317 88 24MB
English Pages [297] Year 2021
Interviews with North Korean Defectors
Originally compiled and written by North Korean defector and author Lim Il, this English-language edition, thoroughly annotated by Dr Adam Zulawnik, is a fascinating collection of 34 interviews with highly prominent North Korean defectors residing in South Korea, ranging from religious figures, to artists, politicians, North Korea experts, and even divers and subway train operators. The 33 interviews herein are listed chronologically according to the interviewees’ date of arrival to South Korea and span almost 70 years. The book also includes six special columns addressing key issues pertaining to North Korean defectors and their lives in South Korea, such as the relationship between North Korean defectors and their South Korean counterparts (South Korean defectors to North Korea); nomenclature (how North Korean defectors have been referred to in South Korean society over time); arrival and settlement provisions from the South Korean government; the nuanced difference between defectors, defectorresidents, and the displaced; North Korean defector-residents and their position in South Korean politics; and a short biography of five notable North Korean defector-residents who were not interviewed. The English translation also contains an exclusive 34th interview with Lim Il, the source text author which was carried out towards the end of the project in October 2020. The book is a valuable testament to North Korean defector-residents and unique in that it provides a candid account of each individual’s experience. It will prove to be especially useful to students and scholars seeking to understand the complex dynamics of North Korean society and the status of exiles in South Korea, and a vital resource for students of Korean Studies. Lim Il is a church pastor and regular contributor to Tong’il Shinmun (Unity News). He is himself a North Korean defector, having previously worked as a construction worker in Kuwait. He has authored multiple books in Korean. Adam Zulawnik is an Academy of Korean Studies Postdoctoral Research Fellow at Monash University, Australia. He was a founding member of the Korean Studies program at the University of Melbourne, Australia. His current research focuses on the translation of the Korean and Japanese languages in political and historical settings.
Routledge Advances in Korean Studies
44. The State, Class and Developmentalism in South Korea Development as Fetish Hae-Yung Song 45. Development Prospects for North Korea Edited by Tae Yong Jung and Sung Jin Kang 46. The Road to Multiculturalism in South Korea Ideas, Discourse, and Institutional Change in a Homogenous Nation-State Timothy Lim 47. Healing Historical Trauma in South Korean Film and Literature Chungmoo Choi 48. Exporting Urban Korea? Reconsidering the Korean Urban Development Experience Edited by Se Hoon Park, Hyun Bang Shin and Hyun Soo Kang 49. Defense Planning and Readiness of North Korea Armed to Rule Ryo Hinata-Yamaguchi 50. Interviews with North Korean Defectors From Kim Shin-jo to Thae Yong-ho Lim Il and Adam Zulawnik 51. The Korean War and Postmemory Generation Contemporary Korean Arts and Films Dong-Yeon Koh For more information about this series, please visit: www.routledge.com/asianstudies/series/SE0505
Interviews with North Korean Defectors
From Kim Shin-jo to Thae Yong-ho
Lim Il and Adam Zulawnik
First published 2022 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2022 Lim Il & Adam Zulawnik The rights of Lim Il and Adam Zulawnik to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Originally published in Korean as Talbuk Yeong’ung Samsib Sam’in Teukbyeol Inteobyu, ByBooks, Seoul, 2019. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Im, Il, 1968- author. | Zulawnik, Adam, editor. Title: Interviews with North Korean defectors: from Kim Shin-jo to Thae Yong-ho/Lim Il; edited by Adam Zulawnik. Other titles: T’albuk yŏngung 33-in t’ŭkpyŏl int’ŏbyu. English Description: London; New York, NY: Routledge/ Taylor & Francis Group, 2021. | Series: Routledge Advances in Korean Studies | Originally published in Korean as Talbuk Yeong’ung Samsib Sam’in Teukbyeol Inteobyu, ByBooks, Seoul, 2019. | Includes bibliographical references and index. Identifiers: LCCN 2020058231 (print) | LCCN 2020058232 (ebook) | ISBN 9780367716165 (hardback) | ISBN 9781003152941 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Defectors–Korea (North)–Interviews. | Political refugees–Korea (North)–Interviews. | Political refugees–Korea (South)–Interviews. | Political persecution– Korea (North) | Korea (North)–Politics and government. | Korea (North)–Social conditions. Classification: LCC DS934 .I4413 2021 (print) | LCC DS934 (ebook) | DDC 362.87092/25913–dc23 LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020058231 LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2020058232 ISBN: 978-0-367-71616-5 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-367-71615-8 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-15294-1 (ebk) Typeset in Galliard by Deanta Global Publishing Services, Chennai, India
This work was supported by the Core University Program for Korean Studies through the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Korea and Korean Studies Promotion Service of the Academy of Korean Studies (AKS-2017-OLU-2250002).
To Peace on the Peninsula
Contents
The infinity symbol (∞) is used to separate interviewee occupations prior to and after defection to South Korea. The interviews are listed chronologically based on the year of defection to South Korea. This translation, for the most part, utilises Revised Korean Romanisation. Exceptions have been made for certain proper and place names.
Map 1. East Asia Map 2. North Korea Map 3. Central Pyongyang Critical introduction from Adam Zulawnik Source text introduction by Lim Il Acknowledgements Translation Teams
xiii xiv xv xvi xix xxii xxiii
1 Kim Shin-jo | Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ pastor
1
2 Ahn Chan-il | Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ chairman of Sungy Dongji association
7
3 Chon Chol-Woo | Exchange student in Germany ∞ president of Gohyang FS
14
4 Kang Chol-hwan | Yodok Prison Camp inmate ∞ chairman of the North Korea Strategy Center
21
5 Im Young-sun | Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ chairman of the Committee for the Nine Northern Korean provinces
27
Special column: South Korean defectors and North Korean defector-residents
35
x
Contents
6 Kim Tae-bom | North Korean logger in Russia ∞ director of the Peace Unith Korea Defectore Alliance
40
7 Kang Myung-do | Premier Kang Sung-san’s son-in-law ∞ university professor
47
8 Cho Myung-chul | Teacher at Kim Il-Sung university ∞ member of the 19th National Assembly (2012), politician
54
9 Ahn Myeong-cheol | Security guard in the Korean People’s Army ∞ president of NK Watch
60
10 Jeong Seong-san | Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ musical director
66
Special column: North Korean defector-residents and naming problems
73
11 Rhee Min-bok | Agricultural researcher ∞ leader of anti-North Korean balloon propaganda program
79
12 Han Yong-su | Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ first North Korean metro train operator
85
13 Jeong Nam | Railway worker ∞ president of Glov Co., Ltd. (sunflower oil producer)
91
14 Shim Ju-il | Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ head of North Korean Soldiers of Christ Association
98
15 Kim Seong-min | Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ founder and president of Free North Korea Radio
104
Special column: Arrival support and benefts
110
16 Park Sang-hak | Trader ∞ chairperson of Fighters for a Free North Korea
116
17 Hong Sun-kyung | North Korean envoy to Thailand ∞ North Korea expert
121
Contents xi
18 Joo Myung-shin | University teacher ∞ chairperson of North Korean Defector Artists’ Association
126
19 Park Kwang-il | Middle school teacher ∞ chair of Youth Forum of North Korea Democratization
131
20 Song Byeok | Jik’gwan seondong (propaganda) operative ∞ artist
136
Special column: Displaced persons and North Korean defector-residents
141
21 Kim Tae-san | President of Joseon-Czech joint footwear venture ∞ North Korea expert
146
22 Joo Seung-hyun | Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ university professor
153
23 Kim Heung-kwang | University teacher ∞ director of the North Korean Intellectuals Solidarity
160
24 Jeon Ju-myeong | Youth worker ∞ president of Unity Preparations North Korean Defectors’ Association
166
25 Park Seong-jin | University student ∞ Sohaegeum musician 172 Special column: North Korean defector-residents and South Korean politics
180
26 Park Myung-ho | Party loyalist ∞ first North Korean defector-resident diver
185
27 Ji Seong-ho | Disabled youth ∞ chairman of NAUH
191
28 Lee Ung-gil | University student ∞ president of Saeteomin Lounge
196
29 Jang Se-yul | University teacher ∞ president of Gyeore’eol Unifcation Solidarity
202
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30 Choi Hyeon-jun | Protection agent ∞ president of Unification Future Solidarity
208
Special column: Other notable North Korean defectorresidents
214
31 Kim In-chul | Trader ∞ president of Jiwon Publishing
220
32 Im Kang-jin | Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ private business owner
225
33 Thae Yong-ho | North Korean minister in the UK ∞ North Korea expert
232
Afterword from the author
239
34 Exclusive interview with author Lim Il | Construction worker in Kuwait ∞ writer
242
Select bibliography Index
250 253
xiii
Map 1 East Asia
xiv
Map 2 North Korea
xv
Map 3 Central Pyongyang
Critical introduction from Adam Zulawnik
The following highly annotated English edition of Talbuk Yeong’ung Samsib Sam’in Teukbyeol Inteobyu originally in Korean by Lim Il, who is himself a North Korean defector, was first published by ByBooks in South Korea at the end of 2019. There is almost as much context to the English edition as there is to the 34 candid interviews with North Korean defector-residents contained therein. 2020 saw the introduction of a new unit I designed at Monash University Korean Studies: ATS3321 Korean Research Project. Coming from a Translation Studies background myself (Korean and Japanese), I wanted to try and find a way to engage advanced and heritage students in Korean Studies in a project that would hit a sweet spot – a combination of language, content, and research-focused study. Ultimately, however, I wanted to achieve much more than this – I wanted to give students the invaluable opportunity to publish their work, a goal that is difficult to achieve within the domain of translation, as group work is often challenging. A novel, for example, would almost surely sound broken and disorganised, whilst a compilation of poetry and prose would run the risk of disengaging students. I needed something that would engage students, be of interest to publishers, and feature a multitude of voices. And, most importantly, make a valuable contribution within academia within the field of Korean Studies and beyond. Specialising in the development and implementation of translation methodology for “controversial” writing such as political and historical texts, I did a survey of the publishing market for interviews with North Korean defectors, only to realise that there was a rather noticeable void here. Yes, there are some accounts of life in North Korea available in English; however, they either have been rewritten (and often somewhat dramatised) by Anglophone authors or “aids” or are presented by scholars in an already heavily processed, subjective format. In other words, there was not much in terms of primary sources and candid “from the horse’s mouth” materials. Thus, I was in great luck to discover that author Lim Il had just published Talbuk Yeong’ung Samsib Sam’in Teukbyeol Inteobyu with the South Korean publisher, ByBooks. I immediately contacted ByBooks and soon secured a digital copy of the publication for review. The book, which originally features interviews with 33 prominent North Korean defectors residing in South Korea, was just what I had been looking for in terms of theme, scale, and veracity.
