Historical, Indo-European, and Lexicographical Studies: A Festschrift for Ladislav Zgusta on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday 9783110809718, 9783110128840


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Table of contents :
Introduction
Publications of Ladislav Zgusta
I. Indo-European and general historical linguistic studies
Nexus and ‘extraclausality’ in Vedic, or ‘sa-figé’ all over again: A historical (re) examination
Some archaisms in the Iliad
The origin and evolution of primary derivative suffixes in Dravidian
Ex Oriente nox
Indo-European religion
Archaism and innovation in Proto-Celtic?
On Old Persian hypocoristics in -iya-
Some problems of Latin adverbs
Hittite telipuri- ‘district, precinct’
Lexical archaisms in the Tocharian languages
II. Papers on lexicography and history of linguistics
Corrections and additions to the Ossetic etymological dictionary
More on the Diccionario Griego-Español
Uphill with Dasypodius: On the lexicographic treatment of weak nouns in German
The gnosiological and dianoetic aspects of language and the limitedness of G. B. Vico’s theory
Re-constructing ideology, Part one: Animadversions of John Horne Tooke on the origins of affixes and non-designative words
Greek maulistērion and its group: A lexicographical essay
The vocabulary of culture: A potential method of contrastive description
The lexical Semitisms of Septuagint Greek as a reflex of the history of the Hebrew vocabulary: Implications concerning lexical diachrony and historical lexicography
Printed language dictionaries and their standardization: Notes on the progress toward a general theory of lexicography
Indices
Author index
Language index
Recommend Papers

Historical, Indo-European, and Lexicographical Studies: A Festschrift for Ladislav Zgusta on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday
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Historical, Indo-European, and Lexicographical Studies

W DE G

Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 90

Editor

Werner Winter

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

Historical, Indo-European, and Lexicographical Studies A Festschrift for Ladislav Zgusta on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday

edited by

Hans Henrich Hock

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

1997

Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin.

© Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

Library of Congress

Cataloging-in-Publication-Data

Historical, Indo-European, and lexicographical studies : a festschrift for Ladislav Zgusta on the occasion of his 70th birthday / edited by Hans Henrich Hock. p. cm. - (Trends in linguistics. Studies and monographs ; 90). Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 3-11-012884-5 1. Indo-European languages. 2. Lexicography. 3. Historical linguistics. I. Hock, Hans Henrich, 1938— II. Zgusta, Ladislav. III. Series. P512.Z47H57 1996 410-dc20 96-10581 CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek —

Cataloging-in-Publication-Data

Historical, Indo-European, and lexicographical studies: a Festschrift for Ladislav Zgusta on the occasion of his 70th birthday / ed. by Hans Henrich Hock. - Berlin ; New York : Mouton de Gruyter, 1997 (Trends in linguistics : Studies and monographs ; 90) ISBN 3-11-012884-5 NE: Hock, Hans Henrich [Hrsg.]; Zgusta, Ladislav: Festschrift; Trends in linguistics / Studies and monographs

© Copyright 1996 by Walter de Gruyter & Co., D-10785 Berlin All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Diskconversion: Lewis & Leins GmbH, Berlin. Printing: Gerike GmbH, Berlin. Binding: Lüderitz & Bauer, Berlin. Printed in Germany.

Contents

Introduction

1

Publications of Ladislav Zgusta

5

I. Indo-European and general historical linguistic studies

. . .

47

Nexus and 'extraclausality' in Vedic, or 'sa-fige' all over again: A historical (re)examination Hans Henrich Hock

49

Some archaisms in the Iliad Henry M. Hoenigswald

79

The origin and evolution of primary derivative suffixes in Dravidian Bh. Krishnamurti

87

Ex Oriente nox

W. P. Lehmann

117

Indo-European religion Edgar C. Polome

129

Archaism and innovation in Proto-Celtic? Karl Horst Schmidt

147

On Old Persian hypocoristics in -iyaRiidiger Schmitt

163

Some problems of Latin adverbs Oswald Szemerenyi

171

Hittite telipuri- 'district, precinct' Johann Tischler

179

Lexical archaisms in the Tocharian languages Werner Winter

183

II. Papers on lexicography and history of linguistics

195

Corrections and additions to the Ossetic etymological dictionary V. I. Abaev

197

vi

More on the Diccionario Griego-Espanol Francisco R. Adrados Uphill with Dasypodius: On the lexicographic treatment of weak nouns in German Elmer H. Antonsen The gnosiological and dianoetic aspects of language and the limitedness of G. B. Vico's theory Walter Belardi Re-constructing ideology, Part one: Animadversions of John Home Tooke on the origins of affixes and non-designative words Fredric Dolezal Greek maulisterion and its group: A lexicographical essay Olivier Masson The vocabulary of culture: A potential method of contrastive description Oskar Reichmann The lexical Semitisms of Septuagint Greek as a reflex of the history of the Hebrew vocabulary: Implications concerning lexical diachrony and historical lexicography Haiim B. Rosen Printed language dictionaries and their standardization: Notes on the progress toward a general theory of lexicography Herbert Ernst Wiegand

319

Indices Author index Language index

381 383 389

221

233

253

261 283

287

301

Introduction1

As I was searching for an epigraph for the introduction to this volume in honor of Ladislav Zgusta I remembered a fragment from Homer so famous that I knew it even when Greek was still 'Spanish' to me - the beginning of the Odyssey: "Ανδρα μοι εννεπε, Μ ο ϋ σ α , π ο λ ύ τ ρ ο π ο ν . . .

The nineteenth-century edition of Liddell and Scott's Greek-English Lexicon which I call my own refers to a controversy as to the correct meaning of polutropos, the adjective modifying the man about whom the Muse is asked to report: According to some scholars the meaning is 'multum iactatus', according to others 'uersatus, uersatilis'. In Ladislav Zgusta's case, the controversy can end, because he is both, multum iactatus 'much tossed about' and uersatus, uersatilis 'well-versed, versatile'. Born in 1924 in what is now the Czech Republic, he survived two dictatorships: First that of Nazi Germany, under which he worked as a temporary laborer in a construction business and in the railway system of the 'Protektorat Böhmen und Mähren'; then that of Communism, from which, after the 'Prague Spring' had been forcibly crushed, he escaped with his family in a veritable cloak-and-dagger episode worthy of a movie - first to India, at that time a reluctant host, and almost immediately on to the United States, where in a single year he was in quick succession affiliated with three universities - Cornell, Texas, and Illinois. At the University of Illinois we consider ourselves fortunate that his being tossed about the globe ended here. Even before he escaped from Czechoslovakia, he had traveled extensively, but less dramatically, to Russia, Georgia, and other republics of the then USSR, to Germany (East and West), Austria, and the United States (where I caught a cutting-edge lecture of his on laryngeals at Yale University in 1965). Since joining the University of Illinois, his travels have ranged even 1

I want to thank Amy Repp, Sarah Michael, and Yasuko Suzuki for help in putting the papers in this volume on computer disk. I owe special gratitude to Yasuko Suzuki for additionally proofing a near-final version of the volume, for coding the contributions for printing, and for help with the indices.

2

Introduction

farther, to Canada and Mexico on the North-American continent; to Austria, Germany, Italy, and many other countries of Europe; and to India and the Philippines in Asia. The breadth of Ladislav Zgusta's travels, travails, and peregrinations through the world is more than matched by his versatility as a scholar. Unlike most of us in academia, he was not satisfied with one Doctor's degree; he earned two: one in 1949 from Prague University (in Classical Philology and Indology, with a dissertation on the 'Lexicology of the Cypriot dialect'); the second from the Prague Academy in 1964 (in Philology of Asia Minor, with a dissertation on 'Personal Names of Asia Minor'). In addition, in 1964 he earned his 'Dr. Habil.' in Indo-European linguistics at the University of Brno. His two doctoral dissertations on onomastics and lexicography set the tone for most of his nine authored monographs and seven edited volumes. His publications in this area, especially his Manual of lexicography, which he is now preparing for a thoroughly revised edition, are well known and would, by themselves, have been sufficient to establish his äphthiton kleos 'imperishable fame'. But his total range of publications is much broader both in terms of volume (141 papers and articles and 574 reviews so far) and in terms of the range of topics, interests, languages examined, languages used, and languages read. In addition to onomastics and lexicography, his papers and reviews cover just about every aspect of the linguistic sciences. They range from the history of linguistics (including the work of the Sanskrit grammarians) to language contact and bilingualism; from linguistic theory (including reviews of Chomsky's Aspects and Cartesian linguistics), to psycholinguistics, semantics, and typology; from epigraphy (including, I believe, epitaphs on tombstones in Champaign and Urbana), to general historical linguistics; and they cover virtually the entire range of the broad field of Indo-European studies (including a bold attempt with Winfred P. Lehmann to bring Schleicher's nineteenthcentury reconstruction of a Proto-Indo-European fable up to the level of late-twentieth-century Indo-European scholarship). Within the Indo-European language family he has paid special attention to the Anatolian languages (not only Hittite, but also the lesser-known Luwian, Lycian, and Lydian), the classical European languages Greek and Latin, and the Iranian languages (especially the Scythian-Ossetic traditions). His interests have also included Sanskrit, the entire range of the Slavic languages, Armenian, Tocharian, and a large number of the less well attested, 'minor' early Indo-European languages, including Illyrian, Messapian, Phrygian, Thracian, and Venetic.

Introduction

3

As if this impressive breadth were not enough, he has also worked on a vast variety of non-Indo-European languages, from nearly every continent - Etruscan and Lapp from Europe; Caucasic, Dravidian, Turkish, Semitic languages (Ugaritic, Arabic, Hebrew), Japanese, Chinese, Korean, Tibetan, and Malay from Asia; Iban and Ngizim from Africa; Navajo, Nahuatl, and Athabaskan from the Americas. At least equally impressive is the wide range of languages in which he has published and in which he converses and exchanges letters with his numerous friends around the globe: The languages most commonly used in his publications are Czech, his native language, German, English and one of his great and abiding loves, Latin, in which - as if to single-handedly prove its continued usability as a scholarly language - he has written on such diverse topics as the linguistics and epigraphy of the Caucasus, onomastics, and even modern grammatical theory. Other languages include French, Hungarian, Italian, Russian, and Spanish. A remarkable publication attests to his abiding love for the Greek language as well as to his proficiency in using it - an exchange of letters between Ladislav Zgusta and I. N. Kazazis. His strong interest in Sanskrit, the third great classical Indo-European language, is reflected in the 'subtitles' of a series of recent lexicographical articles. 2 In addition he has reviewed publications written in Modern Armenian, Afrikaans and Dutch, Georgian, Norwegian, Portuguese, Swedish, and Ossetic. Ladislav Zgusta's impressively broad range of interests and publications has received an equally impressive and broad range of recognition. He has twice been invited to teach at Linguistic Institutes of the Linguistic Society of America. He has presented invited talks at more than thirty different institutions and academic meetings and has conducted seminars in Czechoslovakia, the United States, Mexico, India, and the Philippines. He has been awarded at least twenty major research awards, prizes, and consultantships, including grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities, Guggenheim, the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, and the Czech Academy of Sciences. He has been honored with membership in numerous learned societies, including the Indogermanische Gesellschaft, the Austrian Academy of Sciences, the Czech Academy of Sciences, the Societä linguistica italiana, and most recently the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. He has held offices in the Dictionary Society of North America, the Linguistic Society of America, 2

He also honored my wife, Zarina, and me at our wedding by reciting a medley of Rig-Vedic verses that he had selected for the occasion.

4

Introduction

the Indogermanische Gesellschaft, and the Lexicographical Commission of the UNESCO-CIPSH. Last, but not least, his scholarship has been recognized by the University of Illinois on several occasions: Immediately upon his arrival he was named a member of the University's prestigious Center for Advanced Study, of which he became Director in 1987; he presented the 1985 Humanities Lecture; and in 1991 he was honored by his colleagues for his 'scholarship, humanity, friendship, and for his impact on South Asian linguistics by teaching and research' at a special inauguration ceremony of the Thirteenth South Asian Languages Analysis Roundtable, held at the University of Illinois. When several years back I realized that Ladislav Zgusta had turned sixtyfive I asked him whether he would mind my editing a festschrift in his honor and whether he could suggest the names of possible contributors. Some of those whom he mentioned were not able to participate in this volume. The range of scholars who were able to do so; the range of their topics and linguistic frameworks; the range of languages they cover, of native languages, and of languages in which they communicate with Ladislav Zgusta - all of these provide a splendid reflection of his breadth of interests. But more than that, all of the scholars whom I contacted, whether they were able to participate or not, shared a deep and abiding respect and friendship for Ladislav Zgusta. The papers in this volume are presented to him with that feeling of respect and friendship. I began this introduction with a reference to a passage in one of Ladislav Zgusta's favorite languages, Greek. Let me end with a verse composed in another classical language that is dear to him, Sanskrit, containing a translation of his given name and a 'slesa' allusion to his family name, both inspired by his own Latinized Greek name, 'Archicles Apolochmius qui et Ecgeumas': 3 « ^Sft l l f c H M rvO W U * ^ π : I

3

For those not familiar with Sanskrit, I add a (rough) translation: Ό Agryasravas ( = Archicles, Ladislav), polymath, whose tastes are not to be disputed; Protected by the Asvins, indefatigable, live a complete life.'

Publications of Ladislav Zgusta

Abbreviations ARBA Ar.Or. BSL DLZ IJAL IJL KZ LF NO RBPh

American Reference Books Annual, Littleton, Colorado Archiv Orientälni Bulletin de la Societe de Linguistique de Paris Deutsche Literaturzeitung für Kritik der internationalen Wissenschaft International Journal of American Linguistics International Journal of Lexicography Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung Listy Filologicke Novy Orient Revue Beige de philologie et d'histoire/Belgisch tijdschrift voor filologie en geschiedenis, Bruxelles WZUH Wissenschaftliche Zeitschrift der Martin-Luther-Universität HalleWittenberg: Gesellschafts- und sprachwissenschaftliche Reihe, HalleWittenberg ZMK Zpravodaj Mistopisne Komise (Onomastic Bulletin) ZPSK Zeitschrift für Phonetik, Sprachwissenschaft und Kommunikationsforschung Books authored 1.

Die Personennamen griechischer Städte der nördlichen Schwarzmeerküste. (Monografie Orientälniho ustavu CSAV, 16.) Prague: Nakladatelstvi Ceskoslovenske akademie ved, 1955. Reviews: V

Archeologicke rozhledy 4: 535-536, 1955, Josef Filip. Ar. Or. 24: 635-639, 1956, Adolf Erhart. Beiträge zur Namenforschung 7: 207-210, 1956, Wilhelm P. Schmid. LF 4:124-126, 1956, Ladislav Vidman. Vestnik drevnej istorii 57: 3: 68-79, 1956, Benjamin I. Nadel'. Kratylos 11: 161-169, 1957, Olivier Masson. Language 33: 446-450, 1957, Gordon M. Messing. Sbornik praci Filosoficke Fakulty Brnenske University 6 (A5): 132-135, 1957, Adolf Erhart. BSL 53: 3: no. 2, 65-67, 1957-58, ßmile Benveniste.

6

Publications

of Ladislav

Zgusta

Voprosy jazykoznanija 7: 2: 153-157, 1958, V. I. Nadel'. Onomastica 5: 238-243, 1959, Tadeusz Milewski. 2. Kleinasiatische Personennamen. (Monografie Orientälniho ustavu CSAV, 19.) Prague: Verlag der Tschechoslowakischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1964. Reviews: ZMK, 5: 322-234, 1964, M. Frydrich. Paideia 20: 332-334, 1965, Roberto Gusmani. Revue des etudes grecques 78: 610-619, 1965 (1966), Claude Brixhe. Die Sprache 11: 195-200, 1965, Wolfgang Dressler. Ar.Or. 34: 104-106, 1966, Alfred Heubeck. Beiträge zur Namenforschung, N.F., 1: 81-82, 1966, Günter Neumann. Bibliotheca Orientalis 23: 301-303, 1966, Rudolf Werner. DLZ 87: 16-18, 1966, Wolfgang Dressler. Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen 218: 3-4: 304-310, 1966, Günter Neumann. Voprosy jazykoznanija 4: 106-115, 1967, Vitalij V. Sevoroskin. Die Sprache 13: 66, 1967, Wolfgang Dressler. Beiträge zur Namenforschung, NF, 7: 137-142, 1972, Günter Neumann. 3. Anatolische Personennamensippen. (Dissertationes Orientales, 2.) Prague, 1964. Reviews: Die Sprache 11: 195-200, 1965, Wolfgang Dressler. Archiv Orientälni 34: 104-109, 1966, Alfred Heubeck. Bibliotheca Orientalis 23: 301-303, 1966, Rudolf Werner. Beiträge zur Namenforschung, N.F., 1: 81-82, 1966, Günter Neumann. DLZ 87: 16-18, 1966, Wolfgang Dressler. Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen 218: 3-4: 301-312, 1966, Günter Neumann. 4. Neue Beiträge zur kleinasiatischen Anthroponymie. (Dissertationes Orientales, 29.) Prague, 1970. 5. Manual of lexicography. (Janua Linguarum, Series Major, 39.) Prague: Academia, and The Hague: Mouton, 1971. a. Cidian X u e Gailun (Chinese translation). Beijing: Shangwu Yinshuguan Commercial Press, 1983. b. Prirucnik Leksikografije (Serbo-Croatian translation by Danko Sipka). Sarajevo: Svjetlost, 1991. Reviews: Jazykovedny Casopis 23: 91-96, 1972, M. Ivanovä-Salingovä. Virittäjä: kotikielen seuran aikakauslehti 1972: 462-466, Maija Länsimäki.

Publications

of Ladislav Zgusta

7

Virittäjä: kotikielen seuran aikakauslehti 1972: 466-469, Maija Kivekäs. WZUH 21: 5: 151-152, 1972; and WZUH 22: 1: 81-82, 1973, Otto Troebes. Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 88: 4-6, 1972, Kurt Baldinger. BSL 68: 2: 27-29, 1973, L. Guilbert. KZ 87: 2: 299, 1973, Joachim Bahr. Leuvense bijdragen 62: 2: 206-220, 1973, F. Claes. Limba si literatura moldovenjaske 16: 4: 73-76, 1973, V. Solov'ov. Revista espanola de lingüistica 3: 480-483, 1973, J. Lopez Facal. Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 5: 222-224, 1974, Barbara Z. Kielar. DLZ 96: 673-675, 1975, Josef Mattausch. Language 5: 220-230, 1975, Laurence Urdang. Language in Society 4: 241-243, 1975, Harold Conklin. Linguistics 157: 142-149, 1975, Alain Rey. Orbis 25 (1976): 2: 395-400, 1977, Demetrius J. Georgacas. Language Sciences 46: 27-33, 1977, Edward Gates. Kratylos 20: 13-19, 1975 (1977), Adam Makkai.

6. Kleinasiatische Ortsnamen. Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1984. Reviews: ΑΙΩΝ 6: 363-369, 1984, Walter Belardi. Kratylos 29: 82-85, 1984 (1985), Rüdiger Schmitt. Die Sprache 31: 1: 95-96, 1985, H. Eichner. KZ 98: 2: 302-304, 1985, Günter Neumann. Glotta 64: 3-4: 116-136, 1985, Alfred Heubeck. Gnomon 57: 6: 497-501, 1985, Alfred Heubeck. Incontri Linguistici 10: 172-173, 1985 (1987), Roberto Gusmani. Journal of Near Eastern Studies 45: 4: 317-322, 1985, Hans G. Güterbock. Salesianum 47: 3: 682-683, 1985, R. Gottlieb. BSL 81: 2: 142-144, 1986, Olivier Masson. Beiträge zur Namenforschung 21: 2: 206-209, 1986, Johann Tischler. Byzantinische Zeitschrift 79: 2: 355-357, 1986, Renee Kahane. General Linguistics 26: 1: 62-67, 1986, Saul Levin. Göttingische Gelehrte Anzeigen 238: 3-4: 191-200, 1986, W. Blümel. LF 109: 57-58, 1986, Ladislav Vidman. Names 34: 1: 110-112, 1986, Ε. Μ. Rajec. Revue des etudes grecques 99: 199-200, 1986, Claude Brixhe. Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 48: 64-67, 1987, H. Ditten. Indogermanische Forschungen 92: 277-279, 1987, Fritz Lochner von Hüttenbach. Language 63: 2: 427, 1987, Demetrius J. Georgacas. Linguistique Balkanique 30: 1: 39-50, 1987, Ivan Duridanov. Etudes balkaniques 24: 2: 99-104, 1988, Georgi Mihailov.

8

Publications of Ladislav Zgusta

7. The Old Ossetic inscription from the river Zelencuk. Wien: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1987. Reviews: BSL 83: 2: 141, 1988, A. Christol. Kratylos 33: 91-95, 1988, F. Thordarson. Journal of the American Oriental Society 109: 1: 165, 1989, Richard N. Frye. Language 65: 1: 195-196, 1989, D. D. Testen. Sovetskaja Arxeologija 1990: 1: 297-304, V. A. Kuznecov and M. D. Cercesova. 8. Lexicography today; an annotated bibliography of the theory of lexicography (with the assistance of D. Μ. T. Cr. Farina). (Lexicographica, Series Major, 18.) Tübingen: Max Niemeyer, 1988. Reviews: Dictionaries 10: 145-147, 1988, Richard Bailey. Germanistik 30: 3: 612, 1989, Helmut Henne. RBPh 67: 3: 617, 1989, J.-P. van Noppen. Zeitschrift für Bibliothekswesen und Bibliographie 36: 2: 141-144, 1989, Klaus Schreiber. Machine Translation, Dordrecht, 4: 4: 318-319, 1989-1990, Francis Knowles. Anglia 108: 1-2: 186-202, 1990, Ewald Standop. Journal of English and Germanic Philology 89: 2: 269-270, 1990, Ulrich Goebel. World Englishes 10: 1: 110-111, 1991, M. Babs Ioannidou-Geanious. Revista de Filologia Espafiola 73: 1-2, 1993, Manuel Alvar Ezquerra.

Books Edited 1.

Theory and method in lexicography: Western and non-western perspectives. Columbia, S.C.: Hornbeam Press, 1980. Reviews: Kratylos 25: 201-203, 1980 (1981), G. Holtus. Language 57: 251-253, 1981, Yakov Malkiel. Romance Philology 35: 2: 418-420, 1981, Thomas J. Walsh. Canadian Journal of Linguistics 27: 83-85, 1982, M. D. Kinkade. International Review of Applied Linguistics 20: 2: 169-171, 1982, Reinhard R. K. Hartmann. Word 33: 255-257, 1982 (1983), A.L. Lloyd. American Anthropologist 85: 482-484, 1983, Salikoko S. Mufwene.

Publications of Ladislav Zgusta

9

2. Probleme des Wörterbuchs. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1985. Reviews: Kratylos 33: 167-168, 1988, Alfred Bammesberger. ZPSK 41: 4: 126-127, 1988, D. Herberg. 3. Dictionaries: International encyclopedia of lexicography, ed. by F. J. Hausmann, Ο. Reichmann, Η. Ε. Wiegand, and L. Zgusta. Vol. I. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1989. 4. The Grimm Brothers and the Germanic past, ed. by Ε. H. Antonsen, with J. W. Marchand and L. Zgusta. (Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science, Vol. 54.) Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1990. 5. Dictionaries: International encyclopedia of lexicography, ed. by F. J. Hausmann, Ο. Reichmann, Η. Ε. Wiegand, and L. Zgusta. Vol. II. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1990. 6. Dictionaries: International encyclopedia of lexicography, ed. by F. J. Hausmann, Ο. Reichmann, Η. Ε. Wiegand, and L. Zgusta. Vol. III. Berlin: de Gruyter, 1991. Reviews: Termnet News 28, 1989, Magdalena Krommer-Benz. Fachsprache 12: 3-4: 164-165, 1990, Magdalena Krommer-Benz. Germanistik 3 1 : 3 : 550-551, 1990, Hartmut Schmidt. Lexicographica 7: 268-290, 1991, Rufus H. Gouws. Zeitschrift für Bibliothekswesen und Bibliographie 38: 3: 283-286, 1991, Klaus Schreiber. Fachsprache 14: 3-4: 178-180, 1992, Jürgen Meier. Indogermanische Forschungen 97: 259-265, 1992, Eckhard Eggers. Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum 121: 2: 231-241, 1992, Elmar Seebold. Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 108: 3-4: 326-330, 1992, Günter Holtus. Deutscher Forschungsdienst 1992. Germanistik 32: 2: 354-355, 1991, Hartmut Schmidt. Dictionaries 14: 165-167, 1992-1993, Manfred Görlach. Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie 113: 135-142, 1994, Christian Schmidt. 7. History, languages, and lexicographers. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1992. Reviews: Kratylos 38: 5-8, 1993, Brigitte Neriich. Language 69: 439-440, 1993, Steven Peter.

10

Publications

of Ladislav

Zgusta

Parts of Books Edited 1. 2.

Problems of the bilingual dictionary (Thematic section). Lexicographica 2: 1161, 1986. History of languages and lexicography (Thematic section). Lexicographica 7: 1-93, 1991.

Articles 1. 2. 3. 4.

5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19.

Γ Ε Ρ Ω Χ Ι Α . LF 73: 65-66, 1949. Une glose creto-cypriote. Ar.Or. 17: 3-4: 451-452, 1949. Ad inscriptionem cypriacam Hoff. 120. LF 74: 3-4: 69-71, 1950. Sur quelques gloses Cypriotes. Bulletin de la societe royale des sciences de Boheme, 1950 [1951], 11 ff. Reviews: Mnemosyne 6: 71-72, 1953, W. J. W. Köster. Revue des etudes grecques 65: 244-245, 1952, Michel Lejeune. La theorie laryngale. Ar.Or. 19: 428-472, 1951. Starovekä obchodni cesta ze severniho Cernomori do Stredni Asie [The ancient trade route from the Black Sea to Central Asia], NO 8: 112-113, 1953. Indogermanisches in den alphabetischen Texten aus Ugarit. (With Stanislav Segert.) Ar.Or. 21: 272-275, 1953. Zwei skythische Götternamen: Π Α Π Α Ι Ο Σ und ΑΠΙ. Ar.Or. 21: 270-271, 1953. Le 65e anniversaire du Professeur Josef Dobias, membre de l'Academie Tchecoslovaque. (With Stanislav Segert.) Ar.Or. 22: 29-31, 1954. Jediny indoevropskyjazyk Kavkazu [Ossetic, the only Indo-European language of the Caucasus]. NO 9: 80, 1954. Ο pouziti onomastiky pri stanoveni vlastnosti jazyküjinak neznämych [Onomastic research in lost languages], LF 77: 2: 204-212, 1954. Ο obyvatelich starovekeho evropskeho Ruska [The inhabitants of ancient Russia], NO 9: 125-126, 1954. Epigraphica: Ad inscriptionem Olbiopolitanam Tolstoj 53. LF 77: 213-215, 1954. Conclusive evidence in historical linguistics [In margine of Lehmann's ProtoIndo-European Phonology], Ar.Or. 23: 184-204, 1955. Egy adat a Mysek samaniszmusära. Antik Tanulmänyok 1: 262-263, 1954. Dissimilation des consonnes geminees. Ar.Or. 23: 483-484, 1955. The Iranian names from the North Coast of the Black Sea. Acta Orientalia Hungarica 4: 1-3: 245-249, 1955. Lydian interpretations. Ar.Or. 23: 510-544, 1955. Orientalistickä zasedäni ο linguistice [Orientalist conference on linguistics]. (Edited with O. Klima.) Ar.Or. 23: 1-12, 1955.

Publications

20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26.

27. 28. 29. 30. 31.

32. 32a. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 38a. 39.

40.

of Ladislav Zgusta

11

Die Deklination der Personennamen griechischer Städte der nördlichen Schwarzmeerküste. Ar.Or. 24: 3: 276-283 and 410-419, 1956. Jak vnikäme do smyslu starovekych näpisü [How to penetrate into the meaning of ancient inscriptions]. NO 11: 82-87, 1956. Dejatelnost' Instituta Vostokovedenija Cechoslovackoj Akademii Nauk. Sovetskoe Vostokovedenie 3: 147-149, 1956. Iranian names in Lydian inscriptions. In: Charisteria Orientalia Ioanni Rypka oblata, 397-400, 1956. Ο vychodnich indoevropskych jazycich [The eastern Indo-European languages]. NO 12: 77-78, 1957. Dnesni Osetie [Today's Ossetia], NO 12: 116-117, 1957. Die Unrichtigkeit des Prinzips der binären Digiti in der phonematischen Analyse. In: Μ Ν Η Μ Η Σ Χ Α Ρ Ι Ν : Gedenkschrift Paul Kretschmer, 2: 220-226. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1957. Die pisidischen Inschriften. Ar.Or. 25: 4: 570-610, 1957. Chetägkaty K'osta-zakladatel osetske literatury [Ch. K . - founder of the Ossetic literature], NO 113: 25-26, 1958,. The Oriental Institute in Prague. Eastern World 11 (1957): 12 and 37-38. Zur Etymologie von slaw, medi 'Kupfer, Erz'. Die Sprache 4: 98-100, 1958. Sprachwissenschaftliche Bemerkungen zur Sprachphilosophie des Indogermanischen (in margine of P. Hartmann, Zur Typologie des Indogermanischen). Ar.Or. 27: 149-152, 1959. Some aspects of Chetägkaty K'osta's political poetry. Ar.Or. 27: 415-423, 1959. (Russian translation in: Izvestija Severo-osetinskogo naucno-issledovatel'skogo instituta, 23: 3: 22-27, 1959.) Sto let od narozeni osetskeho bäsnika Chetägkaty K'osty [One hundred years since the birthday of Ch. K.]. NO 14: 154, 1959. Two trifles from the inscriptions of Asia Minor. Ar.Or. 27: 553-555, 1959. Skythisch οίόρπατα «άνδροκτόνοι». Annali del Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, Sezione linguistica 1: 151-156, 1959. Nekolik interpretaci reckych näpisü ζ vychodni Frygie [Interpretations of several East Phrygian inscriptions], LF 82: 203-206, 1959, and 83: 81-87, 1960. Osetskä prislovi [Ossetic proverbs, translations], NO 15: 28, 1960. Ossetic words recorded by Svatopluk Cech. Ar.Or. 28: 1: 91-100, 1960. (Ossetic translation in: Izvestija Severo-osetinkogo naucno-issledovatel'skogo instituta, 23: 1: 133-142, 1962.) Die verschiedenen Bevölkerungsschichten griechischer Städte des nördlichen Schwarzmeergebietes. In: Griechische Städte und einheimische Völker des Schwarzmeergebietes, 28: 159-163. (Schriften der Sektion für Altertumswissenschaft der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Berlin, 1961.) Zwei Bemerkungen zu Ernst Otto's Allgemeiner Sprachwissenschaft. Ar.Or. 29: 660-664, 1961.

