxue yu yishu tan wei ” (Early Arts and Literature in Thailand), The Journal of Southeast Asian Researches 5 (Aug 1969): 142. There exists another manuscript, with similar content, entitled Brah Pad Yun Hun “The August Yun Hun (?)”, which was copied in 2486 of the Buddhist era [1943] from a manuscript kept in the Pagoda Satbo (province of Kendal). It is presently kept in Phnom Penh in the Pagoda Saravoan (n° a156) under the protection of the Fonds d’Edition des Manuscrits du Cambodge (FEMC). 18. In the original version, the King of Zhao (Dīev) is called Hui . 19. The original mentions only one bride, Zhu Ji . 20. In the original, it is not a “brother” of Gong Sunqian but a friend, Ji Mo . It must be pointed out that the Cambodian text refers to him as paṅ pūṅ (literally “elder younger”) which, in a strict sense, may be applied to a brother but which, more broadly, can mean “friend”. 21. Again, the general has a different name from that of the original, where he is known as Zhang Han . 22. Kattik (December–January) is the coldest and windiest month of the year in Cambodia. It was the period when soldiers were enlisted. 23. The location, in the original, is the east bank of the Yellow River — Huanghe dong’an . 24. In the original, Gong Sunqian himself is named by the king to lead the military expedition against Qin. Moreover, the king of Zhao tells Gong that if he succeeds in recapturing the prince, he will be forgiven but that, otherwise, he will be put to death. 25. In the original, the courageous official who comes in to rebuke the king is called Jiao . However, there is also a hero named Han Xin who appears subsequently in the novel. 26. This part is more complex in the original. After having a secret relationship with his ex-wife, Lim (Lü Buwei) fears discovery, runs away and sends her one of his men who passes himself off as a eunuch in the service of the queen mother. When the king gets to know of this, he has the alleged eunuch executed, exiles his mother to the town of Yong, arrests Lim and kills the

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queen mother’s two youngest children. When Jiao (Han Sin) reveals the facts to him, the king has the queen mother return to the capital but sends his father to his apanage in Henan. After some months, seeing that his father is leading an active public life, the king fears that he might stir up trouble and writes asking him to go and settle in the land of Shu on the borders of the kingdom. On reading this letter, Lü Buwei takes his own life by poison. The king then has him buried in magnificent style on mount Beimang near Luoyang . 27. Only six countries are mentioned in the Chinese original. The translator may be supposed to have spoken of seven countries because seven is a number symbolically more evocative in Cambodia than six. 28. Au Chhieng, Catalogue du fonds khmer, pp. 259–60, no. 319: “Story translated from the Chinese”. Another, but complete version of the same manuscript, with just a slight difference in the spelling (ĥan bun) is to be found in the EFEO library (n°.163). The collection of the Bibliothèque Nationale also has the translation of a Chinese text-book of nine palm-leaf strips entitled caṃmnot cin (“Chinese problems”). The text is not dated, and its authorship is anonymous. However, certain passages in Hokkien (transcribed in Khmer characters), giving mnemonic devices and methods for learning to use the abacus, show that this system was devised by and for people of Hokkien ancestry. 29. While remaining conscious of their origins, the Hokkiens were the most inclined, among Chinese groups, to throw in their lot with the Cambodians. In a way, they were the most “assimilated” of all, and formed a true “mixed” group, thus distinguishing themselves consciously from other Chinese communities. 30. At the end of the nineteenth century, there was a sufficient proportion of Sino-Cambodians among the monks for the fact to be mentioned in the official reports on the monasteries. Cf. Jacques Népote, & Michel Tranet, “Deux sources statistiques relatives à la situation du monachisme theravada au Cambodge à la fin du XIXe siècle”, Seksa Khmer 6 (1983): 50–51. 31. It should be recalled here that traditional Cambodian literature is inseparable from a social, moral, political and religious ideal corresponding to both the royal ideal and the model provided by the Buddha’s previous lives. It is literature of a highly edifying, normative and didactic kind which is composed, then rewritten and recited or played in ritual or coded contexts. It is based on a rhetoric and a form of stylistics, and it uses a number of highly typical stereotypes. It uses a special vocabulary and language that are compatible only with very specific literary expressions and with narrative forms in which the content of the story is far less important than the manner in which it is related and the moral that emerges from it. For an overall view of this literature, see Saveros Pou, Etudes sur le Rāmakerti (XVIe–XVIIe siècles) (Paris: Publications

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de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, CXI, 1977), pp. 15–50. Given these conditions, it is possible to understand the relative imperviousness of this literature to the non-Indian and non-Buddhist (Theravadin) influence, that is, in this case, to the Chinese influence. But the corner-stone of the system only had to disappear (that is, the population only had to be cut off from the traditional, royal authority) for cracks to emerge in the cultural edifice. It became necessary to have a substitute for the royal image, the motor and regulator of the world, a substitute for that cyclical vision in which the king’s person was the foundation of social meaning and social equilibrium. Thus it was that Chinese historical fiction, with its new conception of time and of the legitimacy of political power, which replaced the royal and Buddhist tradition of the marvellous. In this context, the example of the Bassac theatre seems to be quite significant. 32. To give only one example that concerns the Krom Khmers and whose religious, literary and ethnic significance very typically illustrates the “Sinicization” of the group: On 6 May 1927, the Khmer villagers of Ninh Thanh Loi (in Rach Gia province) rebelled against the Vietnamese. Their leader was named Chot, a Sino-Cambodian of some social status. After performing religious rites “with the help of a sorcerer (…), he invoked a decree of the Celestial Emperor, appointing his brother-in-law as king while he himself received the title of general.” Cf. P. Brocheux, “Vietnamiens et Minoritiés en Cochinchine pendant la période coloniale,” Modern Asian Studies 6, no. 4 (1972): 447. 33. It should be noted that the Chinese (or Sino-Vietnamese) influence has marked the Cambodian theatre for a much longer time. Thus, scenic costumes of undoubtedly Chinese inspiration can be recognized in the illustrations accompanying the article by Louis Colon, “Une représentation au Cambodge”, Le Globe Trotter 90 (22 October 1903): 264–65, which describes a theatre performance in Kratié (up the Mekong in northern Cambodia) of the work, “Pré Chay tol” (in all likelihood Braḥ jặy datt, a well-known story in verse, of which several manuscripts have been preserved, notably at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris). Without going into any further detail, Knosp, “Le théâtre en Indochine”, p. 291, said during the same period: “With respect to the facts in general, the Cambodian repertory bears many analogies with the Hindu and Siamese theatres, and even with the Sino-Annamese theatre.” There has been no research done on the lkhon pāsāḱ or “Bassac theatre”, named after its place of origin in lower Cochin-China. This type of theatre is characterized by the alternation of dialogues, rhythmical recitatives, songs, and acrobatic pantomimes as is often the case in Chinese theatre. The female roles are played by characters in Cambodian costume and their acting is dominated by the nostalgic and sentimental expressions characteristic of Cambodian lyricism. In contrast, the male characters wear Chinese costume

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and make-up, and act in the Chinese way. The extent to which the setting has a Chinese colour varies according to the troupes. The repertory, however, is made up of both works of Chinese origin and traditional Cambodian works. The decline of this type of theatre in the 1960s caused concern about its survival on the part of the Cambodian State which set up a troupe at the Royal University of Fine Arts. cf. Bernard Dupaigne, “Renouveau du théâtre Bassac”, Cambodge, 28 February 1970, pp. 3–4 (article in a Phnom Penh daily, kindly sent by the author). Indeed, such is the extent to which this theatrical form is steeped in the Chinese influence that budding actors from the above troupe were sent to Taiwan to complete their training. This group was partly reconstituted in France after the events in Cambodia, and renamed “Groupe des Artistes Khmers”. This troupe gave, among others, a performance, on 10 April 1982, of a Cambodian theatre classic, Braḥ jinavaṇs: the male characters wore Chinese costume and make-up even though the troupe wished to give representation of Cambodian art. It must be noted that it is the popular Sino-Cambodian public that most appreciates the lkhon pāsāḱ, especially in its most Sinicized forms. 34. The following point may be noted: “the theatrical troupes that come to Cambodia from Cochin-China usually include some people deprived of the identity papers prescribed by the decree of 9 November 1918 (…) Itinerant theatrical troupes are a quite obvious vehicle for agitators or suspicious individuals.” Protectorat du Cambodge, Service de la Sureté, Receuil de textes concernant le titre d’identité en Indochine (brought up to date on November 1, 1935, for Cambodia), Phnom Penh, Albert Portail, 1935 pp. 37–38. (Bibliothèque Nationale, number: 4° F Pièce 2159). We must stress the correlation between these various elements — Chinese influence, itinerant troupes and political unrest — all of which were seen again to a substantial degree in the 1970s. 35. The famous Sanguo zhi yanyi . 36. Wang Zhaojun , see above. 37. Natuo , a figure from Indian mythology (Nadạ), also pronounced Na Cha or Lo Chia by the Chinese in Cambodia. The play could be an extract from Feng shen yenyi , “The Investiture of the Gods”. 38. Xue Rengui zheng dong , “Xue Rengui’s Conquest of the East”. 39. Di Qing , see note 16 above. 40. This is particularly true of the court ballet in which were mimed the great founding myths of the Cambodian order such as the Ramayana, etc. This art was in decline, and on the verge of disappearing. Cf. George Groslier, Danseuses cambodgiennes anciennes et modernes (Paris: A. Challamel, [1913]). Other dance troupes in the kingdom were undergoing a similar

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crisis. George Groslier, A l’ombre d’Angkor (Paris: A. Challamel, 1916), refers to a troupe that still survived in Siem Reap: “This popular troupe (…) is, as far as I know, the only one existing in Cambodia, apart from the royal dancers of Phnom Penh” (p. 95), whereas, at the beginning of the twentieth century, and important person felt he had to maintain his own dance troupe. By 1910, the writing of classical-style novels was virtually coming to an end. Sokhampu Khuon, “Le roman khmer contemporain”, pp. 204–208, in Asie du Sud-Est continentale. V. 3. Actes du XXIXe Congrès des Orientalistes. Section organisée par P.-B. Lafont. 1974 (Paris, l’Asiathèque, 1976). 41. As already pointed out (note 17 above), several Chinese novels were translated into Siamese, at least from the beginning of the nineteenth century onwards, and were the first to benefit from the introduction of printing. After the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, about thirty novels were translated from the Chinese and published in Thailand between 1865 and 1902. Cf. Lim Ying Chiang, “Taiguo de wenxue yu yishu tan wei”, and Wibha Senanan, The Genesis of the Novel in Thailand (Bangkok: Thai Watana Panich, 1975), pp. 18–21. At least it is certain, as will be seen later, that one of the translations of Sām kuk into Cambodian was made from a Siamese translation. 42. One of the reasons why the history of contemporary Cambodia has been so poorly analysed is that the questions have been framed purely from the Western and colonial point of view. Cambodia is perceived as having lived in a “traditional” social state until the arrival of the French who are then supposed to have undertaken to transform and modernize Cambodian society according to the norms of Western civilization. This is obviously an over-simplified view that ignores precisely the role of the Chinese communities which set a modernization process in motion from the first half of the nineteenth century onwards, and which promoted a definite opening out of Cambodian society. The facts, that is, the introduction of commercial agriculture (that of pepper, etc.), the growth of the role of money, the establishment of a trade network with its centre at Phnom Penh (when the royal capital was at Udong), the birth of a virtual, specialist civil service with the rudiments of a navy, fiscal administration etc, are known but have not been related to one another. In short, the part played by the Chinese in Cambodia’s political and social life is generally analysed as a by-product of colonization whereas, in fact, it preceded it. 43. The notion of town is, strictly speaking, foreign to Cambodian culture and there is no proper word for “town” in Cambodian. One is obliged to use specific words, giving them a secondary meaning: dī kruṇ — “where the king is”; phsār — “market”; pandāy — “fortress”, kaṃban’ — “wharf” etc. The notion of communal administration is also completely foreign to the Cambodians, and the Protectorate wore itself out in trying to establish such an administration. This is not to say that the Cambodians do not live in

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communities but that they are organized around the “bhūmi”, the family-based hamlet, or at the most around the vatt monastery, a wider, religion-based community. In terms of collective attitudes, the Cambodians of the towns still lived in this manner a few years ago, with houses on piles, gardens and mud paths. The only people to live true city lives, with storied houses, shops road systems, particular meeting places (restaurants, cinemas, bookshops, association offices etc.) were the Chinese and Vietnamese, and they were living in this way well before the French administration decided to shape the towns on the lines of twentieth century country town planning of a kind that can be seen from Algeria to Pondicherry and from Djibouti to Saigon. 44. This happened, for example, with the A. Portail printing house of Saigon which opened a branch in Phnom Penh around 1910. The Henry printing house, set up in Phnom Penh at the end of the 1920s, became the Quach-hung printing house at the beginning of the 1930s. 45. Specialists in modern Cambodian literature have taken pains to seek French literary connections or influences by writers such as La Fontaine, Molière, Alexandre Dumas, and Bernadin de Saint-Pierre without having anything to say on the Chinese influence. A very recent example of this is Vandy Kaonn, Reflexion sur la litterature khmère (Phnom Penh: Institut de Sociologie, 1981). 46. On the birth of the modern Vietnamese novel, which can be set in 1925, see Tran Thi Ngoc Quynh’s review of Bui Xuan Bao, Le roman vietnamien contemporain, Bulletin de la Société des Etudes Indochinoises XLVIII, no. 1 (1973): 139. 47. To our knowledge, printing was virtually non-existent in Cambodia up to the First World War, apart from the work done by the Imprimerie du Protectorat which printed administrative documents, and by Prince Phanuvon’s Imprimerie Kampucah Vorokas which published only a few edifying booklets. The Albert Portail printing house also appears to have ventured into publishing works in Cambodian during the war, but only very occasionally. It printed Cambodian language handbooks, brochures for cremation ceremonies and so on. 48. Comprising the Ecole Supérieure de Pali, the Bibliothèque Royale, the Commission charged with establishing a new spelling system in Cambodian and with preparing an official dictionary of the Khmer language, etc. 49. Thus, Cambodian publishing really arose out of a deliberate effort by the authorities who subsidized printing work. Whereas publishing in Khmer did not exceed a figure of two or three booklets per year during the first quarter of the twentieth century, it began to flourish in the early 1930s, reaching a level of about thirty books a year. The fact that these books were culturally orthodox does without saying, since there was nothing else to publish than “classical” texts: those who were later to become Cambodia’s “modern” writes were then just emerging.

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50. When, for his parents’ cremation ceremony in 1918, the Okna Keth wanted to issue a text of monastic discipline composed by the Venerable Chuon Nath (who was later to become one of the two leaders of the Buddhist Church), he went above the heads of the Buddhist authorities and Council of Ministers, who were supposed to give their approval for all Cambodian publications, and obtained the direct consent of the Senior French Resident. See (also for note 49) Jacques Nepote & Khing Hoc Dy, “Literature and Society in Modern Cambodia,” in Tham Seong Chee (ed.), Literature and Society in Southeast Asia (Singapore: University Press, 1981), pp. 56–81. 51. This particular adaptation, identified in a table of contents (the number is missing in the collection preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris) is from an unidentified novel. 52. Such as the anonymous “Story of the Soup-Vendor, kā ū daṅ, Who Made Offerings”, Southeast Asia khmaer 3, no. 21 (March 1929): 13–14. 53. Given the condition of the collections that have been preserved, it is difficult to trace the fate of this magazine. To start with, it was the Cambodian version of Extrême-Asie. It was a fairly glossy magazine, and was called “Srok khmer” (Illustrated Magazine in Khmer). It was printed by A. Portail and lasted from July 1927 (no. 1) to October 1930 (no. 40), although there were moments when it did not come out regularly. Six months after its closure, its title was taken by an in-folio weekly magazine which appeared as a single sheet of paper folded in two and was printed by Mrs Quach Hung (called Hoac Hung), a Vietnamese woman. The managing director of the magazine was San Yeurnevong (a Cambodian-sounding name) who had previously worked for Kambujā Bartamān, a weekly digest of the l’Echo du Cambodge. This version stopped appearing in 1933, when Paul Mignon revived the original form of a monthly printed by A. Portail, but publication ended once and for all at the end of 1934. Incomplete collections may be consulted at the Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris (Jo 51 319) and the Institut National des Langues Orientales, Paris (Per. 103). 54. The French-language newspaper, L’Echo du Cambodge, started the Rātri thṅai saur in 1935, as a sort of weekly literary supplement. It was in this supplement that Cambodia’s first modern novelists made their debut by publishing short stories. As Rim Kin himself says (see notes 65 and 68), they started writing these stories as a reaction against the invasion of the markets and street-stalls by Chinese and Vietnamese novels. At that time, there were virtually no Cambodian books being sold except in a few depots of the Institut Bouddhique, and the small number of books available was not very entertaining. These young intellectuals felt that they were being culturally colonized by the Chinese and the Vietnamese, and this is how they began to wish to do at least as well, if not better. The point is not whether these young men had direct access to this literature or not, although it is possible

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that some of them could read Vietnamese. What is important is that this Sino-Vietnamese literature made them painfully conscious of the lack of a similar output in the Cambodian language. 55. A fairly complete collection of Nagara vatta is preserved in the BNF (Gr. Fol. Jo 6210). 56. Each part of the serial has a headline comprising three Chinese characters, but these are totally imaginary, as if they had been composed by an artist who wanted to present a Chinese “look” but knew nothing about Chinese writing. Could this mean that the adapter had access to the text only in its Vietnamese or Siamese version? 57. Khing Hoc Dy & Jacqueline Khing, “Les recommandations de Kram Ngoy”, Mon-Khmer Studies VII (1978): 141–81. This undertaking points to the growth of anti-Chinese and anti-Vietnamese sentiment, which had always been latent in Cambodian literature but which now tended to express itself in an increasingly precise and “political” manner. There are, for example, passages in the very first modern novels that stigmatize these “foreigners” living off the country. Cf. Pierre Bitard, “La littérature cambodgienne moderne”, France-Asie XII, no. 114–15 (Nov–Dec 1955): 467–79. 58. Ing Kheng, Bons conseils aux Sino-Cambodgiens (Phnom Penh: Institut Bouddhique, 1935). This text went into several editions. 59. In 1929, the Government press published “Souvenir d’un voyage en France en l’an 1923. Poème de Monsieur Ouk, directeur des services du Palais Royal” (text in Cambodian), in-16°, 5+183 p. In the same year, Preas Maha Pitou Krasem translated the Iconographie bouddhique de SAR le Prince Damrong Rajanudṅab into Cambodian from the Siamese. In 1930, the Bibliothèque Royale launched its series of translations with that of A Thousand and One Nights (translated from the French). 60. The Ecole de Pali, the Institut Bouddhique, the Commission du Dictionnaire were founded, to some extent in imitation of what was already being done in Siam. Their avowed purpose was to prevent traditional scholars from going to Bangkok in order to pursue their Buddhist monastic studies. Yet those who managed the Institut Bouddhique as well as its writers were overwhelmingly recruited from among people learned in Siamese culture. The case of Sou Seth, one of Cambodia’s first modern female novelists (born in Phnom Penh in 1881, into a society of minor court officials) may give some idea of how important this Siamese culture was among educated circles in Cambodia: after studying Khmer with her father, “she learnt Siamese with the help of her mother and some neighbours until she was able to read and write this language”. Cf. Ly Theam Teng, “Madame Seth, femme de lettres” Culture Khmère, no. 1 (April–September 1981): 136. 61. Autobiographical notes in the 1948 edition of his work.

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62. There is some debate on the question of which was Cambodia’s first modern novel. Given the condition in which printed materials have been preserved in Cambodia, this discussion is rather abstract. In any case, Sokhampu Khuon, “Le roman khmer contemporain”, gives 1938 as the date of Rim Kin’s novel, Sophat, and 1939 as that of Kim Hak’s novel, Tuk Tonlé Sap. The latter was published by the Bibliothèque Royale (a section of the Institut Bouddhique) in 1940, and would appear to be the first novel published in Cambodia in book form. Note also that Vandy Kaonn, Reflexion sur la litterature khmère, p. 55, states that Nhok Them published his famous Kolap Paīlin as early as in 1936. 63. A very revealing sign of this “indigenization” is the fact that several of these new novels have Sino-Cambodian characters and that, from time to time, these novels use Chinese kinship terms that tend to become habitual appellations or sorts of personal pronouns that are reintegrated into the normal series of Cambodian titles and pronouns. 64. Ruong Sām-kok, part 1, translated by Oknha Vibol Reachasena, Phnom Penh, Nagaravata, 1942, 180/120 fasc. 1, 32 pp. Indeed, the Dépôt Légal d’Indochine (Indochina repository of legal documents) mentions only this one fascicle. Cf. Gouvernement Général de l’Indochine, Direction des Archives et des Bibliothèques, Dépôt Légal: Liste des imprimés déposés, Hanoi/Haiphong, IDEO, 1923, (Bibliothèque Nationale: 8° Q 4823). 65. Rim Kin, Sophat, Cholon, Man-sanh, 1941, 180/135 63 p. (Reference note 64). 66. The reference text was the second part of Victor Goloubev, Religieux et pélerins en Terre d’Asie (Hanoi: Taupin, 1944), on the pilgrim, Xuanxang: text of a lecture delivered at the Indochinese University of Hanoi on 25 November 1937. Cf. Louis Malleret, “Le vingtième anniversaire de la mort de Victor Goloubew”, Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient LIII, no. 2 (1967): 372–73. 67. These serials were undoubtedly meant solely as entertainment, which would explain why they were so easily forgotten. Still, two facts should be set against the lack of success of these Chinese serials at the time: (1) Certain serials, published later, such as the story of Lưu Vīnh-Phúc, seem, on the contrary, to have left a strong impression on the collective memory. (2) Contemporary serials that were really Cambodian, such as those published, for example, in Rātri thṅaī saur and, in the aftermath of the war, in another weekly paper, Kambujā, were quite successful. They were cut out and bound by readers, passed from hand to hand, preserved and so on. And almost all of these were successful when published as books. 68. These early novels and their authors are all fairly well known. They were read and re-read, published and republished; biographical notes were written

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about their authors and so on. There is no evidence of a direct Chinese influence other than the pervasive influence already noted since the end of the nineteenth century and expressed in a fictional form, a livelier style and a transformation in the sense of the marvellous. In general, these novels keep to the Cambodian tradition of sentimentality, dealing with the same problems (e.g. orphans, emotional unhappiness) and showing the same narrative structures. The only direct outside influence that can be truly and explicitly identified is that of the French novels including cheap detective fiction. 69. In fact, the cinema came into Cambodia only during the 1950s. The cinemas showed mainly Indian films, in addition to ones from the West. Chinese films were shown in Chinese districts, but before the coming of the Hong Kong martial heroes productions in the 1960s, those that were shown in Cambodia were mostly adaptations of classical stories in a form resembling that of opera comique, narrative being interspersed with song-and-dance sequences. The actress, Lin Dai, excelled in this and Cambodian audiences were able to admire her acting skill in films on the stories of Wang Zhaojun and Xu Hanwen among others. Now and then, there were modern melodramas and also the occasional filmed opera (which Cambodians generally received with total hilarity). These films had only Chinese and English sub-titles. They generally arrived late in Cambodia, with cuts, very defective soundtracks and fading colours. That is why their only audiences were from among those Chinese and Sino-Cambodians who were still under the Chinese influence. 70. Its first issue was dated 24 December 1962. Its serial, adapted into French (quite probably from the Vietnamese) by Tes Chon told the story of “The Knight Luư Vīnh Phúc” (Liu Yongfu , 1836–1916), a Taiping leader who commanded one of the last of the rebel armies, known as the “Black Flags”. He fought against the French between Guangxi and Upper Tonkin regions until and end of the 1880s. This energetic figure is regarded as one of the heroes of Chinese nationalism. Much biographical information on him may be found in La guerre de Tonkin (Paris: 1886 (?)). There is a portrait of him wearing military mandarin dress (p. 857). The Chinese serials mentioned by informants (without their giving specific details) probably appeared in the 1960s. They may have been published in La Dépêche du Cambodge, a French-language daily that was started in 1957. This paper too was run by a Khmer from Cochin-China, Chau Seng. Chinese serials were also published during the same period in the Khmer daily, Koḥ santibhāb, while two brothers, Or Chok and Or Kim San, were the appointed translators for the daily, Mātu bhūmi. 71. A romantic Chinese film (based on the love story: “Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai ( ”) that had been highly successful in Cambodia (and

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whose title, as pronounced in Cambodian, was Ŝū pi aen tāy) was turned into a Cambodian-language serial story by the end of the 1960s. 72. Cambodian novels are generally imbued with a melodramatic sentimentality, as will be seen from the titles of some of these novels published in the 1950s: “Faded Flower”, “The most Dramatic”, “Broken Heart”. “Young, Weeping Peasant Girls”, “The Orphan”, “Hope Eternal”, “True Heart”, etc. At least three-fourths of the novels are in this vein. The novels that appear from the 1960s onwards may be described as being action-packed: “The Woman Commander”, “Blood Feud”, “The Diabolical Palace”, “The Knight with the Magical Arms”, “The Wild Cobra”, etc. But such novels were on the fringe of the general trend which was dominated by “novels of romance”. There were also a few didactic novels, probably inspired in part by Chinese literature, such as: “The Admirable Wife,” “The Fate of Youth”, “The Search for Peace” and “The Way to Follow”. Cf. Khuon Sokhampu (with the collaboration of his students), Liste des romans cambodgiens parus de 1900 à 1972 (Phnom Penh: 1974), multigr. 73. Such as the adaptation of Sām Kuk by Kong Bun Chhoeun. 74. We have been able to trace the following serials, published in book form or in newspapers, at the end of the lated 1960s and the beginning of the 1970s: Yonn Tri translated Kaññā tāv dibv Ŝūluṅ (The Girl with the Magic Sword, Sulung). Bibhab manuss tīoe (The World of the Dwarf), Vira puras indrī kraham (The Hero With the Red Eagle), translated by the brothers Or Chol and Or Kim Sa for the Mātu Bhūmi printing house, probably named after the newspaper. Tes Chon translated “The Prince Tan” and “The Seven Lanterns” for the Courrier Phnompenhois and, in 1973, produced a Khmer translation of his work, Lưu Vīnh Phúc (cf. note 70). Then, in 1973–74, Cāpī dibv kaṃdec peḥ tūṅ (The Magic Violin that Destroys the Heart) was published in a newspaper. The newspaper, Samleṅ khmaer, reprinted Kong Bun Chhoeun’s Sām Kuk (date unkown). The Or brothers came out with two other translations, Vira puras cāṅ vū chīeo (The Hero Chang Vu Cheu) and Haṅs samleṅ 5 (The Goose with Five Voices). Hi Meng Ngi translated Me aṃpau tāv āc(m) phkāy (Butterfly-Sword-Meteorite) serialized in 36 fascicles, totalling 578 pages (2,000 copies printed) by the printing house, Mātu Bhūmi in 1972. Also by the same printing house (author unknown): Tāv nāg (The Snake Sword) in 1972, and Bibhab manuss (The World of Men), in 90 fascicles. Seng Vethi translated Luk’ ŝāv hvun in 24 fascicles (totaling 383 pages) from 15 December 1973 to 18 January 1974. He also translated Tāv khmoc 7 (The Sword with the Seven Spirits), Khmaer bāṇij printing house, 1974. Kung Roth translated Deb Kaññā pāc phkā (The FlowerSprinkling Goddess), Banlị bejr printing house in the early seventies. René Laporte translated “The Seven Dragons” from Cambodian into French, for a

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French-language daily. (We are grateful to Mr Mak Phoeun and, especially, to Mr Michel Tranet for much of the information in this note). 75. The following are some titles published after 1966: “The Fighting Executioner”, “The Secret of the Diamond”, “The Red Eagle”, “The Five Great Walls”, “The Crown Emblem”, “The Royal Castle”, “The Red Eagle Devil”, “The Sword-Thrust of Cenda Mani”, “The Powerful Sword”, “The Sign of the Black Snake”, “The Fighting Swords-women”, “The Treasure of the Golden Gate”, “The Bloody Fingers”, “The Bronze Coffin”, “The One-Eyed Hero”, “The Nun King Si Im”, “The Broken Sword”, “The Secret Holy Statue”, “The Brass Star”, “The Seven Magical Hands”, etc.

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Part IV

Insular Southeast Asia

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A NOTE ON JAVANESE WORKS DERIVED FROM CHINESE FICTION Claudine Salmon

1. Introduction G. Schlegel and J. Brandes were probably the first Western scholars to have paid attention to the development of Malay and Javanese writings by the Chinese.1 In a short article published in 1902 Brandes attempted to survey a few Javanese and Malay translations derived from Chinese works. In so doing he pointed out the fact that at least two Javanese translations , namely Sam Pek Ing Tae (Liang Shanbo yu Zhu Yingtai or “Luo Tong Clears the 1873) and Lo Tong (Luo Tong sao bei North”, 1881) had preceded their Malay counterparts which appeared in 1885 and 1884–87 respectively. This assertion is corroborated by the fact that the oldest Javanese translation which has so far been traced (under the title of Li Si Bin) is dated 1858 (see Plate 24), whereas the first in Malay, entitled Koran Giok Lek, did not appear until 1877.2 Given the paucity of information on the Javanized Peranakan Chinese society, it is rather difficult to provide an outline of the acculturation process of these Chinese families of long standing in Java. We know virtually nothing about the way these descendants of Chinese acquired their knowledge of Javanese Belles-lettres. A brief article by Liem Thian Joe (born in East Java c. 1895, died 1963) says that up to the beginning of this century many Peranakan children, who had been trained in private schools run by Javanese, were familiar with Javanese literature.3 We can assume that some of them were simultaneously taught Chinese by private teachers and consequently were also able to read texts written in

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that language as could Tjoa Tjoe Koan (born in Solo in 1861 and died there in 1905). Tjoa declared in 1901 that since 1877 he had enjoyed reading newspapers in Chinese, in Javanese written with aksara, and in Malay written with Latin or Arabic script. He was much concerned with the progress of the Dutch Indies, as well as with that of the Chinese, and in 1903 he decided to found his own printing-works (Tjoa Tjoe Koan Sien ) and launched successively two papers. The first, Iem Kiok Darma Kondo, consisting of two pages in Malay and two in Javanese, was especially designed for the Javanese intellectuals; whereas the second, , in Malay and occasionally in Chinese, was intended to promote Ik Po education among the Peranakan Chinese. Tjoa himself only translated a few didactic works into Malay but apparently no novels.4 We know very little about the first translators of Chinese stories into Javanese. Judging from the notices in various catalogues of Javanese manuscripts and prints, only the author of the earliest translation, dated 1859, wrote a short preface in which he says: This has been written by the Chinese Babah Tig Og living in the Chinese district of the city of Kediri (East Java). Being very fond of this “Chinese History” (Chineesche geschiedenis) he was asked to write it in Javanese.5

Another author who was said to have written several translations of Chinese stories at the beginning of this century was Ong Ho Tjwan from Blora (Central Java). Recently we met his grandson Mr Liem Tjoan Ling (born in Blora in 1905). He remembered that when he was still a young child, not long before the death of his grandfather, he was impressed by the collection of manuscripts in his grandfather’s handwriting; When Ong Ho Tjwan passed away his property was divided among his children and apparently only one copy of his works has survived up to now. Mr Liem Tjoan Ling presented it to us. This manuscript, dated 1913, retells in verse , “The Five Generals’ Conquest of the story of Wuhu ping nan the South”. (See Plate 23.) Among the other translations that are attributed to an author only two names definitely sound Chinese: that of Tan Tjin Gwan from Buleleng (Bali) who wrote in 1881 and that of Tan Ing Siu whose manuscript is dated 1939. The remaining names, such as A. Sasraningrat (1862), Karyareja (1862), Sastra Kusuma (probably third quarter of the nineteenth century), R. Gunawan (c. 1887), M. Kartasubrata (1888) are typically Javanese

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or Indonesian. This leads us to believe that the descendants of Chinese already were merged into Javanese society and very likely were converted to Islam.6 But we should also keep in mind that some authors may also have been Javanese or Indonesians who merely adapted these stories from the Malay (see below). Even more puzzling is the question of the rise (or renewal) of interest in ancestral culture among the Peranakan Chinese of the mid-nineteenth century. For centuries the Chinese have played an important role in Java. In Javanese art, for example, Chinese influence is apparent. Some descendants of Chinese were probably so completely acculturated that they became Javanese authors themselves;7 but how can we explain that it is not possible to trace translations of Chinese stories before the middle of the last century? Should we attribute this quest of ancestral history to the development of a press in local languages (Javanese and Malay), that was carrying news about foreign countries and especially about China? Should we also link it to the new wave of migration resulting from the rebellion (1866) which gave a stimulus suppression of the Taiping to these highly acculturated Peranakan, communities? Should we also consider the increasing rate of literacy among the urban population and especially among the Peranakan Chinese as a factor in the growing appetite for written literature? At this stage of our knowledge we are in no position to answer these questions. Compared to the Malay editions that either appeared serialized in the press or in book form, the Javanese ones were only rarely printed. To the best of our knowledge, during the nineteenth century only three texts were printed: (1) The Story of Sam Pek Ing Tae that appeared first in 1873, in van Dorp’s Javaansche Almanak published in Semarang (Central Java) and in 1880 in Bramartani, a newspaper in Javanese published in Surakarta (Central Java). So far it has not been established whether this last edition is a reprint or a new version. (2) The Sam Kok or “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” which was serialized in a Malay newspaper published in Semarang, Selompret Melajoe. There are discrepancies about the years during which this translation appeared and about its authorship. Liem Thian Joe says that it was published from 1890 to 1894. But we came across a brief note in another contemporary Malay paper, Bintang Timor, dated 12 April 1887, which praises the serial so beautifully written in Javanese verse by a certain Gunawan. Liem Thian Joe is of the opinion that this author from Maospati near Madiun (East Java) had been helped by someone

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knowing the Chinese language. Sie Boen Lian in a short note about the Javanese translations of the Sam Kok, says that the Javanese R. Gunawan, a teacher by profession, translated “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms” from the Malay.9 As a matter of fact the first partial Malay translation (12 v., 960 p.) appeared between 1883 and 1885.10 Apparently the Javanese serial was discontinued as a result of a dispute between Gunawan and the editor. In spite of the numerous protests emanating from Chinese as well as Javanese subscribers, it remained incomplete.11 (3) The Cu Hu published in book form in Surapringa (Surabaya, East Java) Cu in 1888. It is in fact the translation by M. Kartasubrata of a didactic work or “Master Zhu’s Familiy Instructions”. entitled Zhuzi jiaxun It should be noted that a versified Malay version by an unknown author appeared in Surabaya during the same year.12 For this century we could only trace three works which were also published in book form by the official house, Balai Pustaka: (1) a prose version of the story of Sam Pek Ing Tai (Katresnan Donja-Akérat, “True to Each Other in this World and in the Next” by Sasrasoemarta, 1928); (2) Setya Radja, “Loyalty to the King” (1931) which is derived from Xue or “Xue Rengui Clears the East” and its Rengui zheng dong “Pacification of the West”; (3) Ma Tjoen (1932) sequel Zheng xi which is attributed to S. Sastrasoewignja. It is apparently a translation or an adaptation of the story entitled Sanhe mingzhu baojian quanzhuan or “The Complete Story of the, Triple Sword Adorned with Bright Pearls”. This story had been previously translated into Malay under the same title of Ma Tjoen after the name of the hero Ma Jun (1883, 1908 and 1909),13 consequently this Javanese version may actually be based on one of the Malay translations. According to Liem Thian Joe, most of the Javanese versions were in manuscript form and were owned by the translators or their relatives. They lent them to members of the local Chinese community who used to have these texts read at special occasions: weddings, births, funerals and the like, when guests would come to spend the evening or even the night socially with relatives or friends.14 These were persons of both sexes who excelled in the art of reading these Javanese stories in verse. Liem even remembers one old lady, a match-maker by profession, who could read so beautifully that she was frequently asked to go to private homes to entertain women during their working hours.15 As a matter of fact most of the famous historical romances were more or less familiar to the Peranakan Chinese from theatrical performances.16 Liem enumerates seven Chinese romances for which he knew there were Javanese translations in verse:

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Shih Djien Koei Tjing Tang , “Xue Rengui Clears the East”, Shih Djien Koei Tjing See , “Xue Dingshan Clears the West”, Tik Tjhing Ban Hwa Lauw , “Di Qing or The Pavilion of the 10,000 Flowers”, Tik Tjhing Ping See , “Di Qing Pacifies the West”, Tio Khong In, Hoei Liong Thoan , , “Zhao Kuangyin or The Story of the Flying Dragon”, Yo Tjong Po , “Yang Zongbao”, a fragment of the story entitled Yangjia jiang or “Generals of the Yang Family”. Sam Kok, “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms”.

Out of these seven titles only four (n°.1, 2, 4 and 7) may be found in public libraries. In 1939, n°.6, translated by Njoo Tik Hap (b. 1857), was still kept by his family in Ngadireja near Parakan (Central Java). According to Sie Boen Lian several versions of the Sam Kok existed in manuscript form. One of the most appreciated had been directly translated in verse by Njoo Soen Tjiang from Kediri (East Java) during the second part of the nineteenth century. Sie adds that this complete version had never been published, but that up to the very beginning of this century it was possible to order a handwritten copy for 50 guilders or more.17 We have tried to identify and list the various versions mentioned in the main catalogues18 under their original Chinese title. As for Javanese translations, the transcription of Chinese person and place names is given according to the Hokkien dialect. However, the Javanese characters, or at least their transliterations, apparently do not reproduce the sound of the Chinese with a perfect accuracy, which poses another difficulty in identifying the originals. 2. Tentative List of Javanese Novels Derived from Chinese Fiction 1. Fan Tang yanyi or “The Revolt against the Tang Dynasty”. – Serat Babad Tong Tya (Cariyos Cina), n.d. Ms, verse, 900 p. (Girardet, p. 844). The summary does not allow us to follow the story in detail, ) and ends with Lie Tan but it deals with Siek Kong (Xue Gang or Tang Ruizong , 662–716) “becoming Emperor (Li Dan ”. of Tong Tya

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2. Liang Shanbo yu Zhu Yingtai , “Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai”. – Serat Sampik Ing Taè, n.d., Ms, 93 p. (mentioned in the Notulen of the Bataviaasch Genootschap of 1875 as a new acquisition of the society, codex n°.106); unfortunately this reference does not appear in Pigeaud. Sampig Intaèh, published in Bramartani, 1880, n°.41 (Raden Poerva Soewignja, p. 13). For further titles see the article by George Quinn below. 3. Luo Tong sao bei , “Luo Tong Clears the North”. – Babad Nagari Cina by A. Sasraningrat, Yogyakarta, 1862, verse, 226 p. (Girardet, p. 721). Judging by the summary, the story goes beyond the contents of the original and includes (part of) its sequel Xue Rengui zheng dong. The summary says that a messenger of the “North Javanese King Cik Popi” brings a letter ordering Li Si Bin ) to surrender. (In the original, it is a northern (Li Shimin ). barbarian king named Chibi baokang wang – Lo Thong by Tan Tjin Gwan, Buleleng, 1881, verse, 166 p. (Pigeaud, 1968, p. 209). Judging by the summary by Brandes (1902) this version follows the original but stops abruptly at the beginning of the last chapter. 4. Sanguo zhi yanyi “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms”. – Babad Sam Kok, in 5 v. (408, 398, 303, 394, 530 p.). V. 2 is dated 1890 and v. 4, 1910. (Girardet, pp. 494–95). The story begins with an ?) account on the Han dynasty, the death of the emperor (Lingdi ?); the and his succession by the Crown prince Da E Cu (Xiandi ) appointed as prime minister first v. deals with Co Jo (Cao Cao (chap. 14 of the original). The story is apparently uncompleted. – Sam Kok, in 9 v. (560, 468, 322, 565, 646, 652, 470, 292, 303 p.) in verse. V. 1 and 2 dated 1890 (Girardet, pp. 307–308). The story starts and the apparition with an account of Emperor Han Gaozu of the White snake (chap. 1 of the original). Judging from the brief summaries given for each book, this version differs from the previous one. Moreover it is apparently complete. – Ma Dya O, incomplete, damaged Ms, 209 double page, n. d. (Pigeaud, 1968, p. 701). Apparently a fragment of the “Romance of the Three ) is the name of a hero that Kingdoms”. Ma Dya O (Ma Chao appears in the novel, especially in chap. 58 and following.

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5. Sanhe mingzhu baojian quanzhuan or “The Complete Story of the Triple Sword Adorned with Bright Pearls”. – Ma Tjoen ( ). Tjarios nagari Tjina, Inkang and jawikaken S. Sastrasoewignja, Batavia, Balè Poestaka, 1931, 3 v. 6. Shuo Tang zheng xi or Zheng xi shuo Tang, “The Story of the Tang Dynasty and the Pacification of the West”. (This story deals and the wife with General Xue Rengui’s son Xue Dingshan who is also a talented warrior). of the latter Fan Lihua – Swa Tong Cing E, by R. Ng. Sasrakusuma, verse, 37 + 44 + 59 + 59 p. (Poerbatjaraka, p. 362, also quoted in Pigeaud, 1968, p. 874). – Cariyos Cina, Swa Tong Cing Sé, by Sastra Kusuma in verse, 23 folios. According to Pigeaud (1975, p. 242) the manuscript was probably written in the third quarter of the nineteenth century. 7. Wuhu ping xi “The Five Generals’ Conquest of the West”. – Senapati Tik Jing, by Karyakerja, Majakerta, 1862; verse, 276 p. (Girardet, p. 843). The translation follows the original version up to ) chap. 15. It stops with the account of how Tik Jing (Di Qing . Curiously married the daughter of the King of Tan Tan Kok the summary says that Tik Jing “was reared by the gods in Suralaya” (a Sanskrit word that refers to the abode of the gods,) whereas in the original story there are no details about the hero’s childhood. However another story also revolving about Di Qing and entitled Wanhua lou or “The Pavilion of the 10,000 Flowers” says that the family of Di Qing came from the province of Shanxi. 8. Wuhu ping nan “The Five Generals’ Conquest of the South”. – Nga Ha Ping Lam, by Ong Ho Tjwan, BIora, 1913, Ms, verse, 215 p. (collection C. Salmon). The story starts with a messenger bringing ) of the Song dynasty a letter to Emperor Djin Tjong (Renzong , or “Southern from the King of Samban (?) (in fact Nanman Barbarians”) named Pau Bun Tjin (in the original Nong Zhigao ) asking him to surrender. The text ends as in the original version, with the victory of the Song over the country of the southern barbarians. (See Plate 23.) 9. Xue Rengui zheng dong , “Xue Rengui Clears the East”. – Li Si Bin, by Tig Og, Kediri, 1858, verse, 748 p. (Pigeaud, 1968, p. 74). (See Plate 24.) According to the extensive summary by Vreede, op. cit. (above note 5), the story starts with an account that apparently

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surveys Xue Rengui’s conquest of the East (narrated in Xue Rengui zheng dong or “Xue Rengui Clears the East”). Then it closely follows the plot of the Chinese original but stops in about the middle of the story. As is often the case with Chinese novels, the text is preceded by drawings in ink representing the main heroes: Li Si Bin (Li Shimin ), Dji Bo Kong (Xu Maogong ), Li To Tjong (Li Daozong ), the princess Tjoe Wi (Zhangfei ), Djah Ka Kim (Cheng ), Ye Gyok (Qin Huaiyu ?) and Sih Djin Koei Yaojin (Xue Rengui). – Li Si Bin, dated 1867, verse, 801 p. (Pigeaud, 1968, p. 76). Contains more of the tale than the previous version. It stops with the marriage of to Fan Lihua . There Xue Rengui’s son, Xue Dingshan is also a romanised copy by Soegiarto (Pigeaud, 1968, p. 660). – Setya Raja, Batavia, Balé Poestaka, 1931, 6 v., verse, Romanised. This version seems to start with chap. 32 of Xue Rengui zheng dong. It stops before the end of the story. 10. Xiao’er lun , “The Little Boy’s Discussion”. – Ang Dok, n.d., verse, 11 p. (Pigeaud, 1968, p. 179). It tells the story ) who was of a very clever boy named Ang Dok (Xiang Tuo said to have been qualified at seven years of age to be the teacher of Confucius. (See Dédé Oetomo, “Serat Ang Dok”, 1987.) Left out of this list are four works for which it was difficult to identify the Chinese original. The first, entitled Babad Tong Tiauw (History of the Tang Dynasty”), by Tan Ing Siu, 1939, verse, Ms, 6 v. totalling 2,848 pages (Girardet pp. 494–95), apparently does not follow the plot of a single story. It may well be derived from Shuo Tang, Zheng xi and Fan Tang yanyi. The text begins with a survey of the main dynasties that preceded the Tang (Xia, Shang, Zhou, Qin and Han); then it goes in detail into the struggles family, the founders of the for power among the members of the Li ), a brother of Tang dynasty, especially Li Gwan Pah (Li Yuanba , and ends with Prince Li H[T?]an (Li Dan ) from Li Shimin who succeeded to his brother as fifth emperor of the Tang Hanyang dynasty.) The three others, respectively dated 1923, 1929 and 1933 may as well be original works in Javanese, and in one case in a Sino-Javanese setting. The brief summaries provided by Girardet do not allow us to rule out this possibility.19

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Notes   1. G. Schlegel, “Chinese-Malay and Javanese Literature in Java”, T’oung Pao 2 (1891): 148–51. J. Brandes, “Lo Tong, een Javaansche reflex van een Chineeschen Ridder-roman”, Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land, en Volkenkunde XLV (1902): 263–71.   2. The Javanese text entitled Li Si Bin after the name of the second emperor of the Tang dynasty, Li Shimin (597–649) is apparently derived from the Chinese historical romance Xue Rengui zheng dong (see below); the Koran Giok Lek which was printed in Arabic script in 1877, is the translation of a Chinese religious text which title is Yuli baochao quan shi wen or “Precious Records to Admonish the World”; cf. C. Salmon, Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia. A Provisional Annotated Bibliography. Etudes insulindiennes-Archipel, 3 (Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, 1981): 21, 199.   3. Liem Thian Joe, “Tjerita Tionghoa dalem bahasa Djawa”, Sin Po, weekly, XVI, 832, 11 March 1939, p. 6. The draft of a Javanese letter addressed by “Aot Litnan Han To Ko from Surabaya” (probably Han Tok Sing, 1773–1839, son of the captain of Surabaya Han Bwee Kong, 1730–78, who was for a time lieutenant of the Chinese of Gresik) to his “sahudara” rahaden Tumĕngung Prawira Dirja of Mojokerto and Wirasaba, proves that written Javanese was in use among the Peranakan Chinese of East Java; cf. Th. G. Pigeaud, “Javanese and Balinese manuscripts etc., Descriptive Catalogue”, in Verzeichnis der Orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, Bd. XXXI, Wiesbaden (1975), p. 206.   4. See Salmon, Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia, pp. 359–60. In the previous year the bookseller Sie Dhian Ho, of whom we know very little, had opened a printing press at Solo, Central Java. Called after himself, the Sie Dhian Ho N.V. Solosche Snelpersdrukkerij was extremely successful throughout the first half of the century. Sie also published books in Javanese. Tan Khoen Swie (c. 1884–1953) from Wonogiri (East Java), who was to become a very dynamic printer and publisher in Malay and Javanese in the 1920s and 1930s, was precisely trained in his printing house; cf. Tan Soe Djwan, Kegaiban jang tersemboeni didalem kitab Tay Hak, Kediri, Tan Khoen Swie, 1935, printer’s note, p. III.   5. A.C. Vreede, Catalogue van Javaansche en Madoereesche handschriften der Leidsche Universiteits-Bibliothek (Leiden: 1892), p. 217.   6. For more details about Chinese Moslems in Indonesia, see D. Lombard & C. Salmon, “Islam et Sinité”, Archipel 30 (1985): 73–94.   7. There were also descendants of Chinese who were not completely acculturated yet wrote in Javanese such as the author of the memoirs of Ko Ho Sing of

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Yogyakarta, in macapat verse (1872); cf. Th. G. Pigeaud, Literature of Java, Catalogue raisonné of Javanese Manuscripts, v. IV, supplement, Leiden University Press (1980): 242–45.   8. Liem Thian Joe, “Tjerita Tionghoa dalem bahasa Djawa”, p. 6.   9. Sie Boen Lian, “Bewerkingen van de ‘San Kuo Chi’ in het Javaansch”, Mededeelingen van het China Instituut (1936) (1), pp. 100–101. 10. Salmon, Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia, p. 492. 11. Sie Boen Lian, “Bewerkingen van de ‘San Kuo Chi’ in het Javaansch”, p. 101. 12. Cu Hu Cu (Punika layang wacan cariyosipun Cu Hu Cu — Wali Cinten), Surapringa (Surabaya), 1888, verse. Cu Hu Cu (Zhu fuzi or “Master Zhu”) real name Zhu Yongchun (1617–1689) was famous for his maxims on family life. For a manuscript version of the same story (Sĕrat Tiyang Gĕgriya, n.d., verse, 7 p.), see Pigeaud, Literature of Java, Catalogue Raisonné of Javanese Manuscripts, v. 2, p. 179. For a Malay version, see Salmon, Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia, p. 511. 13. Salmon, Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia, pp. 492–93. The name of S. Sastrasoewignja appears in two other places in Girardet’s catalogue: p. 917 where a manual of Javanese dance dated 1941 is attributed to him and p. 634 where he is presented as the compiler of a collection of articles dated 1936, and entitled Kembar Mayang II. Among these texts one deals with “the experiences of the Chinese Jan of Pekalongan, the friend of P. Puger (PBI) from his audience at the Kartasura palace up to his appointment by PBI as … regent of Pekalongan”. 14. Liem Thian Joe, “Tjerita Tionghoa dalem bahasa Djawa”, p. 6; Siongbok Kiesoe, “Tjerita Tionghoa dalam bahasa Djawa”, Sin Tjun IV (1959): 125. 15. It is interesting to note here that among the Malay-speaking Peranakan of Java women also played a part in these entertainments. Kwee Tek Hoay (c. 1881–1951) mentions a Chinese lady living in Bogor (West Java) in the 1890s whose profession was to go to private homes in the evening to sing and tell stories accompanied by a small gambang (a kind of Chinese music orchestra); cf. Salmon, Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia, p. 26. 16. In Central Java the descendants of Chinese created a kind of wayang theatre, called wayang ṭiṭi and resembling the wayang kulit or “shadow theatre”. It was developed for use in Javanese performances of Chinese historical plays. For more details, see F. Seltmann, “Wayang ṭiṭi — Chinesisches”. Schattenspiel in Jogjakarta”, Rima 10, no. 1 (Jan.–June 1976): 51–76. A part of this article consists of the summary of a Chinese historical play from a pakĕm or wayang producer’s manual in Latin script, supposed to be kept at the Sana-Budaya Museum in Yogyakarta. It is entitled Rabénipun radja Tig Tjeng (King

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Di Qing ’s Weddings). This manual was written by Gan Dhwan Sing (d. in Yogya in 1967) who also was famous as a puppeteer and who himself made all the puppets he needed for his performances. If we compare this manual summary with the Chinese novel entitled Wuhu ping xi (The Five Generals’ Conquest of the West) that deals with Tig Tjeng or Di Qing (a famous general who actually lived during the Song dynasty), it appears that the plot in Javanese exactly follows that of the romance up to chapter 14. F. Seltmann who had been a resident of Java before 1942 and who visited Indonesia several times after World War II owns a unique collection of these Chinese wayang producer’s manuals. They have been briefly described by Th. G. Pigeaud (1975), pp. 250–59. As far as we could identify the Chinese originals, they are all derived from Chinese romances: Catalogue Javanese title Number 282/1 Li Shi mBin Yu Thé Yu

282/1 283/1, 2 284/1 284/2

285/1 285/2 285/3 286/1-3 287 288

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Chinese original

Li Shimin you difu , or “Li Shimin’s Travel in Hell” (derived from Xiyou ji “Pilgrimage to the West”, chap. 10–12). Shé Yu Xiyou ji (fragment). Shik ñJin Kwi Xue Rengui zheng dong, “Xue (Luk Log Cing Thong) Rengui Clears the East”. Hwi Lyong Thwan Feilong zhuan , “The Flying Dragon” Sham Hé Lam Tong Song Taizu san xia nantang , The Three expeditions against the southern Tang State by the First Emperor of the Song”. Thig Jing Ija Ha Ping Shé Di Qing Wuhu ping xi, “Di Qing, or The Five Generals Pacify the West”. Thang Yu Dongyou ji , “The Voyage to the East” (?). Hwi Lyong Twan (Continuation of Feilong zhuan). Hwang Kang Wagang zhai , “Heroes of the Wagang Palisade”. Hwan Thong Fan tang yanyi , “The Revolt against the Tang dynasty”. Shik ñJinKwi, Cing Sho Xue Rengui zheng xi, “Xue Rengui Clears the West”.

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289

Yong Cong Pong Bak Jit Cap ñJi Thin

Yang Zongbao po qishier zhen (taken from Yangjiajiang, “Generals of the Yang Family”. 290 Sam Hai, Lam Thơng Song Taizu san xia nantang (s. 284/2) 292 O Pek Cyang Hei bai she or Baishe jing zhuan “The Story of Hanwen and the White Snake”. 293 Thig Jing (?) Ha Ying Lam Di Qing, Wuhu ping nan , , “Di Qing or The Five Generals Pacify the South”. 297 O Pék Cwa Hei bai she (see n°.292). 298 Pag Yu Beiyou ji xuandi chushen zhuan , “The Dark God Shenwu or the Voyage to the North”.

Another Chinese wayang lakon about Tig Jing (Di Qing ’s battles in the West (undated, 106 pages, in Latin script) is kept in Sana-Budaya Library in Yogyakarta under the title Cariyos Lelampahanipun Tig Jing or “Story of Di Qing’s Life”; cf. Girardet, op cit. (below, note 18), p. 819. 17. Sie Boen Lian, op cit., p. 101. 18. This list is based on the six following catalogues: – Th. G. Th. Pigeaud, Literature of Java, Catalogue Raisonné of Javanese Manuscripts in the Library of the University of Leiden and Other Public Collections in the Netherlands (The Hague: Martinus Nyhoff, vols. l–2, 1967–1968). In v. 2 is to be found a list of Javanese manuscripts jn the Library of the Museum Pusat Kebudayaan Indonesia, Jakarta. – Th. G. Th. Pigeaud, Literature of Java, v. IV, Supplement (Leiden University Press, 1980). – Th. G. Pigeaud, “Javanese and Balinese Manuscripts and some Codices Written in the Related Idioms Spoken in Java and Bali, Descriptive Catalogue” in Verzeichnis der orientalischen Handschriften in Deutschland, herausgegeben von Wolfgang Voigt, v. 31 (Wiesbaden, 1975). – Nikolaus Girardet, Descriptive Catalogue of the Javanese Manuscripts and Printed Books in the Main Libraries of Surakarta and Yogyakarta (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1983). It should be noted that Pigeaud’s Literature of Java only refers to manuscript summaries that were published in the previous catalogues whereas brief notices are to be found in Girardet’s Descriptive Catalogue.

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– Raden Poerwa Soewignja, Inhoudsopgave der Javaansche couranten in de Bibliotheek van het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen (Batavia, 1911). – Poerbatjaraka & Th. G. Th. Pigeaud, “Alfabetische lijst der Javansche Handsdhriften …”, Koninklijk Bataviaasch Genootschap yan Kunsten en Wetenschappen Jaarboek, 1933 (1). 19. – R.S. Martaatmaja, Tan Leon Tik Ian Tan Leon Cong, Batavia, Weltevreden, 1923, 78 p. (Girardet, p. 197: “A story describing the endeavours of the two Chinese merchants Tan Leon Tik and Tan Leon Cong)”. – Anasran, Serat Jiyantowan / Serat Kiayancowan, dated 1929, Ms, 101 p. (Girardet, p. 928: “A moralistic tale about Kian Co An who secretly defrauded his master Bah Lie Yu but was finally found out and punished for his misdeeds”). – Jayengwiharja, Pejah Kawan Dasa Dinten, “Dead for Forty Days” (Batavia, 1933), verse, 55 p. (Girardet, pp. 524–25: “The legendary history of King Lu Dong, influenced by Chinese, Buddhist and Javanese philosophy, beginning with the reign of King Lu Dong and his only daughter Dewi Sekar Kedhaton, followed by his efforts to obtain a male successor by meditation, ending with the marriage of the Crown Princess Dewi Sekar Kedhaton to Sin Bin”).

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MALAY TRANSLATIONS OF CHINESE FICTION IN INDONESIA Claudine Salmon

Introduction In a previous study on the literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia1 we listed no less than 759 translations from the Chinese (not counting reprints) which spanned nearly a century (from the 1870s until the 1960s). For the same period we counted only some 233 Chinese-Malay translations of Western works. The comparison of these two figures proves that the Chinese of Indonesia had in the long run, a deeper interest in the culture of their motherland. If we exclude didactic and religious works, the great majority of these translations consisted of novels and short stories. Since most of these were translated and published in Java where until the 1920s Sundanese and more especially Javanese were still largely used as written and spoken languages, we are confronted here with the question of the spread of Malay language among the urban population of that island, and especially among the Chinese. In spite of the fact that Chinese communities may be traced in Java and Sumatra at least since the beginning of the fifteenth century2 very little is known of their cultural life. In the seventeenth century, the Dong xi yang kao mentions Chinese who acted as secretaries and interpreters for the Sultan of Banten (West Java), which suggests that some of them, at least, learned the local language, very likely Javanese, fairly quickly.3 Another text dating from the end of the eighteenth century says that in Java a group of descendants of Chinese existed who had been converted

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to Islam and the Javanese way of life and were thoroughly acquainted with the local language: When the Chinese remain abroad for several generations, without returning to their native land, they frequently cut themselves off from the instructions of the sages; in language, food and dress they imitate the natives and studying foreign books, they do not scruple to become Javanese, when they call themselves Selam (Sit-lam ). They then refuse to eat pork and adopt altogether native customs. Having multiplied, in course of time, the Dutch have given them into the hands of a Captain, who superintends this class.4

Wang Dahai , the author of this record, also mentions that at this time other Chinese based either in Batavia or in Semarang were still fond dwelling of Chinese poetry. He speaks of a certain Nê Bok Seng in a plantain garden on the banks of the Holy Grave Canal in Batavia who employed his time in copying books: He was fond of the flute and the violin, could make poetry and was a skilful player at chess; in all of which he excelled (…) truly he might be considered the retired scholar of the age.5

The other literatus on whom we also have some detailed information was a native of Zhangpu in the prefecture of Wuing Cheng Kong , Fujian, who for a time had been Captain of the Chinese Zhangzhou community of Semarang and used to take great delight in poetry and wine. In his later life he moved to Batavia where his son, himself engaged in trade, built for him a country-house near a clear pond: In this quiet retreat the old gentleman amused himself every day, with a few of his companions, singing and reciting odes. The people looked on this as the reward of his former public spirit.6

Judging from Wang Dahai’s account two cultural groups emerged from these Chinese communities of Java: the first consisted of the descendants of Chinese (known in Indonesian as Peranakan) who were quite familiar with the local language(s) and the second composed of newcomers among whom were a few literati well versed in Chinese Belles-lettres. However a Dutch report dated 14 November 1834 says that the Peranakan of Java could speak both Chinese and the local languages.7 Unfortunately no information is given regarding which language(s) they wrote. Even less information is

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provided concerning the reading material of these Chinese communities. Judging from what was said above, printed books seemed to have been very rare since the literati versed in Chinese literature used to copy them. To the best of our knowledge no books in Chinese were printed in Java until the beginning of the nineteenth century when the English missionary W.H. Medhurst introduced into Batavia character carvers brought from China.8 No text in manuscript form either in Chinese or in Malay dating from the eighteenth century that may be definitely ascribed to a person of Chinese origin has so far been identified. We are confronted with a similar lack of information regarding the ways in which the descendants of Chinese were trained in local languages. We know a bit more about those who wanted to learn Chinese. A Chinese school was run in Batavia at least from the beginning of the eighteenth century, and rich families had their sons educated privately by a tutor from China9 or, in the case of the most highly privileged, the sons were sent to China to be educated.10 The institution of the lending libraries, whose history in China may be traced to the Tang dynasty,11 is badly documented in Indonesia. Little information is available on the history of lending libraries dealing with books in Chinese, but a Peranakan Chinese author, Tan Teck Son, referring to Singapore says: The circulating library is an established institution among (the Chinese) and for a small fee any who has acquired the taste may revel in the delights of Chinese Belles Lettres.12

The recent studies that have been carried out on lending libraries or taman bacaan dealing with Malay manuscripts seem to indicate that they developed mainly in Palembang and Batavia, two towns with fairly large communities of Muslim Peranakan,13 whereas in other centres the tradition of manuscripts being owned by courts or important families and being lent out free of charge to the readers still prevailed. In the case of Batavia, it is interesting to note that the taman bacaan were in specific places like Kerukut, Tembora, Jembatan Lima, Kampung Rawa Sentiong, all predominantly Chinese districts or close by them. Teuku Iskandar makes the following comment: In a number of manuscripts from the lending libraries the public is addressed with “Baba dan Nyonya” which shows that among the reading public there were Chinese.14

The oldest manuscript showing evidence of having belonged to a lending library that has been found at the University Library of Leiden was very

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likely copied at the end of the eighteenth century and the latest known manuscript from a lending library still preserved is dated 1897. On the basis of these two dates Dr Teuku Iskandar assumes that the taman bacaan in Jakarta flourished during the nineteenth century. Many of the owners were women, probably widows whose livelihood very likely depended on lending out manuscripts. Among the names of male owners is that of Encik Utung who may well have been a Peranakan Muslim. It is to be thought that the lending of manuscripts written in Jawi script came gradually to an end at the turn of the century with the spread of printed books in romanized Malay. However in some remote places outside of Java lending libraries providing fiction in manuscript form may have survived long after the introduction of the printing press, either because books were still rare or because for some reason the stories in demand had not yet been published. A report emanating from Dr W. Kern, a Dutch civil servant who was in Borneo from 1938 to 1941 mentions the existence still of a lending library run by an old Peranakan named Babah Badak in the village of Kalayan near Banjarmasin. Interestingly enough the owner of the taman bacaan was at the same time a copyist. When Kern visited his house he was still busy copying a manuscript. But he complained about the fact that it had become difficult to make a living out of lending manuscripts since the reading public was not interested any longer in poems and traditional stories. And Kern records that he had little difficulty in persuading him to sell various hikayat and syair.15 As a matter of fact a great many of the manuscripts acquired by public libraries since the end of the last century came from such lending libraries. Unfortunately so far no translations from Chinese fiction have been found among them. This fact is rather difficult to explain. One possibility is that the Dutch scholars who were collecting manuscripts were not interested in Chinese things and deliberately overlooked such literary works. One may also assume that from the second part of the nineteenth century such translations were printed in serial form in the press. It is well known that as early as the 1850s several newspapers in romanized Malay appeared in Java such as: Soerat Kabar Bahasa Melajoe (Soerabaya, 1856) Soerat Kabar Betawie (Batavia, 1858), Selompret Melajoe (Semarang, 1860) and Bintang Soerabaia (1860). Unfortunately the surviving papers are in such bad state of preservation that it is often impossible to consult the pre-1880s issues. The few we were able to consult in the Leiden University Library contain numerous readers’ letters showing that they were read fairly widely by the Chinese public. But since we could not carry out a systematic

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study, we could not find out whether in the 1850s and 1860s, the Chinese already published literary texts in them, such as translations of Chinese novels or poems in the syair form. However we may assume that in the early 1870s literary texts appeared in the press before being reprinted in book form. This seems to have been the case for the first printed syair that appeared in Batavia in 1871.16 Certainly the great number of translations which were to appear in book form during the 1880s and later made such Malay manuscripts obsolete. Now we will survey the translation activities of the Peranakan Chinese from their beginning to c. 1965. For each period we will try to relate these translations to their translators and reading public in order to better understand the social background of this tremendous literary movement. Finally we will devote a special section to the part played by translations in verse. 1. The first Translations in Print (1877–86) It has been established that until the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth, a certain number of Peranakan Chinese living in Java and Sumatra could still read and write the Jawi script.17 Some Chinese printers in Singapore, but also in Batavia, even published books (d. 1894) who was himself a printer, in Arabic script. Yap Goan Ho a publisher, a bookseller and a translator of Chinese stories published several books in Jawi by means of lithography; he used to advertise them in his newspaper Sinar Terang; around 1888 he even sold paper, ink and lithographic stones to those who wanted to experiment themselves this technology introduced in the Dutch Indies by the missionaries in the 1820s. However under strong pressure emanating from the Dutch authorities, from the end of the nineteenth century onwards Latin script tended to replace Arabic script and many Peranakan who had been taught in schools run by Dutch teachers could no longer read Jawi script; this explains why some Peranakan transcribed texts from Jawi for their compatriots. It is very significant that the first printed translation so far known from the Chinese appeared in lithography in 1877, apparently in Singapore, under the title of Koran Giok Lek. This version written in Jawi script in a very inconsistent Malay was transcribed into romanized Malay and reprinted in Batavia with a few changes in 1884. This work whose original or “The in Chinese reads Yüli baochao quanshi wen Precious Records to Admonish the World” is so far the only surviving one to have been published in Arabic script. It does not pertain to the world

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of fiction but belongs to the category of religious and didactic booklets which had a significant role in the shaping of Chinese popular beliefs at home and abroad. The first translation known to date of a Chinese novel was brought out in Batavia in 1882 by H.M. van Dorp, a Dutch publisher who also published Malay newspapers such as the Selompret Melajoe mentioned above. The Malay title is Boekoe tjerita Tjioe Koan Tek anak Tjioe Boen Giok, terkarang oleh soeatoe orang Tjina, or “The Story of Zhou Guande the son of Zhou Wenyu , written by a Chinese”. We have 18 said elsewhere that the Malay text appears to be simply the translation of the last chapters (from the middle of the 32nd to the 42nd and last , “The chapter) of Haigong xiaohongpao quanzhuan Complete Story of Hai Rui’s Small Scarlet Robe”, the first known edition of which dates from 1832. This is subject to reservation, however, because an independent work may have existed giving this episode alone, which is a self-contained story, (able to stand on its own) and an adaptation could possibly have been based on this. Interestingly enough the translation begins with a brief presentation (1513–87), a of the situation in China during the time of Hai Rui famous Ming dynasty official, which is not to be found in the original. The story, which ends with the death of this official on his birthday when all his friends and relations have come to greet him, is interpreted rather freely. Instead of relating the fact that the inhabitants of Canton dedicated a temple to him to commemorate his good deeds, the Malay version says that “the Emperor conferred, on him the title of Sio angpauw or “Small Scarlet Robe”) which was engraved on (Xiao hongpao his tombstone”.19 As a matter of fact the whole translation follows the plot of the original with a few omissions here and there and even some changes in the order of the paragraphs. The division into hui as well as the subtitles introducing them have been omitted. But judging from the quality of the translation one may assume that it was not the first attempt by this anonymous translator. It is also worth mentioning that almost each paragraph is introduced by special words like maka, maka tjerita, tjerita or kemoedian which are used in Jawi texts to introduce a sentence. We may consequently assume that the story was transcribed from the Jawi script. If so we must consider this text to be an edited manuscript or eventually a reprint of a previous edition in Jawi since lost. In 1883, the following year, five other translators had works published in Batavia by Dutch firms such as van Dorp and Bruining. Another , who apparently had just launched publisher was Yap Goan Ho

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his printing house. He was an extraordinarily dynamic entrepreneur who in 1888 was to launch a newspaper and in about 1893 opened a printing house in Semarang (Central Java). Moreover he had distributing agents in Sukabumi, Surabaya (Java), in Sibolga and Padang (Sumatra). When he passed away in 1894 an obituary was published in a Malay newspaper of Singapore20 that reads: His name was famous through all the Dutch Indies because of his excellent knowledge of the Chinese language and also because he succeeded in translating and publishing several Chinese novels; in so doing he enabled those of his countrymen who could not read Chinese any more to get an insight into the fiction of their mother country.

