Language History and Linguistic Modelling: A Festschrift for Jacek Fisiak on his 60th Birthday [Reprint 2010 ed.] 9783110820751, 9783110145045

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Language History and Linguistic Modelling

w DE

G

Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 101

Editor

Werner Winter

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

Language History and Linguistic Modelling A Festschrift for Jacek Fisiak on his 60th Birthday Volume I: Language History edited by

Raymond Hickey and Stanislaw Puppel (Polish

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

contributions)

1997

Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin.

® Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Language history and linguistic modelling . a festschrift for Jacek Fisiak on his 60th birthday / edited by Raymond Hickey and Stanislaw Puppel. p. cm. - (Trends in linguistics. Studies and monographs ; 101) "Jacek Fisiak, list of publications" : v. 1, p. Includes bibliographical references and index. Contens: v. 1. Language history - v. 2. Linguistic modelling. ISBN 3-11-014504-9 (alk. paper) 1. Historical linguistics. 2. English language-History. 3. Linguistics. 4. Linguistic models. I. Hickey, Raymond, 1954. II. Puppel, Stanislaw. III. Fisiak, Jacek. IV. Series. P140.L26 1997 417'.7-dc21 97-258 CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek — Cataloging-in-Publication

Data

Language history and linguistic modelling : a festschrift for Jacek Fisiak on his 60th birthday / ed. by Raymond Hickey ; Stanislaw Puppel. - Berlin ; New York : Mouton de Gruyter (Trends in linguistics : Studies and monographs ; 101) ISBN 3-11-014504-9 Vol. 1. Language history. - 1997 Vol. 2. Linguistic modelling. - 1997

© Copyright 1997 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., D-10785 Berlin All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Typesetting, Disc conversion and printing: Arthur Collignon GmbH, Berlin. Binding: Lüderitz & Bauer, Berlin. Printed in Germany.

Preface

On reflection, the present volumes would seem in our opinion to be a fitting tribute to Jacek Fisiak on his sixtieth birthday. They cover a broad range of topics which he is interested in while at the same time showing certain main themes, above all the history of English which is the richer for the work which Jacek has untiringly invested in this enterprise over the last thirty odd years of his scholarly life. We know Jacek Fisiak as the unfailing organiser of numerous conferences which have brought together linguists in the congenial atmosphere of his native Poland. We know him as the competent editor of collections which have become established works in their fields and we know him for his own stimulating work, above all on Middle English and contrastive linguistics. And the contributors, as well as many others, know him as a colleague and friend who in his unmistakable manner is always open to new suggestions and always prepared to help those at the beginning of their careers establish a foothold in the field, in particular many young Polish scholars. For these reasons we, on behalf of the linguistic community as a whole, congratulate him on his achievements and hope that he will retain in the future his good health and the endless energy which is so characteristic of him. It is always a difficult task for the editors of a festschrift to present the contributions as a coherent collection. The larger the number the more difficult it is to achieve this goal. But surveying the papers presented here it became obvious to us that language history was one central area and that the remaining papers are broadly concerned with questions of how to describe certain phenomena in various languages and with developing appropriate means for doing this. Hence the second half of the title "linguistic modelling", which is to be understood eclectically rather than as an attempt at developing a single linguistic theory. A project of the current dimensions is obviously not something which two people can realise on their own. Of the various people involved we would like to offer our special thanks to Elzbieta Majocha for her unfailing help in Poznan and to Kate Chapman and Margaret Saunders at Mouton de Gruyter in Berlin for their patience and understanding in dealing with the vagaries of the editors. Raymond Essen

Hickey

Stanislaw Poznan

Puppel

Jacek Fisiak Curriculum Vitae

Born: Konstantynów Lódzki, Poland, 10 May 1936 Education: Primary School No. 1, Konstantynów, 1949 Mikolaj Kopernik Secondary School, Lódz, 1953 University of Warsaw, M. A. (English), 1959 ( Word-formation in the Old English "Phoenix") University College, London, post-graduate non-degree student, 1961 University of Lódz, Ph.D. (English), 1962 (English Loanwords in Modern Polish) University of California, Los Angeles, post-doctoral Fulbright Fellow, 1963-64 Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznan, D. Litt. (English), 1965 (Morphemic Structure of Chaucer's English) Languages: English, German, Russian, Dutch, French Honorary degree: Honorary Doctorate, University of Jyväskylä, 1983 Honours: Minister's of Higher Education of Poland Award (2nd degree) for outstanding D. Litt, dissertation, 1966 Minister's of Higher Education of Poland Award (2nd degree) for outstanding results in research, the organization of research and teaching, 1969 Ford Foundation research fellowship. UCLA, 1970 University of Jyväskylä Medal (Finland) for promoting international scholarly activities, 1974 Minister's of Higher Education, Science and Technology of Poland Award (3rd degree) for outstanding research results, 1974 Deutsche Akademische Austauschdienst grant to visit selected West German universities, 1971, 1979 Minister's of Higher Education, Science and Technology of Poland Award (1st degree) for outstanding results in supervising Ph.D. programmes, 1977 President, International Association of University Professors of English, 1974—77 Vice-President, Societas Linguistica Europaea (Linguistic Society of Europe), 1973-74 Vice-President, Modern Language Association of Poland, 1969-73 President, Modern Language Association of Poland, 1973-79 Member of Presidium of the Committee on Modern Languages and Literatures, Polish Academy of Sciences, 1969Member of the Prime Minister's Committee on Academic Appointments and Promotions in Poland, 1976-87, 1994-97 Vice-Chairman, Committee on Modern Languages and Literatures, Poznañ Chapter, Polish Academy of Sciences, 1973—77 Chairman, Committee on Modern Languages and Literatures, Poznañ Chapter, Polish Academy of Sciences, 1977-82 Vice-Chairman, Committee on Modern Languages and Literatures, Polish Academy of Sciences, 1978-81

vili

Curriculum Vitae

Vice-Chairman, Polish Applied Linguistics Committee, 1972-81 Delegate to the Second Polish Congress of Sciences, Warszawa, 1973 Senior research fellow, Center for Applied Linguistics, Arlington, 1975 Member of the National Council of Science, Higher Education and Technology, 1977-82 Abo Akademi Medal (Finland) for promoting Polish-Finnish scientific co-operation, 1977 Assistant Secretary General, FIPLV, 1977-80 Vice-Chairman, Committee on Contrastive Linguistics, Association Internationale de Linguistique Appliquée, 1977 University of Louvain Medal, 1978 Vice-President, International Society for Historical Linguistics, 1979-81 Minister's of Higher Education, Science and Technology of Poland Award (2nd degree) for outstanding research results, 1979 Honorary life member, Modern Language Association of Poland, 1979 Member, International Consultative Committee, International Association of University Professors of English, 1977-92 Secretary General, FIPLV, 1980-83 President, International Society for Historical Linguistics, 1981—83 Member of Bureau, Association Internationale de Linguistique Appliquée, 1981-84 Chairman, Committee on Modern Languages and Literatures, Polish Academy of Sciences, 1981-93 President, Societas Linguistica Europaea, 1983 Governor's of Poznan Province prize for outstanding results in the area of research, 1982 Vice-President, Societas Linguistica Europaea, 1984 Member of the Executive Committee, International Society for Historical Linguistics, 1983-85 Minister's of Higher Education, Science and Technology of Poland Award (1st degree) for outstanding research results, 1984 University of Heidelberg Medal, 1986 Minister's of Higher Education and Science Award (1st degree) for outstanding results in the area of academic administration, 1986 University of Salzburg Medal, 1987 Medal of Merit of Mexico City, 1987 Medal of the University of Helsinki, 1987 Medal of the University of Brno 1987 Minister's of Higher Education and Science Award (1st degree) for outstanding results in the area of academic administration, 1987 Medal of the University of Yarmouk (Jordan), 1988 Medal of the University of Jordan, Amman, 1988 Minister's of National Education Award (1st degree) for outstanding results in the area of academic administration, 1988 Member of the Finnish Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1990 Member of Academia Europaea, 1990 Member of the Board of Trustees, The Copernicus Foundation, Warszawa, 1992 Member of the Board of Trustees, The Tolstoy Foundation, Moscow, 1993 Member of the Norwegian Academy of Science and Letters, Oslo, 1996 Decorations: Medal of the Committee of National Education, 1977 Badge of Merit of the City of Bydgoszcz, 1978

Curriculum Vitae

ix

Badge of Merit of the City of Poznañ, 1978 Badge of Merit of the Province of Poznan, 1979 Gold Badge of the Teachers' Union of Poland, 1979 Knight's Cross of the Order "Polonia Restituta", 1979 Commander's Cross of the Order "Lion of Finland", 1980 Order of the British Empire, Officer's Class (O. B. E.), 1981 Medal "40 Years of People's Poland", 1987 Commander's Cross of the Order "Polonia Restituta", 1987 Officer's Cross of the Order "Palmes Académiques", 1989 Listed in: Polish Research Guide, Warszawa World List of Phoneticians, Tokyo Who is Who in the World, Chicago Men of Achievement, Cambridge Dictionary of International Biography, Cambridge Who is Who of Intellectuals, Cambridge Who is Who of Contemporary Achievement, St.Ives, Cambridgeshire Abridged Polish Encyclopaedia, Warszawa International Register of Profiles, International Biographical Centre, Cambridge 5,000 Personalities of the World, American Biographical Institute, Raleigh, North Carolina Who is Who in Poland, Warszawa The International Directory of Distinguished Leadership, Raleigh, N C The International Book of Honor, USA The International Who's Who, London Men and Women of Distinction, Cambridge The European Biographical Dictionary, Brugge The Kenkyusha Dictionary of English Linguistics and Philology, Tokyo Teaching Experience: Assistant lecturer in English, University of Lódz, 1959-60 Senior assistant lecturer in English, University of Lódz, 1960-63 Adjunct, University of Lódz, 1963-65 Docent, University of Lódz, 1965—67 Docent, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznañ, 1965-71 Docent, University of Warsaw, 1966—67 Visiting associate professor of linguistics, University of Kansas, Lawrence, 1970 Professor of English, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznañ, 1971 — Visiting disinguished professor of linguistics, University of Florida, Gainesville, 1974 Visiting professor of English, State University of New York, College at Fredonia, 1975 Visiting professor of linguistics, University of Kiel, West Germany, 1979 Visiting professor of linguistics, The American University, Washington, D. C., 1979-80, 1991-92 Visiting professor of English, University of Vienna, 1983, 1988, 1990-91 Visiting professor of English, University of Zürich, 1984, 1994 Visiting professor of English, University of Tromse, Norway, 1985 Visiting professor of English, University of Jyvälskylä, Finland, 1987 Visiting professor of English, University of Saarbrücken, West Germany, 1990, 1993 Visiting research professor, University of Bamberg, 1994

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Curriculum Vitae

Other professional experience: Head of English Department, Adam Mickiewicz University, 1965-69 Director of Institute (School) of English, Adam Mickiewicz University, 1969-96 Head of English Language Department, Institute of English, Adam Mickiewicz Univeristy, 1969-96 Chairman of the Committee on English Studies in Poland, Ministry of Higher Education of Poland, 1971-89 Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Language Handbooks, Ministry of Higher Education of Poland, 1965-73 Chairman of Advisory Board of the Institute of Modern Languages, University of Silesia, Katowice, 1975-79 Chairman of Advisory Committee on Modern Languages and Literatures, Ministry of Higher Education of Poland, 1971-89 Member of the Committee on the Modernization of University Education in Poland, Ministry of Higher Education of Poland, 1971-73 Member of the Advisory Board of the Polish Language Institute, Polish Academy of Sciences, Cracow, 1973-77 Member of the Advisory Board of the Research Institute on Poles Abroad, Polish Academy of Sciences, Poznañ, 1974—77 Member of the Academic Senate, Adam Mickiewicz University, Poznañ, 1970-73 Coordinator of Exchange Programmes with English Speaking Countries, Ministry of Higher Education of Poland, 1973-75 Special Representative of the Vice-Chancellor of Adam Mickiewicz University for Exchange Programmes with English Speaking Countries, 1974-75 Director, Poznan-Kansas Exchange Program, 1970-73 Director, Poznañ-Florida Exchange Program, 1973— Director, Poznañ-SUNY Exchange Program, 1974Director, Polish-English Contrastive Project, 1971 — Director, Project on Preparation and Dissemination of Abstracts and Full Translations of Selected Contents of East European Journals Concerned with Applied Linguistics, U. S. Office of Education - Adam Mickiewicz University, 1973-74 Director, Adam Mickiewicz University - Center for Applied Linguistics Cooperation Program, 1971-80 Chairman, English Language Contest for Polish Secondary School Students, 1976— Member of the Linguistics Committee, Polish Academy of Sciences, 1978-81, 1993-95 Member of Disciplinary Commission for Professors of the Academic Senate, 1978-81 Corresponding Member, Research Centre on Multilingualism, Brussels, 1982 Chairman, Publications Committee of Adam Mickiewicz University, 1982-84 Vice-Chancellor (President, Rektor) of Adam Mickiewicz University, 1985-88 Chairman of the Committee on Modern Languages and Literatures, Polish Academy of Sciences, 1981-93 Member, Advisory Committee to the Ministry of National Education, 1988 Minister of National Education of Poland, 1988-89 President, Polish-British Friendship Society, 1989-1996 Chairman, Board of Trustees, Foreign Language Teaching Foundation "Lingua Mundi", 1989Member, International Association of University Presidents/United Nations Commission on Arms Control Education, 1991

Curriculum Vitae

xi

Professional organizations: Polskie Towarzystwo Jçzykoznawcze (Polish Linguistic Society), 1959 Linguistic Society of America, 1961 International Linguistic Association, 1963 Societas Linguistica Europaea. 1967 International Association of University Professors of English, 1967 Linguistics Association of Great Britain, 1969 Modern Language Association of Poland, 1969 Fédération Internationale des Professeurs de Langues Vivantes, 1970 International Society of Phonetic Sciences, 1973 Poznañ Learned Society, 1976 Canadian Linguistic Association, 1976 Nordic Society of Linguistics, 1977 International Association of Teachers of English as a Foreign Language, 1977 International Society for Historical Linguistics, 1977 Polish Phonetic Association, 1979 Philological Society, Oxford, 1980 Association of Polish Interpreters and Translators, 1980 New Society of Letters (Vetenskapssocieteten i Lund), 1981 Association Internationale pour Recherche et la Diffusion des Méthodes Audio-Visuelles et Structuro-Globales, 1981 Polskie Towarzystwo Jçzykoznawstwa Stosowanego (Polish Applied Linguistics Association), 1982 The Henry Sweet Society for the History of Linguistic Ideas, Oxford 1984 Early English Text Society, Oxford, 1984 Society of Polish Authors, 1988 International Cognitive Linguistics Association, 1989 International Society of Dialectology and Geolinguistics, 1990 American Dialect Society, 1991 Other organisations, societies, clubs, etc.: Polish-British Friendship Society, President (1989-96) Polish-German Friendship Society (1989) Polish-Finnish Friendship Society (1984) Rotary Club (1990) Editorial·. Editor, Studia Anglica Posnaniensia: An International Review of English Studies, 1967 Editor, Papers and Studies in Contrastive Linguistics, 1972 Editor, Folia Linguistica Histórica, 1978 Member of editorial board, Glottodidactica: An International Review of Applied Linguistics, 1965 Member of editorial board, Lingua Posnaniensis, 1969 Member of editorial board, Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny, 1973 Member of editorial board, International Review of Slavic Linguistics, Edmonton, Canada, 1975-86 Member of editorial board, Linguistica Silesiana, 1976 Member of editorial board, Applied Linguistics, Oxford University Press, 1978—86