12

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41. 42.

Simeon Potter's Modern linguistics: Some remarks. Ar.Or. 30: 156-165, 1962. Some problems of a Czech-Chinese dictionary. (With P. Kratochvil, Z. Novotnä, and D. St'ovickovä.) Ar.Or. 30: 258-313, 1962. The indigenous names of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera (in margine of Ph. Houwink ten Cate, The Luwian population groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera). Ar.Or. 30: 624-631, 1962. Kreta a stary Predni Vychod [Crete and the ancient Near East]. NO 18: 71-72, 1963. Pisidske näpisy a pisidsky jazyk [The Pisidian inscriptions and language], NO 18: 166-167, 1963. Overlapping families of names and other difficulties in the anthroponymy of Asia Minor. In: Atti e Memorie del VII Congresso Internazionale di Scienze Onomastiche, Vol. 2: 327-333. Firenze, 1961. Die epichorische pisidische Anthroponymie und Sprache. Ar.Or. 31: 470-482, 1963. Nektere ukoly jazykovedy ν oblasti Asie a Afriky a jejich prakticky dosah [Some linguistic tasks in Asia and Africa]. NO 18: 222, 1963. Questions of meaning - some question marks (in margine of L. Antal, Questions of meaning). Ar.Or. 31: 674-680, 1963. Zpräva ο Institut for navnforskning ν Kodani. ZMK 5: 35-36, 1964. Some principles of work in the field of the indigenous anthroponymy of Asia Minor. Annali del Istituto Orientale di Napoli, Sezione linguistica 6: 89-99, 1965. Zu den Subsystemen des Sprachsystems: Eine scheinbare Unregelmässigkeit der ossetischen Deklination. In: Symbolae linguisticae in honorem Georgii Kurylowicz, 379-382. Wroclaw, 1965. Review: Die Sprache 15: 8-13, 1969, Witold Manczak. Kuriosita ν pojmenoväni ulic [Curious street names]. ZMK 6: 164, 1965. Die indogermanischen Laryngalen und die Lautgesetze. Ar.Or.33: 639-645, 1965. Κ tipologiceskim ob'jasnenijam i interpretacijam. In: Lingvisticeskaja tipologija i vostocnye jazyky, materialy sovescanija, 256-257. Moskva, 1965. Onomasticke kuriosity ze Spojenych statu [Curious onomastic features in the USA], ZMK 7: 11-16, 1966. De nonnullis nominibus Microasiaticis. LF 89: 9-12, 1966. Jeste nekolik slov k 'onymii' [Yet a few words about the term 'onymy']. ZMK 7: 261-264, 1966. Slovnik spisovatelü närodü SSSR [Entries concerning Ossetic authors in the Dictionary of Soviet writers], (With Chadzybatyr Ardasenty.) Praha, 1966. [S. Baghäraty, G. Baraqty, C. Bedzyzaty, T. Dzadtiaty, I. Dzanajty, G. Dzimity, N. Dzusojty, F. Gaglojty, C. Gädiaty, A. Guluti, T. Epxity, G. Kosojty, D.

43.

44. 45. 46.

47. 48. 49. 50. 51.

52.

53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59.

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Publications

60. 61. 62. 63. 64.

65. 66.

67. 68. 69.

70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75.

76.

77. 78.

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Mamsyraty, G. Plity, Ch. Plity, M. Qamberdiaty, S. Qwysaty, Q. Qwysaty, D. Twaty, E. Urujmägty.] Onomasticke drobnustky ζ Recka [Onomastic trifles from Greece]. ZMK 8: 29-32, 1967. Studies in Ossetic onomasiology. Ar.Or. 35: 407-451, 1967. Jeste naposled k 'onymii', s pndavkem ο 'onomastice' [One last word about 'onymy', with an excursus on 'onomastics']. ZMK 8: 147-151, 1967. Padesät let vyvoje osetstiny [Fifty years of development of Ossetic], NO 22: 250-252, 1967. Zum Einfluß der Sprache auf das Denken: Eine negative Beobachtung zu diesem Problem. Zeitschrift für Phonetik, Sprachwissenschaft und Kommunikationsforschung 20: 369-370, 1967. Hodonymicke drobnosti ζ NDR a ζ Itälie [Hodonymic trifles from Germany and Italy]. ZMK 8: 465-468, 1967. De Σαδαζεμις nomine Microasiatico. In: Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft und Kulturkunde: Gedenkschrift für Wilhelm Brandenstein, 393-394. Innsbruck: AMOE, 1968. Onomasticke drobnosti z obou koncü Italie [Onomastic trifles from both ends of Italy]. ZMK 9: 400-403, 1968. Onomasticke drobnustky ze Spojenych statu [Onomastic trifles from the USA], ZMK 9: 499-503, 1968. The formation of literary languages and the European model. In: The East under Western impact: Proceedings of Conferences held by the Czechoslovak Society for Eastern Studies, 1967, 114-120. Prague: Oriental Institute/Academia, 1969. Hodonymicky postreh a uvahy ο nominälni komposici [An onomastic observation and some thoughts on nominal composition], ZMK 10: 69-71, 1969. Habent sua fata libelli: Saussurovske publikace (Saussurean publications). Jazykovedne aktuality 2: 16-18, 1969. Multiword lexical units. In: Linguistic studies presented to A. Martinet, I. Word 23: 578-587, 1967 [1969], Onomasticke paberky z Jugoslavie [Onomastic gleanings in Yugoslavia]. ZMK 10: 268-275, 1969. Onomatotheticke postrehy [Onomastic observations], ZMK 10: 276-280, 1969. De Osseticae praesertim et Rossicae bilinguitatis modis variis nec non de bilinguarum enuntiationum transformatione Chomskiana. In: Studia classica et orientalia Antonino Pagliaro oblata, 3:, 303-309. Roma, 1969. The synchronic state of language. In: Actes du Xe Congres International des Linguistes, Bucarest,.1967, vol. 1: 473-477. Bucarest: Editions de L'Academie de la Republique Socialiste de Roumanie, 1969. Drobnustky z jazykoveho a zemepisneho pomezi Italie [Trifles from the linguistic and geographic frontier of Italy]. ZMK 10: 557-561, 1969. Nektere nove vyvoje ν generativni gramatice [Some new developments in transformational grammar]. Jazykovedne Aktuality 3/4: 3-11, 1969.

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79 80

Pänini: descriptivist or transformationalist? Ar.Or. 37: 404-415, 1969. Franko-alemanske drobnosti (s exkursem ο hrbitovech) [Franconian and Alemanic trifles, with an excursus on cemeteries], Z M K 11: 68-75, 1970. Malickosti ζ USA (s exkursy ο trucovitych hodonymech a positivisticke mosaice) [Trifles from the USA, with an excursus on troublesome hodonyms and on a positivist mosaic]. ZMK 11: 76-86, 1970. The shape of the dictionary for mechanical translation purposes. In: Issues in linguistics: Papers in honor of Henry and Renee Kahane, ed. by Braj B. Kachru et al., 912-922. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1973. Lexicology: generating words. In: Lexicography in English, ed. by Raven I. McDavid and Audrey R. Duckert, 14-20. (Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences, 211.) 1973. Semantics and lexicography (in margine of H. Henne, Semantik und Lexicographie). Papers in Linguistics 6: 3-4: 537-558, 1973 [1974], Names. In: The New Encyclopedia Britannica: Macropaedia, vol. 12: 814-819. Chicago: Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc., [1975]. Die Lexikographie und die Sprachwissenschaft. In: Probleme der Lexikographie, 7-22. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1970. Syntagms, transformations, and lexicography (in margine of G. Wahrig, Anleitung zur grammatisch-semantischen Beschreibung lexikalischer Einheiten, Tübingen, 1973). Semiotica 12: 4: 307-314, 1974. Some observations on Jespersen's Analytic syntax. In: The First LACUS Forum, 1974, ed. by Adam Makkai and Valerie Becker Makkai, 403-410. Columbia, S.C.: Hornbeam Press, 1975. Linguistics and bilingual dictionaries. Studies in Language Learning 1 : 1 : 95109, 1975. Toward lexicology and semiotics: A calamity of verbalism (in margine of Doroszewski, Elements of lexicography and semiotics, 1973). Semiotica 16: 284-291, 1976. Graeco-Latin bilingualism in the Roman Empire. Studies in Language Learning 1: 2: 375-389, 1976. Quomodo superficiei grammaticae nexus sensusque profundior in Jespersenii syntaxi analytica dicta tractentur. In: Linguistic method: Essays in honor of Herbert Penzl, ed. by Irmengard Rauch and Gerald F. Carr, 601-615. The Hague: Mouton, 1979. Semantics of coordination in German (in margine of Ewald Lang, Semantik der koordinativen Verknüpfung, Berlin, 1977). Papers in Linguistics 11: 267-276, 1978. Equivalents and explanations in bilingual dictionaries. In: Linguistic and literary studies in honor of Archibald A. Hill, ed. by M. A. Jazayery, Edgar C. Polome, and W. Winter, 4: 385-392. The Hague: Mouton, 1979. An appendix providing a reverse-index of indigenous names from Asia Minor in their Greek transcriptions. In: Reverse lexicon of Greek proper names

81

82

83

84, 85, 86. 87, 88.

89. 90.

91. 92.

93.

94.

95.

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of Ladislav Zgusta

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(Rückläufiges Wörterbuch der Griechischen Eigennamen), ed. by F. Dornseiff and B. Hansen, 321-340. Chicago: Ares Publishers, 1978. 96. Schleicher's tale after a century. (With W. P. Lehmann.) In: Festschrift für Oswald Szemerenyi, ed. by B. Brogyanyi, 455-466. (Amsterdam Studies in the Theory and History of Linguistic Science, 4.) Amsterdam: Benjamins, 1979. 97. Die Rolle des Griechischen im römischen Kaiserreich. In: Die Sprachen im Römischen Reich der Kaiserzeit: Kolloquium, April, 1974, 121-145. Köln: Rheinland-Verlag, 1980. 98. Some remarks on the context of lexicography. In: Theory and method in lexicography, ed. by Ladislav Zgusta, 3-29. Columbia, SC: Hornbeam Press, 1980. 99. Weiteres zum Namen der Kybele. Die Sprache 28: 2: 171-172, 1982. 100. 'Hard words' - 'schwierige Wörter' in der älteren englischen einsprachigen Lexikographie. In: Wortschatz und Verständigungsprobleme, ed. by Helmut Henne and Wolfgang Mentrup, 220-236. Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1983. 101. Ad methodum, qua nomina locorum investiganda sunt, observationes aliquot (auctor: Archicles Apolochmius qui et Ecgeumas). In: Serta Indogermanica: Festschrift für Günter Neumann zum 60. Geburtstag, ed. by Johann Tischler, 459-463. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität, 1982. 102. Translational equivalence in the bilingual dictionary. In LEXeter Proceedings, ed. by R. R. K. Hartman, 147-154. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1984. 103. A handful of Greek place names in Asia Minor. Onomata: Revue onomastique 9: 46-48, 1984. 104. Latin, Romance, and Anatolian toponymy (in margine of Alessio, Lexicon etymologicum). Die Sprache 31: 50-56, 1985. 105. Grimm, Littre, OED, and Richardson: a comparison of their historicity (Cätuskosyam). Dictionaries 8: 74-93, 1986. 106. The lexicon and the dictionaries: some theoretical and historical observations. In: Advances in lexicography, ed. by William Frawley and Roger Steiner, 6781. (Papers in Linguistics 19: 1-4.) 1986. 107. Eine Kontroverse zwischen der deutschen und der englischen Sanskrit-Lexikographie: erster Schritt zu einer Theorie des Abschreibens. In: Kontroversen, alte und neue: Akten des VII. Internationalen Germanisten-Kongresses, Göttingen 1985, ed. by Albrecht Schöne, vol. 3: 248-252. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1986. 108. The international encylopedia of lexicography: An outline of the project. (With F. J. Hausmann, Ο. Reichmann, and Η. Ε. Wiegand.) Lexicographica 2: 271283, 1986. 108a. (Chinese translation in: Waiguoyu 2: 72-78, 1987.) 109. Introduction (to Problems of the bilingual dictionary [thematic section]). Lexicographica 2: 1-7, 1986. 110. Inscriptionis palaeo-Osseticae apud Zelencuk flumen repertae lectiones quaedam novae proponuntur (auctor: Archicles Apolochmius qui et Ecgeumas). In: Festschrift for Henry Hoenigswald, ed. by George Cardona and Norman H. Zide, 409-415. Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag, 1987.

16

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111.

Derivation and chronology: Greek dictionaries and the Oxford English Dictionary (Dvädasakosyam). In: Theorie und Praxis des lexikographischen Prozesses bei historischen Wörterbüchern: Akten der Internationalen Fachkonferenz, Heidelberg, 1986, ed. by Η. Ε. Wiegand, 259-281. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1987. Translational equivalence in a bilingual dictionary (Bähukosyam). Dictionaries 9: 1-47, 1987. Copying in lexicography: Monier-Williams's Sanskrit dictionary and other cases (Dvaikosyam). Lexicographica 4: 145-164, 1988. Pragmatics, lexicography, and dictionaries of English. World Englishes 7: 3: 243-253, 1988. Cenni di storia della lingua inglese: nota introduttiva. In: Dizionario IngleseItaliano, Italian-English, ed. by C. Passerini Tosi, 7-15. Torino: Paravia, 1989. Idle thoughts of an idle fellow; or, vaticinations on the learner's dictionary (Äsatyakosyam). In: Learners' dictionaries: State of the art, ed. by Makhan L. Tickoo, 1-9. Singapore: SEAMEO Regional Language Centre, 1989. Ornamental pictures in dictionaries (Kausädhyäyacitrakarmanyam). In: Lexicographers and their works, ed. by Gregory James, 215-223. Exeter: University of Exeter, 1989. The Oxford English Dictionary and other dictionaries (Aikakosyam). IJL 2: 3: 188-230, 1989. The role of dictionaries in the genesis and development of the standard. In: Dictionaries: an international encyclopedia of lexicography, ed. by F. J. Hausmann, Ο. Reichmann, Η. Ε. Wiegand, and L. Zgusta, vol. 1: 70-79. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1989. The influence of scripts and morphological language types on the structure of dictionaries. In: Dictionaries: an international encyclopedia of lexicography, ed. by F. J. Hausmann, Ο. Reichmann, Η. Ε. Wiegand, and L. Zgusta, vol. 1: 296-305. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1989. Lexicography of Ancient Greek. (With Demetrius J. Georgacas) In: Dictionaries: an international encyclopedia of lexicography, ed. by F. J. Hausmann, Ο. Reichmann, Η. Ε. Wiegand, and L. Zgusta, vol. 2: 1694-1704. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1990. Introduction. (With Elmer H. Antonsen and James W. Marchand). In: The Grimm Brothers and the Germanic past, ed. by Elmer H. Antonsen, with James W. Marchand and Ladislav Zgusta, 1-6. Amsterdam: J. Benjamins, 1990. Jacob Grimm's Deutsches Wörterbuch and other historical dictionaries of the 19th century (DvitTy aikakosyam). In: Studien zum Deutschen Wörterbuch von Jacob Grimm und Wilhelm Grimm, ed. by Alan Kirkness, Peter Kühn, and H. E. Wiegand, vol. 2: 595-626. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1991. Onomasiological change: Sachen-change reflected by Wörter. In: Research guide on language change, ed. by Edgar C. Polome, 389-398. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1990. Demetrius J. Georgacas: Obituary. Dictionaries 12: 165-171, 1990.

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113. 114. 115. 116.

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120.

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122. 123.

124.

125.

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Publications 126.

127. 128. 129.

130. 131.

132. 133. 134. 135.

136. 137.

138.

139.

140. 141.

of Ladislav Zgusta

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Probable future developments in lexicography. In: Dictionaries: an international encyclopedia of lexicography, ed. by F. J. Hausmann, Ο. Reichmann, Η. Ε. Wiegand, and L. Zgusta, vol. 3: 3158-3168. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1991. History and its multiple meaning (Introduction). In: History, languages, and lexicographers, ed. by Ladislav Zgusta, 1-18. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1992. The polysemy of "history" (Introduction). In: History of languages and lexicography [thematic section]. Lexicographica 7: 1-10, 1991. Typology of etymological dictionaries and V.l. Abaev's Ossetic Dictionary. In: History of languages and lexicography [thematic section]. Lexicographica 7: 38-49, 1991. Sesquipedalian bilingualism: the difficult easiness of short words. World Englishes 11: 2/3: 303-307, 1992. Language, nationhood, and minority status (Introduction). In: Nationalism and language in Kurdistan, 1918-1985, ed. by Amir Hassanpour, xxxi-xl. San Francisco: Mellon Research University Press, 1992. The Czech-Chinese Dictionary and the theory of lexicography (Sväkosavidyäsästrakaranyam). IJL 5: 2: 85-128, 1992. Obituary: Henry Kahane, 1902-1992. Names 41: 1: 45-48, 1993. Lexicography, its theory, and linguistics. In: Forum on the theory and practice of lexicography, ed. by William Frawley. Dictionaries 14: 130-138, 1992/1993. De verborum in etymologiis constituendis examinandisque significatu (auctor: Archicles Apolochmius qui et Ecgeumas). In: Sprachen und Schriften des antiken Mittelmeerraums: Festschrift für Jürgen Untermann zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. by Frank Heidermanns, Helmut Rix, and Elmar Seebold, 483-492. Innsbruck: Universität Innsbruck, 1993. Henry Kahane Gnomon 1994: 759-762. Antallage epistolon metaxü L. Zgusta kai I. N. Kazäze. [Letters in (Ancient) Greek.] In: Arkhaioellenikös pezös logos, ed. by I. Ν. Kazäzes, 183-184. Thessalonike: Zete, 1992. Inscriptionis palaeoosseticae apud Zelencuk flumen repertae lectio nova (auctor: Archicles Apolochmius qui et Ecgeumas). In: Miscellanea di studi linguistici in onore di Walter Belardi, ed. by P. Cipriano, P. Di Giovine, and Μ. Mancini, 1: 107-109. Roma: II Calamo, 1994. De Vladikavkaz nomine restituto, sive de nominum dandorum causis variis (auctor: Archicles Apolochmius qui et Ecgeumas). In: Indogermanica et Caucasica: Festschrift Karl Horst Schmidt zum 65. Geburtstag, herausg. v. Roland Bielmeier and Reinhard Stempel, unter Mitarbeit von Rene Lanszweert, 272278. Berlin and New York: de Gruyter, 1994. Names in theory and in use. Foreword to: Proper names master index, ed. by Frank Abate, vii-xii. Detroit: Omnigraphics, 1994. · Prototipos y lexicografia. In: Voz y letra 5: 1: 3-13, 1994.

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Reviews 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

Abel Juret, Vocabulaire etymologique de la langue hittite, Limoges, 1942. LF 71: 34-35, 1947. Benjamin Dean Meritt, Epigraphica Attica, Cambridge, 1940. LF 71: 192, 1947. Alfred Merlin, Inscriptions latines de la Tunisie, Paris, 1944. LF 73: 318-319, 1949. Holger Pedersen, Lykisch und Hittitisch, Munksgaard, 1945. LF 73: 111-112, 1949. Eduard Schwyzer, Griechische Grammatik auf der Grundlage von Karl Brugmanns Griechischer Grammatik, ed. by Albert Debrunner, München, 1950. LF 74: 270-272, 1950. L. L. Hammerich, Laryngeal before sonant, K0benhavn, 1948. Ar.Or. 18: 547551, 1950. Holger Pedersen, Ζ novych praci ο hethitstine a tocharstine, Munksgaard. LF 75: 54-57, 1951. F. J. Tritsch, Lykictina. LF 75: 66-67, 1951. Robert Shafer, Pisidske näpisy. LF 75: 70, 1951. B. Hrozny, Zähada kretskeho pisma. LF 74: 148-149, 1950. Carl Darling Buck, A dictionary of selected synonyms in the principal IndoEuropean languages, Chicago, 1949. Ar.Or. 20: 658-659, 1952. Johannes Sundwall, Kleinasiatische Nachträge, Helsinki, 1950. Ar.Or. 20: 659, 1952. Ferdinand Sommer, Hethiter und Hethitisch, Stuttgart, 1947. Lingua Posnaniensis 4: 302-306, 1953. J. Kurylowicz, L'accentuation des langues indo-europeennes, Krakow, 1952. Bibl.Or. 10: 5: 64, 1953. J. Kurylowicz, L'accentuation des langues indo-europeennes, Krakow, 1952. Ar.Or. 21: 472-474, 1953. Winfred P. Lehmann, Proto-Indo-European phonology, Austin, 1952. Bibl.Or. 11: 4-5, 1954. J. Friedrich, Kratkaja grammatika xettskogo jazyka, Moskva, 1952. Bibl.Or. 11: 59, 1954. Hartmut Erbse, Untersuchungen zu den attizistischen Lexika, Berlin, 1950. LF 77: 141-142, 1954. Friedrich Zucker, Studien zur Namenkunde vorhellenistischer und hellenistischer Zeit, Berlin, 1952. LF 77: 144, 1954. Paul Thieme, Studien zur indogermanischen Wortkunde und Religionsgeschichte, Berlin, 1952. LF 77: 142-143, 1954. D. Decev, Charakteristika na trakijskija ezik, Sofija, 1952. LF 77: 282-283, 1954. Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft, Heft 4, ed. by Helmut Humbach and Annelies Kammenhuber, München, 1954. Ar.Or. 22: 597, 1954.

Publications 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41.

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Vladimir Georgiev, Problemy minojskogo jazyka [Problemes de la langue Minoenne], Sofija, 1953. Ar.Or. 22: 597-599, 1954. Keilschrifturkunden aus Boghazköi, Heft 35, ed. by Heinrich Otten, Berlin, 1953. Ar.Or. 22: 599-600, 1954. Heinrich Otten, Luvische Texte in Umschrift, Berlin, 1953. Ar.Or. 22: 600, 1954. Heinrich Otten, Zur grammatikalischen und lexikalischen Bestimmung des Luvischen, Berlin, 1953. Ar.Or. 22: 600-601, 1954. Bernhard Rosenkranz, Beiträge zur Erforschung des Luvischen, Wiesbaden, 1952. Ar.Or. 22: 601-602, 1954. Kenneth L. Pike, Phonemics: A technique for reducing languages to writing, Ann Arbor, 1947. Lingua Posnaniensis 5: 232-234, 1955. V. I. Abaev, Osetinskij jazyk i fol'klor [The Ossetian language and folklore], Moskva, 1949. Ar.Or. 23: 274-275, 1955. Α. V. Desnickaja, Voprosy izucenija rodstva indoevropejskix jazykov, Moskva, 1955. Ar.Or. 25: 161-162, 1957. Heinz Kronasser, Vergleichende Laut- und Formenlehre des Hethitischen, Heidelberg, 1956. Ar.Or. 25: 162-163, 1957. Jacob Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik, Bd. 2: 2: Die Nominalsuffixe, von Albert Debrunner, Göttingen, 1954. Ar.Or. 25: 166, 1957. Manfred Mayrhofer, Sanskrit-Grammatik, Berlin, 1953. Ar.Or. 25: 167, 1957. Manfred Mayrhofer, Kurzgefasstes etymologisches Wörterbuch des Altindischen, Lief. 3-7, Heidelberg, 1954-1956. Ar.Or. 25: 167-168, 1957. Wilhelm Brandenstein, Griechische Sprachwissenschaft I, Berlin, 1954. Ar.Or. 25: 169-170, 1957. Robert Birwe, Griechisch-arische Sprachbeziehungen im Verbalsystem, Walldorf, Hessen, 1956. Ar.Or. 25: 306-307, 1957. Joshua Whatmough, Language: a modern synthesis, New York, 1956. Ar.Or. 26: 168-169, 1958. Harushige Ködzu, Arkadia Högen no Kenkyü, Tokyo, 1954. LF 80: 304, 1957. (With J. Neustupny.) Harushige Ködzu, Arkadia Högen no Kenkyü, Tokyo, 1954. Ar.Or. 26: 169-170, 1958. (With J. Neustupny.) Ferdynand Antkowski, La Chronologie de la monophtongaison des diphtongues dans les langues indo-europeennes, Poznan, 1956. Ar.Or. 26: 284-285, 1958. Kenneth L. Pike, Language in relation to a unified theory of the structure of human behavior, parts I and II, Glendale, CA, 1954, 1955. Ar.Or. 26: 285-286, 1958. Hans Hartmann, Das Passiv, Heidelberg, 1954. Ar.Or. 26: 287-290, 1958. Gösta Liebert, Die indoeuropäischen Personalpronomina und die Laryngaltheorie, Lund, 1957. Ar.Or. 26: 506-508, 1958. Dimiter Detschew, Die thrakischen Sprachreste, Wien, 1957. Ar.Or. 26: 684-685, 1958.

20 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67.

Publications of Ladislav

Zgusta

Anton Mayer, Die Sprache der alten Illyrier, I: Einleitung; Wörterbuch der illyrischen Sprachreste, Wien, 1957. Ar.Or. 26: 685-686, 1958. Albert Thumb, Handbuch des Sanskrit, I: Einleitung und Lautlehre, Heidelberg, 1958. Ar.Or. 26: 686-688, 1958. Autoreferat über Die Personennamen ... (1955) und über Die Deklination der Personennamen ... (1956). Ar.Or. 24: 276-283, 1956. Autoreferat über Die pisidischen Inschriften (1957). Ar.Or. 25: 570, 1957. Autoreferat über Die Personennamen... (1955) und über Die Deklination der Personennamen... (1956). Bibliotheca Classica Orientalis 1958: 356-360. Autoreferat über Die pisidischen Inschriften (1957). Bibliotheca Classica Orientalis 1958: 322-324. Vittore Pisani, Allgemeine und vergleichende Sprachwissenschaft: Indogermanistik; Julius Pokorny: Keltologie, Bern, 1953. Ar.Or. 27: 153, 1959. Jerzy Kurylowicz, L'apophonie en indo-europeen, Wroclaw, 1956. Ar.Or. 27: 153-155, 1959. Jakob Wackernagel, Altindische Grammatik, vol. 1 ed. by Louis Renou, vol. 2 ed. by Albert Debrunner, Göttingen, 1957. Ar.Or. 27: 156-159, 1959. Olga S. Axmanova, Ο psixolingvistike, Moskva, 1957. Ar.Or. 27: 336-338, 1959. Andre Martinet, Economie des changements phonetiques, Bern, 1955. Ar.Or. 27: 338-341, 1959. Μ Ν Η Μ Η Σ Χ Α Ρ Ι Ν : Gedenkschrift Paul Kretschmer, vol. 1 and 2, ed. by Heinz Kronasser, Wien, 1956, 1957. Ar.Or. 27: 341-343, 1959. Corolla linguistica: Festschrift Ferdinand Sommer, ed. by Hans Krähe, Wiesbaden, 1955. Ar.Or. 27: 343-344, 1959. Sybaris: Festschrift Hans Krähe, Wiesbaden, 1958. Ar.Or. 27: 344, 1959. Harushige Ködzu, Inögo hikaku bumpö, Tokyo, 1954. Ar.Or. 27: 345, 1959. (With J. Neustupny.) John Chadwick, The decipherment of Linear Β, Cambridge, 1958. Ar.Or. 27: 345-346, 1959. Walther von Wartburg, Von Sprache und Mensch, Bern, 1956. LF 82: 144-145, 1959. Tamara Talbot Rice, The Scythians, 2nd ed., London, 1958. Ar.Or. 27: 506-508, 1959. Stephen Ulimann, The principles of semantics, Glasgow, Oxford, 1957. Ar.Or. 27: 683-685, 1959. Louis Deroy, L'emprunt linguistique, Paris, 1956. Ar.Or. 27: 685-686, 1959. J. Gonda, The character of the Indo-European moods with regard to Greek and Sanskrit, Wiesbaden, 1956. Ar.Or. 27: 686-689, 1959. Minoica: Festschrift zum 80. Geburtstag von Johannes Sundwall, ed. by Ernst Grumach, Berlin, 1958. Ar.Or. 27: 689-690, 1959. Ulrich Schmoll, Die vorgriechischen Sprachen Siziliens, Wiesbaden, 1958. Ar.Or. 27: 691-692, 1959.