Critical introduction from Adam Zulawnik xvii ByBooks were happy for me to proceed with the English edition project and, together with my Research Assistant, Joey Chan (an excellent Master’s of Interpreting and Translation Studies student at Monash), we translated the first two chapters and preface as part of a book proposal. The translation approach, which was key to the project, is based on my earlier research (Zulawnik, 2018; 2020), where I argue that the translation of so called “controversial” texts is an important activity in promoting intercultural understanding and extending constructive debates regarding pressing issues. In that sense, the following critically annotated and expanded English edition may be seen as a prime example of my methodology and approach. Whether it be politics or humanitarian issues, scholarly opinion on the realities of the Democratic Republic of Korea varies greatly. The aim of this English edition, however, is not to try and “sway” readers either way or convince them that things are a certain way – that the DPRK is “hell” or “heaven” on earth, but so as to provide a candid and revealing glimpse at what prominent North Korean defectors residing in South Korea have to say about life in the North and, just as importantly, now in the South. In that sense, this book is unique, in that it provides a rather detailed survey of both sides of the won, so to speak. A few things must be noted about the English edition. The translation methodology falls within what may be broadly called a “foreignising” and “documentary” translation approach, whereby the translator works to retain features of the source text that may be seen as particularly significant to the source culture (Nord, 1991/2001; Venuti, 2004). This is opposed to a “domesticating” approach, where the translator prioritises target text readability, sometimes sacrificing certain source text features. The Korean edition, although published in South Korea by a South Korean publisher, with South Korean spelling and spacing rules, has been, nevertheless, written by a North Korean defector-resident based on interviews with fellow North Korean defector-residents. Subsequently, as the students involved in the project soon discovered, the book exhibits a unique style which, during an interview (included as exclusive content at the end of this translation), Mr Lim confirmed to be “Northern.” The interview with Mr Lim revealed that South Korean readerships provided similar feedback – the vocabulary, sentence structure, and expressions were seen as “peculiar.” When asked about how he would like for me to notify readers about this, Mr Lim stated, “please include a note saying that the Korean edition was written by a North Korean defector-resident and thus in a ‘Northern style’.” To give a prime and very important example from this English edition, the North Korean terms for South and North Korea are nam-joseon and buk-joseon, respectively. In this translation, this has been foreignised as South Joseon and North Joseon. This is in contrast to the most commonly used terms in South Korea, which are nam-han and buk-han. The latter have been translated as they normally would in English, South Korea and North Korea (as opposed to South Han and North Han, respectively), as the book is written by a North Korean defector-resident within a South Korean consumer market, where the terms do not seem unusual or foreign.
xviii
Critical introduction from Adam Zulawnik
Translation is sometimes referred to as “impossible” – the idea of formal equivalence, that text from language A can be perfectly reproduced in language B, has been long abandoned. What I argue a translator can achieve, however, is guidance in the understanding of discourse, through active preservation of the signified–signifier chain. Finally, it should be noted that the translated material contains absolutely no supplementary information in-text. All translator input has been placed within Translator Notes (TNs) which were carefully designed so as to be informative, but not prescriptive. The purpose of the English edition should, therefore, be seen as that of an informative resource for further analysis, close to that of a primary source, with the addition of helpful new content in the form of contextual information, maps, and an interview with the author of the Korean edition, Lim Il. It must also be noted that the content of the translated material does not necessarily reflect the opinions of the translators. The facilitation of fair discussion (and potential conflict resolution) requires what I term “contraverse,” or the discussion of perceived “controversies.” If this is to be achieved, there ought to be more effort put into the translation of a variety of opinions, from across the discursive spectrum. It is my great hope that this book shall serve as example. Adam Zulawnik November 2020
Source text introduction by Lim Il
There may be readers who upon glancing at the title of this book, wonder just why it contains exactly 33 interviews. 2019 marks the 100th anniversary of the March 1st Movement, which declared Korea’s independence from Japanese colonial occupation and was the catalyst of the Korean Independence Movement.1 The March 1st Movement was a resistance movement of unprecedented scale in world history. The signing of the Korean Declaration of Independence by the 33 Korean activist leaders leading the movement ignited a nationwide patriotic uprising against the oppression of Japanese Imperialism. Whilst the merit of their actions may be debated upon evaluation from a historical perspective, one cannot deny that the 33 activist leaders played a pivotal role in Korea’s Independence Movement. A hundred years ago, there were 33 activist leaders who devoted themselves to the cause of independence on a Korean Peninsula that was still under Japanese Imperial rule.2 Following the example of these great individuals, it is only right that today we present the voices of 33 North Korean defector-residents who have committed and continue to commit indomitable effort to the cause of peaceful reunification on the Korean Peninsula – our long-cherished wish of almost 100 years.3 In order to make collective achievements at a societal level, humans, as social creatures, look to flagbearers to lead and guide them to the frontline. In order to
1 March 1st Movement (Kr. sam’il undong, 삼일 운동, 三日運動), also known as the Sam-il Movement, was one of the earliest public displays of Korean resistance during the period of Japanese colonisation. The event occurred on March 1, 1919, and may be literally translated as Three-One Movement. 2 Korean Peninsula (Kr. hanbando, 한반도, 韓半島) is the term used in South Korea to refer to the Korean Peninsula. This is in contrast to Joseon Peninsula (Kr. joseon bando, 조선반도, 朝鮮半島), the term used in the North, where there is an avoidance of the character han (Kr. 한, 韓), as it is reminiscent of the Korean Empire (Kr. daehan jeguk, 대한제국, 大韓帝國) and, thus, imperialism. 3 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民) is one of the many naming terms that refer to North Korean defectors, where talbuk (Kr. 탈북, 脫北) means escape the North and min (Kr. 민, 民) refers to people or person, which connotes a sense of national pride and community.
xx
Source text introduction by Lim Il
be a successful leader, this flagbearer must be recognised as a fine individual by those around him. Approximately 33,000 North Korean defector-residents have fled to South Korea since the North–South armistice of 1953. Amongst these courageous and righteous individuals, I selected 33 of whom to include in this book as exemplars of patriotic spirit in their yearning for reunification and the passion with which they live their new lives. That is a ratio of 1,000 to 1. One might say that the wish for reunification held by 70 million Koreans only exists in imagination. Even if that may be the case, the Korean people will continue to carry hope and stride towards this future together – so that one day, in the distant future, when we stand solemnly before bygone history and future generations, we can proudly say that “these are the tireless efforts we made for reunification on this land in the 70 years after its division.” The very first interview I conducted, in August 2014, was with doctor of Economics Cho Myung-chul. Cho was also the first North Korean defector-resident elected into the National Assembly. Following that, I interviewed Im YoungSun, a former soldier in the (North) Korean People’s Army, and now president of SPTV, an online broadcast channel for North Korean content in South Korea4. Both Cho and Im are from my hometown of Pyongyang and defected before me. I have since interviewed close to 100 North Korean defector-residents from various sectors of society. They range from the directors of North Korean defector-residents’ organisations, to the president of a civic organisation, a pastor, university professors, PhDs, artists, doctors, and entrepreneurs, all of whom are wonderful individuals who possess a wealth of knowledge and believe in using it in the service of others. Many are more satisfied with their jobs in South Korea compared to what they had in the North. The dreams of many of these defectors blossomed for the first time here in the Republic of Korea – hope and freedom which I am certain they are grateful for. Most of the 33 North Korean “defector heroes” I introduce in this book have resided in South Korea for more than 10 years, some as long as 30. With the exception of former UK-based North Korean diplomat Thae Yong-ho, who defected three years ago, and former artillery regiment commander in the Korean People’s Army, Im Kang-Jin, who defected six years ago, the interviewees are all truly the pioneers of the North Korean defector-resident era. The selection of interviewees prioritised, above all, criteria such as passion for work, the rationality to distinguish between the North Korean regime and its
4 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군대, 朝鮮人民軍) is the military forces of North Korea and the armed wing of the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨). Kim Jong-un serves as the Supreme Leader (Kr. choego saryeong’gwan, 최고사령관, 最高司令官) and the chairman of the Central Military Commission. Under the military-first policy, it is the central institution of North Korean society. Literally Joseon People’s Army.
Source text introduction by Lim Il xxi citizens, compassion and warmth towards others, and the demonstration of flexible and humble character. Upon coming to South Korea, among the community of 30,000 North Korean defector-residents, more than 2,000 have had the opportunity to study at university both domestically and abroad. Thirty have attained PhD degrees and some are even working as South Korean government officials. Examples include PhD researchers in economics studying the prospects of capitalism in the event of reunification, professors of North Korean studies who shed light on the realities of life in Pyongyang from their lecture podiums, former diplomats who outspokenly criticise the North Korean dictatorship, entrepreneurs who seek economic cooperation between the North and South, and lecturers specialising in education about reunification. There are also brave warriors who, despite the threat of retaliation from the brutal North Korean regime, continue to fight for the freedom and human rights of the 20 million citizens who are suffering under the dictatorship of Chairman Kim Jong Un. There are writers recording the history of Korea’s division and moves towards reunification, as well as many North Korean defector-residents in all parts of society living as though reunification was already a reality, silently lighting the path for reunification without name or honour. 80% of North Korean defectors are female. Marriages between South Korean men and North Korean women are called the ‘namnam buknyeo’ phenomenon.5 North Korean defector-residents are frontrunners who are experiencing what the realities of reunification may be like. It is also fair to say that they are contributors to the growth of the South Korean population. All North Korean defector-residents in South Korea are without a doubt an integral part of the foundation that safeguards liberal democracy in South Korea, regardless of party or affiliation. Having experienced dictatorship in North Korea, they are living proof of the superiority of liberal democracy on the Korean Peninsula. In this day and age of more than 33,000 North Korean defector-residents, I have now lived in Seoul for 23 years, 15 of which I spent as an author and journalist. I have met many individuals in the North Korean defector-resident community who are worth introducing to the rest of the world. These amazing individuals live steadfastly with boundless love for their fellow citizens and their nation, regardless of recognition or acknowledgement. This book documents the stories of 33 of the most admirable North Korean defector heroes. Lim Il September 9, 2019 Documenting the legacy of 33 North Korean defector heroes
5 Namnambuknyeo (Kr. 남남북녀, 南男北女) is a popular term in Korea, based on the belief that men from the South of the Korean Peninsula and women from the North are the most good-looking.
Acknowledgements
First and foremost, I would like to thank the talented Monash University students of ATS3321 Korean Research Project, 2020 (listed below), for their dedication and outstanding work during the translation of this book. I hope that you enjoyed the semester as much as I did, and that you shall continue taking interest in Korean Studies. I would like to thank Ms Joey Chan for her amazing work as Research Assistant during the preparation of the book proposal and translator note editing. Your tireless effort and passion as well as attention to detail never cease to impress me. I would like to extend my thanks to my wonderful colleague Associate Professor Andrew David Jackson for finding time at the end of the semester to read the full final draft of the manuscript and for providing valuable feedback regarding the translator notes. I must also thank the Academy of Korean Studies for their continuous support of our research at Monash University as part of the University Core Grant. On behalf of the students of ATS3321 and myself, I would like to thank all of our loving families (including my wife Kaori) for putting up with us during long nights of editing and group discussions. I would like to thank the South Korean publisher, ByBooks, for helping liaise with Mr Lim and for agreeing to the translation project. I would also like to extend my thanks to the editors at Routledge who saw the book through to publication, notably Simon Bates and Tanushree Baijal. Finally, I would like to sincerely thank the author of the source text, Mr Lim Il, and all 33 of his interviewees, for finding the courage to come forth and compile this testament to the 33,000 (and counting) North Korean men, women, and children currently residing in South Korea. Your legacy will never be forgotten. On a warm November evening in Melbourne, Adam Zulawnik
Translation Teams
Team 1 ‘Hwanghae’
Team 2 ‘Kangwon’
Sneha Karri (University of Sydney) Taehee Kim (Ben) Cheyenne Lim Irene Park
Grace Burke Jeongin Hur Eva Richards Jiaqi Zhu (Isabella)
Team 3 ‘Hamgyong’
Team 4 ‘Pyongan’
Rhianna Brophy Da Yoon Lee Melanie Wong
Yasmin Gurleyen Chie-Yeong Hwang Sanvitha Kandula Tae Seong Kim
Team 5 ‘Chagang’ Jamie Chuen Kiang Lim-Young Haeram Rim (Lia) Keith Wong Minna Zhang
1
Kim Shin-jo Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ pastor
Telling the story of the Blue House Raid of 50 years ago1 There is a particular event that many people, including today’s youth in their twenties to thirties, learn and come to know about through movies and history books. On January 21, 1968, 31 members of the North Korean Special Forces Unit boldly infiltrated up to the hills of Segeomjeong, Seoul, in order to launch a surprise attack on the heart of the Republic of Korea – the Blue House.2 Fortunately, with a chance of one in a million, the members of the North Korean Special Forces Unit were about to pass through Jahamun at Segeomjeong, when police in the midst of a security patrol questioned them and exposed their identities. A critical shoot-out then ensued.3 Twenty-nine men were shot to death, one escaped to the North, and the sole captive at the time, Kim Shin-jo (26 years of age at the time), defected to South Korea. The Blue House raid incident of the ruthless North Korean administration 50 years ago, which raises goosebumps to even think about, has certainly served as a foundation for new security policies in the Republic of Korea. It can be said that the bolstering of state-of-the-art military defence capabilities, and the establishment of the Homeland Reserve Forces, which can call upon citizens before an emergency occurs, are clearly results of such policies.