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Curriculum Vitae

Member of editorial board, Historiographia Linguistica, Amsterdam, 1979-1990 Member of editorial board, World Language English, 1981-84 Member of editorial board of the series Linguistic and Literary Studies in Eastern Europe, J. Benjamins Β. V., Amsterdam, 1982 Member of editorial board, Modèles linguistiques, Lille, 1982 Member of editorial board, Diachronica: International Journal for Historical Linguistics, Ottawa, 1982 Member of editorial board, dossologia, Athens, 1983 Member of editorial board, English World-Wide, Amsterdam, 1983 Member of editorial board, Folia Linguistica, Vienna, 1983 Member of editorial board, D. I. S. C. O. S. S., Paris, 1984 Member of editorial board, Second Language Research, London, 1985 Member of editorial board, Journal of Applied Linguistics, Thessaloniki, 1985 Consulting editor, Linguistics Abstracts, Oxford, 1985 Member of editorial board, Studi Italiani di Linguistica Teorica ed Applicata, Rome, 1988 Member of editorial board, Great Dictionary of Contemporary Polish, Warszawa, 1988 Member of editorial board, Voprosy Yazykoznanya, Moscow, 1988 Member of editorial board, Studia Indogermanica, Lódz, 1989 Member of editorial board, Contrastive Linguistics, Sofia, 1990 Member of editorial board, International Journal of Applied Linguistics, Troms0, 1991 Member of editorial board, Western Affairs, Poznan, 1991 Member of editorial board, EFL News Ireland, 1993 Direction of theses and dissertations'. Completed 47 Ph.D. dissertations and 208 M. A. theses Principal research fields: Old English grammar Middle English grammar Historical linguistics (in particular phonology and morphology) English-Polish contrastive linguistics (phonology in particular) Linguistic borrowing Language contact Consultantships: Swedish Ministry of Higher Education, Stockholm. Internationalization of university studies, 1972 International Research and Exchanges Board, New York. Research resources in Poland, 1975 Pergamon Institute of English, Pergamon Press, Ltd., Oxford, 1978 Ford Foundation, Error analysis project, University of Jordan, Amman, 1979 Austrian Ministry of Higher Education and Research, Vienna. Teaching foreign languages at Austrian universities, 1990 Polish Ministry of National Education, 1994-97 Lectures: University of Arizona, Tucson 1964; University of New Mexico 1964; University of Texas, El Paso 1964; University of Texas, Austin 1964; Institute of Polish Culture, New York 1964; Salford University 1969;

University of Southern California, Los Angeles 1970; Guelph University, Canada 1970; Zagreb University 1970; Lund University (Sweden) 1972, 1981; University of Kansas, Lawrence 1973; Wesleyan State University, Bloomington, 111. 1972; University of Louvain, Belgium 1973, 1977; Antwerp Trade Academy, Belgium 1973; University of Trier 1974, 1977, 1978, 1985, 1990; University of Saarbrücken 1974, 1977, 1985, 1993; Technical University Aachen 1974, 1985; University of Florida, Gainesville 1974; SUN Y - Fredonia 1975; University of Toronto 1975; York University, Ontario 1975; University of British Columbia, Vancouver 1975; San Francisco State University 1975; Saginaw Valley State College, Michigan 1975; University of Paris-Sorbonne 1976, 1989; University of Turku, Finland 1977; Abo Akademi, Finland 1977; University of Jyväskylä, Finland 1977, 1982, 1984; University of Oulu, Finland 1977; University of Helsinki 1977, 1982, 1984; Utrecht University 1977; University Centre, Luxemburg 1977; Stuttgart University 1977, 1979, 1985, 1995; University of Vienna 1978, 1981, 1982, 1992; Salzburg University 1978; Debrecen University, Hungary 1978; University of Sussex 1979; University of Jordan, Amman 1979; University of Kiel 1979, 1990; University of Paderborn 1979, 1990; The American University, Washington, D. C. 1980, 1992; University of Delaware 1980; University of Pittsburgh 1980; SUN Y at Stony Brook 1980; University of Budapest 1980; University of Glessen 1980, 1985; University of Uppsala 1981; University of Stockholm 1981; University of Göteborg 1981; University of Copenhagen 1981, 1988; Copenhagen School of Economics 1981, 1988; University of Oslo 1981; University of Zürich 1981, 1984; University of Troms0, Norway 1982, 1985, 1995;

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Curriculum Vitae

Catholic University, Eichstädt 1982; University of Passau 1982; University of Bamberg 1982, 1985, 1994; University of Erlangen 1982; University of Edinburgh 1983; University of Munich 1983; University of Amiens 1984; University of Lille III 1984; University of Graz 1984; Freie Universität Berlin 1984; University of Lausanne 1984; University of Hannover 1984; Catholic University of Nijmegen 1985; University of Marburg 1986, 1995; University of Essen 1986, 1995; University of Bonn 1986; University of Cologne 1986, 1993; University College Galway, Ireland 1986; University College Dublin 1986; Fudan University, Shanghai, China 1988; Arhus School of Economics 1988; Àlborg University 1988; University of Odense 1988; University of Strathclyde 1989 (Polonia lecture); University College, University of London 1990; Philological Society, London 1991; Chulalongkorn University, Bangkok 1991; Michigan State University 1991; Eastern Michigan University, Ypsilanti 1991; University of Michigan, Ann Arbor 1991; Center for Applied Linguistics 1992; Georgetown University 1992; The Washington Linguistic Club 1992; Coastal Carolina University, Conway, S. C. 1992, 1996; Cambridge University 1993; University of Freiburg i. B., 1993; University of Regensburg 1995; University of Düsseldorf 1995; UCLA, Los Angeles, 1996. Papers Read at International Conferences and Congresses: 10th FIPLV Congress, Zagreb 1968 NAFSA Convention, Kansas City 1970 1st International Conference of Contrastive Projects, Zagreb 1970 8th IAUPE Conference, Istanbul 1971 Error Analysis Conference, Lund 1972 2nd International Conference of Contrastive Projects, Bucarest 1975 Annual IATEFL Conference, London 1978

Curriculum Vitae

XV

International Conference on English Studies, Debrecen 1978 3rd International Conference of Contrastive Projects, Trier 1978 MLA of Great Britain Annual Meeting, Brighton 1979 11th IAUPE Conference, Aberdeen 1980 12th FIPLV Congress, Ibadan 1981 International Conference on Teaching English in Arab Universities, Amman 1982 Symposium on the History of English Studies in Europe, Wildsteig, Augsburg 1982 5th International Conference of Contrastive Projects, Jyväskylä 1982 Fifteenth Century Symposium, Regensburg 1982 Annual Societas Linguistica Europaea Meeting, Athens 1982 Annual Meeting of Verband Deutscher Anglisten, Zürich 1982 International Round Table on Historical Linguistics, Lille 1982 Colloque Inter-langues, Paris 1983 17th International IATEFL Conference, London 1983 Annual Societas Linguistica Europaea Meeting, Poznañ 1983 International Conference on Less Widely Taught Languages in Europe, Thessaloniki 1984 4th International Conference on Historical English Linguistics, Amsterdam 1985 International K. Luick Symposium, Vienna 1985 24th Congress of Australasian Universities Language and Literature Association, Christchurch, New Zealand 1987 8th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Lille 1987 Graduate Symposium on English Studies in Finland, Lammi 1987 17th All-Russian Congress on Education, Moscow 1988 25th Congress of Australasian Universities Language and Literature Association, Sydney 1989 Triennial IAUPE Conference, Lausanne 1989 Cultuur zonder Grensen, University of Groningen 1990 International Congress of Dialectology, Bamberg 1990 1991 RELC Regional Seminar, Singapore 1991 International Conference on Contrastive Linguistics, Innsbruck 1991 Annual Societas Linguistica Europaea Meeting, Kiel 1991 Interdisciplinary Linguistic Symposium on Language Variation, California State University, Fullerton 1992 7th International Conference on Historical English Linguistics, Valencia 1992 Annual Meeting of Verband Deutscher Anglisten, Stuttgart 1992 3rd International Conference of the English Teaching Association of Israel, Jerusalem 1993 8th International Conference on English Historical Linguistics, Edinburgh 1994 PASE, Popo wo 1994 1st International Conference on Language Contact, Valencia 1995 Annual Conference of University Teachers of English Language and Literature, Cheju University, Korea 1995 Kyoto Conference on English Historical Linguistics and Philology, Doshisha University, Kyoto 1995 13th National Conference of the English Linguistic Society of Japan, Tokyo Gakugei University, Tokyo 1995 XIX Congreso Internacional da Asociación Española de Estudios Anglonortamericanos, Vigo 1995 PASE, Lódz 1996

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Curriculum Vitae

Organizer of International Conferences and Congresses on Linguistics: 1st International Conference of Anglicists (linguists) from Socialist Countries, Poznañ 1967 1st International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Karpacz 1970 2nd International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Karpacz 1971 4th International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Kazimierz 1973 5th International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Ustronie 1973 Annual Meeting of Societas Linguistica Europaea, Poznañ 1973 6th International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Kazimierz 1974 8th International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Ustronie 1975 9th International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Lubostronie 1976 International Conference on Historical Phonology, Ustronie 1976 10th International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Bialowieza 1976 Xth Triennial Congress of IAUPE, Poznañ 1977 12th International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Boszkowo 1977 International Conference on Historical Morphology, Boszkowo 1978 14th International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Ήβή 1978 15th International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Boszkowo 1978 16th International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Boszkowo 1979 3rd Overseas IATFL Conference, Poznan 1979 4th International Conference of Contrastive Projects, Charzykowy 1980 International Conference on Historical Syntax, Blazejewko 1981 17th International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Blazejewko 1981 18th International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Blazejewko 1982 6th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Poznan 1983 Societas Linguistica Europaea Annual Meeting, Poznan 1983 19th International English-Polish Contrastive Conference, Blazejewko 1983 International Conference on Historical Semantics and Word Formation, Blazejewko 1984 20th International Conference on Contrastive Linguistics, Blazejewko 1984 21st International Conference on Contrastive Linguistics, Blazejewko 1985 International Conference on Historical Dialectology, Blazejewko 1986 22nd International Conference on Contrastive Linguistics, Turawa 1986 23rd International Conference on Contrastive Linguistics, Blazejewko 1987 International Conference on Historical Linguistics and Philology, Blazejewko 1988 International Conference on the Biology of Language, Czerniejewo 1988 24th International Conference on Contrastive Linguistics, Blazejewko 1989 25th International Conference on Contrastive Linguistics, Rydzyna 1990 International Conference on Language Contact and Linguistic Change, Rydzyna 1991 26th International Conference on Contrastive Linguistics, Rydzyna 1992 International Conference on Typology and Linguistic Reconstruction, Rydzyna 1993 27th International Conference on Cross-Linguistic Analysis, Rydzyna 1993 International Conference on Middle English, Rydzyna 1994 28th International Conference on Cross-Linguistic Analysis, Rydzyna 1994 International Conference on Historical Phonology, 1996 9th International Conference on English Historical Linguistics, Poznañ 1996 Publications (Books): Outlines of Middle English. Lódz University, Lódz 1964. Pp. 207. Morphemic Structure of Chaucer's English. University of Alabama: University of Alabama Press. 1965. Pp. 125.

Curriculum Vitae

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A Short Grammar of Middle English. Warszawa — London: Pañstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe - Oxford University Press. 1968. Pp. 139 (1996 - 7th ed.) An Early Middle English Reader. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. 1969. Pp. 119 (1996 - 5th ed.) Wslçp do wspólczesnych teorii lingwistycznych (Introduction to modern linguistic theories). Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Szkolne i Pedagogiczne. 1975. Pp. 134. (1978 - 2nd ed., pp. 155) (with Grzegorek, M. and T. Zabrocki) An Introductory English-Polish Contrastive Grammar. Warsaw: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. 1977. Pp. 258. (1987 - 2nd ed.) (ed.) Bibliography of Writings on English Language and Literature in Poland 1945—1975 Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Naukowe PWN. 1977. Pp. 208. (ed.) Recent Developments in Historical Phonology. The Hague: Mouton. 1978. Pp. 457. (ed.) Theoretical Issues in Contrastive Linguistics. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 1980. Pp. 430. (ed.) Historical Morphology. The Hague: Mouton. 1980. Pp. 476. (ed.) Contrastive Linguistics and the Language Teacher. Oxford: Pergamon Press. 1981. Pp. 284. A Bibliography of Writings for the History of the English Language. Poznan: UAM. 1983. Pp. 166. (2nd ed. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1987, pp. 216). English Studies in Poland: A Historical Survey. Poznañ: UAM. 1983. Pp. 63. (ed.) Contrastive Linguistics: Prospects and Problems. The Hague: Mouton. 1984. Pp. 449. (ed.) Historical Syntax. The Hague: Mouton. 1984. Pp. 636. (ed.) Papers from the 6th International Conference on Historical Linguistics. Poznan - Amsterdam: A. Mickiewicz University - John Benjamins. 1985. Pp. 622. (ed.) Historical Semantics - Historical Word-Formation. Berlin-New York: Mouton. 1985. Pp. 607. (ed.) Historical Dialectology: Regional and Social. Berlin — New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 1988. Pp. 694. (ed.) Historical Linguistics and Philology. Berlin-New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 1990. Pp.401. (ed.) (with Schwarz, C. M. and Seaton, M. A.) English Dictionary for Speakers of Polish. Poznan: SAWW. 1990. Pp. 789. (ed.) Further Insights into Contrastive Analysis. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 1990. Pp. 610. (with Puppel, S., eds.) Phonological Investigations. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 1992. Pp. 507. (ed.) Slownik idiomow angielskich (A dictionary of English idioms). Warszawa: BGW. 1993. Pp. 379. An Outline History English. Vol. One: External History. Poznan: SAWW. 1993. Pp. 167. (ed.) Linguistic Change under Contact Conditions. Berlin-New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 1995. Pp. 438. (ed.) Medieval Dialectology. Berlin-New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 1995. Pp. 331. (ed.) Collins English-Polish, Polish English Dictionary. 2 vols. Warszawa: BGW. Pp. 521+505. (ed.) Typology and Linguistic Reconstruction. Berlin — New York: Mouton de Gruyter. [1996], (ed.) Studies in Middle English. Berlin—New York: Mouton de Gruyter. In press, (ed.) (with Schwarz, C. M. and Seaton, M. A.) Learner's English-Polish Dictionary. Warszawa: PWN. In press.

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Art Early Middle English Reader. 5th ed. Warszawa: PWN. A Short Grammar of Middle English. 7th ed. Warszawa: PWN. (ed.) Middle English Miscellany: From Vocabulary to Linguistic Variation. Poznan: NAKOM.