Publications 68. 69. 70. 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78. 79. 80. 81. 82. 83. 84. 85. 86.

87. 88.

of Ladislav Zgusta

21

Vladimir Georgiev, Vüprosi na bülgarskata etimologija [Problems of Bulgarian etymology], Sofija, 1958. Ar.Or. 27: 692, 1959. Michel B. Sakellariou, La migration grecque en Ionie, Athens, 1958. Ar.Or. 27: 692-693, 1959. Hans L. Stoltenberg, Die termilische Sprache Lykiens, Leverkusen, 1955. Ar.Or. 27: 693-694, 1959. Lexikon des frühgriechischen Epos, ed. by Bruno Snell, Göttingen, 1955. LF 82: 261-262, 1959. Rückläufiges Wörterbuch der griechischen Eigennamen, ed. by Bernhard Hansen, Berlin, 1957. LF 82: 262-263, 1959. Die thrakischen Sprachreste, ed. by Dimiter Detschew, Wien, 1957. LF 82: 263, 1959. Die Sprache der alten Illyrier, Bd. I: Einleitung, Wörterbuch der illyrischen Sprachreste, ed. by Anton Meyer, Wien, 1957. LF 82: 263, 1959. Vladimir Georgiev, Vüprosi na bülgarskata etimologija [Problems of Bulgarian etymology], Sofija, 1958. LF 82: 263-264, 1959. Bibliograficeskij ukazatel' literatury po jazykoznaniju, Moskva, 1958. Ar.Or. 28: 323, 1960. Walter Porzig, Das Wunder der Sprache, Bern, 1957. Ar.Or. 28: 323-326, 1960. W. S. Allen, On the linguistic study of languages, Cambridge, 1957. Ar.Or. 28: 326-327, 1960. Araaldo Gomensoro, John Dewey y la filosofia del lenguaje, Montevideo, 1956. Ar.Or. 28: 327-328, 1960. Contributions onomastiques ... VI congres international des sciences onomastiques (Munich, 1958), Bucarest, 1958. Ar.Or. 28: 329, 1960. V. I. Georgiev, Issledovanija po sravnitel'no-istoriceskomu jazykoznaniju, Moskva, 1958. Ar.Or. 28: 329-330, 1960. Hans Krähe, Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft, Bd. I, Berlin, 1958. Ar.Or. 28: 330-331, 1960. Jose Pedro Rona, La obra de Federico Hrozny en el dominio indoeuropeo, Montevideo, 1957. Ar.Or. 28: 331-332, 1960. J. Nemeth, Eine Wörterliste der Jassen, der ungarländischen Alanen, Berlin, 1959. Ar.Or. 28: 332-333, 1960. V. I. Abaev, Istoriko-etimologiceskij slovar' osetinskogo jazyka, vol. I, A - K, Moskva, 1958. Ar.Or. 28: 333-335, 1960. Istorija Severo-Osetinskoj ASSR [History of the Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic of Northern Ossetia], ed. by S. K. Busuev et al., Moskva, 1959. Ar.Or. 28: 335, 1960. Wilhelm Brandenstein, Griechische Sprachwissenschaft, vol. 2, Berlin, 1959. Ar.Or. 28: 335, 1960. A. J. van Windekens, Contributions ä Γ etude de l'onomastique pelasgique, Louvain, 1954. Ar.Or. 28: 335-336, 1960.

22

Publications

of Ladislav

Zgusta

89. Μ. I. Isaev, Ocerk fonetiki osetinskogo literaturnogo jazyka, Ordzonikidze, 1959. Ar.Or. 28: 518-519, 1960. 90. V. A. Zvegincev, Semasiologija, Moskva, 1957. Ar.Or. 28: 519-521, 1960. 91. Antonino Pagliaro, La parola e l'immagine, Napoli, 1957. Ar.Or. 28: 521-522, 1960. 92. Joseph H. Greenberg, Essays in linguistics, Chicago, 1958. Ar.Or. 28: 522-526, 1960. 93. Readings in linguistics: The development of descriptive linguistics in America since 1925, ed. by Martin Joos, New York, 1958. Ar.Or. 28: 681-682, 1960. 94. Samuel Reiss, Language and psychology, New York, 1959. Ar.Or. 28: 682, 1960. 95. C. E. Bazell, Linguistic typology, London, 1958. Ar.Or. 28: 682-684, 1960. 96. Miscelänea homenaje a Andre Martinet, vol. 1 and 2, ed. by Diego Catalan, Canarias, 1957, 1958. Ar.Or. 28: 684-685, 1960. 97. Alfred Heubeck, Lydiaka, Erlangen, 1959. Ar.Or. 28: 686-688, 1960. 98. V. I. Abaev, Grammaticeskij ocerk osetinskogo jazyka, Ordzonikidze, 1959. Ar.Or. 28: 688-689, 1960. 99. Language, thought, and culture, ed. by Paul Henle, Ann Arbor, 1958. Ar.Or. 29: 119-121, 1961. 100. A. S. Diamond, The history and origin of language, London, 1959. Ar.Or. 29: 121-124, 1961. 101. Andreas von Weiss, Hauptprobleme der Zweisprachigkeit, Heidelberg, 1959. Ar.Or. 29: 124-125, 1961. 102. Τ. V. Gamkrelidze, Xettskij jazyk i laringal'naja teorija, Tbilisi, 1960. Ar.Or. 29: 125-126, 1961. 103. N. Lahovary, La diffusion des langues anciennes du proche-orient, Berne, 1957. Ar.Or. 29: 127-130, 1961. (With K. Zvelebil.) 104. Wilder Penfield and Lamar Roberts, Speech and brain-mechanisms, Princeton, 1959. Ar.Or. 29: 148, 1961. 105. Filippo Cassola, La Ionia nel mondo miceneo, Napoli, 1957. Ar.Or. 29: 148-149, 1961. 106. Pino Metri, II dialetto panfilio, Milano, 1954. Ar.Or. 29: 149, 1961. 107. Valter Tauli, The structural tendencies of languages, Helsinki, Wiesbaden, 1958. Ar.Or. 29: 322-324, 1961. 108. Charles E. Osgood et al., The measurement of meaning, Urbana, 1957. Ar.Or. 29: 325-328, 1961. 109. Pelio Fronzaroli, II linguaggio del bambino, Bologna, 1957. Ar.Or. 29: 328-329, 1961. 110. Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Linguists, ed. by Eva Sivertsen, Oslo, 1958. Ar.Or. 29: 329-331, 1961. 111. Peter Hartmann, Wesen und Wirkung der Sprache im Spiegel der Theorie Leo Weisgerbers, Heidelberg, 1958. Ar.Or. 29: 331-332, 1961.

Publications

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23

112. Indogermanica: Festschrift für Wolfgang Krause, Heidelberg, 1960. Ar.Or. 29: 332-334, 1961. 113. Albert Thumb, Handbuch der griechischen Dialekte, 2nd expanded edition by A. Scherer, Heidelberg, 1959. Ar.Or. 29: 334-335, 1961. 114. Josef Vachek (with Josef Dubsky), Dictionnaire de linguistique de l'Ecole de Prague, Utrecht, 1960. Ar.Or. 29: 496-498, 1961. 115. Vladimir Georgiev, Bülgarska etimologija i onomastika, Sofija, 1960. Ar.Or. 29: 499, 1961. 116. Current anthropology: A world journal of the sciences of man, vol. 1, ed. by Sol Tax, 1960. Ar.Or. 29: 499, 1961. 117. Melanges linguistiques: VIII e congres international des linguistes ä Oslo, 1957, ed. by Iorgu Iordan, Emile Petrovici, and A. Rosetti, Bucarest, 1957. Ar.Or. 29: 500-501, 1961. 118. Albert Thumb, Handbuch des Sanskrit, vol. 2, 3rd ed. by Richard Hauschild, Heidelberg, 1959. Ar.Or. 29: 502-503, 1961. 119. Hans Krähe, Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft, II, Berlin, 1959. Ar.Or. 29: 503, 1961. 120. Beiträge zur Einheit von Bildung und Sprache im geistigen Sein: Festschrift Ernst Otto, ed. by Gerhard Hasselbach and Günther Hartmann, Berlin, 1957. Ar.Or. 29: 503-504, 1961. 121. Hans Arens, Sprachwissenschaft, Freiburg, 1955. Ar.Or. 29: 665-668, 1961. 122. Sprachwissenschaftliches Wörterbuch, ed. by Johann Knobloch, Heidelberg, 1961. Ar.Or. 29: 668-670, 1961. 123. Cinquieme congres international de toponymie et d'anthroponymie, actes et memoires, ed. by L. Cortes et al., Salamanca, 1958. Ar.Or. 29: 671-673, 1961. 124. O. S. Axmanova, A. Mel'cuk, Ja. V. Paduceva, and R. M. Frumkina, Ο tocnyx metodax issledovanija jazyka, Moscow, 1961. Ar.Or. 30: 166-170, 1962. 125. Roberto Gusmani, Studi frigi, Milano, 1959. Ar.Or. 30: 170-173, 1962. 126. Theorie und Praxis der Zusammenarbeit zwischen den anthropologischen Disziplinen, ed. by Emil Breitinger, Josef Haekel, and R. Pittioni, Horn, Niederösterreich, 1961. Ar.Or. 30: 173-177, 1962. 127. Andre Martinet, Elements de linguistique generale, Paris, 1960. Ar.Or. 30: 507511, 1962. 128. Dwight L. Bolinger, Generality, gradience, and the all-or-none, 's-Gravenhage, 1961. Ar.Or. 30: 511-512, 1962. 129. Alphonse Juilland, Outline of a general theory of structural relations, 'sGravenhage, 1961. Ar.Or. 30: 513-517, 1962. 130. Bernhard Rosenkranz, Der Ursprung der Sprache, Heidelberg, 1961. Ar.Or. 30: 517-518, 1962. 131. L. F. Brosnahan, Genes and morphemes: Some considerations regarding the biological basis of human language, Ibadan, 1957. Ar.Or. 30: 518-519, 1962. 132. Manu Leumann, Kleine Schriften, Zürich, 1959. Ar.Or. 30: 519-520, 1962.

24

Publications

of Ladislav

Zgusta

133. Günther Neumann, Untersuchungen zum Weiterleben hethitischen und luwischen Sprachgutes in hellenistischer und römischer Zeit, Wiesbaden, 1961. Ar.Or. 30: 662-664, 1962. 134. Alfred Heubeck, Praegraeca, Erlangen, 1961. Ar.Or. 30: 664-666, 1962. 135. Fritz Lochner-Hüttenbach, Die Pelasger, Wien, 1960. Ar.Or. 30: 666-667, 1962. 136. C. L. Ebeling, Linguistic units, 's-Gravenhage, 1960. Ar.Or. 31: 141-142, 1963. 137. Pierre Guiraud, La grammaire, Paris 1961. Ar.Or. 31: 142-144, 1963. 138. Trends in European and American linguistics 1930-1960, ed. by Christine Mohrmann, Alf Sommerfeit, and Joshua Whatmough, Utrecht, 1961. Ar.Or. 31: 144, 1963. 139. Hermann Ammann, Nachgelassene Schriften zur vergleichenden und allgemeinen Sprachwissenschaft, Innsbruck, 1961. Ar.Or. 31: 145, 1963. 140. Henry M. Hoenigswald, Language change and linguistic reconstruction, Chicago, 1960. Ar.Or. 31: 145, 1963. 141. O. J. L. Szemerenyi, Trends and tasks in comparative philology, London, 1962. Ar.Or. 31: 145-146, 1963. 142. W. Sidney Allen, Sandhi: the theoretical, phonetic, and historical bases of wordjunction in Sanskrit, 's-Gravenhage, 1962. Ar.Or. 31: 146, 1963. 143. Charles F. Hockett, A course in modern linguistics, New York, 1958. Ar.Or. 31: 146-149, 1963. 144. L. F. Brosnahan, The sounds of language, Cambridge, 1961. Ar.Or. 31: 321-324, 1963. 145. Walter Belardi and Nullo Minissi, Dizionario di fonologia, Roma, 1962. Ar.Or. 31: 324-325, 1963. 146. Studies in linguistic analysis [Special volume of the Philological Society], Oxford, 1956. Ar.Or. 31: 325-328, 1963. 147. Robert E. Pittenger, Charles F. Hockett, and John J. Danehy, The first five minutes: a sample of microscopic interview analysis, Ithaca, NY, 1960. Ar.Or. 31: 328-330, 1963. 148. H. Güntert, Grundfragen der Sprachwissenschaft, 2nd ed. by Α. Scherer, Heidelberg, 1956. Ar.Or. 31: 330-331, 1963. 149. Ernst Lewy, Kleine Schriften, Berlin, 1961. Ar.Or. 31: 331-333, 1963. 150. R. W. Hutchinson, Prehistoric Crete, Harmondsworth, 1962. Ar.Or. 31: 333, 1963. 151. G. Jahukyan, Lezvabanuthyan patmuthyun [History of linguistics], vol. 1 and 2, Yerevan, 1960, 1962. Ar.Or. 31: 511-515, 1963. (With L. Motalovä.) 152. B. A. Uspenskij, Principy strukturnoj tipologii, Moscow, 1962. Ar.Or. 31: 515518, 1963. 153. Trends in content analysis, ed. by Ithiel de Sola Pool, Urbana, 1959. Ar.Or. 31: 518-520, 1963. 154. Ernest F. Haden, Meiko S. Han, and Yuri W. Han, A resonance theory for linguistics, 's-Gravenhage, 1962. Ar.Or. 31: 681-684, 1963.

Publications

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25

155. Winfred P. Lehmann, Historical linguistics: an introduction; and: Exercises to accompany Historical linguistics: an introduction, New York, 1962. Ar.Or. 31: 684-685, 1963. 156. Finngeir Hiorth, Zur formalen Charakterisierung des Satzes, 's-Gravenhage, 1962. Ar.Or. 31: 685-686, 1963. 157. Samuel R. Levin, Linguistic structures in poetry, 's-Gravenhage, 1962. Ar.Or. 31: 686-687, 1963. 158. Sens et usage du terme 'structure' dans les sciences humaines et sociales, ed. by Roger Bastide, 's-Gravenhage, 1962. Ar.Or. 31: 687, 1963. 159. I. I. Revzin, Modell jazyka, Moskva, 1962. Ar.Or. 31: 687-688, 1963., 160. A. G. Woodhead, The Greeks in the West, London, 1962. Ar.Or. 31: 688, 1963. 161. H. A. Gleason, Jr., An introduction to descriptive linguistics; and: Workbook in descriptive linguistics, New York, 1961. Ar.Or. 32: 172-176, 1964. 162. Andrew Paul Ushenko, The field theory of meaning, Ann Arbor, 1958. Ar.Or. 32: 176, 1964. 163. Robert M. W. Dixon, Linguistic science and logic, The Hague, 1963. Ar.Or. 32: 176-179, 1964. 164. Stephen Ullmann, Semantics, Oxford, 1962. Ar.Or. 32: 179-180, 1964. 165. Andre Martinet, A functional view of language, Oxford, 1962. Ar.Or. 32: 180183, 1964. 166. Alf Sommerfelt, Diachronic and synchronic aspects of language, The Hague, 1962. Ar.Or. 32: 183-184, 1964. 167. Otto Jespersen, Selected writings, London and Tokyo, 1960. Ar.Or. 32: 184, 1964. 168. Louis Hjelmslev, Prolegomena to a theory of language (transl. by Fancis J. Whitfield), Madison, WI, 1961. Ar.Or. 32: 303-307, 1964. 169. Louis Hjelmslev and H. J. Uldall, Outline of glossematics, Copenhagen, 1957. Ar.Or. 32: 307-309, 1964. 170. Bernard Lott, Style and linguistics, Djakarta, 1960. Ar.Or. 32: 309, 1964. 171. Simeon Potter, Language in the modern world, Harmondsworth, 1960. Ar.Or. 32: 310, 1964. 172. Giles W. Gray and Claude M. Wise, The bases of speech, 3rd ed., New York, 1959. Ar.Or. 32: 310-311, 1964. 173. Studia grammatica I, Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Berlin, 1962. Ar.Or. 32: 311-312, 1964. 174. Aemilius Springhetti, Lexicon linguisticae et philologiae, Roma, 1962. Ar.Or. 32: 312-313, 1964. 175. Psycholinguistics, ed. by Sol Saporta, New York, 1961. Ar.Or. 32: 313-314, 1964. 176. Punya Sloka Ray, Language standardization, The Hague, 1963. Ar.Or. 32: 435437, 1964. 177. P. Bosch-Gimpera, Les Indo-Europeens, Paris, 1961. Ar.Or. 32: 437-440, 1964.

26

Publications

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Zgusta

178. Gustav Herdan, The calculus of linguistic observations, 's-Gravenhage, 1962. Ar.Or. 32: 440-442, 1964. 179. Trends in modern linguistics, ed. by C. Mohrmann, F. Norman, and A. Sommerfelt, Utrecht and Antwerp, 1963. Ar.Or. 32: 442-443, 1964. 180. Colloque international sur la mecanisation des recherches lexicologiques, ed. by B. Quemada, Paris, 1962. Ar.Or. 32: 443-444, 1964. 181. Äke W. Edfeldt, Silent speech and silent reading, Chicago, 1960. Ar.Or. 32: 444, 1964. 182. Eric Buyssens, Verite et langue: langue et pensee, Bruxelles, 1960. Ar.Or. 32: 445, 1964. 183. J. L. Austin, How to do things with words, Cambridge, MA, 1962. Ar.Or. 32: 445-446, 1964. 184 Style in language, ed. by Thomas A. Sebeok, New York, 1960. Ar.Or. 32: 446447, 1964. 185. VI. Internationaler Kongress für Namenforschung, ed. by Gerhard Rohlfs, München, 1960. Ar.Or. 32: 447, 1964. 186. VII congresso internazionale di scienze onomastiche, vol. 1, Firenze, 1962. Ar.Or. 32: 448, 1964. 187. Antonino Pagliaro and Walter Belardi, Linee di storia linguistica dell'Europa, Roma, 1963. Ar.Or. 32: 448-449, 1964. 188. Hans L. Stoltenberg, Das Minoische und andere larische Sprachen, München, 1961. Ar.Or. 32: 449-450, 1964. 189. Louis Deroy, Initiation ä l'epigraphie mycenienne, Rome, 1962. Ar.Or. 32: 450, 1964. 190. Anna Morpurgo, Mycenaeae graecitatis lexicon, Romae, 1963. Ar.Or. 32: 450, 1964. 191. Helmut Rix, Das etruskische Cognomen, Wiesbaden, 1963. Ar.Or. 32: 450-451, 1964. 192. Ivan Fonagy, Die Metaphern in der Phonetik, The Hague, 1963. Ar.Or. 32: 451, 1964. 193. Roman Jakobson, Selected writings, I, 's-Gravenhage, 1962. Ar.Or. 32: 451-452, 1964. 194. Peredneaziatskij sbornik: Voprosy xettologii i xurritologii, ed. by I. Μ. D'jakonov and G. V. Cereteli, Moskva, 1961. Ar.Or. 32: 452-453, 1964. 195. Saggi di linguistica storica, ed. by Vittore Pisani, Torino, 1959. Ar.Or. 32: 453, 1964. 196. Läszlo Antal, Content, meaning and understanding, The Hague, 1964. Ar.Or. 32: 647-650, 1964. 197. VII congresso internazionale di scienze onomastiche, vols. 2, 3, and 4, Firenze, 1963. Ar.Or. 32: 650-652, 1964. 198. Problemy indoevropejskogo jazykoznanija, edited by V. N. Toporov, Moskva, 1964. Ar.Or. 32: 652-653, 1964.

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199. John T. Waterman, Perspectives in linguistics, Chicago, 1963. Ar.Or. 32: 654, 1964. 200. Indo-Iranica: melanges presentes ä Georg Morgenstierne, Wiesbaden, 1964. Ar.Or. 33: 105-106, 1965. 201. II. Fachtagung für indogermanische und allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft, Innsbruck, 1962. Ar.Or. 33: 106-109, 1965. 202. Sprache, Schlüssel zur Welt: Festschrift für Leo Weisgerber, ed. by Helmut Gipper, Düsseldorf, 1959. Ar.Or. 33: 109-111, 1965. 203. Poetics, ed. by D. Davie et al„ Warszawa, 1961. Ar.Or. 33: 111-113, 1965. 204. Current trends in linguistics, vol. 1: Soviet and East European linguistics, ed. by Thomas Sebeok et al„ The Hague, 1963. Ar.Or. 33: 113-115, 1965. 205. Linguistika ν Archivu orientälnim. Jazykov. Aktual. 1: 39-42, 1965. 206. Roberto Gusmani, Lydisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg, 1964. Ar.Or. 33: 272-277, 1965. 207. Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Linguists, Cambridge, MA, 1962, ed. by Horace G. Lunt, The Hague, 1964. Ar.Or. 33: 278-281, 1965. 208. Gaebaeraty N. Ja., Iron svzadzy asmbaryngaenaeg dzyrdwat [Explanatory dictionary of the Ossetic language], Cxinval, 1964. Ar.Or. 33: 506-513, 1965. 209. Osetinsko-russkij slovar', Ordzonikidze, 1962. Ar.Or. 33: 513-518, 1965. 210. Iron adaemy sfaeldystad [Literary creations of the Ossetic people], ed. by Abajty Vaso, Ordzonikidze, 1961. Ar.Or. 33: 518, 1965. 211. Osetinskie narodnye pesni sobrannye B. A. Galaevym ν zvukozapisjax, ed. by Ε. V. Gippius, Moskva, 1964. Ar.Or. 33: 518-519, 1965. 212. Iron aevzadzy grammatikae, vol. 1, ed. by G. S. Axvlediani, Ordzonikidze, 1963. Ar.Or. 33: 519, 1965. 208a - 212a. (Russian translation in: Izvestija Severo-osetinskogo naucno-issledovatel'skogo instituta 27: 244-260, 1968.) 213. Natural language and the computer, ed. by Paul L. Garvin, New York, 1963. Ar.Or. 33: 647-650, 1965. 214. Luis J. Prieto, Principes de noologie, The Hague, 1964. Ar.Or. 33: 650-651, 1965. 215. Otto Haas, Messapische Studien, Heidelberg, 1962. Ar.Or. 33: 651, 1965. 216. Oswald Szemerenyi, Syncope in Greek and Indo-European and the nature of Indo-European accent, Naples, 1964. Ar.Or. 33: 704, 1965. 217. Michael Girsdansky, The adventure of language, London, 1963. Ar.Or. 34: 92, 1966. 218. Robert Birwe, Der Ganapätha zu den Adhyäyas IV und V der Grammatik Päninis, Wiesbaden, 1961. Ar.Or. 34: 92, 1966. 219. John P. Hughes, The science of language, New York, 1962. Ar.Or. 34: 92-93, 1966. 220. Anton Sieberer, Lautwandel und seine Triebkräfte, Wien, 1964. Ar.Or. 34: 93, 1966.

28

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221. Beiträge zur Sprachkunde und Informationsverarbeitung, ed. by Herbert Marchl, München, 1963. Ar.Or. 34: 93, 1966. 222. Vittore Pisani, Le lingue indeuropee, Brescia, 1964. Ar.Or. 34: 93-94, 1966. 223. Bertil Malmberg, Nya vägar inom spräkforskningen, Stockholm, Ar.Or. 34: 94, 1966. 224. David S. Ruegg, Contributions ä l'histoire de la philosophie linguistique indienne, Paris, 1959. Ar.Or. 34: 94-95, 1966. 225. Gaurinath Sastri, The philosophy of word and meaning, Calcutta, 1959. Ar.Or. 34: 95, 1966. 226. R. C. Pandeya, The problem of meaning in Indian philosophy, Delhi, 1963. Ar.Or. 34: 95, 1966. 227. K. Kunjunni Raja, Indian theories of meaning, Madras, 1963. Ar.Or. 34: 95-96, 1966. 228. J. B. Hofmann and H. Rubenbauer, Wörterbuch der grammatischen und metrischen Terminologie, Heidelberg, 1963. Ar.Or. 34: 96, 1966. 229. F. de Tollenaere, Alfabetische of ideologische lexicografie? Leiden, 1960. Ar.Or. 34, 1966, 96-97. 230. Jürgen Untermann, Die venetischen Personennamen, Wiesbaden, 1961. Ar.Or. 34: 97-98, 1966. 231. Ulrich Schmoll, Die Sprachen der vorkeltischen Indogermanen Hispaniens und das Keltiberische, Wiesbaden, 1964. Ar.Or. 34: 98, 1966. 232. Anton Mayer, Die Sprache der alten Illyrier, Bd. II: Etymologisches Wörterbuch des Illyrischen, Grammatik der illyrischen Sprache, Wien, 1964. Ar.Or. 34: 9899, 1966. 233. L'Ecole de Prague d'aujourd'hui, ed. by F. Danes et al., Prague, 1964. Ar.Or. 34: 99-102, 1966. 234. Horizons of anthropology, ed. by Sol Tax, Chicago, 1964. Ar.Or. 34: 103-104, 1966. 235. Indeuropeo e protostoria, Milano, 1961. Ar.Or. 34: 221-222, 1966. 236. Approaches to semiotics, ed. by T. Sebeok, Alfred S. Hayes, and Mary Catherine Bateson, The Hague, 1964. Ar.Or. 34: 223-224, 1966. 237. Alexander Johannesson, The third stage in the creation of human language, Reykjavik and Oxford, 1963. Ar.Or. 34: 224-225, 1966. 238. A Prague School reader in linguistics, compiled by Josef Vachek, Bloomington, IN, 1964. Ar.Or. 34: 225-227, 1966. 239. Carlo Battisti, Sostrati e parastrati nell'Italia preistorica, Firenze. Ar.Or. 34: 227, 1966. 240. Benvenuto Terracini, Pagine e appunti di linguistica storica, Firenze. Ar.Or. 34: 227-228, 1966. 241. Giacomo Devoto, Scritti minori, Firenze. Ar.Or. 34: 228, 1966. 242. Carla Schick, II linguaggio, Torino, 1960. Ar.Or. 34: 228-229, 1966. 243. V. I. Abaev, A grammatical sketch of Ossetic, ed. by Herbert H. Paper, The Hague, 1964. Ar.Or. 34: 446-454, 1966.

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244. Vittore Pisani, Glottologia indeuropea, Torino, 1961. Ar.Or. 34: 455, 1966. 245. V. I. Abaev, Skifo-evropejskie isoglossy, Moskva, 1965. Ar.Or. 34: 455-458, 1966. 246. E. Benveniste, Etudes sur la langue ossete, Paris, 1959, and E. Benveniste, Ocerki po osetinskomu jazyku, transl. by K. Gagkaeva, Moskva, 1965. Ar.Or. 34: 458, 1966. 247. Noam Chomsky, Aspects of the theory of syntax, Cambridge, MA, 1965. Ar.Or. 34: 667-670, 1966. 248. Jerrold J. Katz and Paul M. Postal, An integrated theory of linguistic descriptions, Cambridge, MA, 1964. Ar.Or. 34: 670-674, 1966. 249. Emmon Bach, An introduction to transformational grammars, New York, 1964. Ar.Or. 34: 674-675, 1966. 250. Martin Joos, The five clocks, The Hague and Bloomington, IN, 1962. Ar.Or. 34: 675-676, 1966. 251. Die Sprache, München, 1964. Ar.Or. 34: 676-677, 1966. 252. Universals of language, ed. by Joseph H. Greenberg, Cambridge, MA, 1963. Ar.Or. 34: 677-680, 1966. 253. Calvert Watkins, Indo-European origins of the Celtic verb, vol. 1: The sigmatic aorist, Dublin, 1962. Ar.Or. 34: 680-682, 1966. 254. Aarni Penttilä, Über die metasprachlichen oder linguistischen Ausdrücke, Helsinki, 1962. Linguistics 24: 115-120, 1966. 255. Evidence for laryngeals, ed. by Werner Winter, The Hague, 1965. Ar.Or. 35: 145, 1967. 256. Istvän Fodor, The rate of linguistic change, The Hague, 1965. Ar.Or. 35: 145146, 1967. 257. In memory of J. R. Firth, ed. by C. Bazell et al„ London, 1966. Ar.Or. 35: 147-150, 1967. 258. Report of the Thirteenth Round Table Meeting on Linguistics and Language Studies, ed. by Elisabeth D. Woodsworth, Washington, DC, 1962. Ar.Or. 35: 150-151, 1967. 259. Report of the Fourteenth Round Table Meeting on Linguistics and Language Studies, ed. by Robert J. Di Pietro, Washington, DC, 1963. Ar.Or. 35: 151-152, 1967. 260. A. Rosetti, Linguistica, The Hague, 1965. Ar.Or. 35: 152-153, 1967. 261. The use of computers in anthropology, ed. by Dell Hymes, The Hague, 1965. Ar.Or. 35: 153-155, 1967. 262. Current trends in linguistics, vol. 3, ed. by Thomas Sebeok, The Hague, 1966. Ar.Or. 35: 298-301, 1967. 263. Josef Vachek, The linguistic school of Prague, Bloomington, IN, 1966. Ar.Or. 35: 301-302, 1967. 264. Johannes Hubschmid, Substratprobleme, Bern, 1961, and Thesaurus praeromanicus, fasc. 1 and II, Bern, 1963, 1965. Ar.Or. 35: 303, 1967.