1 Blue House Raid (Kr. cheongwadae seupgyeok, 청와대 습격, 靑瓦臺 襲擊) was a raid launched by North Korean commandos to assassinate the President of the Republic of Korea, Park Chung-hee, in his residence at the Blue House, on January 21, 1986. It is also known as the 121 Incident (Kr. il i’il satae, 121사태, 121事態) in South Korea in reference to its date. 2 Blue House (Kr. cheongwadae, 청와대, 靑瓦臺, lit. blue tile house) is the executive office and official residence of the Republic of Korea’s head of state, the President of the Republic of Korea. It is located in the Jongno District of the capital, Seoul. 3 Jahamun (Kr. 자하문, 紫霞門) is also known as Northwest Gate, Buksomun (Kr. 북소문, 北小門), and Changuimun (Kr. 창의문, 彰義門). The suffix mun (Kr. 문, 門) means gate or door in Korean.
2
Kim Shin-jo
In September of 2017, a workshop was held at a pension located in Ganghwa County, Incheon Metropolitan City, where 100 North Korean defector-residents who support the government’s North Korean policy participated.4,5 Pastor Kim Shin-jo appeared as a special lecturer, and after the event finished, he and I sat face to face and I listened to his recount of the graphic story of the Blue House raid 50 years ago.
Please introduce yourself. “I was born in June of 1942, in Cheongjin, North Hamgyong Province. My father was an engineer at an oxygen plant in Cheongjin, and after liberation he became a member of the Communist Party.6 When I enlisted in the army, my father was serving as the union leader of the Cheongam-dong Weaving Factory, and my mother was managing a rice mill. I have two older sisters, one younger brother, and two younger sisters.7 I attended Cheongjin Middle School and then graduated from Heungnam Mechanics Vocational School (a three-year junior college).”8
Your family was loyal to the Workers’ Party of Korea.9 “That’s right. Before liberation, my grandfather’s younger brother joined the Joseon Communist Party in Manchuria. Afterwards, while involved in underground anti-Japanese activities, he was arrested by the Japanese and imprisoned in Seodaemun Prison. After liberation on August 15, he was released and came back to his hometown where he served as Party Committee Director in Bukcheong County, South Hamgyong Province.”10
4 Pension (Kr. pensyeon, 펜션) is a term used to refer to a no-frills rental house for short-term vacations. 5 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. xix. 6 After liberation refers to the period after 1945, the year when the Korean Peninsula was emancipated from Japanese colonial rule. 7 -dong (Kr. 동, 洞) is a suffix used in Korean to indicate a sub-municipal level unit of a city. It is similar to suburb and smaller than a district (Kr. gu, 구, 區). 8 Heungnam Mechanics Vocational School (Kr. heungnam gigye jeonmun hakgyo, 흥남기계전문학교) refers to a tertiary school specialising in machinery. 9 Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨) is the founding and ruling political party in North Korea. It is also commonly shortened to Workers’ Party (Kr. nodongdang, 노동당, 勞動黨). 10 August 15 is National Liberation Day of Korea (Kr. gwangbokjeol, 광복절, 光復節), an annual holiday celebrated in North and South Korea to commemorate liberation from Japanese rule.
Kim Shin-jo 3
When did you enlist in the People’s Army? “I was recruited in the autumn of 1961. After enlisting I was sent to the 6th Infantry Division, which was stationed in Pyeongsan County, Hwanghae Province. For three months I received training as a new recruit and was then posted to a reconnaissance squadron directly under the division. Two years after enlisting, my first mission was to spy on the surroundings of the 2nd Infantry Division stationed south of the 38th parallel.11,12 The five-troop mission was perfectly executed and as a result I was assigned to Unit 283 (Reconnaissance Special Forces).”
After that, what espionage operations did you take part in?13 “I completed my second espionage mission three years later. In May of 1966, I infiltrated Yangpyeong in Gyeonggi Province and gave a secret order and operational funds to a residing spy. That time, me and four others executed the mission, then returned. When we got back to Pyongyang, we received the best treatment, and our unit number was ‘101’, which meant we received priority to pass through anywhere. At that time, I was over the moon.”
Explain the circumstances of the Blue House surprise attack. “In early 1967, the director of the Reconnaissance General Bureau Kim Jeongtae (the son of Kim Chaek, who fought alongside Kim Il-sung) received top commander Kim Il-sung’s special approval and established the Special Forces Unit (Unit 124) by selecting 10,000 soldiers from each division.14 There were eight bases in the unit in total, and roughly 1,200 soldiers were assigned to each base.”
11 The 2nd Infantry Division of the Republic of Korea is referred to as American Second Division (Kr. Mi2sadan, 미2사단) by the author, but is also known as 2nd Infantry Division (Kr. je 2 bobyeong-sadan, 제2보병사단). 12 38th parallel (Kr. samsip’pal seon, 38선, 三十八線) is the circle of latitude which formed the border between North and South Korea prior to the Korean War. 13 Espionage (Kr. nampa남파, 南派) literally translates as send to the South. It describes being sent by North Korea to conduct missions as a spy or agent in South Korea. 14 Reconnaissance General Bureau (Kr. jeongchalchong-guk, 정찰총국, 偵察總局) is a North Korean intelligence agency established in 2009 that manages the state’s clandestine operations. Most of their operations have a specific focus on Japan, South Korea, and the United States.
4
Kim Shin-jo
How harsh was the enemy territory infltration training? “That year in August, I belonged to the 6th base (in Yeonsan County, North Hwanghae Province). The training varied from targeted explosion training, gyeoksul, brute force, and being able to remain submerged in icy water for two hours.15,16 We had to complete a 40 km course within three hours whilst fully armed and carrying a 20 kg backpack. Our pace had to be about three times faster than the pace of a regular person.”
Who was in command of the Blue House raid? “The director of the Reconnaissance General Bureau, Kim Jeong-tae. He was a man with a poisonous gaze. On January 13, 1968, he called upon the 31 of us to give the final order: ‘This is a special order of the highest command. Descend into Seoul in South Joseon and cut off the head of the traitor puppet Park Chunghee!’17 As the leader of the whole raid unit, Kim Jong-un was given the mission of infiltrating the Blue House office and cutting off President Park Chung-hee’s head.”
Could you elaborate? “One group in the unit was made up of around six to eight people. In each group, there was a leader and second in charge and they were all very tough men. As the leader of Group 2, I received the mission to take control of Level 1 of the Blue House. Group 3 took care of the surprise attack on the security room and Group 4 was our cover. Each of the 31 elite raid unit members’ combat skills were equivalent to that of 100 men. I mean, of course, this is the case since they picked the best soldiers from the North Korean Army.”
I’m curious about the infltration process. “On January 16, 1968, at 10 o’clock at night, we left the 6th base in a vehicle and arrived at the Armistice Line on the 18th.18 We dug under the barbed wire and crossed over. We crossed the Imjin River, which was frozen solid, on the 19th, and spent the night at Sambong Mountain in Goyang, Gyeonggi Province.”
15 Gyeoksul (Kr. 격술, 擊術) here refers to a type of North Korean hand-to-hand combat system where the head, hands, and feet are used to attack an opponent or block their attacks. 16 Brute force (Kr. gyeokpa, 격파, 擊破) here refers to the act of destroying a hard object with a hand, foot, etc., or the act of defeating an opponent. 17 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮) is the term North Korea uses to refer to South Korea as it considers the name South Korea uses (i.e., hanguk, 한국, 韓國) to be reminiscent of the imperialist Korean Empire (Kr. daehan jeguk, 대한제국, 大韓帝國). 18 Armistice Line (Kr. hyujeonseon, 휴전선, 休戰線) is also known as the Ceasefire Line or the Military Demarcation Line (MDL).
Kim Shin-jo 5
Were there any obstacles? “We met a pair of woodcutter brothers by chance on a mountain in Chori Valley, Beobwon Village, Paju County, Gyeonggi Province.19 It’s cumbersome to take care of dead bodies in the mountains, so by voting through a show of hands, we decided to let them live. We threatened them by saying ‘If you report us, we will slaughter your whole family.’”
Isn’t that an error in the mission? “It was a sign things were going awry. The woodcutter brothers immediately went down to the village and reported what had happened to the police substation. An emergency alert was issued to the entire army. When we arrived at the guard post at Jahamun in Seoul our identity was exposed, and a shoot-out ensued. I intentionally fled not to the North, but to the South. It was an act of instinct. The reason for this was because I’m a human before I’m a soldier, and I wanted to live.”
“Arrest” or “surrender.” Which one is accurate? “I definitely surrendered and turned myself in. Despite this, ‘Kim Shin-jo and his group captured’ was written in the press, but there was a reason for it. It was a time when the government was controlling the press. Say the press told the people, ‘The North Korean Military Special Forces Unit surrenders after persistent resistance!’, how would things have turned out?”
That would have been confusing. “Of course. First of all, people would lose faith in the soldiers and police who protect the country. The country’s economy would collapse in an instant if people feel anxious about national security and emigrate and foreign investors pull out.”
How did your life in South Korean society start? “Two years later, the first company I was introduced to through the government was Explosives Korea (currently Hanhwa Group). I think it was because I majored in engineering. But after giving it a bit more thought, I rejected the role, because if an explosion incident were to happen at the company due to someone’s carelessness, they might think I’m involved because I’m a defector. The next company I was introduced to was Sambu Engineering, an elite South Korean construction company. I worked there for ten years.”
19 Paju County (Kr. paju-gun, 파주군, 坡州郡), located in Gyeonggi Province, South Korea, was made the city of Paju (Kr. paju-si, 파주시, 坡州市) in 1997.
6
Kim Shin-jo
You must have given a lot of lectures on national security. “I’ve given 3,000 lectures on national security in total so far. The most important point that I stress not once, not twice, but three times is for Republic of Korea to place emphasis on national security. This could be the wish of the citizens of the Republic of Korea, who forgave a criminal like me, who came down from North Korea to assassinate the President.”