Jacek Fisiak List of Publications

1961 1

2 3

4

1962 5

6

7 1963 8 9 1964 10 11 12

1965 13 14 15 16

"Emendacje polskiego przektadu tekstöw staroangielskich w zbiorze A. Bielowskiego Monumenta Poloniae Histórica" [Emendations of the Polish translations of Old English texts in Bielowski, A. Monumenta Poloniae Histórica], Sprawozdania Komisji Jçzykowej LTN 8. 1961. 7 9 - 8 9 . An Early Middle English Reader. Lódz: Uniwersytet Lôdzki. Pp. 118 "Depluralizacja niektórych rzeczowników zapozyczonych ζ jçzyka angielskiego" [Double plural of some nouns borrowed from the English language], Jçzyk Polski 41. 138-9. Review of T. Mustanoja, A Middle English Syntax. Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny 8. 451-4.

"Kategoria rodzaju rzeczowników zapozyczonych ζ jçzyka angielskiego" [The category of gender of nouns borrowed from the English language]. Sprawozdania Komisji Jçzykowej LTN 9. 6 3 - 8 . "Zlozony kontakt jçzykowy w procesie zapozyczania ζ jçzyka angielskiego do polskiego" [Complex language contact in the process of borrowing from the English language into Polish]. Jçzyk Polski 42. 286—94. Review of R. W. V. Elliot, Runes. Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny 9. 2 0 3 - 5 .

"Zagadka staroangielska" [The Old English riddle], Zagadnienia Rodzajôw Literackich 6. 159-60. Review of C. Lindberg, MS Bodley 959. Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny 10. 176-8.

Outlines of Middle English. Lódz: Uniwersytet Lôdzki. Pp. 207. "English Sports Terms in Modern Polish". English Studies 45. 2 3 0 - 6 . Review of M. Bloomfield and L. Newmark, A Linguistic Introduction to the History of English. International Journal of American Linguistics 30. 305—9.

Morphemic Structure of Chaucer's English. University of Alabama: University of Alabama Press. Pp. 125. Review of H. Gleason, An Introduction to Descriptive Linguistics. Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny 12. 2 0 0 - 3 . Review of G. L. Brook, English Dialects. Linguistics 17. 8 9 - 9 1 . Review of Brno Studies in English. Linguistics 19. 123-8.

XX 1966 17 18 19

1967 20 21 22

1968 23 24 25 26

1969 27 28 29 30 31

1970 32 33

1971 34

1972 35 36

List of Publications

Review of A. Shannon, A Descriptive Syntax of the Parker Manuscript of the AngloSaxon Chronicle from 734—891. Lingua Posnaniensis 11. 156—8. Review of T. Pyles, The Origins and Development of the English Language. Linguistics 21. 120-6. Review of G. Graband, Die Entwicklung der frühneuenglischen Nominalflexion. Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny 13. 235—8.

"The Old English and ". Linguistics 32. 12-4. "Phonemics of English Loanwords in Polish". Biuletyn Fonograficzny 9. 6 9 - 7 9 . Review of H. E. Palmer, The Principles of Language Study. Foundations of Language 3.116-7.

A Short Grammar of Middle English. Warszawa: PWN. Pp. 139. "Prevocalic Consonant Clusters in the History of English". Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 1.3—14. Review of J. Vachek, Prague School Reader in Linguistics. Foundations of Language 4. 2 0 3 - 7 . Review of H. Birnbaum and J. Puhvel, Ancient Indo-European Dialects. Lingua Posnaniensis 12. 207—9.

An Early Middle English Reader. 2nd ed. Warszawa: PWN. Pp. 118. "The Semantics of English Loanwords in Polish". Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 2. 41-50. Review of R. Quirk and A. H. Smith, The Teaching of English. Foundations of Language 4.149-50. Review of E. Klein, Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the English Language. Kwartalnik Neofilologiczny 16. 322—3. Review of G. Nickel, Die expanded Form im Altenenglischen. Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 2. 109-10.

A Short Grammar of Middle English. 2nd ed. London - Warszawa: Oxford University Press - PWN. Pp. 139. "Transformacyjna skladnia historyczna jçzyka angielskiego" [Transformational historical syntax of English]. Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Jçzykoznawczego 28. 104-13.

"The Poznañ Polish-English Contrastive Project". In Filipovic, R. Zagreb Conference on English Contrastive Projects. Zagreb: Institute of Linguistics. 87—96.

Wklad Polski do jçzykoznawstwa swiatowego [Poland's contribution to world linguistics]. Seria Wyklady Inauguracyjne. Poznañ: UAM. Pp. 13. An Early Middle English Reader. 3rd ed. Warszawa: PWN. Pp. 119

List of Publications 1973 37

1975 38 39 40

1976 41 42 43 44 45

1977 46 47 48

1978 49 50 51

1979 52

53 54

55

"The Polish-English Contrastive Project". Papers and Studies in Contrastive tics 1. 7 - 1 3 .

xxi

Linguis-

Wstçp do wspokzesnych teorii lingwistycznych [Introduction to Modern Linguistic Theories]. Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Szkolne i Pedagogiczne. Pp. 144. "The Contrastive Analysis of Phonological Systems". Kwartalnik Neofìlologiczny 22. 315-28. "Some Remarks Concerning Gender Assignment of Loanwords". Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Jçzykoznawczego 33. 5 9 - 6 3 .

A Short Grammar of Middle English. 3rd ed. Warszawa: PWN. Pp. 139. "Generative Phonology and Contrastive Studies". Canadian Journal of Linguistics 21. 171-9. "Generative Phonological Contrastive Studies". Kwartalnik Neofìlologiczny 23. 119-24. (A revised version of 42). "Subjectless Sentences in Middle English". Kwartalnik Neofìlologiczny 23. 2 6 3 - 7 0 . Review of F. van Coetsen and H. Kufner, Toward a Grammar of Proto-Germanic. Linguistics 178. 7 0 - 7 1 .

A Short Grammar of Middle English. 4th ed. Warszawa: PWN. Pp. 139. (ed.) Bibliography of Writings on English Language and Literature in Poland 1945-1975. Warszawa: PWN. Pp. 205. "Sociolinguistics and Middle English: Some Socially Motivated Changes in the History of English". Kwartalnik Neofìlologiczny 24. 277—89.

(ed.) Recent Developments in Historical Phonology. The Hague: Mouton. Pp. 455. (with M. Grzegorek and T. Zabrocki) An Introductory English-Polish Contrastive Grammar. Warszawa: PWN. Pp. 258. Wstçp do wspokzesnych teorii lingwistycznych [Introduction to Modern Linguistic Theories]. 2nd ed. revised and enlarged. Warszawa: Wydawnictwa Szkolne i Pedagogiczne. Pp. 155.

"Wktad Profesora L. Zabrockiego do jçzykoznawstwa kontrastywnego" [Prof. L. Zabrocki's Contribution to Contrastive Linguistics]. Sprawozdania Komisji Jçzykowej PTPN. 2 8 - 3 1 . "The Changing English and Its Teaching". Glottodidactica 12. 4 7 - 5 2 . "Analiza kontrastywna systemów fonologicznych" [Contrastive Analysis of Phonological Systems.] In Grucza, F. (ed.) Polska mysl glottodydaktyczna. Warszawa: PWN. 546-54. (A revised version of 39). Review of F. Häusler, Das Problem Phonetik und Phonologie bei Baudouin de Courtenay und seiner Nachfolge. Historiographia Linguistica 5.318 — 320.

xxii 1980 56 57 58 59

60 61 62

62a. 1981 63 64 65

1982 66 67 68

List of Publications

(ed.) Theoretical Issues in Contrastive Linguistics. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Pp. 430. (ed.) Historical Morphology. The Hague: Mouton. Pp. 476. "Profesor J. Kurytowicz jako neofilolog" [Prof. J. Kurytowicz as a Researcher and Teacher of Modern Languages]. ZNUJ (Prace Jçzykoznawcze) 66. 89—94 "Professor Kurylowicz's Contribution to Research and Teaching in the Area of Modern Languages". Jerzy Kurytowicz 1895—1978. Materials from the Scientific Session. Polish Academy of Sciences, Linguistics Committee. Wroclaw: Ossolineum. 47-52. "Was There a kl-, gl- > ti-, dl- Change in Early Modern English?". Lingua Posnaniensis 23. 87-90. "Some Notes Concerning Contrastive Linguistics". AILA Bulletin. 1 — 17. "Kilka uwag o konfrontatywnej (kontrastywnej) analizie jçzykôw" [Some remarks concerning contrastive analysis of languages]. Biuletyn Polskiego Towarzystwa Jçzykoznawczego 38. 71-79. (A revised version of 61). A Short Grammar of Middle English. 5th ed. Warszawa: PWN. Pp. 139.

(ed.) Contrastive Linguistics and the Language Teacher. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Pp. 284. Review of C. James, Contrastive Analysis. English Language Teaching Journal 35. 473-5. "English-Polish Contrastive Linguistics in Poland since 1974". In Kühlwein, W. et al. (eds) Kontrastive Linguistik und Ubersetzungswissenschaft. Akten des Internationalen Kolloquiums Trier/Saarbrücken, 25-30.IX.1978. München: Wilhelm Fink Verlag. 43-52.

"ME -ong ) -ung Revisited". Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 14. 17—27. "English-Polish Contrastive Linguistics in Poland: A Brief Survey". Nordlyd. Tromse University Working Papers on Language and Linguistics 6. 37—68. "Isophones or Isographs: A Problem in Historical Dialectology". In Anderson, J. (ed.) Language Form and Linguistic Variation. Papers Dedicated to Angus Mcintosh. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 117-128.

1983 69 A Bibliography of Writings for the History of the English Language. Poznaii: UAM. Pp. 166. 70 English Studies in Poland: A Historical Survey. Poznan: UAM. Pp. 63. (A revised version of 71). 71 "English Studies in Poland: A Historical Survey". In Finkenstaedt, T. (ed.) Towards a History of English Studies in Europe. Augsburg: University Press. 125-73. 72 "English Dialects in the Fifteenth Century: Some Observations Concerning the Shift of Isoglosses". Folia Linguistica Histórica IV/2. 195—217. 73 "The Teaching of English in English Departments in Poland". Papers from the First Conference on the Problems of Teaching English Language and Literature at Arab Universities. Amman: University of Jordan. 137-144.

List of Publications 74 75 76

1984 77 78 79 80 81

1985 82 83 84 85 86

87 88

1986 89

90

91 92

xxiii

"Some Problems in Historical Dialectology". Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 16. 5 - 1 4 . (A revised version of 68). "English-Polish Contrastive Linguistics in Poland". Sopostavitelno ezikoznanie (Contrastive Linguistics) No. 3. Sofia. 6 7 - 8 2 . (A revised version of 67). "Recent Trends in Contrastive Linguistics". Jyväskylä Cross Language Studies 9. 9-38.

(ed.) Contrastive Linguistics: Prospects and Problems. Berlin-New York: Mouton. Pp. 449. (ed.) Historical Syntax. Berlin-New York: Mouton. Pp. 636. "On the Roots of Contrastive Linguistics". Folia Linguistica 18. 139-153. "Old and Middle English Language Studies in Poland. Medieval English Studies Newsletter No. 11. Dec. 1984. Tokyo. 1 - 2 2 . Review of P. Trudgill and J. Hannah, International English: A Guide to Varieties of Standard English. English World Wide 5. 127-129.

"The Voicing of Initial Fricatives in Middle English". In Viereck, W. (ed.) Focus on Britain and Wales. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 5 - 2 8 . "The Voicing of Initial Fricatives in Middle English". Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 17. 3 - 1 6 . (A revised version of 82). (ed.) Papers from the Vlth International Conference on Historical Linguistics. Poznan - Amsterdam: Adam Mickiewicz University - John Benjamins. Pp. 622. "A Note on the Adaptation of English Loanwords in Polish: Verbs". ITL (Louvain) Review of Applied Linguistics 6 7 - 6 8 . 6 9 - 7 5 . "Robert Lado and Contrastive Linguistics". In Jankowsky, K. (ed.) Scientific and Humanistic Dimensions of Language: Festschrift for Robert Lado. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 2 0 9 - 1 4 . Wstçp do wspólczesnych teorii lingwistycznych [Introduction to Modern Linguistic Theories], 3rd ed. Warszawa: PWN. Pp. 155. (ed.) Historical Semantics — Historical Word-Formation. Berlin-New York: Mouton. Pp. 607.

"Middle English Dialectology Today: Some Issues". In Stickel, G. and U. Pieper (eds) Studia Linguistica Diachronica et Synchronica. Berlin-New York: Mouton. 257-280. "Kilka uwag o rozmieszczeniu form dialektalnych wyrazu (N)EITHER w jçzyku srednioangielskim w XV wieku" [Some Remarks concerning the Distribution of (N)EITHER in Middle English in the 15th c.] Collectanea Linguistica. Kraków: PAN. (Prace Komisji Jçzykoznawstwa 53). 2 0 9 - 1 4 . A Short Grammar of Middle English. 6th ed. Warszawa: PWN. Pp. 139. "The Word-Formation of English Loanwords in Polish". In Viereck, W. and W.D. Bald (eds) English in Contact with Other Languages. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiado. 253-63.

xxiv 1987 93 94 95

1988 96 97 98 99

List of Publications

A Bibliography of Writings for the History of the English Language. 2nd ed. revised and enlarged. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Pp. 216. An Early Middle English Reader 4th ed. Warszawa: PWN. Pp. 118. (with M. Grzegorek and T. Zabrocki) An Introductory English-Polish Contrastive Grammar. 2nd ed. Warszawa: PWN. Pp. 258.

"Margaret Schlauch (1898-1986)". Poetica (Tokyo) 28. 1 - 4 . "Karl Luick and Historical English Phonology". In Kastovsky, D. and G. Bauer (eds) Luick Revisited. Tübingen: Gunter Narr. 1 5 - 3 0 . (ed.) Historical Dialectology: Regional and Social. Berlin—New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Pp. 694. "Old East Anglian: A Problem in Old English Dialectology". AUMLA (Journal of the Australasian Language and Literature Association) 70. 3 3 6 - 6 5 .

1990 100

(ed.) Historical Linguistics and Philology. Berlin - New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Pp.401. 101 "Domesday Book and Late Old English Dialects". In Andersen, H. and K. Koerner (eds) Proceedings of the 8th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, Lille, 1987. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 107-28. 102 (ed.) (with Schwarz, C. M. and Seaton, M. A.) English Dictionary for Speakers of Polish. Poznañ: SAWW. Pp. 789. 102a. "Old and Middle English Language Studies in Poland". In Oizumi, A. and T. Takamiya (eds) Medieval English Studies Past and Present. Tokyo: Eichosha Co. Ltd. 144-53. (A revised and updated version of 80) 102b. "Margaret Schlauch (1898-1986)". In Oizumi, A. and T. Takamiya (eds) 2 9 0 - 3 . (Rptd. 96) 103 (ed.) Further Insights into Contrastive Analysis. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Pp. 610. 104 "On the Status of Some Metatheoretical and Theoretical Issues in Contrastive Linguistics". In Fisiak, J. (ed.) Further Insights into Contrastive Analysis. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 3 - 2 2 . 1992 105

106 107

1993 108

"A Note on the Voicing of the Initial /f-/ in English in the 15th Century: Onomastic Evidence". In van Essen, A. and N. Burkart (eds) Homage to W. R. Lee. Berlin-New York: Foris. 2 3 3 - 7 . "English Language Teacher Training in Poland: The Past Legacy and Present Challenge". English — A World Language: Journal of the English Speaking Union 2.6—14. (with S. Puppel, eds) Phonological Investigations. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Pp. 507.