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265. Hans Krähe, Die Struktur der alteuropäischen Hydronymie, Wiesbaden, 1963. Ar.Or. 35: 303-304, 1967. 266. Wolfgang P. Schmid, Alteuropa und der Osten im Spiegel der Sprachgeschichte, Innsbruck, 1966. Ar.Or. 35: 305, 1967. 267. Herbert Pilch, Phonemtheorie, Basel, 1964. Ar.Or. 35: 305-306, 1967. 268. Readings in linguistics, vol. 1 ed. by Martin Joos, vol. 2 ed. by Eric Hamp et al., Chicago, 1966. Ar.Or. 35: 306-307, 1967. 269. Portraits of linguists, vols. 1 and 2, ed. by Thomas Sebeok, Bloomington, IN, 1966. Ar.Or. 35: 307-309, 1967. 270. Μ. I. Isaev, Digorskij dialekt osetinskogo jazyka, Moskva, 1966. Ar.Or. 35: 487-489, 1967. 271. G. Axvlediani, Sbornik izbrannyx rabot po osetinskomu jazyku, vol. 1, Tbilisi. Ar.Or. 35: 489-490, 1967. 272. B.X. Balkarov, Adygskie elementy ν osetinskom jazyke, Nal'cik, 1965. Ar.Or. 35: 490, 1967. 273. Α. X. Magometov, Kul'tura i byt osetinskogo krest'janstva, Ordzonikidze, 1963. Ar.Or. 35: 491, 1967. 274. Mzia Andronikasvili, Narkvevebi iranul-kartuli enobrivi urtiertobidan [Studies in Iranian-Georgian linguistic contacts], Tbilisi, 1966. Ar.Or. 35: 491-492, 1967. 275. O. S. Axmanova, Slovar' lingvisticeskix terminov, Moskva, 1966. Ar.Or. 35: 510-515, 1967. 276. O. S. Axmanova and G. B. Mikaeljan, Sovremennye sintaksiceskie teorii, Moskva, 1963. Ar.Or. 35: 518-520, 1967. 277. O. S. Axmanova et al., Ο principax i metodax lingvostilisticeskogo issledovanija, Moskva, 1966. Ar.Or. 35: 520, 1967. 278. Lingvisticeskaja tipologija i vostocnye jazyki [Conference papers], Moskva, 1965. Ar.Or. 35: 649-653, 1967. 279. Manfred Mayrhofer, Die Indo-Arier im alten Vorderasien, Wiesbaden, 1966. Ar.Or. 35: 653, 1967. 280. Selected writings of Gyula Laziczius, ed. by Thomas Sebeok, The Hague, 1966. Ar.Or. 35: 654-655, 1967. 281. Bertil Malmberg, Structural linguistics and human communication, Berlin, 1963. Ar.Or. 35: 655, 1967. 282. Approaches to the study of aphasia, ed. by Charles E. Osgood and Murray S. Miron, Urbana, 1963. Ar.Or. 35: 655-656, 1967. 283. Ruth H. Weir, Language in the crib, The Hague, 1962. Ar.Or. 35: 657, 1967. 284. J. B. Adam and A. J. Shawcross, The language laboratory, London, 1963. Ar.Or. 35: 657, 1967. 285. Computation in linguistics: a case book, ed. by Paul L. Garvin, Bloomington, IN, 1966. Ar.Or. 35: 657-659, 1967. 286. Readings in linguistics, 2, ed. by E. Hamp et al., Chicago, 1966. Jazykovedne Aktuality 1968: 22-24. 287. John Lyons, Structural semantics, Oxford, 1963. Ar.Or. 36: 149-150, 1968.

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288. A. J. Greimas, Semantique structurale, Paris, 1966. Ar.Or. 36: 150-152, 1968. 289. Languages, ed. by Tzvetan Todorov, Paris, 1966. Ar.Or. 36: 152, 1968. 290. V. V. Sevoroskin, Issledovanija po desifrovke karijskix nadpisej, Moskva, 1965. Ar.Or. 36: 153-154, 1968. 291. Die Wissenschaft von der Sprache und die Sprache in den Wissenschaften, ed. by Günter Eifler, Mainz. Ar.Or. 36: 331, 1968. 292. Grammaire generale et raisonnee ou La Grammaire de Port-Royal, vols. 1 and 2, ed. by Herbert Brekle, Stuttgart, 1966. Ar.Or. 36: 331-332, 1968. 293. Alan Healey, Handling unsophisticated linguistic informants, Canberra, 1964. Ar.Or. 36: 332, 1968. 294. Robert Lord, Teach yourself comparative linguistics, London, 1966. Ar.Or. 36: 332-333, 1968. 295. Kultur und Zivilisation, ed. by Johann Knobloch et al., München, 1967. Ar.Or. 36: 333, 1968. 296. Giulio C. Lepschy, La linguistica strutturale, Torino, 1966. Ar.Or. 36: 333, 1968. 297. Milka Ivic, Trends in linguistics, transl. by Muriel Heppel, The Hague, 1965. Ar.Or. 36: 333-334, 1968. 298. Papers in linguistics in honor of Leon Dostert, ed. by William M. Austin, The Hague, 1967. Ar.Or. 36: 334-335, 1968. 299. Ernst Otto, Stand und Aufgabe der allgemeinen Sprachwissenschaft, Berlin, 1965. Ar.Or. 36: 335-336, 1968. 300. William J. Samarin, Field linguistics: a guide to linguistic field work, New York, 1967. Ar.Or. 36: 336-337, 1968. 301. Sociolinguistics: Proceedings of the UCLA Sociolinguistics Conference, 1964, ed. by William Bright, The Hague, 1966. Ar.Or. 36: 337-340, 1968. 302. Report on the Twelfth Annual Round Table Meeting on Linguistics and Language Studies, ed. by Michael Zarechnak, Washington, DC, 1963. Ar.Or. 36: 482-483, 1968. 303. Noam Chomsky, Cartesian linguistics, New York, 1966. Ar.Or. 36: 484-485, 1968. 304. Information sources in linguistics: a bibliographical handbook, ed. by Frank Rice and Allene Guss, Washington, DC, 1965. Linguistics 39: 103-104, 1968. 305. T. F. Mitchell, On the nature of linguistics, Leeds, 1965. Linguistics 39: 104, 1968. 306. Readings in modern linguistics, ed. by Anwar S. Dil, Lahore, 1964. Linguistics 39: 105, 1968. 307. Henry M. Hoenigswald, Language change and linguistic reconstruction, Chicago, 1965. Linguistics 39: 105-106, 1968. 308. Waltraud Bumann, Die Sprachtheorie Heymann Steinthals, Meisenheim, 1965. Linguistics 39: 106-108, 1968. 309. Language, thought, and culture, ed. by Paul Henle, Ann Arbor, 1965. Linguistics 39: 113, 1968.

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310. W. F. Albright and Τ. O. Lambdin, The evidence of language [The Cambridge Ancient History, vols. I and II, rev. ed.], Cambridge, 1966. LF 91: 3: 319, 1968. 311. Jerrold L. Katz, The philosophy of language, New York, 1966. Ar.Or. 36: 685687, 1968. 312. Andreas Koutsoudas, Writing transformational grammars: an introduction, New York, 1966. Ar.Or. 36: 687-688, 1968. 313. Alfons Nehring, Sprachzeichen und Sprechakte, Heidelberg, 1965. Ar.Or. 36: 688, 1968. 314. Louis B. Salomon, Semantics and common sense, New York, 1966. Ar.Or. 36: 689-690, 1968. 315. Folia linguistica (Acta Societatis Linguisticae Europaeae, 1), The Hague, 1967. Ar.Or. 36: 690, 1968. 316. Mario Pei, Invitation to linguistics, London, 1965. Linguistics 41: 118-122, 1968. 317. Sprachen - Zuordnung - Strukturen: Festgabe seiner Schüler für Eberhard Zwirner, The Hague, 1965. Linguistics 41: 122-124, 1968. 318. Eric Buyssens, Linguistique historique, Paris and Bruxelles, 1965. Linguistics 41: 124-126, 1968. 319. Friedrich Kainz, Psychologie der Sprache, VI: I, Stuttgart, 1965. Linguistics 41: 126-127, 1968. 320. Yoshihiko Ikegami, ME 'dight': A structural study in the obsolescence of words, Tokyo, 1963. Linguistics 41: 128-129, 1968. 321. Bulletin d'information du laboratoire d'analyse lexicologique, fasc. I-VI, Besanfon, 1960-1962. Linguistics 42: 126-127, 1968. 322. Otto Bastian, Die europäischen Sprachen, Bern, 1964. Linguistics 42: 128-129, 1968. 323. Eric Buyssens, Linguistique historique, Paris and Bruxelles, 1965. Ar.Or. 37: 94, 1969. 324. Explorations in sociolinguistics, ed. by Stanley Lieberson, The Hague, 1966. Ar.Or. 37: 94-95, 1969. 325. Psycholinguistic papers: The proceedings of the 1966 Edinburgh Conference, ed. by J. Lyons and R. J. Wales, Edinburgh, 1966. Ar.Or. 37: 95-97, 1969. 326. Antoine Meillet, The comparative method in historical linguistics, transl. by G. Ford, Paris, 1967. Ar.Or. 37: 97, 1969. 327. R. H. Robins, General linguistics: an introductory survey, London, 1967. Ar.Or. 37: 97, 1969. 328. Ferdinand de Saussure, Cours de linguistique generale, ed. by Rudolf Engler, Wiesbaden, 1967. Ar.Or. 37: 97-99, 1969. 329. Harald Weinrich, Linguistik der Lüge, Heidelberg, 1966. Ar.Or. 37: 99-100, 1969. 330. V. I. Abaev, A grammatical sketch of Ossetic, Bloomington, IN, 1964. Linguistics 43: 131-136, 1968.

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331. Cahiers de lexicologie: Revue internationale de lexicologie generale et appliquee, vol. IV (1964), fasc. I, ed. by B. Quemada, Paris, 1964-. Linguistics 44: 107-109, 1968. 332. Richard I. Aaron, The theory of universale, 2nd ed., Oxford, 1967. Ar.Or. 37: 273-274, 1969. 333. Mario Pei, Glossary of linguistic terminology, New York, 1966. Ar.Or. 37: 275, 1969. 334. Karl-Otto Apel, Analytic philosophy of language and the Geisteswissenchaften, Dordrecht, 1967. Ar.Or. 37: 275, 1969. 335. H. Freudenthal, The language of logic, Amsterdam, 1966. Ar.Or. 37: 276, 1969. 336. Howard R. Pollio, The structural basis of word association behavior, The Hague, 1966. Ar.Or. 37: 276-277, 1969. 337. Robert Schmitt-Brandt, Die Entwicklung des indogermanischen Vokalsystems, Heidelberg, 1967. Ar.Or. 37: 277-279, 1969. 338. The verb 'be' and its synonyms, pts. 1, 2, and 3, ed. by John M. Verhaar, Dordrecht, 1967-1968. Ar.Or. 37: 279-280, 1969. 339. Francisco da Silva Borba, Introdu9aö aos estudos lingüisticos, Saö Paulo, 1967. Ar.Or. 37: 280-281, 1969. 340. Tatiana Slama-Cazacu, Langage et contexte, 's-Gravenhage, 1967. Ar.Or. 37: 281, 1969. 341. John P. de Cecco, The psychology of language, thought, and instruction, New York, 1967. Ar.Or. 37: 281-282, 1969. 342. Ferdinand de Saussure, Corso di linguistica generale, ed. and transl. by Tullio di Mauro, Bari, 1968. Ar.Or. 37: 282, 1969. 343. Wolfgang P. Schmid, Alteuropäisch und Indogermanisch, Wiesbaden, 1968. Ar.Or. 37: 449, 1969. 344. Wolfgang Schlachter, Arbeiten zur strukturbezogenen Grammatik auf der Grundlage finnisch-ugrischen und indogermanischen Materials, ed. by Björn Collinder, Hans Fromm, and Gerhard Ganschow, München, 1968. Ar.Or. 37: 449-450, 1969. 345. Fernand Brunner et al., Vom Wesen der Sprache, Bern, 1967. Ar.Or. 37: 50, 1969. 346. William Schwab, Guide to modern grammar and exposition, New York, 1967. Ar.Or. 37: 450-451, 1969. 347. Eric Buyssens, La communication et 1'articulation linguistique, Bruxelles and Paris, 1967. Ar.Or. 37: 609-611, 1969. 348. Rudolf Engler, Lexique de la terminologie saussurienne, Utrecht, 1968. Ar.Or. 37: 611-614, 1969. 349. Europa: Studien zur Geschichte und Epigraphik der frühen Aegaeis. Festschrift für Ernst Grumach, ed. by William C. Brice, Berlin, 1967. Ar.Or. 37: 614-615, 1969. 350. Veröffentlichung des II. internationalen Symposions 'Zeichen und System der Sprache' (Magdeburg 1964), Berlin, 1966. Ar.Or. 37: 615-618, 1969.

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351. Emmanuel Laroche, Les noms des Hittites, Paris, 1966. Ar.Or. 37: 619-621, 1969. (With L. Matous.) 352. D. J. Georgacas and W. A. McDonald, Place names of Southwest Peloponnesus: Registerand indexes, Minneapolis, 1969. Names 18: 2: 131-136, 1970. 353. Götz Wienold, Genus und Semantik, Meisenheim, 1967. KZ 84: 2: 304-305, 1970. 354. Linguistic studies presented to Andre Martinet, vol. I, ed. by Alphonse Juilland, New York, 1969. KZ 84: 305-309, 1970. 355. F. H. George, Semantics ('Teach yourself'), London, 1964. Linguistics 66: 119120, 1971. 356. Helena Kurzovä, Zur syntaktischen Struktur des Griechischen, Prague, 1968. Language 47: 3: 733, 1971. 357. Current trends in Linguistics, vol. 5: South Asia, ed. by Thomas Sebeok. Language Sciences 17: 50-52, 1971. 358. Bertil Malmberg, Les nouvelles tendences de la linguistique, Paris, 1966. Linguistics 70: 106, 1971. 359. Louis J. Prieto, Messages et signaux, Paris, 1966. Linguistics 70: 112-113, 1971. 360. B. Siertsema, A study of glossematics, 2nd ed., The Hague, 1965. Linguistics 70: 113-114, 1971. 361. Julius Stenzel, Philosophie der Sprache, München, 1934 [1964]. Linguistics 70: 115, 1971. 362. Theodore Drange, Type crossings: Sentential meaninglessness in the border area of linguistics and philosophy, The Hague, 1966. Linguistics 70: 115-117, 1971. 363. Tristano Bolelli, Per una storia della ricerca linguistica, Napoli, 1965. Linguistics 74: 95-96, 1971. 364. Roch Valin, Le methode comparative en linguistique historique et en psychomecanique du langage, Quebec, 1964. Linguistics 74: 103-104, 1971. 365. Hans Glinz, Grundbegriffe und Methoden inhaltsbezogener Text- und Sprachanalyse, Düsseldorf, 1965. Linguistics 74: 104-107, 1971. 366. Roland Harweg, Pronomina und Textkonstitution, München, 1968. KZ 85: 2: 305-307, 1971. 367. Studies in syntax and semantics, ed. by F. Kiefer, Dordrecht, 1969. KZ 85: 2: 307-309, 1971. 368. E. Adelaide Hahn, Naming-constructions in some Indo-European languages, Cleveland, 1969. Language 48: 3: 695-702, 1972. 369. Fred W. Householder, Linguistic speculations, Cambridge, 1971. KZ 87: 2: 285286, 1973. 370. Eugenio Coseriu, Sprache: Strukturen und Funktionen, Tübingen, 1971. KZ 87: 2: 286, 1973. 371. Adam Smith, A dissertation on the origin of languages, Tübingen, 1970. KZ 87: 2: 287, 1973. 372. Eugenio Coseriu, Einführung in die strukturelle Betrachtung des Wortschatzes, Tübingen, 1970. KZ 87: 2: 299-300, 1973.

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373. Helmut Henne, Semantik und Lexikographie, Berlin, 1972. KZ 87: 2: 301-303, 1973. 374. Henrik Birnbaum, Problems of typological and genetic linguistics viewed in a generative framework, The Hague, 1970. KZ 87: 2: 303-304, 1973. 375. Elisabeth Bense, Mentalismus in der Sprachtheorie Noam Chomskys, Kronberg, 1973. Papers in Linguistics 7: 3-4: 535-539, 1974. 376. Aspekte der Semantik: Zu ihrer Theorie und Geschichte, 1662-1970, ed. by Laszlo Antal, Frankfurt, 1972. Studies in Language Learning 1: 1: 210-212, 1975. 377. Adam Makkai, Idiom structure in English, The Hague, 1972. Kratylos 19: 146149, 1974 [1975]. 378. Josef Simon, Philosophie und linguistische Theorie, Berlin, 1971. KZ 89: 2: 291-292, 1975. 379. Friedrich Kainz, Philosophische Etymologie und historische Semantik, Wien, 1969. KZ 89: 2: 293-296, 1975. 380. Fredrik O. Lindeman, Einführung in die Laryngaltheorie, Berlin, 1970. KZ 89: 2: 297-300, 1975. 381. Les noms de lieux et le contact des langues, ed. by Η. Dorion and Christian Morissonneau, Quebec, 1972. International Journal of American Linguistics 42: 2: 172-173, 1976. 382. Sprachwandel: Reader zur diachronischen Sprachwissenschaft, ed. by Dieter Cherubim, Berlin, 1975. Lingua 40: 264-265, 1976. 383. Eugene A. Nida, Exploring semantic structures, München, 1975. Kratylos 20: 20-23, 1977. 384. Sprache und Gesellschaft in der Sowjetunion, ed. by W. Girke and H. Jachnow, München, 1975. Slavic Review 6: 359, 1977. 385. John A. Brownell, A directory of selected resources for the study of English in Japan, Honolulu, 1976. ARBA 1977: 515. 386. Abraham Lass and Betty Lass, Dictionary of pronunciation, New York, 1976. ARBA 1977: 525-526. 387. Josefa Zotter, Cortina-Grosset basic German dictionary: English-German/German-English, New York, 1975. ARBA 1977: 529. 388. Oxford Latin dictionary, fasc. V: Libero-Pactum, ed. by P. G. W. Glare, New York, 1976. ARBA 1977: 530-531. 389. Joachim Kühn, Gescheiterte Sprachkritik: Fritz Mauthners Leben und Werk, Berlin, 1975. Lingua 42: 399, 1977. 390. Yakov Malkiel, Etymological dictionaries: a tentative typology, Chicago, 1976. Kratylos 21: 184, 1976 [1977J. 391. Bibliography of language arts material for Native North Americans: Bilingual, English as a second language, and native language materials (1965-1974), Los Angeles, 1977. ARBA 1978: 308. 392. Sprachwissenschaftliches Wörterbuch, Lief. 1-6, ed. by Johann Knobloch, Heidelberg, 1971. KZ 91: 2: 307-308, 1977.

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393. Eugenio Coseriu, Einführung in die transformationeile Grammatik, Tübingen, 1968. KZ 91: 2: 308-310, 1977. 394. R. Β. Farrell, Dictionary of German synonyms, 3rd ed., New York, 1977. ARBA 1978: 543-544. 395. Luis Fernando Lara, El concepto de norma en lingüistica, Mexico, D.F., 1976. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 7: 2: 191-192, 1977. 396. Luis Fernando Lara, El concepto de norma en lingüistica, Mexico, D.F., 1976. Kratylos 22: 51-53, 1977 [1978], 397. William E. McMahon, Hans Reichenbach's philosophy of grammar, The Hague, 1976. Lingua 44: 389-391, 1978. 398. Herbert H. Clark, Semantics and comprehension, The Hague, 1976. Lingua 44: 391, 1978. 399. Martin R. P. McGuire and Hermigild Dressier, Introduction to medieval Latin studies: a syllabus and bibliographical guide, 2nd ed., Washington, DC, 1977. ARBA 1979: 536. 400. Jeanne Ambrose-Grillet, Glossary of transformational grammar, Rowley, MA, 1978. ARBA 1979: 537-538. 401. Mario Wandruszka, Wörter und Wortfelder, Tübingen, 1973. KZ 92: 1-2: 306307, 1978. 402. Jakko Frösen, Prolegomena to a study of the Greek language in the first centuries A.D., Helsinki, 1974. KZ 92: 1-2: 307-309, 1978. 403. Ewald Lang, Semantik der koordinativen Verknüpfung, Berlin, 1977. Papers in Linguistics 11: 1-2: 267-276, 1978. 404. Papers on functional sentence perspective, ed. by F. Danes, Prague, The Hague, 1974. Lingua 48: 271-274, 1979. 405. Bernard E. Rollin, Natural and conventional meaning, The Hague, 1976. Lingua 48: 85-86, 1979. 406. Demetrius J. Georgacas, Ichthyological terms for the sturgeon and the etymology of the international terms 'botargo', 'caviar', and congeners, Athens, 1977. Word 3 1 : 2 : 235-239, 1980. 407. Walter Bauer, A Greek-English lexicon of the New Testament and other early Christian literature, 2nd rev. and augm. edition by William F. Arndt and F. Wilbur Gingrich, Chicago, 1979. ARBA 1980: 480-481. 408. Oswald Ducrot and Tzvetan Todorov, Encyclopedic dictionary of the sciences of language, Baltimore, 1979. ARBA 1980: 499. 409. The linguistic atlas of England, ed. by Harold Orton et al., London, 1978. ARBA 1980: 500. 410. Harry T. Hionides, Collins contemporary Greek dictionary, Cleveland, 1977. ARBA 1980: 515. 411. The analytical Greek lexicon revised, ed. by Harold K. Moulton, Grand Rapids, MI, 1978. ARBA 1980: 515-516. 412. Hermann-Josef Zingel, Textile dictionary: English/American, French, German, Spanish; Amsterdam, 1979. ARBA 1981: 446.

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413. Linguistic atlas of the Middle and South Atlantic States, ed. by Raven I. McDavid, Jr., Chicago, 1980. ARB A 1981: 516. 414. George Ricker Berry, A dictionary of New Testament Greek synonyms, Grand Rapids, MI, 1979. ARBA 1981: 526. 415. Margaret L. Press, Chemehuevi: a grammar and lexicon, Berkeley, 1979. ARBA 1981: 530. 416. Robert W. Young and William Morgan, The Navajo language: a grammar and colloquial dictionary, Albuquerque, 1980. ARBA 1981: 530-531. 417. Konrad Nielsen and Asbjorn Nesheim, Lapp dictionary, based on the dialects of Polmak, Karasjok, and Kautokeino, Oslo, 1979. ARBA 1981: 528. 418. Transliterated dictionary of the Russian language, ed. by Eugene Garfield, Philadelphia, 1979. ARBA 1981: 531-532. 419. Clarence L Barnhart, Sol Steinmetz, and Robert K. Bamhart, The second Barnhart dictionary of new English, New York, 1980. ARBA 1981: 517-518. 420. Frits J. de Jong, Quadrilingual economics dictionary: English-American, French, German, and Dutch; Boston, 1980. ARBA 1982: 413. 421. William Dingwall, Language and the brain: a bibliography and guide, New York, 1981. ARBA 1982: 581. 422. Peter Davies, Roots: family histories of familiar words, New York, 1981. ARBA 1982: 583. 423. The Oxford-Duden pictorial English dictionary, ed. by John Pheby, New York, 1981. ARBA 1982: 585. 424. Jenni K. Moulton, The Random House basic dictionary, German-English, English-German, New York, 1981. ARBA 1982: 597. 425. The Cambridge Italian dictionary, vol. 3: English-Italian, ed. by Barbara Reynolds, New York, 1981. ARBA 1982: 598-599. 426. M. A. R. Barker, H. J. Hamdani, and K. M. S. Dihlavi, Urdu-English vocabulary: students' pronouncing dictionary, Ithaca, NY, 1980. ARBA 1982: 603. 427. Uzbek-English dictionary, compiled by Natalie Waterson, New York, 1980. ARBA 1982: 603. 428. Peter Wennrich, Anglo-American and German abbreviations in science and technology: Part 4, supplement, New York, 1980. ARBA 1982: 698-699. 429. Wörterbuch der Elektronik, Englisch-Deutsch; Dictionary of electronics, EnglishGerman, ed. by Alfred Oppermann, New York, 1980. ARBA 1982: 810. 430. An index to the Revised Bauer-Arndt-Gingrich Greek lexicon, ed. by F. W. Gingrich and F. W. Danker, Grand Rapids, MI, 1981. ARBA 1983: 484-485. 431. Terminologies for the eighties with a special section: 10 years of Infoterm, München, 1982. ARBA 1983: 501. 432. The American Heritage desk dictionary, Boston, 1981. ARBA 1983: 502. 433. A supplement to the Oxford English dictionary, vol. Ill: O-Scz, ed. by R. W. Burchfield, New York, 1982. ARBA 1983: 505. 434. Suffixes and other word-final elements of English, ed. by Laurence Urdang et al„ Detroit, 1982. ARBA 1983: 506.

38

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435. Melvin K. Hendrix, An international bibliography of African lexicons, Metuchen, NJ, 1982. ARBA 1983: 509. 436. The Pinyin Chinese-English dictionary, ed. by Wu Jingrong, New York, [1982], ARBA 1983: 510. 437. Paul Saagpakk, Estonian-English dictionary, New Haven, CT, 1982. ARBA 1983: 510-511. 438. An Iban-English dictionary, compiled by Anthony Richards, New York, 1981. ARBA 1983: 512. 439. Russell G. Schuh, A dictionary of Ngizim, Berkeley, 1981. ARBA 1983: 513. 440. The pocket Oxford English-Russian dictionary, compiled by Nigel Rankin and Delia Thompson, New York, 1981. ARBA 1983: 514. 441. Wojciech Zalewski, Russian-English dictionaries with aids for translators: a selected bibliography, New York, 1981. ARBA 1983: 514. 442. Diccionario Ingles, ed. by Fernando de Mello Vianna, Boston, 1982. ARBA 1983: 514-515. 443. Ivan Lütterer et al., Zemepisna jmena Ceskoslovenska, Praha, 1982. Names 32: 1: 89-90, 1984. 444. Bono homini donum: essays in historical linguistics in memory of J. Alexander Kerns, ed. by Yoel Arbeitman and Allan R. Bomhard, Amsterdam, 1981. Language 60: 1: 182, 1984. 445. Μ. H. Bakalla, Arabic linguistics: an introduction and bibliography, 2nd rev. ed., New York, 1983. ARBA 1984: 518-519. 446. N. S. Doniach, The concise Oxford English-Arabic dictionary of current usage, New York, 1982. ARBA 1984: 519. 447. Shafi Shaikh, Handbook of English-Arabic for professionals, New York, 1983. ARBA 1984: 519-520. 448. A. J. Greimas and J. Courtes, Semiotics and language: an analytical dictionary, Bloomington, IN, 1982. ARBA 1984: 520-521. 449. Le Robert methodique: dictionnaire methodique du frangais actuel, ed. by Josette Rey-Debove, Paris, 1982. ARBA 1984: 521. 450. Akira Miura, Japanese words and their uses, Rutland, VT, 1983. ARBA 1984: 524. 451. Pandurang Ganesh Deshpande, A modern English-Gujarati dictionary, Kaira, India, 1970 [Oxford, 1982], ARBA 1984: 523. 452. The Oxford-Duden pictorial English-Japanese dictionary, New York, 1983. ARBA 1984: 524-525. 453. Standard English-Korean dictionary for foreigners, ed. by B. J. Jones, Elizabeth, NJ, 1982. ARBA 1985: 525. 454. Iwo Pogonowski, Dictionary: Polish-English; English-Polish, 2nd ed., New York, 1983. ARBA 1984: 525-526. 455. James F. Shipp, Russian-English dictionary of abbreviations and initialisms, Philadelphia, 1982. ARBA 1984: 526.

