Language in Time and Space: A Festschrift for Werner Winter on the Occasion of his 80th Birthday [Reprint 2011 ed.] 9783110897722, 9783110176483

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Language in Time and Space

W G DE

Trends in Linguistics Studies and Monographs 144

Editors

Walter Bisang Hans Henrich Hock

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York

Language in Time and Space A Festschrift for Werner Winter on the Occasion of his 80th Birthday

Edited by

Brigitte L. M. Bauer Georges-Jean Pinault

Mouton de Gruyter Berlin · New York 2003

Mouton de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague) is a Division of Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, Berlin.

Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines of the ANSI to ensure permanence and durability.

ISBN 3-11-017648-3 Bibliographic information published by Die Deutsche Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at . © Copyright 2003 by Walter de Gruyter GmbH & Co. KG, D-10785 Berlin All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Cover Design: Christopher Schneider, Berlin Printed in Germany.

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Table of Contents

Werner Winter: Publications 1949-2003 Introduction: Werner Winter, ad multos annos Patterns of stress and rhythm in Tocharian B prosody Douglas Q. Adams

ix

xxiii

1

Old Irish masu 'if is' and similar forms Anders Ahlqvist

13

On bifurcations and the Germanic consonant shifts Henning Andersen

19

A concept of truth for linguistic semantics Jerzy Banczerowski

35

Middle-passive and causative: valency-change in the Tocharian B -e- presents without initial palatalization Gerd Carling

63

Some thoughts on 'Universals' N. E. Collinge

77

Latin static morphology and paradigm families Wolfgang U. Dressler

87

Tibeto-Burman vs. Sino-Tibetan George van Driem

101

Some taboo-words in Iranian languages of Central Asia Dioj (Joy) I. Edelman

121

Apposition and word-order typology in Indo-European Olav Hackstein

131

vi

Table of Contents

Reading Moliere's The Learned Ladies — remarks on (im)politeness Fran^oise Hammer

153

Did Indo-European linguistics prepare the ground for Nazism? Lessons from the past for the present and the future Hans Henrich Hock

167

On the origin of Tocharian terms for GRAIN Vyacheslav V. Ivanov

189

The Hittite reflexive construction in a typological perspective Folke Josephson

211

Praise and Honor (Gothic hazjan, Old English hergan, and Russian cest') Yuri Kleiner

233

The origin and nature of the linguistic parasite Frederik Kortlandt

241

Realism in Indo-European Linguistics Win/red P. Lehmann

245

Turkic and Chinese loan words in Tocharian Alexander Lubotsky and Sergei Starostin

257

Categorizing the Japanese lexicon. A proposal with a background Alfred F. Majewicz

271

Notes on an ethnonym from East Nepal Boyd Michailovsky

287

'But' without switch-reference Pamela Munro

293

Fresh shoots from a vigourous stem: IE *uihjroBirgit Anette Olsen

313

On the tracks of the Tocharian Guru Georges-Jean Pinault

331

Table of Contents

vii

Eventide in Hatti-land Jaan Puhvel

347

An integrated view on ablaut and accent in Indo-European Jens Elmegard Rasmussen

351

An early rule of syncope in Tocharian Don Ringe

359

The Latin imperfect in -bä-, the Proto-Indo-European root *bhueh2- and full grade I forms from set-roots with full grade II Helmut Rix

363

Conceptualization of agency in contemporary Polish Elzbieta Tabakowska

385

Ouvrier, Arbeiter, workman, rabocij, obrero, operaio Wolfgang Viereck and Matthias Goldammer

405

Classical Armenian HAGAG 'breath' and OGEM 'to speak' Jos J. S. Weitenberg

419

Index

429

Index of examples

439

Tabula Gratulatoria

441

Werner Winter: Publications 1949-2003

Books (Author/Editor/Co-editor) Winter, Werner 1950 Studien zum 'Prothetischen Vokal' im Griechischen. Hamburger Arbeiten zur Altertumwissenschaft 7. Hansischer Gildenverlag, Hamburg. 1955 Armenian manuscripts. An exhibit at the University of Kansas Library. Lawrence, Kansas. 1979 Linguistics and literature. Sociolinguistics and applied linguistics. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 1984 Studia Tocharica. Selected writings. Ausgewählte Beiträge. Poznan: Wydawnictwo Naukowe U AM. 1985 Materials towards a dictionary of Chamling. Kiel: Linguistic Survey of Nepal. 1998 Walapai (Hualapai) texts. (Native American Texts Series 2). Berlin/ New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 2003 A Bantawa Dictionary. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Winter, Werner (ed.) 1960 Evidence for laryngeals. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. 1965 Evidence for laryngeals. The Hague/London/Paris: Mouton. 1984 Anredeverhalten. Tübingen: Narr. 1995 On languages and language. The Presidential Addresses at the 1991 meeting of the Societas Linguistica Europaea. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 1995 Thomas Gamkrelidze and Vjaceslav Ivanov, Indo-European and the Indo-Europeans. Translation by Johanna Nichols of Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejcy [1984]. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Shaw, Leroy R., Ingrid Winter, and Werner Winter 1958 Active German. Reader. Austin, TX. [Preliminary edition] Shaw, Leroy R., Ingrid Winter, and Werner Winter 1960 In einer deutschen Stadt. Active German readings. Book One. New York: Holt. Shaw, Leroy R, I. Rosemarie Shaw, and Werner Winter 1962 Focus on German. Part II: Book for intermediates. Austin, TX. [Preliminary edition] 1962 Focus on German. Student's Book. III. Section 3. Shaw, Leroy R, I. Rosemarie Shaw, and Werner Winter (eds.) 1965 Focus on German for intermediates. New York/Evanston/London.

Werner Winter: Publications losif M. Oranskij and Werner Winter translator 1975 Die neuiranischen Sprachen der Sowjetunion. (2 vols.) The Hague/ Paris: Mouton. Jazayery, Mohammad ., Edgar C. Polome, and Werner Winter (eds.) 1976 Linguistic and literary studies in honor of Archibald A. Hill. Vol. 1. General and theoretical linguistics. Lisse: Ridden 1978 Linguistic and literary studies in honor of Archibald A. Hill. (4 vols.) The Hague/Paris/New York: Mouton. Laycock, Donald C. and Werner Winter (eds.) 1987 A world of language: Papers presented to Professor S.A. Wurm on his 65th birthday. Canberra, ACT: Pacific Linguistics. Jazayeri, Mohammad Ali and Werner Winter (eds.) 1988 Languages and cultures. Studies in honor of Edgar C. Polome. Berlin/ New York/Amsterdam: Mouton de Gruyter. Polome, Edgar C. and Werner Winter (eds.) 1992 Reconstructing languages and cultures. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Bickram Ingwaba Subba, D., Gerd Hansson, Alfons K. Weidert, and Werner Winter (eds.) 1996 A synoptic glossary of Athpare, Belhare, and Yakkha with fu(r)ther contributions. Findings of the 'Linguistic Survey of Nepal.' München/ New Castle: Lincom Europa. Pinault, Georges-Jean, Ji Xianlin, and Werner Winter (eds.) 1998 Fragments of the Tocharian A Maitreyasamiti-Nätaka of the Xinjiang Museum, China. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

Articles 1949 1950 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955

Goethe und die Demokratie. Notizen zum Vortrag von Thomas Mann. Berner Student 17': 214-216. On the origin of the samprasarana reduplication in Sanskrit. Language 26: 365-370. The reduplication type bhanbharti/bharibhrati in Greek. Language 26: 532-533. Two Greek names for the truffle. American Journal of Philology 72: 63-68. An Indo-European prefix *n- 'together with.' Language 28: 186-191. Gruppe und Reihe. Beobachtungen zur Systematik indogermanischer Zählweise. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 71: 3 — 14. Problems of Armenian phonology I. Language 30: 197—201. Nochmals vedisch asnati. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 72: 161-175.

Articles 1955 1955 1955 1955 1955 1955 1957 1958 1959 1959 1959

1959 1960 1960 1961 1961 1961 1962 1962 1962 1962 1962

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Problems of Armenian phonology II. Language 31: 4-8. Juncture in Proto-Germanic: Some deliberations. Language 31: 530-532. Armenian cryptography. Armenian Review 8: 53—56. Some aspects of Tocharian' drama: Form and techniques. Journal of the American Oriental Society 75: 26—35. A linguistic classification of Tocharian' B texts. Journal of the American Oriental Society 75: 216-225. [Bibliographical contributions (Russian literature) to Joseph Rubinstein, Catalogue of books burned and banned.] Yuman languages I: First impressions. International Journal of American Linguistics 23: 18-23. Zur Dialektgliederung von Tocharisch' B. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 75: 233—237. Über eine Methode zum Nachweis struktureller Relevanz von Oppositionen distinktiver Merkmale. Phonetica 4: 28—44. Zur 'tocharischen' Metrik. Akten des XXIV. Internationalen Orientalistenkongresses München 1957: 520—521. Some remarks on a plan for a repertory of Armenian etymology. Akten des XXIV. Internationalen Orientalistenkongresses München 1957: 447 [Obituary] Johann Albert Debrunner. Language 35: 335-336. Armenian evidence for Proto-Indo-European laryngeals. In: Werner Winter (ed.), Evidence for laryngeals, 27—40. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Tocharian evidence for Proto-Indo-European laryngeals. In: Werner Winter (ed.), Evidence for laryngeals, 173 — 186. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Impossibilities of translation. In: W. Arrowsmith and R. Shattuck (eds.), The craft and context of translation, 68—82. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Translation as politic action. In: W. Arrowsmith and R. Shattuck (eds.), The craft and context of translation. Austin, 172-176. TX: University of Texas Press. Zum sogenannten Durativum in Tocharisch B. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 77: 89—96. Die Vertretung indogermanischer Dentale im Tocharischen. Indogermanische Forschungen 67: 16—35. Lexical interchange between 'Tocharian' A and B. Journal of the American Oriental Society 81: 271-280. Nominal and pronominal dual in Tocharian. Language 38: 111-134. Problems of Armenian phonology III. Language 38: 254-262. Relative Häufigkeit syntaktischer Erscheinungen als Mittel zur Abgrenzung von Stilarten. Phonetica 7: 193—216.

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Werner Winter: Publications 1962 1962 1962

1963 1963 1963 1964 1964 1964

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1965 1965 1965 1965 1965 1966 1966

1967 1967 1967

1967 1968

Styles as dialects. Preprints of papers for the 9th International Congress of Linguists. 214—219. Cambridge, MA. Further evidence of inter-Tocharian lexical borrowing. Journal of the American Oriental Society 82: 71—73. [Contributions to discussions, published in Studies in American English. Texas conference on problems of linguistic analysis in English. University of Texas, Austin.] Tocharians and Turks. Uralic and Altaic Studies 23: 239-251. Stories and songs of the Walapai. Plateau 35: 114-122. Indo-European. In: Thomas A. Sebeok (ed.), Current Trends in Linguistics I, 205—216. The Hague: Mouton. Form and meaning in morphological analysis. Linguistics 3: 5—18. Styles as dialects. In: Horace G. Lunt (ed.), Proceedings of the 9th International Congress of Linguists, 324—330. The Hague: Mouton. Impossibilities of translation. In: W. Arrowsmith and R. Shattuck (eds.), The Craft and Context of Translation, 93-112. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Translation as political action. In: W. Arrowsmith and R. Shattuck (eds.), The Craft and Context of Translation, 295-301. Garden City, NY: Doubleday. Vom Genitiv im heutigen Deutsch. Westdeutscher Rundfunk Kulturelles Wort S: 11. Armenian evidence. In: Werner Winter (ed.), Evidence for Laryngeals, 100-115. The Hague/London/Paris: Mouton. Tocharian evidence. In: Werner Winter (ed.), Evidence for Laryngeals, 190-211. The Hague/London/Paris: Mouton. Zur Vorgeschichte einiger Verbformen in Tocharisch A. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 79: 203-210. Transforms without kernels. Language 41: 484—489. Yuman languages. II: Wolf's son — a Walapai text. International Journal of American Linguistics 32: 17—40. Traces of early dialectal diversity in Old Armenian. In: Henrik Birnbaum and Jaan Puhvel (eds.), Ancient Indo-European dialects, 201211. Berkeley/Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. Vom Genitiv im heutigen Deutsch. Zeitschrift für deutsche Sprache 22: 21-35. Stil als linguistisches Problem. Sprache der Gegenwart 1: 219-235. The identity of the Papai (Akwa'ala). In: D. Hymes and W. E. Bittle (eds.), Studies in Southwestern Ethnolinguistics, 372-378. (Studies in General Anthropology 3.) The Hague/Paris: Mouton. A note on cases. In: To Honor Roman Jakobson. Essays on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday, 2250-2253. The Hague / Paris: Mouton. Archaismen in der tocharischen Adjektiv- und Nominalbildung. In: Johannes C. Heesterman, Godard H. Schokker, and V.I. Subramon-

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1969 1969

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1970 1970 1970 1970 1971 1971 1971 1972

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iam (eds.), Pratidänam: Indian, Iranian, and Indo-European Studies Presented to Franciscus B. J. Kuiper on his 60th Birthday, 60—64. The Hague/Paris: Mouton. Aus der Arbeit des Seminars für Allgemeine und Indogermanische Sprachwissenschaft. Christiana Albertina 6: 52-54. Analogischer Sprachwandel und semantische Struktur. Folia Linguistica 3. 29-45. Vocative and imperative. In: Jaan Puhvel (ed.), Substance and Structure of Language, 205—223. Berkeley/Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. Styles as dialects. In: Lubomir Dolezel and R. W. Bailey (eds.), Statistics and style, 3-9. New York/London/Amsterdam: Eisevier. Impossibilities of translation. In: Thomas M. Olshewky (ed.), Problems in the Philosophy of Language, 477—489. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. The importance of Tocharian for the reconstruction of Proto-IndoEuropean, [resume] Bulletin du Cercle Linguistique de Copenhague 1967-1968. Acta Linguistica Hafnensia 12: 236. Some widespread Indo-European titles. In: G. Cardona, H. M. Hoenigswald, and A. Senn (eds.), Indo-European and Indo-Europeans, 49 — 54. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press. Some basic difficulties in the application of quantifying techniques to morphological typology. In: A. Graur (ed.), Actes du Xe Congres International des Linguistes, 3: 545—549. Bucarest: Academic de la Republique de Roumanie. Basic principles of the comparative method. In: Paul L. Garvin (ed.), Method and Theory in Linguistics, 147—153. The Hague/Paris: Mouton. [Contributions to discussion 153—156.] Nemoznosti pfekladu. In: J. Cermäk, B. Ilek, and A. Skoumal (eds.), Pfeklad literärniho dila, 519-535. Praha. Über tocharische Verbformen und ihrem Verhältnis zum Satzakzent. In: W.-J. Marggraf (ed.), Untersuchungen zum Akzent in Tocharisch B, 95-103. Dissertation, University of Kiel. Reduplication in Wasno: A restatement. International Journal of American Linguistics 36: 190-198. Comparative linguistics: Contributions of new methods to an old field. Monograph Series on Language and Linguistics 24: 145-156. Baktrische Lehnwörter im Tocharischen. In: Robert Schmitt-Brandt (ed.), Donum Indogermanicum. Festgabe für Anton Scherer zum 70. Geburtstag, 217-223. Heidelberg. Alte und neue Formen der Zusammenarbeit in der Philosophischen Fakultät. Kieler Universitätstage 1971. 39-59. Formal frequency and linguistic change. Some preliminary comments. Folia Linguistica 5: 55 — 61.