"Contrastive Linguistics and Foreign/Second Language Acquisition". In Seeber, H. V. and W. Göbel (eds.). Anglistentag 1992 Stuttgart. Tübingen: Niemeyer. 315-26.

List of Publications 109 110 111

1994 112 113 114

115 116

117

118

1995 119

120 121 122 123 124

1996 125

XXV

(ed.) Slownik idiomòw angielskich [A Dictionary of English Idioms]. Warszawa: BGW. Pp. 379 An Outline History English. Vol. One: External History. Poznan: SAWW. Pp. 167. "Place-names and Early Middle English Dialects: mon = man". In Viereck, W. (ed.) Proceedings of the International Congress of Dialectologists, Vol. 2: Historical Dialectology and Linguistic Change. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag. 61—75

"Karl Luick" The Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, Oxford - Aberdeen: Pergamon Press - Aberdeen University Press. 2309. "Jerzy Kurylowicz'" The Encyclopedia of Language and Linguistics, Oxford - Aberdeen: Pergamon Press - Aberdeen University Press. 1881-2. "An Early Middle English Dialect Feature". In Chiba, S., ed. Synchronic and Diachronie Approaches to Language: A Festschrift for Professor Toshio Nakao. Tokyo: Lieber Press. 3 - 1 1 . "Linguistic Status of Middle English". In Fernandez, F. et al (eds.) English Historical Linguistics. 1992. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 4 7 - 6 1 . "Training English Language Teachers in Poland: Recent Reform and Its Future Prospects". In Gough, C. and Jankowska, A. (eds.) Directions Towards 2000: Guidelines for the Teaching of English in Poland. Poznañ: Instytut Filologii Angielskiej UAM. 7 - 1 5 . "The Place-name Evidence for the Distribution of EModE Dialect Features: The Voicing of Initial If-/". In Kastovsky, D. (ed.) Early Modern English. Berlin—New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 9 7 - 1 1 0 . Review of Viereck, W. in collaboration with H. Ramisch. 1991. The Computer Developed Linguistic Atlas of England. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Folia Linguistica Histórica 15. 193-7.

"Standardization, Printing and the Evidence for Local Dialects: The Case of Early Modern English". In Winter, W. (ed.) On Languages and Language. Berlin-New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 145-165. (ed.) Medieval Dialectology. Berlin - New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Pp. 331. (ed.) Linguistic Change under Contact Conditions. Berlin —New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Pp. 438. An Outline History English. Vol. One: External History. 2nd. rev. ed. Poznañ: SAWW. Pp. 167. An Outline History English. Vol. One: External History. Edited with notes by Akio Oizumi and Hiroshi Yonekura. Tokyo: Eichosha. Pp. 147. Review of Penzl, H. Englisch. Eine Sprachgeschichte. Folia Linguistica Histórica 16. 165-9.

(ed.) Collins English-Polish, BGW. Pp. 512+520.

Polish-English

Dictionary.

Two vols.

Warszawa:

In press 126 (ed.) Typology and Linguistic Reconstruction. Berlin—New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

xxvi 127 128 129 130 131 132 133

List of Publications (ed.) Studies in Middle English. Berlin-New York: Mouton de Gruyter. "Domesday Book and the Great Scandinavian Belt". In Kastovsky, D. (ed). Language Contact, Berlin - New York: Mouton de Gruyter. "OE hyll in the East Midlands in Early Middle English". Festschrift for Matti Rissanen. (ed.) (with Schwarz, C. M. and Seaton, M. A.) Learner's English-Polish Dictionary. Warszawa: PWN (a revised and enlarged version of 102). An Early Middle English Reader. 5th ed. Warszawa: PWN. A Short Grammar of Middle English. 7th ed. Warszawa: PWN. (ed.) Middle English Miscellany: From Vocabulary to Linguistic Variation. Poznan: NAKOM.

Contents

Preface Curriculum vitae List of publications

ν vii XIX

I Language history The history of English Phonetics!Phonology Phonaesthesia and other forms of word play Julie Coleman

3

Middle English phonology without the syllable Katarzyna Dziubalska-Kolaczyk

13

Chaucerian phonemics: Evidence and interpretation Donka Minkova and Robert P. Stockwell

29

The hiatus in English historical phonology Toshio Nakao

59

Early Modern English vowel shortenings in monosyllables before dentals: A morphologically conditioned sound change? Nikolaus Ritt

65

The metrical prominence hierarchy in Old English verse Seiichi Suzuki

73

Morphology The issue of double modals in the history of English revisited Juan M. de la Cruz

87

The evolution of definite and indefinite articles in English John Hewson

101

The morphology and dialect of Old English disyllabic nouns Richard M. Hogg

113

XX v i i i

Contents

The root of the matter: OE wyrt, wyrtwale, -a, wyrt(t)rum(a) cognates Peter R. Kitson

and 127

Nominal markedness changes in three Old and Middle English psalters — using the past to predict the past Marcin Krygier

143

The instrumental in Old English Ruta Nagucka

153

Cumulative phenomena between prefixes and verbs in Old English Yoshinobu Niwa

167

Morphological variation and change in Early Modern English: my/mine, thy/thine Herbert Schendl

179

The genitive and the category of case in the history of English Aimo Seppänen

193

Weak-to-strong: A shift in English verbs? Jerzy Welna

215

Chaucer's compound nouns: Patterns and productivity Hiroshi Yonekura

229

Syntax Subjecthood and the English impersonal John Anderson

251

The grammaticalisation of infinitival to in English compared with German and Dutch Olga Fischer

265

-THING in English: A case of grammaticalization? Leena Kahlas-Tarkka

281

Topics in Old and Middle English negative sentences Ans van Kemenade

293

Topicalization in Old English and its effects. Some remarks Willem F. Koopman

307

Contents

xxix

"Therfor speke playnly to the poynt": Punctuation in Robert Keayne's notes of church meetings from early Boston, New England Merja Kytö

323

ME can and gan in context Manfred Markus

343

Economy as a principle of syntactic change Lilo Moessner

357

Optional THAT with subordinators in Middle English Matti Rissanen

373

Relative clauses in Thomas Browne: On the way to standard syntax Dieter Stein

385

Subject-oriented adverbs in a diachronic and contrastive perspective Toril Swan and Leiv Egil Breivik

395

The concept of the macrosyntagm in Early Modern English prison narratives Laura Wright 423 Object-verb word order in 16th century English: A study of its frequency and status Wim van der Wurff and Tony Foster

439

Lexis Three etymological cruxes: Early Middle English cang 'fool(ish)' and (Early) Middle English cangunlconjoun 'fool', Middle English crois versus cross and Early Modern English clown Bernhard Diensberg

457

"With this ring I thee wed": The verbs to wed and to marry in the history of English Andreas Fischer

467

The 'Hard Words' of Levins' dictionary Maurizio Gotti

483

XXX

Contents

From Jabberwocky back to Old English: Nonsense, Anglo-Saxon and Oxford Peter J. Lucas

503

"To make merry", its variants in Middle English, and the Helsinki Corpus Saara Nevanlinna

521

Translation as enrichment of language in sixteenth century England: The Courtyer (1561) by Sir Thomas Hoby Carmela Nocera Avila

543

Re-examining the influence of Scandinavian on English: The case of ditch/dike Heinrich Ramisch

561

Forget-me-not — an English plant name of European lineage Mats Rydén

571

Some East Anglian dialect words in the light of historical toponymy Karl Inge Sandred

585

Word-formation and the text in Early English: The axiological functions of Old English prefixes Anna Zbierska-Sawala

593

Varieties, past and present The battle at 'Acleah': A linguist's reflection on annals 851 and 871 of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle Richard Coates 605 What to call a name? Problems of "head-forms" for Old English personal names Fran Colman

615

La3amon's idiolect Haruo Iwasaki

629

The influence of English upon Scottish writing Veronika Kniezsa

637

The dialects of Middle English Gillis Kristensson

655

Contents

xxxi

The Northern paradigm and its implications for scribal grammar in Pe Wohnunge of Ure Lauerd Elise E. Morse-Gagné

665

Punctuation in the Middle English prose legend of St Faith in MS Southwell Minster 7 Päivi Pahta

679

Derivation of it from Pat in eastern dialects of British English Patricia Poussa

691

Social embedding of linguistic changes in Tudor English Helena Raumolin-Brunberg and Terttu Nevalainen

701

On the representation of English low vowels Charles T. Scott

719

The possessive adjective as involvement marker in colonial Virginia cookeries John J. Staczek

739

British vernacular dialects in the formation of American English: The case of East Anglian do Peter Trudgill

749

On negation in dialectal English Wolfgang Viereck General English historical linguistics and philology in Japan 1950-1994: A survey with a list of publications arranged in chronological order Akio Oizumi Knowledge of Old English in the Middle English period? Hans Sauer

759

111 791

By Saint Tanne: Pious oaths or swearing in Middle English? An assessment of genres Irma Taavitsainen

815

Historical linguistics Language groups and families On the linguistic prehistory of Finno-Ugric Lyle Campbell

829

xxxii

Contents

The development of the Germanic suffix -iskWitold Manczak

863

A case of divergent phonological evolution in West Germanic Vulf Y. Plotkin

873

Some West Indo-European words of uncertain origin Theo Vennemann gen. Nierfeld

879

The history of linguistics Baudouin de Courtenay on Lautgesetze Arleta Adamska-Salaciak

911

'Speculative' historical linguistics Wieslaw Awedyk

923

Language contact, language history and history of linguistics: John Palsgrave's "Anglo-French" grammar (1530) Pierre Swiggers

929

Language contact and change Contact Cross-dialectal parallels and language contacts: Evidence from Celtic Englishes Markku Filppula

943

A note on the use of data from non-standard varieties of English in linguistic argumentation Juhani Klemola

959

Arguments for creolisation in Irish English Raymond Hickey

969

Romance Germanic contact and the peripheral vowel feature Rebecca Posner

1039

The cline of creoleness in negation patterns of Caribbean English creóles Edgar W. Schneider

1055

Change How languages living apart together may innovate their systems (as illustrated by to in Russian) Jadranka Gvozdanovic

1069

Contents

Lexical diffusion and evolution theory Mieko Ogura and William S.-Y. Wang

xxxiii

1083

Types and tokens in language change: Some evidence from Romance John Charles Smith

1099

A sound change in progress? Werner Winter

1113

Grammatical ambiguity Wolfgang Ullrich Wurzel and language change

1125

II Linguistic modelling General The Focus Null Hypothesis and the head-direction parameter: Word compounding, numerals, and proper names Werner Abraham

1141

A theory of rection Jerzy Banczerowski

1159

Principles of cognitive grammar Günter Radden

1183

On the functioning of rules of adjustment in generative grammar Piotr Ruszkiewicz

1199

Licensing of bare NP adjuncts Przemyslaw Tajsner

1231

Adjunction to IP and NP: Evidence from Polish Tadeusz Zabrocki

1245

Phonetics /Phonology Irish "tense" sonorants and licensing of empty positions Eugeniusz Cyran

1261

Tone in second language acquisition S tig Eliasson

1273

Govern or perish: Sequences of empty nuclei in Polish Edmund Gussmann

1291

xxxiv

Contents

The theory of universal vowel space and the Norwegian and Polish vowel systems Stanislaw Puppel and Ernst Hâkon Jahr

1301

Alignment in Polish Jerzy Rubach

1325

A feature geometric analysis of palatalization in English Jolanta Szpyra

1341

Morphology Problematical plural forms in French William Bennett

1363

Recursivity in the inflectional morphology of English and German dialects Carol Chapman

1371

Inalienable possession in English, Irish and Polish morphology Aidan Doyle and Bogdan Szymanek

1379

Universale, typology, and modularity in Natural Morphology Wolfgang U. Dressier

1399

Syntax Some syntax and a little theology Anders Ahlqvist

1425

Supplementive adjective clauses in English Peter Erdmann

1433

One Eric speaker's P. Hamp verbs

1453

Some notes on grammatical function indicators across languages George M. Horn

1457

Telicity as a perfectivising category: Notes on aspectual distinctions in English and Polish Henryk Kardela

1473

It all cruises to a close: On agentive/middle verbs, analytic constructions and iconicity Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk

1493

Contents

xxxv

What is double about double modals? Steven J. Nagle

1513

Effects of mood loss and aspect gain on English tenses Harold Paddock

1527

The spread of the going-to-future in written English: A corpus-based investigation into language change in progress Christian Mair

1537

Any or no: Functional spread of non-assertive any Ingrid Tieken-Boon van Ostade

1545

On the syntactic status of zelthat and its implications for the theory of phrase structure in Polish Jacek Witkos

1555

Semantics Organization of the foreign language mental lexicon Janusz Arabski

1585

On the logic of implicational universals Erik W. Hansen

1593

The exculpation of the Conduit Metaphor Tomasz P. Krzeszowski

1613

Entailment and modality Philip A. Luelsdorff

1621

On the distinction between semantic and encyclopaedic information Roman Kalisz

1633

Crosslinguistic aspects of the mental lexicon David Singleton

1641

Shall we "re-consider"? A look at the pragmatics of the semantics of reAngela Della Volpe

1653

Pragmatics How do you know what I'm talking about? On the semantics and pragmatics of referring Barbara Kryk-Kastovsky and Dieter Kastovsky

1665

xxxvi

Contents

Sitting: Between pragmatics and etymology Aleksander Szwedek

1681

Contrastive linguistics and language acquisition Tertium comparationis and contrastive linguistics Ireneusz Bobrowski

1693

The historical-contrastive linguistics interface and noun morphology in contact situations Andrei Danchev f

1703

Grammaticalization and social convergence in second language acquisition Norbert Dittmar, Bernard Spolsky and Joel Walters 1713 Clippings in modern French, English, German and Dutch Camiel Hamans

1733

English—Polish Dictionary of Idioms: The computing background Michal Jankowski

1743

Manner adverbials in English and Arabic Lewis Mukattash and Elham Kawar

1751

First-language maintenance among twentieth century Polish immigrants to France, the United States, and New Zealand Henry Niedzielski

1765

Foreign elements in German and French trade names Elke Ronneberger-Sibold

1781

Radically simplified phonetic transcription for Polglish speakers Wlodzimierz Sobkowiak

1801

Same versus different crosslinguistically: The articles in English, Spanish and Hebrew Yishai Tobin 1831 Cognitive grammar for contrastive linguistics: A case study of indirect speech in English and Polish Kamila Turewicz

1859

Metalanguage and interlanguage Henry G. Widdowson

1887

Contents

xxxvii

The pragmatics of new words and their translation from English into Russian Vera Zabotkina

1901

Discourse analysis Reduction and elaboration in Polish academic discourse Anna Duszak

1911

Linguistic jokes based on dialect divergence Manfred Gör lach

1925

An essay in critical discourse analysis: How can linguists contribute to alleviating conflicts? Karol Janicki

1935

Cross sex misunderstanding in different ethnic groups Alia P. Martyniouk and Svetlana Bashkireva

1947

Text linguistics, translation and stylistics Hamlet's and Hamlet's audiences Jacek Fabiszak

1961

From contrastive textology to parallel text corpora: Theory and applications Reinhard Κ. Hartmann

1973

The "trash phenomenon" in Donald Barthelme's Snow White and James Joyce's Finnegans wake Andrzej Kopcewicz

1989

Translation process analysis and implications for translation teaching Wolfgang Lörscher

2006

Methods and aims of linguistic stylistics Jiri Nosek

2020

Gender and translation: Obstacles to the successful transfer of socio-political and cultural phenomena Alicja Pisarska

2025

The seduction of Mankind: Some remarks on the validity of linguistic analysis Liliana Sikorska

2035

XXX vili

Contents

The expatriated phantom: Washington Irving's rhetoric of revolution Marek Wilczynski

2045

Varia Language imperialism Arthur van Essen

2059

Nature or nurture: Are conference interpreters born or made? Andrzej Kopczynski and Agnieszka Kowaluk

2075

Index of subjects Index of languages Index of names

2085 2099 2102

The history of English Phonetics

/Phonology

Phonaesthesia and other forms of word play Julie

Coleman

1. Introduction The post-Saussurean marginalisation of phonetically expressive language is largely a response to the proliferation of highly speculative theories about the origins of speech. In this paper, I will treat sound symbolism as a sophistication rather than as a source of language.