Did you come to meet your wife through a matchmaker? “No. My wife (Choi Jeong-hwa, 28 years of age at the time) is from Taesaeng, Jeolla Province and is a faithful Christian. After she graduated from university and was preparing to enter the workforce, she came to know my address through a press company and often sent me letters. Her genuine and sincere confession touched my heart and we exchanged our vows in 1970.”
It seems like you became a minister through the infuence of your wife. “The person who introduced me to the church was none other than my wife. In 1991, I graduated from Seoul Baptist Theological School (now Berea International Theological Seminary) and was ordained as a minister the following year. After that I started ministerial activities as the head pastor at Sungrak Church in Seoul and retired in 2012. I raised a son and a daughter, and have four grandsons and one granddaughter.”
What do you think of Kim Il-sung’s grandson, Kim Jong-un? “Fifty years ago, the person who commanded me to ‘go to Seoul and cut off Park Chung-hee’s head!’ was Kim Il-sung. His grandson Kim Jong-un is now in Pyongyang actively following in his grandfather’s footsteps. The North Korean administration’s ambition to take over South Korea with socialism is unwavering. The same blood definitely runs through this family.”
Any fnal remarks? “I’m thinking about the Republic of Korea’s national security day and night. After living here for 50 years, I know with certainty that this place is worth protecting with our lives. Just as we take preventative measures when we are healthy to avoid getting sick, we need to protect our country’s security when it’s most peaceful. If we don’t, we’ll be in trouble.”
2
Ahn Chan-il Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ chairman of Sungy Dongji association
“Free Resident,” a fner name than “North Korean Defector-Resident” In early June this year, I received a special invitation letter from Ahn Chan-il, the director of the World Institute for North Korea Studies and the first North Korean defector-resident to become a professor of political science.1 It was an invitation to the farewell of the 18th and inauguration of the 19th Chairperson of “Sungy Dongji Association,” an incorporated juridical association.2 He wanted me to attend this meaningful event, as he would be inaugurated as the new chairman. I first met Dr Ahn Chan-il about ten years ago, in the autumn of 2009 in a monthly prayer meeting for North Korean defector-residents organised by a religious group. After receiving my business card, he said in a welcoming tone, “So you are the writer Lim Il. I’m aware that you have written many books and great news columns as a North Korean defector-resident.” The scholarly Dr Ahn defected to South Korea 18 years earlier than I did. He left me with a long-lasting impression because, although I was much younger than him and less academically qualified, he treated me with great respect. As a university professor, a scholar, and a leader of civic groups, he is an active member of society and appears frequently in the media. On June 12, 2019, more than 70 people attended the inauguration ceremony of “Sungy Dongji Association” held in Suyu-dong, Seoul.3 The attendees included officials from the Ministry of Unification, former members of the National Assembly, leaders of North Korean defectors’ organisations, representatives of civic groups, and North Korean defector-residents.4 After the event concluded successfully, I met Chairman Ahn Chan-il at a nearby coffee shop.
1 World Institute for North Korea Studies (Kr. segyebukhanyeongusenteo, 세계북한연구센터, 世界北韓硏究中心) is the research institute founded in South Korea by Ahn Chan-il with the aim to study North Korean society. 2 Dongji (Kr. 동지, 同志) is a term to describe a comrade who shares similar values or goals. 3 -dong (Kr.동, 洞), see TN 7, pg. 2. 4 Ministry of Unifcation (Kr. tong’il-bu, 통일부, 統一部) is an executive department of the South Korean government aimed at promoting Korean reunification.
8
Ahn Chan-il
When and where were you born? “I was born in Uiju, North Pyongan Province, in July of 1954, the year after the end of the Korean War.5 My parents were both passionate members of the Workers’ Party of Korea, and I was the eldest of five children.6 After graduating from secondary school in Uiju in 1971, I voluntarily enlisted in the Korean People’s Army.7,8 After three months of training, I was assigned to the 2nd Corps, 3rd Infantry Division, Civil Police Battalion of the Korean People’s Army (DMZ Reconnaissance Battalion).”
What were your motives for defection and which route did you take? “I joined the Workers’ Party of Korea at the relatively young age of 21 and faithfully served the party and Supreme Leader for nine years. Around the time I was to be discharged from the military, I wanted to attend Kim Il-sung Military University to become a military officer (commissioned officer), but the political director of my unit tried to send me to a regular university.9,10 I felt like I had been pushed out. As a result, I had a change of heart and decided to cross the Armistice Line to repatriate to South Korea in July of 1979.”11
5 Korean War refers to the 6.25 War (Kr. yuk’i’o jeonjaeng, 육이오 전쟁, 六二五 戰爭). Whilst referred to simply as the Korean War in most countries, it is more commonly known in South Korea as 6.25 (Kr. yuk’i’o, 육이오, 六二五) or the 6.25 War (Kr. yuk’i’o jeonjaeng, 6.25 전쟁, 六二五戰爭), based on the date the war began after North Korea reportedly invaded the South. In North Korea, the war is known as the Joseon War (Kr. joseon jeonjaeng, 조선전쟁, 朝鮮戰爭), or the Fatherland Liberation War (Kr. joguk haebang jeonjaeng, 조국해방전쟁, 祖國解放戰爭, lit. Liberation of the Ancestral Country War). 6 Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨), see TN 9, pg. 2. 7 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 4, pg. xx. 8 Secondary school (Kr. junggodeung hakgyo, 중고등학교, 中高等學校) is used to refer to both middle and high school. 9 Kim Il-sung Military University (Kr. kimilsung gunsa jonghab daehak 김일성군사종합대학, 金日成軍事綜合大學) was established in 1948 in Mangyongdae District, Pyongyang, and is the most prominent military university in North Korea. It is sometimes abbreviated and referred to as kimilseong gunsa-dae (Kr. 김일성군사대, 金日成軍事大). 10 Military offcer (Kr. gungwan, 군관, 軍官) is a title and rank given to a soldier in North Korea, equivalent to South Korea’s janggyo (Kr. 장교, 將校). Unlike other servicepeople, these military officers are commissioned soldiers who are of senior or higher ranks. 11 Armistice Line (Kr. hyujeonseon, 휴전선, 休戰線), see TN 18, pg. 4.
Ahn Chan-il 9
I’m curious about the treatment of North Korean repatriates at the time. “First of all, an apartment of around 100 square metres in size was given to me, free of charge (equivalent to 30,000,000 won at that time).12,13 Also, a large sum of money, equivalent to the price of two apartments, was provided to cover the cost of the settlement. I was treated as a man of ‘national merit’, so there were many benefits that came with that title. One of the benefits that I enjoyed the most was that I got to work for the company of my choice.”
What kind of job did you get? “Due to a Repatriated Warrior Special Benefit Scheme, I got hired as a college graduate at Hyundai Engineering & Construction Co., Ltd., which was led by President Lee Myung-bak (17th President of the Republic of Korea).14 In 1979, the year that I arrived in South Korea, there were only three North Korean defector repatriates.”
Could you elaborate? “At that time, people like me were called ‘repatriated warriors’.15 We would go on a national relay tour of Seoul and the provinces, all in all ten different local governments, to attend the ‘Citizen Welcoming Assembly’, where we would receive a warm welcome from the locals.16 Normally, we would get enough money and gift coupons to buy a truck full of household items per visit, so we were indeed treated like real heroes.”
12 100 m2 (Kr. samsip pyeong, 30평, 二十坪) is an approximation for 30 pyeong, which is a Korean counter for area; the size of one pyeong is around 3.3 m2. 13 30,000,000 won (Kr. 3 cheonman won, 3 천만 원, 3千萬元) in 1979 is approximately equivalent to 206,000,000 won in 2020, which is approximately equivalent to $183,783.95 in USD. 14 Repatriated Warrior Special Beneft Scheme (Kr. gwisunyongsa teukbyeol hyetaek, 귀순용사 특별 혜택, 歸順勇士 特别 惠澤) is referring to the Special Compensation Act for Returned Soldiers to the South (Kr. wolnam gwisun yongsa teukbyeol bosangbeop, 월남귀순용사 특별보상법, 越南歸順勇士 特別報償法) enacted by the government. The term gwisun yongsa was officially used following the enactment. Around this time, the term repatriate (Kr. gwisunja, 귀순자, 歸順者) was also being used along with repatriated warriors. 15 Repatriated warriors (Kr. gwisun yongsa, 귀순용사, 歸順勇士) is a naming term coined in the 1970s, where gwisun (Kr. 귀순, 歸順) stands for repatriated, and yongsa (Kr. 용사, 勇士) denotes warrior or brave man, and is used in contexts relating to soldiers or veterans of war. 16 Citizen Welcoming Assembly (Kr. simin hwanyeong daehoe, 시민환영대회, 市民歡迎大會) is a gathering event organised by the local government to welcome North Korean defectorresidents arriving in their town/city.
10
Ahn Chan-il
You must have felt a great deal of pride. “At the time, ‘repatriated warriors’ were regarded by women as the 3rd or 4th most preferred man to get married to. Back then, those who defected to South Korea had to go through a year of investigation before they were released into society. I got married three months after release. North Korean repatriates were popular to this great extent.”
You did a lot of study in your feld of expertise. “I did four years of undergraduate study and three years of master’s level studies in political science and diplomacy at Korea University. After that, I spent seven years at the graduate school of Konkuk University. In total, I spent 14 years of my life studying at university. Studying sociology was something that I hated the most during my time in the People’s Army, but I ended up studying it extensively here in South Korea. To be honest, I consider it a great success for a North Korean defector-resident, who was once a soldier in the People’s Army, to become a university professor in South Korea.”
You are the frst North Korean defector-resident to earn a doctorate. “In 1997, 18 years after I came to the South, I became the first North Korean defector-resident to earn a doctorate in South Korea. Now, there are about 40 North Korean defector-residents with doctorates, each of whom claims to be the first – first female defector doctor, first defector pharmacist, and so on. It’s funny how everyone in the North Korean defector-resident community claims to be the first whenever they achieve something.”
You work across various felds in society. “I am an active standing committee member of the ‘National Unification Advisory Council’, a presidential advisory committee. This council reports to the president about public opinion on reunification, their willingness and capabilities, and on policies that can support peaceful reunification. I am the co-chairman of a civic group called ‘AKU’ (Action for Korea United).17 This is a reunification movement organisation that operates nationally and globally.”
17 Action for Korea United (Kr. tongilcheonsa, 통일천사) is an abbreviated name for 통일을 실천하는 사람들 (Kr. tongileul silcheonha’neun saramdeul, 統一을 實踐하는 사람들), which literally translates to people who put reunifcation into practice. The name may also be seen as a play on words, as cheonsa can also mean ‘angel’.
Ahn Chan-il 11
You have a lot of other experiences. “I was a visiting professor at Columbia University in the United States and a research professor at the University of Virginia. I was the first ever North Korean defector-resident to hold such positions at foreign universities. I am currently a chair professor at Korea Open Cyber University and a policy advisor for the Ministry of National Defense.”
What kind of prize was the “Liberty Democracy Award” you received last year? “The ‘Jung Il-hyung-Lee Tae-young Liberal Democracy Award’, which was awarded to me on April 20, 2018, was established in 1997 to honour the work and spirit of Dr Jeong Il-hyung, who fought to achieve independence and democracy in the Republic of Korea, and his wife, Lee Tae-young, who devoted her life to women’s rights as the nation’s first female lawyer.”