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Werner Winter: Publications 1972

1972 1972

1973

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1975 1976 1976 1976 1978

1978

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1980

A proposal concerning metaphor. In: E. S. Firchow, K. Grimstad, N. Hasselmo, and W. O'Neil (eds.), Studies for Einar Hangen, 562-567. The Hague/Paris: Mouton. Zur Vertretung von *w nach Konsonant in Tocharisch B. Orbis 21: 385-390. Untersuchungen zur quantitativen Stilistik: Implikationen für den Deutschunterricht an Deutsche und Ausländer. Studia Leibnitiana 3: 102—115. [Comments in discussion 160-165.] Areal linguistics: Some general considerations. In: Thomas A. Sebeok (ed.), Current Trends in Linguistics 11, 135-147. The Hague/Paris: Mouton. Echte und simulierte gesprochene Sprache. Gesprochene Sprache, Jahrbuch 1972 des Instituts für deutsche Sprache, Sprache der Gegenwart 26. Düsseldorf. 129-143. Intralanguage variation and interlanguage comparison. In: Hakan Ringbom (ed.), Style and Text. Studies Presentend to Nils Erik Enkvist, 299-302. Stockholm: Sprakförlaget Skriptor. Die Personalendungen des Imperfekts und Aorists im Armenischen. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 89: 110—122. Tocharisch B -au-: tocharisch A -e-. Orbis 25: 27-33. Louis Hammerich 1. November 1975. Christiana Albertina. N. F. 5: 289-290. Switch reference in Yuman languages. In: Magaret Langdon and Shirley Silver (eds.), Hokan Studies, 165—174. The Hague/Paris: Mouton. Internal structure and external relationship of two verbal paradigms: Tocharian B wen-, A wen- 'say.' Journal of Indo-European Studies 5: 133-159. The distribution of short and long vowels in stems of the type Lith. esti : vesti : mesti and OCS jasti : vesti : mesti in Baltic and Slavic languages. In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.), Recent Developments in Historical Phonology, 432—446. The Hague/Paris/New York: Mouton. On the importance of links not missing. In: Bela Brogyanyi (ed.), Current issues in linguistic theory. Festschrift for Oswald Szemerenyi on the Occasion of his 65th Birthday, 2: 989-994. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Zur "Überlange" im Deutschen. In: Kennosuke Ezawa, Karl H. Rensch, Wolfgang Bethge (eds.), Sprache und Sprechen. Festschrift für Eberhard Zwirner zum 80. Geburtstag, 197—200. Tübingen: Niemeyer. Olnd. mahi: Gk. mega 'great' reconsidered. In: Kathryn Klar, Margaret Langdon, Shirley Silver (eds.), American Indian and Indo-European Studies. Papers in Honor of Madison S. Beeler, 487—495. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Zum Beitrag der tocharischen Sprachen zu Problemen der lautlichen Rekonstruktion des Indogermanischen. In: M. Mayrhofer, M. Peters, and O. E. Pfeiffer (eds.), Lautgeschichte und Etymologie. Akten der

Articles

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1982 1982 1982 1983

1983 1983

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1984 1984

1984 1984 1984

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VII. Fachtagung der indogermanischen Gesellschaft, 542—563. Wiesbaden: Reichert. Markedness and normalcy/naturalness: Some reflections. S AIS 2: 162-170. Eine verschüttete armenisch-baltoslavische Isoglosse? Lingua Posnaniensis 23: 209-214. Tocharisch B yok A yok 'Körperhaar, Farbe' und Verwandtes, in: G. Brettschneider and Christian Lehmann (eds.), Wege zur Universalienforschung. Beiträge zum 60. Geburtstag von Hansjakob Seiler, 469472. Tübingen: Narr. Morphological signalling of selection properties: transitiveness in Tocharian A and B verbs. In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.), Historical Morphology, 421-422. The Hague/Paris/New York: Mouton. Indo-European words for 'tongue' and 'fish': A reappraisal. Journal of Indo-European Studies 10: 167-186. Tocharian and Proto-Indo-European. Lingua Posnaniensis 25: 1-11. O markirovannosti, sootvetstvii norme i "estestvennosti." Voprosy jazykoznanija 4: 72—77. A tentative English-Walapai dictionary und Etymologicum Tocharicum: Unterschiede und Gemeinsamkeiten. In: Alfred Bammesberger (ed.), Das etymologische Wörterbuch. Fragen der Konzeption und Gestaltung, 313 — 327. Regensburg: Pustet. Nochmals arm. hiwsn 'Zimmermann'. Die Sprache 29: 177 — 181. Summary of the plenary session on sociolinguistics. In: Shirö Hattori and Kazuko Inoue (eds.), Proceedings of the XIHth International Congress of Linguists, 384—385. Tokyo. Tradition and innovation in alphabet making. In: Florian Coulmas and Konrad Ehlich (eds.), Writing in Focus, 227 — 238. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Toch. B ska, A ska ; B e ; B ecce, A aci. In: Studia Tocharica. Selected writings. Ausgewählte Beiträge, 117—123. Poznan: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM. B staukka-. In: Studia Tocharica. Selected writings. Ausgewählte Beiträge, 212—216. Poznan Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM. Cultural and linguistic cross-currents in Central Asia. In: Studia Tocharica, Selected writings. Ausgewählte Beiträge, 9—26. Poznan: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM. In memoriam Erich Hofmann 4. März 1895-7. November 1982. Christiana Albertina N. F. 19: 231-232. Preface — Vorwort. In Studia Tocharica. Selected writings. Ausgewählte Beiträge, 7 — 8. Poznan: Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM. Reconstructional comparative linguistics and the reconstruction of the syntax of undocumented stages in the development of languages

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1984 1985

1985 1986

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1986 1987

1987 1987

1987 1988

1988

1988 1989

and language families. In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.), Historical Syntax, 613— 625. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Zur tocharischen Entsprechung von skt. tokharika. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 97: 131 — 133. 'Left' or 'right'? In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.), Historical Semantics. Historical Word-Formation, 583-595. Berlin/New York/Amsterdam: Mouton de Gruyter. Tocharian B soy, A se and related forms. Journal of the American Oriental Society 105: 259-264. Aus der Arbeit des Linguistic Survey of Nepal. In: Bernhard Kölver (ed.), Formen kulturellen Wandels und andere Beiträge zur Erforschung des Himalaya, 451-459. Sankt Augustin: VGH Wissenschaftsverlag. Bantawa rV-< ? An exercise in internal and comparative reconstruction. In: Dieter Kastovsky and Aleksander Szwedek (eds.), Linguistics across Historical and Geographical Boundaries I: Linguistic Theory and Historical Linguistics, 763-772. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Doctoris lectio. In: Wernerus Winter, doctor honoris causa Universitatis Studiorum Mickiewiczianae Posnaniensis, 22—26, 27—30. Poznan: Wydanictwo Naukowe UAM. Hayereni anvanakan t'ek'man mi k'ani harc'er. Patma-banasirakan Randes 113: 17-24. Differentiation within Rai: Non-lexical isoglosses. In: Donald C. Laycock and Werner Winter (eds.), A World of Language: Papers Presented to Professor S. A. Wurm on his 65th birthday, 729-734. Canberra, ACT: Pacific Linguistics. Distributive numbers in Tocharian. Tocharian and Indo-European Studies 1: 238-244. Old Indie sünu-, Greek huius 'son.' In: George Cardona and Norman H. Zide (eds.), Festschrift for Henry Hoenigswald on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday, 405-408. Tübingen: Narr. Tocharian B näkte, A nkät 'god.' Two nouns, their derivatives, their etymology. Journal of Indo-European Studies 15: 297—325. Cardinal points and other directions in Tocharian A and B. In: Mohammad Ali Jazayery and Werner Winter (eds.), Languages and Cultures. Studies in Honor of Edgar C. Polome, 5-191. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Metaphors in dialectal diction. A critical note. In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.), Historical Dialectology Regional and Social, 679-685. Berlin/New York/Amsterdam: Mouton de Gruyter. The loss of Tocharian B *-we- and its conditions. Tocharian and IndoEuropean Studies 2: 211—220. Nekotorie mysli ob indoevropejkix cislitel'nyx. Voprosy Jazykoznanija 2: 32-45.

Articles 1989 1989 1989 1990

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1991 1992

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On a new claim concerning substratum influence upon Tocharian. Central Asiatic Journal 33: 126—132. Tocharian B -ain: B -änl-an and related problems. Tocharian and IndoEuropean Studies 3: 111 — 120. B -M-: -wnn- and related problems. Tocharian and Indo-European Studies 4: 5-31. Linguistic reconstruction: The scope of historical and comparative linguistics. In: Edgar C. Polome (ed.), Research Guide on Language Change, 11—21. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. The importance of fine points in spelling: Deletion of accented vowels in Tocharian B. In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.), Historical Linguistics and Philology, 371—391. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Vorwort. In: Peter Stumpf, Die Erscheinungsformen des Westtochar(sehen. Ihre Beziehungen zueinander und ihre Funktionen, 11 — 14. (Tocharian and Indo-European Studies Supplementary Series 2.) Reykjavik. Verbale Paradigmen des Tocharischen. In: Werner Bahner, Joachim Schildt, and Dieter Viehweger (eds.), Proceedings of the 14th International Congress of Linguists 1987, 2534-2537. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. Non-Walapai words in Walapai. In: James E. Redden (ed.), Proceedings of the 1990 Hokan-Penutian Languages Workshop, 191 — 197. (Occasional Papers on Linguistics 15.) Carbondale: Department of Linguistics, Southern Illinois University. Introduction. In: Gerd Hansson, The Rai of Eastern Nepal: Ethnic and Linguistic Grouping. Findings of the Linguistic Survey of Nepal, i—ii. Kirtipur, Kathmandu: Linguistic Survey of Nepal and Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University. The mediopassive present participle in Tocharian A. Tocharian and Indo-European Studies 5: 45-56. A note on parasystems. In: Tom Dutton, Malcolm Ross, and Darrell Tryon (eds.), The Language Game: Papers in Memory of Donald C. Laycock, 521—526. Canberra, ACT: Pacific Linguistics. Armenian, Tocharian, and the "glottalic" theory. In: Edgar C. Polome and Werner Winter (eds.), Reconstructing Languages and Cultures, 111-127. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Armenian. In: Jadranka Gvozdanovic (ed.), Indo-European Numerals, 347-359. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Borrowing and non-borrowing in Walapai. In: Ernst Häkon Jahr (ed.), Language contact. Theoretical and Empirical Studies, 213 — 228. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Diversity in Rai languages: An inspection of verb systems in selected idioms. Lingua Posnaniensis 34: 141 — 156.

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1994 1995

1997

Werner Winter: Publications Some thoughts about Indo-European numerals. In: Jadranka Gvozdanovic (ed.), Indo-European Numerals, 11-28. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. The linguistic survey of Nepal. In: Bernhard Kölver (ed.), Aspects of Nepalese Traditions, 171-175. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner. Tocharian. In: Jadranka Gvozdanovic (ed.), Indo-European Numerals, 97-161. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Abstract mapping. In: Wolfgang Viereck (ed.), Historische Dialektologie und Sprachwandel. Sprachatlanten und Wörterbücher. Verhandlungen des Internationalen Dialektologenkongresses Bamberg 1990, 2: 258262. Armenian, Tocharian, and the "glottalic" theory. In: L. Hovsepian, N. Parnasian, S. Simonian (eds.), The Second International Symposium on Armenian Linguistics 1987, 218-241. Yerevan: Armenian Academy Press. Some conditions for the survival of small languages. In: Ernst Häkon Jahr (ed.), Language Conflict and Language Planning, 299—314. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. The development of underlying accented "schwa" before dental in Tocharian B. Tocharian and Indo-European Studies 6: 197—205. Tocario. In: Anna G. Ramat and Paolo Ramat (eds.), Le lingue indoeuropee, 181-196. Bologna: il Mulino. Überlegungen zum Fehlen der Reduplikation in aind. veda, gr. otda, usw. In: Gerhard Meiser et al. (eds.), Indogermanica et Italica. Festschrift für Helmut Rix zum 65. Geburtstag, 479-483. Innbruck: Institut für Sprachwissenschaft. Griechisch -men und griechisch -mes. In: Roland Bielmeier and Reinhard Stempel (eds.), Indogermanica et Caucasica. Festschrift für Karl Horst Schmidt zum 65. Geburtstag, 265-271. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Syncope in Tocharian A. In: Jens Elmegärd Rasmussen (ed.), In honorem Holger Pedersen, 401—415. Wiesbaden: Reichert. Zum tocharischen Verb. In: Bernfried Schlerath (ed.), Tocharisch. Akten der Fachtagung der indogermanischen Gesellschaft, Berlin, 1990, 284-308. Reykjavik: TIES. Proto-Indo-European: A multiangular view. VII: Comments on reks deiwos-kwe. Journal of Indo-European Studies 22: 82-83. Reduplication forms in Walapai. In: Michael Dürr, Egon Renner, and Wolfgang Oleschinski (eds.), Language and Culture in Native North America. Studies in Honor of Heinz-Jürgen Pinnow, 227—235. München/New Castle: Lincom. Lexical archaisms in the Tocharian languages. In: Hans Henrich Hock (ed.), Historical, Indo-European, and Lexicographical Studies. A Fest-