Nothing is known of the other translators except for Tjhie Ang Lien who seems to have worked for a newspaper, since he often signs himself “Correspondant Hindia XX”. Among the translations available to the public in 1883 were historical or “The Romance of the Three novels like Sanguo zhi yanyi or “On Warring States”, love stories such Kingdoms”, Lieguo zhi or “Romances of Five Beauties”, Fenzhuang lou as Wumei yuan , “The Complete Story of a Boudoir”, stories of quanzhuan trial cases about righters of wrongs such as Qianlongjun you jiangnan or “The Travels of Emperor Qianlong in South China” , or “The Complete Story of and Sanhe mingzhu baojian the Triple Sword Adorned with Bright Pearls”, and finally novels dealing , The Story of Xu with the supernatural world like Baishejing ji and the White Serpent.” A collection of short stories, not Hanwen yet identified, also existed. These translations of novels were extremely popular with the Peranakan and within three years over forty works were published, which may lead us to presume that they had been previously circulated in manuscript form. The important role of translations of Chinese novels in the early stages of Sino-Malay literature has already been underlined in our introduction to the poem written as an advertisement in Semarang in 1886 by Ting Sam Sien, entitled Sair dari adanja boekoe tjerita Tjina njang soeda disalin bahasa Melajoe or “Poem on the Chinese Stories Translated into Malay”.21 It is given at the end of a translation by Ing Lie Hoo that was published in Semarang (Central Java) by the Dutch firm of van der Velde Co. The author, of whom nothing is known, introduces the works one by one, providing information about the translations, either supplying the name of

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the translator, or giving an outline of the story, or the names of the chief protagonists, or giving a personal opinion on the quality of the translation or the merits of the translator. Between 1884 and 1886 about fourteen new translators appeared, coming from various places in Java such as Batavia Semarang, Sukabumi and Bogor. Nothing is known about seven of them but we may assume that they were engaged in business. Some even sign themselves with the ) and Boen name of their firm, such as Goan Bie Ho (probably ). The real name of the latter was Tan Tjin Sing Hoo (probably and he owned a bookshop in Semarang. He was also a good Hoa writer of syair, or poems in the traditional Malay form, in which he sharply criticized the Peranakan Chinese society of the time. At the beginning of the twentieth century he even worked as a journalist of a daily newly founded in Semarang. Two others were engaged in printing and publishing activities. The first was born in Batavia in 1847 and died named Tjiong Hok Long and in the same place in 1917. He had a first shop called Bo Seng some of his earlier translations are signed Tjiong Bo Seng. Simultaneously . This latter he used the name of another of his firms Goan Hong appellation was applied to the printing house he founded in Batavia in 1897 and which was inherited by his children after his death. He had an who extremely brilliant career. The second was Lie Kim Hok was born in Bogor and who died in Batavia in 1912. Unlike Tjiong Hok Long, Lie was not well trained in Chinese since he had been educated in a missionary school. His translations were made in collaboration with two friends Tan Kie Lam and Tee Pek Thay who acted as Chinese readers. In 1885 after the death of the printer and publisher D.J. van der Linden for whom he had worked a few years, he decided to take over the business and founded his own printing house called Lie Kim Hok Co. in Bogor. The following year he undertook the printing of the daily Pemberita Betawi. But it was difficult for him to compete with other printing houses in Batavia. In 1887 he was obliged under economic pressure to sell the printing machines to the Dutch firm Albrecht and Co. and his stock to the Chinese firm Tjoe Toei Yang (1849–91) in Batavia. who was born in One translator by the name of Sie Hian Ling Semarang and died at the same place c. 1928, belonged to a well-to-do family. He had received a good education both in Malay and in Chinese and worked as a journalist first for the firm of G.G.T. van Dorp that created the Selompret Melajoe in 1860 and later for the firm of Gebr. Janse that

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started the Tamboer Melajoe in 1885. Later on he even became the editor of his own daily and was given the post of Interpreter of Chinese; in 1904 the honorific title of Luitenant was conferred on him. The majority of the translations were novels. The remainder consisted of a few love stories in ballad form (translated into prose) telling the story of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai (Liang Shanbo yu Zhu Yingtai ) or that of Chen San and Wuniang (Chen San Wuniang ge ), or of Shang Lu (Xuemei si jun ), a few religious and didactic works, and a collection of short stories (from the Jingu qiguan or “Wonders New and Old”) translated by Tjiong Hok Long. Among the novels, historical novels hold pride of place. Alongside the Sanguo zhi yanyi which was translated for the second time at Surabaya by Tan Siauw Tjiak, there is a long list of stories, some of which are adaptations of the main episodes in Chinese history. The novels about the earliest or “The Matching times include Sun Pang douzhi yanyi and Pang Juan ”, which takes place of Wits between Sun Bin or “The during the Warring States period; the Fengjian chunqiu Chronicle of Spears and Swords” tells the story of Qin shihuangdi ; the Dongxi han yanyi or “The Romance of the Former and Later Han Dynasties” needs no explanation, while the Shuangfeng qiyuan or “The Extraordinary Union of Two Phoenix” tells the story who was given in marriage to the Hun of Princess Wang Zhaojun Chieftain. (See Plates 27, 28.) The Tang period is richer still; alongside the famous stories, of General and his son Xue Dingshan (Xue Rengui zheng Xue Rengui ) (see Plate 29) are to be found the dong, Zheng xi story of another, equally famous general, Luo Tong (Luo Tong sao bei or “Luo Tong Clears the North”), the Fan Tang yanyi or “The Revolt against the Tang Dynasty”, about the Empress Wu Zetian (625–705), and Lü mudan or “The Green Peony”. The Song dynasty is illustrated first of all by the deeds of its founder, , told in Feilong quanzhuan or “The Zhao Kuangyin Complete Story of the Flying Dragon”, and the exploits of General Di in the Western and Southern regions, recounted in Wuhu ping Qing or “The Five Generals’ Conquest of the West xi, Ping nan or “The Pavilion of and of the South”, and again in Wanhua lou 10,000 Flowers”, and lastly by the imaginary campaigns of General Yang Wenguang in Fujian (Yang Wenguang ping min quanzhuan or “The Complete Story of Yang Wenguang’s Pacification of Min”).

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The Mongol period is neglected, but honour is done to the Ming period; the early career of the dynasty’s founder, Zhu Yuanzhang . The voyages (1328–98) is described in Zhu Hongwu yanyi of Emperor Zhengde in the South of China are narrated in Zhengde huang and the great expeditions of the eunuch Zheng you jiangnan (1371–1433) in the Southern Seas are described in Sanbao taijian He or Xiyang ji . xiyang ji Another genre also existed, cloak-and-dagger stories (wuxia xiaoshuo ) in which the heroes rectified wrongs and fought injustice; in the 1880s few examples of it were to be found, but it came into its own in the twentieth century. The only ones which can be mentioned are Shuihu or “The Romance of the Water Margin”, which gives a zhuan remarkable description of the resistance of “brigands” in the marshy regions (Shandong) and Wagangzhai yanyi or, of Liangshan “Heroes of the Wagang Palisade”, describing the revolt, under the Sui, of a number of men who decided to resist compulsory conscription for public works, and of how they organized bands of outlaws living in the hills. The genre of the fantastic novel was represented by the Xiyou ji or “Pilgrimage to the West”, narrating the adventures of the monk (602–664) during his pilgrimage towards India, the Feng Xuanzang or “The Investiture of the Gods” which describes shen yanyi combats among the gods, and the Huaguang tianwang nanyou ji or “Prince Huaguang’s Travel to the South”. Contemplating this survey we can but be struck by the wide range of novels offered to the public. It is apparently the only place in Southeast Asia where so many stories were published in such a short time. However it is to be thought, as we suggested above, that some of these Malay translations had previously been in existence either in manuscript form or published as serials in the press. Otherwise one can hardly imagine that these translators could have produced so many Malay versions in such a short space of time. It is true to say that some translations do not seem to have been completed or at least were not published or have not been preserved in full. We are badly informed on the circulation of books which usually appeared in instalments. This was obviously done with a view to the market price. In order to better attract the customer most of the translations published during this period contained illustrations, some reproduced from the Chinese original, but more commonly drawn by local designers. Among the latter some show obvious Western influences while others

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imitate the Chinese models (see Plates 27–29). These illustrations were to disappear in the following periods, probably in order to reduce the costs. This sudden rise of printed fiction in Malay at a time when the Chinese had not yet themselves started to compose stories set in the Dutch Indies should be regarded as a highly significant phenomenon. It shows that there was a real need for translations of Chinese fiction and moreover that a linguistic change was apparently taking place at that time within the Chinese communities of Central and East Java and that the Javanese translations could not completely satisfy the public of these regions. One factor that may have stimulated this linguistic change was probably the spread of Malay newspapers in all the big cities of Java. This massive appearance of books on the market implies the existence of a sufficient reading public. We have evidence that when Peranakan could afford it, they gave their children an education either by private tutors or in a school, either in Chinese or in Dutch, or for the less well off in Malay. They wanted to educate their daughters as well and engaged European governesses who were instructed to teach them every kind of knowledge. It seems that women quickly shared a taste for reading with the men.22 Moreover it should be noted that the translations of Chinese fiction were so popular that the first original novel written in Malay by Lie Kim Hok which appeared in 1886 had a title in Hokkien — Tjhit Liap Sing (Bintang Toedjoeh) or “The Seven Stars” — and was set in China under Emperor (1851–61).23 Xiangfeng 2. Continuity in Taste (1887–1910) During the period under consideration the movement to translate from Chinese continued, with contributions from translators who had been active before 1887 such as Boen Sing Hoo, Lie Kim Hok, Tjiong Hok Long and Yap Goan Ho and about eighteen newcomers, nine of whom were publishing in Batavia. Among these newcomers were several members of the well-to-do families to which Chinese performing official duties belonged. These were less interested in translating fiction than in spreading Confucian thoughts by means of renditions of the Classics. Very little is known about the background of those who devoted themselves to the translation of novels such as Goei P.H., Jo Tjin Goan, Y.T.H. and more especially Tjie Tjin Koeij from Sukabumi who is the first to have completed the translation of the Sanguo. Tjie Tjin Koeij was born there in about 1890 and was educated by a private tutor. He was said to have a very good command of Chinese, and

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translated various articles from the Chinese press that appeared in such progressive Sino-Malay papers as Li Po founded in Sukabumi in 1901. During his life he translated no less than fourteen novels. In his later days he was reduced to poverty and tried to make his living as a keeper of a Chinese temple in Surabaya. He passed away in the late 1970s. He proved to be a very good translator who did not hesitate to add footnotes in order to make the translation more understandable. As regards the Sanguo he even provided the translation with a map. In his preface he gives an outline of the principles which he followed, saying that he tried to give a translation close to the original but at the same time palatable to the reader; he also made it his goal to give for each date in the original the equivalent according to the Western calendar; finally he gave for each old place name its contemporary counterpart or at least some explanation. The translation, which was 4,655 pages long, appeared in sixty-two instalments between 1910 and 1913. Curiously enough another translation of the same novel appeared almost , a Hakka born simultaneously. It was completed by Lie In Eng c. 1890 in Padang (Sumatra) into a family of new immigrants, who died in 1941. He also received his Chinese education in a private school and devoted most of his time to translation activities. His Sanguo translation in 1910, before being first appeared in serial form in the Sin Po published in book form in sixty-five instalments totalling 5,308 pages, between 1910 and 1912. Why the two translations appeared at the same time is impossible to explain. Perhaps the publishers were rivals. It is not known whether Tjie Tjin Koeij’s work also appeared in newspapers before in Batavia.24 In any case there being published by Tjiong Koen Bie must have been a very large public wanting to read this extremely famous Chinese novel.25 Finally special mention should be made of the first woman translator, Thio Tjio Nio, who translated fiction for the reformist newspaper founded in Bogor in 1906.26 Tiong Hoa Wi Sien Po The public’s taste for historical novels persisted and re-editions of translations which had appeared before 1887 were brought out as well as new versions of novels which had already been translated earlier on, although it is not always easy to distinguish one from the other. New editions did not always give the translator’s name, and sometimes the original title was modified whereas the text remained unchanged. Or again, the original translation was perhaps modified slightly and republished under another name. In each case all the translations need to be compared, to be certain whether they really do differ, but with things as they are at the moment, this is a virtually impossible task because the works are preserved in different

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places. At all events, the editions were limited throughout the first period, which in some cases may explain why they were printed so often. The first or “The Pavilion of the 10,000 Flowers” version of Wanhua lou by Lim Ho Hin appeared in 1885, followed in 1890 by a second version by Goan Bie Ho, which was republished at least twice in 1902 and 1910. , “The Story of Xu Hanwen and the The Baishejing ji White Serpent” translated by Lim Ho Hin in 1883 was republished with no mention of the translator’s name in 1908 and later in 1917. A number of historical novels, and also love stories, novels of the fantastic and social novels were translated for the first time, such as or “Romance of the Eight Beauties”, which appeared Bamei tu anonymously in 1888 and was republished twice (1902 and 1912), or Mulan or “Mulan Joins the Army” by Goan Bie Ho, published cong jun in 1893 and republished in 1903, or Song Taizu sanxia nantang or “The Three Expeditions against the Southern Tang State by the First Emperor of the Song”, translated by Goan Bie Ho and O.H.T. in or The Voyage to 1894 and republished in 1903, or the Beiyou ji the North” translated by Thio Tjeng Tek in 1894 and republished in 1922, or “The Pilgrimage to the West” translated by Boen the Xiyou ji Sing Hoo in 1890 and republished in twenty-four instalments by Yap Goan , Ho in 1895–96 and reprinted again in 1919; or the Jinghua yuan “Flowers in a Mirror”, published anonymously in 1903. Besides the last work mentioned, which contains criticism of the unfavourable position of women in Chinese society, a few translations appeared reflecting the political questions of the time, such as Liu dajiangjun , recounting the fighting between the ping wo zhanji Chinese and the Japanese in Formosa in 1895. Martial arts literature was (1909), discovered by Tjie Tjin Koeij who translated Xiao Hong’er a work published in 1907, which was apparently written by a woman, Pin .27 hua nüshi Throughout this period the demands of the reading public seem to have increased. Alongside the translations from the Chinese the publishers were simultaneously promoting translations from Western fiction. The first which may possibly be attributed to a Peranakan seems to be Le tour du monde en quatre-vingt jours by Jules Verne which appeared in Semarang in 1890, signed L.Th. M. The next was probably the translation of the Comte de Monte Cristo by Alexandre Dumas, entitled Graaf de Monte Cristo (1894–99) which does not mention the name of the translator, though it was attributed to Lie Kim Hok and F. Wiggers.28 But it is not until after

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1911 that Western fiction appeared frequently in serial form in the press before being sometimes published in book form. Oey Tjay Hin, one of the first Chinese editors and publishers whose firm was established in Batavia, and who since 1893 was the editor of the Malay newspaper Bintang Barat, tried without much success to launch literary periodicals in which he serialized translations of Chinese fiction. The first entitled Boekoe Boelanan or “Monthly” was started in 1895. It did not last very long since in 1900 another periodical named Minggoean or “Weekly” that provided a similar content was started by the same publisher. 3. Toward a Greater Differentiation of the Genres (1911–23) About eighty translations in book form exist for this period, approximately ten of which are unsigned. But it is to be thought that the production for the period was much greater since many translations only appeared in serial form in the press. As a matter of fact among the names of the translators (1890–1956) who are several journalists like Go Tiauw Goan (a school after having studied in Nanking at the Jinan xuetang instituted for Overseas Chinese students) became a staff member of the (1894–1948) who after having studied in Sin Po; or Tan Tek Ho the same school in China worked as editor for successive newspapers and who later specialized in the translation of cloak-and-dagger stories. Several other translators were regular contributors to newspapers such as (1893–1964). Some others were Lie Sim Djwe and Ong Kim Tiat either publishers like Tjiong Soen Liang (Tjiong Hok Long’s grandson), or merchants like Tjan Hoat Kie (d. 1957). Also to be found are the names of the two famous translators of the previous period who each produced a Malay version of a Sanguo. Nothing is known about the others, who numbered about twenty. They were very likely amateurs who wanted to supplement their salaries. Among them are three women translators. As in the preceding period, there is still a wide choice of traditional stories, and particularly of historical novels. In some cases it is not always easy to determine whether they are new translations or revised re-editions of works published during the earlier periods. The stories of Lü mudan or “The Green Peony” and Liang Tianlai (also referred to as , “A Crime Involving Nine Lives”), for example Jiuming qiyuan translated by Lie Kim Hok in 1886, were published once more in 1913 and

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1919 respectively. Tjan Tjing Tjong claims to be responsible for the second edition of Lü mudan, but that of Liang Tianlai is anonymous. Similarly or “The Fortunate Union” that was translated by Haoqiu zhuan Lie Kim Hok in 1887, and published anonymously in 1895 appeared again of 1918 and in in serial form in the Tiong Hoa Wi Sien Po book form the following year. But these two translations are respectively attributed to Tan Tjin Bie and Goan Hak Jan. Likewise Zhengdehuang you or “The Travels of Zhengde Emperor in South jiangnan China” that was translated by Boen Sing Hoo in 1885–87 appeared again c. 1919, under the name of Liem Liep Lee. At all events the new editions prove that the readers were avid for this type of work. The importance of translations appearing for the first time should not be under-estimated either. Among those belonging to the category of trial cases should be mentioned here a full version of the Haigong xiaohongpao or “The Complete Story of Hai Rui’s Small quanzhuan Scarlet Robe” translated by Goan Bie Ho in 1915, the Peng gong’an or “The Cases of Judge Peng” translated by Tjie Tjin Koeij and or published in fifteen instalments in 1921 and the Dangkou zhi “Chronicle of the Extirpation of the Rebels”, translated by Lie In Eng (1915), comprising no fewer than 3,394 pages. Among the historical novels or “The should be noted a version of Hong Xiuquan yanyi Story of Hong Xiuquan” translated by Ong Kim Tiat and published in or “The nineteen instalments from 1917 to 1920. The Sanmen jie Three Doors Street”, a story set during the reign of Emperor Zhengde of the Ming that was translated by Tjan Hoat Kie in 1916 was so well received by the public that it was reprinted in 1918. Traditional novels of manners still greatly attracted the readers. The Story of Meng Lijun also entitled Longfeng pei zaisheng yuan or “The Resurrection of a Dragon and a Phoenix Couple” first translated in 1913 by Tjan Soen Kioe appeared a second time in 1921, but Lie Sim Djwe claims to be the translator. The fact is that the first edition in thirteen instalments is 827 pages long whereas the second one in thirty-two instalments has 2,472 pages. An innovation in this period is that the translators showed a great curiosity about the “new style” novels (Boekoe Tionghoa model baroe) then appearing in China, either in the newspapers or in book form.29 Numerous works of this kind came out at the very end of the nineteenth century, and little research has been done so far, so it is often difficult to identify the originals particularly as the titles of the translations seem to be modelled on those of original works appearing in the Dutch Indies at the time, such

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as the one by Tjiook Jr., Roesianja satoe tjintjin, satoe tjeritaän jang perna terdjadi di benoea Tiongkok, “The Secret of a Ring, A Story that occurred , Lim Liong Tjaij atawa in China” (1919) or that by Tan Tjhan Hie satoe anak jang dapet membalas moesoeh ajahnja, Satoe tjerita jang betoel kedjadian di Tiongkok, “Lim Liong Tjaij or the Boy who Avenged his Father. A Story that occurred in China” (1915) or the anonymous work ] di benoewa Canton afdeeling entitled: Tjerita Bie Giok Siotjia [ Lam Haij Koan pada djaman Keizer Ham Hong, “The Story of Miss Bie Giok that occurred during the Reign of Emperor Xianfeng in the district of Nanhai in the prefecture of Canton” (1915).30 Among those identified is Sha zi bao or “The Punishment of a Child-murderer”, a judiciary novel which apparently came out in China for the first time in 1897, translated by O & Y in 1921 and entitled Sat Tjoe Po atawa Iboe kedjam jang memboenoe anaknja lantaran pertjintaan haram. Satoe tjerita jang belon lama telah kedjadian di Nanking, “Sha zi bao or A Cruel Mother who Murdered her Child because of Forbidden Love Affair, a Story that recently Occurred in Nanking”. Another example is Yu or “My Wife” by Xu Zhenya (1889–1937) translated zhi qi and entitled Saya poenja istri.31 in 1921 by Lie In Eng 4. Overwhelming Success of Cloak-and-dagger Stories (1924–42) About 320 translations belong to this period, twenty of which are anonymous, while the rest were produced by a hundred or so translators, among whom were six women. Some, such as Lie In Eng, Ong Kim Tiat, Tan Tek Ho, Tjie Tjin Koeij, were already active during the preceding period, but the majority are newcomers. With the exception of a few people who were still interested in translating Confucian works and whose life, and cultural and social activities are very well-known to us, most of the translators of fiction are virtually unknown. Some obviously used a , pen-name, which was sometimes Chinese such as Ay Kok Djien , “The Dreaming Man”, Hai Teng “The Patriot”, Bong Tiong Djien , “The Native of Haicheng (Fujian)”, sometimes Malay and Djin sometimes Western (Always Sorry, Hantoe Br., etc.). Others apparently used their own names. The only translators who stand out from the rest are those who took up publishing or journalism, such as Lie Lin Leng, editor of the review Semangat, “The Spirit” founded in East Java in 1930 who is one of the most productive translators of the period, Ho Nai Chuan who launched Kiam Hiap or “Sword Fighters” in 1931,

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Liong Djwan Liem and Liem Thian Joe (c. 1895–1963) who were journalists, and lastly Sioe Pek Soey and Lie Sim Djwe who were for a time directors of the reviews Kiam Hiap and Semangat. It seems therefore that during this period many Chinese knew both Chinese and Malay to a certain extent. A closer look at their translations would probably enable us to determine which of the two languages, Chinese or Malay, was their mother tongue, but it would be a long and exacting task; what is more, it is not easy to get hold of the Chinese original and the Malay translation of a given work at the same time. However, an analysis of the different genres translated gives some idea of the translators and their public. During this period historical novels, greatly appreciated by the readers of the preceding periods, gradually disappeared. Only a few translators such as Liem Thian Joe, Lie Lin Eng, Lie Sim Djwe and Tjie Tjin Koeij kept the genre going in a marginal way. The review Semangat (1930–31) and Siauw Swat or “Novels” (1933–34) were created in succession to this end. A few adaptations of stories translated earlier on also appeared, such as a new, abridged version of the Sanguo zhi yanyi by Liem Khing Hoo published in Liberty (1930–33), and a new version of Fenzhuang lou or “The Complete Story of a Boudoir” by Tjoe Bou San (1926). Neither Liem nor Tjoe could read Chinese. On the other hand in 1924 a review called Tjerita Baroe or “New Stories”, appeared, specializing in the publication of short stories. In China ) drawing simultaneously itself, short stories (duanpian xiaoshuo on local literary traditions and Western translations developed rapidly after 1915.32 Their themes were contemporary social problems, questions arising from the revolution, or descriptions of lovers, and they were often . A glance at the table of contents of Tjerita Baroe written in baihua shows that translators like Lie Sim Djwe, Lie Loan Lien Nio and Han Bing Swie, in particular, were attracted by portraits of heroes, women who played a special role in the revolution, or characters involved in love affairs. Unfortunately stories like these appeared in collections or reviews and the originals are extremely difficult to find, which explains why none of them have been identified. This literary form seems to have had a great appeal for Peranakan, who wrote large numbers of cerita pendek from 1925 onwards. The most striking characteristic of this evolution is without any doubt at all the overwhelming success of translations of cloak-and-dagger stories ; Malay: cerita silat).33 This genre began (Chinese: wuxia xiaoshuo

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to develop in China in the Qing Dynasty.34 After 1919 it expanded on an unprecedented scale.35 Its popularity with the reading public can probably be explained partly by the fact that increasing numbers of ordinary people could read, but also and above all by dissatisfaction at the limited social improvements accompanying the political changes. These novels depicting “free” heroes capable of exercising their own will were bound to go to the heads of readers lacking the power to act in their own society. As regards the form, they were fairly short to begin with, but grew longer and longer and were followed by additional episodes which sometimes appeared under new titles. As regards the contents, the stories did not always take place at a specific time, and were not necessarily based on a historical event or figure. Some authors laid more stress on the deeds of the hero, or the theme of vengeance, than on the setting. Others, like Huanzhu louzhu (a native of Sichuan, 1903–61), on the other hand, drew on their own experience to depict mountain scenery. As regards the combats, some writers gave realistic descriptions of the technique used by their heroes, ) and while others resorted to magic and supernatural beings (shenguai ). described swords flying through the air (yi dao jianguang We know nothing about the chronological order of the books by the Chinese authors, which would have enabled us to follow the development of the works, and similarly we cannot estimate how much time elapsed between the first edition of the original and the first translation into Malay. The first Chinese review devoted to the publication of cloak-and-dagger or “The Warriors’ World” seems stories, entitled Wuxia shijie to have appeared in 1921,36 and apparently did not last long. The cloakand-dagger stories generally appeared in the press, in magazines, and were also published in book form in several episodes. 1930 marked the apogee of this literary genre.37 In the Dutch Indies, from 1924 to 1930, most of the translations were published either in serial form in newspapers (particularly in the Sin Po and the Keng Po), or in book form, in numbers of small volumes. The first review entirely devoted to cloak-and-dagger stories appeared in 1930. It was launched in Bandung by the well-known translator Tan Tek Ho, and was called Goedang Tjerita or “A Treasury of Novels” at first. Four years later (1933), its name was changed to Tjerita Silat or “cloak-and-dagger stories”, leaving no doubt as to the editor’s intentions. In 1931, another , created a magazine at Tasikmalaya, translator, Ho Nai Chuan entitled Kiam Hiap Monthly Magazine in Malay, and Jianxia xiaoshuo in Chinese, or “The Sword-fighter Monthly yuekan

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Magazine”. It is not known how long they lasted, although the collections in the Indonesian National Library stop in 1936 and 1935 respectively. Between 1936 and 1940, no fewer than four other reviews specializing or in translations of cloak-and-dagger stories appeared: Boe Hiap “Warrior” in Tasikmalaya (1936–42), Tjerita Silat dan Gaib or “Cloakand-Dagger Stories and Mystery Novels” (Batavia, 1936–37), Gie Hiap or “The Altruistic Hero” (Tasikmalaya, 1937–42), and Semangat Silat or “The Spirit of Silat” (Jombang, 1938–40?). Apart from Semangat Silat, published in East Java, all the other reviews were published in West Java, and Tasikmalaya for some reason was in a privileged position. Cloak-anddagger stories had such a strong appeal for the reading public that reviews like Penghidoepan and to a lesser extent Tjerita Roman and Tjerita Pilian offered a few translations of cerita silat to their readers from time to time, although they generally preferred stories set in the Dutch East Indies. It is impossible to give a detailed account here of various genres of cloak-and-dagger stories translated into Malay as about forty authors have been identified.38 Judging by the biographies of the authors about , a journalist who became a whom we know a little, such as Bai Yu teacher had financial difficulties and wrote in order to survive; Huanzhu , who lost his father at the age of seventeen, had to go louzhu into the army, and was encouraged by an acquaintance to write his long and outstandingly successful story about the “Knights-errant from the , who after Sichuan Mountains”.39 Pingjiang buxiaosheng wandering about Japan and winning fame through writing a book about his experiences there, started writing cloak-and-dagger stories for a living, , who lived on the verge of poverty like Xu Jinfu Gu Mingdao and Lu Shi’e ,40 it becomes apparent that the authors were fairly close to their readers, and had little difficulty in writing about heroes who had opted out of society and relied solely on their own strength to confront the society whose workings escaped them. This makes it easier to understand why this literature was so successful overseas, and why it eventually supplanted all other forms, including Chinese detective ), a genre which obviously owed its novels (zhentan xiaoshuo , who translated development to Western influence. Cheng Xiaoqing several detective novels, also wrote novels strongly influenced by Conan or “The Swallow Doyle. One of the most famous, Jiangnan yan from Jiangnan”, was made into a film, and translated into Malay by Ong Hap Djin in 1929.41 In 1924 several short Chinese detective stories were translated and appeared in reviews like Tjerita Baroe and Tjerita Pilian or “Selected Novels”, but the taste for them was short-lived.

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Cloak-and-dagger stories fitted so well the aspirations of the local reading public that there was no room for translations of works by authors commonly referred to as representatives of “modem Chinese literature”. The occupation of the Dutch Indies in 1942 by the Japanese suddenly brought this literary production to an end. The Japanese authorities knew that most Chinese in Indonesia, whether Chinese or Malay speaking, had used the press and literary works as a vehicle for voicing their patriotism. Consequently newspapers and literary reviews were suppressed and hundreds of journalists were arrested, imprisoned and tortured. 5. Syair Based on Chinese Stories The syair is a Malay verse form, which rhymes a-a-a-a, b-b-b-b. The verses can be of unequal length, but usually contain four stresses.42 The Chinese enjoyed this literary genre very much and the first printed work that appeared in 1871, and may be attributed to a Peranakan Chinese, was precisely a syair.43 However it is apparently not until 1885 that an adaptation of a Chinese novel in syair form was published.44 This first adaptation does not seem to have survived, in spite of the fact that it was reprinted successively in 1890 and c. 1921. According to several advertisements the two reprints were respectively entitled Boekoe sair Ngouw Houw Tjiang or “Poem about the Conquest of the Five Generals” and Boekoe sair Ngo Houw Peng Sie or “Poem about the Five Generals’ Conquest of the West” and both were in seven installments. Only the beginning of the poem is known since it was printed at the end of a translation of the Wanhua lou translated by Goan Bie Ho, that appeared in 1902. The syair that also of the Song dynasty is revolves about the famous general Di Qing presented here as a sequel to the Wanhua lou. In order to persuade the reader to purchase it, the first 168 stanzas are given (pp. 1243–70). The writer, whose name is not known, says that he started to compose his poem on 1 October 1885. In the usual manner of poets he begins in introducing himself as a person who after much thought, effort and difficulty, has eventually managed to write the syair. In the first stanza he also says that his poem is an original not a plagiarized work. Later on he adds that he adapted (salin) a story in book form, without saying whether it was written in Chinese or in Malay. Since the story of Wuhu ping xi had already been translated into Malay the previous year one may assume that he took his inspiration from that version. Judging from the beginning of the syair the poet was talented since he managed to follow the plot of the story in prose in all its details.

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The second adaptation in verse we have traced so far appeared in serial form in 1888 in the Sinar Terang, a Malay paper run by the publisher and translator Yap Goan Ho, whose name was mentioned above. It is entitled Shair Ong Tjiauw Koen Ho Hoan or “Poem about Wang Zhaojun and the Barbarians”. The poet after having begged the newspaper owner’s permission to publish his syair, explains that it is based on a story told in a book. The story of Wang Zhaojun also called Shuangfeng qiyuan or “The Extraordinary Union of Two Phoenix” had already been translated into Malay and published in 1884 in seven installments. Here again one may assume that the poet made use of the Malay version. Apparently he was not as gifted as the previous one since he explains at the beginning of the poem that he will have to abridge the story. In 1891 also appeared an adaptation in verse of Xue Rengui zheng dong or “Xue Rengui’s Conquest of Korea” by Thio Tjeng Tek. There were already two Malay translations by Lim Ho Hin and Tjiong Hok Long that had been published in 1884. (See Plate 29.) Since Thio Tjeng Tek was himself a translator it is difficult without making a deeper investigation to know how he proceeded. We are no better informed as regards the “The Eight Beauties” of anonymous poem based on Ba mei tu which a Malay translation appeared in 1888. The poem first appeared in 1900 in the review Minggoean mentioned above and was apparently reprinted in book form c. 1913. This is the last adaptation of a Chinese novel in syair form we have been able to trace. Other syair taking their sources from Chinese literature are mostly about the stories of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai and that of Chen San and Wuniang which in China in those days were circulated in ballad form. The curious thing is that these ballads were first translated into prose form. Boen Sing Ho, to whom we owe the first translations of these two stories that appeared respectively in 1885 and 1886 and who himself wrote some syair, explains that he was not capable of translating the Liang-Zhu story into Malay verse.45 The success of these love stories was very great and new adaptations were still appearing in the 1930s. It is not easy to appraise the impact of these adaptations of Chinese stories in regard to the translations in prose. So few of them have been handed down to the present time, that one may wonder whether they were used by storytellers, as was the case with the Javanese adaptations for instance. John B. Kwee informs us that his grandmother was a good storyteller and he adds:

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She had heard Chinese and indigenous stories read for her by a cousin of her in the attic of her house in Surabaya. Later she retold these stories to us, her grandchildren.

He does not seem to imply that her grandmother was retelling the stories in verse since he says: On my research trip to Indonesia (1972–73) (…) to my great delight I have come across the novel Ong Tjiauw Koen, my grandmother’s favourite story. The book consists of 594 pages. When I finished reading the book I could not help admiring my grandmother’s ability at memorising. The theme, the plot and the characters of the novel are exactly those my grandmother told me forty years ago.46

However it is true that Peranakan writers long after the disappearance of the storytellers used to write stories based on a true occurrence in prose and afterwards rewrite them in syair form. This is the case with a story written by Thio Tjien Boen in 1903. It deals with adventures of the newcomer Oey Se who used any tricks to get rich. The story serialized in a paper became so popular that the same writer had a syair version published three years later. How does one explain why on the one hand the syair form was still popular as a vehicle for straight-ward narrative, perhaps even more popular than prose, up to the 1920s, whereas on the other hand it was abandoned at the turn of the century as regards translated Chinese stories?47 In 1921 appeared a poem entitled Sair tjerita Sie Lie Tan or “Poem about the story of Sie Lie Tan”. It is thirteen pages long. (or Emperor Tang Ruizong The name of the protagonist Li Dan , 662–716) is borrowed from the Fan Tang yanyi or “The Revolt against the Tang Dynasty,” but the plot has almost nothing to do with that of the original. This last work is no longer an adaptation but rather the transposition of a residual oral version. Conclusion This translation movement may be regarded as one of the most important in Southeast Asia along with those of Thailand and Vietnam. Brought to an end with the occupation of the Dutch Indies by the Japanese in 1942, it started again after the end of World War II. Most of the works published between 1948 and 1959 appeared in the press and in reviews specializing

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in Chinese stories before being eventually printed in book form. The main demands were focused on old traditional novels, especially historical ones, and cloak-and-dagger stories. The latter were very popular among both Peranakan and Indonesian newspaper readers. In the late 1950s and early 1960s the Indonesian Government launched an anti-Chinese campaign and the serialization of cloak-and-dagger stories in the press was then prohibited. Since those translations in book form were still allowed some publishing houses were quick to realize that they could earn much profit in publishing silat novels. In Jakarta for example, the firm of Analysa specialized in publishing silat novels, as did those of Djelita and Pantjar Kumala in Tasikmalaya (West Java), or Pustaka Silat which in Semarang (Central Java). The newspapers like Sin Po published cloak-and-dagger stories, printed them in book form afterwards, from the end of the 1950s onwards. In about 1964 Kho Ping Hoo , a writer of cerita silat started his own publishing house, Gema, in Solo. After 1965 the great demand for cloak-and-dagger stories resulted in a new mass production in which adaptations and imitations of Chinese cloak-and-dagger stories are playing a growing part. But this is beyond the subject of the present study. Taken as a whole this literary production had and still has a significant impact on the readers as well as on the development of local literature. As regards the demand for historical novels during the two first periods, it emanated obviously from the descendants of Chinese. It is to be thought that these Peranakan had never been completely cut off from the Chinese popular culture in which historical fiction plays a significant part, thanks to theatre performances as well as to the tales retold by storytellers, “amateurs” or not. The ideology of these novels is generally highly conservative. The general message is as Y.W. Ma put it: “that the villains were apparently responsible either for doing devastating damage to the country, or for corrupting the emperor, or both. The reader seldom has any doubt, in the way the events run their courses, as to the emperor’s share of responsibility in bringing the disasters and troubles to himself and to his subjects”.48 The main themes in these novels are national security and dynasty-building. These popularizations of Chinese history are not to be confused with tales of chivalry (later on called cloak-and-dagger stories with their many variations) although the two kinds of fiction may overlap in subject matter. In the latter the knights-errant act as individuals and usually fight singlehanded whereas in the first the heroes are professional warriors who lead armies in battle. In the historical romances attention

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is focused on the strategy while in the tales of chivalry it focuses on the loyalty and the personal courage of the heroes. Of course some fantasy may be added in both genres; the authors may resort to magical powers and exaggerate the use of the supernatural. Anyhow the main difference remains. As regards the appeal of the historical novels of nationhood among the Peranakan Chinese it may be explained by an unconscious awareness of national continuity and heritage which was simultaneously expressed by other members of the Peranakan society who at another level rediscovered and revived Confucianism. Why later on chivalry romances and cloakand-dagger stories became more attractive should be explained by social changes in China and in the Dutch Indies. It is to be thought that the appeal of this last genre on the indigenous population was greater. However we should keep in mind that some Malays were appreciative of the lessons of strategy to be found in the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms”. Notes   1. C. Salmon, Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia, a Provisional Annotated Bibliography, Paris, Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, Etudes Insulindiennes-Archipel: 3, 1981, foreword, p. 10. This work gives special entries for translations from Chinese and Western languages enabling the reader to see rapidly how many translations, both identified and non-identified, exist. Translations from Chinese appear under their original Chinese titles. The present article is partly based on the introduction preceding the bibliography and provides an historical development of the Peranakan Chinese Literature, pp. 15–142.   2. Cf. Ma Huan, Ying-yai Sheng-lan, “The Overall Survey of the Ocean’s Shores” [1433], translated and edited by J.V.G. Mills, Cambridge, Published for the Hakluyt Society at the University Press, 1970, p. 93.   3. Zhang Xie , Dong xi yang kao , edited by Xie Fang (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), p. 48.   4. Ong Tae Hae, The Chinaman Abroad: A Desultory Account of the Malay Archipelago particularly of Java, translated by W.H. Medhurst (Shanghai: The Mission Press, 1849), p. 27.   5. Idem, pp. 20–21.   6. Idem, pp. 22–23.   7. J.F.W. van Nes, “De Chinezen op Java”, Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indië 13, no. 1 (1851): 253.   8. W.H. Medhurst, China: Its State and Prospects (London: John Snow, 1857), pp. 331–32.   9. Two eighteenth century tutors are famous to this day for the accounts they

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wrote of their stay in Java: Wang Dahai mentioned above and Cheng Xunwo , author of Gelaba jilüe translated into French by ourselves (“Un Chinois à Java, 1729–1736”, Bulletin de l’Ecole française d’ExtrêmeOrient 59 (1972): 279–318). 10. J.M.E. Albrecht, “L’instruction primaire chez les Chinois dans l’île de Java”, translated from the Dutch & annotated by A. Marre, Annales de l’ExtrêmeOrient, 1881, off-print, p. 5, even mentions the name of a Chinese from Surabaya who became a graduate with the former degree or xiucai , and ran a school after he returned from China. 11. According to oral information given by M. Soymié lending slips have been found among Dunhuang manuscripts. 12. Tan Teck Son, “Some Genuine Chinese Authors”, The Straits Chinese Magazine I, no. 2 (1897): 63–64. 13. E.U. Kratz, “Running a Lending Library in Palembang in 1886 AD”, Indonesia Circle 14, Nov. 1977, pp. 3–12; Teuku Iskandar, “Some manuscripts formerly belonging to Jakarta lending libraries”, Papers on Indonesian Languages and Literatures, edited by Nigel Phillips and Khaidir Anwar (London, Paris: Indonesian Etymological Project and Association Archipel, Cahier d’Archipel 13, 1981), pp. 145–52. 14. Teuku Iskandar, op. cit., p. 149. 15. P. Voorhoeve, ed., “Uit de verslagen van Dr W. Kern, taalambtenaar op Borneo 1938–1941”, Tijdschrift voor de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde LXXXII (1948): 544. 16. C. Salmon et Denys Lombard, “Le poème en malais d’un peranakan sur la visite du roi Chulalongkorn à Batavia en 1871”, Archipel 22 (1981): 135. 17. C. Salmon, Literature in Malay, pp. 15–16. 18. C. Lombard-Salmon, “A propos de la première traduction malaise du Haigong xiao-hong-pao quan-zhuan”, in Yves Hervouet, ed., Etudes d’histoire et de littérature chinoises offertes au Professeur Jaroslav Prủšek (Paris: Bibliothèque de l’Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, v. XXIV, 1976), pp. 209–25. 19. “…. djadi Radja taro merk dia poenja bongpaij tertoelis: Sio angpauw”. 20. Bintang Timor, 3 December 1894. 21. C. Lombard-Salmon, “Aux origines de la littérature sino-malaise: un sjair publicitaire de 1886”, Archipel 8 (1974): 155–86. 22. Bintang Timor, 26 May 1887. 23. According to Tio Ie Soei, Lie Kim Hok, 1853–1912 (Bandung: Good Luck, 1959), pp. 72–73, this novel was greatly influenced by two Western novels (Klaasje Zevenster by J. van Lennep, 1865 and Les Tribulations d’un Chinois en Chine by Jules Verne, 1879) and is reminiscent of both. See also C. Salmon, “Aux origines du roman malais moderne: Tjhit Liap Seng, ‘Les Pleïades’, de Lie Kim Hok (1886–87)”, Archipel 48 (1994): 125–56.

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24. Tjiong Koen Bie, son of Tjiong Hok Long (mentioned above) founded his own printing house in Batavia c. 1909, and also opened a bookshop. 25. Before these two translations appeared in Batavia, the Peranakan of the Dutch Indies could also resort to the version by Chan Kim Boon (1851–1920), which came out in thirty volumes in Singapore between 1892 and 1896, in spite of the language difficulties involved; cf. Liem Thian Joe, “Journalistik Tionghoa Melajoe”, (weekly) Sin Po, t. XVII, 841, 13 May 1939, p. 24. 26. One may of course wonder if she was not a man using a girl’s name. 27. Aying , Wanqing xiqu xiaoshuo mulu (Shanghai: Gudian wenxue chubanshe, 1957), p. 68. 28. Tio Ie Soei, Lie Kim Hok, 1863–1912 (Bandung: Good Luck, 1959), p. 85. 29. Wu Jiyue , a Chinese emigrant born in 1904 who arrived in Java in 1917, reports in his memoirs, “Fifty Years Overseas” (Haiwai wushi nian , Bangkok, Huawen yinshua ju, 1972–74, 2 v.) published under the pseudonym of Shan Shan , how Chinese literature came to Java; page 64 he gave a list of stories in the new style, especially those by Xu Zhenya , and p. 115 he mentions some of the Chinese literary reviews to which some Chinese based in Batavia subscribed in the 1920s. 30. It should be pointed out that one characteristic of the new style stories was to deal with problems concerning society at the time, and particularly questions of love and marriage; cf. Wei Shaochang , Yuanyang hudie pai yanjiu ziliao (Shanghai: Wenyi chubanshe, 1962), 2 v.; Perry Link, Mandarin Ducks and Butterflies: Popular Fiction in Early TwentiethCentury Chinese Cities (Los Angeles & London: University of California Press, 1981). 31. Xu Zhenya is very representative of this literature of love stories which grew up between 1908 and 1930, which was in a sense a continuation of the sentimental novels known as caizi jiaren xiaoshuo or “novels describing love affairs between scholars and beautiful girls” which developed after the end of the Ming dynasty. 32. See Wei Shaochang, op. cit., pp. 246–64. Some of these short stories were already translated during the preceding period. An anonymous collection, Roepa-roepa tjerita pendek or “Various Short Stories”, appeared in 1921, consisting mainly in translation from the Chinese; in the same year Lie Loan Lian Nio also translated Cai sang nü or “The Girl who Picks the Mulberry Leaves”, a short story by Wei Shi , about two young people whose love for each other was hampered by different social origins and who eventually committed suicide. This story caused a considerable stir in China and was put on the screen in 1924 with the title Cai cha nü or “The Girl who Picks Tea-Leaves”; see Cheng Jihua , Zhongguo dianying

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fazhan shi (Beijing: Zhongguo dianying chubanshe, 1962), v. 1, p. 77. 33. Unfortunately the appearance of these two expressions, one Chinese, one Malay cannot be dated. The term wuxia was apparently borrowed from Japanese at the beginning of the twentieth century (cf. Ye Hongsheng , Wuxia xiaoshuo tan yi lu (Taipei: Lianjing chuban gongsi, 1994), p. 13) and gradually replaced that of xiayi xiaoshuo or “Stories of Righteous Knights”. The term silat, whose etymology is uncertain, is already attested in mid-nineteenth century manuscripts (cf. R. J. Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary (Reprint London: Macmillan & Co, 1959); Malay Concordance Project: mcp.anu.edu.au.). The expression cerita silat seems to be much more recent. As our knowledge stands at present, it appears that it was first used with its present meaning in 1933, in the new title given to the former review Goedang Tjerita, “A Treasury of Novels”, founded in 1930. Cerita silat seems to have been used in competition with cerita kiam hiap (Chinese: jianxia xiaoshuo ) which is found in 1930 in the title of the review Kiam Hiap founded by Ho Nai Chuan. For several years now, these expressions have been replaced by cerita kongfu, which seems to have come from Hong Kong. The Chinese term gongfu means “workmanship, skill, art” and alludes to the heroes’ knowledge of the martial arts. As regards the popularity of these cerita silat in the Dutch Indies, in the original versions as well as in translation, see the article by Nio Joe Lan, “De invloed der Kiam-Hiap-verhalen”, (weekly) Sin Po, XVI (804), 27 August 1938, p. 31. 34. The beginnings of martial arts novel are obscure, but one of the earliest examples is Lü mudan , “The Green Peony” which was published at the end of the eighteenth century, and was translated into Malay in 1886. One of the classics of this first period was the novel by Shi Yukun , Sanxia wuyi or “The Three Heroes and the Five Gallants” (1879), also known under the title of Qixia wuyi or “The Seven Heroes and the Five Gallants”, translated into Malay for the first time by Oey Kim Tiang in 1928–29. For a study of the original version as it first appeared, and on the final versions, see Susan Blader, “A Critical Study of the San-hsia wu-yi and its relationship to the Lung-t’u kung-an ch’ang-pen”, Ph.D. thesis, Philadelphia Univ. of Pennsylvania, 1977. 35. For further details on this question, see Wei Shaochang, op. cit., pp. 217– 26. 36. See Wei Shaochang, op. cit., p. 333. 37. The cinema laid hold of cloak-and-dagger novels, and the first wuxia pian appeared in 1928 or thereabouts; these were films like Xiao jianke or “The Younger Knight Errant” (after the novel by Dielu zhuren ) Huoshao honglian si or “The Burning of the Red

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Lotus Temple” (1928–30, in several episodes, after the famous novel by Pingjiang buxiaosheng entitled Jianghu qixia zhuan or “Extraordinary Knights Roaming over Rivers and Lakes”) or Xianü jiu fu ji or “The Female Warrior Who Rescued Her Husband” (from the novel with the same name by Xu Muxi ). Cf. Wei Shaochang, op. cit., pp. 26–27; Cheng Jiahua, op. cit., 1, pp. 132–36. This craze for cloakand-dagger stories and films from 1928 onwards should be seen alongside the Shanghai massacres and the continuation of the Northern Expedition. In the Dutch Indies the first silat film, Delapan Djago Pedang (Pat Kiam Hiap ), possibly an adaptation from a novel by Lu Shi’e , Ba da jianxia or “The Eight Great Warriors” appeared in 1933; the second Hong Lien Si , was obviously adapted from the famous novel by Pingjiang buxiaosheng , and came out in 1937, seven years after the version made in China (see “Filmographie Indonesienne”, Archipel 5 (1973): 61) and one year before the Malay translation of the novel. 38. Such as: Bai Yu , Cai Luxian , Diedie , Feng Yuqi , Gu Mingdao (d. 1944), He Yifeng , Hong Shao , Huanzhulou zhu (1903–1961), Huang Nanding , Jiang Dielu , Li Diezhuang , Liang Yusheng , Lingyunge zhu , Lu Shi’e , Lu Shoujian , Pingjiang buxiaosheng , Shu Shisheng , Sishui yuyin , Tang Xiaotian , Wang Jingxing , Wang Qinglu , Wang Wusheng , Wei Zhaoliang , Xi hua guanzhu , Xi Lingfeng , Xie Nongwo , Xu Jinfu , Xu Liangchen , Xu Muxi , Yang Chenyin , Ye yi , Zhang Chongdian , Zhang Genong , Zhang Mingfei , Zhao Huanting , Zhao Shudong , Zhao Zhenting , Zheng Zhengyin , Zhong Jiyu , and Zhu Songlu . 39. This story was interrupted by the war and resumed afterwards. It was still unfinished in 1948, although it was already some fifty volumes long. It is definitely one of the longest cloak-and-dagger stories ever written. 40. See Wei Shaochang, op. cit., p. 452 and following. 41. For the history of the development of detective stories in China, see Wei Shaochang, op. cit., pp. 240–45. 42. For further details on the history of the Malay syair see Syed Naguib al-Attas, The Origin of the Malay Sha’ir (Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1968). 43. See note 16 above. 44. It should be noted here that since the 1830s the poets of the Riau Islands also wrote recreational syair based on narrative material from Persia, Egypt and Turkey. See Virginia Matheson, “Questions Arising from A Nineteenth Century Riau Syair”, RIMA, Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs,

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Winter/Summer 1983, pp. 8 and 17. One of them entitled Syair Sultan Abdul Muluk composed in 1846 by a court lady named Salihat was very popular among the Peranakan Chinese. It was put on stage in the 1870s and a new syair version of the story was even written by Lie Kim Hok in 1884 and entitled Sair Tjerita Siti Akbari. To the best of our knowledge it has not been demonstrated whether these syair were based on previous Malay translations in prose or on oral versions told by storytellers. As regards the story told in the syair by Lie Kim Hok it differs greatly from that by Salihat. For influences through themes from literatures of the Middle East countries, see notably, Russel Jones, Hikayat Sultan Ibrahim ibn Adham (Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1984), pp. 12–14, 31–35 and 248–51. 45. In fact in course of the translation he made some attempts to retell the story in verse but after a few stanzas he admitted that the task was beyond him. 46. John B. Kwee, “Chinese Malay Literature of the Peranakan Chinese in Indonesia 1880–1942”, Ph.D. Thesis, The University of Auckland, 1977, p. VII. 47. See Conrad William Watson, “Sair Nona Fientje de Feniks, An Example of Popular Indonesian Fiction in the First Quarter of the Century”, Asian Survey XII, no. 1 (April 1974): 129. 48. Y.W. Ma, “The Chinese Historical Novel: An Outline of Themes and Contexts”, Journal of Asian Studies XXXIV, no. 2 (February 1975): 283.

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WRITINGS IN ROMANIZED MALAY BY THE CHINESE OF MALAYA A PRELIMINARY INQUIRY Claudine Salmon

Over the centuries some of the Chinese emigrants who left home hoping to return to their native land one day, for various reasons settled for good in the countries of the “South Seas” and married local women. Their descendants gradually formed mixed communities which sometimes tended to live a self-contained life, cut off from the local population because they were grouped in certain districts in the towns, and from the Chinese who arrived after them and whose economic situation was incomparably more wretched than that of the merchant communities. The members of these and sometimes also as Peranakan1 all communities, known as Baba over the Malay Peninsula, were from Malacca. Throughout the nineteenth century they migrated to other centres in Malaya, in particular to Penang and Singapore, where they became the trading elite, until they were supplanted at the turn of the century by merchants from China. One characteristic of this society of Chinese descent was that it often gave up using written, and even spoken, Chinese and turned to Malay instead. Many studies have been made of the historical, sociological and linguistic aspects of the communities,2 but apparently until the late 1970s nobody had raised the question of how, and to what extent these communities felt the need to create a literature in Malay. In 1969 Png Pohseng, in an article entitled “The Straits Chinese in Singapore: A Case of Local Identity and Socio-cultural Accomodation”3 avoided the question, when he wrote:

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Baba Malay was little more than a spoken language. When it came to reading and writing the Straits Chinese turned to English. A few did try their hand at writing romanized Baba Malay, including the translation of Chinese historical romances such as the San-kuo and Christian hymns for use in Protestant churches, but no substantial literature emerged in that medium.

The translation of the Sanguo or “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” , a Chinese from mentioned here was the work of Chan Kim Boon Penang; it was in thirty volumes and appeared between 1892 and 1896. In our view, the scale of this translation, which was 4,622 pages long, suggests that a reading public existed and that the question of “Sino-Malay” literature, consisting either of translations or original works, cannot be brushed aside so quickly. Information is hard to come by. English speaking Chinese despised these writings and those who still used their mother tongue and read the Chinese originals knew nothing about them,4 so that until recently little space had been devoted to them in public libraries. When we passed through Singapore in 1972, we found nine volumes dating from the 1930s in the general catalogue of the National Library. In 1975 we noticed that other works had been acquired, some of which were older, proving that there is still hope of finding private collections.5 During a brief visit to the Oriental Department of the British Library in 1975, Dr G.B. Marrison and Mr Aboe Hassan told us of the existence of a small collection of “Sino-Malay” texts, the majority of which were published in Singapore. In the spring of 1976, with the help of Mr Aboe Hassan, whom we would like to thank most particularly here, we were able to make a list of all the works (sixty-three altogether) whose titles were mingled with the other entries in the general catalogue of the Malay section. During a short stay in Singapore in the summer of the same year, acting on the advice of Dr Yusuf Talib, we made an extensive survey of the Straits Settlements Government Gazette which gives an annual list of local publications from 1886 onwards, and found a few titles of works which were not recorded elsewhere. Before giving a list, in alphabetical order, of all the texts traced so far,6 we would like to make a few remarks about these writings. Our observations are of course provisional, as naturally the discovery of new texts could invalidate them.

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1. Birth and Early Development of Literature in Malay by Chinese Living in the Peninsula (1889–c. 1920) J.D. Vaughan, who held posts in Penang and Singapore in the middle of the nineteenth century wrote a study on the Peranakan Chinese which appeared in 1879,7 in which he mentions the predilection of the Baba in Malacca for the pantun and the lagu, which they improvised, accompanying themselves on, musical instruments. He does not say, however, whether these songs and poems were already in, print or whether they were in manuscript form or quite simply learned by heart, as is still the case at the moment.8 English speaking Chinese like Tan Teck Son and Chia Cheng Sit who a few years later spoke most critically of the translations in romanized Malay do not provide any more details about the appearance of the earliest printed works.9 We know, however, that in the middle of the nineteenth century at least, romanized Malay was read by Peranakan Chinese converts to Christianity. B.P. Keasberry, a missionary who arrived in Singapore in about 1838, learned Malay from Abdullah Munshi and then opened a school where he taught in Malay until his death in 1875. He used to preach in Malay to his Chinese congregation and translated several pamphlets into Malay for his flock, which he printed on his own press. Malay was apparently used for a long time alongside English in religious services for Peranakan Chinese and Mr Phillips (died 1904), a British resident who lived for a long time in Singapore, was famous for his translations of numerous hymns into Malay for the use of the Chinese congregation.10 This suggests that apart from a privileged minority who had access to English education,11 the majority of Peranakan Chinese, and above all the women, had scarcely any other language but Malay until the beginning of the twentieth century. Early Works So far we have not found any documentary evidence indicating when the Peranakan began to have works printed. We therefore have to fall back on the information yielded by the corpus of works recorded. The oldest texts, of which there are nine, date from 1889 and were published in Singapore by four different publishers, at least three of whom, judging by Press, Koh Yew Hean their names, were Chinese: Poo Wah Hean

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Press,12 Kim Sek Chye Press and the Mercantile Press. One of these texts is a collection of pantun. [44] Although the author’s name, Mohamad Bin Moor Ta Kup, sounds slightly strange, the the poems contain several references to the Chinese which suggest that he was a Peranakan convert to Islam. Seven other short works, varying in length between 61 and 274 pages, are translations, often incomplete, of well-known Chinese novels and short or “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, stories: Sanguo yanyi “The Plum-tree Flowers Twice”, [61] Bao gong’an [11] Erdu mei or “Cases of Judge Bao”, [62] Zhong jie yi , “Loyalty and “The Story of the Oil Integrity” combined with Mai you lang “Wonders New and Old”, [62] Fan Peddler”, [10] Jingu qiguan , or “The Revolt against the Tang Dynasty” [63] (see Tang yanyi or “The Thunder Peak Pagoda”. [60] The Plate 30) and Leifeng ta ninth, which is unidentified [46], seems to be the translation of a popular illustrated short story, printed in a rough and ready way, of the sort still to be found in Taiwan a few years ago. (See Plate 31.) or “Stupid Husbands” Six short stories entitled Gong Kiah Sie [19] show how wives take advantage of their husbands. In the case of the six short stories no translator’s name is given; the seven earlier translations ] and Tan Beng emanate from two translators, Chek Swee Liong [ . We know nothing about the first of the two. Song Ong Siang13 Teck tells us all we know about Tan Beng Teck: he was born in Malaysia and directed the Chip Hock Co., specialized in wine and food, in partnership with E. Chip Hock, before going to Japan. When he came back, he was one of the first Singapore merchants to deal in Japanese products (China, lacquerware and copperware), but his business failed. Judging from their translations both Chek Swee Liong and Tan Beng Teck seem to have been rather conscientious. Chek provided his Sanguo translation with an interesting glossary of some sixty-nine expressions given in Bahasa Malayu halus batul or “refined Malay” with equivalent terms in Bahasa Malayu Jawi Pakan or “the Malay spoken by the descendants of Moslems settlers” and in Bahasa China Jawi Peranakan or Peranakan Chinese Malay. It means that the translator who was using himself what he defined as “refined Malay” did not expect his readers — Chinese or Moslem Peranakan — to understand his language completely. Moreover his translation, as well as those by Tan Beng Teck, are embellished with poems or syair both to introduce the story and each chapter. They are no translations but creations by the translators themselves. This habit was to be abandoned by later translators.

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It is interesting to note this varied selection of works for the year 1889 alone; it is reminiscent of the beginning of the great Sino-Malay literary movement which began in Java in about 1880, particularly as regards the choice of texts. It even suggests the possibility that the two movements were connected. Novels translated in 1889 had previously appeared in Java between 1883 and 1886. But none of the above-mentioned translations contain any introductory note providing information on the way they were initiated.14 As far as the distribution was concerned, one of the works [19] contains the names of the three agents in Singapore, one at Kampung Glam (in the northern district of Singapore) and yet another in Malacca. A Few Representative Figures , pen name Batu Gantong . Chan Kim Chan Kim Boon Boon emerged as a translator during the years that followed. He was born into a merchant family in Penang in 1851; his father, Chan Yong Chuan traded with Padang (Sumatra). He went to the local Free School where the schooling was in English, and at the same time learned Chinese with a private tutor, as was customary among some of the Baba of Penang. After that he went to China to continue his education at the Fuzhou Naval School (Fujian); in 1867 he became an assistant tutor in mathematics and from 1867 to 1871 he studied military tactics, but owing to bad health he gave up his naval career. Then having been told by a fortune-teller that his days were numbered, he decided to leave Fuzhou in January 1872. He returned to Penang on a visit to his widowed mother and in March of the same year he joined the Singapore firm of Aitken & Rodyk (subsequently Donaldson & Burkingshaw, advocates and solicitors) as book-keeper and cashier. He died in Singapore in 1920.15 Chan proved to have been greatly interested in the local cultural life. We find his name attached to the Celestial Reasoning Association launched in 1882 at the house of the Chinese Consul with the aim of improving members’ English and encouraging learning and morality. By 1893 at least he had been appointed councillor of that society.16 He was given the same position in the Chinese Philomatic Society ) created by Lim Boon Keng in 1896. The following (haoxue hui year along with Chua Sam Teong he even gave a lecture on “Prehistoric Chinese Rulers” at the premises of the latter.17 If we believe the postface by Tan Kheam Hock to the translation (who reigned of Fan Tang yanyi [1] about Empress Wu Zetian from 684 to 705), Chan Kim Boon, who from then on used the pen-

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name Batu Gantong (the name of his native village) was approached by Cheah Ann Siang and Cheah Choo Yew who asked him to complete the translation of the Fan Tang yanyi begun in 1889 by Tan Beng Teck before his trip to Japan, and whose readers were waiting impatiently for the end. Chan Kim Boon accepted the proposal, and got Tan Kheam Hock (1862–1922), a friend from Penang and a former pupil of the same Free School, as well as Cheah Choo Yew, to help him.18 Tan Kheam Hock, who called himself the Assistant of Batu Gantung, also helped with some of the later translations. In the last instalment of the translation of the Fan Tang yanyi, published in 1892, which was the year that the first volumes of “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms” appeared, Batu Gantong gave his readers a list of the translations he intended to do once the Sanguo was finished; there were sixteen titles altogether.19 We do not know how many were completed, because so far we have traced only two of the works on the list: the Shuihu , “The Water Margin” [5] and the Xiyou ji, “Record of a zhuan Journey to the West” or “Monkey” [7]. We are however indebted to him or “The Story of the Five for a translation of the Wumei yuan Beauties” [2] in six volumes, which appeared in 1891–92. Batu Gantong was a most conscientious translator, as a glance at his version of “The Three Kingdoms” reveals. He included lists at the beginning of several instalments, giving Chinese expressions used in the Malay version, with a translation or an explanation in Malay and sometimes in English as well; he also took the trouble to convert the dates of the original to bring them in line with the Christian calendar. He wrote footnotes as well, and from volume 10 onwards gave the Chinese characters for proper names, titles and functions. He also made plentiful illustrations for the thirty volumes. Moreover following a custom introduced by Chek Swee Liong and Tan Beng Teck, at the beginning of the instalments he wrote poems, in English. Some were merely aimed at attracting readers, like this one: The Voice of Sam Kok: I’am a lovely little thing, Coming monthly from the print, In me there are to be found, Thirty volumes all well bound. The history that I told Is of the Three States of Old,

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‘T is household tale ’mong Babas. To children told by papas! In tongue-Malay I chatter, And Romans in character. Thus, you’ll not be laid astray, But known in every way. The money on me you spend, My contents will make it mend, For all I hold and contain, Are treasures worth to maintain! Thanks, friends and gentlemen, do Who, their good wishes sent to Batu Gantong; my master, Whom I style a professor!( … )20

Some others where more serious in tone and laid emphasis on the value of the service rendered to his countrymen, such as this: Batu Gantong’s Soliloquy: Light of renowned Khong Beng! may it shine21 On land remote — The Straits May it impart doctrines divine Or knowledge of Three States. Oh the times! when Siok, Gwi, Gor Played so a part On the World’s stage none of us e’er saw, Either the end or the start. Glorious will my service be To Straits-born foes and friends, Whose hearts will I tickle to glee If success crowns my ends. Ambition, honor, I don’t seek, Nor way to fame my claim, My cherished object — plain to speak Is not money, nor name.