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456. Elizabeth A. M. Wilson, The modern Russian dictionary for English speakers: English-Russian; Russian edition by L. P. Popova, New York, 1982. ARB A 1984: 527. 457. A. Kucera, The Compact dictionary of exact science and technology, vols. 1 and 2, Wiesbaden, 1980, 1982. ARBA 1984: 608-609. 458. Das etymologische Wörterbuch: Fragen der Konzeption und Gestaltung, ed. by Alfred Bammesberger, Regensburg, 1983. Language 61: 1: 215-216, 1985. 459. Claude Brixhe, Essai sur le grec anatolien au debut de notre ere, Nancy, 1984. Language 61: 1: 217-218, 1985. 460. Dictionaries and vocabularies in the terminology and reference library (19661981), 6th ed., New York, 1983. ARBA 1985: 342. 461. Patricia Spencer, The Egyptian temple: a lexicographical study, Boston, 1984. ARBA 1985: 346. 462. T. Burrow and Μ. B. Emeneau, A Dravidian etymological dictionary, 2nd ed., New York, 1984. ARBA 1985: 353. 463. William Marsden, A dictionary and grammar of the Malayan language, New York, 1984. ARBA 1985: 355. 464. Frances Karttunen, An analytical dictionary of Nahuatl, Austin, TX, 1983. ARBA 1985: 355. 465. A dictionary of the older Scottish tongue, vol. 5, ed. by A. J. Aitken and James A. C. Stevenson, Aberdeen, 1983. ARBA 1985: 356. 466. English-Tibetan dictionary of modern Tibetan, ed. by Melvyn C. Goldstein, Berkeley, 1984. ARBA 1985: 358. 467. T. Muraoka, A Greek-Hebrew/Aramaic index to I Esdras, Chico, CA, 1984. ARBA 1985: 474. 468. Das etymologische Wörterbuch: Fragen der Konzeption und Gestaltung, ed. by Alfred Bammesberger, Regensburg, 1983. Kratylos 29: 30-32, 1984 [1985]. 469. Adolf Erhart, Indoevropske jazyky, Praha, 1982. Kratylos 29: 158-160, 1984 [1985], 470. Ram Adhar Singh, An introduction to lexicography, Mysore, 1982. Dictionaries 6: 254-257, 1984. 471. Studien zur neuhochdeutschen Lexikographie, vols. 1-4, ed. by Herbert Ε. Wiegand, 1981-1984. Dictionaries 6: 268-275, 1984. 472. Doris A. Bartholomew and Louis C. Schoenhals, Bilingual dictionaries for indigenous languages [Summer Institute of Linguistics], Mexico, 1983. Dictionaries 6: 283-285, 1984. 473. Robert E. Beard, The Indo-European lexicon: a full synchronic study. Diachronica 1: 1: 103-110, 1984. 474. Fritz Neubauer, Die Struktur der Explikationen in deutschen einsprachigen Wörterbüchern, Hamburg, 1980. Lexicographica 1: 277-278, 1985. 475. Lexicography: principles and practice, ed. by R. R. K. Hartman, London, 1983. Lexicographica 1: 285-286, 1985.

40

Publications of Ladislav

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476. Everyday American English dictionary: a basic dictionary for English language learning, ed. by Richard A. Spears et al., Lincolnwood, IL, 1984. Studies in Language Learning 5: 1: 128-129, 1985. 477. Everyday American English dictionary: a basic dictionary for English language learning, ed. by Richard A. Spears et al., Lincolnwood, IL, 1984. Lexicographica 2: 315-317, 1986. 478. A bibliography of writings on varieties of English, 1965-1983, ed. by Wolfgang Viereck, Edgar W. Schneider, and Manfred Görlach, Philadelphia, 1984. ARB A 1986: 406. 479. Bruce Mitchell, Old English syntax, New York, 1985. ARBA 1986: 407. 480. The pocket Oxford dictionary of current English, 7th ed., New York, 1984. ARBA 1986: 407. 481. Australian pocket Oxford English dictionary, ed. by George W. Turner, New York, 1984. ARBA 1986: 407-408. 482. Nina Trnka, Czech-English; English-Czech concise dictionary, New York, 1984. ARBA 1986: 415. 483. Georgette A. Marks and Charles B. Johnson, Harrap's slang dictionary: EnglishFrench / French-English, London, 1984. ARBA 1986: 415-416. 484. J. P. Lupson, Guide to German idioms, Lincolnwood, IL, 1984. ARBA 1986: 416. 485. A. D. Alderson and Fahir Iz, The Oxford Turkish-English dictionary, 3rd ed., New York, 1984. ARBA 1986: 418. 486. Greek dictionary: Greek-English and English-Greek pocket dictionary, ed. by P. Nathanail, Boston, 1985. ARBA 1986: 417. 487. Mikhail Zimmermann, Russian-English translator's dictionary: a guide to scientific and technical usage, 2nd ed., New York, 1984. ARBA 1986: 417. 488. Marcus Wheeler, Oxford Russian-English dictionary, 2nd ed., Oxford, 1984. Lexicographica 2: 331-332, 1986. 489. P. S. Falla, The Oxford English-Russian dictionary, Oxford, 1984. Lexicographica 2: 314, 1986. 490. Dictionnaire du fran^ais quebecois (Tresor de langue frangaise au Quebec), ed. by Claude Poirier et al., St. Foy, 1985. Dictionaries 8: 272-279, 1986. 491. Claude Brixhe and Michel Lejeune, Corpus des inscriptions paleo-phrygiennes, vols. 1 and 2, Paris, 1984. Language 62: 2: 462, 1986. 492. Peter von Polenz, Deutsche Satzsemantik, Berlin, 1985. Language 62: 4: 947948, 1986. 493. F. A. Bogadek, Cassell's new English-Croatian and Croatian-English dictionary, 3rd ed., New York, 1985. ARBA 1987: 408. 494. Spanish at your fingertips; French at your fingertips; Greek at your fingertips; and Portuguese at your fingertips, New York, 1986. ARBA 1987: 417. 495. Mary K. Pukui and Samuel Elbert, Hawaiian dictionary, 2nd ed., Honolulu, 1986. ARBA 1987: 410-411.

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496. Abbas Aryanpur Kashani and Manoochehr Aryanpur Kashani, The combined new Persian-English and English-Persian dictionary, Lexington, KY, 1986. ARBA 1987: 413. 497. Adrian Room, Dictionary of changes in meaning, New York, 1986. ARBA 1987: 402-403. 498. Dictionaries, lexicography, and language learning, ed. by Robert Ilson, Oxford, 1985. World Englishes 6: 1: 71-72, 1987. 499. Frantisek Cermäk et al., Slovnik ceske frazeologie a idiomatiky, Praha, 1983. Lexicographica 3: 258-259, 1987. 500. Harold W. Kent, Treasury of Hawaiian words, Honolulu, 1986. ARBA 1988: 439-440. 501. Branislav Grujic, Serbocroatian-English; English-Serbocroatian dictionary, New York, 1986. ARBA 1988: 441. 502. Langenscheidt's universal dictionary: English, Serbo-Croatian; Serbo-Croatian, English, Maspeth, NY, 1987. ARBA 1988: 441. 503. Jolanta Rokoszowa, Zum Anthropozentrismus in der Sprache, Wroclaw, 1986. Language 64: 3: 647-648, 1988. 504. Handbuch der Lexikologie, ed. by Christoph Schwarze and Dieter Wunderlich, Königstein, 1985. Lingua 76: 254-255, 1988. 505. Walter Belardi, Filosofia, grammatica e retorica nel pensiero antico, Rome, 1985. Historiographia Linguistica 15: 3: 401-405, 1988. 506. Wolfgang Mentrup, Zur Pragmatik einer Lexikographie, Tübingen, 1988. Dictionaries 10: 147-151, 1988. 507. Studien zur neuhochdeutschen Lexikographie, vols. 5, 6: 1, 6: 2, ed. by Η. Ε. Wiegand, Hildesheim, 1984, 1986, 1988. Dictionaries 10: 159-163, 1988. 508. Bent Conrad, Two essays on reference without meaning: suppositio materialis and proper names, Copenhagen, 1985. Language 65: 1: 178-179, 1989. 509. Riccardo Ambrosini, Tendenze della linguistica teorica attuale, Pisa, 1987. Language 65: 2: 418, 1989. 510. Marcelo Dascal, Leibniz: Language, signs, and thought, Amsterdam, 1987. Language 65: 2: 423, 1989. 511. Matin L. Manchester, The philosophical foundations of Humboldt's linguistic doctrines, Amsterdam, 1985. Lingua 79: 363-365, 1989. 512. The history of linguistics in Italy, ed. by Paolo Ramat, Hans-J. Niederehe, and Konrad Koerner, Amsterdam, 1986. Lingua 79: 73-74, 1989. 513. Francisco Rodriguez Adrados, Nuevos estudios de lingiiistica general y de teoria literaria, Barcelona, 1988. Kratylos 34: 165-166, 1989. 514. Sumitra M. Katre, AstädhyäyT of Pänini, Austin. TX, 1987. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 19: 1: 187-193, 1989. 515. Igor A. Mel'cuk and Alexander K. Zolkovskij, Tolkovo-kombinatornyj slovar' sovremennogo Russkogo jazyka: Explanatory combinatorial dictionary of modern Russian, Vienna, 1984. Lexicographica 5: 257-259, 1989.

42

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516. Carl Darling Buck, A dictionary of selected synonyms in the principal IndoEuropean languages, Chicago, 1949, repr. 1988. ARB A 1990: 437. 517. Florent A. Tremblay, Bibliotheca lexicologiae medii aevi, vol. 1: Classics in the Middle Ages, education in the Middle Ages, Lewiston, NY, 1988. ARBA 1990: 420-421. 518. Ian MacKay, Phonetics and speech science: a bilingual dictionary, New York, 1989. ARBA 1990: 421-422. 519. Paul Wexler, Judeo-Romance linguistics: a bibliography, New York, 1989. ARBA 1990: 439. 520. John M. Echols and Hassan Shadily, An Indonesian-English dictionary, 3rd ed., New York, 1989. ARBA 1990: 443-444. 521. James A. Matisoff, The Dictionary of Lahu, Berkeley, 1988. ARBA 1990: 445. 522. William S. Heckscher, The Princeton alciati companion: a glossary of Neo-Latin words and phrases, New York, 1989. ARBA 1990: 445-446. 523. Irini Panoff, New Pocket Romanian dictionary: Romanian-English, EnglishRomanian, New York, 1988. ARBA 1990: 446-447. 524. James A. C. Stevenson, with Iseabail Macleod, Scoor-oot: a dictionary of Scots words and phrases in current use, Atlantic Highlands, NJ, 1989. ARBA 1990: 447. 525. The Oxford-Duden pictorial Serbo-Croat and English dictionary, New York, 1988. ARBA 1990: 447. 526. Roy Harris and Talbot J. Taylor, Landmarks in linguistic thought: the western tradition from Socrates to Saussure, London, 1989. Historiographia Linguistica 17: 3: 403-405, 1990. 527. Sumitra M. Katre, Astädhyäyl of Pänini, Austin, TX, 1987. Lingua 82: 247-253, 1990. 528. Arnold R. Taylor, Icelandic-English, English-Icelandic dictionary, New York, 1990. ARBA 1991: 435-436. 529. Helen L. Johnson and Rossall J. Johnson, Indonesian-English, EnglishIndonesian dictionary, New York, 1990. ARBA 1991: 436. 530. Iwo C. Pogonowski, Polish-English, English-Polish dictionary with complete phonetics, New York, 1990. ARBA 1991: 436-437. 531. The Scots thesaurus, ed. by Iseabail Macleod et al., Aberdeen, 1990. ARBA 1991: 437. 532. Morton Benson, Serbocroatian-English dictionary; Srpskohrvatsko-Engleski Recnik, 3rd ed., New York, 1990. ARBA 1991: 438. 533. Branko Ostojic, English-Serbocroatian, Serbocroatian-English pocket dictionary, New York, 1989. ARBA 1991: 438-439. 534. Cambodian-English, English-Cambodian dictionary, New York, 1990. ARBA 1991: 433. 535. Robert Claiborne, The roots of English: a reader's handbook of word origins, New York, 1989. ARBA 1991: 422-423.

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536. CCCC Bibliography of composition and rhetoric 1987, ed. by Erika Lindemann, Carbondale, IL, 1990. ARB A 1991: 418-419. 537. Jürgen Schäfer, Early Modern English Lexicography, vol. 1: A survey of monolingual printed glossaries and dictionaries (1475-1640), New York, 1989. ARBA 1991: 419. 538. Heikki Solin, Namenpaare: eine Studie zur römischen Namengebung, Helsinki, 1990. Names 39: 1: 50-53, 1991. 539. Mary Snell-Hornby, Translation studies: an integrated approach, Amsterdam, 1988. Lingua 82: 359-361, 1990. 540. Two recent dictionaries to the Greek New Testament [Griechisch-Deutsches Wörterbuch zu den Schriften des Neuen Testaments und der frühchristlichen Literatur by Walter Bauer; new edition by Kurt Aland and Barbara Aland, Berlin, 1988; and Greek-English lexicon of the New Testament based on semantic domains, vol. 1 and 2, ed. by Johannes P. Louw and Eugene A. Nida, New York, 1988.] Lexicographica 6: 289-293, 1990. 541. J. Wawrzynczik, Polsko-rosyjskie minucje slownikowe, Warszawa, 1988. Lexicographica 6: 301-302, 1990. 542. Esa Itkonen, Universal history of linguistics: India, China, Arabia, Europe; Amsterdam, 1991. Historiographia Linguistica, 19: 2/3: 375-380, 1992. 543. Yugoslav linguistics in English, 1900-1980: a bibliography, ed. by D. Milivojevic and Vasa D. Mihailovich, Columbus, OH, 1990. ARBA 1992: 408. 544. Dutch-English, English-Dutch dictionary with a brief introduction to Dutch grammar, New York, 1990. ARBA 1992: 429. 545. Ahtna Athabaskan dictionary, compiled and ed. by James M. Kari, Fairbanks, AK, 1990. ARBA 1992: 428. 546. Major T. Warren, A shorter English-Nepali dictionary, New Delhi, 1990. ARBA 1992: 435. 547. Lewis S. Josephs, New Palauan-English dictionary, Honolulu, 1990. ARBA 1992: 435-436. 548. Marcel Schonkron, Romanian-English, English-Romanian dictionary, New York, 1991. ARBA 1992: 436. 549. Jan Simko, English Slovak dictionary; Anglicko-slovensky slovnik, Wauconda, IL, 1990, 1968. ARBA 1992: 437-438. 550. Libuse Olivovä-Nezbedovä and Jana Matüsovä, Index lexikälnich jednotek pomistnich jmen ν Cechäch [Index of the lexical units occurring in microtoponyms in Bohemia], Praha, 1991. Names 40: 2: 135-138, 1992. 551. International encyclopedia of linguistics, ed. by William Bright, New York, 1992. ARBA 1993: 444-445. 552. Alexander Ushkevich and Alexandra Zezulin, Byelorusian-English; EnglishByelorussian dictionary with complete phonetics, New York, 1992. ARBA 1993: 458. 553. Carolinian-English Dictionary, ed. by Frederick H. Jackson and Jeffrey C. Marek et al., Honolulu, 1991. ARBA 1993: 458-459.

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554. Ksana Kyiv and Oleg Benyuch, Estonian-English, English-Estonian dictionary, New York, 1992. ARB A 1993: 459-460. 555. John J. Torikashvili, Georgian-English, English-Georgian dictionary, New York, 1992. ARB A 1993: 460-461. 556. Mary Kawena Pukui et al., New pocket Hawaiian dictionary with a concise grammar and given names in Hawaiian, Honolulu, 1992. ARBA 1993: 461-462. 557. Irish/English; English/Irish dictionary and phrasebook, New York, 1992. ARBA 1993: 462-463. 558. R. David Zorc, Somali-English dictionary, 2nd ed., Kensington, MD, 1991. ARBA 1993: 467. 559. Historicky slovnik slovenskeho jazyka, vol. 1: A-J, ed. by Milan Majtän et al., Bratislava, 1991. IJL 6: 1: 33-36, 1993. 560. Etymologicky slovnik jazyka staroslovenskeho [Etymological dictionary of Old Church Slavonic], fasc. 1 and fasc. 2, Eva Havlovä (ed. in chief), Praha, 1989, 1990. IJL 6: 1: 37-44, 1993. 561. Jaan Puhvel, Hittite etymological dictionary, vol. 3: Words beginning with H. The Hague, 1991. IJL 6: 1: 45-49, 1993. 562. Jan Kacala, Sloveso a semantickä struktura vety [The verb and the semantic structure of the sentence], Bratislava, 1989. Language 69: 2: 425-426, 1993. 563. Anton Kucera, The Compact dictionary of exact science and technology, vol. 1: English-German; vol. 2: French-German, Wiesbaden, 1989, 1991. Dictionaries 14: 169-173, 1992-1993. 564. R.H. Gouws, Leksikographie, Pretoria, 1989. Dictionaries 14: 174-176, 19921993. 565. Bo Svensen, Handbok i lexikografi: Principer och metoder i ordboksarbetet [Handbook of lexicography: Principles and methods of dictionary making], Stockholm, 1987. Dictionaries 14: 175-178, 1992-1993. 566. Miloslava Knappovä, Pffjmeni ν soucasne cestine [Surnames = Family names in contemporary Czech], Liberec, 1992. Names 41: 2: 121-127, 1993. 567. Lexikos, ed. by P. Harteveld, Stellenbosch, 1991. IJL 6: 4: 305-306, 1993. 568. Carla Marello, Dizionari bilingui: con schede sui dizionari per francese, inglese, spagnolo, tedesco, Bologna, 1989. Lexicographica 8: 392-293, 1992 [1994], 569. Ramazan Hyza, Albanian-English Dictionary, New York, 1993. ARBA 1994: 452-453. 570. Korean, compiled by Thomas Eccardt, with Oh Wonchul, New York, 1993. ARBA 1994: 458. 571. Edgar Tu'inukuafe, A simplified dictionary of modern Tongan, Auckland, N.Z., 1992. ARBA 1994: 462. 572. Fahir Iz, H. C. Hony, and A. D. Alderson, The Oxford Turkish dictionary, New York, 1992. ARBA 1994: 463. 573. H. Meurig Evans, Welsh-English, English-Welsh dictionary, New York, 1992. ARBA 1994: 463-464.

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574. Morton Benson, Dictionary of Russian personal names, with a revised guide to stress and morphology, Cambridge, 1992. Names 42: 3: 223-225, 1994. Compiled by Sarah Tsiang Starcevic-Furrier and M. Babs IoannidouGeanious

I. Indo-European and general historical linguistic studies

Nexus and 'extraclausality' in Vedic, or 'sa-fige' all over again: A historical (re)examination* Hans Henrich Hock

1 Introduction As is well known, in the Brähmana stage of the Vedic language the pronoun sa may be used in a rather 'odd' way, which has earned it the name 'sa-fige' (a term apparently going back to Minard 1936). The 'oddity' of this usage consists in two aspects of its syntactic behavior. One is the fact noted already by Böhtlingk & Roth (1855-1875: s.v. sa) that sentence-initial sa, formally a nominative singular masculine demonstrative pronoun, may fail to agree with any part of the sentence, as in (1). In structures of this type, sa behaves more like a particle than a demonstrative pronoun, and the most felicitous English translation is 'now' or the like, as in the second gloss of (1). Let us refer to this feature as DISAGREEMENT.

(1)

sa yäny eva _ imäni slrsnah kapäläny Nsg.m. Npl.n. etäny eväsya kapäläni (SB (Μ) 1.2.1.1)1 Npl.n. "He, what are these bones of the head, they are his potsherds (in the sacrifice)." = 'Now, these bones which are in the head, they are his potsherds.'

The second 'oddity' of sa-fige is EXTRACLAUSALITY, in the sense that sa acts like a sentence of its own, as it were. The immediately following element, then, acts as the first element of the following clause, together with any following 'second-position' clitics, particles, and other elements, with which it forms an 'INITIAL STRING'. 2 The result is a delayed initial string, as in example (2). Contrast the normal clause-initial string placement in the examples under (3). (Here as elsewhere, relevant initial string elements are highlighted in the examples.)

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(2)

Hans Henrich

Hock

a. sä yo vai dasame 'hann . . . Nsg.m. (TS 7.3.1.1; sim. ibid.2) 'Now, who . . . is injured (= is left behind.' b. sa yadi ha vä api . . . mrsä Nsg.m. bhavati sg.3 (KB 2.8 ^ AAr.2.1.5)

upahänyate sä hiyate sg.3 Nsg.m. sg.3 makes an error) on the tenth day, he vadati satyam ha w asya _ uditam sg.3 Nsg.n.

'Now, even if he speaks falsely, his speech is true.' c. sa yatra ha vä apy evamvidam na viduh . . . Nsg.m. pl.3 tad dhäpi sraisthyam . . . paryeti (JUB 3.2.1.8; sim. JUB 4.2.2.7) sg.3 'Now even when they do not know him as one who knows thus . . . even then he goes to superiority . . . ' d. sa yatra ha ~ evarii vidvämso dlksante Nsg.m. pl.3 djksamänä h a ^ e v a te yajnam kalpayanti (SB (M) 12.1.1.10.) pl.3 'Now, when knowing thus they are consecrated, as they are being consecrated they get the sacrifice in order.' e. sa tasya ha sma svasathäd ravathäd asuraraksasäni mrdyamänäni Nsg.m. yanti pl.3 (SB (M) 1.1.4.14) 'Now, by its snorting (and) roaring the Asuras and Raksas keep being crushed.' /

(3)

a. sa vai satyam eva vaded (SB (M) 1.1.1.5) 'He should speak the truth.' b. täny u ha vai yo jämi yathäpürvam kalpayed . . . (JB 1.308) 'Who would want to arrange them pairwise in proper order c. te ha sma yad deva äsurän jäyanti . . . (MS 1.9.8) 'When these Gods defeated the Asuras . . . '

Nexus and 'extraclausality'

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51

d. tau vai tvä yady etat punar bravata(h) . . . tau tvä yadi bravätah . . . (SB (K) 5.1.5.7) 'When these two shall say this to you again . . . When these two shall say . . . ' The first of these two 'oddities' in the syntactic behavior of sa-tige has been attracting the attention of Indo-Europeanists since at least the time of Wackernagel (1942), especially since Sturtevant (1939, 1952) drew on this behavior of sa to equate it with the Hittite sentence connecting particle su and to claim that the traditional reconstruction of a demonstrative *so, sä must be replaced by an 'Indo-Hittite' sentence connecting particle *so. This idea has recently been revived by Dunkel (1990 and 1992). This view might be considered buttressed by the fact that sa-fige shares its second 'oddity', viz. extraclausality, with certain unambiguous sentence connecting particles such as dtha 'now' and tdd 'then, now'. This similarity in behavior, however, has not been noted in Indo-Europeanist - or even much of Sanskritist - literature. A more thorough historical (re)examination of Vedic extraclausality with special emphasis on sa-fige therefore may provide a helpful contribution to the Indo-Europeanist debate.

2 Traditional accounts Traditional discussions only comment on the feature of disagreement. Compare e.g. Delbrück 1878: 64, 1888: 215-216 (with reference to Böhtlingk & Roth 1855-1875), 1893: 501, Speijer 1896: 83, Wackernagel 1942: 2, Minard 1936: 35-38, 1949: 43, Bodewitz 1973: 119-120, Dunkel 1990: 101,3 Brereton 1991: 93-94 and note 6 (p. 100), Durkin 1991: 275-277 and passim. In fact, Verpoorten (1977: 320, note 550b) reserves the term 'fige' for disagreeing sa and considers extraclausal sa motivated by a desire to avoid initial relative pronoun position. 4 In this view he follows Renou (1933: 51, note 1) who claims that in all of Vedic, relative pronouns preferably do not occur initially but are either protected by an initial preverb (Rig-Veda) or by sd, täd, or at ha.5 Renou's general claim is dubious since structures with initial relative pronoun are quite common in the Rig-Veda and Vedic Prose, although the frequency may vary depending on text or even subsection of the text. Compare

52

Hans Henrich

Hock

Table I. Relative-pronoun position: Initial vs. non-initial

initial ft*

64 1.4

Rig-Veda non-initial 45 1

Maitrayani-Samhita initial non-initial

Jai mimy a-B rahmana initial non-initial

210

39 1

1

34 1

Table I. Further, as (rare) examples of the type (2e) above show, extraclausal sa-fige is not limited to occurring before relative pronouns. However, by comparing Vedic-Prose sa-üge to similar uses of täd and atha, Renou adumbrates a more comprehensive account. As noticed by Delbrück (1888: 36, 484), the connective particle ätho frequently occasions delay of clause-second vai in Vedic-Prose and thus acts like 'ein besonderer Satz' ['a separate sentence']; cf. (4). Delbrück, however, does not link this behavior with sa-fige. 6 Delbrück's account is essentially repeated in Hock 1982 (note 10). (4)

ätho manasä väi prajapatir yajnäm atanuta (TS 1.6.8.4) 'Now, by mind Prajäpati spread out the sacrifice.'

The first explicit connection between ätho and sa-fige that I am aware of is that of Ickler (1973: 15-17, 56) 7 who, perhaps following Renou's suggestion, 8 adds examples for similar behavior of täd\ cf. e.g. (5). 9 Without as yet being aware of Ickler'S discussion, Hock (1989) postulates an 'extraclausal' NEXUS position for Vedic which accommodates the behavior of sä, ätho, and täd in examples like (2), (4), and (5). The approach of Schäufele is similar (1991: 158, with notes 14 and 15; 1990: 73). 10 (5)

tad yad dha sma manusyänäm na bhavati tad dha sma devän yäcante (SB (M) 2.3.4.4) 'Now, what the human beings do not have, that they ask from the Gods.'

The term 'nexus' goes back to a pre-publication version of Klein 1991. Klein claims that this position is required to account for the fact that RigVedic utä, ätha, ätho, ädha, ät 'appear before any other deictic elements' (1991: 141, note 5). Klein, however, does not provide any arguments in favor of the view that these elements are extraclausal, and his examples do not exhibit extraclausality.

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3 The purpose of this paper In this paper I examine the historical development of sa-fige within the context of the general issue of extraclausality, addressing the following questions: Is sa-fige a feature of late Vedic Prose, as generally assumed, or does it have Rig-Vedic antecedents? Is extraclausality of other elements a feature of the Rig-Veda, and if so, for which elements? If not, when does extraclausality begin, and with what elements? What is the relative chronology of extraclausality vis-ä-vis different elements, especially sa-fige? And finally, What are the implications of my findings for the Indo-Europeanist debate for or against reconstructing a sentence connecting particle *so, rather than the traditionally reconstructed demonstrative pronoun *so, sal

4 Sa-fige and extraclausality in the Rig-Veda? As noted earlier, sa-fige generally is considered to be a feature of late Vedic Prose and although Klein has invoked a special category 'nexus' for RigVedic connective particles of the type dtho, his arguments and evidence do not support the conclusion that these particles are extraclausal. Recent papers by Dunkel (1990), Klein (1991), and Hale (1993) contain arguments and evidence in favor of the claim that sa-fige or extraclausal connective particles are a feature of the Rig-Veda.

4.1 Rig-Vedic sa-fige? In his 1990 article Dunkel reiterates the views of Böhtling-Roth and Delbrück, in order to support his attempt to revive, in modified form, 11 Wackernagel's (1942) interpretation of Skt. sa ca and Gk. hote as involving a 'Versteinerung' of demonstrative *so as a particle, a phenomenon which in Wackernagel's view might possibly be of PIE date. Dunkel finds Rig-Vedic support for this view in several facts: First, sa is used with second-person verb forms, especially imperatives, as in (6a). Following Watkins (1963), Dunkel considers the sa of such structures to have 'no apparent semantic or syntactic function' and claims that neither Gk. ho nor Goth, sa is construed with a second-person verb form. Secondly, sä occurs

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in the combination sä tväm, as in (6b), a sequence in which Dunkel considers sä to be anacoluthic. Although Dunkel does not state so explicitly, we can interpret his arguments as tantamount to saying that the sä of these structures exhibits disagreement. The argument is made fully explicit by Klein, who claims that in structures of this type, sä exhibits an 'apparent absence of concord with [the] subsequent verb' (1991: 141, n. 5). But note that by using the term 'apparent', Klein seems to be hedging his claim. (6)

a. sä reväc choca sä giro jusasva sä väjaiii darsi sä ihä srävo dhäh (RV 10.69.3cd) "This (you) flame up beautiful(ly); this (you) enjoy the praises; this (you) open up booty; this (you) give fame here." = 'Flame up beautifully; enjoy the praises; open up booty; give fame here.' b. sä tväm agne saubhagatväsya vidvan asmakam ayuh prä tirehä deva (RV 1.94.16ab) "This you, Agni, knowing good fortune, extend our life here, Ο God." = 'You, Agni, knowing good fortune, extend our life here, Ο God.'

Secondly, Dunkel points to the Rig-Vedic use of the sequence sä yäh, as in (7), whose sa he considers to be 'pleonastic' and thus similar to the 'pleonastic' use of sa-fige in later Vedic Prose. (7)

sä yo vrsä vrsnyebhih sämokä marutvän no bhavatv indra üti (RV 1.100.lad) 'He who (is) a bull, endowed with bull qualities, may Indra be of help for us, together with the Maruts.'