Articles

1997 1997

1997 1997 1998

1998

1998

1999

1999

1999 1999 1999

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schrift for Ladislav Zgusta on the Occasion of his 70th Birthday, 183193. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. A lone loanword and its implications. In: Stig Eliasson and Ernst Häkon Jahr (eds.), Language and its Ecology. Essays in Memory of Einar Hangen, 435-440. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. A sound change in progress? In: Raymond Hickey and Stanislaw Puppel (eds.), Language History and Linguistic Modelling. A Festschrift for Jacek Fisiak on his 60th Birthday, 1113-1123. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Tocario. In: Anna G. Ramat and Paolo Ramat (eds.), Le lingue indoeuropee. Nuova edizione, 181-196. Bologna: il Mulino. Armenian arj 'bear.' In: Alexander Lubotsky (ed.), Sound Law and Analogy. Papers in honor of Robert S. P. Beekes on the Occasion of his 60th birthday, 349-351. Amsterdam/Atlanta, GA: Rodopi. Cases of cross-over between finite verb forms and nouns in Armenian. In: Mark Janse (ed.), Productivity and Creativity. Studies in General and Descriptive Linguistics in Honor of E.M. Uhlenbeck, 629 — 632. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. ? in Yuman nouns. In: Leanne Hinton and Pamela Munro (eds.), Studies in American Indian Languages. Description and Theory, 72— 76. (University of California Publications, Linguistics 131.) Berkeley/ Los Angeles/London: University of California Press. Lexical archaisms in the Tocharian languages. In: Victor H. Mair (ed.), The Bronze Age and Early Iron Age peoples in eastern Central Asia I: Archeology, migration and nomadism. Linguistics, 347—357. Washington, D.C.: Institute for the Study of Man/Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Museum. Consonant harmony in Armenian. In: Edgar Polome and Carol Justus (eds.), Language change and typologicial variation: in honor of Winfred P. Lehmann on the occasion of his 83rd birthday (Journal of IndoEuropean Studies Monograph 31), 313—319. Washington, D.C.: Institute for the Study of Man. Ökonomie in der Rekonstruktion und typologische Plausibilität. In: Colette Cortes and Andre Rousseau (eds.), Categories et connexions en hommage a Jean Fourquet pour son centieme anniversaire le 23 juin 1999, 379-385. Villeneuve d'Ascq (Nord): Septentrion. Ordered pairs of words in German and elsewhere. In: Jerzy Banczerowski and Tadeusz Zgolka (eds.), Linguam amicabilem facere. Ludovico Zabrocki in memoriam, 331—352. Poznan: Wydawnictwo UAM. Sociolinguistics and dead languages. In: Ernst Häkon Jahr (ed.), Language change. Advances in Historical Sociolinguistics, 67—84. Berlin/ New York: Mouton de Gruyter. When numeral systems are expanded. In: Jadranka Gvozdanovic (ed.), Numeral Types and Changes Worldwide, 43 — 53. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

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Tocharian marginalia. Tocharian and Indo-European Studies 8: 247274. 2000 Eyes and ears. In: Christianne Dalton-Puffer and Nikolaus Ritt (eds), Words: Structure, Meaning, Function. A Festschrift for Dieter Kastovsky, 323-327. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. 2002 The distribution of short and long vowels in stems of the type Lith. esti: vesti : mesti and OCS jasti : vesti : mesti in Baltic and Slavic languages. In: Mouton Classics 1, 343-358. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. von Gabain, Annemarie and Werner Winter 1958 Türkische Turfantexte IX: Ein Hymnus an den Vater Mani auf Tocharisch' B mit alttürkischer Übersetzung. Abhandlungen der Deutschen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Klasse für Sprachen, Literatur und Kunst 2. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. Jarr Butchel, Christel and Werner Winter 1976 Robber's Roost — A Walapai tale. International Journal of American Linguistics — Native American Texts Series 1: 3.61-67. Hansson, Gerd and Werner Winter 1985 On some Rai numeral of Indo-Aryan origin. Indian Linguistics 46: 33-35. Novel Kishore Rai and Werner Winter 1990 Triplicated verbal adjuncts in Bantawa. In: "Linguistic fiesta." Festschrift for Professor Hisao Kakehi's 60th Birthday, 135-150. Tokyo. Polome, Edgar and Werner Winter 1992 Preface. In: Edgar Polome and Werner Winter (eds.), Reconstructing Languages and Cultures, v—vi. Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Schmidt, Klaus T. and Werner Winter 1992 Die Formen der 1. Singular Aktiv der unerweiterten Prä ten ta in Tocharisch B (i.e., A). Historische Sprachforschung 105: 50—55. Novel Kishore Rai and Werner Winter 1997 Triplicated verbal adjuncts in Bantawa. In: David Bradley (ed.), Tibeto-Burman Languages of the Himalayas, 119—134. (Papers in Southeast Asian Linguistics 14. Pacific Linguistics A-86.) Canberra, ACT: Australian National University.

Reviews 1952 1952 1953

R: Hans Krähe, Ortsnamen als Geschichtsquelle, and Sprachwissenschaft im alten Europa. Language 28: 269—272. R: Jean Filliozat, Fragments de textes koutcheens de medecine et de magie. Language 28: 286—288. R: Bruno Schnell, Der Aufbau der Sprache. Language 29. 193-195.

Reviews 1953 1954 1955 1956 1956

1956 1957

1957 1958 1958 1959

1959 1959 1960 1960 1960

1960 1961 1962 1963

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R: Heinz Kloss, Die Entwicklung neuer germanischer Kultursprachen von 1800 bis 1950. Language 29: 195-197. R: Dirair Froundjian, Armenisch-deutsches Wörterbuch. Language 30: 406. R: Emil Sieg and Wilhelm Siegling, Tocharische Sprachreste, Sprache B. Language 31: 105-109. R: Emmett Bennett, The Pylos Tablets and Vladimir Georgiev, Slovar' krito-mikenskix nadpisej; Dopolnenie. Language 32. 504-508. R: Robert P. Blake and Richard N. Frye, History of the Nation of the Archers (The Mongols) by Grigor of Akanc'. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 106: 224—226 R: N. E. Vrouyr, Repertoire etymologique de l'armenien. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 106: 227. R: M. A. van den Oudenrijn, Eine alte armenische Übersetzung der Tertia Pars der Theologischen Summa des hl. Thomas von Aquin. Speculum 32: 620-622. R: Werner Winter and O. P. Backus. Indiana Slavic Studies I. American Slavic and East European Review 16: 571—572. R: Michael Ventris and John Chadwick, Documents in Mycenaean Greek. American Journal of Philology 79: 201—208. R: Leonard Newmark, Structural grammar of Albanian. Language 34. 522-530. R: Oscar Landau, Mykenisch-griechische Personennamen, (Studia Graeca et Latina Gothoburgensia 7.) American Journal of Philology 80: 325-328. R: Carl Hj. Borgstrom, Innforing i sprogvidenskap. Language 35: 303-306. R: Eberhard Zwirner and Wolfgang Bethge, Lautbibliothek der deutschen Mundarten. Language 35: 712-715. R: Henry Kahane, Renee Kahane, and Andreas Tietze, The Lingua Franca in the Levant. Language 36: 454—462. R: Helmut Protze, Das Westlausitzische und Ostmeissnische. Journal of English and Germanic Philology 59: 763-766. R: Karl Bischoff, Sprachliche Beziehungen zwischen niederdeutschem Altland und Neuland im Bereich der Elbe. Journal of English and Germanic Philology 59: 766-767. R: John Chadwick, The decipherment of Linear B. American Journal of Philology 81: 210. R: Hans Jensen, Altarmenische Grammatik. Journal of the American Oriental Society 81: 54-58. R: Meinrad Scheller, Vedisch priya- und die Wortstippe frei, freien, Freund. Journal of English and Germanic Philology 61: 101-103. R: Wolfgang Krause and Werner Thomas, Tocharisches Elementarbuch I: Grammatik. Deutsche Literaturzeitung 83: 1066—1069.

xxii 1964 1969 1971 1971 1975 1976

1981 1981 1982

1988

1991 1999

2001

Werner Winter: Publications R: P. E. Cleator, Lost languages. Romance Philology 18: 124-125. R: Simeon Lexac'i, Putevye zametki. Der Islam 45: 224-225. R: George Y. Shevelov, A prehistory of Slavic. The historical phonology of Common Slavic. Zeitschrift für Ostforschung 20: 152-153. R: Ernest Klein, A Comprehensive etymological dictionary of the English language. Linguistics 71: 108-118. R: Peter Stumpf, Der Gebrauch der Demonstrativ-Pronomina im Tocharischen. Kratylos 18: 136-138. R: Peter Stumpf, Der Gebrauch der Demonstrativ-Pronomina im Tocharischen. Zeitschrift der deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 126: 179-181. R: A. J. van Windekens, Le tokharien confrontd avec les autres languages indo-europeennes I, II: 1. Kratylos 25: 125-132. R: A. J. van Windekens, Le tokharien confronte avec les autres languages indo-europeennes I. Language 57: 935-941. R: A. J. van Windekens, Le tokharien confronte avec les autres languages indo-europeennes I. Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft 132: 399-402. R: Werner Thomas, Tocharische Sprachreste. Sprache B. Teil I. Die Texte. Band I. Fragmente Nr. 1-116 der Berliner Sammlung. Kratylos 33: 95-99. R: Werner Thomas, Tocharische Maitreya-Parallelen aus Hami. Central Asiatic Journal 35: 317-320. R: Frederik Otto Lindeman, Studies in comparative Indo-European linguistics presented on the occasion of his 60th birthday March 3, 1996. Norsk Lingvistisk Tidsskrift 17: 327-330. R: Douglas Q. Adams, A dictionary of Tocharian B. Central Asiatic Journal^: 128-138.

Introduction: Werner Winter, ad multos annos}

This volume presents research to honor Werner Winter, a scholar whose career spans more than fifty years and covers a wide scope of activities in research, teaching, and editorial work. The wide scope of Winter' s linguistic interests was manifest in his early days already when he was a student at the University of Hamburg and later at the University of Bern, reading Comparative, African, Slavic, and Greek linguistics. He received his Ph.D. from the University of Bern in 1949 with a dissertation entitled Studien zum 'Prothetischen Vokal' im Griechischen. The years between his doctorate and his professorship at the University of Kiel were spent partly at the University of Hamburg (Lehrbeauftragter, 1950—1953), but chiefly at universities in the United States, the University of Kansas at Lawrence (Assistant Professor, 1953-1957) and the University of Texas at Austin (Associate Professor, 1957—1961/Full Professor, 1961 —1964). While in the United States he became interested in American Indian languages, supervising dissertations in the field and publishing then and later several American Indian texts (1963, 1998). Yet most publications from that period deal with topics in Indo-European linguistics. Winter then returned to Germany, where he held the chair of IndoEuropean and General Linguistics at the University of Kiel (1964-1992). While based in Kiel, he frequently returned to the United States, often as a visiting professor (Texas, UCLA, Berkeley, Yale, Stanford, Kansas), and spent time at various universities in Western and Eastern Europe (Copenhagen, Poznan, Kaliningrad). During this period he worked on topics in Indo-European and general linguistics as well as projects that had a practical application: analyses of Tocharian (1968, 1989, 1997), Armenian (1966, 1997), Yuman languages (1966, 1983, 1995), the languages of Nepal, studies on problems of translation (1964) and the relation between language and stylistics (1979), as well as - with his wife Ingrid and others books for the acquisition of German. Winter's activities also include consulting and voting memberships of various learned societies and national and international scholarly boards, such as the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, Alexander von Humboldtstiftung, and the Institut für deutsche Sprache. He was also Director of the

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Linguistic Survey of Nepal (1980-1984). Moreover he is a member of the Academia Europaea and the Finnish Academy. He developed a special interest in projects that aimed to increase the relation between Western and Eastern Europe, such as the collaboration between the universities of Poznan and Kiel. He is a founding member of the Societas Linguistica Europaea as well, of which he was Secretary (1966-1991) and President (1991-1992). Winter also has a long tradition of service as member of editorial boards or editor of linguistic journals, such as the Journal of Indo-European Studies, Quaderni Semantici, or Studies in Contrastive Linguistics. He may be renowned, however, for his work as editor of Trends in Linguistics, a series on comparative, general, and historical linguistics. This series, published by Mouton de Gruyter in Berlin, has now been in existence for more than thirty years. Winter's initial contribution was the editing of a volume of papers presented at a conference on laryngeals at the University of Texas at Austin in 1964; the volume was published by Mouton in The Hague (The Netherlands) in a series then called Janua Linguarum. Subsequently, the editor in chief of Mouton, Peter de Ridder, asked him to become editor of a new subseries of Janua Linguarum, to be called Series Critica, and later on in the 1970s to start Trends in Linguistics. When Mouton was acquired by Walter de Gruyter (1977) the series accordingly was transferred to Berlin, where it was further expanded. For a long time Trends in Linguistics, of which Winter has been the sole editor until recently, included three subseries, (a) State-of-the-Art Reports, a continuation of Series Critica, which no longer exists, (b) Documentation, which primarily provides systematic presentations of linguistic data, and (c) Studies and Monographs, which this year came out with its 142nd volume. Publications in this subseries typically discuss theoretical problems and approaches on the basis of empirical analyses, including cross-linguistic and language-specific as well as synchronic and diachronic data. Winter's analyses and editorial activities focus on data-oriented research that is the basis of further theoretical interpretations and often combines synchronic and diachronic analysis. Moreover, Winter aims to make languages accessible to the linguistic community that are not very well documented. The honoree's research covers the field of Indo-European and general linguistics and typically includes languages that are not very well known either because they are geographically distant, such as the languages of Nepal, or because they are remote in time, such as Tocharian, and until recently not very well documented.

Werner Winter, ad multos annos

xxv

Although Winter has published extensively on Indo-European linguistics and Armenian, his work on Tocharian may be best known. It is diverse and characterized by detailed analyses from a structuralist perspective of synchronic Tocharian evidence. It focuses on several phonological laws that are important for further interpretation of Tocharian data and traces the precise functioning and reconstruction of the verb system of Common Tocharian — revising hypotheses of the early grammars. His work also includes analysis of internal variants of Tocharian B on the basis of the origin of manuscripts and the metrical and non-metrical nature of the texts involved. Our understanding of many passages of Tocharian literature has greatly benefitted from Winter's forthright reading and expertise. Winter's achievements in linguistics and his contributions to enhance international contacts between linguists have been acknowledged by honorary degrees (University of Poznan 1984, University of Kaliningrad 2000), by honorary memberships of international learned societies (e. g. Linguistic Society of America, Linguistic Society of Nepal), and by several Festschriften, of which the one published in 1983 is perhaps best known. Today, twenty years later, this volume of linguistic studies is presented to honor him on the occasion of his 80th birthday, together with the warmest wishes of those who contributed to it. The title of the Festschrift, Language in Time and Space, reflects the width of his scholarship and of his linguistic contacts. Brigitte L. M. Bauer and Georges-Jean Pinault

Note 1. Acknowledgment: This Introduction owes much to the help of Ms Birgit Sievert, editor at Mouton de Gruyter, who provided useful information on the history of the publishing company.

Patterns of stress and rhythm in Tocharian B prosody Douglas Q. Adams

A very substantial portion of the Tocharian B literature that remains to us is poetical in form, very largely translations of poetry in Buddhist religious works originally composed in Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit1. These poems conform to a very strict metrical pattern first described by Sieg and Siegling (1921: x-xi) and succinctly paraphrased by Watkins (1999: 604): Its principle is syllable counting. A rhythm is present, but long and short syllables play no role. The caesura (word boundary at a fixed position) is mandatory. The four-line strophe is the rule; a single five-line strophe is found. Strophes are either even, with 4 isosyllabic lines, or less commonly uneven, with 4 lines of variable syllabic in length. ... It is clear ... that Tocharian verse lines are built on cola of from 4 to 8 syllables in length. My only addition to Sieg-Siegling would be to note that the 7-syllable colon commonly contains a break between 4 and 5, which I term hemicolon.

In the case of both Sieg and Siegling and Watkins, the focus of this description is Tocharian A but, insofar as it goes, it is at all points identical with what we find in Tocharian B. Watkins goes on to point out that (1999: 605): A number of phonological variables can be put into play to assure the correct colon length: high vowel syncope, -insertion, and vowel deletion or glide formation across word boundaries. Thus not only the Fremdvokal ä, but the other high vowels / and u may be syncopated.