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Why tarry? Here then goes my pen, Here burns the mid-night oil, Hurrah! as — much as volume ten, Has good fruits borne my toil. Praises poured in from e’vry side, Methinks, in air I stand; Brains ransacked, hundred books my guide, Great is the work on hand. Speed on, Ah, how my eyes they pain, Haik! the same feels my purse. A hole, a hole! out my funds drain, It is fortune reverse. Friends! Readers! please my pockets mend, Save me from bankrupt’s mise; My works please largely recommend, Prove you “Sam Kok” admire. 12 September 189322

The response of the readers to the Sanguo translation was apparently very positive. Judging by the letters of congratulations written to Batu Gantong in English, Chinese and Malay, which he carefully included in each instalment of his translation, his work was greatly appreciated. Among those in English there is one which especially deserves to be quoted here because it was sent by Ang Boon Kian, a colleague of Batu Gantong, and provides valuable information on the pain taken by the translator to produce his work: To my Fellow-readers, Ladies & Gentlemen, By the foregoing letter, you will please observe that I have had the permission from my benefactor of saying in a few words what I (who is an office-mate and an eye-witness to all his doings in the translationtasks) know. To make what a “Sam Kok” in the Romanised Malay is, is a work within the rearch of only the very fewest of the few really learned! The task of such a work is (without auta!) as if it were to remove a mountain. The time occupied and attention paid in the translations of the volumes are extremely tedious so much so that if one, be he ever so bulky and fat as an elephant, were to go on with these works without intermission, he will in no time (without further auta!!) be reduced to the skeleton of a

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mouse!! And the corrections of the proofs, First (Another Wayang,23 that goes to and fro!), a First-proof; Second, a clean-proof; and the Third, a Press-proof; the works or rather botheration of these alone were (without more auta!!!) as if it were to count one by one the blades of grass on the Esplanade!!! Am not joking, my dear! but am telling you the true facts, so you see, what a vast amount of toil and trouble, our dear Mr Chan Kim Boon has had to surmount! For the great energy and indefatigable exertions which he has brought to bear, in perfecting his “Sam Kok” is my best pleading for bringing the matter to your notice. Begging that each and all of you, my co-and kind Readers to give every encouragement to one, who so richly deserves it, and anxiously awaiting to hear your views later on. I beg to remain Ladies & Gentlemen, The Sam Kok’s much esteemed Reader. Ang Boon Kian.24

Another letter written by Batu Lanchung reveals that the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” could also be regarded as a piece of history and as such be recommanded as a useful book for the local readers as well as those living in other parts of the world: Your illustrated “Sam Kok Book” is in fact what it claims to be, a valuable History of China useful for Babas and other natives, who know the Malay language. The clearness of its types, the careful selection and arrangement of its lesson, the variety and beauty of the illustrations, as also the great number of references pointed out from the Old History, make it very desirable to see your Sam Kok Book before the world. I earnestly desire to see it used in all parts of the world.25

It should be noted here that in Java the first complete translation of the Sanguo did not appear until 1910.26 As regards the letters of praise written in Chinese it is worth mentioning that some of them emanate from former students of Chan Kim Boon when he was teaching mathematics in Fuzhou.27 However we note that Batu Gantong also received, in October 1893, a word of praise by Lu Weiqing a native of Panyu in Guangdong who had just passed the examination in 1892.28 jinshi Lim Hock Chee. Lim Hock Chee [ ] must also be mentioned; he was a poet as well as a translator. He produced a version of the Wanhua or “Pavilion of the 10,000 Flowers” [38], a novel about lou of the Song dynasty, which was published by the General Di Qing Denodaya publishing house in 1890, and a collection of poems which

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appeared in the same year [37]. The latter is interesting mainly because of its contents. In an introductory poem, the author hints that he is not a native of Singapore: “Like a bird without a nest, I crossed the sea coming from another country” (Sa bagi burong tidak ba-sarang. Dari lain negri datang menyabrang.) He then says he is going to tell his story by means of references to the Sahyir burong or “Poem of the Bird”, a syair which takes up many of the well-known themes in the famous Syair burung nuri, a Malay poem of which several versions exist.29 At the end, the author tells us that the “bird”, which is without any doubt himself, came from Aceh: Burong terbang dari Acheh, Baik patok bunga per-paia; Terkarang dari Lim Hock Chee, Yang punya chap Sam Kong Cheah.” The bird flew from Aceh, In order to peck the marsh flower;30 Composed by Lim Hock Chee, Sole proprietor Sam Kong Cheah.”

Lim Hock Chee sold his manuscript to Sam Kong Cheah, who acted as his publisher. In other cases, it was usual for the author to make it clear that he maintained his rights by means of different terms; that used by Batu Gantong, for example, was adapted from the English “sole proprietor”. . Na Tian Piet was also a Peranakan from elsewhere. Na Tian Piet He was born in Bencoolen in about 1836, lived for a time in Riau, then traded at Aceh for a time during the famous war, and later at Deli; he eventually settled in Singapore with his family, as he tells us himself.31 Song Ong Siang says he was also a militant Christian.32 We have a long and extremely interesting poem by him, which appeared in 1896, entitled Shaer Almarhoem Beginda Sultan Abubakar di Negri Johor [45]. In it he gives extremely lively and detailed accounts, first of the wedding of the Sultan’s daughter in 1894 and of the ceremony to which he was invited personally, and secondly of the illness, death and grandiose funeral of Sultan Abubakar (1895). This syair gives an insight into the possible links existing between the Chinese Peranakan and the Malay sultans, and also provides information on the pomp and the tastes of this world of princes at the end of the nineteenth century. Judging by his spelling, Na Tian Piet was without doubt educated in the Dutch East Indies; the language

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he uses is different from that of Peranakan authors in Malaysia. He says, furthermore, that when in Singapore, he wrote for Malay newspapers in Java, in particular the Pembrita Betawi, under the pseudonym of Kalam Langit or “Celestial Pen”, which is simply the translation of his own name, Tian Piet (Tianbi).33 The Pioneers of the Sino-Malay Press The links between the Malays and the Chinese also appear through the press. When in 1894 Song Ong Siang, with the help of Tan Boon Chin, launched a newspaper in romanized Malay entitled Bintang Timor,34 he was given encouragement and financial help by Datu Bintara Luar of Johore, one of the sons of Abdullah Munshi. The aim of the paper, which ran to 200 copies and was a daily paper for a time, before appearing twice weekly, was to provide the Baba with an education in general knowledge as well as in language, by using better Malay than that in daily use among the Chinese. It published stories as serials as well as many poems or syair apparently emanating from Peranakan writers. Financial reasons forced the paper to stop publication a year after it was founded, however.35 Song Ong Siang made a further attempt in 1897, in English, which seemed to be more successful, because he kept the Straits Chinese Magazine, a weekly publication, going until 1907. Another attempt was made, with equally little success, apparently, in 1894: the Straits Chinese Herald, Surat Khabar Peranakan that appeared in Singapore. Judging by the copies at the Singapore National Library, it had no cultural ambitions; its aim was to provide news items, information and economic news for the Singapore merchants. It was also aimed at helping the readers to acquire some knowledge of English. The languages used were Malay and English, the first being mostly for reports and stories, while the last was for advertisements. It is interesting to notice that in 1908 the revolutionaries eager to preach revolution among the Peranakan produced for them a revolutionary paper . Apparently it in romanized Malay and entitled Chahaya Matahari did not last very long. So far no specimen of this paper has been traced.36 In 1910 Goh Cheng Lim who was in the shipping business launched a weekly periodical in romanized Malay in Singapore, entitled Malaysia Advocate; it aimed at educating the Malay speaking Chinese by giving them news of the outside world giving emphasis to the progress of different peoples. The paper also included literary works by Peranakan, and particularly poems.

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Goh Cheng Lim had to cease publication however for the same reasons that prevented Song Ong Siang from continuing the Bintang Timor.37 Other Translations and Poems Chinese writers were still attracted by Malay, however. Several translations of novels appeared between 1899 and 1922. An interesting translation by ] was published in 1899 with beautiful drawings Pang Teck Joon [ and his adopted son Shang to illustrate it, telling the story of Xuemei [46] which was very well known in South China and Taiwan; the Lu same story was translated in Java in 1886.38 The same translator, about whom nothing is known, also translated three other stories [47, 48, 49]. One of them is presented by the translator as being a sequel to Chrita… Chin Suat Buay [47], but in fact the two are not related.39 The historical [32] set during the Tang dynasty, and novels Luo Tong sao bei [33] in which the action takes place under the Sanhe baojian ]; new adaptations appeared Han were adapted by Lau Kim Lok [ [12] of “The Oil Peddler”, a story taken from the Jingu qiguan [13], both of which had and of a short story entitled Zhong jie yi already been translated in 1889 [10] [62] which suggest that they were appreciated by the reading public. ] acting secretary of the Chinese Directory & Siow Hay Yam [ Press Ltd who later on was associated with the publishing of papers like Kabar Uchapan Baru (1926) and Kabar Bintang Timor News (1930) (see below) appears to have been an active translator. In 1921 he published a [58] which is about the military expeditions translation of Zheng xi , the son of Xue Rengui. According to Teo Lay of Xue Dingshan [22] which Teen40 the translations of Xue Rengui zheng dong appeared anonymously in 1922 and was also published by the Chinese Directory & Press was most probably also translated by Siow Hay Yam. The following years he produced other translations which appeared in book form [59] as well as in series in the press. The Baba still enjoyed improvization and in 1910 the “Gunung Sayang Association” was created in Singapore; its aim was to hold meetings on certain days, generally at weekends, for people interested in singing poems together (Dondang Sayang). At the same time, written poetry developed. Various collections of poems, pantun or syair, by Koh Hun Teck [27] [30] appeared in Singapore in 1911–16; Tan Pow Tek from Klang [66] brought out a collection in Kuala Lumpur in 1916, and another appeared in

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Penang in 1924, signed H.S.L. [21]; these three initials remind us of three poets namely: Boey Teik Huat, Lee Eng Seng ahd Lim H. Louis who also produced another book together [40]. Tan Pow Teck’s collection contains an introduction in English and Malay, which says that the author, encouraged by the excellent reception given to his poems from 1908 onwards by the readers of Chaya Mata Hari and the Malaysia Advocate, decided to publish a collection of them in a separate volume. One poem, on the perils of wearing the queue, [18] describes the dangers involved for Peranakan in maintaining this custom. It is also interesting to note the explanations, in Malay, of little known terms used in the poems, showing once more the urge to educate their fellows which was common to all these authors. The volume [21] published in Penang has a curious feature: it gives the music of sixteen tunes, with titles like Kronchong Prianger, Kronchong Singapore, Stambul satu, Stambul dua, etc. The fact that these volumes were published outside Singapore suggests that Chinese writings in Malay must have developed among the Peranakan in Penang, Kuala Lumpur and no doubt Malacca as well. A collection of pantun published in Singapore in 1929 was attributed to an author from Malacca, Lim Hock Soon [39]; his work was revised by T.T. Wee, and it is perhaps interesting to note that a Moslem, Hussain Bin Haji Mohd. Said, was the agent. In 1916, an adaptation of a well-known Malay story of Abu Nawas [15] appeared. The introduction states that the story was written in romanized Malay at the request of Baba who had heard of it and wanted to read it. It was very popular; a second edition came out in the following year, with the addition of a few poems [16]. In the 1920s, however, both the Straits Settlement Government Gazette and the libraries show a drop in publications which lasted until 1930; from then on there was a recrudescence of Chinese literature in Malay. 2. Recrudescence — c. 1930–42 During this period certain Baba made a noticeable effort to develop literature and the press. Several of them specialized in translations and sold their manuscripts to publishers: Wee Chin Ek had his work published by the ] and his assistant Lee Seng Poh Lim Eng Ho Co., Khoo Peng Yam [ had their writings published by the Nanyang Romanized Book Co., while Seow Phee Tor and Seow Chin San worked for the publisher Wan Boon Seng from time to time. Other publishers, such as D.T. Lim, who gave a list of books for sale on the back of his publications, also became

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agents for Sino-Malay publications from Java.41 The majority of these works were translations of Chinese novels, though there were also short stories written in Malay, set in Javanese society, which was apparently a new genre for the Baba of Malaya. The lists included a very popular SinoMalay magazine, Liberty, founded in East Java in 1928 by the writer and journalist Ong Ping Lok. It is not known how these works were received; the language used was probably not always easy for the Straits Baba to understand. In 1931 a Singapore publisher who brought out a Malay translation of a Chinese novel pointed out in an advertisement [68] that it has been translated “directly from Chinese” and that “it was not a copy of the translation which appeared earlier in Java” (smua-nya di salin-kan trus deri kok-chek, bukan copy deri buku Jawa Romanized Malay), which was presumably an advantage in the eyes of the readers. The Role of Wan Boon Seng (pen-name: Panah Peranakan) is a good example Wan Boon Seng of the Peranakan who were anxious to develop Sino-Malay culture. In 1924 he and Goh Cheng Lim, the former director of the Malaysia Advocate (see above) launched a daily newspaper called Kabar Slalu with the aim of educating the Peranakan. It contained information on current events and translations of Chinese novels, generally written by Siow Hay Yam, such as Chrita Ular Putay sama ular Itam (previously translated by Tan Beng Teck in 1889) [60] and Chrita Mwee Liang Geok or Jee Toh Moey (also translated by Tan Beng Teck also in 1889 [61]. The newspaper apparently lasted only a very short time. The Singapore National Library contains only the issues from 5 January to 16 May 1924. But in October 1930 he started in Singapore a new periodical called Bintang Pranakan, Straits Born Chinese Romanized Weekly.42 In the first number, he gave some idea of his aims. He stated his loyalty to the British flag, for, as he said: We Peranakan Tionghoa of British Malaysia belong to the Chinese nation, but we were born in this country and for this reason we are True British Subjects.

He then went on to explain the aims of his paper. First of all, he wanted to prove that the Peranakan were capable of supporting their own paper, which suggests that all the other attempts had been short-lived, and that

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the Kabar Uchapan Baru, a weekly periodical launched in Singapore on 4 February 1926 with the collaboration of Siow Hay Yam and the Perdagangan, another Sino-Malay newspaper launched in January 1928 by Liem Koen Liang, had ceased publication. He also wanted to help Baba who had neglected the study of English (kurang hati fasal plajaran surat Inggris) and consequently were unable to read English newspapers. This is interesting because it shows that in 1930 there were still Peranakan who could only read Malay. The paper gave news of the outside world and the economic life of Malaya. There were also sections on sport, health, and activities of clubs and associations. One or two Chinese novels were given in serial form and a few authors published their pantun. The serialized novels were later published in book form and were widely advertised by the newspaper. The first page of the Bintang Pranakan had a star shooting fire in the centre of the page, at the top, and below that Malaya was represented symbolically by its economic riches: a sack of tin in the centre, flanked by a rubber tree to the right and a palm tree to the left, with a lion and a tiger on either side. The Bintang Pranakan seems to have lasted only a short time, for in April 1932 Wan Boon Seng launched another weekly periodical, the Sri Peranakan, in Singapore, with similar contents, mainly composed of news and Chinese novels in serial form.43 We read on the cover that the weekly was circulated throughout British Malaya, Dutch East Indies, Siam, Saigon and Sarawak. We may suppose however that Wan Boon Seng was appreciated by his readers, because he was also known in literary circles as publisher, translator and author of pantun. In his capacity as publisher he wrote several prefaces to translations from the Chinese in which he exhorted his fellows to give money to support his publications. He was struck by the literary movement among the Peranakan of Java, and perhaps even more so by their translations of Chinese novels, and his intention was to rival them in this domain and show that the Baba of Malaya were just as good as they were. According to his own words, in 1931 no one in the Peninsula, apart from him, bothered to translate Chinese novels into Malay. This sort of statement is not entirely to be relied on, however, as its chief aim was to advertise his own publications. However this may be, Wan Boon Seng certainly played an important role until about 1940 and probably after the war too. The Singapore National Library possesses translated and published by him a Malay version of San baojian in 1950 [91].

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Renewal of Interest in Translations of Chinese Novels Out of all the publications which appeared between 1930 and 1942, there are only a few collections of poems by Wan Boon Seng [87, 88, 89, 90] and one attributed to Batu Gantong [9]. Separate mention should be made of an original short story which appeared in 1933 in Malacca, and which was set in Chinese Peranakan circles in Malaysia [20]. The author, Hakim Taib, explained in the introduction that he wrote the story at the request of some of his Baba friends who were fond of Malay novels; he said that another instalment would follow. This attempt, whether its author was an Arab, a Malay or a Chinese Peranakan, is interesting and proves that there was at least an embryo of fictional literature whose source was Baba society. The Straits Settlement Government Gazette mentions a “composed story” by Lim Soon Seng which appeared in Penang in 1931 [42]. The majority of the works listed are translations from Chinese. Many of them are historical novels, the most famous of which is the Sanguo translated by Chan Kim Boon and re-edited by his son Chan Yen P’ai [4]. There is also another series of novels less known by people in the West, but extremely popular in the past, which retraced the main episodes in Chinese history, though transposing them slightly. Examples of this type or “The Romance of the Investiture of are the Feng shen yanyi the Gods” [51, 52, 75, 78] which is set at the end of the Shang dynasty and describes fantastic battles; two novels set at the end of the Warring Kingdoms, with the famous hero Sun Bin: the Hou lieguo zhi , also called the Fengjian chunqiu or “The Spring and Autumn of Spears and Swords” [69], and the Dongqi lieguo [70]; the history of the Western Han told in the Xihan yanyi [71]; the Wang Zhaojun he fan [24], which tells the famous story of Princess Wang Zhaojun (1st century B.C.) who was given in marriage to the chief of the Huns; and the Sanhe mingzhu baojian [31] set under Emperor Wendi of the Han. Among the novels concerning the Tang dynasty there are the translations of the Fan tang yanyi [92], Lü mudan or “The Green Peony” [80] and Fenzhuang lou or “The Story of a Boudoir” [77]. The Song dynasty is represented first of all by a “chanson de geste” about Zhao Kuangyin, the founder of the dynasty [84] and by the deeds of military leaders like Yue Fei in the novel called Jingzhong shuo yue [56], or General Di Qing in Di Qing zheng bei [79], and the imaginary campaigns of Yang Wenguang in south Fujian (Yang Wenguang ping nanmin ) [76]. The Ming era is also celebrated; the beginnings of the dynasty are related in Choutou

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Hongwu jun [26], and the travels of Emperor Zhengde in the [54]. The Qing dynasty South in Zhengde jun you jiangnan is illustrated by the rebellion of Hong Xiuquan [41]. Two other genres should also be mentioned, the first of which, stories “The Cause of the fantastic, is represented by the Sanguo yin (of the Appearance) of the Three Kingdoms” [50], a novel telling how a , also called mortal man went down to hell, and the Jigong zhuan [34], relating the adventures of the monk the Jigong huofo Jigong who lived in Hangzhou under the Song. The second genre is that which portray righters of of martial novels (wuxia xiaoshuo), wrongs and attackers of injustice. One of these is the Qianlong you jiangnan [23] in which Emperor Qianlong himself appears as a righter of wrongs who does not hesitate to leave his palace to see what is going on in the country. Others of the same type are the Zhong Wuyan [35] which takes place at the time of the Warring Kingdoms,44 the Qijian or “Seven Swords and Thirteen Heroes” [85], shisanxia better known in Malaya under the name of one of the heroes Yizhimei , and the second instalment, Yizhimei ping shanzei or “Yizhimei Pacifies the Moutain Bandits” [86], and lastly Bamei tu [17] which features eight women of the Song dynasty who were highly accomplished in the art of war. Conclusion It is clear from this analysis that over fifty years the Peranakan readers in Malaya have been offered a choice of translations reminiscent of that available to the Peranakan in Java, though less extensive, and at the same time rich enough to suggest that a certain curiosity existed as regards the traditional ancestral culture. Thousands of pages have been read by the Peranakan Chinese, apparently with great enjoyment. When the earliest publications appeared, between 200 and 500 copies of each were printed; in the 1930s each publication ran to as many as 2,000 as shown by the Straits Settlements Government Gazette. These observations are enough to justify the study of the literature, whatever one’s views as to its value may be. The texts should not be approached from the standpoint of the literary critic, because the reader would probably be disappointed, but from that of a linguist or a historian. The language of the Baba is extremely interesting, and the historian will find material on which to base an analysis of how an uprooted minority group recreates its own culture, how it lives out its

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links with its native country, how it takes possession of its history, and how it looks on the present. These texts considered here enabled us to see that the Baba took certain poetic forms from Malay (syair, pantun) and also a few stories such as that of Burung Nuri and Abu Nawas; at the same time they took possession of Chinese history, albeit a rather mythical history with few links with the present. Most “Intellectuals” have shown a tendency to express themselves in the language in which they were educated, either English or Chinese, so that Malay tended to be the language of the man in the street among the Peranakan until the end of the period under consideration. It would be interesting to know what the Chinese attitude to Malay has been since the end of World War II, and how they use it. Malay has probably lost some ground within the Chinese community in Singapore, in any case, and yet several of the present specialists in Malay literature are scholars of Chinese origin.45 In 1961 one of them even translated into ’s “Chapters from a Floating Life” ( ). His Malay Shen Fu translation however is based on the English rendition by Shirly M. Black.46 Two years later appeared in Singapore a syair or poem retelling the story and Zhu Yingtai .47 But it seems that in of Liang Shanbo the late 1970s the Singapore “Gunung Sayang Association” was about to disappear, Mr Gwee Peng Kwee who had written innumerable poems which are unfortunately still in manuscript form, is probably one of the last members at present, and his pantun, which are still sometimes sung on the radio, are composed by him alone.48 3. List of Works in Romanized Malay by the Chinese of the Malay Peninsula 1. Batu Gantong (pen name of Chan Kim Boon ), sama Lee Tan , Chrita dulu kala dari pasal Hong Keow di jaman Tong Teow sama turon-kan dari buku “Hwan Tong” , Singapore, 8 v. (Ancient Story about Fengjiao and Chew Teow Li Dan during the Time of the Tang and Zhou Dynasties, Translated from the Book Fan Tang or “Revolt against the Tang Dynasty”). The first three volumes had previously been translated by Tan Beng Teck ] (which see). Chan Kim Boon took up the translation from the [ point where Tan Beng Teck left off, and firstly published the volumes four to eight from 1891 to 1892; these five volumes were printed by the Lat Pau Press. Later on Chan decided to revise Tan Beng Teck’s translation and to have it published by the Kim Sek Chye Press from

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1892 to 1893. In a preface he explains that in order to follow the original pagination he decided not to reintroduce the passages omitted by Tan Beng Teck. In his task Chan was assisted successively by Cheah Choo (v. 6–8 and 3). Yew (v. 4–5) and by Tan Kheam Hock   2. –, Chrita dahulu-kala nama-nya Gnoh Bee Yean (orang lima , Singapore, Kim Sek Chye Press, bini) di jaman Beng Teow (Ancient 1891–92, 6 v., 620 p., illustr. by Tan Phai Kong Story Entitled Wumei yuan or “The Five Beauties” [The Five Wives’ Man], during the Ming Dynasty). Chan was assisted by Tan Kheam . Hock   3. –, Chrita dahulu-kala nama-nya Sam Kok atau Tiga Negri sama Gor , dijanzan “Han Teow” berprang: Siok , Gwi , Singapore, Kim Sek Chye Press, 1892–96, 30 v., 4622 p., illustr., glossaries. (Ancient Story Entitled Sanguo or the Three Kingdoms at War: Shu, Wei and Wu during the Han Dynasty). Chan Kim Boon was and Tan Kheam Hock . assisted by Chia Ann Siang   4. –, New edition, made on the initiative of his eldest son Chan Yen P’ai , Singapore, Fang Heng Printing Press, 1932.   5. –, Chrita dahulu-kala di triak Song Kang atau 108 p’rompak, , di zaman Song Teow , Singapore, Lim Kim atau Swi Hnoh Poh, 1899–1902, 19 v. (Ancient Story Entitled Song Jiang or the 108 Robbers, or Shuihu, “Water Margin”, during the Song Dynasty).   6. –, Song Kang atau perkumpulan 108 p’rompak yang paling gaga di zaman Song Teow tempu karajaan Jin Chong, Singapore, D.T. Lim, Second ed., ca. 1934.   7 –, Chrita Seh Yew pasal Hou chey thian di zaman tandun, pergi di negri Seh Thian chu keng dan Tong Thye Chu , di zaman Tong Teow , Singapore, Kim Sek Chye Press, 1911–13, 9 v. (Story of xiyou, “The Journey to the West”, about Monkey Equal to Heaven of the Immemorial Past, and Tang Taizi’s Pilgrimage to the West in order to Acquire the Sutras, during the Time of the Tang Dynasty).   8. –, New edition, Singapore, D.T. Lim 1933, made at the initiative of his eldest son Chan Yen P’ai.   9. –, Pantun Champor-Bawor (a variety of Malay Quatrains), dikumpolkan oleh–, Singapore, c. 1932. Boey Teik Huat, see Lim H. Louis. , see Batu Gantong. Chan Kim Boon 10. Chek Swee Liong [ ] dan Peng Swee & CO, Ini-lah . Charita dahulu kala yang bernama “Teong Chiat Ghee”

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Kesah “Pek Lee Hey” dangan anak bininya, disatukan dangan , charita “Mai Yeu Long” , kesah “Sey Oh Sip Wee” Singapore, Mercantile Press, 1889, 88 p., illustr. (This is an Ancient Story Called Zhong jie yi, “Loyalty and Integrity”, about Bai Lixi and his Wife and Child, Combined with Mai you lang, the Story of the Oil Peddler taken from the Collection entitled Xihu shiyi). 11. –, lni-lah yang Inya punya kasatu bijak lahsana dari charita kesah “Sam Kok” , Singapore, Mercantile Press, 1889, 1st ed., VI, 146 p., 40 illustr. (This is the Supreme Wisdom as it is described in the Sanguo, “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms”). 12. Cheong Guan Boon [ ], Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Mai di-salinkan dari Kim Koh Khi Kwan Yew Long” , Singapore, Kim Seck Chye Press, 1915, di-zaman Song Teow 1st ed., 116 p., Illustr. (Ancient Story entitled Mai you lang “The Oil Peddler” Taken from of Collection of Jingu qiguan, “Wonders New and Old”, that Occurs during the Song Dynasty). 13. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Tiong Chiat Ghee” di-salindi-zaman Chew Teow , Singapore, Kim kan dari Liat Kok Seck Chye Press, 1915, 100 p., illustr. (Ancient Story Entitled Zhong jie yi, “Loyalty and Integrity”, Taken from the Dongzhou lieguo zhi , The Romance of Eastern Zhou, juan 26). 14. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama Sum Hup Poh Kiam , di jeman , Singapore, Kim Seck Chye Press, 1916 (Ancient “Han Teow” Story entitled Sanhe baojian “The Triple Sword”, Set during the Han Dynasty). 15. Cherita Abu Nawas satu orang yang bijak, Singapore, Koh & Co, 1916, 1st ed., 48 p. (Story of Abu Nawas, an Astute Man). 16. Cherita Abu Nawas dan Cherita Rampay rampay, Singapore, Koh & Co, 1917, 88 + 54 p. (Story of Abu Nawas and other Tales). 17. Chew Tian Sang [ ], publisher & Khoo Peng Yam [ ] assistant publisher, Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Pat Bee Tor” , Singapore, Sang & Yam, 1931–32, 1st ed., di jeman Song Teow 4 v., 421 p. (Ancient Story entitled Bamei tu, “The Eight Beauties”, set during the Song Dynasty). , Being no. 1 of the Series of the Straits 18. Chreta Fasal Towchang Chinese Reforms Issued by the Straits Chinese Philomatic Society, Singapore, Straits Chinese Printing Office, 1899, 8 p. This is a short leaflet encouraging the Chinese to cut off their queues. , Charita 19. Eni-la kitub dolu (sic) kala dari pasal Gong Kiah Sie

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eni suda dikarang dari Negri China, Pasal orang yang talalu bodoh di dalam dunia. Charita eni suda di tiroonkan dari surat China yang bolay pangliborkan ati-orang, Singapore, Kim Sek Chye Press, 1889, 61 p., 5 illustr. (This is an Ancient Book about Stupid Husbands. This Story about the most stupid persons in the world was composed in China and is translated from the Chinese for the purpose of entertaining the readers). 20. Hakim Taib, Melor Peranakan, Malacca, Taman Penghiboran Co, 1933, 167 p. 21. H.S.L. (Boey Teik Huat, Lee Eng Seng, LIM H. Louis), Penghiboran hati dengan tulisan tulisan note note music seperti tersebut di bawa ini, Penang, 1924, XXX, 53 p. Poems by Straits-born Chinese with musical notation. 22. Ini Chrita dulu Kala dari zaman Tong Teow bernama See Jin Quee Cheng Tang (Pukul negri s’bla Timor), Singapore, Chinese Directory & Press Ltd, 2nd ed., 1922, 7 v. (Ancient Story Entitled Xue Rengui zheng dong, “Xue Regui’s Conquest of the East”, during the Tang Dynasty). This translation which appeared anonymously can be attributed to Siow Hay Yam, which see. 23. Khoo Peng Yam & Lee Seng Por, Chrita dahulu-kala bernama Khian di zeman Cheng Teow Leong Koon Yeow Kang Lam , Singapore, Nanyang Romanised Book Co, 1935–36, 1st ed., 27 vol, 861 p. (Ancient Story entitled Qianlong jun you jiangnan or “The Travels of Emperor Qianlong to South China”, during the Qing Dynasty). 24. –, Chrita dahulu kala bernama Ong Cheow Koon Hoe Huan di zaman Han Teow , Singapore, Nanyang Book Co, 1935–36, 1st ed., 14 v., 464 p., illustr. (Ancient Story entiled Wang Zhaojun he fan or “Wang Zhaojun and the Barbarians” and Set during the Han Dynasty). 25. –, Beng Leh Koon , Singapore, Nanyang Book Co, 1936, 14 v. The story of Meng Lijun was first serialized in The Story Teller, Fortnightly Romanised Malay Magazine, from v. I, no. 1, 30 June 1934 to n°.32, 12 Oct. 1935 under the title of Chrita dahulu kala bernama di zeman Guan Beng Leh Koon atau Cha Boh Chai Siang (Ancient Story entitled Meng Lijun or Cha Boh Chai Siang, Teow “The Lady Minister” and Set during the Yuan Dynasty). 26. –, Chrita dahulu kala bernama “Chow Thau Hong Boo Koon” , di zeman Guan Teow Buay , Singapore, Nanyang

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Romanised Malay Book Co, 1936, 18 v. 592 p. (Ancient Story Entitled Choutou Hongwu jun or “The Foul-headed Emperor Rongwu,” and Set at the End of the Yuan Dynasty). Koh Choon Kwang, see Lim Siew Him. 27. Koh Hun Teck ed., Panton Dondang Sayang Baba Pranakan, Singapore, Koh & Co, 1911–16, 1st ed., 5 v. (Love poems for Peranakan Chinese; with list of violin tunes). 28. –, 2nd ed., Singapore, Koh & Co, 1915–22. 29. –, 3rd ed., Singapore, Koh & Co, 1920–? 30. –, Cherita rampai-rampai dan panton Dondang Sayang, Singapore, Koh & Co, 1916, 1st ed., II, 32 p. Moral Stories and Poems. 31. Koh Johnny, Cherita dahulu kala Heng Guan Seo-chia , Singapore, Malaya Press, 1933, sama Mwee Liang Giok 100 p. (Ancient Story of Lady Xingyuan and Mei Liangyu). This story or “The Second is more commonly known as the Erdu mei Flowering of the Plum Trees”. 32. Lau Kim Kok [ ], Chrita dulu kala bernama Loh Thong Sau (Perang Utara), di zeman Tong Teow (Lee See Pak ), Singapore, 1907, v. 1, Siang Lok Press, v. 2–3, Kim Bin Sek Chye Press. (Ancient Story entitled Luo Tong sao bei, “Luo Tong Clears the North”, (The Northern War), During the Reign of Li Shimin of the Tang Dynasty). 33. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama Sum Hup Poh Kiam , di jeman , Singapore, The Union Press, 1912, 8 v. (Ancient Han Teow Story Entitled Sanhe baojian “The Triple Sword”, during the Han Dynasty). Lee Eng Seng, see Lim R. Louis. 34. Lee Seng Poh [ ] (Writer), Lim Chin Chye (Assistant), Tan ] (Chinese reader), Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Chay Yew Aik [ di zaman Lam-Song , tempu Hongtay Kong Wak-Hood” , Singapore, Chop Seng Poh Huat, 1935, 10 v. Koh Chong (Ancient Story Entitled Jigong huofo, “Jigong the Living Buddha”, that Occured during the Reign of Gaozong of the Southern Song). ] (Translator Pranakan China) & Ong Choon 35. Lee Seng Poh [ ] (Special Chinese reader), Chrita dahulu-kala bernama Teck [ ” atau Hong Hor muka biru, di zeman “Cheong Moh Inn , Singapore, Nanyang Malay Choon Chew Liat Kak Buay Romanised Book Co, 1938–39, 55 vol, 1759 p. (Ancient Story Entitled Zhong Wuyan or “The Blue-face Empress,” and Set during the End of the Period of Spring and Autumn and the Warring Kingdoms).

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36. –, Chrita dahulu kala bernama Tai Lau Sam Boon Kuay , , di zeman Beng Teow , Singapore, Nanyang atau Lee Kong Malay Romanised Book Co, 1939, 22 v. (Ancient Story Entitled Danao sanmen jie, “Uproar in the Three Doors Street”, or Li Guang, that is Set during the Ming Dynasty). ] and Wan Boon Seng Lee Seng Poh, see also Khoo Peng Yam [ . Lim Chin Chye, see Lee Seng Poh. Lim Eng Hock & Lim Eng Siang, see Yeoh Eng Seng. 37. Lim Hock Chee [ ], Buku. sahyer dan pantun Melayu, Sahyer burung, Sahyer mimpi dan Sahyer malam siang, S’klian Bunga di ranchak jadikan satu panyanyi-an sahyer buat panghiboorkan hati, Singapore, Denodaya Press, 1890, II, 89 p. Miscellaneous poems. 38. –, Ban Wah Lau , Charita dahulu kala pasal Tek Cheng , Zaman Hongtay Song Chin Chong dan Jin Chong , turunan Song Teow yang ke-dua, Singapore, Denodaya Press, 1890, 8 v. (Wanhua lou, “The Pavilion of the 10,000 Flowers”, An Ancient Story about Di Qing during the Reigns of the Emperors Zhenzong and Renzong of the Song Dynasty). 39. Lim Hock Soon (from Malacca), Malay Pantun Book January 1929, terkarang oleh –, dituturkan oleh T.T. Wee, Singapore, Hussain Bin Haji Mohd. Said, 1929, 104 p. (Malay Pantun written by Lim and edited by Wee). 40. Lim H. Louis, Lee Eng Seng, Boey Teik Huat, Pengiboran hati — Malay Songs, Penang, The Criterion Press, 1924, 118 p. 41. Lim Siew Him [ ], Koh Choon Kwang, Chrita dulu kala berprang sama Krajaan Cheng Teow bernama Ang Siew Chuan (Tempo Manchu jadi raja), di jeman Cheng Teow, Singapore, Soo Pau Boon Press, 1936, 1st ed., 5 v. (incomplete). (Ancient Story Entitled Hong Xiuquan Rebelling against the Qing Dynasty (at the Time the Manchus were Ruling, during the Qing Dynasty). 42. Lim Soon Seng, Taman mimpi (composed story), Penang, 1931, 26 p. 43. Lip Guan Poh Kuan . The cover of the only copy kept in the University of Malaya Library is missing. Apparently the translation of an unidentified religious work. 44. Mohamad Bin Moor Ta Kup, Ini pantun, karang-karangan, Singapore, Koh Yew Hin Press, 1889, 100 p. 45. Na Tian Piet , Shaer Almarhoem Beginda Sultan Abubakar di Negri Johor, Singapore, Yang poenja Na Tian Piet, 1896, 200 p., illustr. (Shair about the Late Sultan, Abubakar of the State of Johor).

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Ong Choon Teck [ ], see Lee Seng Poh [ ]. 46. Pang Teck Joon [ ], Chrita dahulu-kala yang bernama Chin Mak-tiri Siang Loh , Pada zaman “Beng Teow” Suat Buay , Singapore, Kim Seck Chye Press, 1899, 2 v., 267 p., illustr. (Ancient Story Entitled Qin Xuemei, the by Tan Phai Kong Stepmother of Shang Lu, during the Ming Dynasty). There is a third volume entitled Chin See Bee (see below) which in fact constitutes a separate story. 47. –, Chrita dahulu-kala yang bernama Chin See Bee , Pada Sambong-an deri chrita Chin Suat Buay zaman Song Teow , Singapore, Kim Seck Chye Press, 1899, v. 3, pp. 268–437, . (Ancient Story Entitled Qin Shimei, illustr. by Tan Phai Kong during the Song Dynasty, a Continuation to the Story of Qin Xuemei). Curiously in China the name given to the main hero differs from one . version to another. He is also commonly called Chen Shimei (See Plate 31.) 48. –, Hikayat ini bernama “Lwee Hong Thak” cherita yang sama Kho Han Boon ajahep dari hal “Oh Pek Chua” di zaman Guan Tiaw raja “Guan Si Cho” , Singapore, Kim Seck Chye Press, 1911, 2 v., 254 p. (Story Entitled Leifeng ta, “Thunder Peak Pagoda”; An Amazing Story about Heibai she, the Black and White Snakes and Xu Hanwen, during Yuan Dynasty at the time of the Reign of Emperor…). 49. –, Hikayat ini bernama “Ban Wha Law” ; cherita yang susa di zaman Song Tiaw Raja Jin Chong dari hal Teck Cheng , Singapore, Kim Seck Chye Press, 1910–12, 10 v., illustr. by Tan (Story Entitled Wanhua lou, “The 10,000 Flowers Phai Kong Pavilion”; It is about the Difficulties Encountered by Di Qing during the Time of Emperor Renzong of the Song Dynasty). & Co, see Chek Swee Liong [ ] Peng Swee 50. Poh Tiang Siew (Baba pranakan Singapore, transcriber, sole ] (Chinese reader), Ini Chrita duluproprietor) & Tan Yew Aik [ , atau Su-ma Tiong Siang kala bernama “Sam Kok Inn” di zeman Tong Han Buay , Tempu Leng Tay menjadi raja, Singapore, 1938, 1st ed., 108 p. (Ancient Story Entitled Sanguo yin or “The Cause [of the Appearance] of the Three Kingdoms”, or Sima Zhongxiang, during the Reign of Emperor Lingdi at the End of the Eastern Han Dynasty). ], see Seow Phee Tor [ ]. Seow Chin San [ 51. Seow Phee Tor [ ] (Chinese translator) & Seow Chin San

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[ ] (Chinese Romanised Malay translator), Chrita dulu-kala di zeman Siong Tiow , tempu Tiewbernama Hong Sin menjadi Hongtay , Singapore, 1931–32, 2 v.; the first ong volume was published by Wan Boon Seng and the second by Chin Inn & Co. (Ancient Story Entitled Feng shen, “The Investiture of the Gods”; during the Shang Dynasty at the Time of the Reign of Emperor Zhou). 52. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama Hong Sin Ban Sian Tin di Boo Ong Huat Tiew , Singapore, D.T. zeman Siong Teow Lim, 1933–39, v. 3 to 17. (Ancient Story Entitled Feng shen wanxian zhen, during the Shang Dynasty at the Time Emperor Wu was Reducing Emperor Zhou). This is in fact the sequel to the preceding story; the preface states that the term Ban Sian Tin added to the original title is the name of the place where the story is set from there on. 53. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama Ngo-Chu Low-Tang-Kia , , di zeman Song Lima ekor-tikus pergi mengacho di kota Kia Seah , Song Jin Chong dudok karajaan punya tempu, Singapore, Teow Seow Chin San, 1932, 101 p. (Ancient Story Entitled Wushu nao dongjing, “The Five Rats Make a Disturbance at the Eastern Capital”, during the Song Dynasty, at the Time of the Reign of Emperor Renzong). According to the preface, the story first appeared in serial form in the Bintang Pranakan and the Sri Perapakan). 54. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama Cheng Teck Koon Yew Kang Lam atau Pek Botan di zeman Beng Teow , Singapore, Seow Chin San, 1933, 1st ed., 4 v., 408 p. (Ancient Story Entitled Zhengde jun you jiangnan or “The Travels of Zhengde Emperor in South China” or Bai mudan, “The White Peony”, during the Ming Dynasty). According to the preface, the story first appeared in serial form in the Bintang Pranakan and Sri Peranakan. 55. –, Chrita dulu-kala “Chit-Sih Pat-Meng-Su” atau Tuju dan Leng Kwi Mayat Lapan Jiwa punya pasal, Neo Thian Lye punya Perkara-besar di negri Canton, Hong-tay Yong Hin punya tempo di zeman Cheng Teow , Cheng Koon Singapore, D.T. Lim, 1934–38, 3 v., illustr. (Ancient Story Entitled Qishi baming shi, “The Case of Seven Corpses and Eight Lives”; the Affair of Liang Tianlai and Ling Guixing in Canton, during the Reign of Emperor Yongzheng of the Qing Dynasty). 56. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama Cheng Tiong Suat Gak atau dudok Gak Hwee di zeman Song Teow, Hwi Kim Ji-Tay karajaan punya tempo, Singapore, D.T. Lim, 1934-38, 10 v., iIlustr.

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(Ancient Story Entitled Jingzhong shuo Yue, “The Loyal and Faithful Yue Fei”, or Yue Fei during the Reigns of Emperors Hui and Qin of the Song Dynasty). 57.–, Chrita dulu kala Flying Swords, the Twenty-four Heroes di zeman (bangsa Mongolia dudok jadi penghabisan Kerajaan Guan Tiaw , raja punya tempu) atau Hwi-Kiam Ji-Chap Si-Kiap Singapore, Oon Sye Chin & Sons, 1936, 4v. (Ancient Story of The Flying Swords, The Twenty-four Heroes during the Yuan Dynasty). 58. Siow Hay Yam [ ], Ini Chrita dulu kala dad zaman Tong Teow (pukul negri sebla bernama Seeh Jin Quee Cheng Say barat), Singapore, Chinese Directory & Press Ltd, 1921, 10 v., 1221 p. (This is an Ancient Story Entitled Xue Rengui zheng xi or “Xue Rengui’s Conquest of the West”). In fact in the original version the conquest of the West is attributed to Xue Rengui’s son, Xue Dingshan . 59. –, Ini Chrita dulu kala dari zaman Song Teow bernama Tek (Lima harimo pergi pukul Cheng Ngo Ho Peng Lam di negri sibla s’latan), Singapore, Chinese Directory & Press Ltd, 1922. (This is an Ancient Story that is Set during the Song Dynasty and Entitled Di Qing, the Five Generals’ Conquest of the South). 60. Tan Beng Teck , Ini lah buku bernama Lwee Hong Thak , charita dulu kala dari pasal Oh Pek Chua sama Kho , di turon-kan dari surat China, di Jaman Guan Hun Boon , di Chnee Tong Quan , dalam prentaan Chat Kang Teow , Singapore, Poh Wah Hean Press, 1889, 150 p. (This is Hoo an Ancient Story Translated from the Chinese and Entitled Leifeng ta or “The Thunder Peak Pagoda”; It deals with the Black and White Serpents and Xu Hanwen, during the Yuan Dynasty, in the District of Qianjiang in the Province of Zhejiang). 61. –, Chreta dulu kala pasal Heng Guan Seo-chia sama Mwee didjeman Tong Teow Raja Seok Chong Liang Giok ), Singapore, Poo Wah Hean Press, 1889, II, (Jee Thoe Moey 236 p, illustr. (Ancient Story about Xingyuan xiaojie and Mei Liangyu, during the Reign of Emperor Xiaozong of the Tang Dynasty and Entitled Erdu mei, “The Plum-Tree Flowers Twice”. This translation which in fact does not bear the translator’s name has been attributed to Tan Beng Teck; cf. The Straits Settlement Government Gazette, 2 Aug. 1889, p. 1462. 62. –, Ini Chrita dulu kala di turun-kan dari buku yang bernama “Kim sama “Leou Chay” yang ada jaman Ko Kee Quan”

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sekarang yang sudah jadi negri Shanghai. Ini buku nama-kan Chup Kesatu, Singapore, Poo Wah Hean Press, 1889, Swat Tuan 111 p. (Ancient Stories taken from the collections entitled Jingu qiguan “Wonders New and Old”, and Liaozhai, “Strange Stories from a Chinese Studio”. This book is called Zashuo zhuan, v. 1). Also . See Kow Mei Kao contains two stories of the Bao gongan (1997), pp. 63–74. 63. –, Chreta dulu kala, dari pasal Hong Keou sama Lee Tan di jaman Tong Teow turun-kan dari buku “Hwan Tong” , Singapore, Poo Wah Hean Press, 1889, 3 v. sama Cheow Teow (Ancient Story about Fengjiao and Li Dan, Taken from the Fan Tang yanyi or “The Revolt Against the Tang Dynasty”, during the Time of the Tang and Zhou Dynasties). This story was left uncompleted by Tan Beng Teck and was resumed by Chan Kim Boon; see above. Tan Bulat, see Tan Hin Liang 64. Tan Chin Thuan (Chinese reader) assisted by Lee Seng Poh & Wan Boon Seng (publisher) Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Tian Pah Tor” (Seeh Pek-Ha , Seeh Pek-Hian ) di zaman Beng , Tempu Seng Hua jadi Hongtay , Singapore, Seng Teow , 1935, 20 vol, 501 p., illustr. (Ancient Story Poh Huat Co Entitled Tianbao tu, (Shi Bixia and Shi Bixian), during the the Reign of Emperor Chenghua of the Ming Dynasty). 65. Tan Hin Liang (alias Tan Bulat, born in 1865 in Singapore), Buku Sa Li Chua dan Sha-el Singapura-Miniaga gutta dengan Panton Menyanyi, Singapore, Batu Arcade, n.d., (c.1910), 67 p. Syair about the Baba Tan Chay Yan (d. 1916), the first Chinese rubber planter in Malaya; cf. Song Ong Siang, op. cit., pp. 44, 178, 320, 367, 449 and 493. 66. Tan Pow Tek (native of Klang, Malaysia), Shair renchana piatu dan pantun dagang karangan baru, nyanyan budak budak, teka-teki, Senh orang China, Kuala Lumpur, The Khee Meng Press, 1916, First ed., VI, 128 p. The book consists of a collection of poems previously published in the two papers Chahaya Mata Hari and Malaysia Advocate. It also contains a list of Chinese surnames with their different pronounciations in Hokkien, Cantonese, Mandarin. ], see Lee Seng Poh [ ], Po Tiang Siew Tan Yew Aik [ and also Wan Boon Seng. 67. Wan Boon Seng , Chrita dulu-kala Ang-bin Sio-chia tempo Hongtay Song Seng Chong di zeman Song Tiow , Singapore, Wan Boon Seng, 1931, 1st ed., 97 p., illustr. (Ancient

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Story Entitled Hongmian xiaojie, “The Red-face Lady”, during the time of the reign of Emperor Chengzong of the Song Dynasty). 68. Wan Boon Seng & San, Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Wakang” , di zeman Swee Tiow atau “Chap Puek Loh Huan Ong” menjadi Hongtay, Singapore, Wan Boon Seng, (Swee Yam Tay 1931, 1st ed., 2 v., 96 + 100 p., illustr. (Ancient Story Entitled Wagang or Shibalu fan wang, during the Reign of Emperor Yangdi of the Sui Dynasty). 69. –, Chrita dulu-kala “Ow Liat Kok Chee” atau penghabisan di zaman Chin Kok , Chin Si Ong menjadi Liat Kok berprang besar sama Lam raja, Dewa Hye Tiow Seng Jin , Singapore, Wan Boon Seng, 1931, Koon Ong Soon Pin 4 v. (Ancient Story Entitled Hou lieguo zhi or “The End of the Period of the Warring States”, at the Time Qin Shihuang became Emperor and the immortal Hye Tiow Fought with Nanji wong Sun Bin). This translation first appeared as a serial in the Bintang Pranakan. 70. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Tang Chay Liat Kok” di , Chin Si Ong menjadi raja, Singapore, zeman Chin Kok Wan Boon Seng, 1931, 1st ed., 2 v., iIlustr. (Ancient Story Entitled Dongqi lieguo, during the Time Qin Shihuang was Emperor) It is a sequel to the Hou lieguo zhi. 71. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama Say-Han mulai-an zeman Han Tiow (Han Koh Cho Low Pang bukak Negri), Singapore, Wan. Boon Seng, 1931, 1st ed. 5 v. (Ancient Story Entitled Xihan, “The Western Han” at the Beginning when Liu Bang (Han Gaozu) Founded the New Dynasty). It is the continuation of Dongqi Lieguo. It appeared at the same time in serial form in the Bintang Pranakan. 72. Wan Boon Seng, Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Sam Ha Lam Tong” di zaman Song Tiow (Song-Tye-cho Tio Kong In jadi Hongtay), Singapore, Wan Boon Seng, 1931–32, 3 v., illustr. (Ancient Story San xia Nan tang, “The Three Expeditions against the Southern Tang”, during the Reign of Zhao Kuangyin the Founder of the Song Dynasty). 73. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Siang-Ha Ngo-Liong-Huay” (sambongan deri chrita Wakang ) di zeman Tong Tiow , Tong-Koh-Cho Lee Yan jadi Hongtay, Singapore, D.T. Lim, 1932, 2 v. illustr. (Ancient Story Entitled Shangxia wulong hui (A Continuation to the Story of Wagang), during the Reign of Li Yuan, the Founder of the Tang Dynasty).

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74. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Kek-Hua Siochia” di tempo Tioh Hoon Ong menjadi raja di zaman Liat Kok , Singapore, Sing Seng Book Co, 1933, 1st ed., VIII, Tioh Kok 104 p., illustr. (Ancient Story Entiled Juhua xiaojie, “The Chrysanthemum Lady”, during the Warring States at the Time Tio Hoon Ong was King of Zhao). 75. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama Lee Lo-chia di zeman Siong tempu Tiow-ong menjadi Hongtay, Singapore, Sing Tiow Seng Book Co, 1933, 100 p., illustr. (Ancient Story Entitled Li Nachi, during the Reign of Zhouwang of the Shang Dynasty). 76. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Yeo Boon Kong Cheng Lam-Ban” atau Yeo Boon Kong pukul 18 Tong di zaman Song Tiow tempu Song Jin Chong jadi Hongtay, Singapore, Sing Seng Book Co, 1933–34, 1st ed., 4 vol. (Ancient Story Entitled “Yang Wenguang’s Pacification of South Fujian” or Yang Wenguang Fought the Eighteen Caves, during the Reign of Emperor Renzong of the Song Dynasty). 77. Wan Boon Seng (achli pengarang), L. Seng Poh (bantuan), N. M. Seng (Chinese reader), Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Hoon di zaman Ow Tong Tiow tempu Khian Tek Chong Lau” jadi Hongtay, Singapore, Seng Poh Huat Co, 1934, 1st ed., 20 v., 510 p. (Ancient Story Entitled Fenzhuang lou, “Story of a Boudoir”, during the Reign of Emperor Qiande of the Later Tang Dynasty). 78. Wan Boon Seng, Chrita-dulu kala bernama “Khiang Tai Kong” di zaman Siong-chiu , Singapore, Wah Seong Press, 1934, 99 p., illustr. (Ancient Story Entitled Jiang Taigong, during the Shang Dynasty). It is apparently an abstract taken from the Feng shen yanyi. 79. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Tek Cheng Cheng Pak” di tempu Song Jin Chong jadi Hongtay, zaman Song Tiow Singapore, Khai Sing Press, 1935, 1st ed., 5 vo1., 254 p., illustr. (Ancient Story Entitled Di Qing zheng bei or “Di Qing Clears the North”, during the Song Dynasty at the time of Emperor Renzong). 80. Wan Boon Seng & Tan Yew Aik (Chinese reader), Chrita dulu-kala atau Pau Choo Ann Tah lui-ta bernama Lek Bohtan di zaman Tong Tiow tempu Boo Chek Tian jadi Hongtay, Singapore, Chin Ho Brothers, 1935, 11 v. (Ancient Story Entitled Lü mudan, “The Green Peony” or Bao Zi’an Fights at the Ring, during the Tang Dynasty). 81. Wan Boon Seng (achli pengarang), L.S. Poh (bantuan), N.M. Seng

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(Chinese reader), Chrita dulu-kala bernama “Sam Hup Beng-Choo (Sambongan Sam-hap Pohkiam Pohkiam” ) di zaman Han Tiow Tempu Hongtay Han Boo Tay , Singapore, Seng Poh Huat Co, 1935, 1st ed., 88p. (Ancient Story Entitled Sanhe mingzhu baojian, “Story of the Triple Sword Adorned with Bright Pearls”, A Sequel to the Story of Sanhe baojian, during the Reign of Emperor Wudi of the Han Dynasty). 82. Wan Boon Seng (achli pengarang), Chrita dulu-kala Nah-Kong — Tong Pak Han di zaman Liat Kok, Singapore, Seng Poh Huat Co, 1935, 4 v. (Ancient Story Entitled Languang — Tong Pak Han, during the Period of the Warring States). It is an unidentified translation of a martial story. 83. Wan Boon Seng (achli pengarang), Tan Yew Aik (Chinese reader), Chrita dulu-kala bernama Lam Koon Ong Soon Pin di zaman Liat Kok tempu atau Chau Mah Choon Chu , Singapore, Chin Ho Brothers, Choon Ong jadi raja di Chay Kok 1936–38, 6 v. (Ancient Story Entitled Nanji wong Sun Bin or Zou ma chunqiu, during the Period of the Warring States, at the time of King Choon Ong of Qi). 84. –, Chrita dulu-kala Tio Kong Inn atau Raja Muka-merah tempu Hongtay Beng Chong di zaman Tong Tiow Buay , Singapore, Chin Ho Bros., 1936, 1st ed. (Ancient Story Entitled Zhao Kuangyin or The Red-Face King, during the Reign of Emperor Mingzong at the end of the Tang Dynasty). 85. –, Chrita dulu-kala nama-nya “It Ki Mui” atau Chit Kiam di zaman Beng Tiow tempu Cheng Tek Chap-sanh Kiap Koon jadi Hongtay, Singapore, Pranakan Book Co, 1936, 24 v. (Ancient Story Entitled Yizhimei or The Seven Heroes and the Thirteen Gallants, during the Reign of Emperor Zhengde of the Ming Dynasty). 86. –, Chrita dulu-kala bernama “It Ki Mui Peng Suanh-chat” di zaman Beng Tiow tempu Cheng Tek Koon jadi Hongtay, Singapore, Pranakan Book Co, 1938, 1st ed., 100 p., illustr. (Ancient Story Entitled “Yizhimei Pacifies the Mountain Bandits”, during the Reign of Emperor Zhengde of the Ming Dynasty). 87. Wan Boon Seng (publisher), Panton Dondang Sayang & Nyanyi-an lain-lain, Singapore Chew Yow Press, 1931, 1st ed., 60 p. 88. –, Nyanyi-an Extra-turns & Pantons, Kronchangs, Stambols, Singapore, Chin Inn Co 1933, 1st ed., 53 p. 89. –, Sha’er Pranakan kawin, Singapore, Chin Inn & Co, 1933. 1st ed. 50 p.

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90. –, Panton Sha’er Nyai Dacima, Singapore, Chin Inn & Co 1933, 54 p. 91. –, Cherita dulukala nama-nya “Botan Kiongchoo” atau Sam (tempu Song Chin Chong jadi raja), Di zaman Pokiam , Singapore, Wan Boon Seng, 1950, VI, 102 p. (Ancient Song Tiow Story Entitled “The Peony Princess or The Three Precious Swords”, during the Reign of Emperor Renzong of the Song Dynasty). 92. Wee Chin Ek, Chrita dulu-kala bernama Raja Lee Tan di zaman Tong Tiow dalam krajaan-nya Hong Hor, Oh Hong Kiaw kerna korek mata, Singapore, Lim Eng Hock, 1932, 1st ed., 2 v., 215 p. (Ancient Story Called King Li Dan during the Tang Dynasty…). 93. Wee Kay Seck [ ], Charita Gak Wee di zaman Song Teow , Singapore, Hong Shing Press, 1891, 1st ed., 244 p. (Story of Yue Fei during the Song Dynasty). 94. Yeoh Eng Seng, Lim Eng Siang, Lim Eng Hock, Pantun Melayu dari dahulu kala sampei skarang, Penang, The Criterion Press, 1924, 136 p. Notes *

This article first appeared in French in Archipel 14 (1977): 79–110; an English translation by Anne Destenay with a few complements and corrections was published in Kertas-Kertas Pengajian Tionghua — Papers on Chinese Studies (Universiti Malaya, Kuala Lumpur) I (December 1977): 69–95. The present version is largely based on the latter one. But the list of works in romanized Malay has been entirely revised. Some titles which in 1977 were only known to us from advertisements and mentions in the Straits Settlements Government Gazette are now available, mainly in Singapore and Kuala Lumpur libraries. It should also be noted here that in 1980 and 1981 two studies related to the subject have been completed. The first one consists of an academic exercise: Teo Lay Teen, “A Study of the Malay Translation of Chinese Popular Fiction by the Baba Chinese — with Special Reference to Khian Leong Yew Kang Lam”, M.A. University of Malaya, October 1980, 283 p. An article based on this thesis and entitled “Khian Leong Koon Yew Kang Lam: A Baba Chinese Translation” appeared in Kertas-Kertas Pengajian Tionghua 2 (December 1983): 225–50. The second by Tan Chee Beng of the University of Malaya: “Baba Chinese Publication in Romanized Malay” appeared in the Journal of Asian and African Studies, n°.22 (1981): 158–93. The study by Teo Lay Teen is the first attempt to scrutinize in detail the characteristics of one full Malay translation of a Chinese novel, namely Qianlong you jiangnan or “The Travels of Emperor Qianlong in South China”, Two chapters are devoted respectively to the Malay language

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used by the translator with special reference to loanwords and grammatical terms, and to the characteristics of the translation in regard to the original. A new anonymous list of Malay translations of Chinese novels entitled .2: may be accessed on the net (nccur.lib. nccu.edu.tw/bitstream/140.119/34580/13/59005113.pdf) It bears the stamp of the National Chengchi University Library, Taiwan. It also provides the names of five public libraries in Singapore and Kuala Lumpur where the books may be found. Moreover Chinese characters have been added for some translator’s names which were only known by their transcriptions. Since it is not clear if they have been “reconstructed” or recovered, we have introduced them here in square brackets. Another list is appended to S.K. Yoong and A.N. Zainab, “Chinese Literary Works Translated into Baba Malay: A Bibliometric Study”, Malaysian Journal of Library & Information Science 7, no. 2 (Dec 2002): 16–23. The same article also provides two other lists: one for the publishers of translated Baba literature, and another one for Printing presses (pp. 9 and 10).   1. The etymology of the term Baba is not certain; the word might conceivably have been borrowed from Turkish; the word Peranakan has been formed on the basis of the Malay word anak “child”, and could be translated as “creole”.   2. See in particular J.D. Vaughan, The Manners and Customs of the Chinese of the Straits Settlements (1879), re-ed. (Kuala Lumpur, Singapore: Oxford Press, 1971), 126 p.; G.T. Hare, “The Straits-born Chinese”, Straits Chinese Magazine, I (2), March 1897; Song Ong Siang, One Hundred Years’ History of the Chinese in Singapore (1923), re-ed. (Singapore: University of Malaya Press, 1967), 602 p.; V. Purcell, The Chinese in Malaya (1948), re-ed. (Kuala Lumpur, Hong Kong: Oxford University Press, 1967), 327 p.; Rosie Tan Kim Neo, “The Straits Chinese in Singapore, A Study of the Straits Chinese Way of Life”, Unpublished Research paper, University of Malaya, Singapore, 1958; Png Poh-seng, “The Straits Chinese in Singapore: A case of Local Identity and Socio-cultural Accommodation”, Journal of Southeast Asian History X, no. 1 (March 1969): 94–114; Chia Cheng Sit, “The Language of the Babas”, Straits Chinese Magazine, III, n°.9, March 1899: 11–15; W.G. Shellabear, “Baba Malay, An Introduction to the Language of the Straits-born Chinese”, Journal of the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 65 (Dec 1913): 49–63; A.W. Hamilton, “Chinese Loan-words in Malay”, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 1924, II (June): 48–56; Png Poh-seng, “A preliminary Survey of Chinese Loan-words in Malay Language”, Journal of the Island Society, Singapore, I (Dec 1967): 1–24.   3. Op. cit., p. 108.   4. If Tan Teck Son is to be believed, in his article “Some Genuine Chinese Authors”, The Straits Chinese Magazine I, no. 2 (1897): 63–64, newly arrived

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Chinese had their own Chinese story-tellers, and mobile libraries also existed which lent books for a specified time for a small sum of money, as is still the case in the 1980s some towns in Southeast Asia.   5. During his stays in Malaysia and Singapore, the late Maurice Freedman only managed to find three collections of pantun, in spite of much searching; he was kind enough to give us a copy, and the three collections are entered on our list under the numbers 87, 88 and 89. In 1976, the Dewan Bahasa Library in Kuala Lumpur traced and bought two translations of Chinese novels in Malacca, which appear on our list as numbers 24 and 72. During the same year, Mr Lee Liang Hee gave six translations of Chinese novels to the Singapore University Library, corresponding to numbers 1, 5, 7, 34, 64 and 75 of our list; the Universiti Malaya in Kuala Lumpur also acquired fourteen translations in the same way; according to information given in 1978 to us by the keeper of the Malay Collection, Sdr Ibrahim bin Ismail, they correspond to the following numbers of our list: 1, 5, 7, 23, 24, 34, 54, 64, 75, 77, 79, 80 and 85.   6. It should be noted here that in 1979 the Universiti Malaya Library had already acquired 41 works relating to Peranakan Chinese literature of Malaya. Of these, 38 are translations of Chinese novels and one seems to be the translation of an unidentified religious work; the two others being collec­tions of poems or pantun. Cf. the list issued by the library for an exhibition of Malay books held at the university: Koleksi Sastera Peranakan dalam pegangan Perpustakaan Universiti Malaya, Dikeluarkan bersempena Pameran Koleksi Melayu dan Ceramah-ceramah pengajian Melayu anjuran bersama Jabatan Pengajian Melayu dan Perpustakaan (26 March–21 April 1979), 5 p.   7. J.D. Vaughan, op. cit., pp. 39–40, says: “The Malacca Baba are exceedingly musical and are very clever in extemporizing words to their tunes, and will for several hours at a time amuse themselves and their guests by singing their pantun, and lagu, accompanied by fiddles and tomtoms. The lagu are chiefly Malay tunes. They have an instrument which emits a tone resembling the bagpipe which is a favorite”. These observations are confirmed by Mohamed Ibrahim Munshi (The Voyages of –, translated with an introduction and notes by Amin Sweeney and Nigel Phillips (London, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford Press, 1975), pp. 9–10), who tells how when he was accompanying his master from Johore on a voyage in 1871, four Baba from Malacca were brought in to entertain the company in the evening by competing in the composition of pantun and songs with an old blind Malay.   8. Cf. Felix Chia, Ala Sayang! A Social History of Babas and Nyonyas (Singapore: Eastern Universities Press, 1983), p. 66 and following.   9. On this subject, Tan Teck Son, op. cit., says: “For the Straits-born there has also recently grown up a new literature in romanized Malay of translations of some of the best Chinese romances. The historical Sam Kok Chi (Sanguo

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zhi), Suat Tong ( ), Tseng Tang ( ), Tseng Sai ( ), Huan Tong ( ) as well as such lighter novels as the Lui Hong Thah ( ), Ji To Moi ( ) and others have thus been translated and made accessible to the Baba community”, but he concludes: “As examples of Chinese literary achievements these translations are (…) totally inadequate, nor do I believe their translators ever claim such a value for their work”. Chia Cheng Sit, op. cit., p. 11, also mentions poems: “Already some enterprising Baba have published romanized translations and poems in this dialect and soon there will be a literature to perpetuate this corrupt form of the Malay tongue”. 10. Song Ong Siang, op. cit., p. 58. 11. For more details on the history of education in English in Singapore see in particular 150 Years of Education in Singapore, A TTC Special Publication to mark the Ter-Jubilee of the Founding of Singapore, Singapore, T.R. Doraisamy Ed., 1969, chap. 1–2. 12. According to Chen Mong Hock, The Early Chinese Newspapers of Singapore, 1881–1912 (Singapore: University of Malaya Press, 1967), pp. 54–55, the Koh Yew Hean publishing house, which specialized in publications in Chinese characters and in the Latin alphabet, was founded in about 1870. In 1890 it began publication of a Chinese daily newspaper, the Sing Po . 13. Song Ong Siang, op. cit., p. 44. 14. It is not until 1894 that an advertisement for a translation of the “Three Character Classic” published in Java can be found in a local peranakan newspaper published by Song Ong Siang under the title of Bintang Timor. 15. See in particular, A. Wright (ed.), Twentieth Century Impressions of British Malaya (London, Durban, etc.: 1908), pp. 637–38. Song Ong Siang, op. cit., pp. 166–67, 250; Mei Jing , Riwayat orang-orang Tionghoa yang mashhor di-tanah Melayu (accompanied with a Chinese text) (Singapore: Shanghai shuju, 1961), pp. 102–17; Wong Yao , Xingma huaren zhi , Xianggang, Mingjian chubanshe ; Wen Zichuan ; “Chan Kim Boon qi ren ”, Nanyang wenzhai , 1970, 11, p. 184. 16. See a letter addressed to him in 1893 by Chin Yu Tsuen and reproduced in his translation of the Sanguo, v. X. 17. Cf. The Straits Chinese Magazine I, no. 1 (May 1897): 32. 18. See Song Ong Siang, op. cit., pp. 257–58. He was also from a family of merchants; he attended the local Free School and then entered the Mercantile Bank. After a few years he went to Calcutta to start up a business there, but stayed only two years. In 1889 he settled in Singapore, where he had an extremely successful career; in 1913 he and his two youngest sons visited England. See also “Tan Kheam Hock and the Baba Malay Translation” http:// bukitbrown.org/tan-kheam-hock-and-the-baba-malay-translation (accessed on 28 March 2012).