Could you elaborate? “The ‘Jung Il-hyung-Lee Tae-young Free Democracy Award’, which is awarded once a year, is given to admirable individuals in our community who can be good role models for others. Recipients are chosen and awarded in the democracy and peace category, and the society and community service category. The winners are each given a plaque and five million won of prize money.”
What kind of organisation is the Sungy Dongji Association? “In February of 1960, our organisation began organising social activities with the aim of establishing stable settlement for and a close relationship between repatriated warriors (what we were called at the time). However, as time went by, the number of North Korean defector-residents (formerly known as repatriated warriors) gradually surged, and the members’ attitudes changed. It was inevitable that we were worried about the organisation as its original intended function and character had been greatly diluted.”
Could you elaborate? “In November of 2006, the organisation was formally established as a registered corporation of the Ministry of Unification in order to be reborn as a new, original and active organisation. There are 12 branches across the country with 12,000 members.”18
18 Ministry of Unifcation (Kr. tong’il-bu, 통일부, 統一部), see TN 4, pg. 7.
12
Ahn Chan-il
Tell me about the treatment of early North Korean repatriates. “In the 1960s, after the armistice, repatriates arriving in South Korea only received 1,700 hwan, 24 kilograms of rice or barley, and two military artillery pieces.19 There were some differences depending on the efforts of the police officer in charge, but being a defector did not mean you would be welcomed warmly. They had to sleep in empty warehouses, old chicken coops, or tunnels under Namsan Mountain.”
When did things start to change? “In December of 1969, President Park Chung-hee invited repatriates to the Blue House.20After learning about their difficulties one by one, he made a presidential order to provide repatriated warriors with homes and jobs in the field that they desired. In December of 1972, he organised a foundation called ‘North Korean Repatriate Support Association’ (currently referred to as The Settlement Support Centre for North Korean Refugees) and asked figures such as the Hyundai Chairman, Chung Ju-yung, for help.”21
What is this I hear about you planning to change the name of the organisation? “The name Sungy Dongji Association has been the official name of our organisation since October 1, 1980, and next year we would have had this name for 40 years. The name means a gathering of comrades with noble loyalty, which is not a bad thing, but it is a name of a very old age. Back then, it was a time where the anti-communist ideology of the people was strong as a national measure, and now it is an era where the leaders of the two Koreas meet and shake hands easily.”
Do you have a name in mind? “To be straightforward, we are planning to change it to the ‘Liberty People’s Federation’. This is because of our future-oriented view, which goes further than reunification. For example, when North Korean defectors return to their
19 Hwan (Kr. 환, 圜) was the currency used in South Korea during the period of 1953–1962. 1 won was worth 10 hwan in 1962. 20 Blue House (Kr. cheongwadae, 청와대, 靑瓦臺), see TN 2, pg. 1. 21 The Settlement Support Center for North Korean Refugees (Kr. bukhan italjumin jiwon jaedan, 북한이탈주민지원재단, 北韓離脫住民支援財團), also commonly known as Hanawon (Kr. 하나원, 하나院), is a South Korean facility for re-education of North Korean defectors prior to entering South Korean society. It was established in 1999 and is located in Anseong, Gyeonggi Province, approximately an hour south from Seoul.
Ahn Chan-il 13 hometown after reunification, the name ‘free residents’ will be much finer and clearer than ‘North Korean defector-residents’.”
Any fnal remarks? “Unification, the long-cherished desire of the people, is sure to come. Our North Korean defector-residents are not traitors of North Korean socialism, but pioneers of future capitalism. We are those who have a demanding yet honourable duty to establish market economy and liberal democracy in North Korea. I urge all 30,000 North Korean defector-residents to join hands and carry out their historic mission for unification no matter what.”
3
Chon Chol-Woo Exchange student in Germany ∞ president of Gohyang FS
My dream is to establish a vocational college of food science in my hometown, Nampo I started my life in Seoul in the autumn of 1997, after leaving Pyongyang and passing through Kuwait. I saw the signs of a certain naengmyeon restaurant pop up here and there all around the city. The name of the restaurants was “Chon Chol-Woo’s Hometown Naengmyeon.”1 This is a national naengmyeon restaurant franchise run by Chon Chol-Woo, a North Korean defector seonbae and former international student in Germany.2 As someone who likes naengmyeon, I visited many naengmyeon restaurants in Seoul at the time that had been run by the families of displaced persons for generations.3 However, I shook my head at the majority of the restaurants that I visited because the taste was completely different from the deeply ingrained taste from my hometown, Pyongyang. After deliberating the reason, I think it is probably a generational difference. The Pyongyang naengmyeon made by displaced persons and their descendants in Seoul seems to use the same secret recipes as those used since post-liberation. I was born in the 1960s, so I don’t know that taste at all. The naengmyeon that I
1 Naengmyeon (Kr. naengmyeon, 냉면, 冷麵 in South Korea; raengmyeon, 랭면, 冷麵 in North Korea) is a Korean noodle dish of long and thin handmade noodles made from the flour and starch of various ingredients, including buckwheat, potatoes, sweet potatoes, arrowroot starch, and kudzu (also known as the Chinese or Japanese Arrowroot). 2 Senior (Kr. seonbae, 선배, 前輩) is commonly used in South Korea as a social construct between a more experienced (usually older) person who is expected to lead and guide the less experienced. Junior (Kr. hubae, 후배, 後輩). As Chon Chol-Woo defected before the author, he called Chon Chol-Woo seonbae. 3 Displaced persons (Kr. silhyangmin, 실향민, 失鄕民) is a term that literally means person who has lost their hometown in Korean. In South Korea, displaced persons are referred to as fve Northern Korean provinces residents (Kr. ibuk odomin, 이북5도민) because they came to the South during the five-Northern-Korean-provinces system soon after the Japanese colonial era ended on August 15, 1945. These five provinces refer to North Hamgyong Province, South Hamgyong Province, Hwanghae Province, North Pyongan Province, and South Pyongan Province.
Chon Chol-Woo 15 occasionally had at Pyongyang Okryu-gwan in Changjeon-dong, Central District, after becoming an adult is the “masterpiece” that tamed my mouth.4,5,6 After escaping from the North Korean construction site in Kuwait and coming to Seoul, I came to know Chon Chol-Woo, a North Korean defector-resident who became a celebrity and a “naengmyeon jangsa-ggun.”7 I respect him for being unchanged and still only concentrating on doing one thing.8 One day at the beginning of this year, I met Chon Chol-Woo, president of the public company “Gohyang FS,” at his office in the district of Songpa, Seoul.9
Where is your hometown? “I was born in Nampo in June of 1967, and I have three older sisters. My father was the vice-president of the Civil Aviation Administration of Korea; my mother was a professor at Pyongyang Academy (now Kim Il-sung Political Military University).10,11 Supreme Leader Kim Il-sung sent my parents gold rings as presents to congratulate them on their wedding because they were faithful to the Workers’ Party of Korea.12 After graduating from high school, I enrolled in the Department of Mechanical Production at Kim Chaek University of Technology in Pyongyang in September of 1983.”13
4 Okryu-gwan (Kr. 옥류관, 玉流館) or Okryu Restaurant is a restaurant in Pyongyang, North Korea, founded in 1960. Okryu-gwan is famous for its Pyongyang-style cold noodles (N. Kr. raengmyeon, 랭면, 冷麵). 5 -dong (Kr.동, 洞), see TN 7, pg. 2. 6 Central District (Kr. jung-guyeok, 중구역, 中區域) is one of 18 administrative divisions in Pyongyang known as districts or guyeok (Kr. 구역, 區域); the South Korean equivalent of this is gu (Kr. 구, 區). 7 Jangsa-ggun (Kr. 장사꾼) means a businessman seller, merchant, trader, or a person who sells things for money. 8 Concentrating on doing one thing (Kr. han umureul pago isseo, 한 우물을 파다) is a translation of a Korean idiom which states that the way to success is to concentrate and insist on digging one well. If you are digging several wells at the same time, you will ultimately fail. This proverb is similar to the Russian proverb that says if you chase two rabbits, you will catch neither one and the Confucius quote the man who chases two rabbits, catches neither. 9 Gohyang FS (Kr. 고향에프에스) is a traditional Korean food manufacturing company. Gohyang means hometown. 10 Civil Aviation Administration of Korea (abbr. CAAK; Kr. bokjoseonhanggonghyeopoe, 북조선항공협회) is the North Korean civil aviation authority. 11 Pyongyang Academy (Kr. pyeongyanghagwon, 평양학원, 平壤學院) is now Kim Il-sung Political Military University (Kr. kimilseong jeongchi gunsa daehak, 김일성정치군사대학, 金正日政治軍事大學), located in Mangyongdae District, North Korea. Founded in 1948 and named after Kim Il-sung, the school is a post-secondary educational institution for officers in the Korean People’s Army. It is the most prominent military academy in North Korea. 12 Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨), see TN 9, pg. 2. 13 Kim Chaek University of Technology (Kr. gimchaek gong’eop jonghap daehak, 김책공업종합대학, 金策工業綜合大學) was established in 1951, named after Kim Chaek, who fought against the Japanese alongside Kim Il-sung in Manchuria. The university is located on the banks of
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Chon Chol-Woo
Tell me about studying abroad in Germany. “In the autumn of 1986, when I was studying at the university in Pyongyang, I went to study abroad to Dresden University of Technology in the German Democratic Republic (East Germany). There were ten North Korean international students at that university, including me. Altogether, there were more than 30 to 40 North Korean international students in East Germany, including over ten other North Korean students in the Leipzig University of Medicine.
Wasn’t that era the heyday of North Korean students studying abroad? “You could say that. In the 1980s, most North Korean international students went to the Soviet Union (now Russia), an allied nation of North Korea. There were also at least five to six students, and at most a few dozen students in countries such as the Czech Republic, Hungary, Romania, Yugoslavia, Poland, and Bulgaria. Altogether there were hundreds of North Korean international students across the whole of Europe.”
Can you tell me what you experienced locally while abroad? “At the beginning, I was dumbfounded. North Korean university students, who lived like frogs in a well who know nothing about the wider sky, were the equivalent of ‘country bumpkins’ when we came to Europe.14 While enjoying the freedom of local life in Berlin, reading the newspaper and watching TV and movies, I realized, ‘Ah! We had been completely deceived by Kim Il-sung’s dictatorial regime the whole time when we were in Pyongyang!’ The sense of betrayal at the time really made me tremble with rage.”
How does Pyongyang differ from Berlin? “East Germans criticized their president and the regime. Religion was permitted and you could watch West German TV. Stores and restaurants on the streets of Berlin were overflowing with goods and food. People drank beer freely and had fun in the beer gardens that line the Rhine River. I was extremely envious.”
the Taedong River in Pyongyang and specialises in teaching programs on nuclear reactors, nuclear electronics, nuclear fuel, and nuclear engineering. 14 Frogs in a well knowing nothing about the wider sky (Kr. umul anui gaeguri, 우물 안의 개구리, Ch. 井底之蛙, 坐井觀天) comes from a classical Chinese idiom which means a frog in a well sees the sky as being only as big as the hole of the well. It implies that people who are not able to or refuse to see the larger world around them will believe that the world is composed of all that they see.