Again this description is made with reference to Tocharian A but may be applied to Tocharian B as well. Impressionistically at least, Tocharian B allows fewer "distortions" of individual words than one finds in Tocharian A, but there are certainly instances of the deletion of an underlying ä in open stressed syllables and many instances of the failure to delete an unstressed word-final ä after a stressed syllable where it appears as a surface -o (the so-called bewegliches-o), e.g., accusative singular pernento 'glori-

2

Douglas Q. Adams

ous' beside regular pernent. Certainly, too, there are many instances of vowel deletion or glide-formation across word-boundaries. It is likely that some aspects of these prosodic patterns are particular to Tocharian. The Buddhist Hybrid Sanskrit (BHS) poetry of which the Tocharian poems are often translations, and almost always models, shows a rather different pattern. Both Tocharian and BHS poetry share the fourlined (occasionally five-lined) stanza as the basic unit. But BHS poetry is like Vedic Sanskrit (and Greek) poetry in that the line is defined by a rigid sequence of short and long syllables which are not arranged in a rigid number of syllables since two short syllables may substitute for a long or a single long for two short syllables (Edgerton 1946), i.e., a long syllable was two morae in length and thus the equivalent of two short syllables, each one mora in length. The Tocharian prosodic pattern may perhaps be truly indigenous or it may represent an adaptation of the BHS patterns to the phonological constraints of Tocharian where there was no underlying mora distinction in syllables. A typical example of Tocharian B prosody, in this case a poem in praise of the Buddha (Nr. 204 in the publication by Sieg and Siegling 1953, but actually discovered by a Japanese expedition), consists of a number of stanzas each consisting of four lines of fourteen syllables with a caesura after the seventh syllable and further breaks into feet (always with an accompanying wordbreak) after the fourth syllable in each colon (Watkins' hemicolori). Thus we have in schematic form: D D D | D D D || D D D D | D D D. Stanza 26,2 the first full stanza of this poem that remains in the fragmentary manuscript, is as follows (with the divisions between cola [||] and feet or hemicola [|] marked): se [= kuse] ksa pernenc \ onolmi || cem twe posa \ särkatai 'whoever [are] glorious beings, thou hast surpassed them in every respect.'3 pis-cmelassem \ onolmemts || pernernes sek \ spelkessu '[thou art] zealous always for the glory of [those] beings of the five-births.' saulanmasse \ pitosa || ce pernerne \ kraupätai 'at the cost of lives thou hast gathered this glory' tan pernerne \ saim yämos || pernenc ka po \ klautkäre '[those who have] made a refuge of thy glory, have all become glorious.'

This particular metrical pattern is both common and simple. Others may show considerably more complexity. Thus in the Udänälankära (Nr. 33 in the Berlin collection) we find a pattern of four-line stanzas consisting of

Patterns of stress and rhythm in Tocharian B prosody

3

20, 22, 10, and 15 syllables, with a rhythm, a: 5/5/5/5, b: 8/7/7, c: 5/5, d: 8/7, thus: DDDDD|DDDDD||DDDDD|DDDDD DDDDDDDD||DDDDDDD|DDDDDDD DDDDD||DDDDD nDDDDDDD||DDDDDDD

Text and translation of stanza 1 (B33a2-3): a] yetwe säsantse \ pelke samänne || sotri krentäntso4 \ soylne wewenu 'the jewel of the instruction, the udäna, the sign of the monk, [is] called the satisfaction of the good ones'. b] kuSe po tärkam enkalnanta [= enkalnenta] \\po past rintär wäntarwa \ pontäm krästäm kerketse(m) 'Whoever all entanglements releases, all things renounces, all fetters cuts off, c] palsko leleyu || po wäntarwamem '[has] cleansed [his] thought from all things', d] samännentse süke campäm || tak=anaisai karsatsi 'he can recognize indeed exactly the savor of monasticism',

Each combination of stanza-length, syllable count (and lines within a stanza need not be isosyllabic as with the example above), and division into cola and feet was given a name (sometimes apparently more than one name) and our texts are assiduous in always giving that name (the kene) as an introduction to the following stanza(s).5 However, it appears that these patterns are not the whole story for Tocharian B prosody. From the finds of the Pelliot expedition to Kucha before the First World War, Pinault (1987: 134-135) has published a onestanza poem which was written as an inscription on the wall of a grotto at Subashi. I give it below with an interlinear glossing and translation: a) salpem pis-cmela anityatse puwarsa burn [3.pi] five-births inconstancy-fire-in 'Those of the five births burn in the fire of inconstancy'. b) koyn kakäyas po kasäntassi käri po mouth [acc/sg] gaping [nom/pl] all filth- [nom/pl] holes [nom/pl] all 'all gaping their mouths, all holes of filth'. c) tästär pelaikne saulanmasa käryau se is-established law by lives bought which 'The law is established which is bought by lives'.

4

Douglas Q. Adams d) tneka preksau-me kä snai memtsi klämtsancer Thus-indeed ask [1/sg] you [pi]: why without care sleep [2/pl] 'Thus I ask you: why do you sleep without concern?'

As Pinault points out, the content is not terribly exciting from the historical point of view, being but a combination of Buddhist commonplaces, though it is only fair to point out that in the language of prayer, hymnody, or religious admonition (as here), novelty of content is not always desirable. The second half of the second line is not securely translated since the adjective kasäntasse is not attested elsewhere, but the translation does not affect anything to do with the prosody. The lines, cola, and feet of this poem take the general shape as follows: DDDDD||DDDD|DDD|| DaDDD||DDDDJDDD|| DDDDD||DDDD|DDD|| DDDDD||DDDD|DDD||

In what follows I take the reader through my reasoning for establishing the pattern of stressed and unstressed syllables in some detail. We can establish stressed and unstressed syllables because we know that in "Standard" Tocharian B at least where we have phonetic [a] from underlying /ä/, the syllable is stressed, and where /ä/ remains as [ä], it is unstressed; likewise, where we have phonetic [ä] from underlying /ä/, the syllable is stressed, and where /ä/ is [a] it is unstressed.6 It is also the case that one syllable of any word belonging to the "major" word classes (nouns, verbs, and adjectives) must be stressed and, at least for two-syllable words, only one (in longer words, particularly in compounds, we must allow the possibility of secondary stresses). Finally, it is also certain that each metrical foot (colon or hemicolon) must end in an unstressed syllable. With these certainties, the stressing pattern of this poem begins to take shape (1 = stressed syllable, 0 = unstressed syllable, D = as yet undecided as to stress): 10DDO||DD10|100|| 1 0 1 0 01| 0 1 0 0 | 1 0 0 || 1 0 D D O || 0 1 0 0 ( 0 1 0 || DDDDOlllDlOlOlOll

Patterns of stress and rhythm in Tocharian B prosody

5

Even with a good many blank spaces in the chart, it is clear that the rhythmic pattern of stressed syllables is not random. With regard to its non-randomness we note that the final feet or hemicola in the first two lines are dactyls (1 0 0) while in the last two lines they are amphibrachs (0 1 0). We can make further refinements by making a few more assumptions. In line one piscmela is probably pis-cmela since, if it were accented on the first member of the compound, we would expect *pisa-cmela. In line three pelaikne is almost certainly pelaikne rather than *pelaikne, while in line four the preposition snai is almost surely unstressed relative to the following noun. Adding these suppositions to our grid gives us the following: 1 0 0 1 0 || D D 1 0 | 1 0 0 || 1 0 1 0 0 U 0 1 0 0 I 1 0 0 || 10010||0100|010|| DDDDO||1010|010||

Of the remaining two feet, the middle foot in the first line is either 0 0 1 0 or 1 0 1 0 . Since nowhere else in the poem does a metrical unit (foot or colon) begin with two unstressed syllables, the second possibility may be more likely. That would mean that there was some kind of secondary stress on the first syllable of anity tse (separated as it is by one syllable from the syllable bearing the main stress). The first foot of the fourth line is also difficult to pin down. Tneka might be either tneka (the surface manifestation of/t nek /) or tneka (the surface manifestation of/t nek /): both -k and -k exist as strengthening particles. Here the first possibility, tneka, seems intuitively more likely but hardly assured. Preksau-me is perhaps preksau-me, rather than preksau-me, though evidence for accent shift in the first person singular (as opposed to the third persons where evidence is plentiful) in this type of present is essentially non-existent. If we have preksau-me, then the foot is 1 0 0 1 0, if preksau-me, then 1 0 1 0 0 . Optimal regularity is gained by assuming preksau-me.1 The stress pattern for the entire poem would then be: 1 0 0 1 0 || 10 10| 100||

ι ο ι ο ο ι ο ι ο ο 11 ο ο | 1 00 1 0|| 0 1 0 0 |0 1 0|| 10 1 0 0 II 1 0 1 0 I 01 O i l

6

Douglas Q. Adams

If we give each different kind of foot an alphabetic designation, we can show the pattern more readily perhaps as: a d a d

b e e b

c c f f

Each "column" shows two cola of different stress patterns, with all three "columns" showing a different pattern grouping of the two kinds of cola they contain (i. e., adad, beeb, ccff). This kind of prosodic construction is unfamiliar to me, and unfamiliar to the creative writing faculty in my department, both writers of poetry and historians of it, to whom I showed it. Nor is it like anything I can find in (an admittedly inexhaustive) survey of the literature on prosody in general or, more particularly on Greek or Latin prosody (though unlike the classical languages, Tocharian is clearly a language with strong expiratory stress and thus Greek and Latin prosodic models might not be very germane). Nor is it known to Calvert Watkins (p. c.). Even if it were confined to this one poem, I do not think the pattern seen here is a fluke — it is far too regular.8 In any case, the pattern seen here does not seem to be altogether singular. Another wall inscription, Nr. 298 in the Berlin collection, whose stressed and unstressed syllables I have tried to discern, shows a similar pattern. arai srukalyne cisa nta kca mä präskau death over thee I do not fear anything;' pontas srukelle kä nis seske tan präskau '[there will be] death for all. Why do I alone fear thee?' s = ärai ni palsko cisa präskau ponftj prekenne 'This alas [is] my thought: I fear thee at all times'. twe nke kalatar-n apis wärnai nreyentane 'Nevertheless, thou wilt bring me to the Avici, etc., hells'.

With the following structure of lines, cola, and feet: DDDDD||DDDD|DDD DDDDD||DDDD|DDD DDDDD||DDDD|DDDD DDDDDllDDDDDDDD

Patterns of stress and rhythm in Tocharian B prosody

1

I'll spare the reader the details of the reconstruction, and the evidence is not as conclusive in this case, but the following pattern seems likely: a d d a?

b e e? b?

c c f f

A third example is provided by the love poem (Nr. 496), of which part of the first and second (and only?) two stanzas are attested (restorations and punctuation largely after Krause and Thomas [1964: 72], the translation is largely an adaptation of Thomas 1953): Ic

d

2a

b

c

Ma ni cisa nos somo mm wnolme lore täka, mä ra postam cisa lore mäskelär-n. 'Before was no man-named being more dear to me than thee; nor later is there anyone dearer than thee'. Cisse laraumne cisse ärtanye pelke kalttarr solämpa sse. Mä te stalle sol-wär nai. 'Love for thee, passion for thee, is breath together with life. This will not shrivel as long as we live'. Taiysu pälskanoym: sanai saryompa säyau karttses saulu-wärnai snai tserekwa snai täte. 'So would I think, "with a single loved one I will live well, lifelong without deceptions or lassitude" '.9 Yämor Nikte se cau mpalskalne sarsa. Tusa ysaly ersate, cisy arafmjs ni sälkäte. 'The Deed-God alone has known this my thought. Therefore he has evoked strife and torn out my heart [which belongs] to you.' Wäya ci lauke, tsyära nis wetke, klyautka-n pake po läklentafmjs. Cise tsärwo sampate-n. 'He has led thee afar, separated me [from thee], and made me share all sufferings. Thy joy has he taken away from me'.

The metrical structure looks like this: DDDDD|DDDDGDD||DDDDDD|DDDDDDD DDDDD|DDDaDaa||DDDDDD|DDDDDDD DDaDD|aDDDDDa||DDaDaD|DDDDaDD DDDDD|DDDDDDnj|DDDDDD|DDDDDDD

The clues for stressed and unstressed syllables are plentiful in this poem and thus it is relatively easy to fill in the grid (a few indeterminate syllables

8

Douglas Q. Adams

are represented by an "x"). I have noted word-boundaries, other than those already noted by the divisions into cola and feet, by commas. Ic Id 2a 2b 2c

1, 0, 1 Ο, χ | 1 0, 1, 1 0, 1 0 || 1 0, 1, 0, 1 0 | 1 0, 1 0, 0 1 0 1 0, 0 1 0 | 1 0, 1 0 0, 1 0 || 1 0, 1 Ο Ο, χ | 1, 0, 1 0, 1 0 0 1 0, 0 1 0 | 1 0, 1 0 0, 1 0 S 1 0, 0 1 0 0 | x, 0 1 0, x, 1 0 1 0, 1 0, x | x, 1, 1 0 0, 1 0 || 1 0, 1, 1 0 0 | 1, 0 1, x, 0 1 0 1 0, x, 1 0 I 1 0, x, 1 0, 1 0 || 1 0, x, 0 1 0 | 1 0, 1 0, 0 1 0

One should note that Ic and 2c look to be identical except for the first foot, suggesting strongly that the patterns of one stanza are largely those of the other as well. One notes also that there is always a word-boundary after the second syllable of the first, second, and third feet and after the fifth syllable of the second foot and the fourth syllable of the last foot. When we look as before for patterns of metrically identical feet we find the following (non-repeating feet are denoted by "x"): Ic Id 2a 2b 2c

c a a c χ

χ b b χ χ

χ x x χ χ

b d b b b

This picture may be clearer if we create a single hypothetical stanza out of the two partial extant stanzas: a c x/c a

b χ χ b

x χ χ x

b b b d

The pattern of repetitions is rather different here than in the two previous examples. The third foot is "free" (i.e., it never repeats) and the same is true for the second foot in lines b and c (and perhaps for the first foot in those two lines as well: given the disagreement of 2c, the agreement of 2b and Ic may be accidental). However, even here the freedom is constrained a bit. The first and third feet always open with a trochee (1 0), and the second always closes with one. With regard to the stricter pattern of repetitions, the opening and closing lines of the stanza (a and d) are identical in their first halves. The final foot or cadence of the first three lines repeats the metrical shape of the second foot of the first and last lines, balancing the two halves of the line, while the final foot of the last line is different, signifying, one supposes, the end of both the line and the stanza.