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19. They are as follows: Kim Ko Ki Kwan , Leow Chai , Pow Kong Ann , Si Kong Ann , Na Kong Ann (collection of real cases compiled by Lan Dingyuan , 1680–1733), Swi Hno atau Song Kang , Lim Ai Chu(?), Wan Ju Yak , Keng Gnö Cheong(?), Sian Chin Ek Su (?), Hoon Chong Lau , Chit Hiap [ ], Cheng Tong , Cheng Sia Hö Gnoh Tai(?), Chey Tian Hoey Siöh, See Yu . 20. Op. cit., v. XII. 21. Khong Beng or Kong Ming is the style of Zhuge Liang . 22. Op. cit., v. XII. 23. Auta (autah): Malay word used in Penang and which means “bluff”, “tricks”; wayang: Javanese/Malay word which literally means “shadow-play”. 24. Op. cit., v. XII. 25. Op. cit., v. XV; the letter had been written on 29 March 1894. In 1913 Chan Tiang Heng, a nephew of Chan Kim Boon, in a letter published in Chrita Seh Yew, v. IX, deplores that his uncle did not use English rather than Malay: “Your works have impressed the people very much and your name, I find has become a by-word(..) Had you translated them into English, I have no doubt you would still achieve more fame, for no one I find in the Straits has ever attempted this. Will you dear uncle try it?” 26. See C. and D. Lombard-Salmon, “Les traductions de romans chinois en malais (1880–1930)”, in P. B. Lafont et D. Lombard, eds., Littératures contemporaines de l’Asie du Sud-est, Colloque du XXIXe Congrès des Orientalistes (Paris: L’Asiathèque, 1974), p. 184. We have evidence that before the appearance of the complete translation of the San guo, the Chinese of Java used to read Chan Boon Kim’s translation in spite of the fact that the Malay used by the transla­tor was rather unfamiliar to them; cf. C. Salmon, Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia, A provisional annotated bibliography (Paris: 1981), p. 44. 27. Two of them at least met again with Chan Kim Boon in Singapore. They were Liu Buchan and Qiu Baoren who belonged to the crew of the six warships which constituted the backbone of the Northern Squadron. The fleet called at Singapore in 1890 and in 1894. The visitors received a warm welcome from the local Chinese. Banquets were given in their honour by the traders as well as by Lim Boon Keng and Chan Kim Boon. Praises and odes were exchanged during such meetings. Those by Liu and Qiu have been carefully reproduced by Chan Kim Boon in his Sam Kok Book, v. XV. For more details on the visits, see Tan Yeok Seong , “Jiawu qianxi beiyang shuishi fangwen xinjiapo ji ” (The Northern Squadron’s Visit to Singapore on the Eve of the Sino-Japanese War), Nanyang wenzhai , Singapore, 7(12) (1966): 826–27. 28. It is reproduced accompanied by a translation in Malay, op. cit., v. XII.

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29. On this subject, see in particular Yumsari Yusuf, “Syair Burung Nuri, présentation et transcription”, Archipel 11 (1976): 57–70. It is interesting to recall here that the Peranakan authors in Java also showed their appreciation of the Syair burung nuri and published a romanized version of it, which was reprinted several times: Tan Kit Tjoan, Saier Boeroeng dan Saier Mengimpie, Batavia, 2nd ed. 1882, 3rd ed. 1896, 4th ed. 1911, 5th ed. 1923. 30. The second line is hard to understand; per-paia is probably another spelling of berpayak which means “abundant” (the expression bunga per-paia could also mean “marsh flower”, however). 31. Cf. his introductory poem to the Shaer Almarhoem Sultan Abubakar di Negeri Johor. 32. Song Ong Siang, op. cit., p. 59. 33. Na Tian Piet, op. cit., p. 9. He also wrote in the Bintang Timor published in Singapore during the same period (see below). 34. Song Ong Siang (1871–1941) and Tan Boon Chin (born in 1857 in Malacca) were both active members of the Chinese Christian Association. In 1893 the former was elected as President of this association, a post he filled for several years; the latter since 1886 had been on the list of voluntary preachers in the Malay language at the Princep Street Church and in 1915 he also became the editor of the Prinsep Street Church Messenger; this paper founded in 1908 was written in Malay and in English and distributed gratis. Cf. Song Ong Siang, op. cit., pp. 269–70. As regards the Bintang Timor it was published and printed by the Sin Yew Hin Press whose owner was also a Christian named Song Seck Kum. 35. Song Ong Siang, op. cit., p. 281. Two exemplars at least of this paper, apart from microfilms, have survived; it is extremely interesting and deserves more detailed study. A list of distributors which appeared in the number of 22 October 1894 shows that it was sold throughout Malaysia (Johore, Kuala Lumpur, Perak), in Borneo (Labuan, Sarawak), in Sumatra (Padang) and in Java (Batavia). Its contributors, like Na Tian Piet, used pen-names such as Mastari, Si Miskin, Tangan gatal, Chendor Mata… 36. Cf. Chen Mong Hock, op. cit., p. 130; William R. Roff, Bibliography of Malay and Arabic Periodicals Published in the Straits Settlements and Peninsular Malay States 1876–1941 (London: Oxford University Press, 1972), p. 32. 37. Song Ong Siang, op. cit., pp. 348–49, 351; This paper seems to have become very hard to come by; it does not appear in the catalogue of Drs A.M. Iskandar Haji Ahmad, Persuratkhabaran Melayu 1876–1968, Kuala Lumpur, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, 1973, 190 p. That of W.R. Roff, op. cit., only mentions it in connection with quotations. 38. See C. Lombard-Salmon, “Aux origines de la littérature sino-malaise: un sjair publicitaire de 1886”, Archipel 8 (1974): 178, note 63.

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39. Cf. Tan Zhengbi & Tan Xun , Muyu ge Chaozhou ge xulu (Beijing: Shumu wenxian chubanshe, 1982), pp. 179–80. 40. Teo Lay Teen (1980), p. 86. 41. According to an oral communication from Dr Yusuf Talib, the family Lim came from Java. 42. The Kabar Slalu can be found in the National Library of Singapore and in the Department of Oriental Manuscripts of the British Library, but the Bintang Pranakan is only in the British Library (n°.1-34, Oct. 1930–June 1931). 43. The Kabar Uchapan Baru and the Perdagangan are in the Department of Oriental Manuscripts of the British Library. It was noted already by W.R. Roff, op. cit., p. 41, that the Perdagangan was published (in the Indonesian spelling) by “the Indonesia Company”. The mention of the Sri Peranakan is based on references in the Straits Settlement Government Gazette; it seems likely that this periodical has disappeared. In 1931 Siow Hay Yam, earlier associated with Kabar Uchapan Baru (1926), created another paper called Kabar Bintang Timor News which appeared in Singapore. Only the first issue, dated October 1931, is in the National Library of Singapore. 44. This story which by now is very rare in China seems to have been very popular among the Chinese as well as the Mongols (see in this volume the article by B. Riftin, I.4). An interesting note by the translators proves that in the 1930s it was already very difficult to acquire the original: “Many of you must have seen this story Cheong Moh Inn performed on the stage, but you have surely not read the book nor have the story-tellers who narrate ancient stories by the roadside read it because in Singapore this book cannot be obtained. I got the original with the help of a friend of mine who went to China. But I had to wait for four years before I could obtain a copy. Many people in China want to read this novel, and that is the reason why we cannot purchase it in Singapore. Cf. Lee Seng Poh & Ong Choon Teck, op. cit., v. I, Preface. 45. Among them are Li Chuan Siu, the author of the fundamental work, An Introduction to the Promotion and Development of Malay Literature, Yogyakarta, Penerbitan Yayasan Kanisius, 1975; Tan Chin Kwang, who has written a thesis on the Malaysian short story; Liaw Yock Fang, the author of a manual on Malay classical literature (Sejarah Kesusastraan Melayu Klassik, Singapura, Pustaka Nasional, 1975) and Tham Seong Chee author of a study (Language and Cognition — An Analysis of the Thought and Culture of the Malays, Singapore, Chopmen Enterprises, 1977). 46. Shen Fu, Hidup bagaikan mimpi (Fou Sheng Liu Chi). Riwayat hidup sa-orang pelukis dan sastrawan Tionghoa.Diterjemakan dari pada bahasa Inggris oleh Li Chuan Siu (Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, 1961), 179 p. 47. Wee Hock Keng, Sha’er San Pek Eng Tai (Singapore: Pustaka Melayu, 1963), 1st ed., p. 92.

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48. According to Tan Chee Beng, “Baba dan Nyonya: A Study of the Ethnic Identy of the Chinese Peranakan in Malacca”, Unpublished Ph.D., Cornell, 1979, p. 116, in Malacca too Dongdang sayang is a dying element in Baba culture. So far not many dongdang sayang poems have been published. One can only mention a booklet by the late Chia Kim Teck which appeared in 1950 under the title of Pantun Dondang Sayang.

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LIE SIE BIN YOE TEE HOE

SIX MALAY/INDONESIAN TRANSLATIONS OF A CHINESE TALE Eric M. Oey

For some time now, the interest in early (specially pre-1900) Malay Indonesian translations from Chinese sources appears to have been growing, judging from the increasing number of references to such texts,1 and the publication in 1981 of Claudine Salmon’s voluminous catalogue (Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia (Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, 1981)) has provided researchers with an invaluable guide in this area. Much of the attention devoted to this genre of printed Malay books has focused either on their role in stimulating the development of a popular, romanized Malay literature in late nineteenth century Indonesia, or on their value as sociological “evidence” of the thinking of the Indonesian Chinese community in this period. Insofar as the texts themselves are concerned, the method of analysis has been a thematic one, with the underlying assumption that from a literary point of view, the translations do not differ significantly from their original Chinese texts.2 The question naturally arises as to whether a thematic analysis will tell us very much about Malay literature and Indonesian Chinese society if the literature is purely Chinese. In this study therefore we have attempted to examine more carefully the relationship between the Malay translations and their Chinese sources. 1. The Six Translations and the Problems They Present Faced with such a thicket of relatively unexplored literature (Salmon lists 759 titles, not counting reprints, for translations from Chinese works), we

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have been drawn to investigate six translations into Malay/Indonesian of a short tale from the Chinese novel Xiyou ji (“Record of a Westward Journey”), a work which has enjoyed an immense popularity in China for several centuries. The tale, which comprises three chapters of the 100-chapter Chinese novel, relates the purported journey into Hades of the (Li Shimin ) to answer charges before Tang emperor Taizong the underworld tribunal in the case of a slain dragon king. A Malay translation of the entire 100-chapter Xiyou ji appears to have been completed only once in Indonesia (See Ijoe, Yap Goan Ho, Batavia and Semarang, 1895–96, 24 vols, 1924 p.) although this massive work was later reprinted in its entirety (Kho Tjeng Bie & Co, Batavia, 1919, 24 vols, 1886 p.).3 The passages containing the tale of Taizong’s journey to the underworld were then excerpted directly from this text and published as an 82-page booklet in 1920 (text B below). Another Malay translation of the entire Xiyou ji was undertaken in Surakarta, Central Java and published as a monthly serial beginning in September 1937. Publication of this remarkably accurate translation was interrupted, however, by the Japanese invasion and it was never resumed after the war. (see text C below) In the early 1950s an abridged, ten-volume Malay version of the novel appeared in Jakarta, produced and published by “Monsieur Kekasih” (Kwee ). The Taizong in hell tale receives more than adequate Khe Soei treatment here in a passage encompassing three chapters of this 27-chapter abridgment. (see text D below) On at least five additional occasions, and as early as 1890, excerpts from the Xiyou ji were published in Malay (later Indonesian) translation. Three of these were devoted exclusively to the Taizong in hell tale. In all, then, we have six separate Malay/Indonesian versions of the same tale.4 (See Plate 32.) Text A Boekoe Tjerita doeloe kala di negeri Tjiena, Menjeritaken Keizer Lie Sie Bien — Ijoe Tee Hoe, Djaman Karadja’än “Taij Tong Tiauw” tersalin dari boekoe Tjina “See Ijoe”, Semarang, P.A. van Asperen van der Velde & Co, 1890, 2 v., 101 p., translated by Boen Sing Hoo. This early translation was one of two Malay excerpts from the Xiyou ji to precede the complete Malay translation of 1895–96. The translator,

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Boen Sing Hoo (real name Tan Djin Hoa ), was a merchant and journalist in Semarang who translated many other popular Chinese stories and also composed original syair or Malay verse (Salmon, op. cit., pp. 155–57). This translation encompasses all of chapters 10 through 12 of the Xiyou ji. No verse passages are translated, but the Malay text is otherwise quite faithful to the prose of the original. A single illustration of the underworld is included, rather crudely imitating the woodblock prints of popular Chinese editions, with captions in Malay. (See Plate 33.) Text B Tjerita Keizer Lie Sie Bin Yoe Tee Hoe (Batavia: Kho Tjeng Bie & Co, 1920), 82 p., possibly translated by Yap Goan Ho (excerpted from his 1895–96 full translation, See Ijoe). This excerpt has been taken directly from the complete Malay version of the Xiyou ji originally published by Yap Goan Ho in 1895–96. It appeared only one year after the 1919 reprint of the latter (see above), which leads us to believe that the publisher originally had no intention of issuing this booklet as a separate edition, but that popular demand for these particular chapters of the novel required him to do so. A comparison of this text to the parallel passages of the original 1895–96 translation shows them to be identical except for the typesetting and the spelling of certain words. No translator is mentioned for this excerpt or for either of the full editions from which it was taken, but we do know that Yap Goan Ho personally translated many of the texts published by him (Salmon, op. cit., pp. 370–71). The extent of this excerpt seems to have been determined by the size of the printing sheets, as was often the case with such books. The text opens with chapter 10 of the Xiyou ji but breaks off abruptly in the middle of completes the Grand Mass. No chapter 12, as the monk Xuanzang verse passages are translated, and although the Malay text adheres to the original in its general outlines, it is less literal than some of the others and tends to “retell” the story rather than merely translate it. Text C “Pesiar di Alam Baka, Bagenda Thay Tjong Idoep Kembali” (1938) in v. 10 of See Yoe Tjien Tjwan (Surakarta: Khong Kauw Hwee, 1937–41), translated by Auw Ing Kiong.

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As explained in the foreword to the first issue of See Yoe Tjien Tjwan (no. 1, Sept 1937, pp. 1–3), Auw Ing Kiong’s Malay translation of the Xiyou ji began in 1926 as a series of monthly readings held in the Confucian Association Hall of Surakarta (Khong Kauw Hwee ), the first of which was held on the eve of cap-go-me (the 15th of the first lunar month). Thereafter, instalments of the novel were delivered orally each lunar month on the eve of the 15th, until it was finally completed some ten years later, in 1936. Subsequently, a series of weekly radio broadcasts, also by Auw Ing Kiong, was initiated and listeners were treated to an hour of the tale each Friday night from 6–7 pm. These radio broadcasts were well received in various quarters, including the palace of the Susuhunan, so that it was resolved at this time that a published edition of the Malay version should be produced. In September 1937, the first of many monthly instalments appeared under the auspices of the Surakarta Confucian Association, edited by the indefatigable Auw Ing Kiong. Proceeds from the sale of this monthly, which also included translations of philosophical and religious tracts , Giam Loo — Dewa Yama (“Yanluo such as the Daode jing , the god Yama”) and Riwayat dari Kwan Im Pouw Sat (“Story of the Bodhisattva Guanyin”), were used to support the Confucian School for the Poor (Sekolahan Miskin Khong Kauw Hak Hauw — Solo) founded by Auw Ing Kiong. It was Auw’s stated intention in this published translation of the Xiyou ji (see his introduction, no. 1, pp. 4–9), as in his public readings and radio broadcasts, to explain the “hidden meaning” contained in certain passages of the novel, particularly those references and allusions to classical Chinese texts as would permit him to elucidate some of the finer points of Chinese philosophy. In this way, Auw hoped to demonstrate the value of the Xiyou ji as a serious and meaningful work of literature, as well as to acquaint his audience with the vast intellectual heritage of ancient China, In view of the purposefulness of the translator, it is not surprising that his translation is the most accurate and the most complete of all the Malay versions of the tale, and the only one to translate the verse passages of the Chinese novel into Malay. So accurate is the translation, in fact, that for the purposes of our investigation we may say that the original and the translation are identical. What is of great interest, however, and deserving of attention in a separate study, is the interpretation given to various passages of the text in Auw Ing Kiong’s notes. These annotations are remarkable for their extent and scope — filled as they are with personal asides and philosophical

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and philological discursions, as well as with explications de texte. In most cases the notes are as long as the translation. Unfortunately it seems that the publication of this translation was never completed. The Japanese invasion of the Indies began in January 1942 and for various reasons the See Yoe Tjien Tjwan monthly was never revived after the occupation ended. The only known set of this magazine is to be found in the library of matakin (successor to the Khong Kauw Hwee) in Surakarta, an incomplete one consisting of nos. 1–10, 13, 16, 18, 19, 21–28, 31–34, 36 and 37. The last volume in this collection, no. 37, contains chapter 47 of the 100-chapter novel and appeared in September 1941. It is uncertain if there were further numbers, but certainly publication was discontinued from the start of the Japanese occupation in March of 1942. The tale of Taizong in the underworld is contained in nos. 9–11. As is evident from the title of the entire series, as well as from an examination of the text, it has been translated from the Xiyou zhenquan version of the novel (Chinese version 1 below). By chance, a copy of this Chinese text resides today in the MATAKIN library together with the translation. The latter is an illustrated edition without colophon, published roughly fifty years ago, perhaps in Shanghai or Hongkong. The fact that it reached Central Java at this time is interesting evidence of the popularity and availability of this version of the Chinese novel. Text D Chapters IX–XI (untitled) of See Yoe (Jakarta: Sunrise, 1953), pp. 103–30, vols. 3–4, translated by Monsieur Kekasih (Kwee Khe Soei). As part of a series of new, abridged translations and excerpts from historical Chinese novels produced after World War II under the pen-name Monsieur Kekasih (“Mister Beloved”), Kwee Khe Soei issued this ten volume edition of the Xiyou ji in 1953. No colophon is given in any of the booklets, but an advertisement at the end of v. 1 mentions that vols. 2–10 will all be issued within the year 1953. The translation, though apparently original, is very much shortened and passages of the story are retold and rearranged rather freely. The phrase “freely retold by Monsieur Kekasih” (Ditjeritakan kembali dengan bebas oleh Monsieur Kekasih) appears on the title page, and indeed this version is more of an adaptation than a translation. As with the radically condensed Chinese version of the novel (see note 7b), the first fifteen chapters of this Malay edition

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correspond roughly to those of the full Chinese version (without verse passages) whereas the final eighty-five chapters are drastically abridged. Indeed, this translation contains only twenty-seven chapters in all and many of the latter episodes of the novel have been omitted altogether. The contrast between this “free” translation and the utterly meticulous pre-war edition of Auw Ing Kiong (C) is very striking. As the racy advertising in these booklets shows, the translations of Monsieur Kekasih were a very commercial enterprise. It seems also that the post-war audience had less time to read long-winded translations of Chinese novels that ran into thousands of pages, and that abridgements were the order of the day. In fact the owner of the particular book which I have used, a book dealer in Semarang, refused to part with it at any price whereas he gladly sold a copy of the complete See Ijoe reprint of 1919 (B). He said that he was still able to generate income from this book by renting it to potehi dalangs (professional “cloth-pocket” puppeteers). The full version of the novel was too long to be performed any more, he said. The translation of chapters 10–12 of the Xi you ji here appears in chapters 9–11 without headings or subtitles, in nearly complete but somewhat rearranged form. The dialogues in this version are entirely original and frequently convey narrative elements, though their content generally echoes the narrative of the Chinese text. Numerous extrapolations are made, to explain the characters’ actions and feelings. Two scenes are actually cut out: (a) the introductory scene featuring the woodcutter and the fisherman, and (b) the scene in which the Dragon King appears before the emperor in his dream to beg for assistance in staying his execution. Both scenes are only mentioned as much as is necessary to make sense of the subsequent scenes. Modern terminology and devices are introduced in rather bizarre ways. The river patrol of the Dragon King is referred to as his “Intelligence Service” (in English!); the “Jade Emperor of Heaven” here becomes the “Council Governing Nature” (Dewan Kendalian Alam), later simply referred to by its initials, D.K.A.; the Dragon King’s severed head is stored in an icebox by one of the emperor’s ministers; a special magnet is used to lead the souls of the deal into the underworld; and the emperor is given special “3-D” eyeglasses that enable him to see and focus on distant objects in the gloom of Hades, much like an infrared sniper scope! The emperor’s guided tour of the netherworld is treated in this version of the tale as a flashback: he is first shown coming back to life and then he relates what he has seen. He is sometimes interrupted by questions from his ministers during his recitation. The description of the underworld

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is far more complete and explicit than in the Chinese, and the entire processing of souls from their summons to their reincarnation is told with great gusto. Certain “secrets” are even withheld from the emperor, but of course the reader is told everything. One wonders to what extent this version of the tale was influenced by comic strips and even by filmed versions of the tale. Text E “Asal Usulnja Sembahjang Kepada Orang Mati”, in Sam Po (Semarang: Toko Buku Liong, 1954), pp. 163–225, translated by Kam Seng Kioe. From the title of this work (which may be translated as “The Provenance of Worship for the Deceased”) one does not immediately identify it with the Taizong in hell passages, however the text contains several subtitles which remind us of the tale, including the heading “Lie Sie Bin Yoe Tee Hoe” at the appropriate section (p. 184). The translation covers chapters 10 through the beginning of 12 of the Xiyou ji, and is curiously appended to a longer, unrelated collection of stories concerning the deified eunuch (the “Three-jeweled” admiral who led a great Chinese fleet Sanbao to Southeast Asia seven times in the early fifteenth century). At the very end of the text an advertisement appears for a fully illustrated edition of the Xiyou ji (presumably in Malay translation) for sale from the publisher. Thus it seems that by the inclusion of this tale, the publisher had in mind to both increase the saleability of the present volume and generate sales for another book. The Malay of the translation shows the influence of modern Indonesian though it may not be classified with the latter. And in the rendition of Chinese names, titles and other details, there is no evidence that the translator has consulted any of the earlier Malay editions. A notable feature of the text is the use of many illustrations of the underworld, evidently reproduced from a Chinese edition of the Yuli baochao quan shi (“Precious Records to Admonish the World”) or a wen similar work, but unrelated to the Taizong in hell narrative. Text E2

“Asal-usul Sembahyang Kepada Orang Meninggal”, in Liberty, 7, May– 2 July 1983, retold by Adi Tn. During the preparation of this paper we have noted, much to our delight, the reappearance of the tale in question in recent issues of the weekly magazine Liberty. The title indicates a connection with text E above and indeed it seems that this text has been adapted directly from

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the latter and retold in modern Indonesian, probably without reference to an original Chinese text. The writer’s name is prefaced by the words “retold by” (Diceritakan kembali oleh) and yet no mention is made of the sources used, or even of the fact that the tale derives from the Xiyou ji. As may be expected in such a “second generation” version of the tale, certain interpolations have been made in the retelling which goes beyond simple textual changes needed to bring the language into accord with modern Indonesian usage. Though we have mentioned a few of these interpolations below, there are too many to cover adequately. Suffice it to say that the writer has done his best to improve the readability of the tale for a modern audience largely unacquainted with Chinese literature, and that unconstrained by reference to the original text he has felt free to alter or add passages at will. It is in fact characteristic of other translations found in Liberty that they retell or adapt the story in Indonesian for their (largely Chinese) readership, and one often sees the phrase saduran bebas (“free adaptation”) in connection with such translations. As may perhaps be inferred from the brief descriptions of the Malay/ Indonesian texts given above, our initial concern has been to carefully compare the six translations to each other and to several Chinese versions of the tale in order to discover the apparent relationships among them. It eventually became evident, however, that such a study might possibly lead us beyond the comparison of texts to some interesting observations concerning the translations themselves. In the absence of any established methodology for such an investigation, it will be worthwhile for us to first discuss some of the questions and problems we have encountered before presenting an analysis of the texts. Approached on the one hand as an intriguing exercise in the art of translation (i.e. a transposition from the literary Chinese of a late Ming dynasty popular epic to the Malay dialect employed by urban dwellers in Java), we would naturally like to know the extent to which the translator has apparently been forced to alter the material of the original text in order to render it into Malay (or conversely, from an inability to render certain nuances of the Chinese original). This has to do, then, with relatively minor deviations in the Malay texts from what might be considered a strict literal translation from the Chinese. In cases, on the other hand, or more substantial deformations of the original tale, we are taken beyond a concern for the translation of words and phrases to an awareness of choices or decisions of a literary nature made by the translators. Why is it, for example, that certain elements of the original narrative have been adapted or omitted in a translation? Or

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perhaps even more tellingly, why have certain additions been made to the narrative by the translator? The answers to these questions become extremely interesting when we are assured that the translator knew his audience intimately and effected textual changes not out of sloppiness, but in an effort to “improve” the story for them by leaving out or adapting what they would find strange and adding whatever was necessary for their understanding of the narrative. This “interpretive” function of the translator is natural for all but the most academic translations (in which case the device of footnotes is used), and is probably assumed by him somewhat unconsciously in most cases. As may well be expected, the problems involved in such a close textual comparison are formidable. Aside from the physical difficulties in obtaining all the necessary texts (copies of our Malay texts were to be found only in Auckland, Surakarta, Jakarta, Paris and Leiden),5 there were problems also in locating various Chinese versions of the tale, checking and crosschecking all of them with the Malay translations, and then determining how to interpret and present the results of this comparison. 2. Identification of the Chinese Originals In dealing with translations from extremely popular Chinese sources such as the Xiyou ji, we face the additional uncertainty that the translators may have worked from an original Chinese text quite different from the ones we were able to consult. The profusion of popular editions produced by small, local printers in nineteenth and twentieth century China is relatively poorly documented and we are in even less of a position to know precisely which Chinese texts were circulating in Southeast Asia at the time these Malay translations were produced. In tracing Chinese versions of the Xiyou ji we have relied primarily on the classification for earlier (seventeenth and eighteenth century) editions established by Glen Dudbridge (“The Hundred-Chapter Xiyou ji and its Early Versions,” in Asia Major XIV, pt 2 (1969): 141–91) and then compared several examples from each “class of editions” to the five Malay texts in order to determine a likely pedigree. As we shall see, there are some remaining problems, but on the whole we may be reasonably assured that the alterations of the tale found in the Malay texts have been made by our translators and not taken from renegade Chinese editions. It is interesting to note in passing that the tale of Taizong’s visit to the underworld had a long history in China prior to its incorporation into the Xiyou ji.6 However as these early versions of the tale have not been in

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circulation for many centuries, we shall mention here only those editions of the 100-chapter Chinese novel (or excerpts from it) which may have served as sources for the Malay translations. To begin with, all Chinese versions of the 100-chapter Xiyou ji have been shown to emanate from the edition published in 1592 (this is the point of Dudbridge’s Shidetang above mentioned article). Of the four “classes of editions” known to have been current in China since the nineteenth century, it appears that only two could have been used by our translators.7 The “Standard” Abridged Version (Dudbridge’s C editions) (1) This class of editions, known as the Xiyou zhenquan , first appeared in the second half of the seventeenth century and seems to have been the one most commonly reprinted until modern times. It differs from the original (1592 edition) chiefly in the omission of lengthy verse passages and some circumstantial detail. Of some importance to us here are the alterations in chapters 9–12 which contain the Taizong in hell tale. An additional passage (Chen Guangrui fu ren feng zai ) was inserted in the text as chapter 9, and the material that had originally comprised chapters 9–12 was re-distributed and re-titled so as to form chapters 10–12. The principal Taizong in hell passages, originally in chapter 10 (under the title: Tang Taizong difu huan hun or “Tang Taizong’s Soul Returns from the Underworld”), here fall in chapter 11 under the title You difu Taizong huan hun (“After a Journey to the Underworld, Taizong’s Soul Returns”). This version of the tale is clearly the one used by the translators of A, B and C despite the different titles used in these Malay editions (see below). An Unabridged Qing Version (Dudbridge’s D editions) (2) A reprint of one of the rare mid-eighteenth century unabridged editions ), thus was published in Shanghai in 1921 (Yadong tushuguan making available again a fuller version of the novel. In this unabridged edition, most but not all of the verse passages and circumstantial details from the 1592 edition were restored, however the division and titling of material in chapters 9–12 remained as in (1). This 1921 reprint may have been used by the translator of our Malay text E (see note 8), and by extension therefore is also the source for E2. We should be clear, in discussing Chinese versions of the Xiyou ji mentioned above (and in note 7), that for the passages in question (with

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the exception of the radically condensed version of note 7b) the differences from one “class of editions” to another lie primarily in the verse passages — passages inserted by the author to flaunt his literary prowess, but sometimes skimmed over by the average educated Chinese reader and abridged or omitted in more popular Chinese versions. Apart from the verse passages, then, differences between (1) and (2) above are few and far between.8 Moreover, a close comparison of four editions falling under category (1) above and published in China and Hong Kong between 1880 and 1965 reveals only minor typographical differences (in the substitution of homonymic graphs) and the occasional omission of a phrase in places. For the purposes of this study, we have therefore concluded that other Chinese editions will have probably only abridged or omitted but not significantly rewritten and certainly not expanded upon material found in the editions we have consulted. At this point we should also mention that the Taizong in hell tale from the Xiyou ji very likely appeared independently as an excerpt in Chinese. Salmon (op. cit., p. 156) mentions this in connection with Malay text A, based on information given to her by an elderly Indonesian Chinese author,9 and it seems likely that the translator of this text has worked from an existing Chinese excerpt. Initial efforts at locating such a Chinese booklet have proved unsuccessful, however, and we must continue to make inquiries. At the same time, since all the Malay translations follow known Chinese versions of the Xiyou ji very closely, it seems fair to assume that if Chinese excerpts were used they simply reproduced passages from the full texts listed above. Actually, the principle discrepancy between the Malay translations and Chinese texts (1) and (2) which might appear to derive from alternate Chinese versions of the tale is the substitution of the personal name of the (transcribed from the Minnan dialect as Chinese emperor, Li Shimin . This is especially Lie Sie Bin), for his temple name, Tang Taizong curious in that the name Lie Sie Bin is employed in all Malay texts and (“Li Shimin’s Journey to the title Lie Sie Bin Yoe Tee Hoe the Underworld”) appear in three of them (A, B and E) whereas they are not to be found in any of the Chinese versions of the Xiyou ji mentioned by Dudbridge or encountered by us. As B was clearly translated from a full version of the Xiyou ji (as part of the 1895–96 translation — almost certainly translated from (1) and E appears to have been translated from (2) yet utilizes an entirely original title (nevertheless Lie Sie Bin Yoe Tee Hoe figures as a subtitle of the appropriate section), perhaps it is not so much a question of alternate Chinese texts having introduced these changes as it is the influence of parallel traditions by which this tale or at least the

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emperor’s name was known to the audience. Support for this conjecture may be found in popular “hell scrolls” from Taiwan (see Plate 32) which depict Li Shimin in the underworld,10 in the use of the name Lie Sie Bin in an earlier Javanese translation from a Chinese work,11 and also in the fact that translators of Chinese works into Malay very freely substituted their own titles for the Chinese ones.12 It seems, therefore, that the name Lie Sie Bin and the title Lie Sie Bin Yoe Tee Hoe may well have achieved currency from sources other than published editions of the Xiyou ji and were then adopted by the translators of the Malay editions. 3. Textual Comparisons Apart from this use of Lie Sie Bin and Lie Sie Bin Yoe Tee Hoe, it is notable that (except for E2) all of the Malay translations were apparently produced independently of one another. So different are the language, the phrasing and the renditions of names, titles and Chinese terminology in each case, that we may go even further and state that the later translators (again, with the exception of E2) did not have recourse to the earlier Malay editions. Nor were the translators by any means consistent in their “interpretations” of the text. For example, when we compare the way in which they have each handled the opening passages of the tale (corresponding to the beginning of chapter 10 in the Xiyou ji, in which a fisherman and a woodcutter are debating the relative merits of their professions), we find that whereas most of the Malay texts adhere quite closely to the original (minus the verse passages, which only C translates fully), D omits the scene entirely and B omits a number of details. These omissions concern the fact that the two characters are in fact scholars who failed the examinations for entrance into the official world and have “scorned” the material life as a result. In B the woodcutter and the fisherman are simply introduced as good friends who often eat and drink together. Did the translator of B feel that his audience would have difficulty identifying with the plight of two failed literati, or was he merely taking a shortcut in his translation? (The two motives are not mutually exclusive, of course.) The editor of text E2, on the contrary, has taken the opportunity provided by this passage to do a bit of playful sermonizing. The lengthy debate between the woodcutter and the fisherman, which in the Chinese is expressed in a “linking verse” repartee praising rustic simplicity, here becomes a paean to the Almighty and His gift of alcohol:

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“What you have said is indeed true, brother Thio,” answered Li Ting, “as men living in this world, we must know ourselves. We need not be overly stingy, yet we also do not have to be too princely. Poverty, simplicity or riches — all are due to the grace of God the Almighty. If we are graced with a life of luxury, we must remember those who live in suffering. On the other hand, if we live in a state of want, we must work hard to improve our standard of living. We must not feel envious of those who are rich and live in luxury. If by the grace of God the Almighty we are granted a life of simplicity, we shall accept that and thank Him for it. Correct brother, what you have said is very true,” said Thio Siauw. “Actually we must indeed give many thanks to The Almighty, that we two do not want for anything and that at the moment we are able to enjoy this arak. Is this not happiness?

Text E contains a less well-developed version of this prose dialogue, which A alludes to and B and D ignore completely. Only in C is the Chinese verse translated literally and faithfully into Malay. In some instances, all Malay translations omit the same details and we may readily understand why. For example, in both court scenes (one in the Crystal Palace of the Dragon King and one at the emperor’s dawn levée) there are lengthy lists of titles and officials in the Chinese text which would have been both awkward and unintelligible in a language which has no ready equivalents. Other details of this nature have been similarly omitted by a majority of the Malay texts: lists of the titles of the ten kings of the underworld courts, the type and colour of clothing worn by various personages in the underworld, the type of fish (golden carp) seen in the river by the emperor on his journey back to the world of the living, and so on. The wealth of detail concerning the Chinese underworld occasionally serves a satirical function, also, as when Yama (the chief of the underworld) remarks to the emperor that there are eastern melons and western melons in hell but no southern melons. In the Malay versions, Yama simply states that there are no watermelons (“western melons” in Chinese) in the underworld. Nevertheless, in many passages the Malay translations reflect faithfully the most minute details of the original, most notably in the descriptions of the Eighteen Halls of Punishment and their gruesome tortures (which were precisely the passages that most fascinated the audience, we may imagine). Furthermore, we would be slighting our translators not to mention the fact that literary Chinese possesses a compactness and a

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precision of terminology that is difficult to replicate in other languages, so that it is frequently unfeasible to reproduce a Chinese text conscientiously and still make it readable. Witness, for example, Arthur Waley’s widely read English translation of the Xiyou ji (entitled Monkey (London: Allen and Unwin, 1942)). Not only are many details overlooked, but all verse passages and even half the chapters of the novel have been omitted so as to make it more accessible to English readers. In many ways, the translators of the Malay editions have given their readers a more complete rendition than this, and we may surmise that this is because their audience was more familiar with the setting of the tale. Except in text D, no structural elements (“motifemes” or “slots”) have been actually dropped out altogether in any Malay translation, and the most severe simplification is that at the opening of B mentioned above. A rather fascinating and unexpected feature of the Malay translations is the addition of passages not found in the Chinese. These additions are of two types: (a) explanations of a particular point found in the Chinese text, and (b) expansions of the narrative which have characters doing and saying things not mentioned in the Chinese tale, often for added dramatic effect. The first category of additions includes brief author’s asides and notes in the text as well as lengthy expositions in dialogue form on the workings of the underworld. For instance, A makes explicit in an explanatory holds the position of aside the fact that Chief Minister Wei Zheng executioner in heaven in addition to his worldly duties (p. 15). Also in A are two fine-print notes which explain that the door-gods painted on Chinese temples are meant to represent the two ministers who stood guard at Taizong’s door in this tale (p. 24); and that the reason Taizong is attacked by his two brothers as he entered the underworld is that they were killed by him in a struggle for the throne (p. 32 — actually the note incorrectly states that Taizong first had them imprisoned and then killed). Text D also contains a note concerning the door-god paintings, and mentions specifically that they appear on the doors of the well-known Gang Lombok temple in Semarang (p. 168). At another point in the tale, B spells out that by adding two strokes to the Chinese cipher “13” it is transformed to “33” (p. 41). Then, as the emperor is about to embark on a tour of the underworld before being restored to life, B has Judge Cui prepare him (and us) for what is to come: Your servant directs us by this road so that My Lord may find out about the afterlife’s various punishments for humans who did evil to other humans. When they die, their souls are tortured in hell; and afterwards,

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when My Lord has reached the world (of the living), he may inform all mankind how it is in the afterlife so that they will not do evil to each other. (p. 44)

In a similar vein, E introduces the underworld and its operations by means of Cui’s explanation to the emperor: Humans in the world who do evil are quite many, whereas those who do good are only a few. Humans possess many tricks to conceal their wickedness from the view of others, but they cannot deceive the judge in the afterlife. Not a few are those who conceal their wickedness from sight with the use of material objects. But all those masks cannot be used here; their wickedness and goodness will be revealed and they will receive sentences in accordance with their actions while they were alive. A minister who is not loyal to his king, a child who is not filial to his parents, a wife who is not faithful to her husband, having a greedy heart, doing what one pleases and hunting for pleasure in the world, deceiving, killing, sickening — in short, all actions which can be punished in the world (of the living) can be punished here, too. Punishments undergone in the world are only fleeting, but punishments undergone here are truly fitted to the crime: the punishments are repeated as many as tens of times. (pp. 192–93)

Arriving at the descriptions of the tortures themselves, E offers a rather interpretive vision in which the translator elaborates upon a scene that is only mentioned in passing (and in verse) in the Chinese text: This punishment is made to fall upon those whose tongues are clever — deceivers who use their tongues to make things difficult for their fellows. Their skin in peeled off because they were not faithful, i.e. they put on masks and by so doing harmed or endangered their fellows. Their stomachs are split open and the contents extracted so that their deceiving heart may be visible. It is worse for those who are two-faced, i.e. those who make a show on the outside of being holy, pious and helpful, while their holiness, piety and helpfulness are only a mask to enable them to carry out their wickedness. (p. 194)

Later in the narrative, when Cui explains to the emperor the operation ), A adds a of the Six Paths of the Wheel of Reincarnation ( clarifying prologue and epilogue to the description in the Chinese text: These six divisions are the paths through which humans and animals are reborn, and the reason there are six divisions is because humans and animals are of different status…” (a description of the Six Paths follows): “… Now My Lord already understands clearly that men who are

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evil-hearted during their lifetimes enter into a hell of punishment when they die, and when they have already been imprisoned for a time, they are reborn again to become rather miserable animals—differing greatly from men who are good-hearted like those My Lord has just seen at the six divisions. (pp. 48–49)

And then at the very end of this chapter, E adds a further footnote explaining that Taizong was exempted from drinking the “potion of forgetfulness” administered to all reincarnated souls, so that he would be able to report what he had witnessed in the underworld (p. 203). From these examples, it is clear that certain points which were perhaps common knowledge to the native Chinese reader of the original text, needed to be explained to the overseas Chinese audience in Indonesia. In a sense these explanations fulfil the same function as footnotes in a scholarly translation (and in four cases mentioned above the form in that of a footnote, though it is generally inserted directly in the text, in brackets and/or fine print). However, the explanations may also inject something new by emphasizing or interpreting certain elements of the tale in a way that is foreign to the Chinese text. This is the case in passages concerning the punishments of the underworld, and we note with interest the emphasis on sin and retribution that borders on the moralistic in all Malay versions. In the original Xiyou ji, by contrast, the tone is often playful and satirical — as if these passages are meant, in effect, as a thinly disguised parody of Chinese morality tracts concerning the underworld. Of equal interest are the narrative additions introduced (particularly by the translator of Malay text B) in order, it seems, to bring the tale more into line with the sort of literature the audience was accustomed to and would appreciate. In fact, we may cite several striking examples in which the translator has inserted narrative elements that would appear to belong more to traditional Malay literature than to the Chinese novel. For instance, in B the emperor washes his face and dresses after arising (p. 15) — a natural sequence of events in traditional Malay tales, but a detail that is missing from the Chinese texts. In a very lengthy addition to the tale, B also has the emperor delivering a deathbed oration to his assembled ministers and heirs, again in the manner of traditional Malay literary works. The ministers declare their loyalty, the emperor is bathed and dressed and delivers another address, whereupon Wei Zheng hands him a letter addressed to judge Cui in the underworld. The emperor dies and elaborate funeral arrangements are carried out, to the accompaniment of sobs and wailing on the part of

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the queen and the princesses. The entire scene is very theatrical and covers a total of five pages in this text (pp. 27–32), whereas the delivery of the letter and the death of the emperor is described somewhat perfunctorily in a few lines in the Chinese text. An echo of this expanded version is found, too, in A, which tells us that everyone in the palace continued to weep for days after the emperor’s death, so that “… the falling of their tears was like the rain coming down” (p. 27). A further major addition found in B is equally dramatic and equally foreign to the Chinese text (if not specifically “Malay”). The passage describes the emperor’s terror as he is forced to cross over the Naihe bridge: (…) When the emperor heard what Tjhoei Kat (Cui Jue) had related to him, each hair on his body stood on end, his fear was excessive, his entire body went limp, and shaking he said, “Sir! Do we need to cross over this bridge in fact? Is there not another bridge which we might pass by?” While speaking thus, the emperor’s face drained of color and he shook his head and drew in long and short breaths as evidence of his fear. When Tjhoei Kak saw the emperor thus afraid, he said, ‘O! My Lord must not fear crossing this bridge because your servant will accompany My Lord along the way, and your servant hopes that we may continue directly while the sun is still high’. The emperor was thus forced to cross over the bridge, but how the emperor was able to step onto that bridge only the Lord Allah knows. If only he were permitted to, he would have preferred to give several warehouses full of money just so that he would not have to pass by that way. When the emperor began to reach the center, he felt the bridge sway, so that verily all the beasts in the river below were visible exactly as Tjhoei Kak had just described them. The emperor’s legs went limp, but with effort he forced them to hold fast, and to his left and right Tjhoei Kak and Tjhoei Taij Wie hold the emperor’s hand until he reached the other side. Only then did he feel there was something to be happy about. (p. 51)

Nothing would perhaps seem more blasphemous to a native Chinese reader than this evocation of the great Tang conqueror being dragged across the bridge, quaking with fear! Conclusion With these few examples, then, we begin to see that the process of translation was far from a mechanical one for such texts. And although we hesitate at this point to draw general conclusions based upon an analysis of the

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six short Malay/Indonesian translations examined here, it does seem that a similar analysis applied to a range of early Malay translations could tell us a great deal about the literature of this period. The opportunity of watching an early modern Malay writer at work, knowing the raw material which he was using, is certainly a unique one (and many of the Chinese translators were also writers of original Malay fiction and verse). One begins to develop a feeling, it seems, in reading such texts, for the complexity of literary currents that contributed to the formation of a reading public in modern Indonesia. Notes   1. In addition to the sections devoted to translations from Chinese sources in Salmon’s catalogue and its excellent introduction, a general survey of this literature may also be found in Cl. And D. Lombard-Salmon. “Les traductions de romans chinois en malais (1880–1930)” (in P.-B. Lafont et D. Lombard, ed, Littératures contemporaines de l’Asie du Sud-Est (Paris: L’Asiathèque, 1974), pp. 183–201) and in John B. Kwee’s unpublished thesis, “Chinese Malay Literature of the Peranakan in Indonesia 1880–1942” (Ph. D. thesis, University of Auckland, 1977). Additional information on the earliest translations is to be found in Cl. Lombard-Salmon, “Aux origines de la littérature sinomalaise, un sjair publicitaire de 1886” (in Archipel 8 (1974): 155–86). For examples of interest in Malay translations from Chinese works from the point of view of the development of modern Indonesian literature, see C.W. Watson’s article, “Some Preliminary Remarks on the Antecedents of Modern Indonesian Literature”, Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 127, no. 4 (1971): 417–33; the epilogue to the 2nd ed. of A. Teeuw’s standard work, Modern Indonesian Literature (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1979), v. 2, pp. 197–210; and also W.V. Sykorsky’s paper, “Some Additional Remarks on the Antecedents of Modern Indonesian Literature”, Bijdragen tot de Taal-Land-en Volkenkunde 136, no. 4 (1980): 498–516. This literature also receives brief mention in the introduction to Pramoedya Ananta Toer’s recently published anthology of turn-of-the-century ‘lingua franca’ Malay works from Batavia, Tempo Doeloe (Jakarta: Hasta Mitra, 1982), and in Jakob Sumardjo’s recent article on ‘Low Malay’ Literature, “Sastra Melayu-Rendah Indonesia”, Horison XVIII (1983): 325–36.   2. To our knowledge, only two studies have gone beyond a bibliographic listing or historical survey of such translations to an analysis of the texts themselves: Claudine Lombard-Salmon’s article, “A propos de la première traduction malaise du Haigong Xiaohongpao quanzhuan” (in Yves Hervouet (ed.), Etudes d’histoire et de littérature chinoises offertes au professeur Jaroslav Průšek (Paris: Bibliothèque de l’Institut des Hautes Etudes Chinoises, v. XXIV, 1976),

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pp. 209–25) and John Kwee’s chapter on translations from Chinese novels (see note 1 above). In both, it is a case of summarizing the narratives of the works examined and then generalizing the literary tastes of the Indonesian Chinese accordingly. Whereas Kwee has not consulted the original Chinese texts, Salmon has and offers the following comment (f.n., p. 223): “Il semble que le traducteur ne se soit pas systématiquement soucié de traduire phrase par phrase, mais plutôt qu’il ait essayé de rendre le sens général, ce qui l’amène à faire quelques oublis et à commettre des inexactitudes. Il ne reproduit pas la division en hui, ni ne traduit les petits poèmes introductifs qui les précèdent. Il n’hésite pas à l’occasion à intervertir l’ordre des événements à l’intérieur d’un chapitre. Sans recourir aux notes, comme certains le feront, il s’efforce cependant de rendre l’histoire compréhensible à ses lecteurs, soit qu’il conserve des expressions chinoises du texte, soit qu’il en ajoute d’autres passées dans le malais quotidien (appellations, objets courants), soit encore qu’il ait recours à des termes hollandais (en ce qui concerne le vocabulaire pénal notamment).”   3. Salmon, op. cit., p. 499. A Malay translation of the Xiyou ji was also published in Singapore between 1911 and 1913 and reprinted there in 1933, but only vols. 1–9 of this version are known (see Claudine Lombard-Salmon, “Writings in Romanized Malay by the Chinese of Malaya — A Preliminary Inquiry”, in Kertas2 Pengajian Tionghoa, Kuala Lumpur, I, Dec. 1977, pp. 69–95), and in this volume.   4. See also Salmon, op. cit., p. 499.   5. At this point, I wish to thank Coen Pepplinkhuizen, John Kwee and Claudine Salmon for making and sending me copies of Malay texts A, B and E respectively.   6. There are three known versions of the story of Taizong in the underworld which pre-date the 1592 edition of the Xiyou ji: (a) An eighth century passage attributed to Zhang Zhuo and preserved in the Taiping guangji (juan 146). The title of this brief passage is Shoupan mingren guan (“A Human Official in Hades Who Dispenses Judgements”), and it concerns Taizong’s encounter with a mortal in hell who acts as the emperor’s guide and is later rewarded with an official post among the living. The stated reason for Taizong’s summons to the underworld is to answer charges concerning the murder of his two brothers (which took place in 626 A.D. or roughly one century before this passage was written). (b) A fragment from Dunhuang tentatively dated 907 A.D. This well-known story appears in the collection Dunhuang bianwen ji , edited by Wang Zhongmin (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1957) under the title “Tang Taizong ru ming ji ” (“A Record of Tang Taizong’s Entrance into Hades”). Here the story has been expanded considerably to encompass a lively repartee between the emperor and the underworld ‘assessor’

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Cui, who angles for a high government post in return for extending Taizong’s life. Once again, the pretext for the emperor’s presence in hell is the murder of his two brothers, although this is mentioned only in passing. (c) An except from an early-fifteenth century version of the Xiyou ji. Although the passages containing Taizong’s decent into hell have not survived, the episode which immediately precedes this (in the 100-chapter novel) is preserved in one of the few extant juan of the Yongle dadian , A Ming encyclopedia (1403–08). This early version of the transgression and beheading of the dragon king is so strikingly parallel to that found in the 1592 edition, that it seems very likely that the subsequent passages were similarly well developed by this time. Glen Dudbridge discusses the above passages in The Hsiyu Chi, A Study of Antecedents to the Sixteenth-Century Chinese Novel (Cambridge: University Press, 1970), pp. 52–59 with special reference to (c) above, which he translates into English (Appendix B, pp. 177–79). Michel Soymié translates (a) and (b) into French and compares them to the Xiyou ji passages in his article, “Notes d’iconographie chinoise: les acolytes de Ti-tsang (II)” (Arts Asiatiques XVI (1967): 141–70). Arthur Waley has also translated the Dunhuang fragment (b) above in his Ballads and Tales from Tunhuang (London: Allen and Unwin, 1960), pp. 164–74.   7. The other two versions of the Xiyou ji available to the nineteenth and twentieth century reader were not used by our Malay translators for the following reasons: (a) The original Shide tang edition and its equivalents (Dudbridge’s “A” and “B” editions). This version of the Xiyou ji seems to have disappeared entirely during the seventeenth century except for a handful of copies held in libraries in Beijing, Japan and London. It was restored to general circulation only in 1954 with the publication of a reprint of the 1592 edition (Beijing, 1954). Although this reprint is now considered the “standard” Chinese edition, it is highly unlikely that any of our translators had access to a comparable version of the novel prior to 1954 (the same year that the last of the Malay translations appeared). The Taizong in hell tale originally appeared in chapter 10 under the title Tang Taizong difu huan hun (“Tang Taizong’s Soul Returns From the Underworld”), however the 1954 reprint has preserved the altered distribution of material and retitling characteristic of the abridged editions (a recent edition published in China has restored these chapters to their original, 1592 form). Anthony Yu has translated this edition into English (The Journey to the West (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977). (b) A radically condensed version (the “Yang Version”). This highly popular class of editions appeared in the seventeenth century and was incorporated into a collection of four picaresque tales entitled Siyou ji “A Record

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of Four Journeys”). The Xiyou ji has here been drastically telescoped and all verse passages omitted in order to reduce it to the length of the other three tales. Our Malay translations all contain a fuller version of the tale than is to be found in these editions and could not, therefore, have been based on them.   8. A comparison of the prose passages only of (1) and (2) reveals several minor details that are in (2) but not (1): (a) The wood-cutter and the fisherman, Li Ding and Zhang Shao, each grasp a bottle of wine as they stroll by the Jing River. (b) When Wei Zheng falls asleep suddenly while playing chess with the emperor, the emperor remarks that his minister has exhausted himself in his duties. (c) Wei Zheng describes to the emperor exactly how he slew the dragon king. As all of these details are mentioned in Malay text E but not A–D, we are led to believe that E was translated from (2), which also seems to have become the ‘standard’ Chinese edition after its publication in 1921 and up until the publication of an even fuller version of the novel in 1954 (see note 7a above). In any case, the differences between (1) and (2) are so minor, as far as the prose passages are concerned, that for the purposes of this study we have considered them to be essentially equivalent.   9. The author was the late Kwee Kek Beng (see Salmon’s catalogue, p. 202), who reported seeing a Chinese booklet entitled Li Shimin you difu many years ago in Batavia. (personal communication from Cl. Salmon) 10. See, for example, the painting of hell from Taiwan reproduced on page 106 of Religiose Malerei aus Taiwan. Austellung der Religionskundiglichen Sammlung der Philipps-Universität Marburg, 12.10–23.11.1980 (edited by Jorinde Ebert, Barbara M. Kaulbach & Martin Kraatz, Marburg, 1980) in which Li Shimin and Donghai longwang (an incorrect name for the dragon king in the tale) are depicted in the first court. I am also in possession (courtesy of Mr Coen Pepplinkhuizen) of photographs of a recent set of hell scrolls from Taiwan in which the Tang emperor and the dragon king appear with the inscription, Li Shimin you difu. 11. See Gustav Schlegel, “Chinese-Malay and Javanese Literature in Java”, in T’oung Pao 2 (1891): 148–51. No title is mentioned by Schlegel for this manuscript, dated 1859, nor was the original Chinese text known to him, but the Javanese translation is noted to contain a portrait of Lie Sie Bin as well as an account of his role in the establishment of the Tang dynasty in the years 600–618 A.D. 12. See C. & D. Lombard-Salmon, “Les traductions de romans chinois en malais”, in P.-B. Lafont & D. Lombard (eds.), Littératures contemporaines de l’Asie du sud-est (Paris: L’Asiathèque, 1974), p. 184.

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LIANG SHANBO YU ZHU YINGTAI

A CHINESE FOLK ROMANCE IN JAVA AND BALI George Quinn

INTRODUCTION On the evening of 17 January 1982, before a large but makeshift bamboo and thatch theatre building in the palace square of Yogyakarta, Central Java, an aggressive gang of ticket touts was busy pushing tickets for the night’s performance. Even at more than double the box-office prices, business was brisk. The performance was by the renowned ketoprak theatre company “Siswo Budoyo” from Tulungagung in East Java, and on this night the 2,000 patrons who packed the theatre would see one of the most popular stories in the ketoprak repertoire, the story of Sam Pek and Eng Tay. The audience was Javanese, the players were Javanese, the performance was in the Javanese language and the theatrical genre was that of ketoprak, a uniquely Javanese form in which plays on historical themes are acted in semi-realistic fashion with largely improvised dialogue on a proscenium stage to the accompaniment of gamelan music.1 But costumes and stage sets, although heavily Javanized, were still recognizably Chinese, and the story, for all its twists and turns, was still the celebrated Chinese romance of the butterfly lovers, Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai. Few folk romances are as widely known in China as that of Liang and Zhu Yingtai . The story is set during the Eastern Shanbo Jin dynasty (317–420)2 and it was certainly well known during the Tang dynasty (618–906).3 Although many of its most famous motifs were to appear later, already in Tang times the broad outline of the story as it is known today had been established. A Tang version of the story by Zhang is recorded in Lu Gong’s survey of Liang-Zhu texts: “Yingtai Du

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a girl from the Zhu family of Shangyu , disguises herself as a boy and goes out to study. She becomes a schoolmate of Liang Shanbo of Guiji . Yingtai returns home and two years later Shanbo comes to visit her. It is only then that he discovers Yingtai is a girl. He goes home broken-hearted and begs his parents to ask for her hand in marriage. But he is too late, Yingtai has already been engaged to a boy of the Ma (in family. Later Shanbo is appointed magistrate in the district of Yin the province of Zhejiang). He falls ill, and after his death is buried in the (Zhejiang). One day, after Yingtai has western suburbs of Moucheng married into the Ma family her boat happens to pass by Shanbo’s tomb. A storm prevents her from going any further. Learning that Shanbo’s tomb is nearby, Yingtai visits it and weeps bitterly. The earth suddenly splits open and Yingtai is swallowed up. Xie An, Prime Minister of Jin, reports the occurrence to the emperor who honours the tomb with the title of Yifu or ‘Tomb of the Righteous Woman’ ”.4 zhong From this kernel the story developed a myriad of variations. Portions of it were elaborated, sometimes to the point where the elaboration overwhelmed the core story.5 The lovers’ farewell, when Yingtai is summoned home from school is one of these. Through many ingenious metaphors, Yingtai tries to communicate to Shanbo that she is a girl, but the innocent and artless Shanbo does not understand. The episode in which Shanbo visits Yingtai at home has also been elaborated,6 and in many more recent variants of the story, the lovers are brought back to life or are reborn to enjoy the satisfaction of victory over their oppressors and a happy ending.7 According to Lu Gong, the motif for which the story is perhaps best known, that of the lovers’ transformation into a pair of butterflies,8 seems to have first appeared during the Song dynasty (960–1279) in a poetic play on words. In a poem entitled You zhuling Shanquandong , “On an Excursion to the Shanquan Cave on Zhuling” by Xue Jixuan (1125–1173) the following two lines appear: When the butterflies dance, the soul of the mountain is crystalized, When the flowers are in full blossom, they recall the beautiful face of the girl.

The phrase “soul of the mountain” (shanbo ) is a homophone of Shanbo in the name Liang Shanbo. So the whole line could be interpreted as “When the butterflies dance, the soul of (Liang) Shanbo is crystalized.”9

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There is evidence that during the Song and Yuan (1279–1368) dynasties the story was being cast into ballad and dramatic form10 and during the Ming (1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1911) dynasties it became popular in one form or another throughout China, and even beyond.11 Among the areas where the story entered the main stream canon of popular literature was the Hokkienese speaking area of Fujian province in southeast China from whence it was borne by migrants to Taiwan and Southeast Asia.12 Regular commercial and political contacts between Java and China date from the fifth century,13 and there is little doubt that very early there were substantial settlements of Chinese on the island. When the Ming admiral visited Java in the first two decades of the fifteenth century Zheng He he found communities of Chinese living in Tuban, Surabaya and elsewhere. As in more recent times, many of these hailed from southern Fujian province.14 By 1700 the Chinese population of Jakarta (formerly Batavia) stood at around 10,00015 and in 1870 Chinese in Indonesia (formerly the Netherlands East Indies), of whom the island of Java accommodated by far the largest segment, were estimated to number 250,000.16 Before the middle years of the nineteenth century most Chinese migrants in Java were men and many of them married local women. Cut off from China in a distant land, most descendants of these migrants forgot the Chinese language and accommodated themselves in various respects to indigenous Indonesian culture.17 The bearers of this mestizo culture became known as Peranakan Chinese. Their language was predominantly Malay, but those who resided in Central and East Java also learned Javanese — in fact for many of them Javanese was, and is, their mother tongue. Familiarity with the Javanese language brought interest in Javanese literature. According to Th.G.Th. Pigeaud, some Chinese even wrote in the Javanese language, although unlike those who wrote and published in Malay, the names of those who wrote in Javanese are largely unknown to us today.18 In his Literature of Java, Pigeaud mentions some Javanese recensions of Chinese stories, including the lengthy historical novels of and Lo Tong .19 Li Si Bin The second half of the nineteenth century witnessed an upsurge in migration from China to Java triggered chiefly by population pressure, economic privation and social unrest in China, coupled with the lure of a better life in the rapidly expanding economies of the “South Seas”. Because Malay was the language of urban and inter-island intercourse, and because it was already a widely used language in the Peranakan Chinese community, the new migrants tended to adopt it before other languages. The increasing dominance of Malay among Chinese in the latter years of the nineteenth

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century led to the decline, and eventually to the virtual disappearance of writing in Javanese by and for Chinese. The Chinese of Java turned their energies to the development of a vigorous literature in Malay.20 But while the Chinese turned away from Javanese as a literary medium, the Javanese themselves nurtured a small flame of interest in stories of Chinese origin, among them the Liang Shanbo–Zhu Yingtai romance.21 A version of the story under the title Sam Pik Eng Tae appeared in van Dorp’s Javaansche Almanak (“Javanese Almanac”) published in Semarang in 1873.22 This date makes the story one of the earliest printed translations of a Chinese story in any Indonesian language, and it appears to predate the first Malay translation of the Liang-Zhu story by more than ten years.23 A manuscript recension of the story by an unknown hand titled Sam Pik Ing Teh and dated 3 July 1878 is to be found in the library of the University of Leiden.24 (See Plate 34.) Another Javanese manuscript, now in the present writer’s possession, is titled Serat Ing Tai (“The Book of Ing Tai”) and probably dates from 1902.25 It was written by one Sastradiharja about whom nothing is known. He may have been a Javanese, but he may also have been a person of Chinese origin who for some reason replaced his Chinese name with a Javanese one. A version in Balinese written on lontar palm leaves by an unknown hand is lodged in the Kirtya Library in Singaraja, Bali. It is titled Sampik Ingtai and was written (or copied from another lontar manuscript) in 1915.26 I think it is reasonable to suppose that the earliest Javanese versions of the Liang-Zhu romance were probably translated or adapted directly from Chinese sources and the authors of these early translations were probably Peranakan Chinese. But later recensions of the story appear to make no direct use of Chinese sources. They probably depended on versions already extant in Javanese or Malay and were written by indigenous Indonesian authors. This view coincides with that of Brandes who says that the Leiden manuscript of 1878 mentioned above slightly differs from the version which appeared in van Dorp’s Almanak. But he suggests that the two later Malay recensions may be sourced to the van Dorp translation of 1873.27 There is, however, no conclusive evidence for this. I believe it is more likely that early Javanese and Malay recensions of the story, which are unquestionably very similar, were based upon a single text (or possibly a small number of closely similar texts) in the Chinese language, rather than upon the first Javanese translation. Certainly the author of the 1878 manuscript and the author of an early Malay version, the Boekoe Sairan dari Tjeriteranja Samphek, Eng Tay (“Ballad in Shair Form of Samphek and

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Eng Tay”, Surabaya, 1890) both claim that their works are “translations” from Chinese, though neither cites a source text.28 But after the 1870s Javanese and Balinese recensions of the Liang-Zhu story seem to be based on earlier versions of the story in indigenous languages. The Serat Ing Tai of 1902 mentions that it is based on a Malay source,29 and the Balinese Sampik Ingtai of 1915 opens with a stanza in Malay before switching to Balinese, thereby also suggesting a Malay source for the work. In the later texts too, elements of specifically Chinese culture decline in prominence and a certain process of “Javanization” and “Balinization” is evident. For example, in the two Javanese recensions from the 1870s Ingtai is described making various funeral observances at Sampik’s grave. ) and pouring These include writing a funeral ode (termed Che Bun wine on the ground. Neither of these practices is characteristic of Javanese funeral observances. In the 1902 Javanese text and in the 1915 Balinese text, however, peculiarly Chinese observances have disappeared in this episode, or have been modified in such a way that they conform to Javanese and Balinese custom. For the most part, the four texts I have been discussing are very romantic and rather serious in tone. But there are flashes of humour. In one episode Ingtai spatters the school walls with ink (in one text, dirty water) and reports to the teacher that the wall has been fouled by pupils urinating against it while standing up. At her suggestion the teacher instructs the boys to squat while urinating. In this way they must urinate as girls do and Ingtai will not be seen to be different. In the two early Javanese texts, Ingtai travels alone (until she meets Sampik) for several days through rugged the city where she is to study. But in the country to reach Hangzhou Balinese text, this episode acquires a touch of typically Balinese humour. Ingtai goes to Hangzhou at the wheel of a motorcar, and after picking up Sampik along the way as if he were a hitchhiker, she speeds on to the city, arriving there in half an hour!30 In 1928, the Netherlands East Indies government publishing house Balai Pustaka published a prose version of the story in Javanese titled Katresnan Donja-Akérat (True to Each Other in this World and the Next) by Sasrasoemarta. (See Plate 35.) The Surakarta publishing firm Sadu Budi also issued a version titled Sam Pek Ing Tay in Javanese macapat verse. It is undated, but its spelling indicates that it appeared sometime after Indonesia’s independence in 1945. The Balinese lontar manuscript was twice issued in stencilled booklet form during the 1970s31 and a reading of the text was issued in a six part cassette tape series at the same time.32

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There can be little doubt that the Liang-Zhu romance was well known to the Chinese of Indonesia in an oral form long before even the earliest written translations of the story into Javanese or Malay were made. Nio Joe Lan describes how important public storytelling, puppet performances and even operatic performances were in the artistic life of Indonesia’s Chinese during the nineteenth century and early twentieth century.33 Certainly the performance arts of the Chinese were well known enough to exert considerable influence on the newer genres of popular theatre created by indigenous Indonesians. For instance, many of the musical instruments and songs now institutionalized in the lenong drama of Jakarta are of Chinese origin, and to some extent still retain their Chinese character even today.34 Firm evidence of the Liang Shanbo–Zhu Yingtai story in oral form first appears in reports of stambul (also called bangsawan and sometimes sandiwara) performances. Stambul was a kind of spoken and partly improvised play in the Malay language interspersed with songs and dances, and usually performed on a proscenium stage.35 According to Rahmah Bujang, stambul theatre originated in Malaya in the last two decades of the nineteenth century.36 Ethnic Malay troupes toured throughout Malaya, Sumatra and Java, and in 1891 the first troupe in Java was formed in Surabaya.37 The genre became immensely popular in Java in the early years of the new century, and in the twenties and thirties became known in Bali as well.38 In the extensive repertoire of stambul plays the story of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai was prominent.39 From earliest times in the genre’s history there were troupes owned or managed by Chinese.40 Probably these troupes first introduced the story to the stambul repertoire, but it is clear that they by no means monopolized its performance. The story, at least as it has been handed down to us, shows every indication of having developed over a long period within the stambul tradition without reference to or influence from written versions. For example, in the story as outlined in Rahmah’s study, the names of the hero and heroine (in their Hokkienese dialect forms) have become fused into one name, Sampit Ng Tai, and this name is applied to Ying-tai. In the same variant of the story it is Yingtai who dies first. Shanbo comes to her grave and composes a poetic panegyric, after which he expires at the graveside.41 Given the high status of books and writing, such “confusions” would probably have been unthinkable had the stambul players been familiar with written versions of the story.