Dunkel concludes that sä in these structures 'need not have been a pronoun as yet' but rather must have been an invariable sentence-initial particle, comparable to Hitt. su. This idea is developed further in Dunkel 1992: 169, in support of Sturtevant's old (1939, 1952) view of PIE *so as sentenceconnecting particle. In a recent article, Jamison (1992) subjects Dunkel's arguments about structures of the type (6) to a thorough examination on the basis of an exhaustive study of the Rig-Vedic use of the demonstrative pronoun sä/täd with non-third-person reference. She conclusively shows that Dunkel's (and other scholars') claim that this use of the pronoun is semantically or syntactically empty is unwarranted: If it were, we would expect random distribution. Instead, we find a highly patterned usage. Most notably, Jamison claims, the

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pronoun is almost completely absent in first-person reference. Secondly, as already noted by Speijer 1896, as well as Watkins 1963 and Dunkel 1990, the pronoun is most commonly used with imperatives of the second person. Finally, she correctly argues that in these contexts, the pronoun can be accounted for as meaningful, not as 'empty', if we accept that in addition to being a demonstrative, it also has DEICTIC functions. While this latter conclusion disagrees with the common wisdom that the pronoun is anaphoric (e.g. Delbrück 1888: 210-215, Hettrich 1988: 682, 689-691, Hale 1991, Jamison 1991: 45-48), it is fully justified by Jamison's discussion and evidence. 12 Accepting Jamison's interpretation, we therefore should gloss the sd of structures like (6a) and (6b) as something like '(you) here . . . ' or '(you) there . . . ' , rather than as anaphoric 'this' or as some kind of connective particle. Moreover, we have to accept with Whitney (1889: 190) that the pronoun can agree not only with third persons but also with first and second persons. That this is not just a matter of anacoluthon, but of genuine agreement, is shown by the fact that the pronoun agrees in number, case, and (implicit) gender with the personal pronoun that it modifies, as in (8). The claim that sd in structures like (6) exhibits disagreement, therefore, lacks empirical support. (8)

a. tarn tvä vayäm havämahe (RV 4.32.13c) 'You (acc. sg.) here (acc. sg. masc.) we invoke.' b. täm mä vyanty ädhyö . . . (RV 1.105.7c) 'Me (acc. sg.) here (acc. sg. masc.) afflictions pursue c. sä na a vaha . . . rayim divo duhitar . . . (RV 6.64.4cd) '(You) here (nom. sg. fem.), daughter of heaven, bring wealth for us . . . '

The above conclusions are supported by a large variety of additional arguments and evidence. First, Rig-Vedic sd/td- in first- and second-person reference is in quasicompetition with forms of the pronoun aydm/iddm', cf. the passages in (9). (9)

a. ayäm väm ahve 'vase . . . (RV 7.74.1c) '(I [masc.]) here invoke you two for help b. iyärii väm ahve . . . (RV 10.39.6a) '(I [fem.]) here invoke you two c. ma mäm imäiii täva säntam . . . ηί gärit (RV 5.40.7ab) 'May he not swallow me here, who is yours . . . '

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d. asmä u te mähi mahe vidhema (RV 6.1.10a) 'To you here, the great one, may we offer something great Closer examination reveals that, rather than being in quasi-competition, sd/td- and aydm/iddm are in quasi-complementary distribution: Jamison is certainly correct in stating that the former pronoun normally occurs with second persons and that passages such as (8b), with first-person reference, are exceedingly rare. The situation is just about the reverse for aydm/iddm: Firstperson reference (as in (9a-c)) predominates over second-person reference (9d) by a margin of 8 or 9 to 3. This quasi-complementarity suggests that the two pronouns are used in essentially the same function, with pronoun choice tending to be determined by second- vs. first-person reference. Now, aydm/iddm is unquestionably a DEICTIC pronoun, a fact which supports the view that sa/td- in this context likewise is deictic. Moreover, aydm/iddm clearly has PROXIMATE deixis, which makes it the prototypical candidate for first-person reference. In contrast to the proximate aydm/iddm and the distal asaü/addh, sd/td- can be said to have NEUTRAL deixis (cf. e.g. Wackernagel 1929/1930: 536) and is therefore useful in reference to a second person addressee who is - physically or psychologically - present in the speech situation but clearly distinct from the most proximate interlocutor, the first person. Since however both speaker and addressee usually are close to each other, the distinction in deictic pronoun choice is not an absolute one, but merely a tendency. This accounts for the fact that beside the prototypical use of aydm/iddm with first-person reference (9a-c) and the prototypical use of sa/td- with second persons (8a,c), we find more marked usages of aydm/iddm with second persons (9d) and sd/td- with first persons (8b).13 This deictic interpretation of the prototypical use of the two pronouns is confirmed by the three Rig-Vedic occurrences of the DISTAL pronoun asau/addh in non-third-person reference; cf. (10).14 Although these occur in contexts somewhat different from the above passages with aydm/iddm and sd/td-, viz. in constructions with relative pronouns, they clearly have secondperson reference, and the second persons they refer to are located at some distance from the speaker. (10) a. ami ye devä sthäna trisv a rocane diväh . . . (RV 1.105.5ab) '(You) yonder, Ο Gods, who are in the three light-spheres of the heaven b. asau yä esi vlrako grhäm-grham vicakasad . . . (RV 8.91.2ab) '(You) yonder who, a little man, go around looking from house to house . . . '

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c. äranyany äranyany asau ya preva näsyasi . . . (RV 10.146.1a) 'Forest-woman, forest-woman, (you) yonder who nearly disappear (Geldner: 'Frau des Waldes, Frau des Waldes! Heda, die du fast verschwunden bist!') The use of deictic pronouns in reference to non-third-person pronouns, thus, clearly is syntactically well-formed rather than anacoluthic (although the rules of syntactic well-formedness differ from those of languages like Gothic, English, and German), and semantically meaningful rather than 'empty'. Moreover, Avestan and Greek structures of the type (11) and (12) show that the use of deictic pronouns with non-third-person reference is not limited to Vedic (and later, Classical Sanskrit). It likewise is not limited to forms of the pronoun *so/to-, but may involve other deictics, such as Avest. hvaand Gk. hode and hoütos. (Most of the data in (11) come from Bartholomae 1904: s.w. ha-, hva- [B]; Wackernagel 1929/1930: 536 [W], and Reichelt 1909: 283 [R]. Some of the Greek passages are taken from Liddell & Scott's dictionary, s.w. hode, hoütos [LS].) (11)

a. hä me bara . . . (N 105) [B, W] 'You (t)here, carry for me b. ahyä hvö nä däidT . . . (Υ 40.2) [Β] '(You) there, give to us of it . . . ' c. urväzistö hvö nä... paitT.jamyä (Υ 36.2, Yasna Haptaqhäiti) [R] 'May you there come to us as the most blissful . . . ' d. . . . yöi möi ahmäi saraussm d^in (Y 45.5, Gatha-Avestan) ' . . . who give to me here obedience'

(12)

a. döra d' egon hode pänta paraskhemen (II. 19.140) Ί here will give you all kinds of gifts.' b. all' ägeth' hemeis hoide periphrazometha päntes (Od. 1.76) 'But come, let us all here take counsel.' c. hoi d' älloi philoteta kai horkia pistä tämömen (II. 3.94) ' . . . and we others here, let us swear friendship and oaths of faith.' d. hoi d' älloi philoteta kai horkia pistä tamontes naioite Troien . . . (II. 3.73-74) 'And you others here, swearing friendship and oaths of faith . . . should live in Troy . . . ' 1 5

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e. tis d' hoütos katä neas anä stratön erkheai oios (II. 10.82) 'Who are you here going around alone by the ships through the camp?' f. hod(e) . . . elthes (Eur. Heracl. 81) [LS] 'You here came g. hoütos, ti poeis (Aesch. Supp. 911 etc.) [LS] 'You there, what are you doing?' Interestingly, Wackernagel (1929/1930: 536) glosses the hä of (1 la) as 'du da' = 'you there'. Note further that at least in this limited Avestan sample, second-person reference goes with neutral ha- or the more distal hva-, while first-person reference is accompanied by a form of the promixate deictic aem. Similarly, in Homeric Greek proximate hode occurs with first-person reference (12ab), originally neutral ho with either person (12cd), and more distal hoütos with second-person reference (12e). The later language shows somewhat greater variation; cf. (12fg) with hode vs. hoütos + second person. Further problems for Dunkel's hypothesis arise from the fact that there are not just the four Rig-Vedic sä yah structures of the type (7) above that Dunkel refers to (1.100.1a, 1.1.49.2a, 2.4.7a, 6.18.8), plus at least two additional ones, with particles between sä and the relative pronoun, viz. sä ghä yäs (3.10.3a) and sä hi yo (6.16.23a). Here again we also find structures with ayäm plus relative pronoun ± particles: ayäm yo (10.27.21a, 10.52.3), ayäm ha yäd (7.68.4), and ayäm ha yena (8.76.5a). If sä in structures of the type (7) were indeed a particle, we would expect the structures with sä and ayäm to behave differently. Instead we find that the behavior of the two sets of structures does not differ substantially: Of the six structures with sä 4- yäh, the one in 6.16.23a is translated 'biclausally' by Geldner as 'Denn er ist es, der . . . ' ('for he it is who . . . ' ) . A biclausal interpretation is also possible, but not required, for 1.100.1a, 1.149.2a, and 3.10.3a. In the remaining two structures sä and yäh probably are in the same clause. Of the four structures with ayäm, the one in 8.76.4ab, ayäm ha yena va idäm svär ... jitäm, is most likely to be translated biclausally as 'This is the one by whom this heaven has been won . . . ' (pace Geldner; note the particle να = ναι). One structure (10.27.21a) may, but need not, be interpreted in a similar fashion. In the remaining two structures ayäm and yäh probably are in the same clause. The fact that sä and ayäm thus behave alike casts doubt on Dunkel's account, which assumes a special and very different status for sä. At the same time, it provides additional support for the view that sä is a genuine inflected pronoun, similar to ayäm both in its syntax and in its semantics.

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Finally, as the discussion above has shown and as Dunkel himself admits, Vedic and Homeric Greek are not limited to structures with invariable sä + second person pronoun or verb, but also offer constructions with other forms of the pronoun *so/to-, with the actual form employed, including Ved. sä or Horn, hode, determined by gender, number, and case agreement with the explicit or implicit personal pronoun head. To account for this fact, Dunkel has to assume that the supposed particle *so was 'durchflektiert', i.e. acquired a complete paradigm, independently in Greek and Sanskrit. Now, as shown in § 6 below, incontrovertible evidence for a particle-like sä-fige first occurs in late Vedic Prose, long after ätha/o and täd were used extraclausally. This clearly suggests that sä-fige is a rather late, secondary phenomenon of Vedic, not a feature inherited from PIE. To account for this fact, Dunkel would have to assume that a PIE particle *so first became a 'durchflektiertes' pronoun, only to become a particle again in late Vedic Prose. While such a development is not a priori impossible, it would be a violation of Occam's Razor unless supported by compelling evidence and arguments. At this point I do not see where such evidence might come from and therefore conclude that Dunkel's hypothesis (and Klein's more tentative similar claim) is not supported by the evidence.

4.2 Rig-Vedic extraclausal 'nexus' ? As noted earlier, Klein (1991) argued for a special, clause-initial 'nexus' position in the Rig-Veda, accommodating connective particles of the type ätho, but his arguments and evidence do not support the conclusion that these particles are extraclausal. The first to have given examples that seem to provide positive support for an extraclausal Rig-Vedic nexus position is Hale (1993: 15-17, 40). His examples are reproduced here in (13). (13)

a. utä _ u pätir yä ucyäte . . . (RV 8.13.9a) 'And who is called lord b. utä tväm süno sahaso no adyä a deväm asminn adhvare vavrtyäh (RV 6.50.9ab) 'And you, son of strength, should turn the Gods today to this our sacrifice.' c. adhä tvam hi nas käro . . . (RV 8.84.6a) 'So do you make for us . . . '

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Hale's view that the initial utd ( ± u) or ddhä of these passages is extraclausal is based on the fact that, as in example (4) above, the initial connective particle appears to cause a delayed placement of the initial string (highlighted as usual). (In (13b), the initial string is interrupted by the vocative suno sahaso, but any account of Vedic syntax must make allowances for the fact that vocatives can appear anywhere within the sentence, even within what I call initial strings.) If correct, Hale's extraclausal analysis of the initial nexus elements in (13) makes a significant contribution to our understanding of Vedic syntax and its history. Closer examination, however, reveals that none of Hale's examples requires the assumption of extraclausality. Example (13a) is ambiguous: There is ample evidence that relative pronouns may occur preverbally, instead of moving into the clause-initial string; compare (13'a). 16 We therefore cannot be certain that the yd of this example occurs within the initial string, rather than in preverbal position. Example (13b) looks more promising. However, the same verse contains a passage with ahdm in second position, followed by clitic pronoun; cf. (13'b). Now, ahdm is not a string element, and the initial verb is hardly extraclausal. This suggests that the clitic pronoun no simply is placed 'downstairs', outside the initial string. Its placement therefore tells us nothing about the status of initial utd. Finally, the hi nas of (13c) MUST be 'downstairs', within the VP: According to Hale's account of Rig-Vedic sandhi and syntax (1990), 17 the sandhi form nas, instead of nah, is motivated only if the clitic is linked to the following verb, kdro, of which it is the complement. There is moreover ample evidence that particles such as hi likewise can occur 'downstairs' within the VP, rather than in the initial string; cf. (13'c). (13') a. ud usrfyä jänitä yo jajana (RV 3.1.12c) ' . . . who as creator created forth the cows.' b. syam aham te sädamid rätau (RV 6.50.9c) 'May I always be (present) at your giving.' c. indavo väm usänti hi (RV 1.2.4c) ' . . . for the draughts long for you two.' By my count there are six additional examples that might possibly be taken as evidence for extraclausal utd etc. in the Rig-Veda. All of them are likewise ambiguous. Even more significant, unlike extraclausal dtho etc. of Vedic Prose, initial Rig-Vedic utd etc. can be directly followed by clitics and other string elements

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(14). Moreover, directly following vocatives are unaccented and thus cannot be considered clause-initial (15). Both of these facts show that utä is the first element of the clause and therefore cannot possibly be extraclausal. 18 (14)

a. utä _ Im agnih särasvatl junänti (RV 7.40.3c) 'And Agni (and) SarasvatT encourage him.' b. ädha hi tvä janita jfjanad (RV 1.129.1 le) 'And therefore the creator has created you.'

(15)

utä b r a h m ä n o m a r u t o . . . (RV 5.29.3a) 'And, Ο priestly Maruts, (Sim. 4.52.3c, 9.107.20a, 10.137.1a, 10.186.2a, and passim)

Further, as noted by Klein (1978: 78-80, 1985: 363), there are many examples of string-internal, NON-initial utä etc. Compare e.g. (16), especially (16b), where utä occurs after an accented initial element PLUS second-position string elements, this evidence, combined with the fact that utä etc. can also occur 'downstairs' (17), not in the initial string, suggests that the behavior of utä etc. is very similar to that of demonstratives, relatives, and preposition/adverbs, which likewise can occur in these positions (Hock 1993). (16)

a. ma v utä süro aha eva canä (|) grTva ädadhate veh (RV~6.48.17cd) 'And may the sun not (exist) even a single day for the one seizing the neck of the bird.' b. etäd ghed utä vlryam indra cakartha paiimsyam (RV 4.30.8ab) 'And you, Indra, have done this heroic, manly (deed).' (Similar structures e.g. 1.17.6c, 1.34.5ab, 1.127.9cd, 2.7.3, 4.30.4ab, 4.30.22ab, 5.40.6ab, 7.38.5c, 10.4.7d)

(17)

a b h i _ imäm äghnyä utä snnänti dhenävah sisum (RV 9.1.9ab) 'And the milch cows cook (milk) for him (as if) for a child.' (Sim. 3.13.3ab, 5.42.18c)

There is thus no unambiguous evidence for an extraclausal nexus position in the Rig-Veda. 19 Structures of the type (13) are at best ambiguous. However, it is possible that their ambiguity encouraged a later reinterpretation of the initial connective particles as extraclausal.

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5 Extraclausal connective particles in Vedic Prose Unambiguous extraclausal nexus attestations occur first in the MaitrayanTSarhhitä.20 Compare the examples in (18). (18)

a. ätho devä vai pratnäm (MS 1.5.5) 'Moreover/Now, the Gods are the ancient (thing).' b. ätha yäd enam etebhyah procya ^ abhisincänti . . . (MS 4.4.2) 'Now, if they sprinkle him over with these, having spoken to him . . . ' c. (ä)thaitärhi devebhyo evainä apyäyayati (MS 4.1.1) 'So at this point he strengthens them for the Gods.' d. täd äpratijagdhena va etäd dhavyena yäjamäno vasiyobhuyam gäcchati (MS 1.4.10) 'So, the sacrificer at this point reaches the state of being better by means of an unconsumed oblation.' e. täsmät te vai mänum evä _ upädhävan (MS 1.5.8) 'Therefore they went to Manu.'

Significantly, all of these examples involve originally adverbial elements (iätho, ätha, ätha w etärhi, täd, täsmät). There is as yet no evidence for extraclausal non-adverbial forms of the pronoun sä/tä-. Other adverbial extraclausal nexus elements appear in relatively late Brähmana prose; cf. (19). Of these, (19a) initiates the last sentence of the Aitareya-Brähmana, and (19b) occurs in the last book of the Brhad-ÄranyakaUpanisad. Structures of this type probably constitute later extensions of the type (18). (19)

a. api ha yady asya _ asmamürdhä dvisan bhavati . . . (AB 8.28.20) 'So, even if his enemy is stone-headed . . . ' b. api ya enam suske sthänau nisincet . . . (BAU (Κ) 6.3.8) 'So, even if one were to sprinkle it on a dry stump (Sim. ibid, passim, and also in the parallel passages of BAU (Μ).) c. tadä sreyämsam vä eso 'bhyärohati (JB 2.204; sim. JUB 3.3.4.9) 'Then, he rises up to someone better.' d. tathä payasvad dha tarhi sarvam eväsa (JB 2.266) 'So/likewise, everything at that time was milky.' e. tena so 'sya _ abhTstah prltäh (TB 1.1.10.5) 'Therefore, he (is) agreeable, dear to him.'

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6 Sa-fige in Vedic Prose As demonstrated in (2a), evidence for extraclausal sd appears to be found as early as the Taittiriya-Samhitä. Moreover, as indicated by the gloss 'now' in the examples under (2), repeated for convenience, the initial sa of these structures has very similar discourse functions to those of dtho, dtha, tdd. Note in this regard that in parallel versions of essentially the same text, sa-fige may alternate with dtha/o or tad. Thus, the sa of (1), repeated for convenience, corresponds to tdd in the parallel KänvTya version; cf. (Γ). (1)

(Γ)

sa yäny eva Nsg.m. etäny eväsya

imäni slrsnah kapäläny Npl.n. kapäläni (SB (Μ) 1.2.1.1) Npl.n. "He, what are these bones of the head, they are his potsherds (in the sacrifice)." = 'Now, these bones which are in the head, they are his potsherds.' tad yäny eva etäny eväsya

w

w

imäni sirasah kapäläny kapäläni (SB (Κ) 1.2.1.1)

'Now, these bones which are in the head, they are his potsherds.' (2)

a. sä yo vai dasame 'hann . . . upahänyate sä hlyate Nsg.m. sg.3 Nsg.m. sg.3 (TS 7.3.1.1; sim. ibid. 2) 'Now, who . . . is injured (— makes an error) on the tenth day, he is left behind.' b. sa yadi ha vä api . . . mrsä vadati satyam ha ~ asya _ uditam Nsg.m. sg.3 Nsg.n. bhavati sg.3 (KB 2.8 % AAr.2.1.5) 'Now, even if he speaks falsely, his speech is true.' c. sa yatra ha vä apy evarhvidarh na viduh . . . Nsg.m. pl.3 tad dhäpi sraisthyam . . . paryeti (JUB 3.2.1.8; sim. JUB 4.2.2.7) sg.3 'Now even when they do not know him as one who knows thus . . . even then he goes to superiority

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d. sa yatra ha w evam vidvärhso Nsg.m. djksamänä ha w eva te yajnam

diksante pl.3 kalpayanti (SB 12.1.1.10.) pl.3 'Now, when knowing thus they are consecrated, as they are being consecrated they get the sacrifice in order.' e. sa tasya ha sma svasathäd ravathäd asuraraksasäni mrdyamänäni Nsg.m. yanti pl.3 (SB (M) 1.1.4.14) 'Now, by its snorting (and) roaring the Asuras and Raksas keep being crushed.' These facts might be taken to suggest a general synchronic interpretation of sa-fige as an extraclausal nexus element. However, there are considerable differences among the examples in (2). In (2a) and (2b), the initial sa obviously AGREES with the verb of the immediately following clause. (2c) is a little more 'odd', in that the initial sa agrees with the verb, not of the directly following relative clause, but of the subsequent correlative clause. Still, there is agreement. In (2d) and (2e), by contrast, initial sa shows no agreement with any of the elements in the following clause(s). That is, only in (2d) and (2e) do we find both disagreement and extraclausality of sa. Significantly, structures of the latter sort, with both disagreement and extraclausality, are limited to quite late Brähmana prose. Böhtling & Roth cite / only Satapatha-Brähmana examples for disagreeing sa. Delbrück states that he has not found any other passages (1888: 216). Renou (1933) and Minard (1949) do find two examples of sa-fige in the Aitareya-Brähmana, to which Verpoorten adds yet other citations. However, only one of these has a chance of containing disagreeing sa\ cf. (20). Unfortunately it is an anacoluthon, and the verb form to be supplied in the relative clause is not certain. Keith (1920: 84) takes it to be second singular, but in his translation (315) he supplies a third plural; Verpoorten (1977: 188) interprets it as third singular. Of these, only the third-plural interpretation would be 'odd', since as we have seen in § 4.1, sa can agree not only with third, but also with second (and first) singular persons.21

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sa yadi somam brahmananam sa bhaksah (AB 7.29.2) 'Now, if you/they/he bring(s) up soma, that is the draught of the brahmins.'

Outside the very late text of the Satapatha-Brähmana (including the even later Brhad-Äranyaka-Upanisad), I have so far found unambiguous evidence for disagreeing sa only in the rather late JaiminTya-Brähmana22 and the even later Jaiminlya-Upanisad-Brähmana; cf. (21).23 Note that the sa in (21b) and (21c) exhibits both disagreement and extraclausality. (21) a. sa yad atra sodasinam kuryur Nsg.m. pi.3 dvävimsatis caikavimsäs sampadyerann ekä ca stotryä pl.3 (JB 2.435; sim. ibid.) 'Now, if they made the sixteenfold stoma here, the ekavimsa stomas would amount to twenty-two, and the stotra (verses) to one.' b. sa yad eva _ asmin dlksitayaso bhavati Nsg.m. Nsg.n. tad asmin utthite yaso bhavati (JB 2.68) Nsg.n. 'Now, what splendor of the consecrated is in it (viz. the black antelope skin), that splendor is in him (when he has) risen (from the sacrifice).' b. sa yan nu nah sarväsäm devatänäm ekäcana na syät Nsg.m. Nsg.f. tat idam sarvam paräbhavet (JUB 4.8.3.1) Nsg.n. 'Now, if not a single one of all the deities existed, then all this (world) would perish.' *

Moreover, it is only in the Satapatha-Brähmana that I have found a rare example of the type (2e), with disagreeing and extraclausal sa immediately followed by a form of the demonstrative pronoun sa/tä-, rather than the much more common relative pronoun. Even the other two passages, with extraclausal, but agreeing, sa plus an adverbial form of the demonstrative pronoun, occur in rather late texts; cf. (22).

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a. sa tadä väva yajnah samtisthate Nsg.m. Nsg.m. sg.3 yadä hotä tüsmmsamsam samsati (AB 2.31.5) 'Now, at that point the sacrifice is established when the hotr recites the silent-recital.' b. te tad u ha kurupancälänäm brähmanä abhisamäjagmuh Npl.m. Npl.m. pl.3 (JB 2.76) 'Now, then the brahmins of the Kurus and Pancälas came up together.'

Finally, structures with disagreement only show invariant nominative singular masculine sa. Other extraclausal forms of the demonstrative always exhibit agreement, as in (22b) and (23). (23)

a. te yä enarii purästäd äyäntam upavädanti . . . (TB 2.3.9.7) Npl.m. pl.3 'Now those who speak to him (as he is) coming from in front (Sim. ibid, passim) b. tä yad enam prajäh . . . Npl.f.

amahTyanta . . . (JB 1.117) pl.3

'Now, because these creatures . . . honored him . . . ' c. tau yadi tvä bruvatah . . . (SB (Μ) 4.1.5.10) 24 Ndu.m. du.3 'If the two of them shall say to you These facts may suggest that what is most significant about sa-fige is disagreement, as assumed by most scholars since Böhtlingk & Roth, and that extraclausality is merely a side issue. And since disagreeing sa is limited to the very late Jaiminlya-, Jaiminlya-Upanisad-, and Satapatha-Brähmanas, it clearly must be an innovation. Now, the latter conclusion is no doubt on the right track. But as illustrated by (2e) and (22), sa-fige is not limited to structures with relative pronouns, but also occurs with immediately following demonstratives. This rarer pattern, which to my knowledge has not been noticed in earlier discussions, likewise is a late phenomenon, limited to the Aitareya-, Jaiminlya-, and Satapatha-Brähmanas. Significantly, however, it is late in terms both of disagreement and extraclausality. It appears, then, that we do need to look at both disagreement and extraclausality after all, and that both phenomena are innovations.

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7 The origin of sa-fige What, then, are we to make of the extraclausal patterns in (2a-c), with AGREEING sa, as well as of the agreeing inflected forms of the demonstrative in (23)? As (2a) shows, at least some subtypes of these constructions are found as early as the Taittiffya-Samhitä. In the following I show that structures of this type are amenable to an alternative analysis: Rather than attributing extraclausality to the fact that sa functions as a nexus element, we can explain it as involving 'prolepsis' (or, in current generative terminology, 'left dislocation'). Except for the string elements following the relative pronoun, example (2c) for instance is entirely parallel to (24a). Example (24a), in turn, is parallel to the examples in (24b) and (24c), with one major exception: Whereas (24a) has an initial nominative singular masculine form of the demonstrative and thus might be considered to contain an instance of sa-fige, (24b) and (24c) exhibit other inflected forms - nominative plural masculine in (24b) and accusative singular masculine in (24c). Since in principle any inflected form of the demonstrative can appear in such constructions, we could maintain an analysis of these structures as parallel to sa-fige constructions only at the cost of immensely proliferating the number of 'fige' categories - by adding a 'te-fige', a 'tara-fige', etc. etc. Moreover, we would still not be able to explain the fact that structures with inflected demonstrative forms other than sa never exhibit disagreement. Finally, even if we did all of this, we would still be faced with structures of the type (24d) which are parallel to the other constructions in (24), except for the fact that they offer an apparently extraclausal inflected form of the demonstrative PLUS the head noun which it modifies. All of these difficulties resolve themselves once we analyze structures of this type, not as instances of some 'fige' construction, but as exhibiting prolepsis of the initial elements, as suggested by the glosses and indicated by the dash (-) that follows the proleptic elements. (24)

a. sä - yäd antärikse trtlyam äsit tena väjram lidayacchat Nsg.m, Nsg.IL sg.3 sg. 3 (MS 2.4.3; sim. ibid, and 3.3.4) 'He, what third (of Visnu) there was in the air, with that he raised the cudgel (against Vrtra).' b. te - yät kirhcasuränäm sväm Npl.m. Nsg.n^

äsTt tat sämagrhnan (MS 2.3.2) sg.3 pl.3

'These, whatever property was of the Asuras, that they took.'

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Hock

c. täm - ya äsmiml loke asariis

ta abhisamavartanta (MS 1.6.6 (3x))

'Him, (those) who were in this world, they turned to (him).' d. te 'surä - yäd devanärh vittäm vedyam asit Npl.nL Nsg.iL sg.3 tena sahä | ratrim pravisan (TS 1.5.9.2-3) pl.3 'The Asuras, what precious wealth the Gods had, with that they entered the night.' Now, all of the examples in (24) exhibit extraction from the second, correlative clause in a complex relative-correlative sentence. However, extraction is also possible from the first, relative clause (25), as well as from simple sentences (26). Moreover, in structures with prolepsis, intial-string elements may appear after the first element of the 'matrix' structure (25), of the proleptic structure (26a), or of both (26b). (25)

bahünam yajamänänäm - yo vai devätäh pürvah parigrhnäti sä enäh svo bhüte yajat(e) (TS 1.6.7.1) 'Of many sacrificers, who first takes hold of the deities, he sacrifices to them the next day.'