Patterns of stress and rhythm in Tocharian B prosody

9

The evidence, then, tells us there are two types of prosodic structures in Tocharian B. One might be styled as syllable-and-cola counting where cola and hemicola are made up of fixed numbers of syllables but which are indifferent to the stress of syllables. The second is more elaborate in that there are the same restrictions on syllables and cola but there is also the use of the distinction of stressed and unstressed syllables in complex patterns that remind one rather of the complex rime-scheme of a sonnet. Not surprisingly the second type seems to be found only in poems of one or two stanzas. Whatever the proportion of inherited and borrowed prosodic patterns, the Tocharian poet had at his disposal a poetic tradition technically as rich and elaborated as his contemporary in distant Ireland. Indeed, the best parallel that I have found for the interplay of stress and rhythm of the second type of Tocharian meter is the rimed syllabic verse of Old Irish, particularly as seen in Becän mac Luigdech's Fi reir Choluimb cein ad-fias (described by Watkins, 1995: 121 -125). The basic metrical pattern of this twenty-four stanza poem is a four-line stanza composed of lines of seven syllables with a caesura after the fourth syllable (i.e., 4 || 3) with lineinternal alliteration. That is the pattern of the first stanza and of the sixth through twenty-fourth. However, the second through fifth stanzas show the following patterns (with " + " marking the presence of line-internal alliteration and " —" its absence): 2

5 || 2

3 4 5

61| 1 + 61| 1 5 || 2 +

-

Becän is ringing in the changes so to speak on the basic pattern in a way reminiscent of the manner the anonymous poet of Subashi plays with stress and rhythm. Like Becän's poem, the Subashi wall-inscription is an "acrostic tour de force, a paradigm of the art of the syllable" (Watkins, 1995: 125). The technical skill of the Indo-European poetic tradition was in full flower at both its eastern and western margins.

Notes 1. An earlier version of this paper was read before the Linguistics Department of the University of California. I am grateful for the feedback provided. I am also grateful to Georges Pinault for certain improvements to my translations of the Tocharian poetry. Any errors of course are my own.

10

Douglas Q. Adams

2. Stanzas, even a single stanza that comprises an entire poem, are almost invariably numbered in Tocharian B texts. 3. This particular poem is also fragmentarily attested in a second manuscript, B 203. In this manuscript the first line of stanza 26 is somewhat different than in the version recorded in B 204 but is shows the same metrical pattern (with restorations added and spelling silently emended): kuse ksa pernenc \ saissene || twe no po cem \ särkatai 'whoever [are] glorious in the world, thou however has surpassed all of them.' 4. Metri causa if you will for usual krentänts. 5. There are two schools of thought concerning the nature of the kene. Sieg and Siegling (1921), followed by Krause and Thomas (1964), assume that they are the names of meters pure and simple. Winter (1955), on the other hand, assumes that they are the names of tunes (each of which of course would contain a metrical pattern as one of its inherent features) and thus that these poems were designed to be sung rather than recited. Winter's view is certainly the more probable. See also Pinault (1989a: 17-19), who is in agreement with Winter that Tocharian verses were sung and who characterizes Tocharian verse as "ä la fois numerique et accentuel: nombre de syllables dans chaque vers (pädd) de la strophe, et groupes rythmiques, sans interventions de la quantite syllabique." In the same year (1989b: 203-213) he shows the close relationship which exists between the introductory verse formulas of Tocharian drama and the popular Buddhist (sung) literary genre, the bian-wen, in Chinese. Watkins (1999) is right to insist that Tocharian B kene reflects a PIE *konos 'song' (with analogical o-grade) from *kan- 'sing'. 6. Likewise graphic and are sometimes used to denote the longer stressed variant of l\l and /u/. The notation in this way of stressed /i/ and /u/ is facultative and no examples occur in this particular poem. 7. Though the argument is circular, it seems appropriate to allow the clearly emerging pattern of the poem as a whole to decide between preksau-me and preksau-me. 8. And note the ease with which the poet plays with other phonetic figures - the internal rime, at the end of each colon, of each line (-al-a, -ol-o, -e/-e, with the rime "with a difference", i. e., -el-er, at the end of the last line to demarcate it from others) and the not-quite-classically-alliterative repetition of k's in the fourth line, p's in the first line, and the canonical alliteration of k's in the second. Not all the phonological connections are "horizontal," i.e., within a line. Some are "vertical." Notice the initial sibilants of the last syllable of the second foot: -se, -si, -sa, -si, the initial k- of the last foot in lines b, c, and d, the te-, p(r)e-, -nlme uniting the first feet of lines c and d. Some of these phonological connections may well be accidental, but it is certainly the case that this one-stanza poem is an exceedingly carefully crafted piece even if the ideas expressed are not novel. 9. The reading täte (rather than none) is assured by Pinault (p. c.), as is the meaning. He suggests an etymological connection with Latin adfatim andfatlgare and tentatively reconstructs the Tocharian preform as *dhH-to- or *dhoH-to-.

Patterns of stress and rhythm in Tocharian B prosody

11

References Edgerton, Franklin 1946 Meter, phonology, and orthography in Buddhist hybrid Sanskrit. Journal of the American Oriental Society 66: 197-206. Krause, Wolfgang and Werner Thomas 1964 Tocharisches Elementarbuch. Band II. Texte und Glossar. Heidelberg: Winter. Pinault, Georges 1987 Epigraphie koutcheenne. In: Chao Huashan, Simone Gautier, Monique Maillard, and Georges Pinault (eds.), Sites divers de la region de Koutcha, 61-196. (Mission Paul Pelliot, Documents Archeologiques, VII.) Paris: College de France. 1989a Introduction au tokharien. LALIES, Actes des sessions de linguistique et de litterature. Paris: Presses de l'Ecole Normale Superieure. 1989b Une version koutcheenne de l'Agganna-sutta. Tocharian and IndoEuropean Studies 3: 149—220. Sieg, Emil and Wilhelm Siegling 1921 Tocharische Sprachreste. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. 1953 Tocharische Sprachreste, Sprache B, Heft 2: Fragmente Nr. 71—633. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht. Thomas, Werner 1953 Ein tocharischer Liebesbrief. Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung 71: 78-80. Watkins, Calvert 1995 How to Kill a Dragon: Aspects of Indo-European Poetics. Oxford: Oxford University Press. 1999 Questions of syntax and meter in Tocharian. In: H. Eichner, H. C. Luschützky, and V. Sadovski (eds.), Compositiones Indogermanicae in Memoriam Jochem Schindler, 601—614. Praha: enigma corporation. Winter, Werner 1955 Some aspects of 'Tocharian' drama: Form and techniques. Journal of the American Oriental Society 75: 26—35.

Old Irish masu 'if is' and similar forms Anders Ahlqvist

Old Irish masu 'if [it] is' consists of the conjunction ma 'if, together with a form of the third singular present indicative is of the copula,1 followed by -M, -o. The origin of this vowel is intended to be the main finding of this note. It is found in a few forms, namely when ma 'if is followed by a third singular, as in masu, or a plural present indicative form of the copula, .i. matu. This pattern also applies to ce, da 'although' when followed by the same forms of the copula. Thurneysen's standard reference grammar of Old Irish (1946: 484) provides a paradigm and a few comments: Combined with ce, cia 'although' and ma, mä 'if the forms of the third person are: Sg. cesu ciasu, ceso ciaso mas(s)u (masu), maso

PI. cetu, ceto ciato matu

These forms lenite (§ 233, Id). The apparently suffixed -u, -o may have been taken over from besu, -o 'is perhaps' (§ 804).2

It seems obvious that Thurneysen himself3 was not very impressed by these rather weakly motivated analogies. For his part, Pedersen (1913: 217-218; cp. Schrijver 1994: 177) preferred to describe the -u as a manifestation of a relative ending like the -e of cretite 'who believe':4 Eine ältere Form des suffigierten Elementes ist in ce-t-o, ce-t-u Obgleich sind', ma-t-u 'wenn sind' und in den entsprechenden Singularformen ce-s-o, ce-s-u, ma-s-o, ma-s-u erhalten.

However, it may reasonably be objected that there is no functional or semantic reason why a relative form should be found here. Thus, I am not surprised to find that, fairly recently, McCone (1994: 138) has described the -u of masu 'if is' as being "de bhunus doileir" Of obscure origin'. Nevertheless, I believe that Thurneysen (1946: 485) has provided an important clue as to the origin of the forms in questions. Discussing the corresponding negative forms, he states:

14

Anders Ahlqvist After ce-ni- 'although not' and ma-ni- 'unless' the 3 sg. is cenid, cinid (cinith) and manid; the -d is the same as that of § 426.

This paragraph of Thurneysen's (1946: 268-269) deals with da 'although' and ma/ma 'if, in these terms: Where the conjunctions cia 'although' and mä 'if (neg. ceni, mani) are used with an indicative verbal form without infixed pronoun, leniting d (id) is infixed, supported where necessary by no (§410 c).5

Two examples will suffice for the purposes of the argument at hand:6 Ce no-d-chosmailigetar 'although they are alike'

and manid· chretid 'unless ye believe'

The crucial point is that the particle -(i)d- is only found when the verbal form is in the indicative. Since an identical rule also applies to the elements added to the copula forms found after the same conjunctions, it seems reasonable to assume that, although different in phonological shape, the -o -u of affirmative indicative copula forms, on the one hand, and the -(i)d- of both negative copula forms and all other verbs, on the other hand, may originally have had at least rather similar, if not actually quite identical functions. At this point, a few words about the origin of -(i)d- may therefore be in order. Although Thurneysen (1946: 268—269) deals with it in conjunction with forms of the infixed pronoun, he is not explicit about any connection between these forms and those infixed pronouns that contain a dental. However, there are certain facts that speak in favour of such a connection. Thus, after ma and da, when an infixed pronoun is required by the context, it may take the form -(i)d-, as in d asid-roilliset 'though they have deserved it' and manid·tarti 'unless he has given it' (Thurneysen 1946: 269). In other words, -(i)d-, either infixed pronoun or indicative particle, is not repeated. Also, it is quite clear that the dental part of the infixed pronoun originally was no pronoun. A comparison between the dental-less Class A pronouns and those (i. e. Class B and C) with a dental reveals this quite clearly: see the paradigms listed by Thurneysen (1946: 259-260), but note that although containing a dental, Class B pronouns

Old Irish masu 'if is' and similar forms

15

are by him (1946: 286) considered as deriving "from another pronoun of the 3rd person, the Indo-European demonstrative stem to- t -." However, Watkins (1963: 26-27) has shown that such an assumption is not necessary, and argued that an enclitic *de was behind both Class B and C.7 Class C pronouns are mostly found in relative clauses, but Watkins (1963: 26) has also demonstrated that this enclitic *de originally had nothing to do with relativity. He (1963: 28) further argues, very convincingly, that, "for a comparable form in other Indo-European languages, it is impossible not to think at once of Greek δε." Schrijver (1997: 131) agrees, adding (1997: 140) the following proposal regarding the original function of *de in Irish: *de accompanying a deictic pronoun indicated that the pronoun does not refer to a person or thing in the immediate linguistic or conceptual vicinity but to a previously expressed or conceived person or thing.

To me, that sounds quite acceptable. Accordingly, it may be further assumed that *de had lost much of its semantic and functional load when forming part of an infixed pronoun. After ma 'if and da 'although', on the other hand, together with a verb in the indicative, it must have served to reinforce the force of that mood, as indicating an action that is not subject to the restrictions (Thurneysen 1946: 329—335) implicit in the other moods. In the context of the conjunctions mentioned, it seems to me to have acquired the function of indicating that the action referred to, in the clauses introduced by them, had - in Schrijver's (1997: 140) terms - been "previously expressed or conceived", thus belonging to the indicative domain by virtue of being accepted as known. Strachan (1900: 412) has dealt with this felicitously, when translating one of the most important examples he lists of -(i)d- used after ma 'if and da 'although': ar da sluindid (subjunctive) briathar persin, ni fris aricht fri slond persine, act is fri slond gnimo persine principaliter aricht, cenud sluindi persin consequenter, "for though a verb express person, it was not invented for that, to express person; but it was invented principaliter to express action of person, though it does (as a matter of fact) express person consequenter'''. Sg. 197*11.8

Here 'as a matter of fact' serves exactly, if a trifle verbosely, to express the meaning and function of -(i)d-. It thus remains to find another element with a similar meaning that may fulfil a similar function in respect of the form that came to be the

16

Anders Ahlqvist

final vowel of masu 'if is' and related forms. From the point of view of both form and function, an element with a back vowel or u would of course be best. Pokorny (1969: 884) gives a list of adverbs derived from "der Stamm sue- in Partikeln für ,so' woraus ,wie' und ,wenn'". This has left many traces in various Indo-European languages, notably English so, but Pokorny (1969: 884) also lists "alat. sö-c ,so' (kann aus *suö entwickelt sein)". Given that forms like masu 'if is' etc. cause lenition, something like *suo seems like a possible proto-form, to give them their final vowel. Semantically, 'so' fits quite nicely. In English, it is found in many adverbial and other similar phrases. Sykes (1976: 1086) paraphrases it as follows: "Accordingly, consequently, therefore, as appears or results from preceding or implied statements or fact." The suitability of such a particle in the same context as an indicative seems quite clear. Indeed, it must be added that the context of da 'although' and ma 'if is particularly relevant, since these conjunctions (Thurneysen 1946: 558-562) can be found with fairly different functions, depending on whether the subjunctive or the indicative is used, so that the need for differentiating clearly between indicative and subjunctive forms seems well motivated. Finally, it seems appropriate to add that Old-Irish usage, as we observe it in the documents available to us, is to a large extent the result of processes of grammaticalisation, that became fixed in the grammar of Old Irish, as a result of univerbation, notably so in the verbal system. In other words, elements that previously had a certain optionality of use and freedom of position, when functioning as syntactic constituents, became paradigmatically fixed, when forming part of a morphological pattern.

Notes 1. A discussion of the differences between the copula and the so-called substantive verb is outside the scope of this article, except insofar as to point out that the copula is an unstressed proclitic (Thurneysen 1946: 483-494); otherwise, there are functional and semantic similarities with Spanish ser and estar 'to be'. 2. About this, Thurneysen (1946: 488) explains that in "beso, -u the final vowel may have been taken from negative bes nipo, nipu ['perhaps was not']". 3. It is worth noting that the original German version of Thurneysen's (1909: 434) grammar lacks this attempted analogy. It may therefore be the case that it derives from the translators, rather than Thurneysen himself. 4. Without it, cretit means 'they believe'.

Old Irish masu 'if is' and similar forms

17

5. This particle, which carries no meaning of its own, has the function of supporting an infixed pronoun or the like (see Thurneysen 1946: 256-257, 348). 6. See Strachan (1900) for a full collection of such forms. 7. This remains controversial (see Schrijver [1997: 132-138] for interesting arguments against). 8. This example is from the great St. Gall collection of Old-Irish glosses on Priscian's Latin grammar (see Stokes and Strachan 1903: 188).