2. Onomatopoeia and the OED I want to begin by looking at the treatment of sound symbolism in the Oxford English Dictionary (OED). With phrases excluded for the sake of simplicity, 174 of 9312 forms (1.9%) found within the semantic fields of LOVE, HATE, SEX and MARRIAGE, are described as being of onomatopoeic, echoic or imitative origin (Coleman 1992). These terms are used interchangeably in the OED, and often include phonaesthesia as well as full onomatopoeia. This is, of course, a relatively small proportion of the lexis. Many of the terms, moreover, have become fossilised or are used metaphorically within these fields. Sound symbolism appears, therefore, to be relatively unimportant. 2.1. Exclamations of contempt Examination of the OED's treatment of words which are clearly onomatopoeic, however, indicates that the proportion of sound symbolic terms is probably rather higher than these figures would indicate. Even in the treatment of exclamatory words, the tendency is to trace terms to a respectable language source wherever possible. Bah and ah, for instance, are tentatively traced to French sources; poof is described as 'a natural utterance'; pshaw as 'a natural expression of rejection'; and no etymologies at all are given for pea, phah, poh, ptish and tuh. Indeed,

4

Julie Coleman

many terms declared to be of uncertain origin are at least partly motivated by phonaesthesia, as well as some of those derived from dialect, cant and slang.

3. Phonaesthesia and folk etymology Sound symbolism is not just a matter of origin, however, but also of interpretation. Sounds in themselves do not have any meaning, but they come to be invested with meaning by the words in which they occur. When we encounter a word we are unfamiliar with, we interpret it according to context, but also according to its similarity to known words. It may or may not be related to the words we associate it with, but by etymology and folk etymology, on however conscious a level, we come to an understanding of the term which works in the context. The semantic development of the word will be influenced if enough people arrive at the same conclusion and begin to use the term accordingly. Examples of this process include sap (the verb originating in French saper 'to dig a sap or covered trench', rather than OE sap 'the vital fluid which circulates in plants') and sheen (derived from OE sciene 'beautiful', but developing the sense 'brightness, radiant surface' under the influence of shine and shimmer). The force of association between similar sounding words is an important enough phenomenon for manufacturers and advertisers to expend considerable resources in investigation of the associations provoked by potential brand names within the phonetic systems of various languages. Before a multinational company will spend millions on manufacturing and advertising a product, it will investigate how the name chosen works in various languages. A phonetic sequence with neutral or positive connotations in one language may have potentially sales denting associations in another. This process, which also underlies folk etymology, can be highly personal and subjective, and may be influenced by knowledge of any language which appears to be relevant. Similar sounding terms in whichever ancient and modern languages are familiar may help in the interpretation of unknown English forms. Spoilt as we are by speaking the world's lingua franca many, perhaps most, native speakers of English can only understand unfamiliar words in terms of other modern English words. Under these circumstances, folk etymology and phonaesthetic associa-

Phonaesthesia and other forms of word play

Figure 1.

5

The percentage of the lexis traced by the OED to sound symbolic origins

tions will have a major influence on the way that English is understood and used. With widespread literacy, mass media and improved communication systems, imaginatively coined terms tend to spread very quickly through the English speaking world. Indeed, it appears, on the basis of my material, that onomatopoeic and phonaesthetic forms represent an ever larger share of the lexis. Fig. 1 shows sound symbolic forms as a percentage of the lexis of these semantic fields within each half century period. These forms still represent a very small share of the lexis, never even reaching three percent, but their increase does appear to be significant, and is largely due to the fact that sound symbolic terms, once formed, tend to persist. Reay (1991) examines all OED terms beginning with , and finds a fairly constant ratio of two phonaesthetically motivated forms to one arbitrary form. This is not a ratio which we would expect to find in a study of terms beginning with , for instance, because some consonant sequences are more phonaesthetic than others. Aitchison (1987: 185-6) argues that the process of word recognition begins even before enunciation is completed, which would tend to encourage associations between terms with the same initial sounds. The coincidence of a few terms sounding similar and having related senses may be enough to set up a pattern for other terms to follow. Examination of the 174 sound symbolic forms recorded in these fields reveals that they are semantically as well as phonetically clustered. Fifty

6

Julie

Coleman

forms occur in HATE (2.9% of all forms in HATE), seventy three in LOVE (2.3%), forty seven in SEX (1.5%) and only four in MARRIAGE (0.3%). Many of these forms are concentrated in the lexicalisation of exclamations and physical actions. 3.1. Onomatopoeically

motivated

phonaesthesia

Some phonaesthesia appears to arise out of onomatopoeia. There are, for instance, many initial bilabials in the field KISS, where the articulation of the sound echoes the parting of the lips in kissing (Marchand 1969: 404, 415, 416). Initial Irai (mouth, mug, muggings, mumble, muss, muzzle), /sm/ (smack, smacker, smattering, smick, smick smack, smooch!smouch) and Ibi (ba, banger, bass, bebass, buss), are particularly well represented; the unvoiced Ipl (peck) rather less so. Terms beginning with /sn/ constitute the second category of marginal onomatopoeia. Consider, for instance, sneeze, snicker, snigger, sniggle, snook, snore and snout, all associated with the nose (Marchand 1969: 416). This initial sound is used in expressing hatred and contempt in the following terms, drawn from the classification of HATE: snarl, sneak up, sneaking, sneck up, sneer, snick up, sniddy, snidey, sniff, snitch, snort, snot, snotty, snouch, snubs, snuff and snurl (one's noselneb). The articulation of this sound, if performed feelingly enough, produces a sneer. 3.2. Emotive

phonaesthesia

The field of sexual intercourse is one in which phonaesthesia seems to be particularly important. I have selected some forms which I consider to have phonaesthetic force from among the transitive verbs for sexual intercourse with a woman. These citations are not all derived from the OED, and numerous arbitrary terms have been excluded: jangle [cl470 Scot]; thrum 1611-1772; rig 1619; swinge [1622 + 1688 si]; wimble 1656 + cl670; back [1658 zool]; rut 1679 + 1700; roger [1711 si]; fugel 1719; stitch al770; stroke al770 - ; board 1788 + [1942 US si dic+] + 1975 + 1988; pluck 1789; push 1789 (2) + 1986 - ; peg 1865; poke [1868 - si]; plug 1890 - ; broach 1892; block cl902 - ; drub 1916; thump [1916 dic+] + 1973; spit [1916 si die] + 1988; jump [1916 si dic+] + 1966 - ; pound [1916 si dic+] + 1957 - ; ram [1916 si dic+] + 1953 - ; stab [1916 si die] + al971 - ; stick [1916 si dic+] + 1965 - ; screw [1927 - vulg si]; fork [1937 si dic+]; twang [1937 si dic+]; scale [1937 si

Phonaesthesia

and other forms of word play

7

dic+] + al971; pump [1937 - vulg si]; sock it to [1942 US si die] + 1968 bag [1951 - US]; root [1958 - Aus vulg si]; thread [1958 - si]; plumb 1966; tickle 1966; yank it up 1971; pile [1971 ?US bl]; rattle 1971 - ; rivet 1974; ravage 1975; jam it into 1977 nail 1977 - ; slam 1977 —; skewer 1978; pork 1984 - ; cork 1985; prick 1985; prong 1985 - ; bone [1986 US bl si]; dork 1990; nob 1991; pummel 1991 (2); buck 1993 (2). Initial plosives are frequently used in expressions of contempt, as seen above, but they are also employed to suggest violent action, especially in monosyllabic words ending in plosives or dental fricatives. In this selection, for instance, back, bag, block, board, bone, broach, buck, peg, pile, pluck, plug, plumb, poke, pork, pound, prick, prong, pump and push are all expressive in, and at least partly motivated by, their initial plosive. The use of forms with weak second syllables suggests repeated small movements. Compare, for example, the effect of back, block, buck, pluck, cork, dork, fork, pork, poke, prick and stick, with that of fugel, jangle, pummel, rattle and wimble. 3.2.1. Some degenerate consonant clusters Phonaesthesia, as we have seen, is largely concentrated at the beginning of words. Initial /si/ and /dr/, for instance, express falling and wetness (Marchand 1969: 409, 416). Samuels (1972: 46) adds the sense 'inactive, degenerate, morally worthless' for /si/, which is supported by many terms in the fields of PROSTITUTION and PROMISCUITY (slack, slag, slagger, slapper, slattern, sleek trough, slight, slimy, slipper, slippy, sloop of war, slopjar, sloppy seconds, slouch, slovenly, sloy, slum, slummy, slut, sluttish), PORNOGRAPHY (sleaze, sleazo, sleazy) and SEX and SEDUCTION (slime, slip, sluice, slock). This same phonaesthetic extension is found, to a lesser extent, in terms with initial /dr/ in PROSTITUTION and PROMISCUITY (drab, drabber, drabbery, drabbing, drap, dreggy, driggle draggle, drivelling). Phonaesthetic extensions can, of course, arise from the semantic development of individual terms. Where enough terms for an untidy or lazy woman acquire associations with prostitution (drab, driggle draggle, slattern, slouch, slut), their phonaesthetic associations will also be carried over. Initial Iñl is also common in PROSTITUTION and PROMISCUITY (flacket, flag, flag about, flagger, flap, flapper, flat backer, fleabag, fleecer, fling, fling dust, fling stink, floater, floozie, flossy, fluter, flutter), perhaps by association with the terms flesh and flash (cant for anything associated with the underworld). This sense may also have arisen by association

8

Julie

Coleman

with terms referring to rapid movement (Marchand 1969: 403, 412), as seen in flasher 'exhibitionist', flatter and flitter 'caress', and the numerous inventive phrases to describe male masturbation containing the verbs flog, flong, fluff, flex and flip. 3.2.2. Vowels The most significant form of vowel based phonaesthesia is the association between short vowels and fast movement, long vowels and slow movement (Marchand 1969: 400). Terms from KISS {lip lick, lip clap, tuck, smick, peck: smouch!smooch) and CARESS (pat, tick: squeeze, stroke) would tend to support this. The use of short vowels in CARESS is often reinforced by weak second syllables, suggesting repeated small movements (cosset, dandle, daunsel, faddle, feddle, flatter, flicker, fondle, ingle, ningle, pettle, smuggle, tiddleltittle, twattle). Heavy movement is implied by loi ( b o f f dock, prod, rod, sock, wallop, wap) and IAl (nugging, plug, rub a dub, rut, trug, tug). Nasalisation of each is also common (bonk, plonk, romp, tonk: bum, hump, jumble, jump, strum, thrum, thump). /a/ is also well represented among words for SNUGGLING and NUZZLING (cull, cuddle, huddle, hug, nudgel, smug, smuggle, snug). The association of this sound with physical affection is borne out by its occurrence in many terms of endearment (bulkin, bun, butting, chuck, culver, duck, dumpling, honey, nug, nutting, pumpkin, sucket). Another phoneme frequently found amongst pet names is /u:/ (booboo, crooding doo, cuckoo, ducksey doosey, pooh (bear), toots). It is also found in many words expressing contempt for excessive sentimentality (canoodle, firkytoodle, googoo, gooey, goofy, googly, moony, patootie, poodle faking, snoodge, snoodle, snookums, snoozle, sooterkin, spoon, toot). It appears to correspond to the cooing noise made to babies (see Salzmann, 1993: 214).

4. Other forms of word play The use of phonaesthetic terms is usually restricted to relatively informal contexts. Among MARRIAGE words, for instance, there are relatively few phonaesthetic terms, and those which do occur, such as buckle and splice are jocular or pejorative. The emotional attitude of a speaker or writer is conveyed by register as well as by semantic content. Techniques such as the use of rhyme and reduplication, of ablaut variation, alliteration and assonance, and the use of puns and nonsense words all serve to

Phonaesthesia

and other forms of word play

9

lower the tone of discourse, to question the importance of the subject matter, and to express or deny emotion. Marchand (1969: 397) divides imitation into the direct and the expressive, and writes that "while compounding, prefixing, and suffixing have a primarily practical purpose ... rime and ablaut subordinate the intellectual purpose of signaling to the emotional one of playing" (Marchand 1969: 438). 4.1. Alliteration and assonance Alliteration represents a fairly significant motivating factor in lexical choice, e.g. belly bumping 'sex', join giblets 'have sex/get married', hump one's hose, prime one's pump 'masturbate (of a male)', wienie waggler 'flasher', jet one's juice 'ejaculate', parallel parking 'petting', romance and roses 'idealised romanticism' and trusty trout 'close friend'. Consider also the phrase head over heels, which appears to be a combination of over head and ears 'completely immersed (in debt, love etc.)' and heels over head which was used to describe physical upheaval. Head over heels makes less sense than over head and ears, but it does have alliteration on its side. Assonance is much less common than alliteration, but may have influenced the development of burp the worm and cream one's jeans 'ejaculate', date rape, glad hand, press flesh 'be over friendly for political gain' and turd burglar 'male homosexual'. 4.2. Rhyme and

reduplication

There is a fair amount of simple reduplication among terms of endearment (baba, booboo, ding ding) and in the fields of SEX (boom boom, bouncy bouncy, dippy dippy, fucky fucky, in out in out, jig jig, naughty naughty, nice nice, pom pom, yum yum) and MALE HOMOSEXUAL (chacha, chichi, gaga, kiki, lulu, yoyo). These correspond to the main uses of reduplication found by Thun (1963: 246-251): synaesthesia, disparagement, duality and hypocorism. He suggests that nursery language plays a role in the development of many reduplicative forms (ibid: 291—300), with the use of baby talk between lovers providing a bridge to SEX. Examples of ablaut modification from my fields include ding dong, niddlety noddlety (terms of endearment), group grope 'group sex', he whore 'male prostitute', tick tack, flicket a flacket 'sexual intercourse' and smick smack 'repeated kissing'.