Chon Chol-Woo 17
Was there a motive behind your decision to escape? “Germany was unified three years after the wondrous yet exhausting life of studying abroad. Socialist East Germany collapsed, and the Federal Republic of Germany (West Germany) achieved reunification. Looking at the Korean Peninsula, you could say, metaphorically, that it was the equivalent of socialist North Joseon being devoured by capitalist South Joseon.15,16,17 It was shocking. I was envious watching the East German residents revelling in their precious freedom, and so I decided to go to Seoul because even if I only got to live for a day longer, I wanted to live like a human being.”
I am curious about your escape route in East Germany. “I crossed over into the western part of Berlin with fellow international students on November 10, 1989. We moved freely from the socialist camp to the liberal democratic camp. I immediately visited the Embassy of the Republic of Korea in West Germany and sought asylum. I arrived in Seoul one week after, on November 16.”
Tell me about your early days living in South Korea. “I enrolled in the Department of Electronic Engineering at Hanyang University in February of 1991. From the following year, I started broadcasting entertainment activities. I was publicly recruited by SBS and MBC as a comedian and began appearing on television.18,19 Then, with the support from famous comedians like Choi Yang-Rak, Kim Mi-hwa, and Lee Bong-won, I opened a small naengmyeon restaurant. It was 99 square metres and located on the second level of the basement in a building in Namyeong-dong, Seoul.20 That was the origin of ‘Chon Chol-Woo’s Hometown Naengmyeon’.”
15 Korean Peninsula (Kr. hanbando, 한반도, 韓半島), see TN 2, pg. ix. 16 North Joseon (Kr. buk-joseon, 북조선, 北朝鮮) is a North Korean term used to refer to North Korea. North Korea refers to itself as Joseon (Kr. 조선, 朝鮮), as it considers the name South Korea uses, Hanguk (Kr.한국, 韓國), to be reminiscent of the Korean Empire (Kr. daehan jeguk, 대한제국, 大韓帝國) from which the name stems, and thus, reminiscent of imperialism, due to the inclusion of the character han. Joseon derives from Joseon Dynasty (also known as the Chosun Dynasty, 1392–1897) founded by Yi Seong-gye, who himself chose the name based on Tangun Joseon (the ancient founding kingdom of the Korean people, said to have formed around 2333 BCE). 17 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4. 18 SBS is the Seoul Broadcasting System, a national South Korean television and radio network company. 19 MBC is the Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation, a national South Korean television and radio network company. 20 100 m2 (Kr. samsip pyeong, 30평, 三十坪), approximation for 30 pyeong. See TN 12, pg. 9.
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Could you elaborate? “Well, what exactly should I say? To put it simply, I was so busy that I couldn’t think straight. Two years after the opening, the number of chain stores increased to about 60 and the size of the business snowballed. Shall I say that I swept the money into burlap bags (laughs)? Anyways, it was like that. But Seoul is certainly also a city with many swindlers.”
When did you establish the present company? “While running a business, there are times when one changes the company name for the purposes of strategy and publicity. The company name used to be ‘Hometown Naengmyeon’. In April of 2013, ‘Gohyang FS’, a food manufacturing and distribution company was established. It supplies dozens of different kinds of food products to department stores and marts across the country. We also sell about 90 kinds of food products exclusive to our own brand through home shopping and the Internet.”
I heard that Chon Chol-Woo’s trademark food products are exported overseas. “In May of last year, after approximately one year’s preparation, we established an incorporated company in Vietnam. Aside from two management staff, the 50 or so employees are all Vietnamese. Korean food is receiving the spotlight in Vietnam thanks to Hallyu.”21
What are some of Chon Chol-Woo’s representative food products? “There are various products. There’s ‘Chon Chol-Woo’s Hometown Naengmyeon’, ‘Chon Chol-Woo’s Hometown Sundae’, ‘Chon Chol-Woo’s Pyongyang Naengmyeon’, ‘Chon Chol-Woo’s Bibim-naengmyeon’, ‘Chon CholWoo’s Galbitang’, ‘Chon Chol-Woo’s Jangteo Gukbap’, and so on.22,23,24,25,26 We
21 Hallyu (Kr. 한류, 韓流) is often called the Korean Wave in English, and refers to the rapid growth in popularity of South Korean culture and media. 22 Sundae (Kr. 순대) is Korean blood sausage. It is generally made by steaming cow or pig’s intestines stuffed with various ingredients. 23 Pyongyang Naengmyeon (Kr. 평양냉면) is Pyongyang-style cold buckwheat noodles. 24 Bibim-naengmyeon (Kr. 비빔냉면) is spicy buckwheat noodle. 25 Galbitang (Kr. 갈비탕) is beef short rib soup. 26 Jangteo gukbap (Kr. 장터국밥) is rice soup.
Chon Chol-Woo 19 also produce a lot of food that we encounter every day on our dining table, such as soy sauce, cooking oil, vinegar, ground pepper, and doenjang.”27
Could you elaborate? “All foods are vacuum packaged for safety and hygiene. Furthermore, identical products are not only distributed domestically but also exported to foreign countries. All foods and products that we have researched and developed ourselves are marked with our own ‘Chon Chol-Woo’ brand logo.”
You have been selling naengmyeon in Seoul for over 20 years. “It has been so long since I first came to South Korea, studied, appeared on television, and started my business in 1997. I’m proud of myself because I’ve been consistently on the same path. Occasionally, I want to go back to my original goals and open up a small private restaurant. Sometimes, lying in bed at night, I imagine a lovely scene of myself making dishes and serving them to elders.”
As a businessman, what impacts of North–South relations do you feel? “If North–South relations become better, I want to invest in my hometown of Nampo for business. Although North–South economic cooperation isn’t as easy as it sounds, I certainly have an earnest desire to try and make it work because of the love I have towards my hometown.”
What voluntary services did you do for your juniors? “I have served as the director for several civic groups in the past. Among these groups, Group A visited Hanawon (Settlement Support Centre for North Korean Refugees) every year.28 I would bring trucks loaded with naengmyeon when I visited, as I’m known as the ‘naengmyeon jangsa-ggun’ in the 30,000-NorthKorean-defectors community.”
27 Doenjang (Kr. 된장) or soybean paste is a type of fermented bean paste made entirely of soybean and brine. It is also a by-product of soup soy sauce production. It is sometimes used as a relish. 28 Hanawon (Kr. 하나원, 하나院), also known as the The Settlement Support Center for North Korean Refugees (Kr. bukhan italjumin jiwon jaedan, 북한이탈주민지원재단, 北韓離脫住民支援財團) (see TN 21, pg. 12), was established in 1999 and is located in Anseong, Gyeonggi Province, approximately an hour south from Seoul.
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Chon Chol-Woo
I think there are other volunteer activities that you are involved in. “Group B, where I worked as a director, sponsors the School of North Korean Youth Defectors.29 More than 40 children in that school were born in China, so it is difficult for them to learn Hangul. We provide them with donations.”
If you could say something to your juniors. “This year marks exactly my 30th year of entering South Korea after ending the times of being a poor North Korean international student in Germany. Since living in Seoul, I came to learn that there’s no such thing as free money. Instead, if you work hard at something, there will be people who are willing to help you, even if it is only by a small amount. If you specialise in anything consistently for more than five or ten years, you reach the top without realising it.”
What do you want to do if Korea is reunifed? “First of all, I would like to establish a ‘Chon Chol-Woo College of Food Sciences’ in my hometown of Nampo. People’s health consciousness is the same in any society. I would also like to donate a development fund to my alma mater Kim Chaek University of Technology in Pyongyang. Though I studied abroad in socialist East Germany during the socialist period, I hope to send my juniors to study abroad in the United States or Japan with the scholarships that I offer after reunification.”
29 School of North Korean Youth Defectors (Kr. talbuk cheongsonyeon dae’an hakgyo, 탈북청소년대안학교) is a school that provides North Korean defectors and their children short-term debriefing courses on how to survive in South Korea. The official name of this school is Yeomyung School (Kr. yeomyung haggyo, 여명학교), and yeomyung (Kr.여명, 黎明) in Korean means dawn.
4
Kang Chol-hwan Yodok Prison Camp inmate ∞ chairman of the North Korea Strategy Center
I survived a political prison camp When I came to Seoul looking for freedom, I was asked at the investigation agency, “do you know anything about North Korea’s political prison camps?” and shook my head in response. Having been born and lived in Pyongyang for 28 years, I had never heard the words “political prison camp.” Rather, I had heard the term “OO gwalliso.”1 The OO here is either a place name or a number. This is the commonly, openly used normal name, and on administrative documents they are referred to as “Joseon People’s Defense Military Farm OOOO.” These are the North Korean “political prison camps” talked about in South Korea. North Korean society, which lags behind in the past, is one where speaking the Supreme Leader’s (the highest authority’s) name without using glorifying titles like “dear,” “great,” or “beloved,” or scribbling on or tearing a photo of the Supreme Leader, can send you to prison. Coming into contact with foreign broadcasts or publications without permission can turn you into a political prisoner serving a life sentence.2 This cruel, terrifying, and barbaric ruling system has existed for the long 70-something years the Kim family leadership has maintained their dictatorial regime. It is extremely important to keep records about North Korea’s political prison camps. One day in September of 2017, in the Seodaemun District of Seoul, I met Kang Chol-hwan, the chairman of the North Korea Strategy Center.
Tell me about your family. “I was born in Pyongyang in September of 1968. I was born into a family of Japanese-North Korean Repatriates (people who were tricked by the North
1 A gwalliso (Kr. 관리소, 管理所) is a name for North Korean penal labour camps, typically for political prisoners with life sentences. A literal English translation might be “management centre.” 2 Supreme Leader (Kr. suryeong, 수령, 首領) is a term used to refer to Kim Il-sung and sometimes Kim Jong-il.
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Kang Chol-hwan
Korean authorities to return from Japan to North Korea).3 I have a younger sister. My grandfather was originally from Jeju Island, but he lived in Japan during the Japanese colonial period and acquired some wealth through Pachinko machines. He also served as the chairman of the Kyoto branch of the Chamber of Commerce. In 1963, my father came to North Korea from Japan with my grandfather.”
What kind of government beneft did your family receive? “I don’t know if this was the government being considerate, but my grandfather was the department head for the City of Pyongyang Commercial Management Office, while my grandmother was the vice-president of the Central Joseon Women’s Committee. The president at the time was Kim Il-sung’s wife Kim Seong-ae. If I visited my grandmother when I was in kindergarten, Kim Seong-ae would pat my head and say, ‘such a clever boy!’”
Why was your family banished from Pyongyang? “One day my grandfather was taken away by the State Security Agency and I don’t know his whereabouts after that.4 There were whispers that the General Association of Korean Residents in Japan had labelled my grandfather as an accomplice in efforts to oust Han Deok-su (the association’s chairman) and as a critic of Kim Il-sung, and reported him to Pyongyang.5 After that, in August of 1977, my entire family was banished to Kueub Village in Yodok County, South Hamgyong Province. It’s a political prison commonly referred to as the ‘No. 15 Management Office’.”
What kind of charges were the prisoners generally held under? “They were seriously absurd. There were lots of people who came in for criticising the Supreme Leaders (Kim Il-sung/Kim Jong-il), or for deliberately damaging their picture. There were people who were pro-Japanese in the past, and landowners and those from the capital class who refused the Workers’ Party’s policies.6 There were also those who had heard South Korean broadcasts and
3 Japanese-North Korean Repatriates (Kr. jaeilbuksonggyopo, 재일북송교포, 在日北送僑胞). 4 State Security Agency (Kr. gukga bowibu, 국가보위부, 國家保衛部) is the secret police agency of North Korea that reports directly to the Supreme Leader. It is now called the Ministry of State Security (Kr. gukga bowiseong, 국가보위성, 國家保衛省). 5 General Association of Korean Residents in Japan (Kr. jochongnyeon, 조총련, 朝總聯) refers to an organisation for residents of Korean descent living in Japan that has close ties to North Korea. It is also known as the Pro-North Korea Federation of North Korean Residents in Japan. 6 Workers’ Party (Kr. nodongdang, 노동당, 勞動黨) refers to the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨). See TN 9, pg. 2.