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Stambul enjoyed the heyday of its popularity from the beginning of the century until the mid-1930s.42 In the twenties and thirties it influenced the development of certain genres of popular theatre in Java and Bali, most notably Javanese ketoprak and Balinese arja.43 Indeed it appears that as stambul declined, some of its personnel shifted to related genres using the regional languages of Java and Bali, and left a very distinct stambul imprint on these forms.44 Ketoprak was strongly influenced by stambul conventions of costuming, staging, décor and acting, and stambul stories were adapted to ketoprak performance.45 Balinese arja, a kind of opera in which sung passages alternate with lively action and danced sections,46 was influenced by Malay language stambul in the 1930s. With obvious personal reservations, Beryl de Zoete and Walter Spies give an entertaining portrait of how this influence manifested itself. They refer here to the innovative janger dance as well as arja. But Djanger, which has as respectable a religious origin as any dance in Bali, has been caught up in the train of the Malay opera, and made to serve as a frame for a curious oriento-european bastard known as Stamboel, which has introduced various very ‘modeeran’ features to the Balinese stage, stockings, football shorts, and jerseys, spectacles, the reach-me-down with all its accessories… mufflers, ties, shirt-studs, etc., and most chic of all, the European drop-scene. Now the curtain plays, as we have seen, a very important part in the entrance of an Arja dancer. How ‘modeeran’ if the voices proceed not out of a patchwork curtain, but from a romantic lake below a volcano in eruption, or from the gateway of a Balinese temple, while birds wing their irresolute flight across the blue fields of sky! So some really up-to-date Ardjas use the framework of the Djanger scene, and Toean Wé and Sampik coil endlessly with broken hearts against a background of real painted streets. Sometimes Djanger, Stamboel and Ardja may all be combined, without any feeling of incongruity on the part of the Balinese.47

Just as stambul developed a “modern” form — the so-called dardanella variant which eliminated song altogether, used sophisticated staging techniques and offered melodramas of contemporary domestic life rather than historical romances set in distant places48 — so too the “modern” forms of ludruk in Java and drama gong in Bali came to the fore beside ketoprak and arja.49 Ludruk is an improvised, spoken drama presenting modern situation comedies and domestic melodramas. There is some singing and dancing but this is performed as introductory or between-scenes entertainment, never as part of the play.50 Whereas ketoprak carefully preserves the purity of its Javanese idiom, ludruk is more linguistically

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eclectic, often using Indonesian and sometimes Madurese to complement the basically Javanese medium. Drama gong appeared in Bali in the 1960s. Although its stories are largely historical in character, it differs from arja in its abandonment of song and dance, and in its emphasis on farce and elaborate staging techniques.51 Until recently both ludruk and drama gong were immensely popular with ordinary people, especially in urban areas. The Liang-Zhu story, bequeathed by stambul to ketoprak and arja, was transmitted through the latter two genres to ludruk and drama gong, though in the case of ludruk the story is far from being part of the genre’s mainstream repertoire.52 My discussion has suggested that while there may have been interaction between written and oral forms of the Liang-Zhu story in the nineteenth century, there seems to have been little or none in more recent times. But the distance between the story’s twin branches of development is now narrowing. The years since Indonesia’s independence have seen the appearance of mass literacy and a consequent wider familiarity with written accounts of the historical events dramatized in popular theatre. Ketoprak stories are now being written, and in some cases the authors of these scripts strive for literal accuracy by researching written historical texts (generically called babad in Javanese) in the process of preparing their scripts.53 Through government agencies and the efforts of “educated” young actors and directors, there have been attempts to encourage, even impose, acceptance of what might broadly be termed “literate” values in all aspects of ketoprak performance.54 The impact of such developments is still only marginally apparent in the live theatre, but is strikingly obvious in television productions.55 More importantly perhaps, cassette tape recordings, for which a mass market now exists in Java and Bali, increasingly offer studio-recorded, scriptbased performances of popular drama. An example of such a production is a performance of the Liang-Zhu story titled Sam Pek — Eng Tay, issued on cassette by the “Jawa Timur” ludruk company under the direction of A. Manab (circa 1975). (See Plates 36–37.) The actors’ stiff and sometimes stumbling delivery indicates that they are reading from a script. In the closing scene of the play, after Eng Tay has been swallowed up in Sam (Eng Tay’s unwanted husband) Pek’s grave, the furious Ma Cun orders the grave to be dug up, and the mandatory two butterflies emerge. In stage versions of the story this is ordinarily followed by the farcical confounding or death of Ma Cun and the end of the play. But in this case the digging continues and two stones are discovered. One is thrown west and turns into a bamboo grove, the other is thrown east and turns into

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a teak tree. Ma Cun explains that the two stones represent Sam Pek and Eng Tay and that despite being thrown in opposite directions the lovers will remain inseparable because bamboo and teak are always to be found growing together. While (until recently) this incident was rare in the theatre, it appears in several written versions of the story, including the long out of print but still readily available Katresnan Donja-Akérat by Sasrasoemarta in which, as in the ludruk play, it is Ma Cun who intones a reluctant explanation of the miracle.56 The similarities between the ludruk version and pre-existing written versions are so clear and peculiar they leave little doubt that the author of the ludruk script must have had recourse to written sources. Allusions to other works, borrowings, and direct citations are the most concrete of intertextual links. Needless to say, a story’s intertextual dimension extends much further, constituting a hierarchy of relationships, contrastive and contiguous, with intertexts, culminating at the most abstract level in a network of relationships with the “text” of a culture’s general structure. A text, says Julia Kristeva, “takes shape as a mosaic of citations, every text is the absorption and transformation of other texts.”57 The recovery of meaning in a text depends upon mastery of its intertexts. As Jonathan Culler puts it: A work can only be read in connection with or against other texts, which provide a grid through which it is read and structured by establishing expectations which enable one to pick out salient features and give them a structure.58

Each written recension of the Liang-Zhu story, each and every stage performance of it, has an autonomy and value independent of its antecedents, but its full significance is only recoverable intertextually. To illustrate this I wish to glance here at one aspect of the story’s (literary) intertextuality. We have seen that Liang-Zhu stories in Java and Bali, whether written down or performed, are variegated. The many differences among them should not be viewed as corruptions, deviations or even variations, for such a view tends to be pejorative, implying the existence of some original text or text-complex which, by virtue of its relationship, real or presumed, with an author, time or place, has special authority. Whether such a text exists or may once have existed is not necessarily a trivial question, but it is largely irrelevant to an understanding of the Liang-Zhu story as it lives in present day Indonesia. Liang-Zhu stories, for all their multiformity, are linked to one another in a common structure. This is the Liang-Zhu “meta-text”. A meta-text

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does not exist on paper or in a particular performance. It is an abstraction which is realized by author or actor in a production — the particular written text or stage performance. The meta-text is never found in its entirety in a production, rather it constitutes a structured potential which is creatively manipulated and shaped by the artist. The innumerable Malat stories of Bali, for example, are linked through such a meta-text. The production of texts involves “the creative deconstruction of the Malat into the formulas which make up its descriptions and utterances”, an the recomposition of them in unique but related productions which take the form of paintings, manuscript narratives and gambuh drama performances.59 It is not necessary to detail the grammar of the Liang-Zhu meta-text in order to see that it is closely similar to that of several other meta-texts also widely popular in Java and Bali. The principal Javanese representative of this structure is the Pranacitra — Rara Mendut story, while in Bali it is the Jayaprana — Ni Layonsari story.60 Like the Liang-Zhu meta-text, these meta-texts are realized in a variety of forms, most notably written narratives, ketoprak performances (in the case of Pranacitra — Rara Mendut), and drama gong performances (in the case of Jayaprana-Ni Layonsari).61 The structure which underlies all three, which permits them to be linked paradigmatically, is a configuration of conventions — a metatext if you like — which for want of a better name I call the “Suicide for Love” discourse. Culler argues that what permits literary texts to be grouped generically is their unique, collective vraisemblance, their “convincingness”, and that we become aware of the vraisemblance in a work through its intertexts. (…) we allow works to contribute to a semi-autonomous world, whose laws are not precisely those of our own but which nevertheless has laws and regularities which make actions and events within it intelligible and vraisemblable. Our intuitive sense of this vraisemblance is extremely powerful (…) actions are plausible or implausible with respect to the norms of a group of works (…) One might say, in fact, that at this level of vraisemblance one should indentify series of constitutive conventions which enable various sorts of novels or poems to be written.62

In the “Suicide for Love” discourse some such conventions are: women can be resourceful, independent and intelligent; women can take the initiative as lovers and are fiercely, indeed suicidally, loyal to their lovers; the powerful in society are oppressive and given to lethal or demoniacal anger when their lusts are thwarted; institutionalized authority is ultimately all-powerful; innocence (in men) is noble but rewarded only with pathetic

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death; and so on. The story must be structured as follows: a young man (an ordinary person rather than one of high rank) and a spirited young woman (of wealthy or noble background) fall in love. A figure of high rank (king, nobleman, rich merchant) uses his power to force his attentions on the young woman. The heroine’s young suitor (husband, lover) dies, either through despair at the loss of the heroine or through the machinations of his powerful rival. Grief-stricken, the heroine commits dramatic suicide.63 If one asks why, of the many Chinese stories to have made a landfall in Java and Bali, only one as become popularly intelligible and been amenable to assimilation without dismemberment, the answer must lie in large part in the structural and conventional correspondences between the Liang-Zhu story and the already popular “Suicide for Love” discourse. Ingtai’s suicide before the stunned Ma Cun could not have appeared plausible, indeed inevitable, had Rara Mendut not stabbed herself and died at the feet of the shocked minister Wiraguna; had the king — bent on love — not discovered Ni Layonsari dead in her room with a dagger in her hand. The incident I have just mentioned, Ingtai’s suicide, is interesting for another reason. It suggests that the indigenous Indonesian discourse eventually modified the Liang-Zhu meta-text in places where it did not correspond closely enough. But in the present state of our knowledge it is difficult to go further along this line. We should have a comprehensive knowledge of the various Chinese versions circulated in the province of Fujian and surrounding areas and be aware of their variations in order to be able to trace the innovations made on the stage in Java and Bali. Just to take an example, we would like to mention the role given to Yingtai’s rich and powerful suitor, and later husband belonging to the Ma family. In some Chinese versions he plays a very minor role, in fact does not appear in person at all. In others, especially those that spread in Southern China, his part is much more elaborated. He even addresses himself to the King of Hell and lodges a complaint against Liang Shanbo accusing him of having taken away his wife Yingtai.64 Moreover it should be noted that the name given to Yingtai’s husband differs from version to version, such as , Ma Sanlang , Ma Defang , Ma Langjun Ma Wencai , Ma Jun …. Interestingly enough the latter, which is to be found in Southern China especially Fujian and Taiwan, is also the one we encounter in Indonesia pronounced in the Hokkien dialect Ma Cun.65 But in at least one respect Liang-Zhu stories contrast decidedly with Pranacitra — Rara Mendut66 and Jayaprana – Ni Layonsari. In their theatrical forms the latter are romantic tragedies. This does not mean they are

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devoid of humour, but the humour in them is a function of certain character stereotypes, clownish servants for example, and does substantially colour the character of the performance as a whole. By contrast, Liang-Zhu stories as they are known on the stages of Java and Bali are almost invariably rollicking farces. Of course there are comic servants (Jin Sim and Su Kiu) and stock comic situations (Sampik’s ridiculous inability to see through Ingtai’s disguise), but the humour touches all characters and all events. In the Balinese drama gong, for example, Sampik and Ingtai tumble each other in and out of the too-narrow bed they must share in their boarding house. Sampik’s father is the stingiest of tightwads, unwilling to spend money on soap for a bath, and trying to collect a debt from a pall-bearer at Sampik’s funeral. Ma Cun and Sampik have a slapstick fight over Ingtai in which the high-and-mighty Ma Cun is eventually sent packing.67 In fact, both in Java and Bali, Ma Cun seems to be a favourite object of farcical fun. De Zoete and Spies record this example from a pre-war arja performance. Sampik and Sentai (Yingtai) come back to earth, find their grave violated, and sue for justice against Matjoen. In vain he pleads that he was looking for his wife, and tries to bribe the judge. He can do nothing against Sampik and Sentai, for they have been blessed by Indra. Sentai is reconciled to her father and married to Sampik with great rejoicings. Matjoen is smuggled into the wedding by Sentai’s mother, whom he has bribed with rich presents. He makes himself very important and tries to steal Sentai away. A scuffle takes place in which he is worsted and forced to retire ignominiously.68

In a Javanese ketoprak performance, Ma Cun, called Ma’ Munce, appears as a whining brat of a boy who puts on five neckties in an attempt to impress Ingtai and her family. He puts on one of his mother’s shoes by mistake, and even puts it on the wrong foot. He mistakes Ingtai’s mother for Ingtai and nudges her in imitation of a worldly-wise rake. At the end of the performance he manages to die a slapstick death when he accidently tumbles into Sampik’s open grave. Resentment of the Chinese as a still distinct ethnic minority commanding grossly disproportionate power in the economy has traditionally been high in contemporary Indonesia, especially in urban areas where the Chinese are concentrated and where popular theatre flourishes. Some of the farce in Liang-Zhu performances is undoubted directed critically, even maliciously, at the Chinese. What are perceived as typically Chinese mannerisms,

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such as speaking at the top of the voice, walking with a swagger, lolling inelegantly in chairs, slurping, sucking the teeth and burping while eating, mispronouncing the “r” sound, and so on, may be (but are not necessarily) pilloried and sometimes squeezed for every suggestion of sarcastic humour they contain.69 That all figures, including the good and noble, are capable of farcical behaviour possibly expresses a reluctance on the part of actors and audience to accord any unconditional respect of dignity to Chinese. But it would be wrong to say that anti-Chinese sentiment dominates Liang-Zhu performances. On the contrary, it is decidedly muted. The story’s farcical character may be more related to its general aura of foreignness and distance than to the specifically Chinese elements in it. Barbara Hatley points out that the ketoprak repertoire is dominated by stories drawn from Javanese history and that viewing a present day performance of such an historical play one might feel that admiration for the nobility is an important part of what is being expressed. In an area so dominated by the influence of the court (such that even modern style social/political organizations were naturally led by noble figures) ketoprak actors, wong cilik [ordinary people], expressed a pride in past greatness, and continuing cultural strength, in the persons of those who symbolized all this, the kings and princes of the reigning dynasty.70

Where Javanese cultural identity and self-esteem are so monopolized by the elite and its sub-culture, and where ketoprak drama conventionally idealizes royal characters while treating village people as “ungainly and rather stupid, but also amusing and endearing, like the clown/servants of the nobility”,71 it is clearly difficult for the ordinary people who act in ketoprak plays to express in their performances any scepticism about the rich and powerful which directly deflates them. Farcical deflation of authority, if it is to be attempted at all, must be done obliquely and must be removed to a non-Javanese context. In performances of the Liang-Zhu story this becomes possible. Appendix Ki Sampe Ni Engtae An outline of a ketoprak performance recorded on two cassettes by the “Langen Ngesti Wanito” troupe of Magelang, Central Java, no date but probably mid-1970s.

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Scene I In the pendopo (front portico) of Engtae’s house in Bucu. Engtae’s father, a rich merchant, and her mother are in conversation. Engtae’s father expresses his fear that Engtae might want to go to school. For a girl, he says, it is enough to stay at home, to cook, do housework and help with the business. Engtae’s mother somewhat timidly disagrees. Engtae is summoned from the back of the house where she is weaving. Engtae enters and asks permission to leave Bucu to study in the city of Hangcu. Her father firmly rejects her request on the grounds that girls do not need to know how to read and write. He then announces that he is about to leave on the business trip of one year’s duration. He entrusts Engtae to her mother’s care. Engtae’s mother has readied the merchandise for her husband, and he departs. Scene II Engtae with her mother. Engtae’s mother is shocked to see her daughter wearing boy’s clothes. Engtae asks her mother if she can go to school in Hangcu during the year that her father will be away. Her mother agrees but stresses that she must return home before her father returns. Engtae’s elderly, lugubrious female servant Wah Eng is also dressed as a man and asks to go along too. They take leave of Engtae’s mother and depart. After the pair have gone, Engtae’s mother soliloquizes that if her husband should happen to return home before Engtae does, she will just have to do her best to soothe him. Scene III At a crossroad on a highway. Sampe and his man servant Su Kiu are walking eastward towards Hangcu. Su Kiu is tired and his feet are swollen. They stop to rest and wash their hands in a stream. Comic banter. Su Kiu says that after he finishes his study in Hangcu he wants to be a bupati (head of district-level administration). Engtae and Wah Eng appear. Engtae does not know which turn to take at the crossroad. Wah Eng is tired and they stop to rest. Engtae asks Wah Eng what she wants to be after she has finished her schooling. Wah Eng replies that she wants to be a bupati. Su Kiu overhears their conversation and accuses Wah Eng of mimicking him. The two servants engage in a comic quarrel and come to blows. Sampe and Engtae introduce themselves. Sampe comes from Wacu and is on his way to Hangcu to study. Since

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their purpose is the same they agree to travel together. Su Kiu and Wah Eng make up and agree to be friends. Scene IV A deserted part of the highway. Sampe and Engtae are ambushed by bandits, Wan Tong, Se Hong, Lau To and their followers. The bandits demand Sampe’s goods on pain of death. Sampe refuses to surrender his goods, few though they are. A farcical fight ensues, Sampe gets the upper hand and the bandits flee. Engtae thanks Sampe and they swear eternal brotherhood. The two servants also mockingly swear brotherhood. Scene V At the school of Teacher Lio Wan We in Hangcu. Lio Wan We is seated facing his pupils and conversing with his son Lio Shan. They are surprised and satisfied at the large number of pupils they have — some ninety boys. The teacher orders the new pupils to assemble before him and he gives them various instructions and tedious good advice. Sampe and Engtae arrive with their servants and effect a farcical introduction to the teacher via his son Lio Shan. Teacher Lio Wan We tells them he has only one room left and asks if they are prepared to share it. Sampe and Engtae agree to do so. The teacher then addresses the pupils and informs them that there is a holiday coming up. During the holiday, he says, they must study hard and keep everything ship-shape. Scene VI In Sampe and Engtae’s room. Sampe and Engtae are preparing to go to bed. Engtae suggests that the bed be divided down the middle and the boundary marked with a thread. Whoever violates the boundary will be obliged to pay a fine. Sampe agrees. The servants echo these arrangements in a humourous dialogue about their sleeping arrangements. They all fall asleep except Engtae. In a monologue she reveals that she is attracted to Sampe. She lays her hand on the chest of the sleeping Sampe. He wakes up with a start and accuses Engtae of breaking the rule she made herself. Engtae acknowledges her guilt and by way of a fine she undertakes to buy all Sampe’s school requisites for him. Sampe, being poor, is delighted at this. Engtae asks Sampe if he intends to go home during the holiday. Sampe says he is too poor to contemplate this, so Engtae suggests they go for a walk in a nearby park. Sampe agrees.

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Scene VII At Engtae’s home in Bucu. Engtae’s mother, alone, worries that Engtae is not going to return home before her father gets back from his business trip. Engtae’s father arrives. His trip has been successful and very profitable. He asks for Engtae to be summoned. At first his wife equivocates, then she admits that Engtae has gone to school in Hangcu in violation of his instructions. Engtae’s father is angry, especially since he plans to marry Engtae to Ma’ Munce, the son of a business friend, and Ma’ Munce is coming that very day to view his future bride. He summons his servants and gives them a letter to be taken to Engtae. The letter instructs Engtae to return from Hangcu at once. Scene VIII At Engtae’s home in Bucu. Engtae’s father upbraids his wife for permitting Engtae to leave home, thereby bringing shame on him because his daughter will not be present when Ma’ Munce comes. Ma’ Munce appears with his father and mother. He is a gormless brat with a whining voice, but his parents dote on him. The guests are received by Engtae’s father, and after pleasantries interspersed with halfwitted comments by Ma’ Munce they get down to business and agree to hold the wedding in eight days time. The guests depart. Scene IX In the park at Hangcu. Sampe and Engtae are sitting together. Engtae admires the beauty of the gardens but Sampe, who has brought a book with him, merely wants to study. Engtae insists he look at the view. A comic quarrel breaks out and Engtae snatches the book away. She asks Sampe to pick some flowers for her, but Sampe protests that this is an effeminate thing to do. Wah Eng and Su Kiu mockingly imitate them. Engtae sees two statues, one of a man and one of a woman. Sampe pedantically explains that the man was a great hero who was loyally supported by his wife. Engtae sees two mliwis ducks, one male one female, necking on the lake. Sampe throws stones at them parting them. Engtae is upset at this. She bursts into tears and rebukes Sampe, who admits it was a nasty thing to do. Engtae predicts that because he separated the two ducks he himself will never find happiness in love. Engtae asks Sampe to play hide-and-seek. Although he thinks it is childish, Sampe agrees and they play together with the servants.

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Scene X In a temple in the park. Sampe and Engtae, playing hide-and-seek, hide in the temple. Engtae reveals to Sampe that she is in fact a woman and that she loves him. Sampe is dumbfounded, but quickly recovers and declares that he loves her in return. In the holy precincts of the temple they swear a comically solemn vow of love. They leave the temple. Wah Eng and Su Kiu emerge, Wah Eng reveals she is a woman. Su Kiu makes an extravagant declaration of love, using in part the flowery rhetoric of Indonesian language romance movies. They exchange vows in farcical imitation of Sampe and Engtae, Wah Eng gravely swearing, for example, that “I will never bury you until you are dead.” Scene XI Outside the temple. Sampe and Engtae emerge from the temple congratulating themselves that in the hide-and-seek game they have managed to elude discovery. Sampe has forgotten his book and goes back into the temple to fetch it. An Tong, a servant of Engtae’s father enters. He gives Engtae the letter and informs her that she must come home with him at once. Engtae agrees to do so and tells An Tong to go on ahead — she will follow. Sampe returns, and Engtae, in tears, tells him she must return home immediately. She instructs Sampe that on the day indicated by the numbers six plus four, eight plus two, and three plus seven he must come to Bucu to ask for her hand in marriage. Sampe, left alone and grief-stricken, decides to cut short his study and return home to his mother. Wah Eng tells Su Kiu she too must return home and they part in mock tragic fashion. Scene XII Engtae’s home in Bucu. Engtae’s father soliloquizes on Engtae’s improper behaviour. Sampe’s mother arrives and asks for Engtae’s hand in marriage on behalf of her son. Engtae’s father is enraged at her temerity. She is poverty-stricken, scarcely better than a beggar, he says. He arrogantly and discourteously expels her from the house. Scene XIII Engtae’s home in Bucu. Engtae’s father accusingly informs his wife that their daughter has formed bonds of love with a mere beggar who has had the cheek to actually propose marriage. For this reason, he says, the

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wedding with Ma’ Munce should be celebrated without delay. A wedding party is seen approaching the house. Ma’ Munce arrives and is greeted by Engtae’s father. Engtae’s father boasts of the money he has spent on the wedding. Decorations alone have cost 25 million, and he will serve seventy different dishes at the banquet. Ma’ Munce is wearing five neckties and one of his mother’s shoes. His shoes are also on the wrong feet. He mistakes Engtae’s mother for Engtae and nudges her in rakish fashion. The banquet and dances are announced, at a cost of 100,000. Each mention of money spent brings appreciative cheers from the guests. Engtae comes out weeping. Her father invites the guests to tuck in to the food and drink, and songs are sung for their entertainment. Scene XIV At Sampe’s home in Wacu. Sampe is ill. His mother pleads with him to get well for if he dies she will be all alone in the world. Sampe indicates that he thinks death is near. Su Kiu tries to console him but fails. Sampe asks for paper and writes a letter to Engtae, instructing Su Kiu to deliver it. Scene XV Engtae and Wah Eng at home. Engtae brokenheartedly asks Wah Eng why Sampe’s proposal came 30 days after they parted whereas the numbers she had given Sampe indicated ten days. The letter from Sampe arrives and is read aloud by the weeping Engtae. Sampe says that although he followed her instructions, he feels that she is too high in social rank for him. He takes his leave of her and tells her to bring offerings for him to his grave. Engtae writes a reply which she tells Wah Eng to take to Sampe. Scene XVI Sampe’s house. Sampe receives Engtae’s letter. It informs him that she has been married to Ma’ Munce, but only did this because she was ordered to by her parents. She asks Sampe’s forgiveness. Sampe declares that there is now no hope for him and he dies to the accompaniment of extravagant shrieks of grief from his mother and Su Kiu. Scene XVII Ma’ Munce and Engtae at home. Engtae refuses to let Ma’ Munce come near her. Ma’ Munce tries to chase her, pinch her and woo her with fractured

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Javanese tembang songs, but Engtae says she doesn’t like him, still less love him. At last she agrees to do her duty by Ma’ Munce, but only if he permits her to visit Sampe’s grave. After consulting with his father and father-in-law, Ma’ Munce accedes to her request. Scene XVIII At Sampe’s grave. Sampe’s mother is standing at her son’s grave. Engtae arrives and addresses her as “mother”. Sampe’s mother asks her who she is, and when told, she rebuffs her telling her that she is a thief who stole the heart of her son. She then leaves. At the graveside, Engtae asks Sampe’s forgiveness saying that her life is now empty. She pleads that the grave open so that they can be reunited. The grave opens, she enters and it closes behind her. Ma’ Munce howls in consternation and grief. The grave is opened and two white stones are discovered. They are thrown in opposite directions. One changes into bamboo and the other into a teak tree. A bystander comments that this proves how true was the love of Sampe and Engtae, for in the building of houses, bamboo and teak always go together. In his panic at what has happened Ma’ Munce tumbles into the open grave and dies. Engtae’s father and Ma’ Munce’s father, having both lost their beloved children, resolve to accept their fate and remain friends in the future. Notes   1.   2.   3.   4.   5.   6.   7.   8.

  9. 10.

See Brandon (1967) and Hatley (1973) for more details on ketoprak. Aying (1956). Lu Gong (1955), p. 10. Ibid., p. 10. I am grateful to Dr W. P. Liu of Sydney University for invaluable assistance with Lu Gong’s survey and to the late Professor A.S. Davis of Sydney University who pointed out the work to me. Aying, op. cit. See for example the contemporary Sichuan opera translated under the title Love Under the Willows (1956), pp. 59–70. Aying, op. cit. and Lu Gong, op. cit., pp. 8–9. In some variants of the story the lovers are transformed into birds (see Love Under the Willows, p. 85), a rainbow (see Eberhard, 1965) p. 24), two stones (ibid.) and various species of trees (ibid. and various Indonesian texts, see below). Lu Gong, op. cit. Ibid. and Aying, op. cit.

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11. Lu Gong, op. cit., p. 11, claims that the story became well known in Korea, Japan and Vietnam. For a presentation of a Korean version, see in the volume the article by A. F. Trotsevich (editor’s note). 12. Unfortunately none of these Hokkien ballads or gezi ci is reproduced in Lu Gong’s anthology. But several versions bearing different titles are mentioned in the foreword, pp. 14–15, and in Schipper (1965), pp. 41–60 (editor’s note). 13. Hall (1964), p. 38. 14. Ma Huan, pp. 89–93. 15. Hall (1964), p. 310. 16. Steinberg (1971), p. 284. 17. The character of the Peranakan Chinese of Java is admirably summarized in Nio Joe Lan (1962), pp. 7–8. See also Salmon (1981), p. 15. 18. Pigeaud (1967), V. 1, pp. 258, 259. One name well known in the world of Javanese letters in the twentieth century is that of Tan Khoen Swie who wrote in Javanese and whose publishing company in Kediri, East Java, was a prolific publisher of Javanese books in the 1920s and 1930s. 19. Pigeaud, op. cit., p. 259. See also Brandes (1902). The stories discussed by Pigeaud and Brandes are all in manuscript form, and were written in the latter half of the nineteenth century. 20. See Lombard-Salmon (1974), p. 160. General accounts of literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia are to be found in Salmon (1981), Kwee (1977) and Nio Joe Lan (1962). 21. Another Chinese story that has attracted the attention of Javanese and exerted a strong influence on the development of Javanese fiction and theatre in the twentieth century is the Sanguo, “Three Kingdoms”, romance. However, in the case of this story, it is its conventions which have been adopted rather than the particularities of plot, place and person. 22. I have not seen the van Dorp recension, but Brandes (1902), pp. 264–65 gives a full summary of it. 23. See Salmon (1981), p. 486. 24. Pigeaud, op. cit., V. 1, p. 259. 25. The manuscript originally belonged to one Tjeng Thom Bong of Purbolinggo in Central Java. It came into my possession by way of Tjeng’s son Tjeng Jan Gin and Oey Jan Liok of Sukaraja, Central Java. 26. The second stanza of the text begins: Tersebut di dalam lontar … “It is written in a lontar book that…” 27. Brandes, op. cit., p. 264. For a summary of the version of 1878, see H.H. Juynboll, Supplement op den Catalogus van de Javaansche en Madoereesche Handschriften der Leidsche Universiteits-Bibliotheek (Leiden: Brill, 1911), t. 2, pp. 109–10. 28. See Sam Pik Ing Teh (Leiden University MS), p. 2 and The T[in] L[am], Boekoe Sairan dari Tjeritanja Samphek Eng Tay Tersalin dari Boekoe Tjina,

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Surabaya, 4th ed., 1897, first ed. 1890) fly-leaf. It was a common rule among the Peranakan translators not to quote the original titles of the texts they had translated (editor’s note). 29. Serat Ing Tai (Ms owned by George Quinn, Sydney, [1902?]), p. 1, verse 2. 30. First canto, verses 7–11. 31. The earlier edition predates the spelling reform for Balinese which followed the introduction of the revised spelling for Indonesian in 1972. No publisher is mentioned but one of its distributors was the T. Djarna Bookshop in Denpasar. The other edition uses the new spelling and appears to have been issued by the “Sais” company in Klungkung. 32. Geguritan Sampik Ing Tay (1974) sung by Made Sukadana of Singaraja. 33. Nio Joe Lan, op cit., pp. 10–11. 34. Budiaman et al. (1979), p. 62. 35. For descriptions of stambul see Brandon, op. cit., p. 325, Boen (1971), pp. 29–30 and Rahmah Bujang (1975) especially pp. 42–43. 36. Rahmah Bujang, op. cit., p. 40. 37. Boen Sri Oemarjati, op. cit., p. 21. 38. Boen Sri Oemarjati, op. cit., p. 32 and p. 28. Also de Zoete and Spies (1938), p. 21. 39. Rahmah Bujang, op. cit., p. 150 and Boen, op. cit., p. 28. 40. Rahmah Bujang, op. cit., p. 144 ff. 41. Ibid., p. 69. 42. The reasons for its decline are obscure. Rahmah (p. 33) suggests that the rise of talking movies had a lot to do with it, but this is unsatisfactory when one bears in mind that related genres have enjoyed enormous popularity up to the present, even in urban areas. 43. Brandon, op. cit., p. 58. 44. Ibid., p. 52. 45. Wijaya and Sutjipto passim and Hatley (1970), p. 5. 46. Brandon, op. cit., p. 325. See also Mengenal Dramatari Arja Di Bali and de Zoete and Spies, op. cit., for more detail on arja. 47. De Zoete and Spies, op. cit., p. 214. 48. Boen Sri Oemarjati, op. cit., p. 24 ff. 49. Neither ludruk nor drama gong are direct descendants of ketoprak and arja respectively as “dardanella” was the child of traditional stambul, but both forms contrast with and also complement ketoprak and arja in the same way as “dardanella” and stambul were linked to each other. The relationships between these various genres, diachronic and synchronic, aesthetic and sociological, still await serious scholarly attention. 50. See Brandon, op. cit., p. 329 and Peacock (1968).

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51. See Balinese Drama. 52. Hatley (1981), p. 39 sketches an interesting example of how this kind of transmission occurs in the case of ketoprak stories. 53. Ibid., p. 43, note 16. 54. Hatley (1980), p. 16. 55. Ibid. and Hatley (1981), p. 40. 56. Sasrasoemarta (1928), p. 67. See also the Balinese Sampik Ingtai, last two stanzas, The T[in] L[am] verses 550–66, and Tjerita Dahoeloe Kala Di Negri Tjina Tersalin dari Boekoe Tjina jaitoe Sam Pek Ing Tay, Batavia, 1922, p. 44. Also the Serat Ing Tai, p. 85 in which the two bees which emerge from the grave change into bamboo and teak trees respectively. 57. Cited in Culler (1975), p. 139. 58. Culler, ibid. 59. See Vickers (1982). 60. Prijana (1956) discusses the similarities between the Liang Shanbo — Zhu Yingtai story and the Pranacitra — Rara Mendut story. 61. Pigeaud (1967) cites several manuscript and printed versions of the Pranacitra — Rara Mendut story. A version of it was published by Balai Pustaka in 1920 (3rd. printing 1956) under the title Pranacitra (Rara Mendut). In 1968 Ajip Rosidi published a version in Indonesian in the form of a novel titled Roro Mendut. Interestingly, a Chinese author Ko Mo An issued a wayang wong (kind of Javanese classical opera) script of the story in 1898 titled Bok Loro Mendoet, see Salmon (1981), p. 197. See Prijana, op. cit., p. 11 for other written versions. A ketoprak version on cassette tape was issued some time in the 1970s by the “Langen Marsudi Irama” company. Hooykaas (1958) published a version of the Jayaprana-Ni Layonsari story in Balinese with an English translation and Ketut Putra has published a Balinese text with Indonesian translation. 62. Culler (1975), p. 145. Culler deals in some detail with the intricate notion of vraisemblance in his study. 63. That the “Suicide for Love” discourse is still capable of generating new stories is evidenced in the appearance in 1966 of Prijana Winduwinata’s Serat Jakasura — Tresnawati, a long poem in Javanese which clearly falls into the “Suicide for Love” complex of texts. 64. Lu Gong, op. cit., pp. 176–219. 65. Interestingly enough, several ballads published during the twentieth century in Taiwan revolve about the figure of Ma Jun ; cf. Schipper (1965), pp. 48–49. Sometimes the character jun is replaced by which in Hokkien has the same pronunciation (editor’s note). 66. See Prof. Dr. Prijana, “Sam Pek — Eng Tai dan Pranatjitra — Rara Mendut”, in Sin Tjun, I, 1956, p. 38; an enlarged version of this article entitled: “Empat

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358

67. 68. 69.

70. 71.

George Quinn

dukatjarita pertjintaan” appeared in Bahasa dan Budaja, Fakultas Sastra Universitas Indonesia, IV, n°.3, Feb. 1956. See Balinese Drama…, passim. De Zoete and Spies, op. cit., pp. 322–23. In January 1974 I attended an Indonesian language sandiwara production of a Sampik — Ingtai story performed in Salatiga, Central Java by the Jaya Kintamani company from Solo. All the male characters wore extravagant pig-tails and ludicrous, traditional Chinese dress. The women and servants performed hilarious, almost acrobatic kowtows. Hatley (1981), p. 35. Ibid.

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TRANSLATIONS OF CHINESE FICTION INTO MAKASSARESE Gilbert Hamonic and Claudine Salmon

In a previous article on the literary life of the Peranakan Chinese in Makassar, we offered a general outline of their contribution to the development of the local literature (especially in Makassarese) for 1930–50, a period which seems to be particularly rich.1 Here we will only focus on their translation activities. Unlike Java where we have evidence of increasing interest among the Peranakan in their ancestral culture as early as the mid-nineteenth century, in Makassar we have not been able to trace translation of a Chinese work before the late 1920s. However, until recently the specialists in Makassarese and Buginese literature have ignored works derived from the Chinese. To the best of our knowledge no text emanating from China or a Chinese is listed in the extant catalogues of Makassarese and Buginese manuscripts. The first article to commemorate the contribution of the Chinese to Makassarese literature was written in 1956 by Yo Kao Tjio , himself a writer born in Makassar.2 1. Historical Background As a matter of fact the history of the Peranakan Chinese of Makassar does not differ very much from that of their counterparts in Java. They were placed under the supervision of a Chinese headman or Captain before the beginning of the eighteenth century.3 Until the end of the nineteenth century, very few Chinese women left their country and immigrants had

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to marry local women. The newcomers did not take readily to the local customs, and their wives consequently adopted Chinese ones, which was easier for them because descendants of Chinese often intermarried. The result was the development of a community straddling two cultures. For the end of the nineteenth century we have some information on a few wealthy the Thoengs, families of long standing in Makassar like the Nios, the Lies and the Angs .4 These families produced the the Yos, Chinese officers, who were appointed by the Dutch authorities. As in Java, the last years of the nineteenth century were characterized by a revival of interest in Chinese culture in these Peranakan circles. (born in Yongchun Fujian, Several big traders such as Wang Jue in 1866), who settled in Makassar in 1886, played a significant part in the revival of Chinese education. He was among the founders of Tiong Hwa , or “Chinese Association”, which in 1900, the same Hwee Koan year as in Batavia, started the first Chinese school run by a committee of merchants.5 It seems that the Chinese of Makassar were particularly receptive to the campaign lead by the reformist Khoo Seok Wan (founded in (1874–1941), the editor of the Thien Nan Shin Pao Singapore in 1898), for the promotion of female education. They entrusted him with the task of finding a suitable lady teacher for a Chinese female school there, but he had to advertise for two months before he was able to find one.6 This initiative was apparently not very successful, since up to the 1930s most Peranakan women in Makassar still could not read Chinese. However, a great number of them were literate in Makassarese. It is difficult to appraise the significance of the cultural dichotomy between the sexes, but in Makassar people agree that the interest in translations of Chinese works emanated from the women. In a short note on the spread of Buddhism in this city in the late 1920s , a merchant by and early 1930s we read that Lie Lean Tjoan profession, first translated into Malay a collection of Buddhist precepts , the daughter and that at about the same time Thoeng Giok Hae (who had been conferred the title of Honorary of Thoeng Tjam Captain in 1908), had someone translate the same work into Makassarese.7 The last version was printed in several thousands of copies for the use of Peranakan women, most of whom could read Makassarese. This is the only information we have on the printing of translations in Makassarese before the war. As a matter of fact as early as 1903 a Limited Company was founded in Makassar, the Naamlooze Venootschap Handels-drukkerij en Kantoorhandel

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Celebes.8 Interestingly enough it was a joint venture between Dutch, Chinese and Makassarese partners. Among the Chinese shareholders we (who was appointed lieutenant in find the name of Nio Eng Boe 1896, and captain in 1916) as well as that of prominent traders who were on the executive committee of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce founded in 1908.9 But to the best of our knowledge this firm mostly printed texts in Romanized Malay and from 1903 to 1941 it also published a paper in Malay called Pemberita Makassar, “Makassarese Reporter”. In 1909 there appeared another firm entirely run by Chinese, Fabriek en Handel Maatschappij Kong Ek, which also launched a printing house. Unfortunately it is not clear whether this firm printed books in Malay or in Makassarese or even in both languages.10 Books in Chinese were imported from China; sold manuals, in the 1930s the bookshop, Shanghai shudian dealt periodicals and educational books, while Lizhen shudian in popular fiction and magazines.11 From the beginning of the 1920s papers in Chinese were printed in Makassar, but most did not last long probably because of their political involvement.12 2. Translators and Translations As regards Makassarese translations of Chinese fiction it seems that most were in manuscript form. So far we have only traced one printed version which appeared of the story of Sanbao taijian xia xiyang in 1960. Curiously enough this text was not printed with movable type but with wooden blocks carved by a certain Oei Giok Hok (see Plate 39).13 The texts in manuscript form were kept by the translator himself or his relatives and, as in Java, were borrowed by Peranakan women who used to read these stories in the evening in front of an audience. Mrs Soh Lian Tjie in a short note on the traditional life of the Peranakan of Makassar written in 1956 recalls the time when she and other children used to listen to their grandmothers who read for them the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms”, , Xue Rengui , Wang Zhaojun the Stories of Yue Fei and similar novels, all composed in Makassarese.14 Yo Kao Tjio insists that Peranakan women were extremely fond of these translations of Chinese novels. It is probably not a mere coincidence that we find the names of two women among those of the translators, or more likely the adapters, of Chinese fiction who were active before 1920. One was Nona Kakatua (wife of a certain Liem Leang Tiang) and the other Nona Ua Siok “the Old Spinster Siok”. Both were famous for their ability to retell Chinese

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stories in Makassarese. Unfortunately little is known about them. For the period after 1920 we know of three translators: Liem Kheng Yong, Liem Cheng Heang and Tjoa Yam Hoei. is Of the three names mentioned above, Liem Kheng Yong without any doubt the only one still well known among the Peranakan Chinese of Makassar. He was apparently the most productive and translated more than sixty Chinese works totalling more than 2,000 fascicles. The greatest part was lost during World War II. Those that have survived are now kept by Mrs Go Si Khong, Liem Kheng Yong’s daughter.15 Liem Kheng Yong was born in Makassar in 1875. His father, Liem Eng Djioe, whose family originated from the district of Changtai , Southern Fujian) ran a pottery shop in (prefecture of Zhangzhou Jalan Pintu Dua.16 The family was apparently well off and Liem Kheng Yong was given a good education in Chinese by two successive private teachers (Mo Ling and Nio Tjiang Thai). Apparently he learned at the same time to read and write Makassarese in the Makassarese script. He acquired an excellent knowledge of the culture of his ancestral country, and was fond of Chinese literature, but at the same time greatly enjoyed composing poems in Makassarese. As it was the case with some translators of Chinese fiction into Malay, Liem Kheng Yong sometimes added his own literary works at the end of his translations, especially toward the end of his life. They are autobiographical in nature but also provide information on his moods and his philosophical thoughts as regards the changes of the world surrounding him17 Liem was a true intellectual and a prodigious worker, sometimes spending days and nights translating; he was said to be able to complete one fascicle of translation, that means some hundred pages, in one day. He wrote with a Chinese brush and used to bind the fascicles himself in the Chinese way. He sometimes added Chinese characters for the names of the main heroes (see Plates 38 and 39). We do not know exactly when he started to translate. The oldest text we traced is dated 1928 and the latest 1936. After the death of his first wife he married a young girl, at a date which is not known. His children tried to oppose this marriage and he decided to move to another quarter of the city. Probably at about this time he handed over the business he had inherited from his father to his children and decided to devote his time exclusively to translating activities. In the early 1930s he was able to support himself on the profits he made in lending his manuscript translations to the public. At the end of his life he decided to rejoin his children and died

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in 1937 or 1938 at age 62 after having, it is said, foretold the date of his death.18 As a matter of fact Liem Kheng Yong was also greatly attracted by astrology and even translated some Chinese almanacs and horoscopes into Makassarese.19 In order to provide a better insight into Liem Kheng Yong’s life, here is a partial translation of an autobiographic poem he wrote in 1936 at the end of one of his translations. Liem is my surname, Kheng Yong is my true name, and I’m also known by my style Nai You ( ). Tiotoa (Changtai ) is my country,20 Tiangpo (Changpo ) is my land, I came into the world and was born in Ujung Pandang.21 Ujung Pandang is my native country, My birth was in Pintu dua, I moved my home To “Kampung Melayu”.22 Sixty-two years, This is my age today, And I am giving up writing The text of my poems. The buffalo year is my sign, My birth in the seventh “house”,23 Under the date of the fourteenth, At twelve hour. My age is getting on, My eyes hardly see, And for some time my ears Have heard with difficulty. (…) God, send for me now, So I may go in your realm, If I remain much longer, I shall only hoard up sins.

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The other side is a land too, A peaceful abode, Here the world is Just like a dream.”

Judging by the incomplete list of translations reproduced at the end or “Chronicle of the of the text of the story entitled Dangkou zhi Extirpation of the Rebels” (n°.57 of the list given at the end of this article) and dated 1936 to which may be added some seven titles mentioned elsewhere, the volume of Liem Kheng Yong’s production is awe-inspiring. Except in a few cases, we had no access to the texts themselves. It goes without saying that under such circumstances identification of the original works is not always easy. The titles given to the translations (in a rather approximate transcription of the Hokkien dialect) do not always coincide with those of the originals; the originals themselves are often known under several titles. As it is the case with translations in Malay, Liem Kheng Yong’s versions are sometimes given the name of the main hero which makes the search for the original even more difficult (n°.1, 2, 3, 5, 9, 11, 12, 13, 17, 18, 19, 21, 22, 23, 28, 29, 30, 33, 34, 39, 45, 49, 52, 54, 55, 61, and 64). In some cases the heroes may be easily identified such as Si (n°.1) who is the main figure in the judiciary novel Poet Tjoan or “The Cases of Judge Shi”; Sam Po Kong entitled Shi gong’an (n°.2) who is no other than the famous eunuch Zheng He (1371–1433) whose expeditions in the Southern Seas have been recounted or “The Voyage of Eunuch in Sanbao taijian xiyang ji Sanbao to the Western Seas”. (See Plate 39.) In some other cases we found out the real name of the hero but could not ascertain to which story he belongs (that is the case for n°.29, 30 and 56). Finally in a few other titles, the transcriptions have remained a mystery (n°.21, 35, 45, 46, 50, 47, 51, 53, and 60). From the stories which can be identified, it appears that in Makassar as in Java, the Peranakan had a marked taste for historical novels. By far the best example is the “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” (n°.58) totalling 150 fascicles. In all, twenty-seven novels fall into this group. They are followed by martial stories and trial cases which amount to thirteen; far behind, we find seven fantastic novels and three novels of manners. In this last group should be mentioned the story of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai (see Plate 38) which was, and to a certain extent still is, particularly famous

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throughout Indonesia. It appears Liem’s selections were very similar to those of his counterparts in Java. Compared to the contribution of Liem Kheng Yong, those of Liem and Tjoa Yam Hoei seem to have been much smaller. Cheng Heang Their respective fame has since faded away. We could hardly find any biographical information about them, although they both were Liem Kheng Yong’s contemporaries. Tjoa died before or just after the occupation of the Dutch Indies by the Japanese.24 As regards Liem Cheng Heang, he was a relative of Liem Kheng Yong and is said to have also organized a lending library with his own translations. But so far we have not found anyone knowing the whereabouts of his collection. Today in Makassar there are still old Peranakan women who are able to read these stories. One of the best examples: Liem Kheng Yong’s daughter, who knows a great many stories by heart. As we said above the collection of manuscripts were scattered with the arrival of the Japanese; only about one hundred have been preserved. Moreover, the few attempts launched in the early 1960s to print some of these stories do not seem to have been very successful. The main reason probably lies in the fact that the younger generations are no longer able to read the Makassarese/Buginese script.

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  1. Si Poet Tjoan   2. Sam Po Kong   3. Kao Tjè Tian   4. Kwan Im Hu Tjio   5. Tjin Sio Po, Tjapé Loo Oan Ong   6. Lo Tong Sau Pak   7. Si Djin Kui “The Heroes of the Wagang Palisade” Luo Tong sao bei “Luo Tong Clears the East” Xue Rengui zheng dong “Xue Rengui’s Conquest of Korea”

Shi Buquan, Shi gong’an “The Cases of Judge Shi” Sanbao gong, Sanbao taijian xiyang ji “The Voyage of the Eunuch Sanbao to the Western Seas” Hou qi tian, Xiyou ji “The Pilgrimage to the West” Guanyin fozu, Guanyin chushi (?) Qin Shubao, shiba lu fan wang, Wagangzhai yanyi

21

10

33

74 5

79

110

The list below is based on that produced by Liem Kheng Yong at the end of his translation of Dangkou zhi (n°.57). It is not exhaustive and had been supplemented by information found in Yo Kao Tjio’s article on the translator (n°.58 to 64). The n°.57 was completed in 1936, but the texts mentioned in the list are not dated. In checking some of them we discovered that n°.5 was finished in 1928, n°.33 in 1932 and n°.59 in 1935. Four of the translations listed below are presently kept in the library of the Ecole française d’Extrême-Orient, Paris (n°.1, 9, 25 and 42). Each translation is listed with its title given according to the Hokkien pronunciation on the first line, followed by its title in Mandarin Chinese (pinyin transcription), and in Chinese characters; on the second line, is where known, the translation of the Chinese original. The number of fascicles of the different translations in manuscript form is noted on the right.

3. List of the Makassarese Translations of Chinese Novels by Liem Kheng Yong

366 Gilbert Hamonic and Claudine Salmon

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  8. Si Teng San   9. Si Kong, Hong Kio Li Tan 10. Lo Hong Hun, Lek Botan 11. Lo Tjan, Lo Kun, Pek Giok S(i)ong 12. Boé Liang Giok 13. Lie Tjun Hao 14. Tek Tjeng, Ban Hwa Lao 15. Tek Tjeng, Ngo Hoo Peng See 16. Tek Tjeng, Ngo Hoo Peng Lam 17. Sun Pin, Bang Koan 18. Sun Pin, Tjin Sie Ong 19. Kiang Tjoe Gé, Taki

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“The Story of a Boudoir” Mei Liangyu, Erdu mei “The Plum Tree Flowers Twice” Li Cunxiao, Cantang wudai shi yanyi “The Fall of the Tang Dynasty and the Five Dynasties” Di Qing, Wanhua lou “The 10,000 Flowers Pavilion” Di Qing, Wu hu ping xi “The Five Generals’ Conquest of the West” Di Qing, Wu hu ping nan “Di Qing or the Five Generals Pacify the South”. Sun Bin Pang Juan, Sun Pang yanyi “The Story of Sun Bin and Pang Juan” Sun Bin, Qin Shihuang, Fengjian chunqiu yanyi (?) “The Chronicle of Spears and Swords” Jiang Ziya, Daji, Feng shen yanyi “The Investiture of the Gods”.

“Revolt Against the Tang Dynasty” Luo Hongxun, Lü mudan “The Green Peony”. Luo Can, Luo Kun Bo Yushuang, Fenzhuang lou quanzhuan

Xue Dingshan zheng xi “Xue Dingshan’s Conquest of the West”. Xue Gang, Fengjiao, Lidan, Fan tang yanyi

78

48

12

19

45

41

16

18

30

27

31

28

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20. Beng Lee Kun 21. Ho Pik Siong 22. Gak Hoei 23 Io Tjong Poo 24. Tio Kong In San He Lam Tong 25. Io Bun Kong Peng Lam Ban 26. Ma Tjoen, San Ha Beng 27. O Pé Tjoa 28. Ong Tjiau Kun 29. Tjeng Tek Kun

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Tju Pokiam“Complete Story of the Triple Sword Adorned with Pearls” Hei bai she, Baishejing ji “The Story of the White Serpent” Wang Zhaojun, Shuang feng qiyuan “The Extraordinary Union of Two Phoenix Zhengde jun you jiangnan (?) “The Travels of Emperor Zhengde in South China”

“The Three Expeditions to the Southern Tang State by the First Emperor of the Song Dynasty” Yang Wenguang ping nanmin “Story of Yang Wenguang’s Pacification of South Fujian” Ma Jun, Sanhe mingzhu baojian quanzhuan

Meng Lijun or Zaishengyuan “Meng Lijun” or “The Story of a Resurrection” ? Story depicting the battles of Ho Ping Siong assisted by ten heroines Yue Fei, Shuo Yue quanzhuan “The Complete Story of Yue Fei” Yang Zongbao, Yangjiajiang “Generals of the Yang Family” Zhao Kuangyin, Song Taizu san xia nantang

17

24

2

15

18

22

25

62

10

47

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30. Tjeng Tek Kun 31. Pak Sian waliseng tujua 32. Lam Io Hoa Kong 33. Hiang Tian Siang Té 34. Tjo Pa Ong, Han Sin 35. Tjé Siao Tong 36. Pé Lean Kao 37. Hai Sui Lolona (“Junior”) 38. Hai Sui Tuana (“Senior”) 39. Si Peng Kui 40. Kin Ko Kie Koan 41. Kian Long Kun 42. Hoa Bo Lan Sia Tia

Zhengde jun bai mudan (?) “The Zhengde Emperor and the White Peony” Ba xian, Dongyou ji (?) “The Eight Immortals” or “The Pilgrimage to the East” (?) Nanyou Huaguang, Nanyou ji “The Voyage to the South” Xuantian shangdi, Beiyou ji “The Pilgrimage to the North” Chu bawang, Han Xin, Xihan yanyi (?) “The Romance of the Western Han Dynasty” (excerpt ?) ? Martial novel in which the hero always draws the picture of a peach-blossom after he has committed a theft Bailian jiao “Story of the White Lotus Sect” Hai Rui, Haigong da hongpao quanzhuan “The Complete Story of Hai Rui’s Great Scarlet Robe” Hai Rui, Haigong xiao hongpao quanzhuan “The Complete Story of Hai Rui’s Small Scarlet Robe” Xue Pinggui, Long feng jinchai zhuan (?) “Story of the Hairpin Adorned with Golden Dragon & Phoenix” Jingu qiguan “Wonders New and Old” Qianlong jun you jiangnan “The Travels of Emperor Qianlong in South China” Hua mulan xiaojie, Mulan cong jun “Mulan Joins the Army”

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18

61

5 25

16

29

12

19

30

7

6

7

25

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43. Bu Siong, Song Kang 44. Tju Hin Taé Tju 45. Tan Pek Eng 46. Ong Bun Eng 47. Pan Io or Pang Hiok 48. To Hoa Li 49. Li Kong 50. Oei Bu Hoo 51. Hoa Tiao Pek 52. Pé Hong Giok 53. Ban Hao Tiong

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“The Travels of Ciyun around the Country during the Song Dynasty” ? Story depicting how Tan Pek Eng, after he passed his examination, succeeds in marrying the daughter of a high official in spite of his humble origin ? ? Story about five women warriors Taohuanü yinyang dou zhuan “The Peach-blossom Fairy or Strange Accounts of the Contest between Female and Male Principles” Li Guang, Danao sanmen jie “The Three Doors Street” ? ? Story about filial piety Bai Hongyu, Yü Jiao Li “The Strange Romance of the Beautiful Pair” ?

Wu Song, Song Jiang, Shuihu zhuan “Romance of the Water Margin” Ciyun taizi, Housong ciyun zou guo quanzhuan

19

20

44

7

7 ? 24

23

69

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54. Oa Kong dare’ kebo ‘ka 55. In Kian or lng Kiang 56. Ga Gé 57. Tan Lee Keng To Ko Tjing 58. Sam Kok 59. Sam Pek Ing Tay 60. Pek Ho Tang 61. Lao Pang, Tjo Pak Ong 62. Lie Eng Tjhoen 63. Pak Bie Too 64. Ma Tjoang

Wukong Xiyou bu (?) (“The White Monkey”) “Supplement to the Pilgrimage to the West” 30 ? Story about a hero in quest of a magic sword 14 Yue Yi, Dongzhou lieguo zhi Zou ma chunqiu or possibly also Qianhou qi guo zhi The hero Yue Yi appears in several novels such as “The Chronicle of the Eastern Zhou”, “An Episode of the Spring and Autumn Period”, and “The Chronicle of the Seven Kingdoms” 14 Chen Liqing du gaoseng, Dangkou zhi “Chronicle of the Extirpation of the Rebels” 93 Sanguo zhi yanyi “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” 150 Liang Shanbo yu Zhu Yingtai “Liang Shanbo & Zhu Yingtai” ? ? Liu Bang, Chu bawang, Xihan yanyi (?) “Romance of the Western Han” (excerpt ?) ? Nüying zhuan (?) ? “Heroines” Ba mei tu “The Eight Beauties” 20 ? Name of the hero (?)

Translations of Chinese Fiction into Makassarese

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Notes   1. Cf. Gilbert Hamonic & Claudine Salmon, “La vie littéraire et artistique des Chinois Peranakan de Makassar (1930–1950)”, Archipel 26 (1983): 143–78.   2. Yo Kao Tjio was born in 1920 in a family that had been settled in Makassar for three generations. He could not read Chinese but was literate both in Malay and in Makassarese. Since the mid-thirties he worked as a correspondent for Malay newspapers like Pemberita Makassar (see below) and Pewarta Soerabaia. He wrote a few novels in Malay and even edited a literary magazine named Chian Mei which, in spite of its Chinese title, was written in Malay. His article “Liem Kheng Yong, Penterdjemah buku-buku tjerita Tionghoa dalam bahasa Makassar” (Liem Kheng Yong, Translator of Chinese Fiction into Makassarese) appeared in 10 Tahun PERTIP Makassar, 1946–1956 (Makassar: Pertip, 1956), pp. 117–19.   3. Cf. J. A. van der Chijs, Nederlandsch-Indisch Plakaatboek, 1602–1881, Batavia’s Hague, III (1678–1609), 1886, p. 521, where is reported the nomination of a Captain on 27 December 1701; it is added that this was not the first appointment of a Chinese headman in Makassar. There already existed a head of the Chinese community in the mid-1650, and perhaps even earlier.   4. The Regerings-Almanak voor Nederlandsch Indies provides information regarding the appointment of the heads of the Chinese communities in the main cities of the colony since the beginning of the nineteenth century. Moreover we have information on those families, the Nios, the Yos and the Thoengs that founded ancestral temples. In the case of the Nios, whose temple still exists, there is a commemorative stone inscription dated 1854. A printed copy (partly in Malay and partly in Dutch) of the former regulations of the association officially founded in 1876 to administer the temple and regulate the life of its members was also kept there. One article stipulated that the aim of the association was to promote among members and their descendants a culture based on moral and intellectual principles, and to encourage them to be charitable.   5. Cf. Liu Huanran , Heshu dong yindu gailan , (Dutch East Indies Sketch), Singapore, Qianghua tushu chubanshe [1940], not paginated, where there is an interesting biography of Wang Jue. He took part in the administration of the school for more than 30 years. He was also a leading member of the Chinese Chamber of Commerce (see below) and was awarded five decorations for his social activities; one was conferred on him in 1916 by the Chinese Ministry of Education. We are not informed of the education Wang gave his three daughters; but we know that he sent his eldest grandson to continue his studies in Amoy in the Jimei Secondary School that had been founded in 1918 on the initiative of the Singapore

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rubber magnate Tan Kah Kee (1874–1961). In Makassar the Zhonghua xuexiao remained the only modern school until 1928, when suddenly three others were established. In 1938 there were eleven Chinese schools, but only one secondary school.   6. Cf. Chen Mong Hock, The Early Chinese Newspapers of Singapore 1881–1912 (Singapore: University of Malaya Press, 1967), p. 125.   7. Cf. Lie Lean Tjoan, “Asal moelanja agama Hoed di kota Makassar”, Moestika Dharma I, no. 9 (December 1932): 306. It is not clear whether the Makassarese version was based on the Chinese original or on the Malay translation. We have not been able to examine these two editions. The name of Lie Lean Tjoan appears among those of the shareholders of the N. V. Handelsdrukkerij en Kantoorhandel Celebes, see below.   8. Cf. Javaasche Courant, Batavia, 20 February 1903, extra-bijvoegsel, p. 15.   9. Cf. Liu Huanran, op. cit., which gives a list of the founders, among whom five belong to the Tang (Thoeng) family namely: Tang Heqing , Tang Longbo , Tang Wenlong , Tang Longfei and Tang Zhongbei (Thoeng Tjiong Bie , 1857–1918); the last of these was one of the wealthiest traders in Makassar and in 1911 was appointed Captain, a position he kept until he died. The Thoeng family had its roots in Chunfang in the district of Changtai (Southern Fujian). Tang Zhongbei went home for his mother’s funeral and had an ancestral temple erected there. He himself was buried in Makassar where his imposing tomb still stood in 1969. Interestingly enough he had a eulogistic biography engraved on a tablet on his grave; it was composed by Chen Peikun from Minxian (Northern Fujian) who had passed the examination of jinshi in 1898. The text is reproduced in Liu Huanran, op. cit. 10. Javaasche Courant, 14 September 1909. 11. Liu Huanran, op. cit. 12. The earliest Chinese paper seems to have appeared in 1921; for a list of the newspapers published in Makassar, see G. Hamonic & C. Salmon, op. cit., p. 167 note 22. The local branch of the Kuo Min Tang was very active and in the late 1920’s was eager to control the press in Chinese. Apparently, there were serious rivalries within the Chinese community. The Kuo Min Tang, which at one time reached a membership of one thousand, counted only 400 members at the end of the 1930s; Liu Huanran, op. cit. 13. One copy of this printed edition was purchased in Jakarta in 1973 and is kept in in a private collection in Auckland (private information from John Kwee) The use of wooden blocks is to be explained by the fact that all the Makassarese type faces had disappeared during the war. 14. Nona Soh Lian Tjie, “Kehidupan Budaja dari orang-orang Tionghoa Peranakan jang lahir di Makassar”, in Buku Peringatan Persatuan Tionghoa Peranakan (PERTIP) Makassar, 1946–1953 (Makassar: Pertip, 1956), pp. 143–45. 15. We met Mrs Go Sit Khong in Makassar in 1981. She earned her living making

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16.

17.

18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

Gilbert Hamonic and Claudine Salmon

and selling pastry. She received a very good education in Makassarese and could read her father’s writings without difficulty. Jalan Pintu Dua or “Two Doors Street”, was named for the two doors at each end of the street which were closed every day after sunset in order to restrict the circulation of the Chinese. It was also called Jalan Klenteng or “Chinese Temple Street” during the Dutch rule. Today the official name is Sulawesi Street. In 1981 Liem Kheng Yong’s daughter still kept one fascicle bearing a long poem of some 114 quatrains written when the author was 62 years old. Partial translations can be found in Hamonic and Salmon, op. cit. (in French), and below in this volume. Oral information of Liem Kheng Yong’s daughter. We were told that Liem Kheng Yong was consulted by the Makassarese who themselves are very interested in horoscopes and possess similar books called kutika to foretell the future. Changtai is a district situated in the southern part of the Fujian province. In fact Ujung Pandang was the name of the fortress in the city of Makassar during the Dutch rule, and Makassar has been renamed Ujung Pandang from 1971 to 1999. The Kampung Melayu or “Malay Quarter” is a part of the town of Makassar; during the nineteenth century it was mostly inhabited by Chinese and Malay people. It is near the present Sangir Street. The author refers here to astrological categories. Oral information of Mr Tan Ting Sek , Makassar, 1967 and 1981.