(26) a. agnim vai srstäm - prajapatis täm samyagre sämainddha (KS 8.2) 'Agni (when) created, Prajäpati first kindled him with samT wood.' b. jlvalas ca ha . . . indradyumnas ca . . . - tau ha _ aruneh . . . sabhäga äjagmatuh (JB 1.271) 'J. and I., they came to A's meeting.'25 The delayed initial-string placement in (2a-c) therefore is well motivated if the initial sa is considered to be proleptic. In fact, at least one passage with apparently extraclausal 5a-fige occurs in which second-position elements are placed both after sa and after the following relative, just as they are in the clearly proleptic structure (26b); compare (27). (Although this passage comes from a very late portion of the Aitareya-Brähmana, it occurs in a gäthä and may therefore be quite old.) (27)

sa vai

(-)

yathä no jnapayä

räjaputra tathä vada (AB 7.17.6)

'Now, you here, how you will inform us, that tell (us), Ο prince.' These facts permit us to explain sa-fige structures of the type (2de) as resulting from a late Vedic reinterpretation of an originally proleptic demonstrative pronoun as a connective particle, with invariant nominative singular

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masculine sa favored because this form occurs most frequently in the type (2a-c) and (23). The reinterpretation probably was encouraged by the fact that sa had discourse functions similar to the extraclausal nexus elements dtha/o and tad. (As observed in note 19, this is true even for the relatively early prose of the Atharva-Veda.) The fact that late Vedic-Prose sa-fige structures predominantly have the combination sa + relative pronoun suggests that sa-fige arose in relativeclause structures, and that the rarer type with sa + demonstrative (as in (2e) and (22)) may have resulted from a later extension of this pattern. If this interpretation of the relative chronology of sa-fige is correct, it is possible to speculate that an important step toward the development of sa-fige consisted in the reinterpretation of the sa of early Vedic structures like (7) above, repeated for convenience, not as a modifier of the following yo and thus belonging to the relative clause, but as a proleptic extraction from the following correlative clause. This would explain the predominance of sa-fige + relative pronoun in late Vedic. However, other scenarios can be imagined. For instance, the extraclausal connective particles of the type dtho seem to occur more commonly before the relative pronoun of complex, relative-correlative structures, than before demonstratives or other elements in simple sentences. If, as suggested earlier, reinterpretation of proleptic sa as a connective particle was encouraged by the fact that sa had similar discourse functions as the extraclausal nexus elements dtha/o and tdd, then the predominant occurrence of the latter elements before relative pronouns could be directly responsible for the predominance of sa-fige in the same context. (7)

sä yo vrsä vrsnyebhih sämokä maratvän no bhavatv indra ütf (RV 1.100.lad) 'He who (is) a bull, endowed with bull qualities, may Indra be of help for us, together with the Maruts.'

8 Speculations on the origin of extraclausal nexus elements It is tempting to speculate that the earlier extraclausal nexus elements arose in a fashion similar to sa-fige. Unfortunately, no direct evidence permits us to test this speculation. There is however at least one piece of indirect evidence: Example (19a), reproduced for convenience in slightly changed form, is remarkably similar

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to (27), showing second-position clitic elements both after the initial nexus element api and after the relative pronoun. (19)

a. api ha

(-)

yady asya _ asmamürdhä dvisan bhavati . . .

(AB 8.28.20)

'So, even if his enemy is stone-headed b. api ya enarii suske sthänau nisincet . . . (BAU (Κ) 6.3.8) 'So, even if one were to sprinkle it on a dry stump (Sim. ibid, passim, and also in the parallel passages of BAU (Μ).) Now, api belongs to the latest words to attain nexus status. It is possible that here we happen to observe the very process by which nexus status is acquired: First there is prolepsis, motivated perhaps by discourse considerations. This is followed by reinterpretation of the extraclausal position as being conditioned by the fact that api is a connective particle and thus, in a sense, a property of both the preceding and the following clause. This reinterpretation, in turn, renders inappropriate the placement of second-position clitics after api, since the latter is no longer proleptic and therefore no longer capable of being the 'host' of such clitics. In this regard, it is perhaps significant that the probably even later BrhadAranyaka-Upanisad passage in (19b) lacks the second-position element after api, just like the older extraclausal nexus elements.

9 Conclusions As I hope to have shown in this paper, the phenomenon called sa-fige is a late Vedic development, probably resulting from reinterpretation of structures with proleptic sa. Attempts to demonstrate the existence of this phenomenon in the Rig-Veda cannot be considered successful. Whatever their other justifications may be, then, arguments that Proto-Indo-European had a connective particle *so cannot be legitimately based on the evidence of Vedic sa-fige. The development of sa-fige is preceded by the appearance of adverbial extraclausal nexus elements of the type dtha/o and tdd, which are attested as early as the MaiträyanT-Samhitä. (Here, too, a recent attempt to demonstrate the existence of a special Rig-Vedic nexus position cannot be considered successful.) While we can only speculate on the conditions that gave rise to the extraclausal status of these elements, it is likely that their existence, as well as their functional similarity to certain uses of proleptic sa, aided the reinterpretation of the latter as a connective particle.

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Notes *

1.

2.

3. 4.

5.

6.

7. 8.

An earlier version of this paper was read at the 1994 annual meeting of the American Oriental Society. I am grateful for comments received at the meeting, especially from Stephanie Jamison and Jared Klein. I also thank Stephanie Jamison for sending me, after the meeting, a copy of her 1992 paper which had not yet been accessible to me at the University of Illinois. As usual, the responsibility for any errors or omissions rests with me. Cardona 1993 provides convincing arguments that the subscript line symbol of the Satapatha-Brähmana manuscript tradition indicates an anudätta, not an udätta as commonly assumed. I follow his practice of using a subscript line to transcribe the symbol. The question whether second-position placement and initial-string structure are a matter of syntax or prosody has been hotly debated recently. See especially Hale 1987, 1993 vs. Hock 1982, 1992, 1993. The issue is not relevant for the present discussion. For further discussion of Dunkel's views, see § 4.1 below. Although Durkin does not explicitly discuss the matter, his analysis of relevant passages (pp. 275-277) makes it clear that he, too, limits the notion 'erstarrtes 5α' to structures with disagreeing sa-fige. Only structures with initial relative clauses are considered, since here the relative pronoun would be initial not only in the clause, but in the entire complex sentence. For the Rig-Veda, the figures are based on 9.68-97 and 10.1-35, for the Maiträyanl-Samhitä on 3.2.1-3.4.7, and for the Jaiminlya-Brähmana on 1.125134, 2.235-239, and 3.166-172. Note that in the Rig-Vedic sample, preverb + relative pronoun (RP) combinations are quite rare (10 out of the total of 45 non-initial structures, i.e. less than 25%). Most significant is the fact that structures without preverb preceding the RP are more than six times as common. The Maiträyanl-Samhitä figures are even more striking. In the Jaiminlya-Brähmana we find variation between different sections: In the selections from book I, the ratio between initial and non-initial RPs is 26 : 12, while in books II and III it is 13 : 22. Note further that a significant number of non-initial occurrences of relative pronouns have initial atha or atho, an element which is quite frequently extraclausal even in structures without RPs. (See the discussion further below.) This is especially true in books II and III, where atha/atho occurs in eight out of the total of 22 non-initial RP structures. At least he does not do so explicitly. On p. 22, however, he does leave open the possibility that more than two words may 'fight' for first position and therefore force a clitic into third position. (The example he cites, atha kirn u, however, does not provide any positive evidence substantially different from that of (4) above.) I became aware of Ickler's discussion of these issues only after writing my 1982 and 1989 papers. However, Renou 1933 is nowhere referred to in Ickler 1973.

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9. My transcription and translation differ from those of Ickler's on several counts. 10. Schaufele 1991, written much earlier, does not use the term 'nexus'. Moreover, he claims that tdtah, too, can be extraclausal. Unfortunately, no example or reference is given. I do not recall having come across an example of Vedic extraclausal tdtah in my own readings. 11. As Dunkel acknowledges, the evidence of Mycenaean makes dubious the equation sa ca : hote (cf. Risch apud Watkins 1963: 19, η. 1). 12. In fact, Jamison's conclusion is not without precedent. Wackernagel (1929/1930: 536-537, with references) labels the use of sd/tdd with second persons (and vocatives) 'Hinweis auf einen Angeredeten' (reference to an addressee) and refers to a publication by Prokosch which claims that PIE *so originally had deictic function. Similarly, after I presented the original version of this paper, intense questioning by Jared Klein led me to affirm that the function of the pronoun in the structures under discussion is deictic, not anaphoric or sentence-connective. (When subsequently Stephanie Jamison sent me a copy of her 1992 paper, I was delighted to find her coming to essentially the same conclusion.) 13. Closer examination of Rig-Vedic rhetoric and pragmatics also makes it possible to account for the fact that nominative forms of sd/ta- plus second person occur much more frequently than nominative occurrences of aydm/iddm plus first person, and that the former combination is most commonly used with imperatives (as noted e.g. by Jamison), while all examples of the latter are found with non-imperatives: The general tenor of the Rig-Vedic hymns is to address deities. As a consequence, second-person reference can be expected to predominate over first-person reference. Moreover, a common speech act in addressing the deities is that of request, an act that requires or at least favors the use of the imperative. This explains the preference of sd/ta- plus second person structures to occur with imperatives. Empirical support for this line of reasoning can be found in the fact that highfrequency and relatively 'active' verbs like kr- 'do, make' and dhä- 'put, place; make' show a higher frequency of imperative forms for the second persons and a much higher frequency of non-imperatives for first persons. For kr-, for instance, the ratios are as follows:

2

sg. du. pi. Total 2nd pers. 1

sg. du. pi. Total 1st pers.

imperative

ma + injunctive

142 7 40 189

4

4

86 18 21 125 24

2 (subj.??)

2 (?)

other

3 3

60 84

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14. This use of the pronoun needs to be distinguished from its Vedic-Prose employment as a 'variable' designating a name to be substituted in a naming formula, similarly to the 'N.N.' of European languages. 15. The use of hoi in this and the preceding passage is not likely to be conditioned by dlloi. Contrast the following citation from the same passage in the Iliad in which älloi occurs without hoi: älloi de diakrintheite täkhista (II. 3.102) ' . . . and you others go away as quickly as possible.' 16. It is immaterial for present purposes whether we consider this preverbal position a special 'focus position' (cf. Hock 1989) or just a 'downstairs' occurrence of the relative pronoun, comparable to the 'downstairs' occurrence of hi in (13'c). Further examples of this pattern occur at RV 1.144.2c, 145.2b, 190.3c, 190.6c, 2.20.2d, 24.8a/b, 3.32.4ab, 4.45.7b, 5.15.2cd, 30.10b, 30.15c, 32.1c, 33.3ab, 6.15.14c, 25.4b, 6c/d, 7.18.18c, 27.3b, 79.4a, 82.1c, 90.2a, 98.5b, 103.2a, 8.6.2ab, 3ab, 13.32c, 45.14c, 9.72.2b, 73.5a, 6a, 10.10.8b, 29.2d, 39.5d, 43.7a, 85.36b, 109.4b, 123.8a, 129.3c, 4b. 17. Appealed to in a different context in Hale 1993: 39. 18. Note further that clause-initial utd etc. are followed by UNaccented finite verbs in main clauses; cf. (i). If utd etc. were truly extraclausal, one would expect accented finite verbs. (i)

utä bruvantu jantäva(h) . . . (RV 1.74.3a) 'And let the people say (Sim. 1.151.2d, 1.159.2a, 1.167.8c, 5.58.1d, 8.35.16a, 9.99.46, 10.69.4c, 10.87.20b, etc. etc.)

While this expectation is logically clearly justified, it is unfortunatly not possible to adduce positive evidence. True, Delbrück (1888: 36-37) refers to passages of the type (ii), whose accented verb he attributes to extraclausality of dtho. However, even a priori it is likely that the accent here is due to emphasis, indicated by the following emphatic particle evd. (Compare Delbrück's discussion regarding Rig-Vedic verb accentuation in front of the emphatic particle id (ibid. 37).) (ii) a.

b.

(ä)tho tarpäyaty evä~enäs (TS 2.5.11.3) 'Moreover, he pleases them . . . ' (Weber's edition lacks the accent; but the Anandashrama edition has it.) (ä)tho prathäyaty evaitena (MS 4.3.2) 'Morever, he spreads out by means of it.' (Sim. MS 1.8.8, 2.1.8, 2.3.5, 3.7.7)

There is in fact independent evidence that finite verbs are accented before emphatic evd, even when they are not preceded by dtho or in first position. The most unambiguous example I know is the following:

74

Hans Henrich Hock (iii) tasmad u stri pumamsam hvayata eva^uttamarh (SB (M) 3.2.1.21) 'Therefore a woman calls a man to herself at last.'

19. The situation is similar for the Avestan counterparts of utä etc., viz. äat, ät, at, aSät, αθά, ϊθά, ϊδα, uta. These, too, may (to varying degrees) occur in stringinternal position and, if initial, may be directly followed by clitics and other second-position elements. See the citations in Bartholomae 1904: s . w . 20. The Atharva-Veda behaves the same way as the Rig-Veda as far as elements like uta are concerned, even in its prose passages. However, the prose passages contain a large number of structures like (i) below, with sä + relative pronoun yä-, as well as structures like (ii) and (iii), with ätha or täd + yd-. Not only are these structures similar to each other as far as the putative discourse functions of the initial elements are concerned; the discourse functions of these elements appear to be remarkably similar to extraclausal ätha/o, tad, and sä as these make their appearances in Vedic Prose. However, there is no necessary direct connection between discourse function and SYNTAX: Syntactically, none of these structures offers clear evidence for extraclausality of the initial elements. (i)

sä yä evärh vidusä . . . ätisrsto juhoti . . . (AV 15.12.4) 'Now/He who, permitted by one who knows thus, . . . pours libations . . . '

(ii)

ätha yä evärh vidusä . . . ätisrsto juhoti . . . (AV 15.12.8) 'So/Now who, permitted by one who knows thus, . . . pours libations

(iii) täd yäsya evärh vidvän . . . grhän ägäcchet . . . (AV 15.12.1) 'So/Now to whose house one knowing thus might come . . . ' 21. There are, however, a few passages with extraclausal - but agreeing - sa, some of them cited as early as Böthling & Roth, immediately preceding their discussion of disagreeing sa-fige passages. These include sa yo na ujjesyati ... 'Now, who will defeat us . . . ' (2.25.1) and sa ya enam saste ... 'Now, who reproaches him . . . ' (2.31.6). 22. Bodewitz (1973: 119-20) provides an excellent collection. Interestingly, among the lateish Brähmanas, the Pancavimsa and Sadvimsa, in contrast to the Jaiminlya, offer no evidence for disagreeing or even extraclausal sa. Other types of extraclausal nexus are likewise exceedingly rare in these texts. In this regard, then, the texts appear to be earlier than the Jaiminlya-Brähmana, in contrast to the many features cited by Caland (1931: xix-xx) which suggest that the latter text is older. 23. Ickler (1973: 56) cites a Chändogya-Upanisad passage with extraclausal sa cooccurring with a second-person verb; cf. below. However, as we have seen in § 4.1, such a cooccurrence is not anomalous in Sanskrit. sa kim Nsg.m.

m a etad upatapasi . . . (Ch.U 3.16.7) sg.2

'So why do you vex me now . . . ?'

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24. Contrast the KänvTya version in (3d) above, with tvä placed between tau (+ ναι) and yadi. Such differences as regards extraclausal elements or structures are quite common between the two recensions of the Satapatha-Brähmana. Thus, where the KänvTya has the passage below, the corresponding Mädhyandina version lacks the extraclausal atha. Conversely, the KänvTya version lacks the extraclausal sa of (2e) above. atha deväs ca ha vä asuräs c(a) . . . aspardhanta (SB (K) 1.2.2.6) 'Now, the Gods and the Asuras . . . were contending.' 25. On the meaning of sabhäga and its possible morphological interpretation in this passage, see Bodewitz 1973: 76 (η. 8) with references.

References Bartholomae, Christian 1904 Altiranisches Wörterbuch. Straßburg: Trübner. Bodewitz, Hendrik Wilhelm 1973 JaiminTya-Brähmana I, 1-65: Translation and commentary with a study of agnihotra and pränägnihotra. Leiden: Brill. Böhtlingk, Otto, and Rudolf Roth (eds.) 1855-1875 Sanskrit-Wörterbuch . . . St. Petersburg: Kaiserliche Akademie der Wissenschaften. (Repr. 1990, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.) Brereton, Joel P. 1991 Response to the paper of J.-M. Verpoorten. In: Brereton & Jamison 1991: 93-98 (notes pp. 99-100). Brereton, Joel P., and Stephanie W. Jamison (eds.) 1991 Sense and syntax in Vedic. (Panels of the Vllth World Sanskrit Conference, ed. by J. Bronkhorst, vol. 4.) Leiden: Brill. Caland, W. 1931 Pancavimsa-Brähmana. Calcutta. (Repr. 1982, Delhi: Sri Satguru Publications.) Cardona, George 1993 The bhäsika accentuation system. Studien zur Indologie und Iranistik 18: 1-40. Delbrück, Bertold 1878 Die altindische Wortfolge aus dem £atapathabrähmana dargestellt. Halle: Waisenhaus. 1888 Altindische Syntax. Halle: Waisenhaus. (Repr. 1968, Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft.) 1893 Indogermanische Syntax, 1. (= Vol. 3 of Κ. Brugmann & Β. Delbrück's Grundriß der vergleichenden Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen.) Straßburg: Trübner.

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Dunkel, George Ε. 1990 J. Wackernagel und die idg. Partikeln *so, *ke, *kem und *an. In: Sprachwissenschaft und Philologie: Jacob Wackernagel und die Indogermanistik heute, ed. by Η. Eichner & Η. Rix, 100-130. (Kolloquium der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft . . . 1988.) Wiesbaden: Reichert. 1992 Die Grammatik der Partikeln. In: Grammatische Kategorien. Akten der 8. Fachtagung der Indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Leiden, ed. by R. Beekes et al., 153-177. Innsbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft der Universität. Durkin, Desmond 1991 Konditionalsätze im Satapathabrähmana. (Freiburger Beiträge zur Indologie, 26.) Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Haie, Mark 1987 Studies in the comparative syntax of the oldest Indo-Iranian languages. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Ph.D. dissertation in Linguistics. 1990 Preliminaries to the study of the relationship between syntax and sandhi in Rigvedic Sanskrit. Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 51: 77-96. 1991 Some observations on intersentential pronominalization in the language of the Taittiriya Samhitä. In: Brereton & Jamison 1991: 2-21. 1993 Deriving Wackernagel's Law: Prosodic and syntactic factors determining clitic distribution in the language of the Rigveda. Paper read at the Workshop on Second Position Clitics, 1 0 - 1 1 July 1993, Ohio State University. To appear in the Proceedings. (References are to the paper circulated at the Workshop.) Hettrich, Heinrich 1988 Untersuchungen zur Hypotaxe im Vedischen. Berlin: de Gruyter. Hock, Hans Henrich 1982 Clitic verbs in PIE or discourse-based verb fronting? Sanskrit sä hoväca gärgyah and congeners in Avestan and Homeric Greek. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 12: 2: 1-38. 1989 Conjoined we stand: Theoretical implications of Sanskrit relative structures. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 19: 1: 93-126. 1991 (ed.) Studies in Sanskrit syntax. Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. 1992 What's a nice word like you doing in a place like this? Syntax vs. Phonological Form. Studies in the Linguistic Sciences 22: 1: 39-87. 1993 Who's On First? Syntactic vs. prosodic accounts for the PI of P2 clitics. Paper read at the Workshop on Second Position Clitics, 1 0 - 1 1 July 1993, Ohio State University. To appear in the Proceedings. Ickler, Ingeborg 1973 Untersuchungen zur Wortstellung und Syntax der Chändogyopanisad. (Göppinger Akademische Beiträge, 75.) Göppingen: Kümmerle. Jamison, Stephanie W. 1991 The syntax of direct speech in Vedic. In: Brereton & Jamison 1991: 40-57 and Hock 1991: 95-112.

Nexus and 'extraclausality' 1992

in Vedic

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Vedic 'sa fige': An inherited sentence connective? Historische Sprachforschung 105: 213-239.

Keith, Arthur Βerriedale 1920

Rigveda Brahmanas: The Aitareya and Kausltaki Brähmanas of the Rigveda. (Harvard Oriental Series, 25.) Repr. 1971, Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass.

Klein, JaredS. 1978 The particle u in the Rigveda. (Ergänzungshefte zur Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung, 27.) Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 1985 Toward a discourse grammar of the Rigveda. 2 volumes. Heidelberg: Winter. 1991

Syntactic and discourse correlates of verb-initial sentences in the Rigveda. In: Hock 1991: 123-143.

Liddell, Henry George, and Robert Scott 1869 A Greek-English lexicon. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Minard, Armand 1936 La subordination dans la prose vedique. (Annales de l'Universite de Lyon, 3: 3.) Paris: Les Belles Lettres. 1949 Trois enigmes sur les cent chemins, 1. (Annales de l'Universite de Lyon, Series 3, v. 17.) Paris: Les Belles Lettres. Reichelt, Hans 1909 Awestisches Elementarbuch. Heidelberg: Winter. Renou, Louis 1933 La separation du preverbe et du verbe en vedique. Bulletin de la Societe Linguistique de Paris 34: 1: 49-96. Schäufele, Steven 1990 Free word-order syntax: The challenge from Vedic Sanskrit to contemporary formal syntactic theory. University of Illinois Ph.D. dissertation. 1991

Single-word topicalization in Vedic Prose: A challenge to Government & Binding? In: Hock 1991: 153-175.

Speijer, J. S. 1896 Vedische und Sanskrit-Syntax. (Grundriß der Indo-Arischen Philologie und Altertumskunde, 1: 6.) Straßburg: Trübner. Sturtevant, Edgar Howard 1939 The pronoun *so, *sä, *tod and the Indo-Hittite hypothesis. Language 15: 11-19. 1952 The Indo-Hittite hypothesis. Language 28: 105-110. Verpoorten, Jean-Marie 1977

L'ordre des mots dans l'Aitareya-brähmana. (Bibliotheque de la Faculte de Philosophie et Lettres de l'Universite de Liege, 216.) Paris: Les Beiles Lettres.

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Wackernagel, Jacob 1929/1930 Altindische Grammatik, 3. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 1942 Indogermanisch -q-e als alte nebensatzeinleitende Konjunktion. [Postumously edited by J. Lohmann.] Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 67: 1-5. (Repr. in Kleine Schriften. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.) Watkins, Calvert 1963 Preliminaries to a historical and comparative reconstruction of the Old Irish verb. Celtica 6: 1-49. Whitney, William Dwight 1889 Sanskrit grammar. 2nd ed. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press and London: Oxford University Press.

Some archaisms in the Iliad Henry M.

Hoenigswald

1 eis, es and polls, ptolis, ptoliethron 1.1 In Gortyn, tons [eleutherons] 'the [free ones]' (acc.pl.masc.) still alternates with tos [kadestans] 'the [kinsmen]' (acc.pl.), the former behaving like päns[a, Ion. Att. päsa 'all' (f.) (< *- ns[V- < *-nty[V-, cf. pant-), the latter like kes[tos 'stitched' (< *-ns[t < *- nt[t-, cf. kent-eö 'prick'). In Ionic and Attic the antevocalic variant of the proclitic, tous, was generalized. 1.2 Another proclitic, ens 'into', had the same phonological background. The alternants that developed had greater staying power but did not remain tied to the conditions under which they arose. In Ionic-Attic there is eis with a long vowel (EI in the 'Ionic' alphabet) and es (to disappear soon) with a short one. In our Iliad eis, eis- is never written before a consonant except in the paired expression | eis oros e eis kuma 'into mountain or into wave', II. 6.347.1 Otherwise we only find es, es- (e.g., | hoi d'hote de rh' es khöron . . . 'when they ...into the place', II. 4.446; | esbaie 'might walk in', II. 12.59). However, es, es- can stand before a vowel as well, and it is easy to see why. Restriction on overlength is deep-seated in Indo-European sound structure.2 It shows not only in sound changes such as the one from - VnsC- to -VsC- which is responsible for the existence of our doublets, but even more in Homeric verse. Sequences of words such that overlength would result at the seams are avoided or excluded near verse-end, and in rare instances like ours where an easy remedy continues to exist in the shape of former sandhi variants, they are avoided in other metrical locations, too. As for the variant es, es-, while it did of course not ORIGINATE before vowels, it is nevertheless not only allowed but welcome in that environment, as a source of much sought-after short syllable quantity; cf. propan emar es eelion katadünta | 'all day, in the direction of the setting sun' (II 1.601) and teikhos esälto \ 'leapt inside the wall' (II. 13.679).3 1.3 The converse case is even more telling. We must observe, first, that nothing in our data gives particular support to ascribing added quantity to

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word-final syllables, or to believing that word-initial syllables count for less4 or that 'Wortfugenposition' of the type -V#CC(C)- is generally anomalous. In many respects syllable weight looks both ways: The three configurations that are permitted at a wordbreak inside the sixth foot, (i) teketo Zeüs | 'Zeus fathered'; kekhuto phlox | 'the flame had poured out', (ii) helikas boils \ 'twisted(-horned) oxen' (acc.pl.), and (iii) dra pös en | 'somehow was have equal standing in maintaining normal as against excessive length.5 (That initial consonant groups do not lengthen the syllables they open is another matter altogether. Our present concern is with the weight of stretches from vocalic peak to vocalic peak, and, incidentally, with Greek, and not with Latin where things are different.) 1.4 In a few words, an initial p- alternates with pt-: p(t)olis 'city', p(t)olemos 'war', p(t)olemizö 'make war'. Whatever the origin of this phenomenon (the pt- is also at least Mycenaean and Cyprian6) the shapes with pt- occur in the Iliad only after a short vowel7 where of course they produce simple positional length, as in ophelos geneto ptolei' te kai autoi | 'was of use to the city and to him' (II. 17.152). After a long vowel, diphthong, or consonant, the result would have been overlength. Polis (with mere p-) and its appropriate case forms occur both after a short vowel, with short scansion resulting (as in Pridmoio polis 'Priam's city'), and elsewhere (as in hin' arrektos polis eie \ 'that the city be indestructible', II. 21.447). Naturally, Mess polemos and polemizö (to which add polemei'os 'warlike' and polemistes 'warrior', both of which occur only without -t-) are never to be found after a short vowel, since their pyrrhic onset demands a preceding long syllable. By the same token, poleis (pi.) or polinde 'to the city', with their iambic or amphibrachic rhythm, can only follow a short vowel. 1.5 This leaves ptoliethron 'city' which has no i-less alternant. In light of the above, the cadences aipu ptoliethron | 'steep city' (II. 2.538) and eu naiomena ptoliethra | 'cities good to dwell in' (II. 9.149) are unremarkable, and so is hoi te ptoliethra rhüontai | ' . . . and who preserve the cities' (II. 9.396). But why do we get the frequent turns eü naiomenon ptoliethron | 'a city good to dwell in' (II. 1.164 etc.), eiiktimenon ptoliethron | (id., II. 2.501 etc.), ephalon ptoliethron | 'city by the sea' (II. 2.584), aipeinon ptoliethron | 'steep city' (II. 15.257), Enueos ptoliethron | 'city of Enyeus' (II. 9.668), | ekpersein ptoliethron 'to sack the city' (II. 17.407), eüt' an ptoliethron helömen | 'when we have taken a city' (II. 2.228), and even epen ptoliethron helömen \ (id., II. 4.239), and hosen ptoliethron ... eergen (eergei) \ 'however much the city contained' (II. 18.512, 'contains' II. 22.121) - and not, as we would now

Some archaisms in the Iliad

81

expect, ** . . . poliethron! No doubt because ptoliethron is a Homeric Word par excellence, i.e., a vocabulary item not known outside the epic - unlike polis and polemos (and polemizö, answered in prose by polemeö but at the same time palpably underlying polemistes which remains common in prose). Its initial cluster was metrically fixed by aipu ptoliethron etc. and not openly contradicted by any short scansion of the type Priamoio polis, for which poliethron, ~ •— X left no scope in dactylic verse. While the constraints on overlength, especially toward line-end, were honored in the excecution, they were apparently never explicit doctrine. 8 Thus there was no incentive to put the likes of **eüktimenon poliethron in the text, though we may well suspect their existence at some stage of the oral prehistory. Grammarians could, in fact, have invoked the precedents of ptera 'feathers', pterne 'heel', pterux 'wing', ptenai 'fly', ptessö 'cower', (ptorthos Od. 'branch',) ptügma and ptüx 'fold', ptuon 'winnowing-shovel', ptüssö 'fold', ptox 'hare', ptöskäzö and ptossö 'shrink', (ptökhos Od. 'beggar') - words having a fixed, nonalternating, in part etymological pt and exhibiting overlength at the seam twenty-one times in the Iliad, not counting repeated lines, though never, be it noted, nearer the coda than the fourth biceps (in peploio phaeinoü ptugm' ekalupsen | 'she spread a fold of her shining garment' (II. 5.315), and e ptoka lagöon I 'or the cowering hare' (II. 22.310). In the Odyssey such overlength occurs once in the fifth longum: tinaxästhen pterä pukna | 'both shook their thick wings' (Od. 2.151). 9

2 aiei and keri 2.1 On the antecedents of ai(w)ei 'always', Att. äei, there are at least five views. There is the generally reported choice between (1) an o-stem locative, the stem corresponding to Lat. aeuom 'time, eternity', and (2) a locative in -i, *aiwes-i, paralleling the endingless aiwes of the dialects. 10 It was properly objected (3) that both these solutions require a different accentuation, viz. **aiwei, and an alternative explanation of aiwei (allomorph *h2eiw-) as the true temporal dative of a root noun along the lines of the Avestan yauuae 'always' (allomorphs *hiye/ow-, cf. gen. yaos 'lifespan (gen.)') was launched." Another attempt (4) to meet both the accentual difficulty and the allomorphic discrepancy consisted in a return to the s-stem locative *aiwesi - after all, aien, aies, Lesb. ai are all locatives of one kind or another, regardless of what may be true of Avestan or Indo-Iranian syntax. This time,

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however, the suggestion was to have the expression originate at the stage between the late Indo-European shift of the accent from stem (*aiwesi > *aiwei) to ending ( * * a i w e s - i > aiwei) but still well ahead of the adoption of the columnar principle which is normal for polysyllabic paradigms in attested Greek (putatively **aiwes-i > **ai(w)ei, like genei).12 This in tum prompted a proposal (5) to support the Avestan connection by positing two root noun paradigms, *hieyus (dat. ^hieiwei [analogically for ^h^ywey] > aiwei) and *fi20yu > Skt. ayu- 'vital power, etc.', Av. äyü (dat. *ti2yewei > Αν.

yauuae).n

2.2 However that may be, it seems that the stratified history of noun accentuation left at least one other, much simpler trace. The details differ slightly from those of (4) above. The word in question is a root noun, and it appears to be one that has retained rather than modified the locative in its oldest shape. 14 It is the neuter leer 'heart'. The dative-locative, keri, has an unexpected accent; in a monosyllable it should be **keri. Contraction from a disyliable is out of the question since kear is only an invention of post-Homeric poets, after 15 er : ear 'spring'. As an accentual Aeolism, keri would be odd; there seems to be no example of dialectal barytonesis affecting Homeric noun inflection in this way (although word-formation can be so affected, as in ptoliporthos 16 'sacking cities' instead of **ptoliporth0s ). Much more likely, we have here to do with a survival like the Rgvedic dyavi, the locative singular of the word for 'sky, day' exhibiting its ancient ablaut-consistent accent on the stem. 17 In the later history of Greek, as we have seen, the accent was shifted to the ending and then retained there in monosyllables but columnarized elsewhere. This, however, happened only in live nouns; isolated, grammaticalized forms like epi 'above, etc.' and peri 'around' (in their orthotone shapes), if indeed they were locatives by etymology, were not touched, and neither, it seems, was keri which was only a little better off. Ker was no longer a viable noun paradigm: The dative-locative is all but limited to the quasi-adverbial turn peri keri (once in hon te Zeus keri philesei | 'whom Zeus loves in his heart' II. 9.117 with which compare | ten peri keri philese pater kai potnia meter \ 'her, her father and majestic mother loved in their hearts' II. 13.430); there is no plural or dual; and the genitive singular - the form which would have set the accentual pattern most directly - is likewise missing. 18 There is, of course, the unrelated ' k e r i ' (keri melaihei | 'with dark doom' II. 3.454) which, together with kerns (Od.), kere, and with ker a, keres, keras, makes up the paradigm of ker (f.). 19

Some archaisms in the Iliad

83

Notes 1. 2.