References McCone, Kim 1994 An tSean-Ghaeilge agus a Reamhstair [Old Irish and its prehistory]. In: Kim McCone, Damian McManus, Cathal 0 Häinle, Nicholas Williams, and Liam Breatnach (eds.), Stair na Gaeilge [The history of Irish], 61-219. Maynooth: Department of Old Irish, St. Patrick's College. Pedersen, Holger 1913 Vergleichende Grammatik der keltischen Sprachen II. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht. Pokorny, Julius 1969 Indogermanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Bern/München: Francke. Schrijver, Peter 1994 The Celtic adverbs for 'against' and 'with' and the early apocope of *-i. Eriu45: 151-189. 1997 Studies in the History of Celtic Pronouns and Particles. Maynooth: The Department of Old Irish. Stokes, Whitley and John Strachan 1903 Thesaurus Palaeohibernicus. II. Repr. Dublin 1975: Institute for Advanced Studies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Strachan, John 1900 Infixed -d- in conditional sentences in Old Irish. Revue celtique 21: 412-421. Sykes, John B. 1976 The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Thurneysen, Rudolf 1909 Handbuch des Alt-Irischen. I. Teil. Grammatik. Heidelberg: Winter. 1946 A Grammar of Old Irish. Revised and Enlarged Edition with Supplement. Translated from the German by D. A. Binchy and Osborn Bergin. Dublin: Institute for Advanced Studies. Watkins, Calvert 1963 Preliminaries to a historical and comparative analysis of the syntax of the Old Irish Verb. Celtica 6: 1 -49.

On bifurcations and the Germanic consonant shifts Henning Andersen

0.

Bifurcations

The notion of "bifurcation" has become known among Germanic and Indo-European linguists mainly thanks to Theo Vennemann's bold reinterpretation of the Germanic and High German consonant shifts (1984, 1985, and later) and the lively debates it occasioned in the nineteen-eighties and 'nineties (see Stevens 1998, Schwerdt 2000). By most scholars in these fields, perhaps, the term bifurcation is simply identified with Vennemann's hypothetical account of the Grimm correspondences. In this birthday greeting to my friend Werner I would like to return to the original conception of bifurcating changes, to urge once more the theoretical importance of the notion, and to show how it remains relevant to the interpretation of the Germanic consonant shifts even, or especially, when these are defined in traditional terms. When the notion of bifurcating changes was first launched, it was used explicitly in three interrelated senses (Andersen 1974). First of all, it was presented as an analytic tool. Just as one can shed light on a given historical change by comparing it with parallel changes (in other languages or at other times) or with changes that proceed in the opposite direction (counter-parallels), so it is potentially fruitful to exame any given change from the point of view of its logical alternative(s), that is, as part of a bifurcation, actual or virtual. To take a few examples, the palatalization of velars that yields the c and j of Italian cento and gente forms a parallel (in essentials) to the Slavic First Velar Palatalization (k g χ > c z s). Diphthongizations (e. g., u > ou) and monophthongizations (e. g., ou > u) are examples of counter-parallels, just as are lenitions and fortitions. The modern reflexes of the Old Bosnian-Serbian-Croatian front vowels /', e, ε (traditionally, «/, e, e») in different dialects in (1) show the results of several bifurcations: (i) no change vs. change (0 vs. 1); (ii) diphthongization οι e vs. none (1.1 vs. 1.2); (iii) merger of e with ε or with / (1.1.1 vs. 1.1.2). Thus, all dialects have i in mina 'mine' and ε in meda [mej-a] 'boundary', but corresponding to Serbian mera [mera] 'measure', Croatian has mira, Bosnian has mjera, and a few isolated, archaic dialects have [mera] or [miera]; see Ivic (1958: 121).

20

Henning Andersen

(1)

0. 1.1. l .2. l. l .2.2.

Archaic dialect /i : ie : ε/: /mina/, /rmera/, /meda/ Bosnian /i : je : ε/: /mina/, /mjera/, Serbian /i : ε = ε/: /mina/, /ni8ra/, Croatian /i = i : ε/: /mina/, /mira/,

Secondly, such logically alternative changes are widely manifested in the histories of individual languages, where they typically give rise to dialect differences, as just shown. As a consequence, the isoglosses of any dialect area, if they are analysed as bifurcations, can yield valuable information about the structural relations and their manifestations at the time the given isoglosses arose. This is what the Germanic consonant changes will show that will be examined below. In addition to bifurcating changes that are reflected in language particular isoglosses, though, it is important to recognize that logically alternative developments may be attested in different languages or periods; such changes too can and should be analysed as bifurcations. Thirdly, since historical bifurcations arise in the transmission of language and have their origin in speakers' divergent reanalyses of observed speech data, the study of bifurcating changes offers insight into the analytic decisions language learners make in the process of acquisition. In general terms, bifurcating changes reflect the types of decision language learners make. In each individual bifurcation, we can infer, in addition, the language particular premisses that formed the basis for the decision that produced the given historical reanalysis. These points were made and illustrated with examples of phonological and lexical change in Andersen (1974) and with morphophonemic and morphological changes in Andersen (1980). Briefly stated, the notion of bifurcating changes is of considerable methodological value (i) because it prompts us to pose questions to our data we might not otherwise pose, (ii) because bifurcations correspond to the phylogenetic reality of dialect divergence, and (iii) because they reflect the ontogenetic reality of analytic decisions speakers make in the process of language acquisition.

1. Protensity, lenition, and fortition In discussions of changes in the relations between tenues (/?/A>obstruents) and mediae (6i/g-obstruents), such as the changes to be discussed below, it is important to distinguish between phonemic voicing and phonemic protensity (Andersen 1969; Iverson and Salmons 1995).

On bifurcations and the Germanic consonant shifts

21

Tenues and mediae that are opposed in terms of voicing form privative (contradictory) oppositions based on the absence (in tenues) and presence (in mediae) of voicing. In languages with phonemic voicing, tenues are typically unaspirated, and mediae, fully voiced; and tenues and mediae differ little in force of articulation (make practically identical palatogram impressions) and occasion little or no variation in duration in contiguous segments. Protensity, on the other hand, is essentially a timing feature (Jakobson and Halle 1971: 554; Jakobson and Waugh 1979: 138). Obstruents that differ in protensity form gradient (contrary) oppositions. Phonemic protensity is typically implemented with a combination of articulatoryperceptual features, often different features or feature combinations in complementary environments. In English, for instance, before a tonic vowel, tenues are articulated with greater force than mediae, they are aspirated and hence longer than mediae, and partial voicing in mediae is an important subsidiary cue. But when a sonorant intervenes, tenues lack aspiration, and their greater protensity is signaled mainly by a delayed voice onset that leaves the sonorant voiceless. After a tonic vowel, tenues are typically unaspirated, indeed unreleased, and may be preglottalized. The hold of corresponding mediae has greater absolute duration, but the abridgement of the preceding syllable peak (or better, the temporal compression of the segment(s) of the syllable peak) before tenuis ensures that also in this environment, tenues are longer in relation to the contiguous syllabic than are mediae. Kohler (1984) and Iverson and Salmons (1995) offer discussions of the rich articulatory means available to implement the relative-timing opposition of phonemic protensity: force of articulation, voice onset time, voice offset time, (passive) voicing, aspiration (pre- and post-), glottalization (pre- and post-); abridgement (compression) or protraction of a contiguous syllabic or of obstruents contiguous to a longer or shorter syllabic. Kohler (1984) contains an especially useful account of the coordinated interaction of the three valves - glottal, velopharyngeal, and oral - that serve to implement the distinctive differences in timing. However, the fact that protensity is typically implemented with a combination of articulatory gestures, and with different gesture combinations in complementary environments, means that this phonological feature cannot be reduced to any single such gesture (combination). Attempts to reduce protensity to "± voice" (the tradition) or "fortis-lenis" (Kohler) or "± spread glottis" (Iverson and Salmons) miss the mark entirely. In discussions of consonant shifts, a correct understanding of protensity is essential, for consonant shifts originate as subphonemic innovations

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in timing that modify the realization of phonemic protensity by increasing or reducing the duration of primary-source (glottal) and/or secondarysource (buccal) features of tenues and/or mediae. Unless one recognizes that the diverse articulatory means with which timing relations can be signaled are functionally equivalent, one can hardly grasp the role of the allophonic innovations that occur in the historical transmission of protensity oppositions, and which from time to time lead to their reanalysis.

2. Preaspiration and preglottalization in North Germanic The aim of the exposition in Andersen (1974) dictated that all the phonological examples of bifurcation changes offered there involved reanalysis on the phonemic level. However, bifurcations can be observed or inferred also on the subphonemic level, in the very process by which allophonic features come to be established in a language. This is not surprising, for allophonic features too arise through reanalysis, not of existing regularities in usage, but of the natural fluctuation (free variation) in the realization of speech sounds that may by interpreted as regular and hence come to be rule-governed (Andersen 1989). A good example of this is the development of preaspiration and preglottalization in different North Germanic dialects at the beginning of the last millennium. In Icelandic and some other dialects of the North Atlantic and northern Scandinavia, geminate tenues and tenuis first members of ambisyllabic consonant clusters came to be preaspirated. In Western Jutish (Danish) dialects, in very similar environments, tenuis plosives became preglottalized. See (2). (2)

0. 1.1. 1.2.

NGmc. *pp *tt *kk Icel. /pp tt cc kk/ [h£ hd h£ hg] WJut./'p't'k/[ ? b ?d ?g]

Icelandic preaspiration has been the object of a fair amount of scholarly attention, in part because preaspiration is somewhat uncommon in the world of languages, in part because it is found not only in North Germanic dialects, but also in the neighboring Saamic languages to the east and in Scots Gaelic to the (south)west. Some scholars have sought to explain North Germanic preaspiration as a result of influence from a pre-

On bifurcations and the Germanic consonant shifts

23

Germanic substratum. Others have suggested that North Germanic may have been the (adstratum) source of preaspiration in Saamic and Gaelic (Liberman 1982, Salmons 1992, Hansson 2001). Western Jutish preglottalization has attracted less attention. But some scholars who have noted the apparently similar conditioning of the two phenomena have wondered whether preaspiration developed from preglottalization, or it was the other way around (Ringgaard 1960, Hansson 2001). However, if one looks at these innovations as possible parts of a bifurcation, it is immediately obvious that each is the logical alternative to the other. In articulatory terms, preaspiration requires an open glottis, whereas preglottalization requires a glottal closure. In functional terms they are equivalent: both are ways of implementing the greater protensity of tenues than of their media counterparts. Note that (post-vocalic) preaspiration and preglottalization in these languages are in complementary distribution with (pre-vocalic) postaspiration. Add to this that in both cases, aspiration contiguous to a following or preceding vowel corresponds to voicelessness in any sonorant that intervenes between tenuis and vowel or vowel and tenuis. The similarities between these languages highlight the contrast between the two glottal features. Table 1. The progression (a) of preaspiration and voice loss in sonorants and (b) of preglottalization a. Icelandic

Earlier

Later

Contiguous segments

in/ in liquids in sonorants

in r in nasals after vowel

b. American English

Earlier

Later

Contiguous segments

after vowel after nasal after /

after sonorant after liquid after r

Apparently they develop by different stages; cf. Table 1. Hansson (2001) presents evidence that sonorant devoicing precedes the development of post-vocalic preaspiration; r is devoiced earlier than / (and / earlier before t than before p, k), and liquids lose voice earlier than nasals. In Western Jutish, preglottalization is attested more widely after vowel than after sonorant. In English, which like Western Jutish has postaspiration before a

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Henning Andersen

tonic vowel and is developing preglottalization after tonic syllables, preglottalization develops earlier after vowel than after sonorant and earlier after nasal than after liquid, that is, in the opposite order of preaspiration (Andersen 2002). Why then did these dialects develop diametrically different ways of signaling greater protensity in geminate tenues? To answer this question, we must begin by noting that in Icelandic, the introduction of preaspiration in syllable-closing tenues has been accompanied by a total loss of voicing in mediae in the same environment. In intervocalic position, for instance, Icelandic distinguishes /k g kk gg/ as [kh g hg g:]: baka [baikha] 'bake', laga [larga] 'fix', hakka [hahga] 'chop', vagga [vag:a] 'cradle'. In other words, the timing of buccal and glottal signals has been shifted, resulting in a reduction in sonority. In Western Jutish, by contrast, such oppositions have only been partly maintained due to an increase in sonority. Here preglottalization entailed a shortening of tenuis and media geminates both, but while the preglottalized tenues remained plosives, the mediae were opened to frictionless continuants, merging with the reflexes of postvocalic *p *t *k. The Western Jutish reflexes of North Germanic *k *g *kk *gg are now [γ w ?g γ]: b .y Π?ο:γ] 'bake', law [law] 'make', ty'k [thy?g] 'thick; pi.', ΐβγ [1Η0γ] 'chew' (Standard Danish bage, lave, tykke, tygge). The larger contexts of the changes enable us to see that preaspiration was consistent with the West Nordic fortition changes that shifted fricatives to stops in several environments ( n > bn\ l > bl; γι > gn; Id > Id; ly > Ig) and geminate sonorants to stop + sonorant (nn, rn > dn; II, rl > dl); see Hansson (2001: 164). Preglottalization, on the other hand, was consistent with the development of lenition in Danish (* * *γ > w j/0 wlj\ *p *t *k > b d g > β ο γ), which got under way no later than 1100 (Skautrup 1939: 228-235). The major point to be noted here is that when preaspiration and preglottalization were innovated, they arose as allophonic features. In the respective dialects, they came to serve as primary cues for protensity (in the given environments) only as a consequence of other timing changes (the eventual total loss of voice in geminate mediae in Icelandic, vowel apocope and simplification of word-final geminate tenues in Jutish; cf. Andersen 2002). But their conformity with these other fortition or lenition changes shows that when low-level phonetic features are innovated, gain acceptance, and become generalized in a tradition of speaking, this process may

On bifurcations and the Germanic consonant shifts

25

be governed (or constrained) in part by the consistency of the innovated feature with relevant typological parameters — or, as historical linguists usually put it, the innovation may be internally motivated.

3. Low German and High German The Germanic and High German consonant shifts pose problems of interpretation on several levels, some difficult, others less so. In this brief paper I will remark on some of the more general ones - the cyclicity problem, the differences in outcome between the two shifts, the spatial gradations of the High German shift, and the striking contrast between the occurrence of the shift in High German and its absence in Low German. I begin with the last of these. In the traditional view, the aspirated tenuis stops and partially voiced mediae of Low German preserve the state of affairs from which the High German consonant shift developed (Schirm unskij 1962: 272). One cannot exclude this possibility a priori. But if one looks at the two sets of tenuis reflexes in High and Low German as possible results of a bifurcation, it seems possible to interpret them as logical alternatives exemplifying different directions of change; see (3). (3)

0. 1.1. 1 .2.

WGmc. *p, *t, *k LGm. /p/, /t/, /k/ [ph th kh] HGm. /ρί/ ~ /f/, /ts/ ~ /s/, /kx/ ~ /x/

The traditional account (e.g., Braune 1950: 75) acknowledges the progressive (rightward) spread of obstruent features in the posited High German aspirates (ph th kh > // f kx > pj ts kx}. By contrast, however, the Low German postaspiration anticipates the resonance properties of any following vowel (spread leftward). This bifurcation has parallels in other types of change. Consider the Polish and Bosnian examples in (4) with their divergent reflexes of j in complex onsets. It is unimportant here that the Polish Cj sequences are reflexes of earlier palatalized labials (cf. Standard Polish piasek 'sand', bialy 'white, wiara 'faith', miara 'measure'), whereas the Bosnian jV sequences arose from the diphthongization exemplified in (1) (cf. Standard Bosnian pjeti 'sing', bjezati 'run', vjera 'faith', mjera 'measure'). What is significant is that in these onset clusters, the glide has changed to a consonant in one language, but to a liquid in the other, seemingly copying features from the left in one and from the right in the other.