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SAM PEK ENG TAY

A CHINESE LOVE STORY IN MADURESE1 Dédé Oetomo

Introduction Among the reading materials for the people published by Balai Pustaka, the publishing house set up by the Dutch East Indies government in 1908, we find some ninety-odd titles published in Madurese, the language of the people of the island of Madura and the easternmost part of East Java, where people from the island have been migrating for centuries.2 Among this collection of publications, we find two volumes written in Javanese script, containing the Chinese love story of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai , a story that has been quite popular among the different peoples living in the Archipelago.3 The volumes are numbered 840 and 840a, and comprise a unified whole. On the title-page we read, besides the title in roman script, the subtitle Tresna Dhunnya Aherat, which means “Eternal Love” (lit. Love in this World and the After-life), Further, we can read that it is an ancient story in China (dhungeng kona e naghara Tiong Kok), written in Madurese (eangghit něng bhasa Madhura) by (biq) R. Ahmad Wongsoséwojo (Ra. Ahmad Wongsasewaya). There are six illustrations signed by an S. Hadi interspersed in the two volumes. The Javanese script used is of the standing and cursive print styles, with the latter style being used only in the captions underneath the illustrations and the fine-print phrases on the title page. All Chinese names are printed in roman script, with typographical errors in some places.4 (See Plates 40 and 41.) The core story is a love story between the girl Zhu Yingtai, who disguises herself as a boy to be able to go to school, and the boy Liang

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Shanbo, whom she meets on the way and later falls in love with, which ends in tragedy because she has been given into marriage by her parents to someone else of the Ma family. Liang Shanbo dies and later on Zhu Yingtai prays at his grave and jumps in when it splits open. In China, where it originated, the story has been known since the fourth century A.D.5 Out of this core story many versions have been spun following diverse imaginative interpreters in China itself and in other lands. The main objective of this essay is to describe what hap­pens to a Chinese story when it is rendered in Madurese. Therefore, in the rest of the essay, I will give a synopsis of the Madurese version, and point out the “local colour” that the author6 injects into the story, perhaps to make it more familiar to Madurese readers. I will follow this with a brief insight into R. Ahmad Wongsoséwojo’s career as an author and translator, especially to make ourselves familiar with the person who wrote the work we look into in this essay. I will then try to speculate as to whether it is an original composition by the author or a translation from an earlier version in Javanese or Malay.7 1. Synopsis of the Story The story opens with an early morning scene on a very busy street. Then the author shifts to a very pretty garden, where Eng Taj (Eng Tay), a beautiful girl, is sitting alone, apparently feeling sad. She then goes into a soliloquy on how it is unfair that boys can go to school but girls cannot. Eng Tay is an only child, well loved by her parents, who are very wealthy merchants. Her parents then appear on the scene, and Eng Tay asks for their permission to go to boarding school (monḍhuk) in the city of Hang ). They are very surprised at this request. They have Tjoe (Hang Cu provided her with everything they can think of to make her happy, and yet she wants to go to another city, far away from them. This makes them very sad. Eng Tay argues that times have changed, that women should be allowed to pursue an educa­tion, but still her father is not convinced. He tells her to accept her fate as a girl. He also warns her that at Hang Cu all the students are boys. At this point Eng Tay asks for her parent’s permission to go into her bedroom, and changes into boys’ clothing. Seeing her that way, her parents finally consent to her going to school dressed as a boy. The next morning, on her way to Hang Cu, Eng Tay stops at the house of her older female cousin, named Hi Ja So (Hi Ya So), who is surprised to see her in male clothing, and even more surprised to hear about her

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plan to study (ngajhi) in Hang Cu. Hi Ya So then mockingly warns her cousin that instead of acquiring knowledge, she is going to come home with a baby in her arms. To this Eng Tay replies accordingly, and reassures her cousin that she means what she says. As a sign, she buries her sash under a casuarina (comara) tree, and tells her cousin that if the sash ever becomes damaged, that will indicate that she has done something wrong. Eng Tay then leaves. The next chapter opens with Eng Tay walking on the road to Hang Cu on a very hot day. Night falls, and she stays at an inn. The following day is a bright, sunny day. At the intersection with the road from Boe Tjioe (Bu Ciu), she sees two boys walking, and thinks how nice it would be if they were going the same way. They turn out to be a very handsome boy with his servant (panakaban). The boy is very hesitant about how to react to Eng Tay’s friendliness, but later shakes her hand anyway. Eng Tay asks him what his name is and where he is going, and finds out that his name is Nio Sam Pek from Bu Ciu, and that he is going to school in Hang Cu. In return he asks the same questions and Eng Tay tells him her name and that she is from Wa Tjoe (Wa Cu) and is also going to school in Hang Cu. Eng Tay is so happy she feels as if she had found a mountain high heap of gold (ḍaq-paḍaqa ban se nĕmmo ĕmmas saghunong). Sam Pek, Eng Tay, and his servant, whose name is Soe Kioe (Su Kiu) then continue walking together. Eng Tay then proposes to Sam Pek that they become sworn brothers. Sam Pek replies that he should have asked for that, since he is the son of poor people. He goes on to say that he feels very happy to be regarded a brother; he feels as if his heart had been splashed with very fragrant petaled water (sang ate kadhi serame/kom-koman sangĕt roqomma) and that he feels as if he had gone into a lake of honey and found a heap of diamonds (jhĕk tompa e taseq maddhu/nĕmmo entĕn satompoqan). He hopes to God that their wish will be granted. Thereafter, witnessed by heaven and earth, they swear to become brothers. They then go on walking. Eng Tay suddenly sulks and asks Sam Pek to hold her hand. Sam Pek is very surprised at this, but Eng Tay retorts that since they are brothers, there is no reason why they cannot do that. Sam Pek finally agrees to her request after some peevish quarrelling. Su Kiu then suggests that they all continue walking. The next chapter starts with a description of Hang Cu, which is a large trading city. The heat of day has subsided when Sam Pek, Eng Tay, and Su Kiu arrive. The teacher at the school there (called by the title kyae; the school is called panyantren) comes out to greet them, and asks them what

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they want that late in the evening. Sam Pek and Eng Tay say they want to learn there and the teacher takes down their names. Sam Pek identifies himself as the son of a peasant (oreng tane) in Bu Ciu. Eng Tay tells the teacher that she is the son of the merchant Ni Tjioek Kong (Ni Ciuk Kong) in Wa Cu. The teacher recognizes her father and is surprised because he knows the merchant has no sons. Eng Tay is very frightened at this point. But insists that her father only has a son. The teacher then gives a long advice to all the students (santre) to study hard, to be kind to one another, and so forth. Eng Tay and Sam Pek are then taken to the only vacant room there. She is very sad about the prospect of sharing a room with Sam Pek and tries hard to find a way to avoid that, but fails to do so. The next chapter opens with Eng Tay telling Sam Pek that she has something to discuss with him. She suggests that since their room is so tiny, they should set up a rule: they should agree on a borderline in the middle of their bed and whoever goes over it shall be punished. Sam Pek is rather regretful to hear this, but agrees anyway. Eng Tay proposes that the punishment should be in the form a fine namely that whoever violates their rule should pay for paper and pens. In the middle of the night, Sam Pek finds out that Eng Tay’s foot is in his area of the bed, so he wakes her up and will not let go of her foot. Eng Tay gets out of bed and gives Sam Pek paper and pens. Being the only girl in the school, Eng Tay finds to her dismay that all the other students urinate any old way they want, which of course she cannot do. She complains about this to the teacher, and when the latter is angry about it, she suggests that everybody should squat while urinating, and that whoever violates the rule should be beaten three times with a broomstick. In the next chapter, we are told that Sam Pek and Eng Tay have been at school for a year. It is the time of the year for people to go give offerings at their relatives’ graves. All the students are given a three-day vacation, but Sam Pek and Eng Tay do not go home. Eng Tay asks Sam Pek to go for a leisurely walk. Arriving at a very beautiful garden Eng Tay shows her admiration, which is disapproved strongly by Sam Pek, saying that boys should not like flowers. Eng Tay asks him to smell a flower and to place it behind his ears. She then goes on talking about what flowers symbolize, among others love, but Sam Pek feels nothing in his heart. They later arrive at a lake, where they see a couple of ducks (balibis) mating. Eng Tay feels aroused and throws hints at Sam Pek while referring to the ducks. Sam Pek says that since they are both boys, what she says is ridiculous. He then picks up a rock and throws it to the ducks. Eng Tay is disturbed by what she sees as Sam Pek’s cruelty, and reproaches him for it. Sam Pek

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then expresses his regrets. However, Eng Tay keeps crying, because she feels it is a bad omen, i.e. that her love for Sam Pek will be unrequited. Sam Pek is of course puzzled, and only after he apologizes time and again does Eng Tay feel relieved. The next chapter starts with the two young people continuing their walk. They arrive at an old temple (kalĕnteng), where they see the two statues of Boen Koen-Siang Dji (Bun Kun-Siang Ji). Eng Tay pretends not to know who they are, and asks Sam Pek. He explains that they were two great lovers from the past, and that their statues are placed in the temple so that people can follow their example. Eng Tay smiles upon hearing this, but still Sam Pek does not get the hint. She then expresses her hope that she and Sam Pek can be like Bun Kun and Siang Ji. Sam Pek of course thinks it ridiculous, since they are both male. Eng Tay tells him he is as stupid as a water-buffalo (kĕrbhuy) — even a hundred hints will not make him understand. Eng Tay is getting desperate, so she unbuttons her shirt a little in front and Sam Pek, upon seeing that, trembles and feels dizzy. They hug each other, and Sam Pek expresses his regret at not having guessed that Eng Tay is a girl. He goes on to express his desire that they can be together forever. Eng Tay feels very touched by this. At this point, two of Eng Tay’s family’s servants, named An Tong and Djim Sin (Jim Sin), show up, telling her that she must go home. Sam Pek and Eng Tay both feel very sad at the prospect of having to be separated so soon after they express their love for each other. They both weep, but Eng Tay finally says good-bye and asks Sam Pek to follow her later. She asks him to come after ten days, but expresses this in three different ways, namely four and six, three and seven, and two and eight days. Sam Pek is so much in love with Eng Tay that he passes out when she goes out of his sight, galloping on her horse. This is where the first volume ends. The second volume starts with a chapter in which we are told that Sam Pek keeps feeling uneasy. He is very much puzzled by her way of saying four and six, three and seven and two and eight. He is oblivious to everything, so that the teacher finally notices this. When the latter asks him why he looks so ill, Sam Pek replies that he feels very sad being separated from his friend, Eng Tay. He asks for directions to go to Wa Cu. The teacher tells him to go to a quarter (kampong) called Tjioek Ke Teng (Ciuk Ke Teng), where there is a large house with a mulberry tree (bhungka bĕssaran) for feeding silkworms in front of it. That is Eng Tay’s house. Sam Pek then leaves for Wa Cu accompanied by Su Kiu. When they arrive at Wa Cu, they see a girl picking mulberry leaves. When they ask her if that is the house of the merchant Ni Ciuk Kong, whose child is

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named Eng Tay, she says it is, which makes Sam Pek very happy. Sam Pek and Eng Tay meet in the front room, both being so happy to meet again. Sam Pek tells her that he has followed her instructions, and has come to see her after a month (thirty days), and asks for her hand. Eng Tay sadly replies that she actually meant ten days, and that now it is too late, because her parents are going to marry her to someone else. Sam Pek is shocked to hear this, and accuses Eng Tay of not keeping her promise. She retorts that her instructions were very clear, and Sam Pek admits his mistake. Eng Tay assures him that although she will be married to someone else, her heart still belongs to him. She gives him her hairpin as a souvenir. Sam Pek has nothing but a lock of his hair to give her in return. At this moment Eng Tay’s mother calls from inside, and warns her that it is not good to keep on talking with a man, since she is tied to someone. In the following chapter, the story opens with Sam Pek’s house in Bu Ciu, in which there is a desolate atmosphere. His mother is trying to find out what is making him ill, and eventually he replies that he cannot stand it any longer, since he is so unfortunate. He then tells her everything about his love for Eng Tay. His mother tries to console him by saying that she will find him someone who is even better than Eng Tay. Sam Pek replies that he cannot love anyone else. He then asks for paper, a pen and ink. The next chapter begins by telling us how sad Eng Tay feels. She thinks about Sam Pek constantly, and feels very regretful. One day, while she is in the garden to try to console herself, a parrot (nori) alights on her shoulder. The bird has a letter from Sam Pek, in which he wishes her all the best and again expresses his love for her. Eng Tay cries all the time she is reading the letter. Her whole body feels weak. She then goes into her room to write a reply. She tells Sam Pek that his illness is caused by his love, and can only be cured with the heart of a dragon and the brains of a golden chicken (atena olar nagha ban otĕggha ajam kancana). She suggests that he should pray to God day and night. When he dies, she tells him to ask his mother to bury him at an intersection with his head in the east, with an ocean blue marble gravestone, and the grave facing the west. The gravestone should be graved with writing so that it is easy to find. She then apologizes for the misfortune, and says that she does not want to live long without him. The parrot then takes the letter back to Sam Pek. Thereafter he becomes even more ill. The next chapter opens with a description to how hopeless Sam Pek’s illness is. The parrot comes back with Eng Tay’s letter. Sam Pek is too weak even to open the letter, so Su Kiu does that for him. He feels happy

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when he reads what Eng Tay has to say. He asks for some water from his mother, and then dies. The mother and Su Kiu both cry and wail, and all the neighbours come to console them. Sam Pek’s body is then buried. His mother keeps feeling sad, so Su Kiu does his best to console her. We are told that Su Kiu has gone to bring the sad news to Eng Tay. After hearing the news, she goes inside the house and comes back out with something heavy wrapped in a cloth. Su Kiu gives it to Sam Pek’s mother. It turns out to be a lot of money (pesse dinar) with a note saying that it is her contribution as a token of love. The money is to be given to Sam Pek’s relatives and all those who come to his funeral. Sam Pek’s mother divides the money into three: one third to be given to those who came to his funeral, another third to beautify the grave, and another for herself and Su Kiu, to be used as capital to start a business. The following chapter starts with preparations for Eng Tay’s wedding. She is to be married to a grand nobleman (oreng aghung parjaji raja), a favourite aide to the King (abdhi se kaparĕk ḍaq sang Rato). The entire city of Wa Cu joins in the festivity. However, the bride, Ni Eng Tay, is feeling very sad in her room. Suddenly she hears a voice, which sounds like Sam Pek’s. Eng Tay is very shocked and frightened, because she knows that Sam Pek has died. She then prostrates herself on the ground, and promises to Sam Pek’s ghost that she will soon follow him. She then prays that the ghost will go away, and it does. In the final chapter, Eng Tay is being difficult to her parents. She locks herself in her room, and when finally she lets her mother in, she tells her why she is always so dejected. She says she consents to being married to Ma )8 on one condition, namely that after the wedding she Tjoen (Ma Cun asks to be taken to Sam Pek’s grave. So the wedding procession takes place as planned, a festive oc­casion for everybody but Eng Tay. The procession then winds up at the Tjang San (Cang San) mountains, where Sam Pek’s grave is located. Eng Tay sees the grave, and asks for ritual devices to be prepared. She then starts knocking on the gravestone with her hairpin, and she continues doing this while expressing her wish to submit her body and soul to Sam Pek. Nothing happens, but Eng Tay keeps praying to Sam Pek, and exhorts him that if he really loves her, the grave should split open. Suddenly the entire grave moves, and the gravestone opens up. Eng Tay immediately jumps in and the grave closes again. Now Ma Cun sees all this and feels very sad. He tries to move the gravestone in vain, and then in a rage curses Sam Pek. He then orders his soldiers to dig the grave, all the time cursing the dead Sam Pek. But

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nothing is seen in the grave, except later on two butterflies come flying out of it. When they keep digging, they find two beautiful sky blue slabs of stone. Ma Cun tries to break the stones, but they will not break. The stones are the two lovers’ bodies, while the butterflies are their souls. Ma Cun orders the two stones to be thrown far away from each other, one to the north and the other to the south. One of them falls in Wa Cu and grows to be a teak tree (kaju jhate), while the other falls in Bu Ciu and grows to be a bamboo tree. The author tells us that the teak comes from Sam Pek’s body and the bamboo comes from Eng Tay’s. He goes on saying that teakwood and bamboo always meet when people build a house. He then closes the story by saying that whether the story is true or not, only God knows (bhĕnḍĕr ĕnjaqna kanḍha jareya, among Pangeran se aghung se angonenge). 2. Local Colour What is obvious from the start about this Chinese story in Madurese is the use of features characteristic of the language. In Madurese we find the use of language levels or speech levels, where different levels are used in speaking to different people, depending on the degree of respect one accords to one’s interlocutor. There are basically three style levels, namely alos “refined”, tĕngaqan “middle” and kasar “crude”.9 In addition, there are also reference levels, called alos tengghi “high refined” and alos manḍhap “low refined”. One uses alos tengghi words to refer to people one respects, and alos manḍhap words to refer to oneself in an humble manner. Throughout the text of our story, the levels are used appropriately. Since Eng Tay’s family is a wealthy merchant family, thus belonging to the élite, she speaks, in alos to her parents, using alos tengghi words to refer to them and alos manḍhap words for herself. When Sam Pek speaks to her mother, however, since they are from a rural, poor peasant family, he only speaks in kasar to her. He calls her by the kasar word ĕmbuq “mother”, whereas Eng Tay calls her parents by the alos tengghi words rama “father” and ebhu “mother”. When speaking to the teacher, the two children use alos. The servants, as expected in Madurese, use tĕngaqan in speaking to their masters. The larger part of the text is in prose with dialogues, but certain dialogues are written in verse, in the so-called tĕmbhang macapat, a much-used metrical form in the traditional poetry of Java and Madura.10 When Eng Tay’s cousin warns her about finding a husband and coming home with a

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baby in her arms instead of acquiring knowledge, the dialogues is written in the kenanṭe metre, and so is Eng Tay’s reply. This metre is usually used to convey an admonition, or to indicate an amorous atmosphere. Eng Tay and Sam Pek’s repartee when they first meet at the intersection with the road from Bu Ciu is written in two cantos in the kasmaran metre. It is interesting that the author already hints about the amorous contents of the story this early in the story, especially since kasmaran literally means “being in love”. The teacher’s advice to the students is written in the artate metre, which among others is used to convey instruction. When Eng Tay reproaches Sam Pek about his cruelty throwing a stone at the mating ducks, she does it in the maskomambang verse. Sam Pek’s apologetic reply is also in the same metre. This metre is usually used when an author wants to create a melancholic situation; in this part of the story, it is the bad omen that the two children’s love will be unfulfilled. When Sam Pek finds out that Eng Tay is a girl, he expresses his happiness and love in the mejhil metre. The same metre is used when they have to part, when Eng Tay wants to make sure that he will come to see her after ten days. Now the mejhil metre is usually used when the person who chants the verse is madly in love. When Sam Pek finally sees Eng Tay again after thirty days, he expresses his exaltation in the senom metre. Her reply that she has been tied to someone else is also expressed in this metre. Senom is usually used in friendly conversations.11 After Sam Pek’s death, when Su Kiu tries to console his grief-stricken master, Sam Pek’s mother, he speaks in the pangkor metre, which is ordinarily used to express sincere and intense feelings. Here obviously the author is trying to depict the strength of the two survivors’ grief. When Sam Pek’s ghost comes to visit Eng Tay in her room, she speaks with him in the ghambhu metre. This metre is commonly used to create an intimate atmosphere, and is also used to reassure the interlocutor (in the case of this part of our story, Eng Tay is of course trying to reassure Sam Pek’s ghost that she will soon follow him). The last canto is used by the author for Ma Cun’s angry cursing at Sam Pek, after Eng Tay jumps into the latter’s grave. The metre used is maghattro, which is commonly used to express apathy or intense disappointment at one’s fate.12 In the text, we do not only find characteristic features pertaining to the Madurese language, but we also find certain institutions common in Madurese culture. The terminology used for the school in Hang Cu that Sam Pek and Eng Tay

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go to consists of Madurese words that refer to typical Islamic education in Java and Madura. To go to school and live at the school is called monḍhuk. When Eng Tay is telling her cousin that she is going to Hang Cu to study, she uses the term ngajhi, which usually means “learning to recite the Koran”. The school itself is called panyantren, and the students are called santre. The teacher is called by the title kyae. Besides these features that refer to Madura’s Islamic characteristic, we also find characteristics referring to the more general culture of Java and Madura. We notice that Su Kiu, Sam Pek’s servant, is first referred to as his panakaban. Now this reminds us of the knight in the wayang (shadow puppet) stories, who is usually accompanied by one or more of these panakaban. It is interesting that Ma Cun is a favourite aide to the King in this version of the story. This reminds us of a Javanese love story, that of Pranacitra and Rara Mendhut, where the young woman Mendhut is in love with the poor [sic] Pranacitra, but a royal officer, Tumĕnggung Wiraguna, has his eyes on her. Could it be that the author of this Madurese version had this other story in mind? Also, in this version Sam Pek’s mother is a widow: quite a few Javanese folk romances have such an orphaned boy or youth as a protagonist (cf. e.g. the story of Jaka Tarub). In our story the author has also Madurized certain Chinese customs. When Sam Pek and Eng Tay meet for the first time, they shake hands, and do not greet each other by raising the clasped hands in front of the face, as is wont in such an encounter in traditional China. When Eng Tay sends money through Su Kiu to Sam Pek’s mother after the news of his death is brought to her, in this Madurese version the money is intended for distribution to those who come to the funeral and to those left behind by the deceased. Now in Chinese traditional culture it is customary to give money for an offering to the dead, but that the money should be distributed as in this version is indeed rather odd. Especially since later Sam Pek’s mother and Su Kiu use one third of the money to start a business. Nevertheless, there are places in the text where non-Madurese characteristics appear. When Eng Tay’s family’s servants come to fetch her, they call her by the term of address non, which is usually used to address a European or Chinese girl, but never a traditional Madurese girl. They also call her mother by the name of nyonya bĕssar, which again is common only when natives refer to European or Chinese ladies. It seems that the author at times treat his characters as Chinese, and hence not Madurese, although most of the time he sticks to the Madurizing of the story as I mentioned above.

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3. The Author R. Ahmad Wongsoséwojo was apparently quite active in writing and translating reading materials for the people. Uhlenbeck mentions him and a couple of other people (R. Sastrasoebrata and R. Sosrodanoekoesoemo) as having been “extremely active in providing the Madurese with reading matter of good quality”.13 We do not know much else besides the fact that two other works in Madurese by him were published by Balai Pustaka, namely a translation of the Malay Hikayat Panji Semirang (1921) and something entitled Katja Djeppang (1930), which is not available to me.14 He also published in Dutch several articles on shipbuilding, fishery, and education in Madura, and review articles in the journal Djảwả of the Java Instituut in 1926 and 1931.15 He also wrote instructional materials, such as one on different kinds of plants,16 an eighteen-part arithmetic textbook in collaboration with M. Nitisasmita (both in Madurese),17 and a health manual in collaboration with Sardjito (in Malay).18 He also translated M. Mardjana’s three volume Malay reader for use in Madurese-medium schools.19 The other works by him that I have come across is a five-volume travelogue in Malay published by Balai Pustaka.20 That seems to be all we can find out about this author at this point. We can conclude that he wrote in Madurese, Malay and Dutch, and translated into Madurese, and that his career, as far as we know from his published works, seems to have started with the publication of his translation of the Hikayat Panji Semirang in 1921. It is not as simple to pin-point when he undertook his last work. The reader by M. Mardjana that he translated was originally written by the former in 1929, and the 1948 edition was a second printing of the Madurese translation. The health manual published by the Japanese authorities in 1945 was written earlier, since Javanese and Sundanese translations were published by Balai Pustaka in 1932. It seems then that his travelogue of the Indies may have been the last work he undertook. The last volume was published by Balai Pustaka in 1941. 4. On the Origin of the Madurese Version Finally, I am going to speculate on the origin of this Madurese version of the Liang Shanbo-Zhu Yingtai story. It is clear that R. Ahmad Wongsoséwojo does not know Hokkien Chinese, since first of all he did not know that is not a name, but a kinship term in that language. Moreover, hiã so he spells his rendering of this phrase as three syllables, namely hi ya so,

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which clearly shows his unfamiliarity with Hokkien. Also, he confuses ciu and cu when he mentions place names such as Wa Cu, Hang Cu and Bu Ciu. We can safely conclude then that this version could not have been directly translated from a Chinese version. At the time he wrote the story in Madurese, there had been several versions in Javanese and Malay circulating in the public. Through centuries of contact between the Madurese and Javanese peoples, the literature and art of the Madurese have often been analogous to that of the Javanese. Hence, it would not have been totally impossible that our author was familiar with one or more Javanese versions. Of the Javanese versions that he could have read were the one published in van Dorp’s Javaansche Almanak for 187321 and also a 1928 version entitled Katresnan Donja-Akerat.22 Could our author have translated his work from any of these Javanese versions? The 1873 version has (from the brief synopsis in Brandes’ article) two differences when compared to the Madurese version. Eng Tay is called home to get married in this version, whereas in the Madurese version the reason is not given. It is only after Sam Pek does not appear after ten days that she consents to her parents’ plan to marry her to Ma Cun. Ma Cun is the son of an official in the Javanese version, whereas in the Madurese version he is a nobleman himself. Unfortunately, the 1928 Javanese version is not available to me, so that I have not been able to compare the Madurese version with it. Is it possible, then, that he translated the work from a Malay version? This is not easy to answer, either. At the time the work was written, the Malay versions, although written by ethnic Chinese, were read by all the public, and it is possible that our author was familiar with one or more of these Malay versions. In her bibliography on the literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia,23 Claudine Salmon lists ten versions of the story in Malay. I looked at three of them24 and found all of them different in significant details from the Madurese version. In the Malay versions, Sam Pek is alone when he meets Eng Tay for the first time on his way to Hang Cu, whereas in the Madurese version Sam Pek is accompanied by Su Kiu, his servant (curiously, however, in the Malay versions the latter suddenly appears when Sam Pek is to go to Eng Tay’s house). In the Malay versions, Eng Tay uses her sash as the borderline between herself and Sam Pek on the narrow bed that they are assigned by the teacher, whereas in the Madurese version no sash is mentioned. In the Malay versions, the boys urinate at a wall, so Eng Tay splashes it with ink (no ink is mentioned in The’s version) before complaining to the teacher, whereas in the Madurese version this splashing is not mentioned. In The’s version Ma Cun is a

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farmer, and in the other two Malay versions we do not know what he is, whereas as we know, he is a nobleman, aide to the King, in the Madurese version. In the Malay versions, Sam Pek is not an orphan — the authors mention his mother and father, whereas his father does not appear at all in the Madurese version. In the Malay versions, after his death Sam Pek comes to Eng Tay in her dream, whereas in the Madurese version his ghost comes to her. Conclusion What can we conclude from this brief look into different Javanese and Malay versions? Before we do that, though we should keep in mind that R. Ahmad Wongsoséwojo usually mentioned it in his works when they were translated from another source. Perhaps all this questioning about the possibility of his version being a translation is a great disservice to him. One thing that comes up in my research on the other versions is the fact that in Java and Madura (and perhaps in other places in the Archipelago as well) there seemed to be a general version circulating with differences in details here and there. Thus, although as I mentioned above the Madurese version differs significantly from the Malay versions, for example, we should not overlook the fact that as many as there are differences there are also similarities. In all the Malay versions I looked at as well as in the Madurese version, Eng Tay stops at her cousin’s house and buries her sash under a tree (what tree it is, is usually different from version to version) and tells her that the sash should be a symbol of her chastity. The assignment of the small room to Sam Pek and Eng Tay, the setting up of a borderline, the fine in the form of writing utensils, are all there. The ploy Eng Tay uses to get the boys to squat while urinating is also found in all four versions. Eng Tay’s attempt to court Sam Pek is also found in all versions, down to the details with the flowers, the mating ducks, and the two statues in the temple. Eng Tay’s instructions for Sam Pek’s grave are found in all four versions, including the details of the grave lying from the east to the west, and the blue gravestone. The scene where Sam Pek’s grave splits open and Eng Tay jumps in is also found in all four versions. When the grave is dug up, in all four versions two butterflies fly out of it and later on after being dug up deeper, the two blue slabs of stone are mentioned in all the versions. In short, one may conclude that a common plot is to be found in all the four versions. However, it must be the case that our author either did not have the Malay versions at his disposal, or that he delibera­tely paraphrased the story.

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Based on the Malay versions that are available to me, I would tentatively conclude that his Madurese version is an original composition. It is interesting to note, moreover, that the version that Nio Joe Lan gives in his survey of Chinese literature,25 which presumably is what he wants to present as the Chinese version, is more similar to the Madurese, Javanese and Malay versions than to the Chinese versions I have looked at.26 The main difference in the Chinese versions lies in the ending. Eng Tay does marry Ma Cun despite her love for Sam Pek. Later on, when she is travelling in a boat, a storm springs up and prevents her from going any further. She then learns that Sam Pek’s grave is in the vicinity, and decides to visit and pray there. No butterflies nor slabs of stone are mentioned. Since the Liang-Zhu story has also been told orally from storyteller to imaginative storyteller, both in China and in the Archipelago, it is indeed difficult, and perhaps well-nigh impossible, to ascertain the origin of the Madurese version (and the other versions as well, for that matter). All the versions in southern China will have to be traced before one can find which version was brought over to the Archipelago when the Chinese immigrated. This will then have to be linked to a general version extracted from the numerous Indonesian versions. But of course this is beyond this essay to attempt, and should be the subject of a future study. Postscript While this essay was going into press, I was able to look at copies of a few beginning and end pages of the Javanese version by K.M. Sasrasoemarta: Katresnan Donja-Akérat (Lelakon Koena ing Tiongkok), BP. 810 (Weltevreden: Balé Poestaka, 1928), Rom. script, 67 pp. (especial thanks to Claudine Salmon and Michèle Boin for providing me with the materials). It turned out that the Madurese version was an almost word-for-word adaptation, if not translation, of the Javanese version. The six illustrations signed by S. Hadi in the Madurese version were the first give-away feature: the first one was in the copies of the Javanese version at my disposal. The title page of the Javanese version mentioned the name of the illustrator as R. Soehadi. Looking at the table of contents at the end of the Javanese version, I found out that this version also has twelve chapters, and the chapter titles were very similar to the Madurese version, at least in meaning if not in form (Javanese and Madurese have some cognate forms, either through their being sister-languages or through cultural contact). Moreover,

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the contents of a part of the first chapter in the Javanese version is exactly the same as that of the first chapter in the Madurese version, down to the description of the atmosphere in the opening scene. This is also true for the last chapter. When Ma Cun vents his anger in verse, we find the same thing in the Javanese version, including the fact that the verse is in megatroeh metre (cognate to the Madurese maghattro). The actual words used are different, especially when it comes to the last words in each line (obviously to meet rhyme requirements), but the meaning remains the same throughout the canto. It is interesting to note a small detail in the Javanese version, i.e. when the author closes the story. He mentions that the belief about teakwood and bamboo being united in the building of a house is a Chinese belief (pijandelé bangsa Tjina). In the Madurese version this is not mentioned. The author merely says that the belief is found in legends (kanḍha). All in all, it is definite that the Madurese version was based on the Javanese one, since the similarities seem to point to that direction. The Madurese version was also published two years after the Javanese version. Of course it may also be possible that the other way around is true, but we have no way of finding out at the moment. It still is interesting that the Madurese version is in Javanese script, while the Javanese version is in Roman script, a later development. Notes   1. I would here like to thank Claudine Salmon for bringing this interesting topic to my attention. She has also given me helpful suggestions and comments during the research that resulted in this essay; it goes without saying that ultimately I am responsible for the things I have to say here. I would also like to acknowledge the kind assistance I have received from Francine Tala, Sumarsam, and Martin Hatch during various stages of the research.   2. For a list of these publications, see E.M. Uhlenbeck, A Critical Survey of Studies on the Languages of Java and Madura, K.I.T.L.V. Bibliographical Series 7 (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1964), pp. 186–92.   3. R. Ahmad Wongsoséwojo, Sam Pek-Eng Taj: Tresna Dhunnya Aherat (Bandung: A.C. Nix, 1930–31), 2 v. Sam Pek and Eng Tay (the j is now spelled with y; see note 4 below) are the way the couple’s given names are rendered in Hokkien Chinese, the predominant dialect of Chinese emigrants in Java and Madura. The words Sam Pek-Eng Taj are written in roman script on the title-page; the subtitle in Madurese is in Javanese script. The author’s name, when transliterated from the Javanese script in which it is written,

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should read Ra. Ahmad Wongsasewaya. The spelling I use above is the way he spells his name in roman script in some of his other works and where he is referred to by other people writing about him; he also spelled it Wangsa Séwaja elsewhere (e.g. in his Tjarètaèpon Pandji Semirang; see note 14 below). The Javanese script for Madurese is transliterated in this essay in accordance with the spelling system promulgated in 1973 for Madurese, with the following exceptions: the mid-central vowel [ə] is indicated by placing the diacritic “˘” on top of the letter e, the alveolar stops are indicated by a dot underneath the letters t and d, and aspiration is indicated by an h following the stop. For a description of the spelling system, see e.g. Asis Safioedin, Kamus Bahasa Madura-Indonesia (Jakarta: Pusat Pembinaan dan Pengembangan Bahasa, Departemen Pendidikan dan Kebudayaan, 1977), pp. 7–9.   4. In citing words written in roman script in the text, I will first use the original spelling, then in parentheses give the present-day spelling. Thus, Eng Taj is now spelled (Eng Tay).   5. See i.a. Prijana, “Empat Dukatjarita Pertjintaan”, Bahasa dan Budaja 4, no. 3 (February 1956): 3.   6. I will use the word author in English following the use of the Madurese word eangghit on the title page. Later on I will try to speculate on whether the work is a translation (possibly from an earlier Javanese or Malay version) or an original composition. Throughout this essay, then, when I use the term author the reader should bear this in mind.   7. The possibility of the author knowing Chinese is very remote, as we shall see later in the inconsistency with which he renders Chinese names.   8. This is curiously the first place where the author mentions this man’s name.   9. Stevens (Alan M. Stevens, “Language Levels in Madurese”, Language 41 (1965): 294–302) further differentiates between kasar and bhiasa “ordinary”. For our purposes here, I do not think this differentiation is necessary. Furthermore, I prefer the term kasar because it is in direct opposition to the term alos. 10. For a description of the types of metres in tĕmbhang macapat, see e.g. R.B. Slametmuljana, Poëzie in Indonesia: Een Literaire en Taalkundige Studie, Bibliothèque du Muséon, v. 36 (Leuven: Leuvense Universitaire Uitgaven), pp. 25–38. 11. Although it is true that the two young people’s conversation in this part is between two friends, it is actually odd to use this metre for two people who are deeply in love. Perhaps the author deliberately chooses to use it after the previous mejhil to create an atmosphere of disappointment, of a decrease in the intoxication of love. 12. See Radèn Hardjowirogo, Paṭokaning Njekaraken (Djakarta: Balai Pustaka,

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1952), p. 67; Soesatyo Darnawi, Pengantar Puisi Djawa (Djakarta: Balai Pustaka, 1964), pp. 36–39, for a complete description of the use of the different metres. 13. Uhlenbeck, A Critical Survey, p. 180. 14. Tjarètaèpon Pandji Semirang, Weltevreden, 1921, 2 v., BP 372 and 372a. Rom. script, 96 and 75 pp.; Katja Djeppang, Weltevreden 1930, BP 913, Rom. script, 16 pp. See Uhlenbeck, op. cit., p. 192. 15. “Gebruiken bij bouw en tewaterlating van een prauw in het Sampangsche”, 6 (1926), pp. 262–65; “De vischvangst op Madoera”, 6 (1926), pp. 266–70; “Een experiment in de Madoereesche scho1en”, 11 (1931), pp. 80–96; Review of W.J. Elzevier Stokmans and J.C.P. Marinissen, Handleiding tot de beoefening der Madoereesche taal met woordenboek, 2e druk., Soerabaja, N.V. Boekhandelen Drukkerij v/h H. van Ingen, 1930. In 11 (1931), pp. 54–56; Review of P. Penninga and H. Hendriks, Practisehe handleiding voor het aanleeren der Madureesehe taal, 2nd ed. (Semarang: G.C.T. van Dorp & Co., 1930). In 11 (1931), pp. 51–54. See Uhlenbeck, op. cit., pp. 185–86. 16. Péṭṭèdhăn amantja bărna, 2 v. (v. 1 in Rom. script, v. 2 in Jav. script). See Uhlenbeck, op. cit., p. 186. 17. Kètab Etong, 18 pts, Groningen, n.d. See Uhlenbeck, op. cit., p. 194. 18. Dari Hal Mentjari Keséhatan (Djakarta: Gunseikanbu Kokumin Toshokyoku, 1945). 19. Boekoe Peladjaran Bahasa Melajoe oentoek Sekolah Madoera, terkarang oléh M. Mardjana, tersalin kedalam bahasa Madoera oléh R. Ahmad Wongsoséwojo (Groningen: J.B. Wolters, 1948), 3 v. 20. Berkeliling Hindi (Batavia-C.: Ba1ai Poestaka, 1937–41), 5 v., BP 1249– 1249d. 21. Cf. J. Brandes, “Lo Tong: Een Javaansche Reflex van een Chineeschen Ridderroman”, Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 45 (1902): 264–65, where he gives a brief synopsis. He also mentions a manuscript containing the same story (only one synopsis for the two works is given) in the van der Tuuk Collection (No. 971), which is listed in Pigeaud’s catalogue raisonné of Javanese manuscripts in the Netherlands (Th. Pigeaud, Literature of Java, v. 2, p. 179). 22. Sasrasoemarta, Katresnan Donja-Akerat (Weltevreden, 1928). 23. Claudine Salmon, Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia: A Provisional Annotated Bibliography, Etudes insulindiennes — Archipel 3 (Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme), pp. 486–87. 24. Jo Tjim Goan, tr., Tjerita Sam Pek dan Eng Tay, atawa Satoe Korban dari Pertjinta’an (Batavia: Typ. Drukkerij Kho Tjeng Bie & Co., 1930) [first published in 1897]; Siloeman Mengok, Sair Tjerita Sam Pek-Eng Taji, atawa Sepasang Merpati jang Tida Berdjodo (Batavia: Kwee Seng Tjwan, c. 1930);

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The T[in] L[am], Boekoe Sairan dari Tjeritanja Samphek, Eng Taij Tersalin dari Boekoe Tjina (Soerabaia: Gebr. Gimberg & Co., 1890). 25. Nio Joe Lan, Sastra Tiongkok Sepintas Lalu (Djakarta: Gunung Agung, 1966), pp. 237–38. 26. Cf. Lu Gong (ed.), Liang-Zhu gushi shuochang ji , Minjian wenxue ziliao congshu, v. 1 (Shanghai: Shanghai chuban gongsi, 1955), p. 10; Love Under the Willows: Liang Shan-po and Chu Ying-tai (A Szechuan Opera), Tr. by Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang (Peking: Foreign Language Press, 1956), p. 3.

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POST-WAR Kung fu NOVELS IN INDONESIA A PRELIMINARY SURVEY Leo Suryadinata

INTRODUCTION “Where there are wells and water, there are ethnic Chinese.” This was a common Chinese saying. Perhaps one can change it to the following: “Where there are Chinese, there are kung fu novels.” Before discussing kung fu novels in Indonesia (or cerita silat as they are popularly called),1 it is helpful to define briefly the Indonesian Chinese communities. The ethnic Chinese can be divided into peranakan and totok communities. The former has lost an active command of the Chinese language while the latter still speaks Chinese. Peranakan Chinese have been in Indonesia for generations. Before World War II, those who were well-to-do were likely to have received Dutch education. The poor attended the Chinese schools ), but generally used Malay or a local (Tiong Hoa Hwee Koan language as the medium of communication. Peranakan Chinese were primarily decendants of Hokkien. Therefore there were Hokkien words in their Malay, known as Bahasa Melayu-Tionghoa or Peranakan Malay. Even their names were also pronounced and hence spelt in Hokkien. As for the totoks, they were more recent migrants. Therefore culturally they are still Chinese. Nonetheless, those totok children who were born in Java have been Peranakanized, due to the local conditions which discouraged the development of a totok society. In the mid-1960s, all Chinese-medium schools were closed and since then this Peranakanization process has become more rapid than ever.2 Long before World War II, Peranakan Chinese had started reading kung fu novels in Malay. These novels were either the translations or

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adaptations of yanyi xiaoshuo (historical romances), or the works , Pingjiang of pre-war kung fu writers such as Huanzhu louzhu and Bai Yu etc. The popularity of the kung buxiao sheng fu novels can also be seen in the publication of a kung fu novel magazine ) or “Sword-fighters” in West Java which called Kiam Hiap (Jianxia lasted for five years (1931–35).3 Totok Chinese, on the other hand, read the novels in their original. After World War II, Malay (or more appropriate, Indonesian) and Chinese newspapers managed by the Peranakans usually serialized kung fu novels. Prior to 1958, Chinese newspapers in Indonesia could be divided into pro-Beijing and pro-Taipei groups. After that year, the Indonesian authorities banned the Guomindang due to its implication in a regional rebellion, pro-Taipei schools and newspapers were also closed. From that time on, in Jakarta, for instance, there only existed pro-Beijing newspapers: , Shenghuo bao and Shenghuo zhoubao Xinbao (Sin Po) . Liang Yusheng , a new kung fu writer from Hong Kong, was considered pro-Beijing and hence had his work serialized in the above mentioned newspapers. The literary column of Shenghuo bao and San hua nüxia serialized his Jianghu san nüxia while Shenghuo zhoubao published his Baifa monü zhuan . Jin Yong ’s kung fu novels which were also beginning to be popular in Hong Kong and other Southeast Asian countries did not appear in Chinese dailies in Indonesia, because Jin Yong was regarded as “right wing”. It is interesting to note that Taiwan then regarded Jin Yong as “left wing” and banned his kung fu novels. No one would have expected that Jin Yong today has become acceptable to both Taipei and Beijing. His novels are now printed and published in Taiwan while a magazine called in mainland China has also serialized his Shediao yingxiong Wulin . zhuan Although the kung fu novels of Jin Yong did not find their way to Chinese dailies in Indonesia, his serials were very popular in the 1950s and 1960s. There were available in various bookstores and stalls for sale and for rent. Thanks to a large number of readers, the Hong Kong edition of Jin Yong’s serials was not enough to meet the demand, therefore many bookstall owners stenciled the materials and sold them to the local readers were also at lower prices. The kung fu novels of Liang Yusheng in demand, although to my memory, they were not as popular as those of Jin Yong. As mentioned earlier, kung fu novels were not confined to Chinese educated readers. Peranakan newspapers in Malay, for example Sin Po and

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Keng Po, also serialized these novels. Before World War II, well-known (pen-name Peranakan kung fu novel translators were Tan Tek Ho ) and O.K.T. (Ong Kim Tiat ).4 After the war, Kuo Lay Yen there was also a translator using O.K.T. as his pen-name. But post-war . Apart from O.K.T. is in fact the pen-name of Oey Kim Tiang Oey, there were many post-war kung fu translators such as Oey An Siok (pen-name Boe Beng Tjoe ),5 Chung Sin ,6 and Gan (Gan K.L.). Many of them based their works on the Kok Liang writings of post-war Hong Kong novelists such as Liang Yusheng and Jin Yong. (See Plate 42.) According to the information available to me, most of the older generation translators are Peranakans who received their education in the ) in China (for Kay Lam Hak Tong (KLHT or Jinan xuetang instance Ong Kim Tiat and Tan Tek Ho) and local Tiong Hoa Hwee Koan schools (for instance, Oey Kim Tiang). There are also translators who are of totok background but they came to Indonesia while very young (for instance, Gan K.L.). They taught Malay themselves and often worked for or were associated with Peranakan newspapers. For example Oey Kim Tiang worked for Keng Po/Star Weekly, while Gan K.L. worked for Sin Po. In the 1950s and early 1960s, both were equally productive. Oey who was born in 1903 in Tangerang (West Java, and died in 1995) began his writings before World War II. His earlier works are Nona Badjoe Idjo (Lady in Green Dress), and Kawanan Merah Hitam (The Red-Black Gang). Nevertheless, Oey became well known after World War II when he serialized his works in Keng Po, Star Weekly and Pos Indonesia. After he left Keng Po, he worked for Mekar Djaja, the publisher of his later and Sin Tiauw Hiap Lu works such as Sia Tiauw Eng Hiong, etc.7 A younger translator is Gan K.L. who only became well known in the 1950s. Born in 1928 in Amoy (Fukien), Gan was brought by his father to Indonesia in 1938.8 He first stayed in Purworejo but from 1949 he lived in Semarang. Without a formal education, Gan at first tried many jobs but at the age of thirty he decided to translate kung fu novels for Sin Po. His first work was Tjhau Guan Eng Hiong or Pahlawan-Pahlawan Padang Rumput, which was a translation of Liang Yusheng’s novel Saiwai qixia . One year later, the novel was published in book form. zhuan Gan K.L. has since been very productive. He has published more than forty titles (see the appendix). Kung fu novels in Indonesian were very popular among both Peranakan and indigenous newspaper readers. Sin Po and Keng Po competed against

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one another in publishing more kung fu novels. This was one way of getting more subscribers to the newspapers. Even Pedoman, a leading indigenous newspaper in Jakarta, also followed suit in serializing kung fu novels. It should be noted that these kung fu novels were published in the Indonesian newspapers under the names of the translators but not of the original authors. Frequently it was stated that the novel was “dituturkan” (narrated) by so and so. Like pre-war kung fu novels, many novels after the war were adaptations rather than literal translations. When they were published, the titles often differed from their original. The work of Gan K.L., Thjau Guan Eng Hiong, is a good example. Because of this, it is quite difficult and often time-consuming to identify the original titles of these novels. Initially, Indonesian kung fu novels were serialized in daily or weekly newspapers. After a while, they were also published in booklet form (pocket-size, approximately 100 pages per volume). Due to their interesting plots and lively translation, many Peranakan readers liked to purchase those pocketbooks. Even indigenous readers were also attracted to them. I still remember that one well-known indigenous writer used to turn to the kung fu novel column the moment that the Peranakan newspapers were delivered. It is relevant to note here that the popularity of kung fu novels has stimulated indigenous Indonesian cerita silat. More indigenous writers have written indigenous cerita silat for various popular magazines. These writers changed the Chinese kung fu novels into the Indonesian setting. One of the most well-known indigenous silat writers is Singgih Hadi Mintardjo.9 When the anti-Chinese campaign was launched by the Indonesian authorities in the late 1950s and early 1960s, the serialization of kung fu novels was prohibited in daily newspapers. Nevertheless, the pocketbook form was still allowed. The “September 30 Movement of 1965” (G-30-S), was a watershed not only in Indonesian politics but also on the development of Peranakan press and literature. After the event, the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) was dissolved, and left-wing/pro-Beijing newspapers, both native and Peranakan, banned. Although the new Indonesian authorities did not stop Indonesian magazines from publishing kung fu novels, the numbers were quite limited. From that time onward, kung fu novels were published more in pocketbook form than in magazines. Many kung fu translators

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began to establish their own printing and publishing presses (previously Peranakan newspapers published the novels in pocketbook form as well). Those which are better known are Mekar Djaja, Panca Satya, Sastra Kumala and Gema.10 Usually, a kung fu novel consists of ten to sixty small-sized volumes. Each title is published twice monthly. Sometime it would take one or two years to complete a title. According to one publisher, in the 1960s, the print run of each title was from 7,500 to 8,000 copies. However, the run continued to decrease so that by now the print run of each title is approximately 3,000 or 4,000 copies. The first edition is usually sold out in a month.11 Each small-sized volume costs Rp150 or Rp200 (about US$0.20). With each new issue, many readers went to the bookstalls to queue up. In Pasar Baru (Jakarta), there is an alley where there are bookstalls specializing in kung fu novels. These are wholesalers of kung fu novels but readers can also go there to purchase single copies. The great demand for kung fu novels in Bahasa Indonesia has resulted in mass production, which in turn has brought about a decline in the quality of translation, editing and printing. For instance, one can find different transliterations of names or terms in the same series and there are many orthographical errors. One translator of kung fu novels who is not a publisher himself complained to me that the publishers are often irresponsible. For instance they published the same book under different names to deceive both the translator (so that the publishers do not have to pay royalties) and the readers (so that they will buy again). Too great a demand for the novels and over concern with quantity of production resulted in the decline of the quality of kung fu novels in Indonesia. It should be pointed out that kung fu movies produced in Taiwan and Hong Kong also helped the sale of kung fu novels. The publishers often used the posters of the movies as the cover of kung fu novels to increase sale. Two examples are Sia Tiauw Eng Hiong (Shediao yingxiong zhuan ) and Sin Tiauw Hiap Lu (Shendiao xialü ). As noted earlier, in the 1950s and 1960s, a great proportion of kung fu novels in Indonesia were translations of Liang Yusheng and Jin Yong’s works. The best works of Liang Yusheng such as Pingzong xiaying lu (Peng Tjong Hiap Eng), Baifa monü zhuan (Giok Lo Sat atau Wanita Gagah Perkasa) and Qijian xia tianshan (Thian San Thjit Kiam atau Tudjuh Pendekar dari Thian-san)

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are available in pocketbook form. The better-known works of Jin Yong such as Yi tian tu long ji (To Liong To atau Golok Pembunuh Naga) (see (Sin Tiauw Hiap Lu atau Plates 43 and 44), Shendiao xialü Pendekar Rajawali Sakti dan Pasangan Pendekar) and Tianlong babu (Thian Liong Pat Poh atau Pendekar-Pendekar Negri Tayli) were also published in the 1960s in pocketbook form. In the 1970s some of these books were reprinted because of great demand and they were published using the new spelling orthography. The best-known work of Jin Yong, Shediao yingxiong zhuan was also reprinted in 1980, but this time it was published under the name of Yan Wijaya and Aulia rather than Boe Beng Tjoe or O.K.T.12 Jin Yong’s novels have been popular among the Chinese reading public in Hong Kong, Taiwan, Singapore and Malaysia. There is no exception in Indonesia. Yan Wijaya has the following evaluation on Jin Yong’s works: “Jin Yong is the king of kung fu writers. Among his universally known works which number more than ten, it is difficult to determine which is is the most exciting, his best novel. Perhaps, Shendiao xialü is the most nerve-breaking, Tianlong babu Yi tian tu long ji is the most complex and Xueshan feihu is the most touching, but the most beautiful and romantic is his Shediao yingxiong .”13 zhuan According to my preliminary survey, the best-sellers in recent years are (Tjan I.D.) and Kho Ping the works of Gan K.L., Tjan Jng Djiu (after 1966, known as Asmaraman S. Kho Ping Hoo). Hoo Earlier, mention has been made about Gan K.L.. In the 1970s, he . began to translate the works of Taiwan kung fu writer, Gu Long Gan’s best-known work Pendekar Binal (fifty-eight volumes) is in fact .14 This the Indonesian version of Gu Long’s Juedai shuangjiao kung fu novel, which tells the story of two twin brothers raised by rival groups and hence having different personalities was given high praise by a book reviewer. It is believed that it was the only kung fu novel ever reviewed in a major Indonesian newspaper, Kompas.15 Glancing through the translation, and checking some parts against its originals, Gan K.L. has succeeded in retaining the spirit of the original work quite well. Gan K.L. is not a newcomer. That appellation must be reserved for Tjan Ing Djiu (Tjan I.D.) who first emerged in the late 1960s and became wellknown in the 1970s.16 From his emergence until today, he has translated , about seventy titles, most of them works of Gu Long, Qin Hong

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Gudu Hong and Chen Qingyun . It is interesting to note that because of the popularity of Gu Long among the readers, the publishers preferred to print the novels under Gu Long’s (Indonesian spelling: Khu Lung) name, although Tjan’s name appeared as a translator in an equally prominent position. Therefore Tjan’s name has often been associated with Gu Long’s novels and is well known for that. Tjan is a Peranakan Chinese. Born in 1949, he received Chinese primary education. His mother was a Chinese school teacher and there was no doubt that she was an asset. When Chinese schools were closed, Tjan transferred to an Indonesian school. After finishing secondary school, he entered a private university in Semarang. However, he had to terminate his studies because of financial difficulties. His interest in reading kung fu novels led by Bai Hong him to translate the novel called Tiancan qiding into lndonesian: Tujuh Pusaka Rimba Persilatan. This was done in the sixties after he left the university. The translation was published in 1969. After the success of his first venture, he became a professional ) by translator. His recent works are Darah Pahlawan (Lu ding ji ) by Jin Yong and Pedang Tetesan Airmata (Yingxiong wulei Gu Long. According to some observers, Tjan’s readers are largely the Peranakans or Peranakanized totok children who are familiar with some Chinese terms and culture which his writing style reflects more closely than that of Kho Ping Hoo. On the other hand, indigenous readers prefer Kho’s works. Indeed, Kho’s writings are more “indigenized” and hence are more receptive to indigenous readers. I will discuss this point again later. Kho Ping Hoo was born in 1926 in Solo (Surakarta).17 Educated in the “Dutch-Indigenous-School”, he reads Dutch, Indonesian as well as English. The extent of his knowledge of Chinese is unknown. Like Gan K.L., after trying various jobs, he eventually devoted himself to full-time writing. In fact, he first started writing short stories in 1952. Only in 1959 did he attempt to write kung fu novels. Most of his works were first serialized in the local popular magazines such as Selecta, Roman Detektip and Monalisa and later published in pocketbook form. Many were published by Gema in Solo which is his own printing press and publishing house. In the last thirty years, he finished writing more than one hundred titles. According to his own account, all his works, except Si Teratai Emas, were original.18 I have not been able to study Kho’s works in detail and for the time being I am not able to vouch for that.

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Kho’s works are generally divided into kung fu novels, detective/ghost stories and romances, but his kung fu novels are most numerous and popular.19 The plots were constructed from a variety of backgrounds in China, Japan and Indonesia depending on the title. It might be true that Kho did not translate the works of other Chinese kung fu writers, but reading his novels, one gets the impression that he was very familiar with Chinese kung fu novels and was heavily influenced by them. The stories, book titles and characters have strong Chinese kung fu novel flavour. Initially, most of his kung fu novels bore Chinese titles in Hokkien pronunciation. For instance, his first kung fu novel (1959) was called Pek , with an Indonesian subtitle: Liong Pokiam (Bailong baojian Pedang Pusaka Naga Putih). His 1962 work was also entitled Ang Coa ) with an Indonesian subtitle: Pedang Ular Kiam (Hongshe jian Merah. But in recent years, he gradually dropped this practice and only used Indonesian titles (for example, Kisah Si Bangau Putih (1982) and Tiga Naga Sakti (1982)). His later works also include Chinese and nonChinese characters. One good example is his Kilat Pedang Membela Cinta, published in 1981. (See Plate 45.) The novel, consisting of nine volumes, is a love story which took place in the end of Majapahit era. The main characters were a Chinese and a Javanese who fell in love with each other. At the end of the novel, Kho preached intermarriage based on love. It seems that this is a new “tradition” in the kung fu novel writing in Indonesia. There is no doubt that Kho’s command of Bahasa Indonesia is excellent and he has used the “standard” Bahasa Indonesia in his works. However, he has continued to use Hokkien terms in his novels which are popular among the Peranakan Chinese. For instance, ) for hero, Suhu (Shifu ) for teacher/master, Enghiong (yingxiong ) for younger disciple, lihiap (nüxia ) for heroine Sute (shidi ) for a young lady. Nevertheless, he was quite and Siocia (xiaojie cautious in using these Chinese terms and most of them were used in salutations and conversations. Kung fu novels in Indonesian are still quite popular, especially among the Peranakan Chinese readers. The development of these novels was halted when there was restriction on serializing the novels in daily newspapers. Since then the novels have been published in pocketbook form. The quality varies from publisher to publisher and from writer to writer. If there is no major political upheaval which results in a change of government policy, kung fu novels in Indonesia are likely to survive.

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List of Works Oey Kim Tiang (O.K.T.) Kuda Putih. Djakarta: Mekar Djaja, 195–?, 3 v. (Jin Yong , Baima xiao xifeng, ). Budjukan Gambar Lukisan. Djakarta: Mekar Djaja, 195–?, 17 v. Hay Tong Kok (Kisah Perebutan Daerah Hoe Tjoen Kang). Djakarta: Keng Po, 195–?, 4 v. Giok Lo Sat (Wanita Gagah Perkasa). Djakarta: Keng Po, 195–?, 7 v. (Liang Yusheng , Baifa monü zhuan ). Peng Tjong Hiap Eng. Djakarta: Keng Po, n.d., 11 vols (Liang Yusheng , Pingzong xiaying lu ). Pedang Inti Es (Pengpok Hankong Kian). Djakarta: Mekar Djaja, 196–? (Liang Yusheng , Bingbo Hanguang jian ). Kim Tjoa Kiam atau Pedang Ular Mas. In Star Weekly, 1958. (Jin Yong , Bi xue jian ) Tjie Hong Piauw (Riwajat Lioe Bong Liong). Djakarta: Keng Po, 195–?, 4 v. Pian Say Hong In (Antjaman Bentjana di Perbatasan). Djakarta: Keng Po, 1956–?, 5 v. Sebilah Pedang Mustika (Hoan Kiam Kie Tjeng). Djakarta: Mekar Djaja, 195–?, 3 v. (Liang Yusheng , Huan jian qiqing lu ). Rahasia Gelang Pusaka. Djakarta: Sinar Abadi, 196–?, 10 v. Go Houw Tjhong Liong. Djakarta: Keng Po, 196–?) (Wang Dulu , Wohu canglong ). Tiat Kie Gin Pan (Lanjutan Go Houw Tjhong Liong) Djakarta: Keng Po, 196–? (Wang Dulu , Tieqi yinping ). Kisah Bangsa Petualang. Djakarta: Mekar Djaja, 196–?, 16 v. Pertentangan Kaum Persilatan (Yoe Hiap Eng Hiong 1). Djakarta: Keng Po, 196–?, 2 v. (Ti Feng , Youxia yingxiong zhuan ). Pertentangan Kaum Persilatan (Yoe Hiap Eng Hiong 2). Djakarta: Tjerdas Tangkas, 1965, 5 v. (Ti Feng , Youxia yingxiong zhuan ). Naga Kontra Harimau (Yoe Hiap Eng Hiong 3). Djakarta: Tjerdas Tangkas, 1964, 11 v. (Ti Feng , Youxia yingxiong zhuan ). Boe Beng Tjoe (Oey An Siok & Oey Kim Tiang ) Sin Tjioe Hiap atau Binasanja Satu Kaisar. Djakarta: Kisah Silat, 195–?, 4 v.

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Sepasang Golok Mustika (Wan Yo To). Djakarta: Mekar Djaja, 195–?, 1 v. Pendekar Aneh. Djakarta: Mekar Djaja, 196–?, 12 v. Sanhoa Liehiap atau Pendekar-Wanita Penjebar Bunga. Djakarta: Mekar , San hua nüxia Djaja, 196–?, 10 v. (Liang Yusheng ). Peng Tjoan Thian Li atau Bidadari dari Sungai Es. Djakarta: Mekar Djaja, , Bingchuan tiannü zhuan 196–?, 10 v. (Liang Yusheng ). Kisah Membunuh Naga (Ie Thien To Liong). Djakarta: Mekar Djaja, 1963–, , Yi tian tu long ji ). 5 v. (Jin Yong Sin Tiauw Hiap Lu atau Si Radjawali Sakti dan Pasangan Pendekar. , Shendiao xialü Djakarta: Mekar Djaja, 1963, 20 v. (Jin Yong ). Chung Sin ( ) Kisah Panah 7 Warna (Thay It To Liong Kiam). Djakarta: Marga Raya, 196–?, 1 v. Mutiara Pusaka (Kim To Wan). Djakarta: Marga Raya, 196–?, 10 v. Pendekar Gagu (Kim Eng Kiam). Djakarta: Marga Raya, 196–?, 10 v. Lembah Merpati (Wan Yo Kok). Djakarta: Marga Raya, 196–?, 9 vo1s. Manusia Beratjun (Djin Kan Giam Ong). Djakarta: Marga Raya, 196–?, Putri Radja Gunung (Bu Lim Kian Kun Kiam). Djakarta: Marga Raya, 196–?, 2 v. Tongkat Rantai Kumala (Kim Lan Phay). Djakarta: Marga Raya, 196–? Si Pintjang (Boe Lim Mo Djit Kie). Djakarta: Marga Raya, 1965, 11 v. Gan. K.L. (Gan Kok Liang) Pahlawan Padang Rumput (Tjhau Guan Eng Hiong). 1959. (Liang Yusheng , Saiwai qixia zhuan, ). Tudjuh Pendekar Thian San (Tian San Tjhiat Kiam). 1959–60. (Liang , Qijian xia tianshan ). Yusheng Pendekar Rajawali Sakti (Sin Tiau Hiap Lu). 1961; reprinted 1972–74. , Shendiao xialü ). (Jin Yong Tiga Dara Pendekar (Kangouw Sam Li Hiap). 1961–62, reprinted, 1971. , Jianghu san nüxia ). (Liang Yusheng Bidadari Sungai Es (Peng Tjhoan Thian Li). 1960–61. (Liang Yusheng , Bingchuan tiannü zhuan ).

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Golok Pembunuh Naga (To Liong To). 1962–63. (Jin Yong , Yi tian ). tu long ji , Feihu Kisah Si Rase Terbang (Hui Hou Gwa Toan). 1961. (Jin Yong ). waizhuan Pendekar Kerajaan Taili (Thian Long Pat Poh). 1963–65, reprinted 1982. , Tianlong babu ). (Jin Yong Pendekar Jembel. 1964. Original title unknown. , Xiao ao Hina Kelana (Siau Go Kang Ouw). 1966–67. (Jin Yong ). jianghu Kisah Pedang Sungai Es (Peng Ho Swe Kiam). 1965. (Liang Yusheng , Binghe xi jian lu ). , Pahlawan Gurun (Han Hay Hiong Hong). 1966. (Liang Yusheng ). Hanhai xiongfeng , Xiake xing ). Mendali Wasiat. 1967. (Jin Yong , Fenglei zhen Geger Dunia Persilatan. 1967–68. (Liang Yusheng ). jiuzhou , Mingdi fengyun lu Pendekar Sejati. 1971–72. (Liang Yusheng ). , Suxin jian Pedang Hati Suci (Soh Sim Kiam). 1970. (Jin Yong ). Kisah Tokoh di Negeri Asing (Ek Gwa To Liong). 1970. (Yuwai du long author unknown). , Feifeng qianlong Musuh di Balik Selimut. 1969. (Liang Yusheng ). Hati Budha Tangan Berbisa (Tok-jiu Hud-sim). 1974–75. (Chen Qingyun , Dushou foxin ). , Juedai shuangjiao Pendekar Binal. 1976–77. (Gu Long ). , Chu liu xiang ). Pendekar Harum. 1977. (Gu Long Pendekar Kidal. 1977–78. Original title unknown. , Huan hua xi jian lu Pendekar Kembar. 1978–79. (Gu Long ( ). , Mingjian fengli, Renjana Pendekar. 1978–79. (Gu Long ) ( ). , Mingjian fengliu ) Imbauan Pendekar. 1979. (Gu Long ( ). , Huan hua xi jian lu Pendekar Setia. 1979. (Gu Long ( ). Pedang Kanan Pedang Kiri. 1979–80. Original title unknown.

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Hikmah Pedang Hijau. 1978–79. (Gu Long , Wuqing bijian ). , Lu xiao feng ) Pendekar Empat Alis. 1978–79. (Gu Long ( ). , Mi jian chen Kemelut di Ujung Ruyung Emas. 1979. (Gu Long ). xing Bara Naga. 1978–79. Original title unknown. , Wulin bazhu ). Pendekar Satu Jurus. 1979. (Gu Long , Lu xiao feng ) Keajaiban Negeri Es. 1979–80. (Gu Long ( ). , Xiaoli feidao ). Pendekar Budiman. 1980. (Gu Long , Wulin waishi ). Pendekar Baja. 1980. (Gu Long , Youxia ). Rahasia Peti Wasiat. 1980–81. (Gu Long Tiga Pedang Tujuh Ruyung. 1979–80. Original title unknown. Amanat Marga. 1981. Original title unknown. , Jue sai chuan feng Durjana dan Ksatria. 1981. (Liang Yusheng ). lu , Pingzong xiaying lu Palaha dan Murka. 1981. (Liang Yusheng ). , Hongxiu daojue Golok Yanci Pedang Pelangi. 1979. (Gu Long ). Misteri Kapal Layar Pancawarna. 1982. Original title unknown. , Baiba jinren Rahasia 180 Patung Emas. 1983. (Gu Long ). Tjan Ing Djiu (Tjan I. D., Can) Tujuh Pusaka Rimba Persilatan. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1969, 28 v. Tiancan qiding ). (Bai Hong Pembunuh Misterius. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1970, 40 v. (Wolong sheng , Sushou jie ). Pendekar Patung Mas. Jakarta: Gloria Jaya, 1970, 39 v. (Qin Hong , Kuilei xia ). , Putri Neraka. Jakarta: Gloria Jaya, 1970, 17 v. (Qin Hong ). Guo guan dao , Kereta Berdarah. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1970, 23 v. (Bai Hong ). Xuehe che Lahirnya Dedengkot Silat. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1971, 41 v. (Qin Hong , Youlong yinfeng ). , Bayangan Iblis. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1971, 41 v. (Xiao Feng ). Moying xiangche,

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Rahasia Kunci Wasiat. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1971, 114 v. (Wolong , Jinjian diaoling ). sheng , Wanli Jago Kelana. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1971, 24 v. (Ni Kuang ). xiongfeng Pusaka Naga Emas. Jakarta: Radjawali Mas, 1971, 21 v. (Murong mei , Jinlong baodian ).· Dua Bela Naga Perkasa. Jakarta: Radjawali Mas, 1971, 23 v. (Zhuge , Shi’er shenlong shier chai ). Qingyun Panji Naga Sakti. Jakarta: Radjawali Mas, 1971, 23 v. Badai Dunia Persilatan. Jakarta: Radjawali Mas, 1972, 35 v. (Wolong , Tianxiangbiao ). sheng Payung Sengkala. Jakarta, Radjawali Mas, 1972, 36 v. (Dongfang Bai , Tian mo san ). , Long Pusaka Naga Terbang. Semarang: 1972, 24 v. (Yue Chuan ). xiang jian , Patriot Padang Rumput. Semarang: 1972, 20 v. (Liang Yusheng ). Mu ye liu xing , Buddha Mas. Jakarta: Rajawali Mas, 1973, 25 v. (Cao Ruobing )· Jue qing shi sanlang Tiga Tokoh Naga Sakti. Jakarta: Rajawali Mas, 1973, 53 v. (Liang Yusheng , Kuangxia tianjiao monü . . ). Sabuk Kencana. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1973, 23 v. (Cao Ruobing , Yudai piaoxiang ). , Pedang Bunga Bwee. Semarang: 1974, 21 v. (Sima Ziyan ). Qianshu meihua yi jianhan ). See Yu. Semarang: 1974, 6 v. (Xiyou ji , Golok Kemala Rijau. Jakarta: Rajawali Mas, 1974, 7 v. (Gu Long ). Biyu dao , Kongque Badik Merak. Jakarta: Rajawali Mas, 1974, 6 v. (Gu Long ). ling , Pedang Panjang Usia. Jakarta: Rajawali Mas, 1974, 5 v. (Gu Long ). Changsheng jian , Wuying Imam Tanpa Bayangan. Sdr. Teddy, 1975, 46 v. (Xiao Sai ). dushen , Yijian Bara Maharani. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala. 1975, 56 v. (Gu Long ). gai zhongyuan , Istana Borang. Jakarta: U.P. Kresno. 1975, 33 v. (Cao Ruobing ). Mozhong xia Tengkorak Maut. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1975, 51 v. (Chen Qingyun , Lengmian xia ).