3.

4. 5.

6. 7.

166 times before vowels aside from eis ho ke (k\ ken), counting fully repeated lines once. Hoenigswald 1991 passim. By 'overlength' is meant not POTENTIAL overlength ('surallongement', Ruijgh 1987: 338) in final syllables of words taken in isolation (or before pause?) such as -ös in ällös, but ACTUAL overlength as in all]ös p[er, hösp[er, m]in phth[e, em]oi Z[eiis, i.e., accumulation of more than two 'consonants' (including vowel length and second elements of diphthongs) between (short) vowels in context. Word boundary remains a problem. In kai esedrakon dnten | Ί looked him in the face' (II. 24.223), close-knit and not really in violation of Hermann's Bridge (Devine & Stephens 1984: 12); es(e-) is needed for the correption in kai. - On es #V- see Davies 1964: 163-164, with information on epigraphic usage. Edwards (1971: 152) wants to blame es on Achaean formulae with en + accusative. (We note, incidentally, that esdnta [idon] '[looking] in the face' (II. 17.334), with its possibly telltale accent, is not a mere modernization or Ionicization of enanta [histato] '[stood] over against' (II. 20.67); enopa [idon] 'over against' (II. 15.320), adduced by Edwards, has a controversial accentuation [L.-S. s.v. katenöpa]. Cf. the important discussion in Leumann 1950: 36-39.) See, however, below, § 1.4, on p(t)olis, and Hoenigswald 1968: 252- 254, 1991: 6, n.17 on eni- and e(n)-. The varied nature of this evidence points to the more general principle propounded here. - See also note 7. Devine & Stephens 1984: 22. Allen (1973: 292) is justly critical of some earlier efforts. Hoenigswald 1991: 1-11, with material from Iliad, Odyssey, Theogony, and Works and Days. Two corrections are in order: (1) The cadence hestekei meis \ 'the seventh month had come to pass' (II. 19.117) was inadvertently omitted from both list (1991:8) and count (1991:9); the ratio of observances (123) over exceptions (one, and that one doubtful) is thus even more lopsided. (2) Ad Hoenigswald 1991:12, note that non-thematic forms in -ntai/o following a diphthong or long vowel are rare, but thematic subjunctives in -öntai/o seem to appear with fair frequency. - Note also that, unlike prepositional and postpositive xiin (1991: 6, n. 16; seven times not counting repeated lines, in the four epics, all with -V preceding), compounds with jtun-, xum- do tolerate overlength outside of cadence (e.g. I kai min meu bouleön xunien 'and they considered my advice' (II. 1.273)) and are thus in a class with (-)skedännumi, kteinö (vs. ked-, kid-\ kainö). Leumann 1950: 263; Chantraine 1968-1980: 946; Ruiperez 1988: 153-164; Aloni & Negri 1989: 139-144. So do ptoliporthos 'sacking cities' and ptelee 'elm' which lack Homeric variants with simple p- (but note Epidaur. pelea). The names ( . . . huios) Ptolemaiou | (II. 4.228) and, line-initially, hence less offensive, | (kai) Pteleon (II. 2.594) are best left aside, considering the allowances that have to be made for the absolutely refractory and much-belabored Zakunthos, Zeleia, Skdmandros, Skamandrios, with

84

8.

9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16.

17. 18. 19.

Henry Μ.

Hoenigswald

skeparnon 'adze' (Odyssey), and, somewhat inexcusably, skie 'shade' (Hesiod, Op. 589) little more than following suit. - At any rate, Tlepolemos, Hudmpolis (as well as hekatompolis) exhibit their appropriate shapes; contrast the metrically required Arkheptolemos, Demoptolemos, Neoptolemos (like a-, mene-, phugo-, philo-ptolemos; similarly, akropolis, erusiptolis alongside Priamoio polis, geneto ptole'i). It is not always appreciated how true this is of many metrical rules which we formulate in atomistic and wrongheaded ways. The perfect modern analogy is rhyme: An ability on the part of speakers of, say, English to make and judge traditional rhymes with all their conventions and quirks is vastly more widespread than the ability to spell out those conventions and quirks. The play of Homeric es and eis (notes 1, 3), easily observable and not even limited with regard to location in the line, was the subject of an orthographic rule, An. Ox. 1.172 [cf. Hellad. ap. Phot. Bibl. p.533B], incorrect as it stands in L.-S. s.v. eis (and Suppl.). Even if -sthon were read, cf. Chantraine 1948: 477. Chantraine 1968-1980: 42. Klingenschmitt 1974: 787. Hoenigswald 1987: 51-53. Rix 1990: 41-42. The segmental shape of the stem may have been anciently remade; see Szemerenyi 1975: 335-337. Leumann 1950: 20, with reference to earlier work . - For the scholiast's ingenious but untenable explanation see note 19. Forms like huios, huii 'son (gen., dat.)' come closest (Wackernagel 1914 [1955]: 1158-1159), but this is a maverick paradigm without a monosyllabic nominative. See also Wackernagel 1914 [1955]: 1187. Wackernagel 1929/30: 19. Nor is there anything to be learned from kerothi 'heartily'. To ... keri oudeteron hotan ei, properispätai (ek gär toü keari suneleiptai), hotan de thelukon ei, oxiinetai, Schol. A ad U. 4.46.

References Allen, W. Sidney 1973 Accent and rhythm. Cambridge: University Press. Aloni, Α., and M. Negri 1989 II caso di ptolis. Minos 24: 187-198. Chantraine, Pierre 1948 Grammaire homerique, I. Paris: Klincksieck. 1968-1980 Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue grecque. Paris: Klincksieck. Davies, Anna Morpurgo 1964 'Doric' features in the language of Hesiod. Glotta 42: 138-165.

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Devine, A.M., and L. D. Stephens 1984 Language and metre. Chico, CA: Scholars Press. Edwards, G.P. 1971 The language of Hesiod in its traditional context. Oxford: Blackwell. Hoenigswald, Henry M. 1968 A note on overlength in Greek. Word 24: 252-254. 1987 Aiei and the prehistory of Greek noun accentuation. In: Watkins 1987: 51-53. 1991 The prosody of the epic adonius and its prehistory. Illinois Classical Studies 16: 1-15. Karageorghis, J., and O. Masson (eds.) 1988 The history of the Greek language in Cyprus. Nicosia: Pierides Foundation Larnaca.. Klingenschmitt, Gert 1975 Altindisch sasvat-, Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 33: 67-78. Leumann, Manu 1950 Homerische Wörter. Basel: Reinhardt. Rix, Helmut 1975 (ed.) Flexion und Wortbildung. Wiesbaden: Reichert. 1990 Review of Watkins 1987. Kratylos 35: 41-48. Ruijgh, C.J. 1987 MAKRA TELEIA et ΜAKRA ALOGOS. Mnemosyne 11: 313-352. Ruiperez, M.S. 1988 Observations phonetiques et morphologiques autour de ptolis. In: Karageorghis & Masson 1988: 153-164. Szemerenyi, Oswald 1975 Rekonstruktion in der indogermanischen Flexion. In: Rix 1975: 325-345. Wackernagel, Jacob 1929/30 Altindische Grammatik. Band III, 'Nominalflexion - Zahlwort - Pronomen', von Albert Debrunner und Jacob Wackernagel. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. (Reprinted, 1975.) 1914 Akzentstudien III: Zum homerischen Akzent. Nachrichten von der Kgl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, Phil.-hist. Klasse, 1914: 97-130. (Repr. in Wackernagel 1955; page references are to the reprint.) [1955] Kleine Schriften. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht (n.d.) Watkins, Calvert (ed.) 1987 Studies in memory of Warren Cowgill (1929-1985). Berlin and New York: de Gruyter.

The origin and evolution of primary derivative suffixes in Dravidian Bh.

Krishnamurti

1 Introduction In the 1950s, when he was still in Czechoslovakia, Ladislav Zgusta wrote several reviews of works on comparative Dravidian linguistics, in collaboration with Kamil Zvelebil. This paper is a tribute to his profound contributions to the comparative method in general and to his early interest in Dravidian linguistics.* 1.1 The monumental work of this century in comparative Dravidian linguistics, the Dravidian etymological dictionary of 1961 (DED), extensively revised in 1984 (DEDR), has scores of entries which lead us to reconstruct primary roots as well as extended stems for Proto-Dravidian (mainly of verbs but also of nouns), in which it is possible to assign some meaning to the monosyllabic roots, but no tangible meaning to the derivative suffixes. Consider for instance the data in (1). (1)

a.

*tir-a-y v.i. 'to roll'; v.tr. 'to roll up'; n. 'wave, screen', *tira-nku v.i. 'be curled up', *tir-a-nkku v.t. 'to shrivel' (DEDR 3244) b. *tir-a-l v.i. 'to become round' (DEDR 3245) c. *tir-i-(-v-, -nt-) v.i. 'to turn'; (-pp-, -tt-) v.tr. 'to turn'; *tir-uku v.i., *tir-u-kku v.tr. 'to twist'; *tir-u-mpu v.i., *tir-u-mppu v.tr. 'to twist, turn' (DEDR 3246) d. *tir-u-ntu v.i. 'to be corrected, be repaired'; *tir-u-nttu v.tr. 'to correct, rectify' (DEDR 3251) The Proto-Dravidian root obviously must be *tir, meaning 'turn, roll, twist, change shape —» correct', etc. The purpose of this paper is to examine the origin of the stem extensions or PRIMARY DERIVATIVE SUFFIXES in forms of the type (1), in two or more layers of extended stems. The first layer is V = i, a, M; and the second layer either sonorant (R) as in y, /; or simple or

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geminated stop ± homorganic nasal: Τ as in *ku\ TT as in *kku\ NT as in *nku, *ntu, *mpu; NTT as in *nkku, *nttu, *mppu. It is well known that the pairs of suffixes *k: *kk, *nk: *nkk, *nt: *ntt, *mp: *mpp synchronically encode an intransitive : transitive distinction in both South Dravidian and South Central Dravidian. But why should there be so many series of suffixes fulfilling the same function? And how do sets of related forms such as those in (1) above arise? These are the problems that I want to address in this paper. 1.2 Morphological reconstruction in Dravidian, unlike phonological reconstruction, is fraught with many pitfalls and uncertainties because of (i) the interplay between sound change and analogy, (ii) semantic change and loss, (iii) lack of data for earlier stages of the non-literary languages (some 22) as compared with the four literary languages, and (iv) the non-availability, or at least dearth, of diagnostic environments or illustrations regarding (i) and (ii). Added to these are the temporal and spatial gaps between the different members of North and Central Dravidian, which suggest the possible disappearance of many smaller members of the family. We can try to steer clear of some of these pitfalls by extending the comparative method to the reconstructed stages of Proto-Dravidian and by supplementing it with textual materials from the literary languages, coupled with certain assumptions about the nature of language change.

2 Background information 2.1 Proto-Dravidian roots are monosyllabic with the shape (C)V, (C)V, (C)VC, (C)VCC, or (C)VC. When (C)VC and (C)VCC were followed by a short vowel i, u, or a (e, ο do not occur here), they merged with the (C)VC type as (C)VC-V (Krishnamurti 1955, 1961: 121-125; Emeneau 1975: 1-2). No particular meaning can be assigned to the vowel derivatives in i, u, or a. The open-syllable roots (C)V, (C)V, (C)VC-V- can be followed by two series of suffixes: the sonorant series (R) and the stop ± nasal series (Τ, TT, NT, NTT); cf. (2) and (3). (2)

Sonorant series (R): 1 1 r

z1

w

y

The origin and evolution of primary derivative

(3)

Stop series: Labial Dental Alveolar Retroflex Palatal Velar

Τ ρ t t t c k

TT pp tt tt tt cc kk

NT mp nt nt nt nc nk

suffixes in Dravidian

89

NTT mpp ntt ntt ntt ncc nkk

The alveolar and retroflex series in (3) are derivable through certain ProtoDravidian sandhi changes involving root-final and suffix-initial consonants as in (4). (Root-final *l and *n are alveolars; η in nt is dental.) (4)

a. 1 + 1+ b. ί + 1+ c. 1 + 1+ η + η + d. 1 + 1+

t t tt tt nt nt t t nt-t / η + tt nt-t / η + tt

t t tt tt nt nt nt nt ntt ntt

The changes in c. and d. presuppose the change of dental [n] to alveolar [n] and retroflex [n] following alveolar [1] and retroflex [1], respectively. Note that dental [n] and alveolar [n] are allophones of /n/ in Proto-Dravidian, just as in Old Tamil. The members of the palatal series likewise can in most cases be derived by sandhi rules of the proto-language, as in (5). (5)

y/i + tt y/i + nt(t)

y/i + cc y/i + nc(c)

The above sandhi rules can be simplified through the use of distinctive features, but no attempt to do so is made here. 2 2.2 Through comparison of the cognates of (C)VC(C)-type stems involving suffixes in R or Τ within reconstructed Proto-Dravidian, it is possible, in some cases, to identify an underlying root of the type *(C)V-. For instance, the stems *kä-y-/*kä-, *kä-nku : *kä-nkku, *kä-ntu : *kä-nttu, *kä-mpu : kämppu 'be(come) hot, burn, be dried up, etc.' (DEDR 1458), and *kä-l 'burn, flame' (DEDR 1500) could possibly be related to words meaning 'black, burnt, etc.', such as *kär : *kar-V- 'be scorched, burnt black, black' (DEDR

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1278), with the semantic development 'burn' —'burn black' —> 'black color' 'coal', etc. 2.3 No Dravidian language preserves PDr. *NTT as such, but Kumaraswami Raja (1969) has conclusively shown that such a reconstruction is warranted by the correspondence NT: TT in different Dravidian languages, such as Ka. entu 'eight' : Ta., Ma. ettu (< *en-ttu), Ko. et, To. öt, Kod. ett (DEDR 847). The NT sequences are generally attested in Telugu and Kannada and occasionally in North Dravidian, where voiced and voiceless stops contrast after homorganic nasal; cf. e.g. Ka. tirumpu 'to cause to go round' : Ta., Ma. tiruppu id. (< *tir-umpp-)·, Te. penti 'female of animal' : Ta. pettai, Ma. petta (< *pen-tt-ay). The solution provided by Kumaraswami Raja has a farreaching effect on our understanding of a number of problems of comparative Dravidian morphology.

3 Primary derivative suffixes as earlier inflectional suffixes: The hypothesis Based on a critical study of many etymologies of the type (1) above, I venture to propose that primary derivative suffixes arose through the incorporation of inflectional suffixes into the stem, and that this development took place in several stages, largely within Proto-Dravidian. 3.1 At a very early stage within Proto-Dravidian, sonorant suffixes of the R type were added to (C)V- or (C)VC-V-stems to form extended intransitive/middle-voice stems. This assumption is based on the observation that verb stems ending in sonorant suffixes tend to be intransitive in the descendant languages. Forms with these suffixes are preserved intact in the literary languages of the south, viz. Tamil, Malayälam, Kannada, and Telugu. At a later period, -R, -V-R lost their identity as grammatical elements and became incorporated into the preceding stems, as in (lab) above (Krishnamurti 1961: 146-147; Emeneau 1975: 2-3). 3 3.2 Proto-Dravidian also had a very early stage in which Τ suffixes were added to primary roots, and later to extended stems with -R and -V-R. Only a subgroup of South Dravidian consisting of Tamil, Malayälam, Kodagu, Toda, Köta, and Badaga preserves this stage of development in verb conjugation.4

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The new T-suffixes signal both tense and voice. Dental vs. non-dental indicates past vs. non-past; simple (N)T signals intransitive, and geminate (N)TT, transitive: Intransitive Transitive

Non-Past *p *k *mp *nk *kk *PP *mpp *nkk

Past *t *nt *tt *ntt

(The non-past paradigms include present, future, aorist (habitual), infinitive, imperative, negative, etc. Within the non-past, there must have been a morphological contrast between the labial and velar series, but the contrast tended to be blurred later.) 3.3 The next stage consists of the incorporation of tense/voice suffixes into the preceding stems, with loss of tense meaning but preservation of the voice distinction. The latter is preserved mostly in disyllabic and trisyllabic roots, with NT : (N)TT indicating an intransitive : transitive alternation in most of South Dravidian. Traces of this alternation are found in Kannada and Tulu;5 South Central Dravidian also preserves this stage, with the exception of Telugu and Gondi; and some traces exist in all other subgroups and languages (Subrahmanyam 1971: 52-54). As a consequence of this change, the contrast *NT : *NTT (or its reflexes NT : TT, (N)D : (N)T, etc.) has come to signal only an intransitive : transitive distinction. Now, when an intransitive of one series wound up being matched up with the transitive of another series (e.g. Telugu tiru-gu v.i. 'to turn' : t(r)i-ppu v.tr. ( < *tir-pp-), Te. jaru-gu v.i. 'to slide' : jaru-pu v.tr. 'to move') the alternation broke down as a symmetrical system and led to the next stage, of isolating certain markers as transitivizers. 3.4 It is through this development that -pp, -tt (and its palatalized derivative -cc) became transitivizers, added to intransitive bases to form transitive stems. Some of the intransitive base stems reflect simple ProtoDravidian roots such as *mey- 'to graze', *käy- 'to burn', others are originally extended stems with incorporated intransitive suffixes as in the Telugu examples just cited. 3.5 A final, analytic, stage is found in all South Dravidian literary languages: New transitive stems are derived by the addition of different explicator or operator verbs to nonfinite forms of the main verb, as in Te. wirugu v.i.

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'to break'; wiraga gott- v.t. 'to break or snap' ( < wirag-an- (inf.) + kott 'to beat'). In some cases, the older suffixal structures coexist with the final analytic stage, but with semantic differences; cf. Mod. Te. käl-cu 'to light (a cigarette), to burn' beside käla bett- 'to burn something down'. 3.6 I assume that the first three developments took place at various stages within Proto-Dravidian, with each successive stage having a wider spread lexical and areal - than the earlier one, but with all the three stages still synchronically coexisting. Typologically we notice a progression from synthetic to analytic in this scenario. Note also that extended stems of three or four syllables are more numerous than monosyllabic roots in the later stages of Proto-Dravidian. The next question is to find empirical support for the above proposal and to find missing links in the morphological development of extended stems.

4 Corollaries of the hypothesis and background assumptions Before producing and discussing such supporting evidence, let me briefly note some corollaries that flow from the above proposal, as well as some other, background assumptions about linguistic change. - Just as in any modern language, linguistic forms reflecting different chronological strata should have coexisted in Proto-Dravidian, before it broke up into subgroups. - Evidence for the loss of the original function of a grammatical element in an extended stem may be found in the fact that a new element with the same or similar function can be added. Sometimes, in a synchronic stage both kinds of stems cooccur as free variants, particularly in literary texts. - When a grammatically significant affix has lost its original function and remains as a dummy formative, one or more languages may innovate by assigning a new grammatical function to it. - When underlying markers of intransitive and transitive have lost their structure and function, voice neutralization can lead to some original intransitive stems acquiring transitive form and meaning and, conversely, some transitive stems acquiring intransitive form and meaning. - Since all Dravidian verbal formatives generally also function as nominal derivatives without change of structure, the intransitive : transitive contrast

The origin and evolution of primary derivative

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93

may also be reflected in a large number of derived nominals. Moreover, some languages may preserve only derived nouns and lose their verbal counterparts, and vice versa. - Analogy can operate in unpredictable ways. It is therefore not possible to determine all the conditions under which leveling or other analogical processes took place when we are dealing with reconstructed strata within Proto-Dravidian. Against the background of these metaconditions and corollaries, let us provide evidence and arguments in favor of our proposal.

5 Case studies 5.1 Let us begin by looking at the etymology of PDr. *ä- 'to be, happen, become' (DEDR 333). 6 (7)

a.

b.

c.

d.

*ä-: Ta. ä (past st. än-, äyi-)

'to be, happen', ä (-pp-, -tt-) v.tr. 'to cause, bring about'; ä (η.) 'becoming', ä-m (< *ä+um) 'yes'; Tu. ä-pini (2 sg. neut. past ändu)\ OTe. ä (in äyen/ayyen 3 past, suffix -en with inserted glide y) id.; Go. ay- (irreg. 3 sg. impf. änd\ some forms from a), most dialects have ä 'to be'; Konda, Kui, Kuvi, Pengo, Manda ä (ä-t-) id. *äku v.l.: *äkku v.tr.: Ta. äku (äku-v-, äk-i) v.i., äkku (äkk-i-) 'to make', äkk-am η. 'creation' (tr. noun), äk-a inf. 'completely'; Ma. äku-ka v.i., äkku-ka v.tr., äkk-i-kka (< *äkku-wi-kka- caus. inf. of tr. with loss of -w-) 'to cause to make'; Ko. äg v.i. (äy/än-\ some forms from ä)\ äk- v.tr.; To. öx ( ö y - , ön-, ö) v.i., ök-{öky-) v.tr.; Ka. ägu {än-, äy, etc.); Kod. äg- (irr. äy-, än-, ä) v.i., äk (äk-i) v.tr.; Te. agu, awu (ay-i pple., ay-na adj.); Nk. akk- 'to make'. *ä-p- v.i. 'to become': *ä-pp- v.tr. 'to make, etc.': Kui äva-(ät-) 'to become', äp-ka (äp-ki) pi. action stem; Kol. äp- (äp-t-) 'to keep in a place'; Nk. äp- 'to keep'. Cf. Ta. ä-(pp-) 'to cause, bring about'. *än-/an- v.i.: Tu. (2 sg. neut. past ändu)\ Kol. an- (irreg., past and-, imper. än) 'to be in place'; Nk. and 'to be'; Br. anning (st. an-, as-, a-) 'to be'.

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Note that both ä- and äku- are used as inflectional bases in Old Tamil (Puranänüru), as in äk-in- ' i f beside ä-(y)in id., äkum (subj.) 'will become' : ä-m id. (Subramoniam 1962). The last two forms are also given by Tolkäppiyam (first century AD or BC). It can therefore be concluded that ä- is not simply a contraction of äku- (Israel 1973: 235). 7 As for the putative suffixes in (7b-d), note that the Old Tamil classics use -k- beside -t- in aorist, i.e. non-past, constructions (Israel 1973: 145, 192 ff.), as in un-k-um 'we drink', kan-t-um 'we see', varu-t-um 'we come' from the roots un- 'to drink', kän- 'to see', and varu- 'to come'. (The suffix -urn of these structures, when not following -k- or -t-, is said to simultaneously mark habitual tense and person. In Malayälam, the suffixes um : kkum similarly occur as non-past, aorist markers.) Further, *-p- [-w-] occurs as a futuretense marker added to äku in OTa. äku-pa/-va 'they will become' (Israel 1973: 235). That is, it too marks a non-past structure. Finally, the base form in (7d) corresponds to the past stem of the South Dravidian languages. Given this evidence, we can interpret the data in (7) as follows: Set a. naturally contains the original, unmodified root. Set b. is based on an extended stem ä-k- of set a., which incorporates an old non-past suffix -k- (intransitive): -kk- (transitive). This set shows variation between *ä and *äk in inflection. Set c. is based on another non-past stem of a., viz. ä-p- [ä-w-] : ä-pp-. Set d. is based on the past stem of set a., viz. än-. All the four sets can be derived from the following reconstructed system of early Proto-Dravidian. (8) Intransitive Transitive

Non-Past *ä-k*ä-p*ä-kk- *ä-pp-

Past *ä-(i)n*ä-tt-

As we have seen, the formations in -k(k)- and -p(p)-, as well as the one in -(i)n-, have become generalized verb stems, losing their tense distinctions. In set c., however, *-pp- (> -p-) has retained traces of its voice distinction by serving as a transitive marker in some of the languages. Only the suffix -tt- is retained as an inflectional morpheme in South Central Dravidian. Further support for the reconstructed formations in (8) comes from the distribution of forms in the various subgroups of Dravidian; cf. (9). None of the extended forms is limited to just one subgroup, a fact which precludes the assumption that they originated in the various descendant subgroups. The geographical distribution, combined with the data in (8), further suggests that the incorporation of suffixes into the stem began within Proto-Dravidian, for, again, the use of extended forms with loss of their original tense and/or voice distinctions cuts across the different descendant subgroups.

The origin and evolution of primary derivative

(9)

a. b. c. d.

suffixes in Dravidian

95

*ä SDr., SCDr. *äk- : äkk- SDr.; Nk. of CDr. *äp- : äpp- Ta. of SDr.; Te„ Kui of SCDr.; Kol., Nk. of CDr. *än Tu. of SDr., Go. of SCDr.; Kol., Nk. of CDr.; Brahui of NDr.

5.2 A structural parallel in Proto-Dravidian is found in *pö beside *pöku 'to go' attested only in South Dravidian and South Central Dravidian (cf. DEDR 4572): (10)

a.

*pö: Ta. pö n e g . pök-);

past:

pön-/pöyin-\

M a . pöka', K o d . pö (pöp-, pök-, pöc-, pöy-);

K a . pö,

'state of going, ruin'; Te. pö (pö-yi). *pö-k-: *pö-kk-: Ta. pöku (future: pöku-v-, neg. pök-), pök-ai n. (intr.) 'departure'; pökku (pökk-i-) 'to cause to go, send'; pökkam η. (tr.) 'causing to go; exit, way'; Ma. pöka (inf., interpreted as -ka, but historically -k+a), pök-al η. 'going', pökkuka v.tr. 'to make to go, remove', pökk-al η. 'removing'; Ko. ög (öy-/ön-, also ö based on *pö), ök-c 'to cause to go', pök- (pök-y-) 'to spend time'; To. ρϊχ (pi-)', Ka. pögu, högu; Kod. pök-\ Te. pöwu (-W- < -g-), non-past neg. pö-, pöw- (intr.), pöka η. 'going, departure'; Konda, Pe. pök (-t-) 'to send; Manda pük- (-1-) id.

pö-li,

b.

(non-past: pöv-/pökuv-/pötuv-,

pö-lu

These forms illustrate the way the stems of set b. were remade from the root of a. by incorporating the non-past suffixes k : kk into the stem in the intransitive and transitive respectively. Interestingly, there is a greater regularity in the inflection of the extended stem than that of the original root *pö-. Also notice the occurrence of pöku in the NON-PAST intransitive paradigm of Old Tamil as pöku-v-, neg. pök-, as opposed to pö in PAST pö-y-in, pö-n. This distribution preserves a trace of -ku- as a non-past (aorist, optative) marker, even though the suffix generally has lost its meaning. Konda, Kui, and Pengo of South Central Dravidian retain only the transitive forms of the derived stem. Telugu shows both South Dravidian and South Central Dravidian features. 5.3 As noted in the preceding two sections, original tense/voice suffixes such as *-k(u) : kk(u) became incorporated into the preceding stems and lost their tense meaning, while preserving traces of their voice distinctions. Another valuable etymology, where a tense morpheme has become a formative, is illustrated by *ul 'to be, have' : *untu 'is, are' (DEDR 697). The form *ul is attested in Ta. Ma. ul·, Ko. ο I; Ka. ul, ol 'to be, to have'; Kod. ull-\ Kui

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lohpa (loh-t-) 'to remain'; the form *untu is reflected in Ta. untu 'is, are' (existence), unmai 'truth'; Ma. untu 'there is, exists'; Ko. odo (3rd pers. neut. of *