Kang Chol-hwan 23 participated in counter-revolutionary conspiracies, as well as those who had been caught on failed attempts to escape through a foreign country.”
Could you elaborate? “In the prison camp there were lots of cadres who had been sent down from Pyongyang.7 Section chiefs from the Central Committee, department heads of the city of Pyongyang office, heads of central institutions, and other people – all powerful people that are used to shouting orders.8 They were people who had misspoke and ended up committing a ‘great mistake’, or those who had openly criticised or expressed dissatisfaction about the Supreme Leader’s orders.”
How did you feel seeing them? “The prisoners from the cadre classes were called ‘no. OO’ the same as we were. The chubby cadres who came in wouldn’t spare a second glance at the corn gruel we ate, but after starving for three days, they would mindlessly devour it. Seeing them made me think ‘Ah, they’re people too!’”
What was your daily schedule in the prison camp? “From six in the morning we would start work on farming in the summer, and goods manufacturing in winter. More than anything, filling our famished stomachs was the hardest work. Lunch was just 100g of thin corn gruel. After toiling in the factory until seven in the evening, we received one cob of corn and some dried radish greens soup for dinner.9 After that, we attend a meeting and do about an hour’s worth of self-critique.”
Did you have any days off? “We absolutely never had a day off. On the Supreme Leader’s birthday, Party Foundation Day, Day of the Foundation of the Republic, or other public holidays,
7 Cadre (Kr. ganbu, 간부, 幹部) is a term often used in socialist states to refer to a member of a core group of specially trained leaders. 8 Central Committee (Kr. jung’angdang, 중앙당, 中央黨) is a term that refers to the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang jung’ang wiwon’hoe, 조선로동당 중앙위원회, 朝鮮勞動黨 中央委員會), which is the central party body of the Workers’ Party of Korea based in Pyongyang. This term is used to refer specifically to the Central Committee so as to avoid conflation with the Party’s provincial committees (Kr. do dang wiwonhoe, 도당위원회, 道黨委員會), all of which are under the Central Committee’s purview. 9 Dried radish greens soup (Kr. siraegiguk, 시래기국) is a thin soup made with the leaves of radish plants.
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we did work a little less but instead there was something more torturous.10 That was Kim Il-sung’s Ideology Study and taking group oaths of loyalty. I lived this animalistic life for ten years and was released after completing my sentence at 19 years of age.”
What kind of life did you live in society after that? “After being released from the shiver-inducing ‘Yodok Political Prison Camp’ of death as a model prisoner, the first job I was introduced to was at a communal farm in Songdo Village, Yodok County. Even though it was better than a coal or ore mine, I left that job and was connected by a relative to the Yodok Community Wellbeing Charity Organisation, where I worked for five years producing recycled shoes.”
Tell me about your route to defection. “After that, I met a peer (An Hyeok) who was a fellow inmate from the Yodok Political Prison. He had been illegally travelling in and out of China, and I frequently heard bits and pieces about the real state of China from him. After mulling over it, I decided to defect with 12 other peers who had hopes of going to China. However, in February of 1992, only An Hyeok and myself made it across the border at Hyesan. Unfortunately, everyone else was captured.”
What was your journey in China like? “I caught a truck to Yanji from Changbai County. I was definitely in a different world already, but I felt anxious because of my identity as a defector. It hadn’t been long since China and South Korea had established democratic relations, so I couldn’t get much information about the South.”
Aren’t Chinese and North Korean relations good? “China and North Korea are more than allies, they’re blood brothers. The Chinese authorities cooperate completely with North Korean demands to help them track down defectors. I stayed in China for six months, wandering between Shenyang, Beijing, and Dalian. In August of 1992, I boarded a passenger ship in Dalian headed for Incheon and came to the Republic of Korea.”
10 Holidays for Supreme Leader’s birthdays include the Day of the Sun (Kr. taeyangjeol, 태양절, 太陽節) on April 15, and the Day of the Shining Star (Kr. gwangmyeongseongjeol, 광명성절, 光明星節) on February 16, for Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il, respectively.
Kang Chol-hwan 25
Tell me about your early days in Seoul. “Upon entering society, I was accepted into the Department of International Trade at Hanyang University, and after studying hard I graduated in 1997. After that I worked at a public company, the Korean Power Supply Works, for three years, and as a journalist at the famous Chosun Ilbo for 11 years.”11
And your career after that? “In the summer of 2003, I established the first North Korean Human Rights group, ‘North Korean Political Prison Camp Dissolution Movement Group’. The reason was because I was enraged at the Roh Moo-hyun administration of the time for opposing the United Nations’s Resolution on the Situation of Human Rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. At the nomination of Hwang Jang-yop, I’ve been serving as the Head of Operations of the Committee for the Democratization of North Korea since fall of 2008.”
You met the American President Bush? “This brings back all the feelings of the time. On June 13, 2005, I met with American President George Bush for 40 minutes. Vice-President Dick Cheney, Dr Michael Green who was the Senior Director for Asian Affairs at the National Security Council, Steve Headley of the National Security Council, and others were in attendance. I was the first North Korean defector-resident to receive an official invitation to the White House.”
What was the most memorable conversation you had there? “President Bush asked me, ‘what would you do if you were the president of America?’ I more or less calmly responded, ‘the first issue is the problem of defectors (in China); the second issue is the many people dying in North Korean political prisoner prison camps; and the third issue is nuclear weapons. It would be difficult to solve the problem of nuclear weapons in North Korea without resolving the human rights issues.’”
Tell me about the North Korean Strategy Center. “Incorporated in 2007, the ‘North Korean Strategy Center’ is a research and activity-based organisation that works with young people from North and South Korea and elite North Korean defector-residents to achieve democracy and liberal
11 Chosun Ilbo (Kr. Joseon ilbo, 조선 일보, 朝鮮日報) was founded in 1920 and is considered the leading and oldest daily newspaper in South Korea and generally associated with the Right of the political spectrum in South Korea (and thus fiercely anti-communist).
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Kang Chol-hwan
reunification for North Korean citizens. We have been steadily expanding operations to provide information within North Korea, as well as running education programmes to inform the world about North Korean human rights abuses.”
Don’t you also send information into the North? “In 2008, we received 5,000 miniature radios and tens of thousands of DVDs and CDs from the Christian radio network ‘Far East Broadcasting Company’, and distributed them across the 38th parallel to regions in the North. We run more than two rounds of seminars and nationwide tours a year for Youth Reunification Education.”12
Any fnal remarks? “In order to reunify, we need to covertly spread information throughout North Korea. We need to let them know the reasons why the citizens have starved for decades, that the Kim family’s leadership is in fact a dictatorship, and that South Joseon is the world’s 12th largest economy, the ‘Republic of Korea’.13 There are many methods we can use, such as radio, publications, USBs, and DVDs.”
12 38th parallel (Kr. samsip’pal seon, 38선, 三十八線), see TN 12, pg. 3. 13 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4.
5
Im Young-sun Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ chairman of the Committee for the Nine Northern Korean provinces
It is clearly “Nine Northern Korean Provinces Residents” as opposed to “North Korean Defector-Residents” In an era where 33,000 North Korean defector-residents have entered the Republic of Korea, the name “North Korean defector-residents” is no longer novel or interesting to our society. However, the fact that there are too many names to refer to North Korean defector-residents by is problematic. There are more than ten names, from “repatriated warriors” (soldiers), to “repatriates” (civilians), “free migrants”, “re-unification people,” and “people whose hometown is in the North.”1,2,3 From the mid-1990s until the present day, the government has officially used “North Korean escapees” and “new arrivals” (this is mainly used within religious groups).4,5 However, the reality is that the North Korean defector-residents who
1 Repatriated warriors (Kr. gwisun yongsa, 귀순용사, 歸順勇士), see TN 15, pg. 9. 2 Free migrant (Kr. jayuijumin, 자유이주민, 自由移住民) is one of the naming terms used to refer to North Korean defectors. According to the Standard Korean Language Dictionary, jayu (Kr.자유, 自由) means freedom, not to be bound by external constraints, and ijumin (Kr. 이주민, 移住民) means people who move or migrate to other places. Some defectors request to be called “free migrants.” 3 Person whose hometown is in the North (Kr. bukhyangmin, 북향민, 北鄕民), a literal translation of the Korean term, mostly refers to those who fled North Korea to South Korea from the mid-1990s onwards. Some defectors express that they want to be called a person whose hometown is in the North, instead of North Korean defector (Kr. talbuk’ja, 탈북자, 脫北者) as they view Korea as essentially being one. 4 North Korean escapees or North Korean refugees (Kr. buk-han ital jumin, 북한이탈주민, 北韓離脫住民) is a naming term coined by the South Korean government on July 14, 1997, when the North Korean Refugees Protection and Settlement Support Act was enacted after an increasing number of North Koreans defected to the South after the mid-1990s. The term was commonly used between 1997 and 2004, and was officially selected by the Ministry of Unification in 2004 upon surveying public opinion. Bukhan (Kr. 북한, 北韓) is the South Korean term for North Korea, ital (Kr. 이탈, 離脫) means to break away or separate from, whilst jumin (Kr. 주민, 住民) denotes resident. Hence, the literal translation of this naming term is resident who broke away from North Korea. 5 New arrivals (Kr. saeteomin, 새터민, 새터民) is a term coined by the Ministry of Unification (Kr. tongil-bu, 통일부, 統一部) in January 2005 to eliminate social prejudice towards North
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Im Young-sun
are directly concerned are continually expressing dissatisfaction and discomfort. We have no measures in place to deal with this problem. In everyday life, people usually use “North Korean defectors” and “North Korean defector-residents” rather than “North Korean refugees” and “new arrivals” as designated by the government. It is obviously a chaotic issue. This problem may well be a burden for not only our generation but perhaps also future generations. The government needs to provide an urgent solution. Since the establishment of the North Korean defector-residents community after the ceasefire, there is an individual who has strongly insisted that they should be referred to as “nine Northern Korean provinces residents” rather than “North Korean defector-residents.”6 Im Young-sun, a former commissioned officer in the Korean People’s Army who defected to the South in the 1990s, is now chairman of the Committee for the Settlement of Nine Northern Korean Provinces Residents and also conducts other North Korea-related business.7,8,9 In May of last year, I met him somewhere in Gangnam, Seoul.
What is your hometown and family background? “I was born in Pyongyang in July of 1964, and my siblings were three boys and two girls. My father was a highly qualified engineer who was in charge of the construction design of the ‘Pyongyang Gymnasium’, but he was left out from the distinguished service summary when the construction finished.10 His speaking out against this was considered an act of betrayal of the party, so our whole family was exiled to Yonsa County, North Hamgyong Province, when I was 12 years old. My father passed away there without being able to swallow his anger, and my mother was a housewife.”