10

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Coleman

Rhyming reduplication is much easier to achieve, since the range of possible second elements is wider and there seems to be less need for them to be meaningful in themselves. The second element of a rhyming compound in baby talk, for instance, may represent only the repetition of the first element with the substitution of /w/ for the initial phoneme (kissy wissy, piggy wiggy). When used to adults, such baby talk can express affection or contempt. In the same way, in the conscience schmonscience type of reduplication, the second element is only meaningful as an expression of attitude. Examples of rhyming reduplication from within the fields studied include rantum scantum 'sex', bunch punch 'group sex', handy dandy, hanky panky 'sexual caressing' or 'sex', cock block 'to play gooseberry', claptrap and poxbox 'diseased prostitute', he she 'transsexual, gay or bisexual male', joy boy 'male prostitute', fag hag 'woman with gay male friends', bum chum 'gay male sexual partner', peer queer 'gay male voyeur', hoddy doddy, 'cuckold', kickie wickie, popsy wopsy and tootsie wootsie (terms of endearment), lovey dovey 'exceptionally loving, sentimental' and pally wally, palsy walsy 'over friendly'. Rhyme has also played a part in the development of phrases such as beat the meat, crank one's shank, dinky one's slinky, jerking the gherkin 'masturbate (of a male)' and pecking and necking 'petting'. 4.3. Nonsense

words

A significant number of terms within the fields studied can be classed as nonsense words. These are usually terms of endearment, as seen above, or words describing physical actions euphemistically, often with negative implications, such as firky toodle, gobbledegooker, hanky panky, kidoodle, poop noddy, putty hawly and rantum scantum, all terms for sexual caressing or intercourse. 4.4.

Puns

A relatively marginal category of word play is that of punning. Puns, like slang, represent a short lived layer of the language: while they are new they may entertain, but once familiar they can only irritate. Those derived from cant include the use of wasp with reference to a prostitute with a sexually transmitted disease (she has a sting in her tail), hat of the female genitals (because they are frequently felt), squirrel 'prostitute' (because like that animal she covers her head with her tail) and barber's chair and

Phonaesthesia and other forms of word play

11

public ledger 'prostitute' (because she is open to everyone) (Grose 1811). In addition to these, there are numerous nineteenth century double entendres derived from place names, such as Bushey Park, Petticoat Lane, Mount Pleasant and Shooters Hill. I have been unable to find instances of genuine usage for any of these. In modern slang, puns for 'sex' tend to use phonaesthesia and association with other terms to jocular effect (heing and sheing, hokey pokey, jiggery pokery, rumpy pumpy). 4.4.1. Rhyming slang Rhyming slang probably represents the most formalised type of punning found in English. Unlike all the other categories of word play, and unlike sound symbolic forms, rhyming slang is well represented in MARRIAGE. Examination of the rhyming slang forms found, indicates that they cover three main areas, which overlap and merge at the edges. These are intimacy, physicality and taboo. Many rhyming slang forms are found with reference to close friends or relations: for 'wife' (carving knife, fork and knife, joy of my life and troublelworrylwar and strife 'wife'; cheese and kisses, plates and dishes 'Mrs') and 'husband' (pot and pan 'old man'), for 'girlfriend' (jam(-tart) 'sweetheart'; Richard (the third) 'bird') or close friends (china, tin plate 'mate'; finger and thumb 'chum'). Affectionate and sexual contact is also well represented among rhyming slang terms. These range from heavenly bliss and plates and dishes 'kiss' and 'kisses', to Friar Tuck 'fuck', Sir Berkeley (Hunt) 'cunt' and Wellington (boot) 'root'. The more explicitly sexual terms blend in with the category of taboo. High concentrations of rhyming slang are found in PROSTITUTE (twist (and twirl) 'girl'; brass (nail) 'tail'; Rory O'Moore 'whore'), PIMP (Charlie (Ronce) 'ponce'; fish and shrimp 'pimp') and MALE HOMOSEXUALITY (iron (hoof) 'poof'; ginger (beer) 'queer'; haricot (bean) 'queen'). Raspberry (tart) 'fart', with its derivatives razzberry, razz and razoo, used for a sound made to express disapproval, serves as a further example of the use of rhyming slang as a form of euphemism.

5. Conclusions Examination of non-arbitrary forms in the fields studied reveals several important trends. The first is that association with onomatopoeic or other words may lead to the creation of new phonetically expressive forms which can then contribute to the suggestion and support of ele-

12

Julie Coleman

ments of meaning with no etymological motivation. This process is very similar to that of folk etymology. Wherever possible, however, sound symbolism is usually disregarded in assigning etymology. Sound symbolism is restricted to certain registers, being characteristic of informal, nonstandard and ephemeral English, along with many other forms of word play. It is also, of course, characteristic of poetic language. It is concentrated semantically as well as phonetically, but unlike onomatopoeia, which can only express sound and physical movement, phonaesthesia can also be used to express attitude and emotion. Finally, although they still represent a relatively small proportion of the lexis, the use of sound symbolic forms appears to be rising as phonaesthesia becomes an increasingly important tool in the interpretation of previously unknown forms.

References Aitchison, Jean 1987 Words in the Mind. An Introduction to the Mental Lexicon Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Coleman, Julie 1992 A Historical Study of the Semantic Fields of LOVE, SEX and MARRIAGE from Old English to the Present Day [Unpublished PhD dissertation, King's College, London]. Harris, Max (ed.) 1971 Grose's 1811 Dictionary of the Vulgar Tongue Adelaide: Bibliophile Books. Marchand, Hans 1969 The Categories and Types of Present-Day English Word-Formation (2nd ed.) Munich: C. H. Beck. Murray, James A. H. et al (eds.) 1989 The Oxford English Dictionary Oxford: Clarendon Press. Reay, I. E. 1991 A Lexical Analysis of Metaphor and Phonœstheme [Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Glasgow]. Salzmann, Zdenek 1993 Language, Culture and Society. An Introduction to Linguistic Anthropology Boulder: Westview. Samuels, M. L. 1972 Linguistic Evolution: With Special Reference to English Cambridge: University Press. Thun, Nils 1963 Reduplicative Words in English Uppsala: Carl Bloms.

Middle English phonology without the syllable Katarzyna

Dziubalska-Kolaczyk There is somebody irreplaceable. My boss.

1. Introduction Early Middle English vowel quantity changes receive traditionally a syllable-related interpretation. 1 In this paper, I will argue for a different approach to the interpretation of these changes, namely an approach which does not assume the unit "syllable".2 The paper is organized as follows: firstly, I will present briefly the traditional description of Early Middle English vowel lengthenings and shortenings. Secondly, I will report on the criticism of the traditional account against the background of some other existing analyses (e. g., Ritt 1992, 1994, Jones 1989, StockwellMinkova 1992, Lahiri 1992, Ogura 1987, Liberman 1992). Finally, I will present a reanalysis of the changes within the syllable-less beats-and-binding model (Dziubalska-Kolaczyk 1995). From now on I will qualify the term "syllable" with quotation marks.

2. Middle English vowel quantity changes Familiar handbook descriptions (cf. e.g., Luick 1914/21, Jordan 1974, Berndt 1960, Fisiak 1968, Reszkiewicz 1973) refer to four different quantity changes which affected English vowels in between the 9th and 13th centuries: Homorganic Lengthening, Shortening before Consonant Clusters, Trisyllabic Shortening and Open Syllable Lengthening. Homorganic Lengthening is described as a process lengthening short vowels if they were followed by the clusters of two homorganic (or almost homorganic) consonants, as in the following examples: (1)

gold, word, clïmban, behïndan, singan, Sorl, mürnan

The process is assumed to have taken place 400 years before the so called Middle English Open Syllable Lengthening (cf. diacritics for length in Anglo-Saxon manuscripts in the words like those above).

14

Katarzyna

Dziubalska-Kolaczyk

The second change, Shortening before Consonant Clusters, affected long vowels before consonant clusters (except for homorganic clusters and those that could function as "syllable" onsets), as in: (2)

kepte, brohte, softe, dust, mist, bledsian, wisdom, siknesse3.

The third process, the so called Trisyllabic Shortening, is believed to have applied to long vowels in antepenultimate "syllables" of words. Luick's examples are, for instance: (3)

heafodu pi, linenes gen. dat., cerende, deorlingas pl., othere acc.

Finally, the fourth change, Middle English Open Syllable Lengthening, according to the generally familiar textbook descriptions, affected short stressed vowels in open, i. e., unchecked, "syllables" in "disyllabic" words when there was only one intervening consonant between the stressed and the unstressed vowel (unless it was a cluster of the [st], [sp], [sk] type). For example: (4)

äken, wëven, höpen, ale, bêver, chaste, dëne, game, haste, taken, vapor, bläd, còl, cäf, höl, läc

Open Syllable Lengthening spread southwards in the years between 1200 and 1400.4 In what follows I will concentrate on the two lengthenings (although shortenings are naturally taken into account in unification approaches), because of their prominent position in studies of historical English phonology, and for reasons of space.

3. A brief review of selected approaches Existing accounts of the vowel quantity changes can be subsumed under at least three different labels, according to which I will review them below. 3.1.

Compensation

Formulated as above, Middle English Open Syllable Lengthening appears to have a lot of exceptions, e. g., manig 'many', cetel 'kettle', sadol 'saddle' etc. Various proposals of how to deal with these exceptions have been critically reviewed, e. g., by Minkova (1982). Her own proposal consists in reformulating the environment of the process to apply unfailingly only before unstable "syllables", i. e., when the second "syllable" of the

Middle English phonology

without the syllable

15

word concerned is lost due to final schwa deletion in ME (Minkova 1982: 42).5 Thus, lengthening affects a short vowel in a weak "syllable" followed by C-e#. Due to the acquisition of additional rhythmic weight by the foot-initial "light syllable", the overall weight of the word is preserved. The motivation of the lengthening lies, therefore, in the rhythmic weight compensation principle. The above formulation, based on a comprehensive (and not selective) list of word forms susceptible to the process, constitutes an improvement in comparison to the traditional formulation. It is still, however, far from being exhaustive. Firstly, there are aspects of the Open Syllable Lengthening which are not present in Minkova's structural description. Secondly, her description, like that of many others for that matter, misses a possibility of generalization by not relating the Middle English Open Syllable Lengthening to other vowel quantity changes of Middle English. Explanations of Homorganic Lengthening offered in the literature are also divergent. A summary account of them is given by Minkova-Stockwell (1992). One example is a compensatory lengthening account of Liberman (1992, and forthcoming, as quoted by Minkova-Stockwell 1992). It belongs to the major holistic trend in explaining the quantitative changes discussed, which consists in assigning to lenghtening a compensatory function triggered by a loss of a vowel or consonant in the neighbourhood. For instance, words like wylf > wylif, burh > burug, myln > mylen (examples from Jones 1989: 170) developed a svarabhakti vowel, while in "tight" homorganic clusters this was not possible, so the original vowel lengthened instead. Liberman (1992) suggests two causes for the vowel lengthenings in the Indo-European languages:6 compensation and analogy. Middle English Open Syllable Lengthening was caused by the substitution of schwa for full endings, as a result of which the root vowel became bimoric (while previously the root vowel + the ending vowel constituted two vocalic morae) (e. g., Liberman 1992: 71, 83). The term Open Syllable Lengthening is a misnomer also because its phonetic environment was not an open syllable, but the context of a weak vs. strong consonant (cf. Liberman 1992: 77 ff for an explanation of this distinction). Although Liberman talks about compensation in terms of morae and phonetic context in terms of consonant strength, the way in which he understands morae and strength is not necessarily compatible with that of other authors (cf. e. g., Stockwell—Minkova 1992, Lahiri 1992, or Vennemann 1988, Murray 1988). The overall idea of a functional compensatory change is popular among the various interpretations of Middle English vocalic quantity

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changes, although it appears under different guises for different authors. For Ogura (1987), for instance, Open Syllable Lengthening is a compensatory change in the articulation of the first vowel of a "disyllabic" word in response to the reduction of the second vowel: the first vowel is perceived by the hearer as long, and thus, consequently, produced as long (Ogura 1987: 126). The motivation of Open Syllable Lengthening she supplies is based on Lehiste's (as quoted by Ogura; cf. also Lehiste 1970) temporal compensation hypothesis in the production of "disyllabic" words in English as well as on Ogura's own investigation of the perception of "disyllabic" words in English (Ogura 1987: 118 fl). Jones's (1989) view on the lengthening can be also subsumed under the "compensation" label. He attributes to the speaker perceptual intuitions as to the preferred, optimal structure of "syllables" and words according to the three criteria: accent distribution (or accent balance), durational loading (or vowel duration ratio) and vocalic prominence weighting (Jones 1989: 116, 119). I believe that these criteria potentially possess great explanatory power which can be put to work if a few weak points in their presentation are overcome: (a) one needs to decide whether they are criteria all at the same level, i. e., what status they have within the phonology/phonetics of language; (b) one needs to state what is universal and what is language-specific about them; (c) one needs to operationalize them and decide to what "higher level items" they refer ("syllables", words, feet ?). Lahiri (1992) argues against treating the Open Syllable Lengthening of Middle Dutch and Middle English as compensatory lengthening. Her argumentation hinges upon a concept of the Germanic foot 7 which became opaque at the Middle period due to a number of reasons (cf. Stockwell-Minkova 1992 for a discussion), which led to a "bisyllabic" foot being transformed to a bimoraic "monosyllabic" foot. As a consequence, stressed open "syllables" were lengthened, but not for compensatory reasons, since (a) the foot was already bimoraic, and (b) final schwa loss was independent. Stockwell-Minkova (1992) diverge from the above line of argumentation (in their discussion of Dresher-Lahiri 1991) in saying that the loss of the final unstressed vowel, although not causal, created (among other processes) unfavourable circumstances for the preservation of the Germanic foot. As a consequence, both the #(C)VC# and #(C)VVC# structures could (and, in fact, did) develop from the late Old English Germanic foot structure #(C)V.Ca # . The authors state that "the creation of a bimoric syllable peak as in Open Syllable Lengthening is in no way mandated by the well-formedness of the resulting foot struc-

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ture, since both post-schwa deletion structures are well-formed feet" (Stockwell-Minkova 1992: 12), but note themselves that items of the bëck, etc. type were very rare (less than 5% of the "disyllabic" Germanicfoot-type words of late Old English). In my opinion, the fact that in the vast majority of cases the bimoric structure was developed shows a strong preference for that structure which could easily create a functional ground for the application of vowel lengthening. Also final schwa deletion forms indirectly (since it had an independent morphological motivation) such a ground, due to its symbiosis with the retreat of the Germanic foot. Understood in the above sense, the process of Open Syllable Lengthening can be still interpreted as compensatory: not as a durational compensation for the lost vowel, but as a weight compensation within a foot.

3.2.