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(4)

0. 1.1. 1.2.

*pjV, *bjV, *vjV, *mjV Polish dialect p&asek, bz wi, vzara, mpara Bosnian dialect pfati, bfajati, vuera, mfara

(5)

0.

Old Russian law ka 'bench', krow 'shelter', w tonnik 'Tuesday', w nuk 'grandson' Standard Russian lavka [l fka], krov [krof], vtornik [ftorn-'ik], vnuk [vnuk] Russian dialect, [l uka], [krou], [utornjik], [unuk]

1.1. l .2.

However, other examples suggest that the essential difference in such bifurcations is not between progressive and regressive assimilation, but is conditioned by a typological distinction between consonantal and vocalic phonological systems (Isacenko 1939, Andersen 1978). Observe the contrast in (5). Similarly, in the divergent Low and High German dialects, the presence vs. absence of secondary-source features (frication) in the fortition of West Germanic *p *t *k appears to reflect this deeper typological difference. In other words, Low German dialects are not conservative, nor are High German dialects advanced, in their reflexes of the West Germanic tenues. They went through bifurcating changes as their tenues developed logically alternative types of aspiration.

4. The Germanic and the High German consonant shifts Vennemann has argued that the High German africates (pj is kx) more likely developed from glottalic stops than from aspirates (1989). This is a difficult thesis to defend, for the outcomes of the Germanic and German consonant shifts presuppose identical, equally well motivated phonetic innovations, only with somewhat different extension and occurring with a minor difference in order. In the Germanic Consonant Shift, (i) consonantal aspiration (> [ρφ te k x kxw]) was followed by (ii) obstruentization (> [ρφ ίθ k% kxw]), (iii) loss of closure (> [φ θ χ χ™]), and (iv) stridentization of all but /Θ/ (> [f x xw]), /Θ/ remaining distinct from the inherited /s/. We can understand the obstruentization and stridentization as improvements in perceptual salience at little or no additional cost in expiratory energy. The loss of closure eliminated redundancy at the point when the fricative portions of /p t k k w /, [φ θ χ % w ] were reanalysed as PGmc. /f θ x xw/, and /b d g g w / [b d g gw] were reanalysed as Proto-Germanic /p t k k w /.

On bifurcations and the Germanic consonant shifts

27

In the High German Consonant Shift, £i) consonantal aspiration was followed by (ii) obstruentization (> [ρφ t§ k%]) and (iii) stridentization (> [p? ts kx]). (iv) Closure loss in j)ostvocalic simplex affricates may have preceded stridentization ([ρφ t§ kx] > [φφ θθ χχ] > [ff ss xx] or followed it. In other environments, according to the textual record from certain areas, some affricates lost closure after stridentization (e. g., OHG werpfan, helpfan, Gm. werfen, helfen). In short, there are no phonetic grounds for viewing the two consonant shifts as anything but parallels (cf. Section 0). Nor are there indications that they originated from different types of plosives. But the fact that there were no word-prosodic constraints in the Germanic Shift whereas closure loss in the High German shift was limited to the position after stressed vowel suggests that the First Consonant Shift occurred in a phonological system that had no dynamic (force) feature of prominence, whereas the Second Consonant Shift appears to presuppose initial stress. This is a difference we can connect with the loss of the inherited mobile (pitch) accent in Germanic.

5. The Rhenish fan The spatial gradation in the reflexes of the High German Consonant Shift has long been taken as evidence, by the majority of scholars, that the change must have been propagated from south to north. But a distinction must be made between the phonological change that occurred in the Early Middle Ages and the subsequent lexical diffusion by which the originally purely phonological dialect boundaries have been displaced northward in the dialects of the Rhine valley during the following one thousand years. A great many isoglosses that cross the Rhine valley bear witness to this general south-to-north influence by bulging northward where they cross (Bach 1950: 57, 137, 138, 210, Schirmunskij 1962: 120, 124). Numerous relic lexemes with unshifted tenues in the Rhineland dialects, as well as hypercorrections and hypocorrections, prove that the original dialect differences of the Rhenish fan arose nowhere near the Uerding or Benrath lines. The fact that grammatical words with northern plosives (wat, dot, el, alt, op for was, das, es, alles, auf, etc.) are found as far south as Middle Franconian is a good indication that the original spatial gradation was located further to the south. What was propagated from south to north, then, was the myriad lexical replacements in the centuries-long "HighGermanization of the Franconian dialects" (Schirmunskij 1962: 278—284).

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Table 2. The progression of the High German Consonant Shift Segments

Environments

Earlier

Later

simplex t p after vowel after liquid

geminate p, k k elsewhere after nasal

While the precise location of the "original Rhenish gradation" remains to be determined, there is no reason to doubt that the structural steps attested in its modern version by and large reflect the original gradation. We can trust that the relations summarized in Table 2 correspond to the historical reality of the subphonemic innovations that preceded the phonemic reanalyses that define the Second Consonant Shift. These relations are unmistakeable evidence that the Second Consonant Shift was internally motivated where it originally occurred - it was a normal, home-grown (autochthonous, polygenetic) change, consisting in a gradual accumulation of allophonic features, as described in Section 5, at some stage, in any given locality, coming to an end when the more or less affricated realizations of the inherited /p t k/ were reanalysed as phonemic affricates or as plain, aspirated plosives. An analysis of these bifurcations permits us to see both the internal logic of the consonant shift and the simple sociolinguistic reason why it proceeded further in the more southerly regions and furthest in Upper High Alemannic. The spatial gradation shows that the stridentization progressed earlier in some segments than in others, and earlier in some environments than in others, in remarkable agreement with what is known about similar changes in other languages (cf. Zabrocki 1951); see Table 2. Only where allophonic stridentization had become established in a certain environment could the given tenues be reinterpreted as affricates. Thus, where the reanalysis occurred when lit was [ts], but /ρ/ [ρφ] ~ [ρφ] (without stridency), /t/ [ts] would be reanalysed as /ts/ in Pelz, Herz, ganz, Zinn, but /p/ would remain in wer pen, helpen, damp, pund (Ripuarian). Dialects in which /p/ was [ρφ] ~ [pi] in werpen, helpen, but [ρφ] ~ [ρφ] in damp, pund, would get /p?/ in werpfan, helpfan, but /p/ in damp, pund (Rhenish-Palatinate), ^imilarly further south, where there was stridency in all variants of/t/ [ts] and /p/ [pi], but varying degrees of stridency in positional variants of /k/, reanalysis would yield /t/ [ts] => /ts/ and /p/ [pi] =» /pi/, but /k/ [ky]

On bifurcations and the Germanic consonant shifts

29

~ [kx] would be reanalysed as /kx/ in /starkx/, /folkx/, /kxint/, but [kkx] ~ [kkx] as /k/ in /stok/ (High Alemannic). The fact that the consonant shift consistently included closure loss in postvocalic position in all High German dialects suggests that this innovation was independent of stridentization and likely occurred prior to it. Not surprisingly, the more widely the realizations of WGmc. /p t k/ were reanalysed as /pf ts kx/ in a given dialect, the more widely the realizations of/b d g/ could be reanalysed as new High German /p t k/. It is no accident that the hierarchies in the "media shift" are identical with those of the "tenuis shift" (cf. Schirmunskij 1962; Penzl 1970; Goblirsch 1999). Once one abstracts from the thousand years of lexical replacements that have displaced its original boundaries, the High German Consonant Shift is really a textbook example of the interplay between the gradualness of phonetic innovations and the categorical evaluations imposed - at different stages of the development in different areas — on the resulting phonetic realizations when these underwent phonemic reanalysis. If the High German shift is understood in these terms, its greater advancement and greater consistency in the south than in the north receives a very simple interpretation. It is characteristic that fine-grained phonetic innovations are more likely to become established and to be transmitted with fidelity and to accumulate - in relatively stable speech communities, where the community dialect serves purely local purposes. In communities with some degree of population mobility such fine-grained synchronic variation is more likely to become leveled. As a consequence, in autochthonous developments, often more phonetic detail rules accumulate-prior to reanalysis-in peripheral areas, away from major avenues of interdialectal communication, than in more central areas (cf. Andersen 1988, Trudgill 1989). It should be obvious that this socio-dialectal generalization is eminently applicable to the original areas of the Second Consonant Shift. The First Consonant Shift, by contrast, offers no evidence of such socio-dialectal diversity.

6. Grimm's cycles The remarkable parallelism between the two consonant shifts has been a source of wonderment ever since it was first identified by Grimm. Grimm's idea that the First Consonant Shift was an expression of the historic role in Europe of the progressive and freedom-loving Germanic peoples, and the Second Shift, in particular, evidence of the leadership of the High

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Germans, has given way to more mundane attempts to pin down the apparent Germanic proclivity for aspiration (Iverson and Salmons 1995, Schwerdt 2000). But there is no consensus as to where such a preference might reside, or how it might be transmitted to succeeding generations. Still, recurrent changes are a fact of life in languages, one that like most facts of life can be made to yield to rational explanation. In Section 2 we saw that the typological characteristics of a language may to some extent govern (or constrain) the subphqnemic innovations that are made, accepted, and adopted by the bearers of the given tradition of speaking. But if this is so, all we need do to explain the recurrence of consonant shifts in Germanic is to suppose that after the First Consonant Shift, the obstruent series continued to be defined by phonemic protensity (cf. Andersen 1969). If they were, sooner or later the new tenuis plosives might become aspirated, and if the language was still consonantal, a Second Consonant Shift essentially like the first might occur. As it happens, the allophonic lenition that gave rise to Verner's law indicates a continued tradition of phonemic protensity. And the High German Consonant Shift confirms both this and the consonantal type. In other words, the Second Consonant Shift is evidence of an unbroken tradition in the categorization of obstruents and in phonological type. The absence of this shift in the rest of West Germanic and in North Germanic shows that the dialects in all these areas, which developed plain (non-consonantal) aspiration, diverged from this tradition. It is always a question, when one considers the history of a language, which is more remarkable, continuity or change. It seems that the departure from tradition in the north seems at least as much of an explanandum as the continuity of tradition Grimm identified in the two consonant shifts of the High German areas.

Note 1. I am grateful to my UCLA colleague Cristopher M. Stevens for valuable suggestions and comments on a draft of this paper. It goes without saying I alone am responsible for its final content.

References Andersen, Henning 1969 Lenition in Common Slavic. Language 45: 553-574. 1970 Kashubian dobetk 'dobytek' and its kind. Welt der Slaven 15: 61-76.

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1978

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Towards a typology of change: bifurcating changes and binary relations. In: John M. Anderson and Charles Jones (eds.), Historical Linguistics. Proceedings of the First International Conference on Historical Linguistics, vol. 2, 17-60. Amsterdam: North-Holland. Vocalic and consonantal languages. In: Lubomir Durovic (ed.), Studio Linguistica A. V. Issatschenko a Collegis et Amicis oblata, 1-12. Lisse: De Ridder Press. Morphological change: towards a typology. In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.), Historical Morphology, 1—50. (Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs, 17.) The Hague: Mouton. Center and periphery: adoption, diffusion, and spread. In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.), Historical Dialectology. Regional and Social, 39—84. (Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs, 37.) Berlin/New York/ Amsterdam: Mouton de Gruyter. Understanding linguistic innovations. In: Leiv Egil Breivik and Ernst Häkon Jahr (eds.), Language Change: Contributions to the Study of its Causes, 5-28. (Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs, 43.) Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Preglottalization in English and a North Germanic bifurcation. In: David Restle and Dietmar Zaefferer (eds.), Sounds and Systems. Studies in Structure and Change. A Festschrift for Theo Vennemann. (Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs). Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

Bach, Adolf 1950 Deutsche Mundartforschung. Ihre Wege, Ergebnisse und Aufgaben. (Second edition.) Heidelberg: Winter. Braune, Wilhelm 1950 Althochdeutsche Grammatik. (Seventh edition, revised by Karl Helm.) Halle (Saale): Niemeyer. Goblirsch, Kurt Gustav 1999 On the Old High German Medienverschiebung. In: Irmengard Rauch and Gerald F. Carr (eds.), Insights in Germanic Linguistics, 2. Classic and Contemporary. (Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs, 94.) Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter. Hansson, Gunnar Olafur 2001 Remains of a submerged continent: preaspiration in the languages of Northwest Europe. In: Laurel Brinton (ed.), Historical Linguistics 1999, 157-174. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Isacenko, Alexander 1939/40 Versuch einer Typologie der slavischen Sprachen. Linguistica Slovaca 1/2: 64-76. Iverson, Gregory and Joseph C. Salmons 1995 Aspiration and laryngeal representation in Germanic. Phonology 12: 369-396.

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Ivic, Pavle 1958 Die serbokroatischen Dialekte. 's-Gravenhage: Mouton. Jakobson, Roman (with Morris Halle) 1971 Tenseness and laxness. Selected Writings, 1. The Word, 550-555. (Second edition.) The Hague/Paris: Mouton Jakobson, Roman and Linda R. Waugh 1979 The Sound Shape of Language. Bloomington/London: Indiana University Press. Kohler, Klaus 1984 Phonetic explanation in phonology: the feature fortis/lenis. Phonetica 41: 150-174. Liberman, Anatoly 1982 Germanic Accentology. The Scandinavian Languages. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. Penzl, Herbert 1970 Lautsystem und Lautwandel in den althochdeutschen Dialekten. Munich: Hueber. Ringgaard, Kristen 1960 Vestjysk stod. Aarhus: Universitetsforlaget. Salmons, Joseph C. 1992 Accentual Change and Language Contact. Comparative Survey and a Case Study of Early Northern Europe. Stanford: University Press. Schirmunskij, V. M 1962 Deutsche Mundartkunde. Vergleichende Laut- und Formenlehre der deutschen Mundarten. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag. Translated by Wolfgang Fleischer from V. M. Zirmunskij, Nemeckaja dialektologija. Moscow/Leningrad: Izdatel'stvo Akademii nauk, 1956. Schwerdt, Judith 2000 Die 2. Lautverschiebung. Wege zu ihrer Erforschung. (Jenaer germanistische Forschungen. Neue Folge, Band 8.) Heidelberg: Winter. Skautrup, Peter 1939 Det danske sprogs historic, 1: Fra guldhornene til Jyske Lov. Copenhagen: Gyldendal, Nordisk Forlag. Stevens, Christopher M. 1998 On the Bifurcation and Repression Theories of Germanic and German. (Journal of Indo-European Studies Monograph, 29.) Washington, D.C.: Institute for the Study of Man. Trudgill, Peter 1989 Contact and Isolation in linguistic change. In: Leiv Egil Breivik and Ernst Häkon Jahr (eds.), Language Change: Contributions to the Study of its Causes, 227-238. (Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs, 43.) Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter.