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Pedang Patah Hati. Solo: Marga Jaya, 1976, 18 v. (Chen Zhongping , Suixin jian ). , Xuezhang Talapak Maut. Jakarta: V.P. Kresno, 1976, 22 v. (Xueyan ). dangmo Memburu Naga Kemala. Solo: Marga Jaya, 1976, 24 v. Rahasia Hiolo Kemala. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1977, 55 v. (Gu Long , Xiake qianqiu ). , Qiangu Korban Keempat. Solo: Marga Jaya, 1977, 10 v. (Qin Hong ). yingxiong renwu Pendekar Bego. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1978, 33 v. (Original title unknown) Lencana Pembunuh Naga. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1978, 29 v. (Gu Long , Tu long ling ). Harimau Kemala Putih. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1978, 33 v. (Gu Long , Baiyu laohu ). Pendekar Gelandangan. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1978, 20 v. (Gu Long , Biancheng langzi ). , Guiqin Setan Harpa. Jakarta: Sastra Kuma1a, 1978, 31 v. (Qin Hong ). shusheng Pena Wasiat. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1978, 58 v. (Wolong sheng , Chunqiu bi ). , Golok Bulan Sabit. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1979, 27 v. (Gu Long ). Daoshen , Huanle Pendekar Riang. Jakarta: V.P. Kresno, 1979, 32 v. (Gu Long ). yingxiong , Dendam Sejagad. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1979, 39 v. (Gu Long ). Cangkong hen Bukit Pemakan Manusia. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1979, 42 v. (Qin Hong , Chi ren shan ). Pukulan Naga Sakti. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1979, 45 v. (Dugu hong , Tianlong zhang ). Lembah Tiga Malaikat. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1979, 44 v. (Wolong Sheng , Sansheng men ). Taruna Pendekar. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1979, 39 v. (Liang Yusheng , Tan zhi jing lei ). , Fengyun Salju Merah. Jakarta: U.P. Kresno, 1979, 32 v. (Gu Long ). diyi jian Pedang Karat Pena Beraksara. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1979, 54 v. (Qin , Tiebi shenjian ). Hong

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Cincin Maut. Jakarta: U.P. Kresno, 1979, 34 v. (Wolong sheng , ). Jinmo zhi Pendekar Langkah Ajaib. Sdr Cecep, 1979, 31 v. (Original title unknown) , Daxia hu bu Pulau Neraka. Bandung: 1979, 35 v. (Gu Long ). Kitab Pustaka. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1979, 32 v. (Wolong sheng , Wuzi zhenjing ). , Youxia Bakti Pendekar. Sdr Cecep, 1979, 38 v. (Wolong sheng ). fengliu , Pendekar Cacad. Jakarta: Sastra Kuma1a, 1980, 44 v. (Gu Long ). Wulin shijie Manusia Tanpa Wujud. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1980, 11 v. (Gu Long , Feng wu jiutian ). , Telaga Darah. Jakarta: V.P. Kresno, 1980, 15 v. (Chen Qingyun ). Xueying men Irama Pencabut Nyawa. Jakarta: U.P. Kresno, 1980, 15 v. (Chen Qingyun , Moqin sandie ). , Huzi xiongxin Anak Harimau. Bandung: 1981, 36 v. (Yi wen ). Pedang Pelangi. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1981, 55 v. (Dongfang Yu , Caihong jian ). Manusia Srigala. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1981, 33 v. (Zhuge Qingyun , Yinyang jie ). , Dewi Maut. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1981, 39 v. (Chen Qingyun . The serial run is not completed. Lengyan nümo Pendekar Berwajah Seribu. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1982, 22 v. (Zhong , Gangzhang zhen tianxia ). Nan , Lembah Nirmala. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1982, 9 v. (Qin Hong ). The serial run is not completed. Jiuhen ge , Yingxiong Pedang Tetesan Air Mata. Bandung: 1982, 21 v. (Gu Long ). wulei , Doumo Kedele Maut. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, 1982 (Liu Canyang ). The serial run is not completed. , Lu ding ji Darah Pahlawan. Jakarta: Sastra Kumala, (Jin Yong ). The serial run is not completed. Asmaraman S. Kho Ping Hoo Pek Liong Pokiam (Pedang Pusaka Naga Putih). Jakarta: 1959.

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Ang Lian Lihiap (Si Teratai Merah). Tasikmalaya: 1959. Pendekar Baju Putih (Pendekar Gunung Lawu). Jakarta: 1959. Bu Beng Kiam Hiap (Pendekar Pedang Tak Bernama). Jakarta: 1960. Hwe Thian Kim Hong (Burung Hong Emas, Lanjutan cerita Si Terate Emas). Tasikmalaya: 1960. Keris Pusaka dan Kuda Iblis (Jarot Pahlawan Perkasa). Jakarta: 1960. Pek I Lihiap (Dara Pendekar Baju Putih). Jakarta: 1960. Patung Dewi Kwan-Im. Jakarta: 1960. Sin Kun Bu Tek (Kepalan Dewa). Jakarta: 1960. Kang-Lam Koay-Hiap (Pendekar Aneh dari Kang-Lam). 1960. Ouw Bin Hiap (Si Muka Buruk). Jakarta: 1960. Ji Liong Jio Cu (Sepasang Naga Berebut Mustika). Tasikmalaya: 1960. Huang-ho Sian-li (Dewi Sungai Kuning). Jakarta: 1960. Ang Hong Cu (Si Tawon Merah). Jakarta: 1960. Ouwyang Heng-Tie (Sepasang Jago Kembar). Jakarta: 1960. Pendekar Bodoh (Lanjutan Ang I Niocu). Tasikmalaya: 1961. Tombak Pusaka Kyai Santanu (Jaka Galing). Jakarta: 1961. Thian Hong Kiam (Pedang Keramat). Jakarta: 1961. Saritama (Satrya Gunung Kidul). Jakarta: 1961. Si Walet Hitam (Lanjutan Hwe Thian Kim Hong). Tasikmalaya: 1961. Gin Kiam Gi To (Maling Budiman). Jakarta: 1961. Iblis Mengamuk di Mataram (Rondo Kuning Membalas Dendam). Jakarta: 1961. Liong-Sam Tung Hiap (Si Tongkat Sakti Menebus Kekalahan). Jakarta: 1961. Pembakaran Kuil Thian-Lok-Si (Dendam dan Cinta). Jakarta: 1961. Sam Liong Shia Thian (Tiga Naga Angkasa). Jakarta: 1961. Kang-Lam Ciu-Hiap (Pendekar Pemabok). Tasikmalaya: 1961. Hoa-san Tay-Hiap (Pendekar Gunung Hoa-San). Jakarta: 1961. Santung Koay Hiap (Pendekar Gila). Jakarta: 1961. Bajak Laut Kertapati. Jakarta: 1961. Siauw Lim Sam Li-Hiap (Tiga Dara Pendekar Siauw-Lim). Jakarta: 1961. Dara Perkasa Retnowulan. Jakarta: 1961. Pokiam Bi-jin (Pedang Pusaka Wanita Cantik). 1961. Darah Mengalir di Borobudur. Jakarta: 1961. Keris Pusaka Empu Gandring (Keris Pusaka). Jakarta: 1961. Ang Liong Pek Ho (Si Naga Merah). Jakarta: 1961. Hwe-Thian Mo-Li (Iblis Betina). Jakarta: 1961. Pendekar Remaja (Lanjutan Pendekar Bodoh). Tasikmalaya: 1962.

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Ang Coa Kiam (Pedang Ular Merah). Tasikmalaya: 1962. Toat Beng Moli (Iblis Wanita Pencabut Nyawa). Jakarta: 1962. Jaka Wulung. Jakarta: 1962. Hwa-I Eng-Hiong (Pendekar Budiman). Tasikmalaya: 1962. Ang Bi Tin (Pusukan Alis Merah). Jakarta: 1962. Pendekar Sakti (Bu-Pun-Si). Tasikmalaya: 1962. Sam-Liong-To (Pulau Tiga Naga, Lanjutan Ang Bi Tin). Jakarta: 1962. Sin-Kiam Hok-Mo (Pedang Penaluk Iblis). Tasikmalaya: 1963. Sian-Li Eng-Cu (Bayangan Bidadari). Jakarta: 1963. Kim Hwa Piauw (Piauw Bunga Emas). Tskimalaya: 1963. Karena Wanita (Buaian Asmara, Cintaku Tergadai). Tasikmalaya: 1963. Pek Lui Eng (Si Tangan Geledek). Tasikmalaya: 1963. Kim Kong Kiam (Pedang Sinar Emas, Lanjutan Sam Liong To). Jakarta: 1964. Pusaka Gua Siluman. Tasikmalaya: 1964. Ceng Hwa Kiam (Pedang Seribu Bunga). Solo: 1964. Kasih di Antara Remaja. Solo: 1965. Geger Demak. Solo: 1965. Setan Kober (Lanjutan Geger Demak). Solo: 1965. Merdeka Atau Mati (novel). Solo: 1965. Darah Patriot (lanujutan dari Kasih Diantara Remaja). Solo: 1966. Goda Remaja (novel). Solo: 1966. Lintang-Lintang Dadi Seksi (Bintang Menjadi Saksi) (novel). Solo: 1966. Kunlun Hiap Kek (Dewi Hijau). Jakarta: 1966. Geger Solo (novel). Solo: 1966. Sekarsih (novel). Solo: 1966. Raja Pedang. Solo: 1966. Tersesat (novel). Solo: 1966. Drama Gunung Kelut (novel). Solo: 1966. Rajawali Emas (Lanjutan Raja Pedang). Solo: 1967. Leak Gua Gajah (novel). Solo: 1967. Pendekar Buta (Lanjutan Rajawali Emas). Solo: 1967. Saputangan Berdarah (Ciuman Maut, detective story). Solo: 1967. Bandit Air (detective story). Solo: 1967. Kuda Binal (detective story). Solo: 1968. Jaka Lola (Lanjutan Pendekar Buta). Solo: 1968. Cinta Bernoda Darah (Lanjutan Suling Emas). Solo: 1968. Suling Emas (Lanjutan Bu Kek Siansu). Solo: 1969. Badai Laut Selatan. Solo: 1969.

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Mutiara Hitam (Lanjutan Cinta Bernoda Darah). Solo: 1969. Pendekar Cengeng. Solo: 1969. Pendekar Super Sakti (Lanjutan Istana Pulau Es). Solo: 1970. Perawan Lembah Wilis (Lanjutan Badai Laut Selatan). Solo: 1970. Dendam Si Anak Haram. Solo: 1971. Siang Bhok Kiam (Pedang Kayu Harum). Solo: 1971. Istana Pulau Es (Lanjutan Mutiara Hitam). Solo: 1972. Sepasang Pedang Iblis (Lanjutan Pendekar Super Sakti). Solo: 1972. Petualang Asmara (Lanjutan Siang Bhok Kiam). Solo: 1973. Bu Kek Siansu. Solo: 1973. Kisah Sepasang Rajawali (Lanjutan Sepasang Pedang Iblis). Solo: 1973. Dewi Maut (Lanjutan Petualang Asmara). Solo: 1974. Kemelut di Mojopahit. Solo: 1974. Jodoh Rajawali (Lanjutan Kisah Sepasang Rajawali). Solo: 1974. Pendekar Lembah Naga (lanjutan Dewi Maut). Solo: 1975. Suling Emas & Naga Siluman (Lanjutan Jodoh Rajawali). Solo: 1976. Pendekar Sadis (Lanjutan Pendekar Lembah Naga). Solo: 1976. Kisah Para Pendekar Pulau Es (Sambungan Suling Emas & Naga Siluman). Solo: 1977. Darah Pendekar. Solo: 1977. Darah Daging (novel). Solo: 1977. Asmara Berdarah (Sambungan Pendekar Sadis). Solo: 1977. Harta Karun Jenghis Khan (Seri Pendekar Sadis). Solo: 1978. Siluman Gua Tengkorak (Seri Pendekar Sadis). Solo: 1978. Giok Long Kiam (Pedang Naga Kemala). Solo: 1979. Suling Naga (Lanjutan Kisah Para Pendekar Pulau Es). Dendam Seorang Perempuan. Solo: 1979. Pendekar Mata Keranjang (Lanjutan Asmara Berdarah). Solo: 1980. Siane (novel). Jakarta: 1981 (1980?). Keris Pusaka Nogopasung. Solo: 1980. Pemberontakan Tai Peng (Lanjutan Giok Liong Kiam). Solo: 1980. Si Teratai Emas (Saduran dari Cerita Klasik Cina Tanpa Nama Pengarang). Solo: 1980. Kilat Pedang Membela Cinta. Solo: 1981. Kisah Si Bangau Putih (Lanjutan Suling Naga). Solo: 1981. (The above titles are taken from Asmaraman S. Kho Ping Hoo, Daftar Susunan Karangan Dari 1959 Sampai 1981. Places of publication for his earlier works are from my private correspondence with Mr Kho.)

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Postscript My article was written in early 1980s and therefore reflects the situation up to that period. Since it is a reprint, I therefore did not change my article except correcting the mistakes which occurred in the old publication. In fact, many of the kung fu novel writers that I discussed in the article passed away but again I did not insert this information in the text as it would involve the rewriting of the whole article. What I can do is to mention them in the postscript: Oey Kim Tiang (1903–95), Gan K.L. (1928–2003) and Kho Ping Hoo (1926–94). It should also be noted that since the publication of my article there has been a few new developments, including the formation of a club of kung fu novels fans in Indonesia in early twenty-first century, the emergence of a short-lived kung fu magazine entitled Rimba Hijau and the re-issue of old kung fu novels by some Indonesian major and minor publishers. Nevertheless, the revival of the popularity of kung fu novels is not likely to last as they are confined to very limited readership. It would seem that the golden years of the kung fu novels are gone. Notes *

This article is based on a previous version in Chinese (“Zhanhou wuxia xiaoshuo zai yinni ”) that was published under the pen-name of Gu Yi , Wenxue bannian kan , No. 10, 1982, pp. 11–15.   1. The term kung fu (Chinese martial art) has now been accepted in the English language. “Kung fu novel” here is used to mean wuxia xiaoshuo . In Indonesia, the term cerita silat or cersil is used. Kung fu (or Gongfu according to hanyu pinyin) is understood in Indonesia but it is not as popular as the indigenous term silat, which originally means “a fencing dance without weapons”. R. J. Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary (London: 1957), p. 1107. The term silat is now also used to include martial arts.   2. For education of the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia, see the article “Indonesian Chinese Education: Past and Present”, in my The Chinese Minority in Indonesia: Seven Papers (Singapore: Chopmen Enterprises, 1978), pp. 1–32.   3. A comprehensive bibliography on the pre-war cerita silat can be found in Dr Claudine Salmon’s impressive book, Literature in Malay by the Chinese of Indonesia: A Provisional Annotated Bibliography (Paris, 1981). The reference on Kiam Hiap is on pp. 422–23.   4. For Tan Tek Ho and his works, see my Eminent Indonesian Chinese:

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Biographical Sketches (Singapore: Gunung Agung, 1981), pp. 136–37; also Salmon, op. cit., pp. 327–29. There were two O.K.T.s, but Salmon attributed most of the post-war works by O.K.T. to Ong Kim Tiat, while the Cornell University Southeast Asia Catalogue lists them under Oey Kim Tiang, In fact, Ong Kim Tiat was Oey Kim Tiang’s teacher at the Tiong Hoa Hwee Koan (THHK) in Tangerang. Oey said that he used to help Ong translate some works but later published works on his own. Nevertheless, he used the same pen-name, i.e. O.K.T. Oey continued to do so even after World War II when Ong stopped writing. Oey’s letter to me, dated 19 May 1983.   5. In the Cornell University Catalogue, Boe Beng Tjoe has been identified as a pen-name of Oey An Siok. But Oey Kim Tiang told me that Boe Beng Tjoe is his other pen-name. He said that the confusion arose because while he was translating Sin Tiauw Hiap Lu, he fell sick and Oey An Siok, a close friend of his, offered help. According to Oey Kim Tiang, An Siok’s writing style is similar to his. He accepted the offer and An Siok finished the translation. Hence some outsiders identified Boe Beng Tjoe as An Siok’s pen-name. Oey Kim Tiang’s letter to me, 29 June 1983. Also a photostat copy of the contract between Oey Kim Tiang and Chanan Tohir in which O.K.T. and Boe Beng Tjoe were mentioned as Oey Kim Tiang’s pen-names. Oey An Siok also confirmed that he helped Oey Kim Tiang translate Sin Tiauw Hiap Lu. But he himself also translated two other novels of Jin Yong’s (Ie Thien To Liong and Hoei Ho Gwa Toan) and two of Liang Yusheng’s novels (Sanhoa Liehiap and Peng Tjoan Thian Li). All were published under Boe Beng Tjoe. Oey An Siok was born in 1915 in Tangerang and was educated in the THHK school and Chinese English High School in Jakarta. His Indonesian name is Pita Kaliana. He has served as the head of administration in the Husada Hospital (formerly called Jang Seng Ie) in Jakarta for many years.   6. Chung Sin was also productive. No other information on him is available. The list of his works can be found in the appendix.   7. Sia Tiauw Eng Hiong or Memanah Burung Radjawali was first published in 1960 by Mekar Djaja. It was reprinted by Sastra Kumala in 1980. See note 12.   8. Most of the information on Gan K.L. is based on my private correspondence with him.   9. Jakob Sumardjo, “Sastra Melayu-Rendah Indonesia”, Horison 7 (1983): 335. 10. Kung fu novel publishers, to the best of my knowledge, were all in Java. They were mainly in Jakarta, Tasikmalaya, Solo, and Semarang where there are significant concentrations of Peranakan Chinese communities. 11. The information was provided by Gan K.L. who is also the proprietor of the Panca Satya Press.

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12. Sia Tiauw Eng Hiong or Pendekar Memanah Rajawali is based on Oey Kim Tiang’s earlier translation, but the first 33 volumes were edited by Yan Wijaya, the rest (from volumes 34 to 67) were published under the name of Aulia, which is another pen-name of Oey Kim Tiang. Apparently, after volume 34 the translation was not edited. 13. Sia Tiauw Eng Hiong, No. 1, back cover. 14. Pendekar Binal strictly speaking is the title of the first 20 volumes. These 20 volumes are followed by Bakti Pendekar Binal (18 v.) and Bahagia Pendekar Binal (20 volumes). 15. Kompas, 3 April 1978. 16. The information on Tjan Ing Djiu is based on my private correspondence with him. For his works, see the appendix. 17. For the information on Kho Ping Hoo, see Suryadinata, Eminent Indonesian Chinese: Biographical Sketches (Singapore: Gunung Agung, 1981), pp. 42–43. 18. He made this point in his Asmaraman S. Kho Ping Hoo: Daftar Susunan Karangan Dari 1959 Sampai 1981 (Surakarta: 1981), p. 3. Also in his private communications with me. 19. For the list of Kho’s works, see the appendix.

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author, story-teller and translator index Adi Tn, 321 Always Sorry, 263 Anasran, 247 Ang Boon Kian, 284, 285 Arana, 146 Asai Ryoi , 27, 46, 76, 83, 86 Asitan (A-shi-tan ), 15, 121, 122 Asmaraman S. Kho Ping Hoo , 29, 398, 399, 400, 407–410 Aulia, 398 Auw Ing Kiong, 317, 318 Ay Kok Djien , 263 Bách Lữ, 180 Bai Hong , 399, 404 Bai Yu , 266, 275 Baldančering, 148 Bát Quái, 177, 178, 183, 186, 191 Batu Gantong , 281, 282, 284, 285, 286, 294–295, see also Chan Kim Boon Bằng Côn, 187 Bích Ngọc, 175, 189 Bingyu zhuren , 124 Biyoordurši, see Piyoodurši Bo Seng , see Tjiong Hok Long

20 Literary Migrations.indd 443

Boe Beng Tjoe , 398, 401– 402, see also Oey An Siok & Oey Kim Tiang Boen Sing Hoo [ ], 255, 258, 262, 316, 317, real name Tan Tjin Hoa Boey Teik Huat, see H.S.L. & Lim H. Louis, 289 Bong Tiong Djien , 263 Bùi Đàn, 182 Cai Luxian , 275 Cai Yuanfang , 154 Cảnh Chi, 183 Cao Hải Ðế, 175 Cao Ruobing , 405 Cao Xuejin , 131, 137, 144 Cevenǰab (in Chinese Ce-wang-zhabu ), 15, 121, 136 Ce-wang-zha-bu , 121 Chan Kim Boon , 17, 21, 30, 273, 281, 282–285, 292, 294, 295, 311, see also Batu Gantong Chan Yen P’ai , 292 Ch’angju (Yun Ch’unnyŏn ), 46 Chao P’hya K’hlang, 16 Châu Hưng, 181

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444

Cheah Ann Siang, 282 Cheah Choo Yew, 282 Cheah Toon Hoon, 32 Chek Swee Liong [ ], 280, 282 Chek Swee Liong [ ] & Peng Swee & CO, 280, 295–296 Chen Hiang Niang, 18 Chen Qingyun , 399, 405, 407 Chen Zhongping , 406 Cheng Xiaoqing , 266 Cheng Xunwo , 272 Cheong Guan Boon [ ], 296 Chew Tian Sang [ ] & Khoo Peng Yam [ ], 296–297 Chia Ann Siang , 295 Chikamatsu Monzaemon , 76 Chikamatsu Tokusô , 88 Ch’oe Namsŏn , 45 Chu Hồng Nguyên, 188 Chua Sam Teong, 281 Chung Sin , 395, 402 Ci-Lo-šeng (Qi Lesheng ), 114 Correspondant Hindia XX, see Tjhie Ang Lien Cu Hu Cu , see Zhu Yongchun Čoghbadaraqu, 148 Čoinxor, 142, 149, 155 Dahai (Da-hai ), 3, 15, 94, 111, 124 Danh Nho, 179 Đào Khắc Hưng, 177 Đào Phố, 187, 189, 192 Đào Phố & Đinh, 192 Đao Trinh Nhất, 177 Đào Xuân Trinh, 191 Datu Bintara Luar, 287 Dawa, 143

20 Literary Migrations.indd 444

Author, Story-teller and Translator Index

Đặng Thai Mai , 172 Đặng Trần Côn , 165, 172 Deng Zhimo , 114 Diedie , 275 Điệp Hừng, 191 Đinh Gia Hân (Cảnh Viêm), 179, 182, 186, 188, 189 Đinh Gia Hân (Cảnh Viêm) & Vũ Giáp, 185 Đinh Thái Sơn , called Phát Tóan , 173 Đinh văn Đẩu, 175, 183 Đòan Thị Diểm , 27, 165 Dongfang Bai , 405 Dongfang yu , 407 Đỗ Thủy, 183 Đỗ văn Hòa , 173 Đỗ văn Lâm (Thanh Đinh), 184 Đông Hương, 187 Đông Quang, 181 Dugu hong , 406 Du Fu , 61 Du Trung Hòa, 177 Đức Lưu Phương, 188 Dương Mạnh Húc, 187 Đương Mạnh Huy, 177 Dương Tấn Long, 186 Enektu, 111 Fan Wencheng , 111 Feng Menglong , 79, 113 Feng Yuqi , 275 Gakutei Gogaku , 88 Gakutei Kyûzan , 88 Gan Dhwan Sing, 245 Gan K.L. (Gan Kok Liang ), 18, 395, 396, 398, 399, 402–404 Gandan Rabča, 136 Gang-lin , see Garin

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Author, Story-teller and Translator Index

Gao Lian (Gang-lin ), 167 Garin (Gang-lin ), 111 Gia Hân, & Văn Tuyền, 192 Go Tiauw Goan , 17, 261 Goan Bie Ho [ ], 255, 260 Goan Bie Ho & O.H.T., 260 Goan Hak Jan, 262 Goan Hong , see also Tjiong Bo Seng Goei P.H., 258 Gudu Hong , 399 Gu Long , 197, 398, 399, 403, 404, 405, 406, 407 Gu Mingdao , 266, 275 Gunawan, 237 Gunawan, R., 236 Gülransa, 15 Gwee Peng Kwee, 294 H.S.L. (Boey Teik Huat, Lee Eng Seng, Lim H. Louis), 297 Hải Bằng, 175, 182, 186 Hai Teng Djin , 263 Han Bing Swie, 264 Hantoe Br., 263 Hayashi Razan , 76, 77, 83 Hận Nghi, 179 He Yifeng , 275 Hesu (He-su ), 15, 104, 111, 123 Hiền Lương, 185 Hiệp Hồn, 179 Hi Meng Ngi, 231 Ho Nai Chuan , 263, 265 Hoa nhân , see Lý Ngọc Hưng Hoàng Đạo Thăng, 189 Hoàng Minh Tự, 178, 189 Học Hải, 181 Hòe Đình, 186 Hong Shao , 275 Hongxiao (Manchu: Hông hiyoo), 124

20 Literary Migrations.indd 445

445

Honjô Koreyoshi , 81 Hošoi cin wang , see Cevenǰab Hŏ Kyun , 46, 49, 50, 52 Hồ Hải Lãng Nhân, 185 Hông hiyoo, see Hongxiao Hồ văn Trung & Trần văn Me, 177 Huanzhu lou zhu , 265, 266, 275 Huang Nanding , 275 Huyền Châu, 178 Huyền Mạc Đạo Nhơn (Tản Đà), 181 Huỳnh Công Giác, 176, 178 Huỳnh Khắc Thuận , 173 Huỳnh Trí Phú , 173, 184 Hy Chương, 177, 184 Idam, 143 Ihara Saikaku Ing Lie Hoo, 254 Inǰannasi, 15, 131 Ishimaro sanjin

, 76 , 88

Jakdan (Zha-ke-dan ), 107 Jayengwiharja, 247 J’i-jai (Zhi-zhai ), 106 Jiang Dielu , 275 Jin Renrui , s. Jin Shengtan Jin Shengtan , 57, 148, 195 Jin Yong , 12, 197, 394, 397, 398, 401, 402, 403, 407 Jo Tjin Goan, 258, 391 Kam Seng Kioe, 321 Kameda Hosai , 87 Kan O , 86 Kartasubrata, M., 236, 238 Karyakerja, 241 Karyareja, 236

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446

Kho Ping Hoo , see Asmaraman S. Kho Ping Hoo Khoo Peng Yam [ ] & Lee Seng Poh , 289, 297, 298 Khu Lung, (Gu Long ), 404 Kicungge (Qi-chong-ge ), 111 Kim Manjung , 28, 35, 46, 52, 58, 70 Kim Sisŭp , 27, 45 Ko Ho Sing, 243 Ko Mo Guan, 357 Koh Choon Kwang, see Lim Siew Him Koh Hun Teck, 298 Koh Johnny, 298 Komatsu , see Temgetü Konan Bunzan , 4, 14, 76, 83 Kong Bun Chhoeun, 231 Kukki sanjin , 88 Kung Roth, 231 Kuo Lay Yen , see Tan Tek Ho Kwee Khe Soei , see Monsieur Kekasih Kỹ Hà, 182 L.S. Poh, see Lee Seng Poh L.Th. M., 260 Lạc Khổ, 179, 183, 189 Lan Dingyuan , 311 Lan Hương, 186 Lau Kim Kok [ ], 288, 298 Lê Duy Thiện, 176, 192 Lê Sum, 178 Lê văn Giới (Thanh Đình), 186 Lê Xuân Khôi (Thạch Tâm), 178, 179, 180, 191 Lê Xuân Lộc, 189 Lê Xuân Lôi, 188

20 Literary Migrations.indd 446

Author, Story-teller and Translator Index

Lee Eng Seng, see H.S.L. & Lim H. Louis Lee Seng Poh [ ], 289, see also Khoo Peng Yam & Wan Boon Seng Lee Seng Poh [ ], Lim Chin Chye & Tan Yew Aik [ ], 298, 299 Lee Seng Poh [ ] & Ong Choon Teck [ ], 298 Li Changqi , 75, 165 Li Diezhuang , 275 Li Fang , 43 Li Yu , 80, 101, 106, 107, 115 Li Zhi , 78 Liang Qichao , 152 Liang Yusheng , 12, 275, 394, 397, 401, 402, 403, 404, 405 Lie In Eng , 259, 262, 263, 264 Lie Kim Hok , 77, 255, 258, 261, 276 Lie Lean Tjoan , Lie Loan Lien Nio, 18, 264, 273 Lie Sim Djwe, 261, 264 Liem Cheng Heang , 362, 365 Liem Kheng Yong , 22, 362, 363, 365, 366, 372 Liem Khing Hoo, 264 Liem Liep Lee, 262 Liem Thian Joe , 235, 237, 238, 244, 264 Lim Boon Keng, 281, 311 Lim Chin Chye, see Lee Seng Poh Lim H. Louis, Lee Eng Seng, Boey Teik Huat, 299 Lim Ho Hin, 260, 268 Lim Hock Chee [ ], 285, 286, 299 Lim Hock Soon, 299 Lim Liong Tjaij, 263

10/16/13 3:13:34 PM

Author, Story-teller and Translator Index

Lim Siew Him [ ], Koh Choon Kwang, 299 Lim Soon Seng, 299 Lin Yutang , 197 Ling Mengchu , 79, 150, 169 Lingyunge zhu , 275 Liong Djwan Liem, 264 Liu Canyang , 407 Liu Xiang , 34, 47 Lỗ Công Tài, 186 Lu Shi’e , 266, 275 Lu Shoujian , 275 Luo Guanzhong , 47, 87, 131 Luo Maodeng , 14 Lữ văn Tuyền, 182 Lương Giang, 175, 179 Lý Ngọc Hưng (Hoa Nhân ), 16, 173, 178, 180, 182, 183, 184, 189, 190, 191, 192 Lý Tế Xuyên , 164 Lý Văn Phức , 16, 169, 194 Ma Zhiyuan , 168 Mai Sơn, 179, 181 Martaatmaja, R.S., 247 Maung Gyi, J.A., 32 Mậu Ngữ, 177 Mijigh, 150 Miyake Shôzan , 84, 88 Monsieur Kekasih (pen name of Kwee Khe Soei ), 316, 319 Moriyama Sukehiro , 87 Mu-de-ke , 102, 115 Murong mei , 405 Na Mueng Lung, W., 198 Na Tian Piet, 286–287, 299 Nghiêm Xuân Lãn, 185, 186 Nghiêm Xuân Lâm, 180, 187 Ngọc Liên Hoàng, 183

20 Literary Migrations.indd 447

447

Ngô Tất Tố, 189 Ngô văn Triện (Trúc Khê), 175, 179, 180, 181, 191 , 173, Nguyễn An Khương 176, 178, 179, 182, 187, 188 Nguyễn Ân Linh, Hồ văn Trung & Trần văn Me, 177 Nguyễn Bá Thời (Vạn Phược), 192 Nguyễn Chánh Sắt (Bá Nghiêm), 173, 174, 177, 178, 179, 180, 181, 182, 183, 187, 187, 188, 189, 190, 191, 192 Nguyễn Công Kiêu, 177, 189 Nguyễn Đỗ Mục , 173, 175, 176, 177, 183, 186, 187, 190, 192 Nguyễn Du , 16, 27, 167, 193 Nguyễn Dữ , 165 Nguyễn Đức Vân, 179 Nguyễn Dương Quan, 190 Nguyễn Gy, 187 Nguyễn Hoạt, 181 Nguyễn Học Hẩi, 192 Nguyễn Huy Tự , 16, 168 Nguyễn Hữu Sanh , 173 Nguyễn Hữu Tiến, 181 Nguyễn Khắc Hạnh, 177, 182, 183, 189 Nguyễn Khẳk Hiếu (Tản Đà), 181 Nguyễn Kiều , 169 Nguyễn Kim Đình, 176, 185, 190 Nguyễn Liên Phong & Nguyễn An Cư, 172, 185 Nguyễn Mân Châu, 191 Nguyễn Nam Thông (Đông Quang), 172, 176, 181, 191 Nguyễn Ngộc Thơ, 182 Nguyễn Như Hoàng, 188 Nguyễn Phước Du, 179, 180 Nguyễn Quang Oánh, 184 Nguyễn Quang Sánh, 177, 190

10/16/13 3:13:34 PM

448

Nguyễn Tân Chiểu (Ninh Xuyên), 178, 191 Nguyễn Thành ký , 173 Nguyễn Thúc Khiêm (Hoàng Sơn), 177 Nguyễn Trọng Quyển, 182 Nguyễn Tứ Lãng, 183, 188 Nguyễn Tử Siêu, 180, 181, 184, 188 Nguyễn văn Bân, (Kim Giang), 177, 183, 187 Nguyễn văn Dược, 184 Nguyễn văn Hiến, 176 Nguyễn văn Huyến, 179 Nguyễn Xuân Lâm, 181, 186 Nguyễn Xuân Mai (Thanh Khương), 176 Ngươn Long, 191 Nhật Quang, 176 Nhok Thaem, 212 Ni Kuang , 405 Nishida Korenori , 80, 84, 88 Nona Kakatua, 361 Nona Phoa Gien Hian, 18 Nona Ua Siok, 361 Njoo Soen Tjiang, 239 Njoo Tik Hap, 239 Nou Kon, 26, 211 Nurhači, 113 O.K.T. (Ong Kim Tiat & Oey Kim Tiang ), 395, 396 O & Y, 263 Oey An Siok , 395 Oey Kim Tiang , 17, 274, 395, 401 Oey Tjay Hin, 261 Ogata Teisai , 88 Ogyû Sorai , 77 Okada Hakku , 79–81, 83, 87

20 Literary Migrations.indd 448

Author, Story-teller and Translator Index

Okajima Kanzan , 76, 77, 83 Öljeytü, 148 Ong Choon Teck [ ], see Lee Seng Poh, Ong Hap Djin, 266 Ong Ho Tjwan, 236 Ong Kim Tiat , 17, 261, 262, 263, 395 Ong Ping Lok, 290 Or Chol & Or Kim Sa, 231 Pang Teck Joon [ ], 288, 300 Peng Swee & Co, see Chek Swee Liong, Phạm Quang Sáng, 181 Phạm thị Phương, 192 Phạm văn Cường, 182 Phạm văn Diễu, 184, 189, 190 Phan Kế Bính , 16, 172 Phan Kế Bính & Nguyễn văn Vĩnh, 185 Phan Như Tiếp, 178, 187 Phát Tóan or Đinh Thái Sơn , 173 Phi Tùng Tử, 189 Phụng Hoàng Sang , 171, 174, 191 Phùng Huy, 188 Pingjiang buxiaosheng , 12, 266, 275 Piyoodurši (Biyoordurši), 114 Poh Tiang Siew & [Tan Yew Aik ], 300 Pu Songling , 8, 107 Qasbuu, 127, 144 Qi-chong-ge , see Kicungge Qi Lesheng , see Ci-Lo-šeng Qin Hong , 398, 404, 406, 407 Qingxin cairen , 167

10/16/13 3:13:35 PM

Author, Story-teller and Translator Index

Qu You , 45, 75, 165 Quảng Nguyễn, 178, 184, 185, 187, 188, 190, 191 Rim Kin, 212 Runzhai zhuren

, 115

Sambodaš, 142, 155 Sankei Shishin , 88 Santô Kyôden , 79, 84 Sasrakusuma, Ng. R., 241 Sasraningrat, A., 236, 240 Sasrasoemarta, K.M., 344, 357, 388, 391 Sastra Kusuma, 236, 241 Sastrasoewignja, S., 241 Sawada Issai , 15, 79, 84, 87 Seita Tanso , 88 Seng Vethi, 231 Seow Chin San [ ], see Seow Phee Tor [ ] Seow Phee Tor [ ] & Seow Chin San [ ], 289, 300– 302 Shao Jingzhan , 165 Shen Fu , 294 Shibaya Shisô , 88 , 147 Shi Nai’an Shi Yukun , 149, 274 Shouzhuo zhuren , 137 Shu Shisheng , 275 Sie Hian Ling , 17, 255 Siloeman Mengok, 391 Sima Ziyan , 405 Sioe Pek Soey, 264 Sioi yuwan meng (Xu-yuan-meng ), 104 Siow Hay Yam [ ], 288, 290, 302 Sishui yuyin , 275

20 Literary Migrations.indd 449

449

Song Động, 190 Song Ong Siang, 286 , 61 Sŏl Ch’ong Sơn Nhân & Nhật Nam thư xã, 184 Suhoja (Im Ki ), 46 Sunahai , 111 T. Thanh Chức, 183 Takebe Ayatari , 79 Takizawa Bakin , 15, 28, 79, 81, 84, 87 Tan Beng Teck [ ], 280, 282, 289, 290, 302–303 Tan Chin Thuan, Lee Seng Poh & Wan Boen Seng, 303 Tan Hin Liang, 303 Tan Ing Siu, 236 Tan Kheam Hock , 281, 282 Tan Kie Lam, 17, 255 Tan Poen Bhik Sio Tjia, 18 Tan Pow Tek, 288, 289, 303 Tansai Shujin , 80, 84 Tan Siauw Tjiak, 256 Tan Teck Son, 250 Tan Tek Ho (pen-name: Kuo Lay Yen ), 17, 250, 261, 263, 395 Tan Tjhan Hie , 263 Tan Tjin Bie, 262 Tan Tjin Gwan, 236, 240 Tan Tjin Hoa , see Boen Sing Hoo [ ] Tan Yew Aik [ ], see Lee Seng Poh & Poh Tiang Siew Tang Xiaotian , 275 Taoyuan jushi (perhaps Tian Puyuan ) 117 Tān’ Dūc, 202 Tân Hiên, 190 Tân Sơn, 184 Tee Pek Thay, 17, 255

10/16/13 3:13:35 PM

450

Temgetü (Chinese name Wang Ruichang , style Yinhou ), 15, 23, 127, 133, 153 Tes Chon, 230 Thạc Quân, 181 Thanh Đình, 179 Thanh Đình & Tuấn Lang, 191 Thanh Ngọc Duyên, 180, 181 Thanh Phong, 176, 177, 180, 184, 185, 187, 189, 192 Thanh Phong & Tuấn Lang, 191 The T[in] L[am], 355, 392 Thio Tjeng Tek, 268 Thio Tjien Boen, 269 Thượng Văn, 188 Ti Feng , 401 Tianhua (cang) zhuren , 96 Tian Puyuan , 117 Tig Og, Babah, 236, 241 Ting Sam Sien, 254 Tinh Liễu, 182 Tjan Hoat Kie, 261, 262 Tjan I.D., see Tjan Ing Djiu Tjan Ing Djiu , 398, 399, 402–407 Tjan Tjing Tjong, 263 Tjhie Ang Lien, 254 Tjie Tjin Koeij, 21, 258, 259, 260, 262, 263, 264 Tjiong Bo Seng , 255 Tjiong Hok Long , 17, 255, 256, 258, 268 Tjiong Koen Bie , 259 Tjiong Soen Liang, 261 Tjiook Jr., 263 Tjoa Tjoe Koan , 236 Tjoa Yam Hoei, 362, 365 Tjoe Bou San, 264 Tkin Shen, 6 Torii Hisaharu , 88

20 Literary Migrations.indd 450

Author, Story-teller and Translator Index

Tô Chẩn, 175, 177, 180, 182, 183, 186, 188, 189, 191 Trần Công Danh, 179, 180 Trần Công Đông, 178, 192 Trần Công Hiến, 178 Trần Đình Nghi, 177 Trần Hồng Loan, 175 Trần Hữu Quảng, 190 Trần Hữu Quảng & Trần Quảng Xuân, 188 , 172, 175, Trần Phong Sắc 176, 179, 180, 182, 185, 186, 187, 189, 190, 191, 192 Trần Quang Nhiễu, 178, 179 Trần Thanh Đạm & Nguyễn Tố Nguyên, 181 Trần Thễ Pháp , 164 Trần Tuấn Khải, 181, 186 Trần văn Bình, 175, 182, 187, 192 Trần văn Liêm, 189 Trần Xuân, 176 Trịnh Hoài Nghĩa, 184 Trúc Lâm, 175 Trương Minh Chánh, 178 Tsuga Teisô , 81, 83, 84, 86, 87 Tùng Nông Vũ Kính (Đào Viên), 176, 179 Ueda Akinari 84, 88

, 15, 28, 81,

Văn Tuyền, 180 Vibol Reachasena, Oknha, 229 Võ Lộ, 177 Võ Minh Trí, Vũ Đình Long & Môn Giai, 190 Vũ Đình Lợi, 191 Vũ Giáp, 185 Vũ Hầu, 180 Vũ Hi Tô, 182, 185, 192

10/16/13 3:13:36 PM

Author, Story-teller and Translator Index

Vũ Kính, 191 Vũ Minh Trí, 177, 187 Vũ Như Hải, 178, 179 Vũ Như Khôi, 179 Vũ Xuân Mai, 186 Vưong Quốc Sung, 182 Vương Thọ Hoa (Tô Sinh), 179, 186 Wan Boon Seng , 289, 290–291, 292, 303–307 Wan Boon Seng & San, 304 Wan Boon Seng, L. Seng Poh & N.M. Seng, 305 Wan Boen Seng & Tan Yew Aik, 306 Wangcinbala, 131 Wang Dahai (Ong Tae Hae) , 249 Wang Dulu , 401 Wang Jingxing , 275 Wang Qinglu , 275 Wang Ruichang , see Temgetü Wang Wusheng , 275 Wee Chin Ek, 289, 307 Wee Kay Seck [ ], 307 Wee T.T., 289 Wei Shi , 273 Wei Zhaoliang , 275 Wen Kang , 28 Wolong sheng , 404, 405, 406, 407 Wongsoséwojo, R. Ahmad, 375, 385, 389 Wŏn Ho , 47 Wu Cheng’en , 146 Xi hua guanzhu , 275 Xi Lingfeng , 275 Xiao Feng , 404 Xiao Sai , 405 Xie Nongwo , 275 Xu Jinfu , 266, 275

20 Literary Migrations.indd 451

451

Xu Liangchen , 275 Xu Muxi , 275 Xu-yuan-meng , 104 Xu Zhen , 96 Xu Zhenya , 12, 173, 263, 273 , 337 Xue Jixuan Xueyan , 406 Y.T.H., 258 Yan Wijaya, 398 Yang Chenyin , 275 Yap Goan Ho , 17, 252, 253, 258, 317 Yecengge, 111 Yeoh Eng Seng, Lim Eng Siang, Lim Eng Hock, 307 Ye yi , 275 Yi Chongt’ae , 14, 62 Yi Kyugyŏng , 57 Yi Sangjwa , 47 Yi Sik , 49 Yi wen , 407 Yin (Yun)-xiang , 124 Yonn Tri, 231 Yu Mongin , 51 Yuan Mei , 123 Yue Chuan , 405 Yun Ch’unyðn , 85 Hy Chương, 177 Zha-ke-dan , see Jakdan Zhang Chongdian , 275 Zhang Du , 336 Zhang Genong , 275 Zhang Mingfei , 275 Zhang Xie , 271 Zhang Zhuo , 333 Zhao Huanting , 275 Zhao Shudong , 275 Zhao Zhenting , 275

10/16/13 3:13:36 PM

452

Author, Story-teller and Translator Index

Zheng Zhengyin , 275 Zhiyan zhai , 137 Zhi-zhai , 106 Zhong-huo , 102, 115 Zhong Jiyu , 275 Zhu Songlu , 275 Zhuge Qingyun , 405, 407 Zhu Yongchun , 244

20 Literary Migrations.indd 452

10/16/13 3:13:36 PM

TITLE index Aiqing zhuan , 46 Aizhou qinghai , 175 Akdaci ojoro sarkiyan, 106 Amanat Marga, 404 Amargi Sung gurun-i bithe, 98 An Noksan chŏn , 55 Anak Harimau, 407 Ang Bi Tin (Pusukan Alis Merah), 409 Ang-bin Sio-chia , 303 Ang Coa Kiam, 400, 409 Ang Dok , 242 Ang Hong Cu (Si Tawon Merah), 408 Ang Lian Lihiap (Si Terate Merah), 408 Ang Liong Pek Ho (Si Naga Merah), 408 Ang Siew Chuan , 299 Anh Hùng Náo Tam Môn Giai, 191 Anh Liệt Diễn Nghĩa, 191 Asmara Berdarah, 410 Ấn Hiệp Sĩ, 191 Âm Thanh Kiếm, 191 Ân Tinh Tiểu Thuyết, 177 Ba da jianxia , 275 Ba dongtian , 10, 98 Ba dung tiyan bithe, 98 Bagua dao , 175 Ba mei tu , 260, 268, 293, 371

21 Literary Migrations.indd 453

, 175 Baxia lianmeng Baxian (chuchu) dongyou (ji) , 175, 369, also titled Dongyou ji , Dongyou baxian (quan chushen zhuan) Babad Nagari Cina, 240 Babad Sam Kok, 240 Babad Tong Tiauw, 242 Bạch Hồ Điệp, 175 Bạch Tử Kim Đơn, 175 Bạch Xà Thanh Xà, 175 Bạch Xà Diễn Nghĩa, 175 Badai Dunia Persilatan, 405 Badai Laut Selatan, 409 Badik Merak, 405 Baiba jinren , 404 Baifa monü zhuan , 397, 401 Bai hudie , 175 Bailian jiao , 369 Bailong baojian , 400 Baima xiao xifeng, , 401 Bai mudan , 301 Bainiangzi yongzhen leifengta , 81 Baishejing ji (zhuan) , 98, 254, 260, 368, also titled Leifeng ta (qizhuan)

10/16/13 3:13:55 PM

454

Baishe qingshe , 175 Baishe yanyi , 175 Baiyu laohu , 406 Baiyuan Sun Ke zhuan , see Sun Ke zhuan Baizi jindan , 175 Bajak Laut Kertapati, 408 Bakti Pendekar, 407 Ban Hao Tiong, 370 Bandit Air, 409 Banlị bejr, 231 Banri yanwang quanzhuan , 98, 113, also titled Sanguo yin Ban Wah Lau , 299 Ban Wha Lau , 300 Bao Công Chính Sử, nghĩa Hiệp Kỳ Thư, 176 Bao Công Kỳ Án, 175 Bao Công Tra Án, Quách Hòe, 175 Bao Công Xuất Thế, 175 Bao gong’an , 149, 280, 303 Baogong chu shi , 175 Baogong qi’an , see Longtu gong’an , 175 Baogong shen Guo Huai an , 175 Baogong yanyi , 40 Baogong zhengshi Yixia qishu, , 176 Bao güng qubilghan argha-bar törü ulus-i silmu samaghuragh ulghsan-i ilghan sidkegsen teüke, 149 Baraghun Qan ulus-un bicig (~ teüke), 138 Bara Maharani, 405 Bara Naga, 404 Bát Hiệp Liên Minh, 175 Bát Quái Đạo, 175 Bát Tiên Đong Du, 175 Bayangan Iblis, 404 Bắc Du Chơn Võ, 176

21 Literary Migrations.indd 454

Title Index

Bắc Du Chơn Võ Truyện, 176 Bắc Du Diễn Nghĩa, 176 Bắc Du Trấn Võ, 176 Bắc Tống Diễn Nghĩa, 176 Bắc Tống Toàn Truyện, 176 Beisong quanzhuan , 176 Beisong (tongsu) yanyi , 40, 176 Beisong zhi , 142 Beisong zhizhuan , 98 Beiyou ji (xuandi chushen zhuan) , 246, 260, 369, see also Beiyou yanyi , Beiyou zhenwu zhuan Beiyou yanyi , 176 Beiyou zhenwu zhuan , 176 Beng Lee Kun , 368 Beng Leh Koon , 297 Bể tình nổi sóng, 184 Bi xue jian , 401 Biyu dao , 405 Biancheng langzi , 406 Bibhab manuss, 231 Bibhab manuss tīoe, 231 Bidadari Sungai Es (Peng Tjhoan Thian Li), 402 Bingbo Hanguang jian , 401 Bingchuan tiannü zhuan , 402 Binghe xi jian lu , 403 Bình Sơn Lãnh Yến, 183 Boekoe Sairan dari Tjeritanja Samphek, Eng Tay, 339, 355, 392 Boekoe sair Ngouw Houw Peng Sie, 267 Boekoe sair Ngouw Houw Tjiang, 267 Boekoe tjerita Tjioe Koan Tek anak Tjioe Boen Giok, 253

10/16/13 3:13:55 PM

Title Index

Boé Liang Giok, 367 Bok Loro Mendut, 357 Bọn võ hiệp đốt cháy chùa Hồng Liên si, 180 Boo-güng-ün bicig, 149 Botan Kiongchoo atau Sam Pokiam , 307 Bồng Lai Hiệp Khách, 183 Braḥ jặy datt, 223 Brah Pad Yun Hun, 221 Bu Beng Kiam Hiap (Pendekar Pedang Tak Bernama), 408 Bu honglou meng , 40 Bu Kek Siansu, 410 Bu Siong, Song Kang, 370 Buddha Mas, 405 Budjukan Gambar Lukisan, 401 Bukit Pemakan Manusia, 406 Cai cha nü , 273 Caihong jian , 407 Cai sang nü , 273 Cam Phương Trì, 179 Can jen giyoo ši (-i) bithe, 98 Can jen heo ši (-i) bithe, 98 Can jen i ši, 99 Càn Long Hạ Giang Nam, 184 Can Tang ǰuwan-u bicig, 142 Cantang (wudai shi) yanyi , 40, 142, 176, 367 Cangkong hen , 406 Cariyos Cina, Swa Tong Cing Sé, 241 Cāpī dibv kaṃdec peḥ tūṅ, 231 Cân Quắc Anh Hùng, 181 Cen čai jin-u teüke, 145 Ceng Hwa Kiam, 409 Chanzhen jiaoshi , 98 Chanzhen yishi , 99, 148 Changjiang guainü , 176 Changsheng jian , 405 Chap Puek Loh Huan Ong , 304

21 Literary Migrations.indd 455

455

Chau Mah Choon Chu , 306 Chay Kong Wak-Hood , 298 Che Mamu chŏn , 55 Chen San Wuniang (ge) , 12, 256 Cheng Sia , 311 Cheng Teck Koon Yew Kang Lam , 301 Cheng Tiong Suat Gak , 301 Cheng Tong , 311 Cheong Moh Inn , 298, 313 Chey Tian Hoey Siöh See Yu , 311 Chi ren shan , 406 Chiếc Bóng Song The, 176 Chin Suat Buay, 300 Chinsetsu yumiharizuki , 81, 84 Chinh Phụ Ngâm Khúc , 165 Chinh Tây Diễn Nghĩa, 192 Chit Hiap (wuyi) , 311 Chit Kiam Chap-sanh Kiap , 306 Chit-Sih Pat-Meng-Su , 301 Cho Charyong chŏn , 49 Chou Qihou Wuyan po lian huan , 121 Choutou Hongwu jun , 292 Chow Thau Hong Boo Koon , 297 Chŏkpyŏk ka , 49, 55 Chŏkpyŏk taejŏn , 48 Chŏk Songŭi chŏn, 63, 69–70 Chŏn sujae chŏn , 55 Chrita… Chin See Buay, 280 Chrita… Chin Suat Buay, 288, 300 Chrita Mwee Liang Geok, 290

10/16/13 3:13:56 PM

456

Chrita Seh Yew, 295 Chrita Ular Putay sama Ular Itam, 290 Chu Han yanyi , 48 Chuke pai’an jingqi , 79, 150 Chu liu xiang , 403 Chu Long Kiếm, 192 Chuangqian guying , 176 Chun feng mian , 99 Chunqiu bi , 406 Chunqiu lieguo zhi , 56 Chung Nam Huyềt Hận, 192 Chung Vô Diệm , 137, 192 Chup Swat Tuan , 303 Chûgoku koten bungaku taikei , 89 Chûshin Suikoden , 79, 84 Ch’o-Han chŏn / ka , 55 Ch’ungnyŏl hyŏbŭi chŏn , 55 Ch’wiyu pubyŏkchŏng ki , 45 Ci ling meng, 145 Ci ulus-un quwangkeü ǰung U-yan-u bicig, 136 Cincin Maut (Jinmo zhi ), 407 Cinta Bernoda Darah, 409 Ciu-siyan-u [~siyen-ü] čečeg, 150 Ciyen-lüng [ ] qaghan saghurin-i tayiji daghan negülgesen inu, 157 Ciyoo liyan ju-i bithe, 110 Ciyoo ši yan-i bithe, 110 Côn Lôn Ngũ Kiếm Khách, 181 Cu Hu Cu , 238, 244 Cun(g) fung miyan bithe, 99 Cung Oán Ngâm Khúc, 171 Cửu Châu Thần Kiếm, 181 Cửu Mỹ Kỳ Duyên, 181 Čen-ǰeng-ai-si bicig, 148

21 Literary Migrations.indd 456

Title Index

Či ulus-un qowangqo ǰüng dakini-yin cadigh, 121 Da bayi , 149, 176 Dafangbian fo bao en jing , 72 Da hongpao Hai Rui , 176, see also Haigong da hong pao quanzhuan Daming Hongwu , 176 Daming qixia , 177 Daming yinglie zhuan , 40, 177 Daming zhuan , see Wumei yuan Danao sanmen jie , 370 Dapeng xia , 177 Datang zhongxing houxu (zhuan) , 155 Datang zhongxing yanyi zhuan , 155 Daxia hu bu , 407 Daxue , 77, 127 Đại Bát Nghĩa, 176 Đại Bàng Hiệp, 177 Đại Hồng Bào Hải Thoại, 176 Đài Loan Nữ Kiếm Khách, 187 Đại Minh Anh Liệt, 177 Đại Minh Hồng Võ, 176 Đại Minh Kỳ Hiệp, 177 Dalbai suduri bithe, 108 Đãng Khấu Chí, 177 Dangkou zhi , 177, 262, 364, 371, alternate titles Jie shuihu , Xu shuihu Daode jing , 318 Daoshen , 406 Dara Perkasa Retnowulan, 408 Darah Daging, 410 Darah Mengalir di Borobudur, 408 Darah Pahlawan, 399, 407 Darah Patriot, 409

10/16/13 3:13:57 PM

Title Index

Darah Pendekar, 410 Datekurahe nikki , 88 Dayicing ulus-un jiya-cing ji-u panǰa terigün, 143 Deb Kaññā pāc phkā, 231 Delapan Djago Pedang (Pat Kiam Hiap ), 275 Dendam Sejagad, 406 Dendam Seorang Perempuan, 410 Dendam Si Anak Haram, 410 Dergi Han gurun-i bithe, 99 Dergi Jeo gurun-i bithe, 99 Dewi Maut, 407 Di Cing-un emüneki-yi töbsidkegsen ulamjilal, 142, 156 Di’er caizi , see Haoqiu zhuan Di Qing pingxi , see Wuhu ping xi Di Qing wanhua lou , see Wanhua lou Di Qing Wuhu ping xi , 245 Di Qing zheng bei , 292 Đinh Dương Kỳ Hiệp, 183 Dolughan ulus-un bicig, 136 Dolughan ulus-un debter, 135 Dolughan ulus-un… nci debter, 135 Dolughan ulus-un tughuji, 136 Donghan yanyi , 99, 138 Dongliao, 140 Dongqi lieguo , 292 Dongxi han yanyi , 138, 177, 256 Dongxi jin yanyi , see Hou sanguo yanyi Dong xi yang kao , 249, 271 Dongyou baxian , 177, 371, see also Dongyou ji , Baxian (chuchu) dongyou (ji)

21 Literary Migrations.indd 457

457

Dongyou ji , 245, 369, see also Baxian (chuchu) dongyou (ji) Dongzhou lieguo (zhi/yanyi) , 26, 51, 99, 154, 177, 371 Doumo , 407 Douzhi yanyi , 256 Đông Châu Liệt Quốc (diễn nghĩa), 177 Đông Du Bát Tiễn, 177 Đông Hớn Diễn Nghĩa, 177 Drama Gunung Kelut, 409 Du Long Hí Phưọng (Chánh Đức Du Giang Nam), 192 Dushou foxin , 403 Dua Bela Naga Perkasa, 405 Dumdatu Tang ulus-un mandughsan hou siui ǰuwan kemekü teüke, 155 Durjana dan Ksatria, 404 Dương Văn Quảng Bình Nam, 190 El du mei, 9, 99 Emünetü Tang-un jirum silghaghsan bürin-e šastir, 155 Enduri fungnehe bithe, 100 Enqing xiaoshuo , 177 Erdu mei , xii, 9, 99, 132, 144, 177, 280, 367 Erke pai’an jingqi , 79, 150, 169 Ernü yingxiong zhuan , 28, also titled Xianü qiyuan Ernü zao yingxiong , 177 Erdemungge sargan jui Hông ioi-i bithe, 102 Erte čaghtu erlig-ün oron-a kereg sidkegsen Sema Mao-yin debter, 139

10/16/13 3:13:57 PM

458

Fan Juqing jishu sisheng jiao , 81 Fan tang hou zheng xi , 178 Fan tang yanyi , 131, 141, 178, 239, 242, 245, 256, 269, 280, 281, 282, 292, 367 , Fanyi shitai yanliang 105 Feifeng qianlong , 403 Feihu waizhuan , 403 Feijian qixia , 178 Feilong jian erniang sanxia , 178 Fei long (quan)zhuan , 100, 109, 245, 256 Feilong yanyi , 178 Fei lung (ji) juwan-i bithe, 100 Feixian tianbao yanyi , 178 Fenjia lou(?) 100 Fenzhuang lou (quanzhuan/yanyi) , 28, 100, 141, 178, 254, 264, 292, 367, also titled Xushuo tang zhizhuan Fengbo ting , 178 Fengchen jianke , 178 Fengchen sanjian , 178 Fenghuang chi , 100 Fenghuang dao , 178 Feng huwang c’i bithe, 100 Fengjian chunqiu (yanyi) , 135, 178, 256, 292, 367, see also Hou lieguo zhi Fenglei zhen jiuzhou , 403 Feng shen yanyi , 9, 15, 56, 100, 146, 179, 224, 257, 292, 367 Feng shen zhuan , 56

21 Literary Migrations.indd 458

Title Index

Feng wu jiutian , 407 Feng xian lou , 88 Feng Yuxiang xiaoshi , 179 Fengyue xiayi , 179 Fengyue zhuan , see Haoqiu zhuan Fengyun diyi jian , 406 Fuhui quanshu , 85 Fusheng liuji , 294 Fulgiyan sirgengge be usabuha bithe, 102 Fun jiya lou, 100 Füng jiyan cün ciu bicig, 135 Füng-šen-yen-yi (bicig), 146, 158 Füng-šen-yen-yi kemekü, 158 Ga Gé, 371 Gahon saiyû zenden 88 Gái Anh Hùng, 183 Gái trả thù cha, 183 Gak Hoei , 368 Gak Wee , 307 Gan feng chi , 179 Gangzhang zhen tianxia 407 Gao junggui-i bithe, 100 Gao Zhonggui…?, 100 Geger Demak, 409 Geger Dunia Persilatan, 403 Geger Solo, 409 Geguritan Sampik Ing Tay, 356 , 272 Gelaba jilüe Gen siyang ting-i bithe, 100 Geren gurun-i bithe, 108 Ghool-un toqoi, 139, 147 Ghurban ulusan bicig, 139, 154 Gi siyoo tang, 115 Giang Đông Tam Hiệp, 180 Giang Hồ Hắc Kiếm, 180 Giang Hồ Kỳ Văn, 180

,

,

10/16/13 3:13:58 PM

Title Index

Giang Hồ Nghĩa Hiệp, 180 Giang Hồ Nữ Hiệp, 180 Giang Hồ Nữ Kiếm Hiệp, 180 Giang Nam Kiếm Hiệp, 181 Giao Trì Hiệp Nữ, 190 Gin fun si bithe, 103 Gin Kiam Gi To (Maling Budiman), 408 Gin ping mei bithe, 103 Gin siyang ting-ni bithe, 106 Gin yôn kiyoo-i bithe, 106 Ginggun tondo U mu wang bithe, 116 Ging Sung ǰuwanu šastar, 156 Giok Lo Sat atau Wanita Gagah Perkasa, 397, 401 Giok Long Kiam, 410 Giyo ši ming yan bithe, 106 Gnoh Bee Yean , 295 Go Houw Tjhong Liong, 401 Goda Remaja, 409 Golok Bulan Sabit, 406 Golok Kemala Rijau, 405 Golok Pembunuh Naga (To Liong To), 403 Golok Yanci Pedang Pelangi, 404 Gong Kiah Sie , 280, 296 Gujin xiaoshuo , 113 Guanyin chu shen nanyou ji , 169 Guanyin chushi , 366 Guangzhou nüxia tuan , 179 Guilian meng , 101 Gui liyan meng (bithe), 101 Guiqin shusheng , 406 Guixiu yingcai , 179, also titled Nüzi caishu , Meiren shu Guo guan dao , 404 Gurun-i bithe, 107 Gươm cứu khổ, 181

21 Literary Migrations.indd 459

459

Haigong da hong pao quanzhuan , 369, alternate title Da hongpao Hai Rui Haigong xiao hong pao quanzhuan , 253, 262, 332, 369 Hai Sui Lolona, 369 Hai Sui Tuana, 369 Hakkenden , 79 Han buon [hā :n bu:en], 204 Han ce gu bithe, 101 Hanche gu , 101 Hangong qiu , 168 Han’guk hanmun sosŏl chonjip , 55 Hanhai xiongfeng , 403 Han Wu gushi , 58 Hanabusa sôshi , 80, 83 Hanjo samsŏng kiyŏn , 55 Haṅs samleṅ, 231 Hao cio juwan, 101 Hao kio juwan-i bithe, 101 Haoqiu zhuan , 9, 101, 121, 145, 262, also titled Xiayi fengyue zhuan , Xiayi haoqiu zhuan , Di’er caizi , Fengyue zhuan Harimau Kemala Putih, 406 Harta Karun Jenghis Khan, 410 Hati Budha Tangan Berbisa (Tok-jiu Hud-sim), 403 Hau Kiou Choan [ ], 7 Hay Tong Kok (Kisah Perebutan Daerah Hoe Tjoen Kang), 401 Hậu Anh Hùng (Tục Anh Hùng Náo Tam Môn Giai), 180 Hậu Anh Hùng Náo Tam Môn Giai, 180 Hậu Hớn Tam Hợp Bửu Kiếm, 179

10/16/13 3:13:58 PM

460

Hậu Tái Sinh Duyên, 180 Hậu Tam Quốc Điễn Nghĩa, 179 Hậu Tây Du, 180 Hebi Liaozhai , 107 Hepu zhu , 179 He wan juwan, 101 Hei bai she , 246, 368, see also Baishejing zhuan Heng Guan Seo-chia ( ) sama Mwee Liang Giok ( ), 298 Heo si yo gi bithe, 102 Hi io gi, 101, 118 Hiang Tian Siang Té, 369 Hiệp Nghĩa Phong Nguyệt, 179 Hikmah Pedang Hijau, 404 Hina Kelana (Siau Go Kang Ouw), 403 Hioi jing yang doro be baha de nimada be jafaha yongkiyan ulabun, 114 Hitsujigusa , 86 Ho Pik Siong, 368 Hoa Bo Lan Sia Tia, 369 Hoa-san Tay-Hiap (Pendekar Gunung Hoa-San), 408 Hoa Tiao Pek, 370 Hoàng Việt Xuân Thu , 165 Honchô Suikoden , 79, 84 Hongguang daxia , 179 Hongjia nüxia , 179 Hong Keow sama Lee Tan , 294 Hong Kiltong chŏn , 46, 49, 50, 53 Honglou fumeng , 40 Hong Lien Si , 275 Honglou meng , xii, xix, 9, 40, 58, 102, 121, 144, 179, alternate titles Shitou ji , Jinyu yuan

21 Literary Migrations.indd 460

Title Index

Honglou meng bu , 40 Hongshe jian , Pedang Ular Merah, 400 Hong Sin (Ban Sian Tin) , 301 Hong Sujŏn , 55 Hongxian , 102 Hongxiu daojue , 404 Hongyu…?, 102 Hong Xiuquan yanyi , 262 Hongyan diandao , 179 Hongyi nüxia , 179 Hoo kiyo juwan-i bithe, 101 Hoon Chong Lau , 305, 311 Houchen yishi , 193 Houhan sanhe baojian , 179 Hou honglou meng , 40, 58, 144 Hou lieguo zhi , 292, also titled Fengjian chunqiu (yanyi) Hou sanguo yanyi , 179, also titled Dongxi jin yanyi , Hou sanguo dongxi jin yanyi Hou shuihu zhuan , 40 Housong ciyun zou guo quanzhuan , 370 Hou xiyou ji , 102, 180 Hou yingxiong (Xu yingxiong naosanmen jie ), 180 Hou zaisheng yuan , 180 Hồ Điệp Hoa, 180 Hồng Gia Nữ Hiệp, 179 Hồng Lâu Mộng, 179 Hồng Quȧng Đại Hiệp, 179 Hồng Y Nữ Hiệp, 179 Hôwa guwan so boo san niyang bithe, 102

10/16/13 3:13:59 PM

Title Index

Hôwa mu luwan-i bithe, 102 Hôwa tu yuwan bithe, 103 Hôwang Ming da žu Wang yang ming siyan šeng facuhôn be toktobume yabuha be ejehe suduri, 114 Hợp Phố Châu, 179 Hudie hua , 180 Hudie mei , 144 Huyuanhe wudu quanzhuan , 147 Huzi xiongxin , 407 Hua guan suo bao san niang?, 102 Huaguang tianwang nanyou ji , 257, see also Nanyou ji Hua heshang , 180 Huajian ji , 12, 168 Hua Mulan , 102, 139 Huatu yuan , 103 Huan hua xi jian lu , 403 Huan jian qiqing lu , 401 Huanle yingxiong , 406 Huan Tong , 310 Huanzhou ji , 193 Huang-ho Sian-li (Dewi Sungai Kuning), 408 Huang Ming daru Wang Yangming xiansheng chushen jingnan lu , 114 Huangmingo…, 156 Huang Ming yinglie zhuan , 78, 119, 142, see also Yinglie zhuan Huangyue long xing ji , 193 Huiwen zhuan , 101 Hunyuanhe wudu quanzhuan , 147 Huoshao honglian si , 12, 180, 274