Unification

A temptation to supply a unified account of the four lengthening and shortening changes of EME is obvious to any linguist outside the Neogrammarian "sound-law" tradition. 8 Ritt's (1992, 1994) unification approach to the vowel quantity changes of Early Middle English constitutes an attempt in this direction. He is able to incorporate all the conditioning factors of both lengthening and shortening of vowels within a single formula thanks to (a) the comprehensive scrutiny of the available data on Middle English and its comparison to Modern English data and (b) the concept of statistical tendency (Ritt 1994: 43-46), which allows him to talk about degrees of change rather than exceptionless laws. He gives a prosodie account of the changes, using the "syllable rhyme" - branching conventions of non-linear phonology. Thus, the weight of the "syllable" is counted in mora(s) whereby "ambisyllabic" segments count as halfmora, thus, e. g., the first "syllable" of ma[k]en has 1.5 moras, of re[s\\en — 2 moras, of plan[t]en - 2.5 moras. A general formula for Open Syllable Lengthening itself (Ritt 1994: 96) predicts that the branching of the nucleus of the foothead (i. e., lengthening of a vowel) is proportional to: (a) the degree of stress on it (b) its backness (c) coda sonority (—• before unstable "syllables")

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and inversely proportional to: (a) its height (b) "syllable" weight (c) the overall weight of the weak "syllables" in the foot. This means that it is a stressed, rather back, non-high, and rather light vowel (i. e., 1.5 moras is preferred to 2 and more moras) followed by a rather sonorant coda and an unstable "syllable" that is expected to be lengthened. The coda sonority criterion does not account for the fact that liquids and nasals block nucleus lengthening (cf. a: 1(e) but alum9 vs. be: ver), since this is the case before stable "syllables" and the result of the special status of sonorants in "syllable" structure. The latter receives the following explanation from Ritt: sonorants are part of a branching nucleus and as such may vocalize to produce a long vowel followed by a consonantal trace. However, in the case of a V + sonorant nucleus followed by another (stable) "syllable", a sonorant cannot vocalize since it also serves the function of the (consonantal) onset of the following "syllable". At the same time, however, it remains as the branch of the nucleus node, so the V does not lengthen. It is worth digressing at this point that Jones' (1989) account of the alum-type of "exceptions" to Middle English Open Syllable Lengthening differs considerably from a rather formalistic explanation by Ritt. Noticing that the words concerned tend to finish in [km], [kn], [kr], [ran] clusters, Jones suggests a "vocalic prominence weighting" criterion for the distribution of vocalicness across "syllables" and words: the speaker's perceptual intuition about the preferred distribution of vocalicness within a "syllable" or word disallows his applying vowel lengthening to an already vocalically "overloaded" sequence. Plausible as it sounds, the criterion is not operationalized. Ritt demonstrates next that Homorganic Lengthening can be subsumed under the above formula to the effect that both changes constitute simply ME vowel lengthening. Simultaneously, he proposes solutions for particular detailed problems connected with this unification. Among other things, he tries to explain why the first "syllable" of bindan (before the lengthening) does not block vowel lengthening, although, according to the counting scheme proposed above, it should count as 2.5 moras and thus block the process. Phonetically homorganic nasal + stop clusters (like [nd]) tend to simplify to prenasalized stops. Therefore, the first "syllable" of bindan (before the lengthening) weighs, in fact, only 1.5 mora, [nd] being "ambisyllabic", and thus allows for the lengthening to bi.ndan.

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Finally, Ritt shows that both lengthenings and shortenings are manifestations of a single tendency which he calls Early Middle English Quantity Adjustment (Ritt 1994: 96). It allows for the prediction that there exist environments which will equally favour both lengthening and shortening. An example may be an [st] cluster whereby the only decisive criterion appears to be vowel height, i. e., high vowels get rather shortened e. g., dust, fyst, mist while low vowels get lengthened e. g., ha:ste, ta:ste, cha.ste. One could ask for the justification of the choice of parameters which controlled EME quantity adjustments as well as for the explanation of its temporal restrictedness. With reference to the former, Ritt suggests a rhythmical and phonetic explanation, and, for the latter, — an explanation based on the interplay of phonology with morphology. 10 3.3. Phonetic

explanation

The phonetic account by Minkova-Stockwell (1992) casts doubt on the assumed generality of the Homorganic Lengthening (before 9 homorganic or near-homorganic clusters). The authors supply statistical evidence approving only of lengthenings before [nd] and [Id], and they propose a phonetically based explanation only for the latter ("late breaking")·11 There is also a phonetic component in the unification account of Ritt presented above as well as in the compensation accounts. 3.4. Problems with the existing

accounts

One of the reasons for problems with unification of the EME quantity changes has been the multifacedness and disputability of the "syllable". For example: since the criterion of "syllable" openness fails to explain the so-called OPEN SYLLABLE lengthening, one refers to "syllable" weight instead. One allows not only for "ambisyllabic" consonants (and counts them as half-mora), but also for fully (ha[st]e, a[pr]i7) and partially iplan[i]e) "ambisyllabic" clusters. Additionally, while [nt] in plante is partially "ambisyllabic", [nd] in bindan is a fully "ambisyllabic" prenasalized stop. Moreover, [1] in alum is also "ambisyllabic", but blocks lengthening, while otherwise more rather than less sonorant "ambisyllabics" favour it. Already the "ambisyllabicity" distinctions themselves seem ad hoc, while they do not suffice to account for all aspects of the changes, either. Also the observation that sonorants both favour and disfavour the pro-

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cesses remains unaccounted for. The evidence concerning Early Middle English vowel quantity changes is believed to support the notion of "syllable" weight. I will present an alternative account of the changes in the beats-and-binding model, couched within a framework of a functionalist, non-conventionalist theory of Natural Phonology, which predicts a change in the preferred direction as well as allowing for dysfunctional change.

4. The beats-and-binding model12 All the generalizations formulated within the beats-and-binding theory have the status of universal or language-specific preferences and not absolute rules or laws (cf. Dressler 1988, in press: 2-4,6). The following exposition will be limited to the presentation of the preferences and principles of the model which account for the four levels of phonological structure, i.e., level 0: the level of rhythmical preferences, level 1: the level of underlying phonological binding preferences, level 2: the level of phonotactic preferences and level 3: the level of articulatory preferences. 1) The primary rhythm units are feet and their constituents — rhythmical beats, similar to those in music. There is a universal preference for two beats per foot: the former beat is preferably strong, the latter, weak, i. e., they constitute a trochee (a metrically falling accent). 2) A beat (henceforth notated as "B") is realized by a phoneme which is traditionally referred to as a "syllable nucleus"; preferentially, it is a vowel (notated as "V"); secondarily, a consonant may acquire the function of a beat. A vowel is a better candidate for a beat due to its saliency potential based on its high sonority value and articulatory openness. Therefore, those among consonants which possess the latter two features to a higher extent qualify better for a beat than others. 3) In accordance with the semiotic principle of figure and ground (cf. Dressler 1985), a hiatus between two beats is avoided by means of inserting a non-beat (henceforth notated as "n") in between, i. e., a consonant (notated as "C"). Only in this way do the figures, i. e., beats (B), receive a necessary ground, i. e., non-beats (n), in the form of consonants. So, thanks to the preferences 1 to 3, the speech flow consists of beats and non-beats, which are phonetically realized by perceptually and articulatorily contrasting sounds - vowels and consonants respectively. This is the most general structural level of phonology, the level of rhythmical preferences (= level 0).

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4) Beats (B) and non-beats (n) in a sequence are joined by means of bindings in a binary fashion, i. e., e. g., in a sequence {BnB} there are maximally two bindings, i. e., a Bn-binding (a non-beat is bound to the preceding beat) and a nB-binding (a non-beat is bound to the following beat), i. e., {Bn + nB}. A beat, however, may potentially stay alone while a non-beat must be bound to a beat. So, non-beats actively work against beat hiatus. The latter is a sequence of two beats, with NO binding between them. If a {B + B} sequence is not "broken" by a non-beat, it either (a) reduces to one beat {B}, represented phonemically/segmentally by a short vowel, which involves a change in the structure on Level 1 or (b) remains underlyingly a two-beat unbounded sequence i. e.,{B + B}, represented phonemically either by a diphthong or a long vowel, which leaves the structure on the level of bindings (level 1) unaffected. 13 "Heaviness" in a beat-and-binding model is expressed by means of a number of beats AND bindings (and beats and bindings count equally) contained within a binary foot, from one beat to another one or to a phonological word boundary. For example, in a {Bn} cluster (/VC/) there is one beat and one binding, i. e., count 2, and in a {BB} cluster (/V:/, /VV/) there are two beats, i. e., also count 2. Another possibility is to have an intervening morphological boundary between two beats in hiatus. Since bindings are perceptually based, binding preferences (i. e., how bindings preferably arise and combine) belong to the universal perceptual level of phonology. The latter consists of two levels; binding preferences occupy level 1, i. e., the level of underlying phonological binding preferences between beats (B) and non-beats (n). 5) The two bindings differ in strength: the {nB} binding, i. e., the binding of a non-beat to the following beat (preferentially realized by a /CV/ sequence), is always stronger than the {Bn} binding, i. e., the binding of a non-beat to the preceding beat (preferentially realized by a /VC/ sequence). A subjective perceptual measure of contrast between a beat and a nonbeat is constituted by sonority. At the level of phonological bindings, beats are uniformly more sonorous than nonbeats. In objective terms, it is the degree of modulation 14 in several acoustic parameters (amplitude, periodicity, spectral shape, FO; cf. Ohala 1990) that decides about an {nB}-binding being uniformly stronger than a {Bn}-binding. 6) Actual distances between segments in terms of sonority become relevant only at the level of phonotactic preferences (level 2). At this level sonority becomes a relative measure of distance between (and among)

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consonants and vowels, the values of which decide the fate of segments in a phonotactic sequence. 7) Two main functions of phonology, to serve clarity of perception and ease of articulation, are reflected in perceptual, hearer-friendly preferences on the one hand, and in articulatory, speaker-friendly preferences on the other. Another level of structure, called level 3, will be reserved precisely for speaker-friendly preferences for articulatorily easy phonotactic sequences. 8) Conflicts among universal preferences, and especially those between hearer-friendly and speaker-friendly preferences, are mediated by the strong tendency for balance (cf. Maddieson 1992), which is realized on a language-specific level.

5. Reanalysis of the Early Middle English quantity changes In accordance with the principles of the beats-and-binding theory, Early Middle English quantity adjustments can receive the following interpretation. There are three hierarchically ordered domains of the quantity changes: the rhythmical domain; the hearer-friendly, perceptual domain, governed by binding preferences; and the domain of articulatory conditioning and implementation. This hierarchy is compatible with the descendant procedure, the ordering of processes in Natural Phonology, i. e., fortitions before lenitions, and with the hierarchical levels of phonological organization in the beats-and-binding model (level 0 — rhythmical preferences > perceptual levels 1 and 2, governed directly or indirectly by bindings > level 3 — articulatory preferences). The overall motivation in the rhythmical domain (level 0) is to keep the number of beats and bindings within a foot equal. Isochrony is understood as the tendency for feet to be of equal weight. Weight is understood as a feature of a foot. As already specified above (section 4, point 4), it is measured by means of counting of beats and bindings from one beat to another or to a phonological word boundary. Due to the preference for a trochee, a minimal foot-weight is 3, as in /VCV/ = {B}{nB} on level 1, i. e., two beats and one binding. Beat-timed languages will preferably have this foot-weight. Stress-timed languages, however, will have a minimal foot-weight of 4 in a /VCV/ = {Bn}{nB} sequence, i.e., two beats and two bindings. In the process of change in a language from beattiming towards stress-timing, feet of both weights will occur: weight 3 will persist due to the principle of foot-weight preservation (e. g., VCV

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23

—» VVC i. e., {B}{nB} —» {B}{Bn}); weight 4 will develop as characteristic of new (stress-) timing. In the case of ME vowel lengthening, the initial step is made by the speaker, who reduces the binary foot (i. e., deletes a schwa); compensation of weight within a foot (i. e., of the number of bindings/beats within a foot) follows: (5) or

/CVCV/ — /CVC(V)/ — /CV:C/ {B}{nB} - {B}{n} ... — {B}{Bn} ( 3 - 1 - 3 ) {Bn}{nB} — {Bn} ... — {B}{Bn} (4 — 2 — 3 )

One can immediately observe that, on the level of bindings (level 1), a similar compensation will be legitimate in sequences with two intervocalic consonants, i. e., (6)

/CVCCV/ — /CVCC(V)/ — /CV:CC/ {Bn} {nB} — {Bn} {n} ... — {B} {Bn} (4 — 2 — 3 )

A reverse case is that of shortening whereby "negative compensation" (reduction of foot-weight) towards the preferred number of beats and bindings takes place: (7)

/CV:CCV/ — /CVCCV/ {B} {Bn} {nB} — {Bn} {nB} (5 — 4)

6. Details of the quantity changes Before unstable schwas, lengthening took place preferably before sonorants. A VC-sonority distance with a sonorant is smaller than with a stop. This may have the following influence on the decision about lengthening (at level 2): If a VC distance is big, it means that the contrast between a vowel and a consonant is easy to perceive, there is no need and no possibility of enhancing it any more and, thus, the speaker can move fast enough from V to C, so there is no need for vowel lengthening. If a VC distance is small, the contrast is more difficult to perceive at the end of a word, and thus the speaker may choose to prolong the transition between V and C (which results in a /V:C/). Thus, a decision to add a beat (due to the loss of another one) has been made on level 1, but it may still undergo verification on level 2.

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Before stable schwas (i. e., in CVCV sequences - less than 20% of all cases e. g., be: ver), vowel lengthening was blocked before liquids and nasals, e. g., alum vs. ma:ken. In alum, a VC distance on level 2 enhances the level 1 preference for {Bn} to be weaker than {nB}. In ma:ken, a CY distance on level 2 enhances the level 1 preference for {nB} to be stronger than {Bn}. This means that the -ak- is not the best {Bn}-binding in wordinternal position. This transition is thus liable to modification: a strategy selected by the speakers of ME was lengthening. 15 Homorganic sonorant + stop clusters (CVnd(V)) created a context for vowel lengthening (CV:nd(VJ), while other two-consonant clusters triggered shortening. In general, all the so-called homorganic clusters concerned contain a sonorant whose sonority distance to the left-hand vowel is small, e.g Vn, VI or Vr, i. e., the contrasts are not perceptually satisfactory. A speaker thus slows down to make [n], [1] or [r] perceivable (which is also followed by articulatory adaptations). It has been observed (cf. Minkova—Stockwell 1992: 197 ff) that the only vowels lengthened before [nd] are the high vowels [i] and [u], while before [Id] predominantly the back, non-high vowels [o] and [a] lengthened. This is compatible with the above general scenario of that change, [i] and [u] are the least sonorous, most coloured, and thus the most consonant-like vowels, which makes them stand relatively near perceptually to [n]. Additionally, [n] and [d] share all articulatory features apart from nasality. The lengthening of [i] and [u] is, therefore, motivated both at level 2 and level 3. [o] and (especially) [a], on the other hand, are sonorous and velar, which makes them close to [1] (assumed to have been dark, cf. Minkova—Stockwell 1992: 199), so the lengthening of the vowels is again well motivated. Of course, articulatory adaptations like nasalization and velarization of the vowels are to be expected. The latter, however, applies especially for higher and non-back vowels. Before [st], both lengthening and shortening took place. There is a bad contrast between [s] and [t], but, on the other hand, both consonants are in good contrast to the neighbouring beats. As a consequence, shortening of a vowel is motivated (the listener does not need slowing down on the part of the speaker to perceive the V[s] contrast, cf. above). On level 3, however, articulatory adaptation, i. e., assimilation, between two articulatorily similar segments may take place, which in turn may trigger lengthening of a vowel as before a single consonant. A language, dialect or even speaker makes a choice between a level 2 and level 3 alternative, in accordance with a principle of balance. At level 3, lengthening is a segmental process with phonetic conditioning and implementation. Some of the relevant phonetic factors are: intrin-

Middle English phonology without the syllable

25

sic sonority of a vowel is more apparent in long vowels, lengthening is favoured in the context of sonorants and/or voiced consonants, and lengthening of rather low vowels is preferred, as it leads to an increase of their sonority. In general, one expects lengthening the shorter the word (that is identical to a foot) is, i. e., in our case, in CVC(C) rather than CVCV or CVCCY; one expects lengthening the weaker the implementation on level 2 of the binding {Bn} is; and one expects shortening in CVCCV. One more argument in favour of the hierarchical conditioning of quantity changes is the pattern of their development in other Germanic languages, which also went through quantity adjustments of a generally similar type, as in English in connection with a morphological loss of inflection. For example (cf. Liberman 1992), Danish, English and German all underwent the lengthening of the ma:ke(n) type, but apocope on a large scale occurred only in English. For Swedish, Icelandic and Faroese a stage of free apocope has been suggested, since they underwent the lengthening too, while full endings persisted until modern times. In Swiss dialects, finally, no large scale lengthening was observed. The developments sketched above point to the potential of choice, according to universal preferences, on the part of particular languages, dialects or speakers. On the basis of that choice a typological differentiation becomes possible.