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Vennemann, Theo 1984 Hochgermanisch und Niedergermanisch: Die Verzweigungstheorie der germanisch-deutschen Lautverschiebungen. Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur 106,1: 1-45. 1985 The bifurcation theory of the Germanic and German consonant shifts: synopsis and some further thoughts. In: Jacek Fisiak (ed.), Papers from the 6th International Conference on Historical Linguistics, 527—547. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins 1989 Phonological and morphological consequences of the 'Glottalic Theory'. In: Theo Vennemann (ed.), The New Sounds of Indo-European: Essays in Phonological Reconstruction. (Trends in Linguistics. Studies and Monographs, 41.) Berlin/New York: Mouton de Gruyter Zabrocki, Ludwik 1951 Usilnienie i lenicja w jgzykach indoeuropejskich i w ugrofmskim [Fortition and lenition in Indo-European and Finno-Ugric]. (Poznanskie towarzystwo przyjaciol nauk. Wydziat filologiczno-filozoficzny. Prace komisji filologicznej, torn 13, 3.) Poznan: Poznanskie towarzystwo przyjaciol nauk.

A concept of truth for linguistic semantics* Jerzy Banczerowski

Truth — most obtrusive and most elusive

1. Introductory remarks Inquiry into the concept of truth and falsity dates back to antiquity and has inflamed the minds of many generations of scholars. Already Aristotle in his Metaphysica addressed some essential aspects of the theory of truth and his ideas later served as a starting point for fertile philosophical disputes. Language is used to talk about extra-lingual reality as well as about itself. The latter is a case of metalanguage in which linguistic theories are formulated. Both lingual and metalingual sentences as particular kinds of signs refer to something outside themselves. And, what they say about this something may be true or false. Hence any theory of linguistic semantics, which aspires to completeness, cannot neglect the epistemic duality of verity/falsity. Semantic knowledge or competence allows linguators to communicate effectively about the world outside language. An indispensable component of this knowledge is certainly the knowledge of the semantic code which, roughly speaking, consists of the ability to perform mappings of two kinds, namely: (i) (ii)

the mapping of lingual expressions onto extra-lingual reality, and, conversely, the mapping of extra-lingual reality onto lingual expressions.

The effectiveness of communication presupposes not only the identification by the linguators of the entities in the world outside language but also judging or deciding whether or not sentences uttered on particular occasions adequately correspond to the situations or states-of-affairs occurring on those occasions, that is, whether these sentences are true or false. However, what does it mean that a sentence or the proposition expressed by this sentence corresponds to some state-of-affairs? The prop-

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erty of verity/falsity pertains, as is known, solely to sentences, in particular, to declarative sentences. In this brief study, certain aspects of declarative sentences will be discussed with respect to their property of being true or false. The ultimate goal is to propose a definition of a true declarative sentence within a formal theory of linguistic semantics, which has already been surveyed in Banczerowski (2000), and of which the present paper is a continuation. Linguistic theories are about ethnic languages. The linguators of every ethnic language avail themselves of lingual sentences. Linguistic theories describing ethnic languages are systems of theorems, that is, systems of metalingual sentences. Lingual and metalingual sentences differ in quite a few aspects. The open question remains: Is a definition of truth, which applies to metalingual sentences, also applicable to lingual sentences? In asking this question it is necessary to think about the concept of truth as proposed by Tarski (1933) within his efforts undertaken to provide semantics for formal languages as different from natural ones. However, without going into detailed discussion of this problem here, it can be mentioned that linguists are also interested in a theory of truth which would apply to sentences of natural languages. What follows is intended to be a modest contribution to such a theory.

2. Primitive and some auxiliary defined terms This article will make use only of a certain subset of primitive terms out of those which are necessary to develop theoretical linguistic semantics in an axiomatic fashion. These terms probably denote only approximate semantic concepts and may not be absolutely ultimate, but may depend on some more fundamental ones. The choice of primitive semantic terms always mirrors a desperate struggle to find out what the adequate metalanguage to describe the complexity of the semantic domain really is. In accordance with the usual practice of the author, at first the list of primitive terms will be given followed by their explanation. 2.1 List of primitive terms (i) (ii) (iii)

Ent ql qlt

- the set of all extralingual entities, - the relation of being a quality of, — the relation of being believed as a quality of,

A concept of truth for linguistic semantics

(iv) (v) (vi) (vii) (viii) (ix) (x) (xi) (xii) (xiii) (xiv)

Sgn dsg dsb Sen Dec Die Frs th rh fq EPV

— — -

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the set of all signs, the relation of designation, the relation of designatability, the set of all actual sentences, the set of all actual declarative sentences, the set of all dictons, the set of all actual phrases, the relation of being the theme of, the relation of being the rheme of, the relation of phrasal qualification, the set of epistemic values.

2.2 Entities and their properties Since semantics inquires into the relationships between the universe of language expressions and extra-lingual reality, the question of how the latter is conceived of while constructing a semantic theory is relevant. Or, to put it differently, semantic theories must presuppose certain ontologies, that is, certain structures of extra-lingual reality. It seems justified to assume that by virtue of lingual expressions real and virtual entities within extra-lingual reality are identified and also created. The term 'entity' will be used here in the broadest sense possible. Everything can be viewed as an entity, for example, an individual object, a set, a property, a relation, a fact, a state-of-affairs, a situation, etc. The set of all entities will be denoted by the symbol Ent. The formula σ e Ent will be read: σ is an entity. Entities are related to each other in diverse respects. If an entity characterizes another, the former will be called a property, and the latter an object possessing this property. However, for some technical reasons, instead of the terms Object' and 'property' the terms quiddity and quality will also be used. Both of these terms are relative to each other and they depend upon the apprehension of the entities by virtue of lingual expressions. In consequence, one and the same entity may be either quidditated or qualitated. Linguators do not usually have exhaustive knowledge about extra-lingual objects and may associate properties with them that these objects may not have. What is more, this knowledge undergoes change, over the course of which (i)

a property believed to be present in an object may turn out to be absent in it, and conversely

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(ii)

a property believed to be absent in this object may turn out to be present in it.

In this context such terms as atom, electron, time, etc. the concepts of which have changed or are still changing may be considered. Even the conviction of all linguators or the majority of them is no guarantee, that an extra-lingual object is such as thought of to be. The belief in a geocentric theory of the universe, for example, proved to be false. For further discussion the following two statements will be important: (i) (ii)

An object may have a given property or it may not have it, irrespective of whether linguators know it or not; A given property may be believed by linguators to be present in an object or not.

In order to account formally for the contents of the above statements the following two relations will be availed of: (i) (ii)

the relation of being a quality of (ql), and the relation of being believed as a quality of (qlt).

The formula σ, ql σ, reads: σ(· is in fact a property or quality of object σ), and the formula σ, qlt σ/ reads: σ, is believed or conceived of as a property or quality of object σ/. The set of all those properties, which object σ} has in fact will be denoted by the symbol qlσί will denote the category believed to be specified by property σ,, that is, the set of all those objects which are believed to possess this property. 2.3 Signs and signation Lingual objects capable of standing for, representing or referring to extralingual entities are commonly called signs. The set of all signs will be denoted by the symbol Sgn, and the formula χ e Sgn will be read: χ is a sign. The property of lingual signs to stand for the corresponding entities of extralingual reality will find reflection in the relation of signation. Within signation two modes will be distinguished, and formally captured as the following relations:

A concept of truth for linguistic semantics

(i) (ii)

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the relation of designation (dsg), and the relation of signification (sgf).

The former of these relations is on the list of primitive terms, whereas the latter will be defined subsequently. The formula χ dsg σ reads: sign Λ: designates entity σ. The predecessor of the relation dsg will be called designator, and its successor - designatum. However, it should be borne in mind that the relation dsg expresses a certain actuality or, more exactly, the actuality of particular designative acts performed by linguators during communication, that is, acts which were, are or will be actually performed, and hence this relation could be called more appropriately the relation of actual designation (cf. Banczerowski2000:8-ll). The designation also exhibits a potential aspect in addition to the actual one, and this will be mirrored in the relation of designatability (dsb). Thus, for example, sign χ which actually designates an object σ/, could be used in other signative acts to designate entity σ? or σ?, etc. However, this is only potential, because it is not actually feasible. Sign x, after being uttered, immediately disappears and cannot be retrieved from the past for repetitive designative use. What is actually used instead of χ are signs homophonous and equidesignative with x. Therefore, potential designation will be spoken of here. The formula x dsb σ reads: sign x could designate object σ or, alternatively, σ could be designated by x. The set of all objects, which could be designated by x will be denoted by the symbol dsb>x, and called the designative extension of x. Thus, for example, the designative extension of the word-phrase α-table is the class of all tables. The entities appearing in extralingual reality differ from each other in various respects, and hence they belong to various kinds or sorts. Among them are found not only concrete individual objects but also abstract and fictitious entities, properties and relations, etc. What may seem unusual or even controversial in this conception of designation is the postulation that an entity of any kind may be designated by the appropriate lingual expressions and, consequently, that not only nouns but also verbs, adjectives, and adverbs are capable of designating, although the designated entities are of a different ontological status (cf. Cann 1994: 10-12). In terms of the relations dsg and qlt the relation of signification (sgf) can be introduced in the following manner:

Df 2.1 sgf = {(χ , σ) : x e Sgn Λ σ e Ent Λ σ. (σ, e Ent Λ χ dsg σ, Λ Α σ qlt σ,)}

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In light of this definition, sign x signifies entity σ, in symbols: jc sgf σ, iff σ is conceived of as a property of the designatum of x. The predecessor of the relation sgfv/'ul be called significator, and its successor — significatum or, simply, a meaning. The symbol sgf >x will be used to denote the set of all meanings of sign x, that is, the set of all entities conceived of as properties of the designatum of x. Thus by signifying property σ of designatum σ/ a linguator considers or believes that σ is peculiar to σ,. Consequently, an entity being signified is a property associated with an object being designated. Within signification two modes can be distinguished, that is, semification and lexification (cf. Banczerowski 2000: 13). The former depends upon a given language, more exactly, its semantic grammar, and the latter upon knowledge of the world. The former thus mirrors the way extralingual reality is categorized by grammatical means. Hence it is fixed and obligatory for that language. However, the signification of a property σ by sign x does not necessarily mean that σ is really present in the designatum of x, but that the linguators using this sign at least believe σ to be present in this designatum. Signification is hardly perfect and linguators may differ in respect to it, since it depends upon knowledge about extra-lingual reality. The interdependences between the relations of designation, being believed as a quality of, and signification can be visualized as follows: S

8f

qlt

dsg

The following corollaries can be inferred: 2.1

x sgf σ -> Y(x dsg σ, Λ σ qlt σ/)

2.2 2.3 2.4

x dsg σ, -» ο (σ e qlt σ qlt σ, χ dsg σ/ Λ σ qlt σ, -* χ sgf σ

It should still be mentioned here, if only in passing, that by virtue of designation an entity is apprehended as a quiddity, and by virtue of signifi-

A concept of truth for linguistic semantics

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cation — as a quality. Clearly, both designation and signification are available for those linguators who are in possession of semantic knowledge in a given language. An essential part of this knowledge is formed by a semantic code, on the basis of which the lingual objects and relations are mapped onto extra-lingual objects and relations, and conversely. Equivalently, it could also be said that lingual systems are mapped onto extralingual systems, and conversely. Signation thus binds the universe of lingual expressions with the universe of extra-lingual entities. Designation and signification are two inseparable complementary countenances of signation. Since properties are always properties of something, signification must obligatorily presuppose designation. This dependence of the signification on the designation finds reflection in this approach in the definability of the former, while the latter functions as a primitive term. The designata are thus indispensable carriers of properties. Lingual signs enter various relations with each other. Semantics should also investigate what consequences these relations have upon designation and signification. 2.4 Kinds of signs Within the set Sgn various categories or kinds of signs can be distinguished. Of course, for present purposes only some of them will be of interest. Of special importance for the subsequent discussion will be declarative sentences which, as is commonly assumed, serve to express statements. A declarative sentence is simply a kind of sentence. Each particular sentence will be treated here as an individual, concrete, non-repeatable lingual object, which can be characterized in terms of structures of various kinds. A sentence, if conceived of in this way should be called an actual sentence, and should be kept distinct from a sentence as an abstract entity. The set of all actual sentences will be denoted by the symbol Sen, and the set of all declarative sentences by the symbol Dec. The formulae s e Sen and s e Dec read, respectively, as: s is an actual sentence and s is an actual declarative sentence. However, since only actual lingual objects will be dealt with here, the adjective 'actual' will be sometimes omitted, if the context provides unambiguous information. All actual sentences convey messages and they function in communication as certain wholes, that is, they are communicatively indivisible. However, looked at from different angles, units of various kinds can be distinguished within them. Dictons and syntagmas, among others, belong to such units.

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The concept of dicton has already been characterized on various occasions (cf. Banczerowski 1999: 19). Nevertheless, for the sake of quick reference, it should be reiterated that each particular dicton, as a part of an actual sentence, is also an individual, concrete, non-repeatable unit. It conveys both lexical and semical (grammatical) meaning. Or, more correctly, it is already capable of both lexification and semification. Dictons may be linearly continuous or discontinnous. No synsemantical unit can be regarded as a dicton but it forms a corresponding dicton with an appropriate autosemantic word. The set of all dictons will be denoted as Die, and the formula χ e Die reads: χ is a dicton. A lingual unit consisting of at least two dictons will be termed an actual syntagma. However, syntagmas as such are of no special concern here. Instead, attention will be paid to actual phrases which include both dictons and actual syntagmas. The set of all actual phrases is denoted as Frs, and the formula χ e Frs is read as expected. An actual phrase is thus either a dicton or an actual syntagma. A fundamental syntactic dichotomy of each actual sentence provides for its two constituents, that is, the subject phrase and the predicate phrase. The former will be referred to as the theme, and the latter as the rheme. However, these two concepts depend in the current approach on the following relations, respectively: (i) (ii)

the relation of being the theme of(th), and the relation of being the rheme of(rh)

The formula s th χ reads: phrase χ is the theme of sentence s, and the formula s rh y reads: y is the rheme of sentence s. Both relations th and rh could be defined in terms of qualification, within a sufficiently comprehensive syntactic theory. However, for obvious reasons, they will be treated here as primitive. 2.5 Qualification In the search for a definition of truth relevant to linguistic semantics the relation of qualification will play a fundamental role. Signs not only refer to extra-lingual entities by virtue of designation and signification, but they also enter into various relations with each other. Some of these relations create a basis for the construction of more composite signs out of less composite ones, and thereby they affect designation and signification. One of these relations is the relation of qualification (qf), which will be considered subsequently only with respect to actual phrases, that is, how it oper-

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ates at the dictonal and supra-dictonal levels. The intra-dictonal level will not be dealt with. The relation of phrasal qualification will be denoted by the symbol/