21 Literary Migrations.indd 461

461

Huon Chaṅ , 212 Hwa-I Eng-Hiong (Pendekar Budiman), 409 Hwayongdo , 56 Hwayongdo silgi , 48, 56 Hwan T(h)ong, 245, 294, 303 Hwang Kang, 245 Hwangmyŏng paesin chŏn , 55 Hwang puin chŏn , 49 Hwe Thian Kim Hong (Burung Hong Emas), 408 Hwe-Thian Mo-Li (Iblis Betina), 408 Hwi-Kiam Ji-Chap Si-Kiap , 302 Hwi Lyong Thwan, 245 Iblis Mengamuk di Mataram, 408 Ilan gurun-i bithe, 110 Ilan gurun-i nirugan, 103 Ilan gurun-i suduri, 103 IIan gurun julun, 112 Ilan tacikô-i uhei doro-i ajige julen, 113 Imam Tanpa Bayangan, 405 Imbauan Pendekar, 403 In(g) Kian(g), 371 Ing liye čuin-ciu, 156 Ing liyei juwan-i bithe, 119 Inuhariko , 83, 86 Io Bun Kong Peng Lam Ban, 368 Io Tjong Poo, 368 Ioi giyoo (giyao) li (-i) bithe Ioi j’i gi bithe, 119 Ioi j’i gibithe, 119 Ioi lung (ji) juwan-i bithe, 119 Irama Pencabut Nyawa, 407 Istana Borang, 405 Istana Pulau Es, 410 It Ki Mui atau Chit Kiam Chap-sanh Kiap , 306

10/16/13 3:14:00 PM

462

It Ki Mui Peng Suanh-chat , 306 Jago Kelana, 405 Jaka Lola, 409 Jaka Wulung, 409 Jalan be ulhibure Can jen heo ši bithe, 98 Jalan de wenjehun andahôri-i goiman bithe, 103 Jang ze mei-ni bithe, 119 Jang ze mei ulabun… bithe, 119 Jasei no yin , 81 Jayaprana – Ni Layonsari, 345, 346 Jāv gun [ci :ev Kun], 201, 208 Jee Toh Moey, 290, 302 Jeo gurun-i bithe, 99, 100 Jeo pu tuwan-i bithe, 110 Jidian dashi zui puti quanzhuan , 120, see also Jigong zhuan, Jigong huofo, Zuiputi Jigong huofo , 293 Jigong zhuan , 146 Ji Liong Jio Cu (sepasang Naga Berebut Mustika), 408 Ji To Moi , 310 Ji Xiaotang , 115 Jiating zhuanzhi zhi mingjian , 180 Jian deng xinhua , xii, 3, 8, 27, 39, 45, 46, 48, 75, 76, 81, 83, 85, 165, 193 Jian deng yuhua , xii, 4, 8, 48, 83, 85, 165 Jian deng yuhua jujie , 85 Jianguang nüxia , 180 Jianhu yefan ji , 45 Jiangdong sanxia , 180 Jianghu nü jianxia , 402 Jianghu nü jianxia , 180

21 Literary Migrations.indd 462

Title Index

Jianghu nüxia , 180 Jianghu qiwen , 180, also titled Jianghu lilan dupian xinshu Jianghu qixia zhuan , 180, 275 Jianghu san nüxia , 394 Jiangnan jianxia , 181 Jiangnan yan , 266 Jie shuihu , see Dangkou zhi , Xu shuihu Jinfen xi , 103 Jingu qiguan , xii, 10, 40, 51, 74, 79, 80, 133, 150, 181, 256, 280, 288, 369 Jinguo yingxiong , 181 Jinjian diaoling , 405 Jinling sanjie , 181 Jinlong baodian , 405 Jin Ping Mei , xii, 9, 15, 20, 25, 39, 51, 58, 81, 95, 103–106, 107, 122, 124, 143 Jin xiang ting , 106, 144 Jinyu yuan , see Honglou meng Jin Yun Xiao zhuan , xii, 9, 106, 167 Jingcisi jidian luohan xian sheng ji , 114 Jinghua yuan , xix, 181, 260 Jing liyei ǰuwan-u bicig, 142 Jing ping mei kemekü bicig, 143 Jing shi tongyan , 79, 81 Jing z’e s’e de Ji diyan lo han-i enduri beye be sabuha bithe, 114 Jingzhong shuo yue , 292, 302 Jingzhong Wumuwang zhuan , 116 Jiuhen ge , 407 Jiu kujian , 181 Jiumei qiyuan , 181

10/16/13 3:14:00 PM

Title Index

Jiuming qiyuan , 261 Jiuyi shibaxia , 149 Jiuyun meng , 35 Jiuzhou shenjian , 181 Jiyacing qaghan-u üliger, 143 Jodoh Rajawali, 410 Joo siyang (go)-i bithe, 106, 119 Juedai shuangjiao , 398, 403 Jue qing shi sanlang , 405 Jue sai chuan feng lu , 404 Jue shi mingyan , 10, 106, see also Liancheng bi Julergi nadan gurun-i bithe, 109 Julergi Sung gurun-i bithe, 109 Juwan juwe jergingge taktu sere bithe, 115 ǰegün Qan ulus-un bicig, 138 ǰüng dakini, 136 ǰüng dakini-yin teüke, 121 ǰüng-ku-ǰin teüke, 121 ǰüng u yen-i bicigh, 121 ǰuu ulus-un bicig, 146 Kaebyŏk yŏnŭi , 56 Kaesomun chŏn , 56 Kaidan zensho , 76, 83 Kaigai kidan , 87 Kakinegusa , 86 Kanadehon Chûshingura , 87 Kang-Lam Ciu-Hiap (Pendekar Aneh Dario Kang Lam), 408 Kang-Lam Koay-Hiap, 408 Kang t’aegong chŏn , 56 Kang yu silgi , 48 Kaññā tāv dibv Ŝūluṅ, 231 Kao Tjè Tian, 366 Karena Wanita, 409 Kasih di Antara Remaja, 409

21 Literary Migrations.indd 463

463

Katresnan Donja-Akérat, 340, 344, 388, 391 Keajaiban Negeri Es, 404 Kedele Maut, 407 Kek-Hua Siochia , 305 Kemelut di Mojopahit, 410 Kemelut di Ujung Ruyung Emas, 404 Kereta Berdarah, 404 Keris Pusaka dan Kuda Iblis, 408 Keris Pusaka Empu Gandring, 408 Keris Pusaka Nogopasung, 410 Kexin lu , 106 Khian Leong Koon Yeow Kang Lam , 297 Khiang Tai Kong , 305 Không Đồng Kỳ Hiệp, 181 Khuê Tú Anh Tài, 179 Kiizô danshû , 75 Ki Sampe Ni Entae, 348–354 Kian Long Kun, 369 Kiang Tjoe Gé, Taki, 367 Kích Hoa Duyên, 181 Kiếm Quang Nữ Hiệp, 180 Kikka no chigiri , 81 Kilat Pedang Membela Cinta, 400, 410 Kim Cổ Kỳ Quan, 181 Kim Hwa Piauw, 409 Kim Ko Kee Quan , 302 Kim Ko K(h)i Kwan , 311 Kim Kong Kiam, 409 Kim Lăng Tam Kiệt, 181 Kim Tjoa Kiam atau Pedang Ular Mas, 401 Kim Vân Kiều , 167 Kin Ko Kie Koan , 369 Kin Koh Khi Kwan , 296 Kin siyang ting-ni bithe, 106 Kisah Bangsa Petualang, 401 Kisah Membunuh Naga, 402 Kisah Panah 7 Warna (Thay It To Liong Kiam), 402

10/16/13 3:14:01 PM

464

Kisah Para Pendekar Pulau Es, 410 Kisah Pedang Sungai Es (Peng Ho we Kiam), 403 Kisah Sepasang Rajawali, 410 Kisah Si Bangau Putih, 400, 410 Kisah Si Rase Terbang (Hui Hou Gwa Toan), 403 Kisah Tokoh di Negeri Asing (Ek Gwa To Liong), 403 Kitab Pustaka, 407 Kiyenlung qaghan tayisi-daghan saghurin-i negüdegsen… debter, 157 Kongque ling , 405 Kongtong qixia , 181 Koran Giok Lek, 235, 252 Korban Keempat, 406 Köke sudur, 130 Kôya Takao , 88 Kuai shu , see Zhao shi bei Kuangxia tianjiao monü , 405 Kuda Binal, 409 Kuda Putih, 401 Kuilei xia , 404 Kunlun Hiap Kek, 409 Kunlun wu jianxia , 181 Kuun mong , 28, 35, 46, 53, 58, 70, 72 Kuwang (Guwang) jei šeng-ni bithe, 107 Kŭmgo kigwan , 56 Kŭmo sinhwa , 27, 45, 46 Kwak Punyang chŏn , 56 Kwan Im Hu Tjio, 366 Kwan unjang silgi , 49 La Thông Tảo Bắc, 182 Lahirnya Dedengkot Silat, 404 Lam Io Hoa Kong, 369

21 Literary Migrations.indd 464

Title Index

Lam Koon Ong Soon Pin , 304 Lao Pang, Tjo Pak Ong, 371 Lăng Vân Kiếm Khách, 182 Leak Gua Gajah, 409 Lee Lo-chia , 305 , Leifeng ta (qizhuan) 204, 280, also titled Baishejing ji Lek Bohtan , 305 Lembah Merpati (Wan Yo Kok), 402 Lembah Nirmala, 407 Lembah Tiga Malaikat, 406 Lencana Pembunuh Naga, 406 Lengmian xia , 405 Lengyan nümo , 407 Leou Chay , 302 Leow Chai , 311 Li Cunxiao yanyi , 181 Li Kong , 370 Li Shim Bin Yu Thé Yu, 245 Li Shimin you difu , 245, 335 Li Si Bin , 235, 241, 242, 243, 338 Li Yuanhong xiaoshi , 181 Liancheng bi , 10, 107, also titled Jue shi mingyan lian chengbi Lianghan yanyi , 51 Liang jiaohun (xiaozhuan) , 107, 145 Liangjin yanyi , 51 Liang Shanbo yu Zhu Yingtai , 5, 230, 235, 240, 256, 341, 371 Liang Tianlai , 261 Liaozhai zhiyi , xii, 8, 33, 58, 95, 107, 133, 181, see also (Zefan) liaozhai zhi yi

10/16/13 3:14:01 PM

Title Index

Liau Chai , 32 Lịch Sử Lê Nguyên Hồng, 181 Lịch Sử Phùng Ngọc Tường, 179 Lie Eng Tjhoen, 371 Lieguo zhi (zhuan) , 76, 108, 135, 254 , 137, 181 Lienü jian Lienü zhuan , 34, 39, 47 Lie Sie Bi(e)n Ijoe Tee Hoe , 315, 325, 326 Lie Tjun Hao, 367 Lietkok , 221 Liexian zhuan , 58 Liệt Nữ Kiếm, 181 Liễu Trai Chí Dị, 181 Lim Liong Tjaij atawa satoe anak jang dapet membalas moesoeh ajahnja, 263 Lin el boo bithe, 108 Liner bao , 108 Linghu sheng meng lu , 45 Lingnan yishi , 181 Lingyun jianke , 182 Lĩnh Nam Dật Sử, 181, 182 Lĩnh Nam Trἱch Quái , 164 Lintang-Lintang Dadi Seksi, 409 Liong-Sam Tung Hiap (Si Tongkat Sakti Menebus Kekalahan), 408 Lip Guan Poh Kuan , 299 Liu dajiangjun ping wo zhanji , 260 Liujian tong , 182 Liyan ceng bi bithe, 107 Liyan el boo bithe, 108 Liyang giyoo hôn bithe, 107 Liyoo jai j’i i bithe, 107 Lo cā [la :o ca:], 208 Lo Hong Hun, Lek Botan, 367 Lo T(h)ong , 235, 240

21 Literary Migrations.indd 465

465

Lo Tjan, Lo Kun, Pek Giok S(i)ong, 367 Lo Tong (Sau Pak), 338, 366 , 298 Loh Thong Sau Pak Long Đồ Công Án, 182 Long feng jinchai zhuan , 369 Longfeng (pei) zaisheng yuan , 11, 126, 262, see Meng Lijun Long Hính Quái Khách, 182 Long Phượng Tái Sinh uan Duyên, 182 Longtan Bao Luo qishu , see Lü mudan Longtu gong’an , 51, 149, 182 Long xiang jian , 405 Longxing guaike , 182 Lỗ Hoa Nương, 182 Lu ding ji , 399, 407 Lu huaniang , 182 Lu-mu-tan bicig, 157 Lu-mu-tang kemekü teüke, 157 Lu xiao feng , 404 Lục Giã Tiên Tung, 182 Lục Kiếm Đồng, 182 Lục Lâm Bát Kiếm, 182 Lục Mẫu Đơn, 182 Lui Hong Thah , 310 Luk’ ŝāv hvun, 231 Lunyu , 77, 127 Luo Tong sao bei , 140, 182, 235, 240, 256, 288, 366 Luwe Tung, 140 Lülin bajian , 182 Lü mudan , 144, 182, 256, 261, 262, 274, 292, 367, also titled Siwangting quanzhuan , Longtan Bao Luo qishu , Hongbi yuan

10/16/13 3:14:02 PM

466

Lüye xianzong , 182 Lưu Vīnh Phúc, 231 Lwee Hong Tak , 300, 302 Lý Tồn Hiếu Diễn Nghĩa, 181 Ma Dya O, 240 , 182 Mafeng jianke Má Hồng Điện Đảo, 179 Ma Phong Kiếm Khách, 182 Ma Tjoang ( ), 371 Ma Tjoen , 238, 241 Ma Tjoen, San Ha Beng, 368 Ma Tjoen ( ), Tjarios nagari Tjina, 241 Ma Y Nữ, 183 Mai Lương Ngọc Diễn Nghĩa, 182 Mai Yew Long , 296 Mai you lang , 280 Maiyoulang duzhan huakui , 80 Maiyurô , 88 Manboksa chŏp’o ki , 45 Man Hoang Kiếm Hiệp, 182 Mảnh Gửơng Chuyên Chế Trong Gia Đình, 180 Manhuang jianxia , 182 Manju nikan hergen-i kamcime araha Ilan gurun-i bithe, 112 Manusia Beratjun (Djin Kan Giam Ong), 402 Manusia Srigala (Yinyang jie ), 407 Manusia Tanpa Wujud, 407 Mātu Bhūmi, 231 Me aṃpau tāv āc(m) phkāy, 231 Mei Liangyu yanyi , 182 Meiren shu , see Guixiu yingcai Memburu Naga Kemala, 406 Mendali Wasiat, 403

21 Literary Migrations.indd 466

Title Index

, 11, 262, 368, Meng Lijun also titled Longfeng (pei) zaisheng yuan Mengzhong yuan , 183 Mengzi , 127 Merdeka Atau Mati, 409 Mi deng yinhua , 165 Mi jian chen xing , 404 Mingdi fengyun lu , 403 Mingjian fengli, , 403 Mingshi yanyi , 108, 183 Ming ulus-un Hung-wu mandsan bicig, 143 Mingzhu yuan , 183 Minh Châu Duyên, 183 Minh Thế Đức Diễn Nghĩa, 183 Misteri Kapal Layar Pancawarna, 404 Monggyŏlchegal yang , 49 Monggyŏl ch’ohan song , 49 Moqin sandie , 407 Moyi nü , 183 Moying xiangche , 404 Mozhong xia , 405 Mộc Lan Tòng Quân, 183 Mộng Trung Duyên, 183 Mugui ying , 108 Mu gui ing-i ulabun, 108 Mulan cong jun , 183, 260, 369 Mumok wang chŏngch’ung nok , 56 Muraki gebungge niyalma-i julen, 109 Musuh di Balik Selimut, 403 Mutiara Hitam, 410 Mutiara Pusaka (Djin Kan Giam Ong), 402 Mu ye liu xing , 405

10/16/13 3:14:03 PM

Title Index

Na Kong Ann , 311 Nah-Kong — Tong Pak Han di zaman Liat Kok, 306 Naga Kontra Harimau, 40 Nam Du Huệ Quang, 183 Nam yŏnbuju chi , 45 Nanke ji , 58 Nansong , 109 Nansô satomi hakkenden , 79, 81, 84 Nantang yanyi quanzhuan , 155 Nanyou huaguang , 183, see also Nanyou ji Nanyou ji , 369 Neo Thian Lye , 301 Nga Ha Ping Lam, 241 Ngo-Chu Low-Tang-Kia , 301 Ngọc Đường Xuân, 191 Ngọc Kiều Lê Tân Truyện , 169 Ngọc Lê Hồn, 191 Ngọc Uyên Ương, 191 Ngô Việt Xuân Thu, 189 Ngũ Hoa Kiếm Diễn, 188 Ngũ Hổ Bình Liêu, 188 Ngũ Hổ Bình Nam, 188 Ngũ Hổ Bình Tây, 188 Ngũ Hổ Hiệp Khách, 188 Ngũ Kiếm Thập Bát Nghĩa, 188 Ngũ Kiếm Triều Vương, 188 Ngũ Nhạc Kỳ Hiệp, 189 Ngũ Nữ Hừng Đường, 189 Ngũ Tử Tư, 189 Nguyễn Sử Diễn Nghĩa, 191 Nhạc Phi Diễn Nghĩa, 191 Nhật Chi Mai Đại Hiệp Si, 191 Nhật Ký Sợ Vợ, 183 Nhị Độ Mai, 177 Nhi Nữ Tạo Anh Hùng, 177 Nigen dabqur asar, 131

21 Literary Migrations.indd 467

467

Nü bawang , 183 Nü bao fuchou , 183 Nü junzi yanyi , 183 Nüxia hongniangzi , 183 Nüxian waishi , 40 Nüxiucai yi hua jie mu , 169 Nü yingxiong , 183, 371 Nüzi caishu , see Guixiu yingcai Nữ Anh Hùng, 183 Nữ Bá Vương, 183 Nữ Hiệp Hồng Nương Tử, 183 Nữ Quân Tử Diễn Nghĩa, 183 O Chasŏ chŏn , 56 O Pé Tjoa, 368 O Pek Cyang, 246 Oa Kong dare’ kebo ‘ka, 371 Oan Hồn Kiếm, 191 Oei Bu Hoo, 370 Oho taejang ki , 49 Oju yŏnmun changjŏn san’go , 57 Olan ulus-un teüke or Olan ulus-un bicig, 135 Ong Bun Eng, 370 Ong Cheow Koon Hoe Huan , 297 Ong Tjiau Kun, 368 Ong Tjiauw Koen, 269 Otogibôko , 27, 46, 76, 83 Ouw Bin Hiap (Si Muka Buruk), 408 Ouwyang Heng-Tie (Sepasang Jago Kembar), 408 Ow Liat Kok Chee , 304 Ǒu yadam , 51 Pa qi riji , 183 Pag Yu, 246 Pahlawan Gurun (Han Hay Hiong Hong), 403

10/16/13 3:14:03 PM

468

Pahlawan Padang Rumput (Tjhau Guan Eng Hiong), 402 Pai an jingqi , 150 Pak Bie Too, 371 Pak Sian waliseng tujua, 369 Pak t’ongsa , 47 Palaha dan Murka, 404 P’alsea Soaron, Sam yŏk ch’ong hae, Tongmun yuhae, 113 Pan Io or Pang Hiok, 370 Panji Naga Sakti, 405 Pasangan Pendekar, 398 Pat Bee Tor , 296 Patriot Padang Rumput, 405 Patung Dewi Kwan-Im, 408 Pau Kong An, 32 Payung Sengkala, 405 Pé Hong Giok, 370 Pé Lean Kao, 369 Pedang Bunga Bwee, 405 Pedang Hati Suci, 403 Pedang Inti Es (Pengpok Hankong Kian), 401 Pedang Kanan Pedang Kiri, 403 Pedang Karat Pena Beraksara, 406 Pedang Membela Cinta Pedang Panjang Usia, 405 Pedang Patah Hati, 406 Pedang Pelangi, 407 Pedang Pusaka Naga Putih, 400 Pedang Tetesan Airmata, 399, 407 Pejah Kawan Dasa Dinten, 247 Pek Botan , 301 Pek Ho Tang, 371 Pek I Lihiap (Dara Pendekar Baju Putih), 408 Pek Liong Pokiam (Pedang Pusaka Naga Putih), 400, 407 Pek Lui Eng, 409 Pembakaran Kuil Thian-Lok-Si, 408 Pemberontakan Tai Peng, 410

21 Literary Migrations.indd 468

Title Index

Pembunuh Misterius, 404 Pena Wasiat (Chunqiu bi ), 406 Pendekar Aneh, 402 Pendekar Baja, 404 Pendekar Baju Putih, 408 Pendekar Bego, 406 Pendekar Berwajah Seribu, 407 Pendekar Binal, 398, 403 Pendekar Bodoh (Lanjutan Ang I Niocu), 408 Pendekar Budiman, 404 Pendekar Buta, 409 Pendekar Cacad, 407 Pendekar Cengeng, 410 Pendekar Empat Alis, 404 Pendekar Gagu (Kim Eng Kiam), 402 Pendekar Gelandangan, 406 Pendekar Harum, 403 Pendekar Jembel, 403 Pendekar Kembar, 403 Pendekar Kerajaan Taili (Thian Long Pat Poh), 403 Pendekar Kidal, 403 Pendekar Langkah Ajaib, 407 Pendekar Lembah Naga, 410 Pendekar Mata Keranjang, 410 Pendekar Patung Mas, 404 Pendekar Rajawali Sakti (Sin Tiau Hiap Lu), 398, 402 Pendekar Remaja, 408 Pendekar Riang, 406 Pendekar Sadis, 410 Pendekar Sakti, 403 Pendekar Sakti (Bu-Pun-Si), 409 Pendekar Satu Jurus, 404 Pendekar Sejati, 403 Pendekar Setia, 303 Pendekar Super Sakti, 410 , 262 Peng gong’an

10/16/13 3:14:04 PM

Title Index

Penglai xiake , 183 Peng Tjoan Thian Li, 402 Peng Tjong Hiap Eng, 397, 401 Perawan Lembah Wilis, 410 Pertentangan Kaum Persilatan (Yoe Hiap Eng Hiong), 401 Pesiar di Alam Baka, Bagenda Thay Tjong Idoep Kembali, 317 Petualang Asmara, 410 Phản Đường Diễn Nghĩa, 178 Phản Đường Hậu Chinh Tây, 178 Phấn Trang Lầu Diễn Nghĩa, 178 Phi Long Diễn Nghĩa Nương Tam Hiệp, 178 Phi Long Kiếm Nhị Nương Tam Hiệp, 178 Phi Tiên Thiên Báo Diễn Nghĩa, 178 Phiêu Lưu Hiệp Sĩ, 183 Phong Ba Đình, 178 Phong Kiếm Xuân Thu, 178 Phong Thần Diễn Nghĩa, 179 Phong Trần Kiếm Khách, 178 Phụng Hoàng Đao, 178 Pian Say Hong In (Antjaman Bentjana di Perbatasan), 401 Piaoliu xiashi , 183 Ping min quanzhuan , 13, see also Yang Wenguang ping nanmin Ping Shan Leng Yan , 40, 51, 109, 124, 144, 183 Ping šan lang yen-ü bicig, 144 Ping šan leng yan-i bithe, 109 Pingyang qixia , 183 Ping yao ji , 40 Ping yao zhuan , 80 Pingzong xiaying lu , 397, 401, 404 P’ogong yŏnŭi , 56 Pokiam Bi-jin (Pedang Pusaka Wanita), 408

21 Literary Migrations.indd 469

469

Pow Kong Ann , 311 Pranacitra – Rara Mendut, 345, 346, 357 Puksong yŏnŭi , 56 Pukulan Naga Sakti, 406 Pulau Neraka, 407 Punika layang wacan cariyosipun Cu Hu Cu-Wali Cinten, 244, see also Cu Hu Cu Pusaka Gua Siluman, 409 Pusaka Naga Emas, 405 Pusaka Naga Terbang, 405 Putri Neraka, 404 Putri Radja Gunung (Bu Lim Kian Kun Kiam), 402 Pyŏl samgukchi, 48 P’yŏng San Naeng Yŏn , 56 P’yŏngyo ki , 56 Qan ulus-un Šeng su gi nu bicig, 138 Qan ulus-un Sioi qan giuwan-u bicig terigün debrer, 138 Qiguo zhi (yanyi) , 135, 183 Qijian shisanxia yanyi , 184, 293 Qijian xia tianshan , 293, 397, 402 Qixia wuyi , 184, 274 Qixie ji , 58 Qiangu yingxiong renwu , 406 Qian hou Qiguo zhi , 109, 371 Qianlong (jun) you jiangnan , 254, 293, 307, 369, also titled Qianlong huang xia jiangnan Qianlong xia jiangnan , 184

10/16/13 3:14:04 PM

470

Qianming Zhengde huang you jiangnan zhuan , see Zhengde huang/jun you jiangnan zhuan Qian Qiguo (Sun Pang douzhi yanyi) , 109 Qianshu meihua yi jianhan , 405 Qiao lian zhu , 110 Qiaoshi yanyi , 110 Qingshe baishe , 184 Qinghai fengbo , 184 Qingshe baishe , 184 Qingshi , 184 Qingtian daxia , 184 Qoyitu Süng ulus-un (üliger-ün) bicig, 142 Qu-diye-mei kemekü üliger, 144 Quảng Châu Nữ Hiệp Đoàn, 179 Quantang yanyi , 56 Quanxiang pinghua sanguo zhi , 47 Quần Hùng Kiếm Hội, 184 Quân Trung Đối Ca , 169 Qubilghan ergüm jilegsen teüke [~bicig], 146 Qunxiong jianhui , 184 Qun yingjie yanyi , 184 Rabénipun radja Tig Tjeng, 244 Rachat’hirat, 16 Rahasia Gelang Pusaka, 401 Rahasia Hiolo Kemala, 406 Rahasia Kunci Wasiat, 405 Rahasia Peti Wasiat, 404 Rahasia 180 Patung Emas, 404 Raja Pedang, 409 Rajawali Emas, 409 Renjana Pendekar, 403 Renzhong hua , 101, see Hanche gu

21 Literary Migrations.indd 470

Title Index

Roesianja satoe tjintjin, 263 Roupu tuan , 110 Rulin waishi , 10 Ruong Sām-kok, 229 Sa Kak chŏn , 56 Sabuk Kencana, 405 Sahyir burong, 286 Sai hongsi (xiaoshuo) , 110 Sai hông se bithe, 110 Saiwai qixia zhuan , 395, 402 Sair dari adanja boekoe tjerita Tjina njang soeda disalin bahasa Melajoe, 254 Sair tjerita Sam Pek-Eng Taji, 391 Sair tjerita Sie Lie Tan, 269 Salju Merah, 406 Samgukchi, 48 Samgukchi yŏnŭi, 48, 56 Samguk sagi , 42 Samguk taejŏn , 48 Samguk yusa , 42 Sam Ha Lam Tong , 304 Sam Hai, Lam Thơng, 246 Sam Hup (Beng-Choo) Pohkiam , 296, 306 Samkok (Sam Kok) , 16, 30, 185, 197, 221, 237, 239, 240, 282, 285, 295, 296, 311, 371 Sam Kok Chi , 309 Sam Kok Inn , 300 Sam Liong Shia Thian (Tiga Naga Angkasa), 408 Sam-Liong-To Pulau Tiga Naga), 409 Sam Pek Ing Tae, 235, 237 Sam Pek-Eng Taj: Tresna Dhunnya Aherat, 375 Sam Pek Ing Tai (Katresnan Donja Akérat), 238, 388, 391

10/16/13 3:14:05 PM

Title Index

Sam Pek Ing Tay, 371 Sam Pek Ing Teh, 355 Samphek, Eng Tay, see Boekoe Sairan dari Tjeritanja Samphek, Eng Tay Sampig Intaèh, 240 Sam Pik Ing Tae, 339 Sampik Ingtai, 339 Sam Pokiam , 307 Sam Po Kong, 366 Sam yŏk ch’ong hae , 113 San baojian , 291 Sanbao kai gang xiyang ji , also titled Sanbao taijian xi yang ji, Xiyang ji Sanbao taijian xi yang ji (tong su yanyi) , 14, 34, 257, 361, 364, 366 Sanguo yanyi , see Sanguo zhi yanyi Sanguo yin , 113, 139, 155, 293, also titled Banri yanwang quanzhuan Sanguo zhi (yanyi) , xii, xix, 3, 8, 14, 19, 24, 26, 29, 35, 36, 39, 40, 47, 48, 49, 50, 52, 56, 58, 61, 75, 76, 110–113, 133, 139, 172, 197, 224, 240, 254, 256, 259, 261, 278, 280, 282, 284, 309, 371 Sanguo zhi(tongsu) yanyi , see Sanguo zhi yanyi Sanhe (bao)jian , 185, 288, see Sanhe mingzhu baojian quanzhuan Sanhe mingzhu baojian quanzhuan , 238, 241, 254, 292, 309, 368 San hoa Liehiap, 402 San hua nüxia , 394, 402

21 Literary Migrations.indd 471

471

Sanjiao ounian , 10, 113 Sanjiao tongdao xiaozhuan , see Sanjiao ounian , 113 Sanjiao tongli xiaoshuo , 113 Sanmen jie , 262 Sansheng men , 406 San–siyan-u-i kemekü boo-güng-ün tughuji, 148 Santung Koay Hiap, 408 San xia nantang , 155, 174, 185 Sanxia wuyi , 148, 274 Sanyan erpai , 79, 80, 81 Sanyang taejŏn , 49 Saputangan Berdarah, 409 Saritama, 408 Sa-ssi namjŏng ki , 28, 53 Say-Han , 221, 304 Sām kuk [sa :mkuk], 208, 210, 211, 231 Sāy hān’ [sa :y han], 202 Sebilah Pedang Mustika, 401 See Ijoe (or Yoe) , 316, 319 See Jin Quee Cheng Say , 302 See Jin Quee Cheng Tang , 297 See Yoe Tjien Tjwan , 17, 317–319 See Yu , 405 Seeh Jin Quee Cheng Say , 302 Seh Yew , 295 Sekarsih, 409 Senapati Tik Jing, 241 Sentetsu sôdan , 86 Sepasang Golok Mustika (Wan Yo To), 402

10/16/13 3:14:05 PM

472

Sepasang Pedang Iblis, 410 Serat Ang Dok, 31, 242 Serat Babad Tong Tya (Cariyos Cina), 239 Serat Ing Tai, 339, 340, 356 Serat Jiyantowan / Serat Kiayancowan, 247 Serat Sampik Ing Taè, 240 Setan Harpa, 406 Setan Kober, 409 Sĕrat Tiyang Gĕgriya, 244 Setya Raja, 238, 242 Sha zi bao , 263 Shaer Almarhoem Beginda Sultan Abubakar di Negri Johor, 286 Shair Ong Tjiauw Koen Ho Hoan, 268 Sham Hé Lam Tong, 245 Shandong jianke , 186 Shanhai jing , 42 Shaolin changhen , 186 Shaolin nüxia , 186 Shediao yingxiong zhuan , 394, 398 Shendiao xialü , 397, 398, 402 Shenlong wujian , 186 Shentong chu shi , 186 Shenyang dong ji , 46 Shenghua meng , 114 Sheng xian zhuan , 115, 147 Sheng xiao jian , 115 Shé Yu, 245 Shi’an qiwen , see Shigong’an Shi’er guafu zheng xi , 186 Shi’er lou , 80, 88, 106, see also Jue shi mingyan Shi’er shenlong shier chai , 405 Shi’er zhong lou , 115

21 Literary Migrations.indd 472

Title Index

Shigeshige yawa , 80, 84 Shigong’an , 150, 366, also titled Shi’an qiwen Shiguo yingxiong , 186 Shih Djien Koei Tjing See , 239 Shih Djien Koei Tjing Tang , 239 Shik ñJinKwi, Cing Sho, 245 Shimeisen , 87 Shin Otogibôko , 86 Shinpen Kinpeibai , 81, 84 Shishuo xinyu , 58 Shitai yanliang , 105 Shitou hun , 186 Shitou ji , 144, alternate title of Honglou meng Shoupan mingren guan , 333 Shôhaku sairai shomoku , 85 Shôsetsu eigen , 80 Shôsetsu jii , 74, 84 Shôsetu kigen , 79, 83 Shôsetsu kôgen , 80 Shôsetsu sangen , 79, 80, 81 Shôsetsu seigen , 79, 83 Shôsetsu sengen , 80 Shôsetsu suigen , 79, 84 Shuangfeng qiyuan , 186, 268, 256, 368, see also Zhaojun zhuan , Wang Zhaojun he fan Shuangguang baojian , 186 Shuangmei liangyuan , 186 Shuangxia po jian , 187 Shuigong qinghui lu , 46 Shuihu yanyi , see Shuihu zhuan Shuihu zhi , see Shuihu zhuan

10/16/13 3:14:06 PM

Title Index

Shuihu zhuan , xii, 9, 14, 15, 24, 39, 49, 50, 52, 58, 62, 74, 78, 79, 81, 87, 89, 115–116, 121, 122, 147, 187, 195, 257, 370 Shunzhi guo jiang , 187 Shuo Tang yanyi , 140, 187, 241, 242 Shuo Tang zheng xi , 241 Shuo Yue quanzhuan , 116, 368 Si Djin Kui , 366 Siǰai Tang-yüi kemekü bicig, 154 Si Kong Ann , 311 Si Kong, Hong Kio Li Tan, 367 Si mergen noyan-u üliger [teüke], 150 Si Peng Kui, 369 Si Pintjang (Boe Lim Mo Djit Kie), 402 Si Poet Tjoan, 366 Si Teng San, 367 Si Teratai Emas, 399, 410 Si Walet Hitam (Lanjutan Hwee Thian Kim Hong), 408 Siwangting quanzhuan , alternate title Lü mudan Si yo gi bithe, 118 Siyou ji , 334 Sia Tiauw Eng Hiong , 395 Sian-Li Eng-Cu, 409 Siane, 410 Siang Bhok Kiam, 410 Siang-Ha Ngo-Liong-Huay , 304 Siauw Lim Sam Li-Hiap (Tiga Dara Pendekar Siauw-Lim), 408 Siji-pai ǰuwan-u bicig, 141 Siluman Gua Tengkorak, 410 Sin-Kiam Hok-Mo, 409 Sin Kun Bu Tek (Kepalan Dewa), 408 Sin Tiauw Hiap Lu atau Si Radjawali

21 Literary Migrations.indd 473

473

Sakti dan Pasangan Pendekar, 397, 398, 402 Sin Tjioe Hiap atau Binasanja Satu Kaisar, 401 Sine hung leü meng, 144 Sine seyilügsen öbere ügülel-ün emüne Tang ulus-un jirum-i silghaghsan bürin-e bicig, 141 Sing Süng ǰuwan-u bici, 142 Sio angpauw, 253 , Siwangting quanzhuan see Lü mudan Siya-yi ǰuwan kemekü teüke bicig, 145 Siyau-u-yi, 148 Siyau-u-yi kemekü bicig, 149 Songchao xu xiao wuyi , 158 Song Ciyun yanyi , 187 Song Hiệp Phá Gian, 187 Song Kang , 295, see Shuihu zhuan Song Mỹ Lương Duyên, 186 Song Phưọng Kỳ Duyên, 186 Song Quȧng Bửu Kiếm, 186 Song taizu sanxia nantang , 245, 246, 260, 368 Song Yue Fei , 187, see Shuo Yue quanzhuan (Sonjofi ubaliyambuha) Liyoo jai j’i i bithe, 107 Sophat, 212 Sou shen ji , 39, 42 Sŏju yŏnŭi (Xizhou yanyi ), 56 Sŏl In’gwi chŏn, 63–66, 72 Sơn Đông Kiếm Khách, 186 Sŏyu rok pal , 50 Suat Tong , 310 Sudang yŏnŭi , 56 Sugung yongwang chŏn , 46

10/16/13 3:14:06 PM

474

Suho chi , 56 Sui chon , 42 Suifu jilüe , 140 Sui-qu ǰuwan…, 147 Sui Tang yanyi , 116, 139, 169 Sui Tang zhuan , 187 Sui (?) ulus-un ǰang tai jin bicig, 139 Suixin jian , 406 Suiyuan shihua , 123 Suling Emas & Naga Siluman, 410 Suling Naga, 410 Sushou jie , 404 Suxin jian , 403 Sum Hup Poh Kiam , 296, 298 Sun Bin… ?, 116 Sun bin-i bithe, 116 Sun Ke zhuan , 168, also titled Baiyuan Sun Ke zhuan Sun Pang douzhi yanyi , 40, 109, 256, 367 Sun Pang yanyi , see Sun Pang douzhi yanyi Sun Pin, Bang Koan, 367 Sun Ping, Tjin Sie Ong, 367 Sung gurun-i bithe, 116 Süng Man qoyar ulus-un bicig, 142 Süng ulus-un küiten aghula-yin bicig, 148 Süng ulus-un li qang [variant: cing or ying] qoyar oboghtu yuwan-weiyin jirum-i iletgegsen bicig, 145 Süng ulus-un Siyau-u-yi kemekü bicig, 149 Sư Hổ Mang, 180 Swa Tong Cing E , 241 Swi Hno atau Song Kang , 311 Swi Hnoh , 295

21 Literary Migrations.indd 474

Title Index

Syair burung nuri, 286 Šanyan meihe-i ulabun, 98 Šen-siyan ǰuwan kemekü teüke, 147 Šeng-cin-qui kemekü bicig, 158 Šeng hôwa meng-ni bithe, 114 Šeng hiyoo giyan bithe, 115 Šeng šiyan juwan-i bithe, 115 Šui hô bithe, 115 Šui nô bithe (Šui hô juwan), 115 Ŝi yin guy [si: yin kuy], 208 Ŝū pi aen tāy, 231 Tabun bars emüneki-yi töbsikegsen üliger, 156 Tabun častir, 140 Tabun ǰuwan, 28, 140, 142 Taemyong yŏngyŏl chŏn , 56 Taesong hŭngmang nok , 56 Taiheiki , 78, 81, 87 Taiheiki engi , 78, 83, 87 Tai Lau Sam Boon Kuay , 299 Taiping guangji , 39, 40, 43, 44, 168, 333 Tái Sinh Duyên, 192 Tái Sinh Kỳ Duyên Diễn Nghĩa, 192 Taishō shinshū taizōkei , 72 Taiwan nü jianke , 187 Taiyi shendao , 187 Talapak Maut, 406 Tam Hạ Nam Đường, 185, 186 Tam Hợp Bửu Kiếm, 185 Tam Quốc Chí Diễn Nghĩa, 185 Tàn Đường Diễn Nghĩa, 176 Tan Lee Keng To Ko Tjing, 371 Tan Leon Tik Ian Tan Leon Cong, 247 Tan Pek Eng, 370

10/16/13 3:14:07 PM

Title Index

Tan zhi jing lei , 406 Tangchao ren xiaoshuo , 117 Tang Chay Liat Kok , 304 Tangdai congshu , 117 Tangdai yanyi , 117 Tang gurun I bithe, 116 Tang gurun-i niyalma-i siyoo šo bithe, 117 Tang gurun-i siyoo šo bithe, 117 Tang Jin yanyi , 40 Tangren shuohui , 117 Tangren xiaoshuo , 117 Tangsang-blama…., 146 Tang seng de gushi , 158 Tangshi sanbai shou , 127 Tangshu zhizhuan tongsu yanyi , 117, 140 Tang siyang jui jing (?) , 118 Tang Song yanyi , 117 Tang-song yŏnŭi , 56 Tang T’aejon chŏn , 56, 63, 66, 72 Tang Taizong difu huan hun , 324 Tang Taizong dongming ji , 66 Tang Taizong ru ming ji , 333 Tang ulus-un bicig, 141 Tang ulus-un fun ǰuwang leü kemekü bicig, 141 Tang ulus-un pan Tang-un üliger, 141 Tang ulus-un teüke, 140 Tanggô meyen, 122 Taohuanü yinyang dou zhuan , 370 Taohua shan , 58

21 Literary Migrations.indd 475

475

Taruna Pendekar, 406 Tāv khmoc, 231 Tāv nāg, 231 Tân Nữ Học Sinh, 190 Tân Tam Quốc Chí, 190 Tầu Mā Xuân Thu, 192 Tây Du Diễn Nghĩa, 189 Tây Du Ký, 189 Tây Hớn Diễn Nghĩa, Tây Thi Chuyện Diễn Nghĩa, 189 , 305 Tek Cheng Cheng Pak Tek Tjeng, Ban Hwa Lao, 367 Tek Tjeng, Ngo Hoo Peng Lam , 302, 367 Tek Tjeng, Ngo Hoo Peng Pak , 305 Tek Tjeng, Ngo Hoo Peng See , 367 Telaga Darah, 407 Tengkorak Maut, 405 Tengmu zuiyou jujingyuan ji , 45 Teong Chiat Ghee , 295 Teptalin, 120 Tersesat, 409 Thạch Sanh Truyện , 194, 195 Thạch Đầu Hồn, 186 Thái Ất Thần Đao, 187 Thang sin bla-ma’i rnamthar (thar sdudpa), 158 Thang Yu, 245 Thanh Kiếm Tiên, 189 Thanh Thiên Đại Hiệp, 184 Thanh Xà Bạch Xà, 184 Thần Đồng Xuất Thế, 185 Thần Long Vũ Kiếm, 185 Thập Nhị Quả Phụ Chinh Tây, 186 Thập Quốc Anh Hùng, 186 Thất Hiệp Ngũ Nghĩa, 184 Thất Kiếm Thập Tam Hiệp Diễn Nghĩa, 184

10/16/13 3:14:07 PM

476

Thất Quốc Chí Diễn Nghĩa, 183 Thian Hong Kiam Pedang Keramat, 408 Thian Liong Pat Poh, 398 Thian San Thjit Kiam atau Tudjuh Pendekar dari Thian-san, 397 Thiết Hoa Tiên Sử, 187 Thiếu Lâm Nữ Hiệp, 186 Thiếu Lâm Trường Hận, 186 Thig Jing (?) Ha Ying Lam, 246 Thig Jing (?) Ija Ha Ping Shé, 245 Thjau Guan Eng Hiong, 396 Thuận Trị Quá Giang, 187 Thủy Hử Diễn Nghĩa, 187 Thuyễn Tình Bể Aἱ, 175 Thuyết Đường Diễn Nghĩa, 187 Tiancan qiding , 399, 404 Tianlong babu , 397, 403 Tianlong zhang , 398, 406 Tian mo san , 405 Tian Pah Tor , 303 Tianxiangbiao , 405 Tiat Kie Gin Pan (Lanjutan Go Houw Tjhong Liong), 401 Tiebi shenjian , 406 Tieguan tu (zhuan) , 117, 143, 156 Tiehua xian shi , 187 Tieqi yinping , 401 Tieshu ji , 114, see also Xu Jingyang de dao qin jiao tieshu ji Tiết Đinh Sơn Chinh Tây, 190 Tiết Nhân Quý Chinh Đông, 190 Tiểu Hiệp Phục Thù, 190 Tiếu Hồng Bào Hȧi Thụy, 189 Tiếu Lâm Tân Thuyết, 189 Tiểu Ngũ Nghĩa, 189 Tiểu Nữ Hiệp, 189 Tiga Dara Pendekar (Kangouw Li Hiap), 402 Tiga Naga Sakti, 400

21 Literary Migrations.indd 476

Title Index

Tiga Pedang Tujuh Ruyung, 404 Tiga Tokoh Naga Sakti, 405 Tik cheṅ [tek che: ṇ], 202, 208 Tik Tjhing Ban Hwa Lauw , 239 Tik Tjhing Ping See , 239 Tinh Sử, 184 Tio Khong In, Hoei Liong Thoan , 239 Tio Kong In San He Lam Tong, 368 Tio Kong Inn , 306 Tiong Chiat Ghee , 296 Tiyan Ghuwan-tu kemekü yeke Ming bicig-eče tasulan…, 143 Tiyei guwan tu-i bithe, 117 Tjarètaèpon Pandji Semirang, 390 Tjé Siao Tong, 369 Tjeng Tek Kun, 368, 369 Tjerita Bie Giok Siotjia, 263 Tjerita Keizer Lie Sie Bin Yoe Tee Hoe, 317 Tjerita Sam Pek dan Eng Tay, 391 Tjhau Guan Eng Hiong or Pahlawan-Pahlawan Padang Rumput, 395, 396 Tjhit Liap Sing atau Bintang Toedjoe, 258 Tjie Hong Piauw (Riwajat Lioe Bong Liong), 401 Tjin Sio Po, Tjapé Loo Oan Ong, 366 Tjo Pa Ong, Han Sin, 369 Tju Hin Taé Tju, 370 To Hoa Li, 370 To Liong To atau Golok Pembunuh Naga, 398 Toat Beng Moli, 409 Tombak Pusaka Kyai Santanu (Jaka Galing), 408 Tonghan yŏnŭi , 56 Tongkat Rantai Kumala (Kim Lan Phay), 402 Towŏn kyŏrŭi rok , 56

10/16/13 3:14:08 PM

Title Index

Tôhon ruishokô , 85 Tồng Địch Thanh (Vạn Hoa Lầu), 188 Tống Nhạc Phi, 187 Tống Từ Vân Diễn Nghĩa, 187 Tống Từ Vân Diễn Nghĩa, 187 Tôwa jisho ruishû , 85, 87 Tôwa ruisan , 78, 86 Tôwa sanyô , 78, 83 Trong Gia Đình, 180 Trung Hoa Nữ Phi Tướng, 192 Truyện Bạch Viên Tôn Các , 168 Trường Giang Quái Nữ, 176 Truyện Hoa Tiên , 168 Truyền Kỳ Mạn Lục , 27, 164, 165, 194 Truyền Kỳ Tân Phả , 27, 165 Truyện Lâm Tuyền Kỳ Ngộ , 168 Truyện Nhạc Phi, 191 Truyện Nữ Tú Tài , 169 Truyện phật bà quan âm , 169 Truyện Quần Anh Kiệt, 184 Truyện Tây Du , 169 Truyện Tây Sương , 167 Truyện Tô Công Phụng Sứ , 168 Truyện Tùy Đường, 187 Truyện Vương Tường , 167 Tseng Say , 310 Tseng Tang , 310 Tsûzoku Chûgi suikoden , 78, 83 Tsûzoku Heiyôden , 80, 84 Tsûzoku Kansogundan , 76, 83, 86 Tsûzoku Kokonkikan , 80, 84

21 Literary Migrations.indd 477

477

Tsûzoku Kômin eiretsuden , 77, 78, 83 Tsûzoku Rekkokushi goetsugundan , 76, 83, 86 Tsûzoku Rekkokushi zenpen buôgundan , 86 Tsûzoku Rekkokushi zenpen jûnichôgundan , 86 Tsûzoku Saiyûki , 80, 88 Tsûzoku Sangokushi , 76, 83, 86 Tsûzoku Sekijôki’en , 80, 84 Tsûzoku Seikokawa, 84 Tu long ling , 406 Tục Thất Kiếm Thập Tam Hiệp, 190 Tục Anh Hùng Náo Tam Môn Giai, 190 Tục Tái Sinh Duyên, 190 Tục Thủy Hử, 190 Tục Tiêu Ngũ Nghĩa, 190 Tudjuh Pendekar Thian San (Tian San Tjhiat Kiam), 402 Tujuh Pusaka Rimba Persilatan, 399, 404 Tuk Tonlé Sap, 229 Tùy Đường Diện Nghĩa, 187 Tuyết Hồng Lệ Sử, 190 Ubaliyambuha jalan de wenjehun andahôri-i goiman bithe, 105, 118 Ugetsu monagatari , 81, 84 Ulaghan-a ukilaqu tingkim, 131 Ular Merah, 400 Ulchi Kyŏngdŏk chŏn , 56 U-mei- ǰuwan-u bicig, 144 Un capitaine de quinze ans, 152

10/16/13 3:14:09 PM

478

Urughsad-un irügel kemekü teüke, 153 U-tu ǰuwan kemekü ǰan tiyen si tabun qooratai simnus-i darughsan teüke, 147 Uyên Ương Kiếm, 191 Vạn Hoa Lầu Diễn Nghĩa, 187, 188 Vạn Lý Kỳ Duyên, 188 Vạn Niên Thanh, 188 Vân Thiên Lãnh, 191 Vĩnh Khánh Thăng Bình, 191 Việt Điện U Linh Tập , 164 Vira puras cāṅ vū chīeo, 231 Võ Tắc Thiên Tứ Đại Kỳ Án, 189 Vọ lẽ của tôi, 191 Wagangzhai yanyi , 245, 257, 366 Wakan kawa tonoibumi , 84, 88 Wanhua lou (yanyi) , 142, 187, 188, 221, 241, 256, 260, 267, 285, 367 Wanli qiyuan , 188 Wanli xiongfeng , 405 Wannian qing , 188 Wang Yangming xiansheng… …, 114 Wang Zhaojun he fan , 292 Wargi Han gurun-i bithe, 118 Weitang qiyu ji , 45 Wohu canglong , 401 Wŏn saeng mongyu rok , 47 Wuhu ping liao , 188 Wu hu ping nan (yanyi) , 141, 188, 221, 236, 241, 256, 367 Wu hu ping xi, , 188, 221, 241, 245, 256, 367

21 Literary Migrations.indd 478

Title Index

Wuhu xiake , 188 Wuhuajian yanyi , 188 Wujian chao wang , 188 Wulin bazhu , 404 Wulin shijie , 407 Wulin waishi , 404 Wumei yuan , 144, 254, 282, 295, also titled Daming zhuan , Zaisheng yuan (quanzhuan) Wumu jingzhong zhuan , 116 Wumuwang zhenzhong lu , 40 Wunü xing tang , 12, 189 Wuqing bijian , 404 Wusheng xi , see Lian chengbi Wushu nao dongjing , Wuying dushen , 405 Wu Yue chunqiu , 189 Wu Yue qixia , 189 Wu Zetian gai tang yanyi , see Fan Tang yanyi Wu Zetian sida qi’an , 189 Wu Zixu , 189 Wuzi zhenjing

, 407

Xe wan ǰuwan-u bicig gedeg tughuji, 138 Xihan yanyi , 118, 133, 138, 153, 189, 202, 292, 369, 371 Xihu jiahua , 80, 88 Xijing zaji , 168 Xi Shi zhuan yanyi , 189 Xixiang ji , 34, 58, 78, 104, 194 Xiyang ji , see Sanbao taijian xiyang ji

10/16/13 3:14:09 PM

Title Index

Xiyou bu , 371 Xiyou ji , xii, xix, 3, 9, 39, 47, 50, 51, 56, 62, 67, 80, 127, 118, 146, 169, 189, 245, 257, 260, 282, 316, 317, 319, 321, 323, 324, 325, 328, 334, 366, 405 Xiyou yanyi , see Xiyou ji Xiyou zhenquan , 319, 324 Xizhou lieguo zhi , 56, 254 Xizhou yanyi , 41 Xizhou zhi siyou zhuan , 52 Xiake qianqiu , 406 Xiake xing , 403 Xianü jiu fu ji , 275 Xianü qiyuan , see Ernü yingxiong zhuan Xiayi fengyue zhuan , see Haoqiu zhuan Xianjian , 189 Xianzhen yishi , 41 Xiao ao jianghu , 403 Xiao bayi ,149 Xiao’er lun , 242 Xiao Hong’er , 260 Xiao Hongpao (Hai Rui) , 189, 253 Xiao jianke , 274 Xiaojing , 127 Xiaoli feidao , 404 Xiaolin xinshuo , 189 Xiao nüxia , 189 Xiao wuyi , 149, 189 Xiaoxia fu chou , 190 Xinke Zhong Wuyan niangniang quanzhuan , 136, 154 Xin nüxuesheng , 190 Xin sanguo zhi , 190 Xing feng liu , 41

21 Literary Migrations.indd 479

479

Xing shi hengyan , 79, 80 Xu honglou meng , 41, 58 Xu Jingyang de dao qin jiao tieshu ji , 114 Xu qijian shisanxia , 190 Xu shuihu , 190, see also Dangkou zhi Xu shuo tang zhizuan , see Fenzhuang lou (quanzhuan) Xu xiao wu yi , 190 Xu yingxiong nao sanmen jie , 190 Xu zaisheng yuan , 190 Xuanhe yishi , 58 Xue Dingshan zheng xi , 141, 190, 238, 242, 256, 288, 367 Xuehe che , 404 Xuehong leishi , 190 Xuejiajiang yanyi , 63 Xuemei si jun , 256 Xue Rengui zheng dong , 5, 140, 190, 224, 238, 241, 242, 243, 245, 256, 268, 288, 366 Xue Rengui zhuan , 41, 56 Xueshan feihu , 398 Xueying men , 407 Xue yue mei zhuan , 41 Xuezhang dangmo , 406 Yanhua qishi , 190 Yangjiajiang , 109, 368, see also Yangjia(jiang) (tongsu) yanyi Yangjia(jiang) (tongsu) yanyi , 124, 142, 246 Yang Zongbao po qishier zhen , 246 Yang Sanbaek chŏn, 63, 68–69

10/16/13 3:14:10 PM

480

Yang Wenguang ping nanmin , 190, 256, 292, 368, alternate title Pingmin quanzhuan Yaochi xianü , 190 Yaohua zhuan , 41 Yeke Tang ulus-un baraghun Liyangyi toghtaghaghsan bicig, 141 Yeke Tang ulus-un bicig, 140 Yeke Tang ulus-un egüskel-ün teüke, 140 Yeke Tang ulus-un el-dü-mei kemekü bicig, 144 Yeke Tang ulus-un Lüwe Tüng süwe be ǰuwan-u bicig, 140 Yeke Tang ulus-un ping bei ǰuwan, 155 Yeke Tang ulus-un qoyitu-yi töbsidkegsen Quwa Mu-lan-u üliger, 139 Yeke Tang ulus-un siǰai Tang-yüi bicig, 141 Yeke Tang ulus-un siüwei li nu ǰegün liyoo-yi töbsidkegsen… debter, 141 Yeo Boon Kong Cheng Lam-Ban , 305 Yên Hoa Kỳ Sử, 190 Yijian gai zhongyuan , 405 Yi saeng kyujang chŏk , 45 Yi tian tu long ji , 398, 402, 403 Yizhimei da xiashi , 191, 293 Yin bing shi heji , 159 Yinsheng jian , 191 Yin xiashi , 191 Yinyang jie , 407 Yinglie chunqiu , 156

21 Literary Migrations.indd 480

Title Index

Yinglie yanyi , 191 Yinglie zhuan , 77, 119, 142, 156 Yingxiong nao sanmen jie , 191 Yingxiong wulei , 399, 407 Yirtinčü-yi mandughulughci teüke liu-yüi-siyan-u üliger, 145 Yo Tjong Po , 239 Yong Cong Pong Bak Jit Cap ñJi Thin, 246 Yonggung puyŏn nok , 46 Yongle dadian , 334 Yongqing sheng ping , 191 You difu Taizong huan hun , 324 You long xi feng , 191 Youlong yinfeng , 404 Youxia , 404 Youxia fengliu , 407 Youxia yingxiong zhuan , 401 Youxian ku , 74, 85 Youyang zazu , 58 You zhuling Shanquandong , 337 Yŏlguk chi , 56 Yŏllyŏ chŏn , 57 Yŏlsŏn chŏn , 57 Yuchi jing de zhuan , 56 Yuchu zhi , 58 Yudai piaoxiang , 405 Yu Jiao Li , 119, 169, 370 Yüli baochao quanshi wen , 243, 252, 321 Yuli hun , 191 Yu long …, 119 Yu shi mingyan , 79, 81 Yu tang chun , 191 Yu yuanyang , 191 Yuwai du long , 403

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Title Index

Yuzan ji , 167 Yuzhi ji , 119 Yuzhi ji xiaozhuan , 119 Yu zhi qi , 191, 263 Yuanhun jian , 191 Yuanshi yanyi , 191 Yuanyang jian , 191 Yue Fei yanyi , 191 Yue Fei zhuan , 191 Yun tian ling , 191 Yunzhong luo xiuxie , 195 Zaishengyuan , 192, see also Wumei yuan (Zefan) liaozhai zhi yi , 107, see also Liaozhai zhi yi Zhang zi (or si) mei…, 119 Zhaojun zhuan , 133, 138 Zhao shi bei , 80, 84, 88, alternate title Kuai shu Zhao (or Zao) xian(g) gu (or ge)…, 119 Zhengdehuang/jun you jiangnan (zhuan) , 192, 257, 262, 368, also titled You long xi feng Zhengde jun bai mudan , 369, see also Bai mudan Zheng dong Xue Rengui zhuan , 63, 71, see also Xue Rengui zhengdong

21 Literary Migrations.indd 481

481

Zheng xi yanyi , 192, 238, 242, 288, see also Xue Dingshan zheng xi Zhong guomu zhuan , 136 Zhonghua nüfeijian Zheng Yüxiu , 192 Zhong jie yi , 280, 288 (Zhong Lichun) zhiyong ding Qi , 121 Zhongli hulu , 51 Zhonglie xiayi zhuan , 41 Zhonglie xiao wuyi zhuan , 41 Zhongnan xuehen , 192 Zhong Wuyan , 24, 136, 192, 293 Zhong Wuyan niangniang , Zhong Wuyan zhuan , 136 Zhong Wuyan zou hui , 11, 137 Zhongyong , 77, 127 Zhu Hongwu yanyi , 257 Zhu longjian , 192 Zhuzi jiaxun , 238 Zizhi xinshu , 85 Zoku Otogibôko , 86 Zoo siyan gu-i bithe, 120 Zou ma chunqiu , 192, 371 Zui puti , 120, alternate title Jigong dashi Zui puti quanzhuan Zui pu ti-i bithe, 120

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LIST OF PLATES 1.

First page of a Korean block print edition of “The Story of Sǒl in’gwi”, Sǒl In’gwi chǒn, kept in the Institute of Oriental Studies in St Petersburg. 2. First page of the Korean block print edition of “The Story of T’aejong of Tang”, Tang T’aejong chǒn, kept in the Institute of Oriental Studies in St Petersburg. 3. First page of the Korean block print edition of “The Story of Yang Sanbaek”, Yang Sanbaek chǒn, kept in the Institute of Oriental Studies in St Petersburg. 4. First page of the Korean block print edition of “The Story of Chǒk Sǒngǔi”, Chǒk Sǒngŭi chǒn, kept in the Institute of Oriental Studies in St Petersburg. 5–6. Title page and first page of Okajima Kanzan’s Taiheiki engi, 1st ed. 1719, kept in the Tôkyô University Library. 7–8. Title page and first page of Okajima Kanzan’s Tsûzoku Chûgi suikoden, edition of 1757, kept in the Tôkyô University Library. 9–12. Title page, preface and first page of Okada Hakku’s Shôsetsu seigen, facsimile of the edition of 1743, kept in the Tôkyô University. 13. First page, first chapter of the Manchu manuscript translation of the Jin Ping Mei, kept in the Free University, West Berlin. 14. Page from the first chapter of the Manchu translation of the Sanguo printed in 1650. 15–16. Two pages from the bilingual print (Manchu-Chinese) of the Sanguo c. 1730. 17–18. Two pages of a Mongolian illustrated manuscript translation of the Jingu qiguan, private collection of the Mongolian Academician Ts Damdinsüren (alias Ce. Damdinsürüng), Ulan Bator. 19–20. Title page and illustration from the Vietnamese nôm version of

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List of Plates

483

the Erdu mei (Nhị Độ Mai) or “The Plum Tree Flowers Twice”, published in Hanoi in 1876, and kept at the INALCO Library in Paris. 21. Title page from the Vietnamese nôm version entitled Chiêu Quan Cống Hồ Thu that retells the story of the princess Wang Zhaojun. It was printed in Foshan (Guangdong province) probably in 1875 and is kept at the INALCO Library in Paris. 22. Front cover of the Vietnamese version of Lienü jian published in Hanoi in 1923. Private collection. 23. First page of a Javanese manuscript version in verse of “The Five Generals’ Conquest of the South” dated 1913. Private collection. 24. Illustration taken from the Javanese manuscript version of the story of Li Si Bin (dated 1858) based on Xue Dingshan zheng dong or “Xue Rengui Clears the East”, kept in the Leiden University library. 25–26. Title pages of two Chinese novels published in Xiamen (Fujian province) in 1828 and 1859, respectively, viewed in a private collection in Java. (“Complete Account of the Pacification of Fujian” and “Account of the Western Ocean”). 27–28. Illustrations from the Malay translation of the story of Wang Zhaojun published in Batavia in 1884. Private collection. 29. Illustration from the Malay translation of Xue Rengui zheng dong by Lim Ho Hin published in Batavia in 1884. Private collection. 30. Front cover of the Malay translation of the Fan Tang yanyi published in Singapore from 1891 to 1893 and kept in the University of Malaya Library, Kuala Lumpur. 31. Illustration�������������������������������������������������� ������������������������������������������������� by Tan Phai Kong of the Malay translation of the Story of Qin Xuemei and his adopted son, Shanglu, published in Singapore in 1899 and kept in the University of Malaya Library, Kuala Lumpur. 32. Detail from a recent Taiwanese hell scroll depicting the emperor Taizong and the headless Dragon King. From the collection Coen Pepplinkhuizen. Notice the caption in the upper right-hand corner which is the same as the title of the Malay translations: Li Shimin you difu. 33. Reproduction of the single illustration contained in the 1890 Malay edition of Lie Sie Bin Yoe Tee Hoe. The caption reads: “Torturous Punishments in the Afterlife Hell”.

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484

List of Plates

34.

First page of a Javanese manuscript version in verse of the story of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai (Sam Pik — Ing Teh) dated 1878 and kept in the Leiden University Library. 35. Illustration taken from Sasrasoemarta’s Katresnan Donja-Akérat (1928), a modern Javanese version of the story of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai. Sam Pek and Eng Tai meet on the road to Hangcu (Hangzhou). 36. Sleeve of a cassette tape recording of a Javanese ludruk performance, based on the story of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai; c. 1975. 37. Sleeve of a cassette tape recording of a Balinese drama gong performance, based on the story of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai, c. 1975. 38. First page of the Makassarese manuscript version of the story of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai by Liem Kheng Yong. Private collection. 39. First page of a xylographic print of the Makassarese version of the Xiyang ji dated 1960. Private collection. 40–41. Front cover and illustration of the Madurese version of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai by R. Ahmad Wongsoséwojo (1930). 42. Palaha dan Murka. Front cover of the translation by Gan K.L. of Liang Yusheng’s Pingzong xiaying lu (1978–79). 43. To Liong To. Front cover of the translation by OKT of Jin Yong’s Yi tian tulong ji “The story of dragon killer knife and heavenly sword”, (reprint, n.d.). 44. Thian San Tjhit Kiam, Tujuh Pendekar dari Thian-san. Front cover of the translation by Gan K.L. of Liang Yusheng’s Qijian xia tianshan (reprint 1993). 45. Front cover of a work by Asmaraman S. Kho Ping Hoo entitled Kilat Pedang Membela Cinta or “Fast Sword and Love” (1981).

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contributors AUBIN, Françoise, Directeur de recherche at the National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris. GIMM, Martin, Professor and Director of the Department of Oriental Studies, University of Cologne. HAMONIC, Gilbert, Chargé de recherche at the National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris. KHING Hoc-dy, Chargé de recherche at the National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris. KIM Dong-uk, Head of the Institute of Oriental Studies, Tan’guk University, Seoul. NEPOTE, Jacques, Chargé de recherche at the National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris. OETOMO, Dédé, Currently teaches at the Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Airlangga, Surabaya. OEY, Eric, Ph.D. Candidate in Malay Studies at the University of California, Berkeley. ÔKI, Yasushi, Student of the University of Tôkyô, Graduate School, Division of Humanities — Chinese Language and Literature. ÔTSUKA, Hidetaka, Assistant-Professor, National Center for Development of Broadcast Education, Tôkyô.

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486

Contributors

PRAPIN MANOMAIVIBOOL, Head of the Department of Oriental Languages, Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok. QUINN, George, Senior Tutor in the Department of Indonesian and Malayan Studies, University of Sydney. RIFTIN, Boris, Senior Researcher at the A.M. Gorky Institute of World Literature, The Academy of Sciences of the USSR, Moscow. SALMON, Claudine, Directeur de recherche at the National Centre for Scientific Research, Paris. SURYADINATA, Leo, Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science, National University of Singapore. TROTSEVICH, Adelaida Feodorovna, Senior Research Fellow, Leningrad Department of the Institute of Oriental Studies, The Academy of Sciences of the USSR. YAN, Bao, Professor in the Department of Oriental Languages and Literatures, Peking University. *The information regarding the contributors corresponds to the situation in 1987.

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03a Literary Migrations.indd 1

10/16/13 3:06:24 PM

1. First page of a Korean block print edition of “The Story of Sǒl in’gwi”, Sǒl In’gwi chǒn, kept in the Institute of Oriental Studies in St Petersburg.

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39. First page of a xylographic print of the Makassarese version of the Xiyang ji dated 1960. Private collection.

03a Literary Migrations.indd 38

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40. Front cover of the Madurese version of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai by R. Ahmad Wongsoséwojo (1930).

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41. An illustration of the Madurese version of Liang Shanbo and Zhu Yingtai by R. Ahmad Wongsoséwojo (1930).

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42. Palaha dan Murka. Front cover of the translation by Gan K.L. of Liang Yusheng’s Pingzong xiaying lu (1978–79).

03a Literary Migrations.indd 41

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43. To Liong To. Front cover of the translation of OKT of Jin Yong’s Yi tian tulong ji “The story of dragon killer knife and heavenly sword”, (reprint, n.d.).

03a Literary Migrations.indd 42

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GANK.L 44. Thian San Tjhit Kiam, Tujuh Pendekar dari Thian-san. Front cover of the translation by Gan K.L. of Liang Yusheng’s Qijian xia tianshan (reprint 1993).

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45. Front cover of a work by Asmaraman S. Kho Ping Hoo entitled Kilat Pedang Membela Cinta or “Fast Sword and Love” (1981).

03a Literary Migrations.indd 44

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