Notes 1. More recently, also a mora-related one (e. g., Ritt 1992/4). 2. This paper is a revised attempt at a new interpretation of the EME vowel quantity changes. For the former one see Dziubalska-Koiaczyk (in press b). 3. Among Luick's (Luick 1914/21: 324ff, 392) examples for Shortening before Consonant Clusters there are some with geminates e. g., mette, lœdde, hydde, and even more interestingly, mœdd, fœtt, although geminates are not included by Luick in the context triggering shortening. According to Kurath (1956: 435 ff, quoted after Berndt 1960: 146 ff.) already in late Old English (ca 1000) the only context in which a quantitative consonantal contrast appeared was after a short stressed vowel, e. g., bannan (ModE ban) vs. banan (ModE bane); sunne (ModE sun) vs. sunu (ModE son). The contrast was gradually (earlier in the North, later in the South) lost, predominantly due to the Open Syllable Lengthening which made the consonantal quantity contrast redundant, as well as due to the reduction of the final schwa in the sequence VCCs e. g., sunne, sitte(n), frogge > sun, sit, frog. Thus, at the time of Shortening before Consonant Clusters there should have been no phonetic geminates available as a shortening context after long vowels. One possible explanation for examples like the above-quoted mette, lœdde etc. is of course to

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treat the geminates therein as a graphic representation of the shortened vowel. There is no space here to go further into that matter. 4. An apparently accompanying change of vowel quality will not be discussed here, but cf. e. g., Lieber (1979), Ritt (1992, 1994). 5. Minkova (1984) presents arguments for schwa deletion as a natural continuation (through generalization of environment) of metrical elision, the latter best exemplified in Ormulum. Important arguments for the likelihood of cooccurrence of elision in the poetry and spoken language at the time of Orm are the functions of the process: avoidance of hiatus and optimalization of rhythmic organization (cf. Minkova 1984: 63—63). I think that Luick does not deserve the criticism by Minkova of his quite revealing sociolinguistic remark about the generalization of elision in casual speech: his "Beschleunigung des Redetempos" (Luick 1921: §452) sounds very much like today's often-used, although underspecified term "rapid speech". 6. Liberman draws parallels among all West Germanic and Scandinavian languages as well as pointing to possible solutions for atypical behaviour, e. g., a stage of free apocope in Swedish, Icelandic and Faroese, which underwent Open Syllable Lengthening and then returned to full endings, cf. Liberman 1992: 72 ff. 7. The foot of early Germanic, described as a resolved bimoric trochee whose head must dominate at least two moras (cf. Dresher—Lahiri 1991, Stockwell—Minkova 1992). 8. This was obvious already to Luick, although he himself formulated the four separate rules! He talked about the dependence of vowel quantity on (a) the number of syllables in a word, and (b) the number of consonants following a vowel, i. e., the adjustment of a vowel's quantity to its prosodie environment (cf. Ritt 1994: 2 ff). 9. According to Fisiak (personal communication), in the time of Open Syllable Lengthening alum was stressed on the second vowel and therefore did not constitute a context for the process. 10. These explanations are compatible with the framework of Natural Phonology; there is no space to report them here. 11. Also the quality of a vowel plays a role here: high vowels are lengthened before [nd], back nonhigh vowels before [Id] (cf. my discussion of that point below). 12. For the detailed presentation and justification of the model the reader is referred to Dziubalska-Kolaczyk (1995). 13. Two neighbouring beats (by default unbounded) without any "trace" of a non-beat in between them (i. e., no gliding, no pre-glottalization) and without any morphological boundary separating them count as a long beat on level 0, i. e., on the level of universal rhythmical preferences. Counting of beats on this level corresponds to what is usually interpreted as speakers' intuitions about the number of "syllables". For example, a trochee on level 0 counts two, while on level 1 it often consists of three beats. 14. As Ohala (1990) notices, larger modulations have more survival value than lesser ones and therefore will persist in languages. 15. An alternative explanation: On level 2, words of this group show a final, weak vowelsonorant contrast (e. g., maken, alum). Those words which show another weak vowelsonorant contrast internally (e. g., alum) do not show the lengthening of the stressed vowel. It seems that again a principle of balance is at work: words like alum already contain three weak contrasts and to add one more "non-contrast" V—V is disfavored. At this point one could recollect Jones's (1989) principle of "vocalicness": on level 1 one could interpret it as a preference to restrict the number of weak bindings within a foot (phonological word).

Middle English phonology without the syllable

27

References Berndt, Rolf 1960 Einführung in das Studium des Mittelenglischen. Halle: Niemeyer. Blake, Norman F.-Charles Jones (eds.) 1984 English historical linguistics: Studies in development. Sheffield: CECTAL. Dresher, B. Elan-Aditi Lahiri 1991 "The Germanic foot: Metrical coherence in Old English", Linguistic Inquiry 22: 251-286. Dressier, Wolfgang U. 1985 Morphonology. Ann Arbor: Karoma. 1988 "Preferences vs. strict universals in morphology: Word-based rules", in: Michael H a m m o n d - M i c h a e l Noonan (eds.), 143-154. in press "Principles of naturalness in phonology and across components", in: Bernhard H u r c h - R i c h a r d Rhodes (eds.). Dressier, Wolfgang U.—John Rennison-Martin Prinzhorn (eds.) in press Phonologica 1992. Torino: Rosenberg and Sellien Dziubalska-Kolaczyk, Katarzyna 1995 Phonology without the syllable: A study in the natural framework. Poznañ: Moti vex. in press b "Early Middle English vowel quantity changes in an anti-syllable framework", in: Carmen Terzan (ed.). Fisiak, Jacek 1968 A short grammar of Middle English. Warszawa: Panstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe. Hammond, Michael—Michael Noonan (eds.) 1988 Theoretical morphology. San Diego: Academic Press. Hurch, Bernhard —Richard Rhodes (eds.) 1996 Natural phonology: The state of the art. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Jones, Charles 1989 A history of English phonology. London: Longman. Jordan, Richard 1974 A handbook of Middle English. The Hague and Paris. Lahiri, Aditi 1992 "Trochaic system in Later Germanic", in: Wolfgang U. Dressier-John Rennison-Martin Prinzhorn (eds.) in press. Lehiste, Ilse 1970 Suprasegmentals. Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press. Lieber, Rochelle 1979 "On Middle English lengthening in open syllables", Linguistic Analysis 5: 1-27. Liberman, Anatoly 1992 "A bird's-eye view of open syllable lengthening in English and in the other Germanic languages", Nowele 20:67-87. Luick, Karl 1914/1921 Historische Grammatik der englischen Sprache. Stuttgart: Bernhard Tauchnitz. Maddieson, Ian 1992 "Universals of segment sequences: A cross-linguistic lexical survey", in: Wolfgang U. Dressier-John Rennison—Martin Prinzhorn (eds.) in press.

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Minkova, Donka 1982 "The environment for open syllable lengthening in Middle English", Folia Linguistica Histórica 3: 29-58. 1984 "Early Middle English metric elision and schwa deletion", in: Norman F. Blake-Charles Jones (eds.), 56-66. Minkova, Donka-Robert P. Stockwell 1992 "Homorganic clusters as morie busters in the history of English: The case of -Id, -nd, -mb", in: Matti Rissanen-Ossi Ihalainen-Terttu Nevalainen-Irma Taavitsainen (eds.), 191-206. Murray, Robert W. 1988 Phonological strength and early Germanic syllable structure. München: Wilhelm Fink. Ogura, Mieko 1987 Historical English phonology. A lexical perspective. Tokyo: Kenkyusha. Ohala, John J. 1990 "Alternatives to the sonority hierarchy for explaining segmental sequential constraints", The Parasession on the Syllable in Phonetics and Phonology. Chicago Linguistics Society 26: 319-338. Reszkiewicz, Alfred 1973 A diachronic grammar of Old English. Warszawa: Pañstwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe. Rissanen, Matti-Ossi Ihalainen-Terttu Nevalainen-Irma Taavitsainen (eds.) 1992 History of Englishes. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Ritt, Nikolaus 1992 Adjustments of vowel quantity in Early Middle English. [Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, University of Vienna.] 1994 Quantity adjustment. Vowel lengthening and shortening in Early Middle English. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Stockwell, Robert P.—Donka Minkova 1992 "Syllable weight in the history of English", A paper presented at ICEHL 7 in Valencia. Terzan, Carmen (ed.) in press Proceedings of the Symposion "Natürlichkeitstheorie und Sprachwandel". Maribor, 1993. Vennemann, Theo 1988 Preference laws for syllable structure and the explanation of sound change. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter.

Chaucerian phonemics: Evidence and interpretation Donka Minkova and Robert P. Stockwell

1. Background Some thirty years ago Jacek Fisiak (Fisiak 1965)' adopted a reconstruction of Chaucerian phonemes in which they resemble modern English ones more than Alfredian ones.2 At some point thereafter he decided he had been wrong, since in later work he returned to traditional representations. While we do not wish to recapitulate those arguments which are largely unintelligible to phonologists who have long since replaced Trager and Smith (1951) with better formulations 3 , we do want to examine the quality of the evidence concerning Chaucer's pronunciation, which we believe was in many ways closer to Shakespeare's than to Alfred's.

2. The philological legacy After all that has been written on this subject in the past 150 years, one has to be brash indeed even to ask whether anything of interest remains to be said. It is only diffidently, therefore, that we undertake to challenge the view that this knowledge is well-established. We do not intend to replace it, only to alert those who believe in it to pitfalls and alternatives. Many details are far beyond any possibility of recovery by any kind of evidence known to philology or linguistics. We are not the first to challenge the validity of the standard reconstruction of Chaucer's language. Skepticism, as distinct from outright disbelief, has been common for a number of years. In his recent edition of The Canterbury Tales Michael Murphy writes that "the phonetic accuracy of the [standard] reconstruction is dubious" (1991: xvi) and uses this uncertainty as an argument in favour of "modernizing" Chaucer. While we are in sympathy with Murphy's intent, we feel that exactly what the uncertainties of the existing reconstructions are and why they exist need to be shown more fully and with more precision. That is, we seek to determine where the evidence is lacking, or, where it exists, why it does not lead to a definitive interpretation.

30

Donka Minkova and Robert P.

Stockweil

Existing reconstructions of the phonetics of Chaucerian English are at variance with each other in several curious ways. As our data sample we take the phonetic renderings (and commentaries) of these scholars: Helge Kökeritz (1962), Samuel Moore and Albert Marckwardt (1968), Martyn Wakelin (1988), Robert Peters (1980), Alan Markman and Erwin Steinberg (1983), Thomas Cable. (1983), John Algeo (1982), Rolf Berndt (1960), and Joseph Williams (1975).4 We do not assess negatively any of these efforts. In one sense they are all equally right: the evidence is inconclusive. In another, they are all equally wrong: the phonetic claims they make or that their phonetic symbols entail are stronger than the evidence will support. Rather than presenting individual transcriptions published in the sources we have consulted, we list common alternative phonetic claims, in the form of sets of examples5 (1)

Aprille

a:pril

a:pril

a:pril

(2)

croppes

kropaz

kroppsz

kropas

(3)

his

hiz

his

IZ

(4)

of

3V

of

ov

(5)

that

dat

θαί

(6)

the

03

θο

(7)

vertu

vertii:

vertiu

vertiu

(8)

veyne

vain

vain

νείη

(9)

were

we:ra

ws:ra

(10)

whan

hwan

hwan

(11)

which

hwitf

witj

(12)

with

WIÖ

wie

(13)

straunge

straundza

strâandza

wan

is

hwaen

3. The stressed vowels We begin with interpretations of the letter where it represents, as everyone agrees, some sort of "short" low vowel as in Whanne that ... hath. Chaucerians on the recordings we have sampled 6 read it as identical

Chaucerian phonemics

31

with the vowel of Broadcast Standard American English (hereafter AE) pot. Kökeritz says, very clearly — and correctly, as an identification of what the symbol [a] means in IPA - that the vowel is a low front vowel, though he identifies it with both German Mann and French patte, which he surely knew are not the same vowel (the French vowel is low front, the Harvard yard vowel; the German vowel is low central, the vowel of AE pot). But why low front [a]? The corresponding Old English vowel was [ae]; and except where the vowel has been retracted (as in harm, March, all, or want) or lengthened (as in Southern British English (BE) half, fast), it is still [ae] quite generally today (i. e., outside of Scotland and some northern English accents). We cannot prove beyond doubt that the vowel remained low front from Old English times to Modern English times right through Middle English times, rather than being retracted in Middle English when the scribes ceased to use the symbol œ, presumably because after the conquest they were trained exclusively in French and Latin orthography, not in the Anglo-Saxon orthographic traditions. But it is evident that the only argument for low front [a] as opposed to low central [a] is no more than this: since OE [ae] will change back to [ae], historians are ill-advised to assume excessive retraction based only on the spelling used by Norman-French scribes - low central [a] would presumably require a stronger theory of retraction than seemed reasonable to Kökeritz. Why it did not seem equally unreasonable to others is nowhere stated, but in roughly half of the published transcriptions this vowel is shown as low central [a]7. If the justification for low central [a] is weak, the justification for the same quality in its long counterpart [a:], commonly assumed in Aprille, bathed, is even weaker. Less than 150 years later, the reflexes of this vowel are described by Sir John Smith8 in such a way as to require the interpretation [ae:] for the most conservative dialects and [ε:] for advanced ones (Dobson 1957: 58). Given reasonable assumptions about rates of change, Chaucer's vowel cannot have been less front than low front [a:], as Dobson believed (1957: 58). Low central [a:], the vowel of AE and BE father, is simply wrong as a representation of Chaucer's vowel. But given the earlier phonetic shape of this vowel, namely [ae:], it is really doubtful whether anything except the French/Latin orthographic tradition had changed, i. e. the spelling but not the articulation, between Old and Middle English times. By the time we have any reliable witnesses there are variants like [ε:]. The monophthongization of ME eilai and merger with ME "long " in the early 16th century argue for the front variety. In any case the confidence with which scholars have identified ME "long " with the continental [a:] is not well-founded.

32

Donka Minkova and Robert P.

Stockwell

We mentioned above that long and the diphthong