Korean defectors caused by the term North Korean defector (Kr. talbukja, 탈북자, 脫北者). The Ministry chose the term on the reason that it had no political attachment to the term. New arrivals carries the meaning of a person who lives in hope of life on a new land. 6 Nine Northern Korean Provinces residents (Kr. ibukgudomin, 이북9도민) is an alternate term for North Korean defector-residents which emphasises the fact that they left North Korea when it was in the system of nine Northern Korean provinces. 7 Committee for the Settlement of Nine Northern Korean Provinces Residents (Kr. ibukgudominjeongchangwiwonhoe, 이북9도민 정착위원회) is a supporting organisation for North Korean defector-residents. Both North and South Korea have nine administrative provinces (Kr. do, 도), two metropolitan cities (Kr. teugbyeolsi, 특별시, 特別市), six megalopolis (Kr. gwangyeoksi, 광역시, 廣域市), and one direct-controlled municipality (Kr. jikhalsi, 직할시, 直轄市). 8 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseoninmingun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx. 9 Commissioned offcer (Kr. janggyo, 장교, 將校) is a title and rank given to a soldier in South Korea. Unlike other servicepeople, these military officers are commissioned soldiers who are of senior or higher ranks. Also see Military offcer (Kr. gungwan, 군관, 軍官), TN 10, pg. 8. 10 Pyongyang Gymnasium (Kr. Pyongyangcheyukgwan, 평양체육관, 平壤體育館), also known as Pyongyang Indoor Stadium, is an indoor sporting arena located in Pyongyang, North Korea. The capacity of the arena is for 20,100 people and was opened in 1973.
Im Young-sun 29
Tell me about your experience of joining the People’s Army.11 “I was a little worried whether my father’s ‘political problems’ might be a stumbling block for my career path, but it was surprisingly fine, which was very fortunate for me. In May of 1980, I enlisted in the Military Mobilization Office in the City of Chongjin, North Hamgyong Province.12 I was assigned to the Military Construction Bureau under the General Staff Department of the Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces.”13,14
What kind of military unit is it? “The main mission of the unit, which is stationed in Pyongyang, is to secretly build strategic bases to be utilised in cases of emergency. Seven years after serving as a soldier, I graduated from the training class (12 months) in Kang Kon Military Academy and was appointed as a platoon leader in September of 1988.”15,16
What special things happened during your time at the military school? “When I was at the Kang Kon Military Academy, there was a secret group formed by my peers. One day, A, a member of the General Guard Bureau, said at a drinking party, ‘Even Kim Il-sung is at the mercy of our fully loaded pistols. If we really want to, we can change the fate of this nation’.17 I was shocked by what he said.
11 People’s Army (Kr. inmin gundae, 인민군대, 人民軍隊) is short for Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx. 12 Military Mobilization Offce (Kr. gunsa dongwon-bu, 군사동원부, 軍事動員部) is an administrative office under the People’s Council that deals with military officers’ conscription and calls up the reserve forces. 13 General Staff Department (Kr. chong cham’mo-bu, 총참모부, 總參謀部) is the senior military leadership of the Korean People’s Army; it is responsible for the army’s administrative, operational, and logistical needs. 14 Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces (Kr. inmin muryeok-bu, 인민무력부, 人民武力部) is the ministry in charge of general administrative and logistical coordination of the Korean People’s Army. It has since been renamed to 인민무력성 (Kr. inmin muryeok’seong, 人民武力省). 15 Kang Kon Military Academy (Kr. kang’gon gun’gwan hakgyo, 강건군관학교, 姜健綜合軍官學校) is a military educational institution located in the city of Pyongyang. The school is named after Kang Kon, a Korean military leader leading up to the Korean War. 16 Platoon leader (Kr. sodaejang, 소대장, 小隊長) or platoon commander, comes under the classification of jung’wi (Kr. 중위, 中尉), which is part of the wi level of ranks. Officers of this rank correspond to lieutenants (or the equivalent of OF-1 by NATO’s ranking) in other armies. 17 General Guard Bureau (Kr. ho wichong-guk, 호위총국, 護衛總局) is now known as the Supreme Guard Command (Kr. howisaryeongbuk, 호위사령부, 護衛司令部) in North Korea.
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After that, I led A in creating our own secret group, called the ‘national salvation resistance committee’.”
What kind of activities did you engage in? “One day in April of 1993, I acquired information stating that Kim Il-sung would come to Mangyongdae (his birthplace) to visit his ancestral graves.18 A was responsible for sniping and I was in charge of distributing leaflets. Absurdly, A was drunk on that day, and everything went down the drain.”
That must have been your motive for defection. “Yes. I would have been trialled in a military court and sentenced to death by firing squad just for the fact that I conspired with 16 other soldiers to spread antileader and anti-government leaflets. In mid-July of 1993, I investigated various areas surrounding the Amnok River and tried for two weeks before successfully escaping by crossing over the river.19 Later, I met a kind benefactor and came to Seoul via the South Korean Embassy in Beijing. It was on August 10, 1993.”
How did you spend your early days in Seoul? “I entered the construction department of Hyundai Engineering & Construction in March of 1994. After graduating from Yonsei University with a degree in economics, I returned to the finance team of Hyundai Engineering and Construction. Although people in South Korea were free, the strict regulations and discipline of work life were somehow just like the lack of physical freedom in North Korea. After lengthy consideration, I submitted my letter of resignation to the company in September of 2001. Since then, I have been doing various jobs such as rescuing North Korean defectors, trading, and manufacturing.”
It is the personal bodyguard force tasked with the protection of North Korea’s ruling Kim family. 18 Mangyongdae (Kr. 만경대, 萬景臺) is a neighbourhood in Mangyongdae District, Pyongyang, North Korea. North Korean propaganda claims Mangyongdae as the birthplace of North Korean Supreme Leader Kim Il-sung, although in his memoirs he wrote that he had been born in the nearby neighbourhood of Chilgol (Kr. 칠골). 19 Amnok River (Kr. amnok’gang, 압록강, 鴨綠江) is the longest river in the Korean Peninsula. It forms the northwestern boundary between North Korea and the northeast region of Liaoning and Jilin Provinces of China. It is also commonly known as the Yalu River (the Mandarin Chinese reading of the same name).
Im Young-sun 31
Could you introduce the “Committee for the Nine Northern Korean Provinces”? “Established in November of 2011, the ‘Committee for the Nine Northern Korean Provinces’ is a not-for-profit organisation that represents the North Korean defector-residents community. In the early days, we applied for a 130 m2 office in Yeouido, but we couldn’t get in because we couldn’t afford the lease.20 Things such as our group regulations and articles of association are well established.”
Apparently, the Ministry of Unifcation is not the department that manages North Korean defector-residents.21 “The Ministry of Unification is a government department that specifically deals with the North in relation to general fields such as politics, economics, and culture. We, North Korean defector-residents, are people who have freed ourselves from North Korea, so why should we be managed by the department for the North? The Ministry of the Interior and Safety has jurisdiction over displaced persons (five Northern Korean provinces residents).22,23 Both displaced persons and North Korean defector-residents are people whose homeland is in the North, the only difference is the time when we came to the South. Strictly speaking, we should also be under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of the Interior and Safety.”
That sounds somewhat reasonable. “Let’s not look far away or at foreign countries, let’s look at our society. Currently, many people from Vietnam, China, Cambodia, Laos, and other Southeast Asian countries come to South Korea for marriage and work. These people live pretty well even if the South Korean government does not provide them with settlement support funds. But what about North Korean defector-residents? If settlement support funds are given, we have to be managed.”
Could you elaborate? “The government’s first mistake was assigning temporary rental apartments to North Korean defector-residents. North Korean defector-residents are the type of people who can live well on their own even if you just give them a certain
20 130 m2 (Kr. sasip pyeong, 40평, 四十坪) approximation 40 pyeong. See TN 12, pg. 9. 21 Ministry of Unifcation (Kr. tong’il-bu, 통일부, 統一部), see TN 4, pg. 7. 22 Ministry of the Interior and Safety (Kr. haengjeonganjeonbu, 행정안전부, 行政安全部) is a branch of the government of the Republic of Korea. It is responsible for national administration, management of government organisations, and e-government. 23 Displaced persons (Kr. silhyangmin, 실향민, 失鄕民), see TN 3, pg. 14.
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amount of settlement funds and ask them to work things out on their own. No matter how hard or difficult it may be, South Korea is clearly a paradise that cannot even begin to be compared to the hellscape that is North Korea.”
Are you saying that a North Korean defector-residents’ cultural area is needed? “Of course. In South Korea, the cultural areas of immigrants (through marriage, labour, study abroad) from different countries are now well developed by region. From a long time ago, foreigners’ cultural areas with their own distinct characteristics have been created in each region, for example, in Seoul and other provinces. There may be some merits and demerits of such places, but it definitely helps them settle into South Korean society. We, North Korean defector-residents, should also have our own cultural areas.”
Why should “North Korean defector-residents” be called “nine Northern Korean provinces residents”? “In South Korea, displaced persons are called ‘five Northern Korean provinces residents’ because they came down from the five-Northern-Korean-provinces system after liberation. The 30,000 North Korean defector-residents have clearly come down from the nine-Northern-Korean-provinces system. Therefore, it is only right to refer to North Korean defector-residents as ‘nine Northern Korean provinces residents’.”
Are there any other problems? “The ‘tal’ character in names such as ‘North Korean escapees’, ‘North Korean defectors,’ and ‘North Korean defector-residents’ is in fact a character that is commonly used in names referring to ‘crime’ in secular society.24 For example, expressions like ‘fugitive’, ‘deserters’, or ‘seceders’ refer to people who have illegally broken away from a particular space or area within which behaviour is considered normal.25,26,27 In other words, it’s the same as saying that it’s extremely abnormal.”
24 Tal (Kr. 탈, 脫) is a prefix used to mean escaping from. 25 Fugitive (Kr. taljuja, 탈주자, 脫走者) are people who have escaped from captivity or are in hiding. 26 Deserters (Kr. talyeongbyeong, 탈영병, 脫營兵) are people who leave the armed forces without permission and with no intention of returning. 27 Seceders (Kr. italja, 이탈자, 離脫者) are people who withdraw formally from membership in a state, union, or other political entity.
Im Young-sun 33
Did you have any diffculties that are caused by these names? “Does North Korea’s three-generation dictatorship represent a normal nation? Names containing ‘talbuk’ obviously constitute a stumbling block to the United Nations and the international community’s demand to recognise the refugee status of North Korean defectors in China.28 We’ve been called ‘North Korean defectors’ our whole life, so our senses have dulled, but it’s a name that makes South Korean people somewhat wary.”
Hearing what you say, it sounds reasonable. “Problems with North Korean defectors originated from the misconduct of politicians who abuse the topic of North–South division at every election.29 The same goes for bureaucrats from government departments relating to North Korea, such as the Blue House, the Ministry of Unification, the Ministry of National Defense, and the police.30 When North Korean defectorresidents enter this land, they should be treated no differently from other normal foreigners. The Ministry of Justice should conduct a simple background check and then the Ministry of the Interior and Safety should send them off to settle down in a provincial, city, or county region under their administrative jurisdiction.”
On average, 1,000 North Korean defectors enter the nation each year. Is this a small or large number? “It’s certainly small. If the current trend continues, that’s 10,000 people in 10 years, and only 100,000 people after 100 years. We need to completely change the current policy, which results in only 1,000 North Korean defectorresidents entering the nation every year, so that they can support 10,000 entrants per year.”
Where do you think the problem lies? “It’s clearly in the government. In the Republic of Korea, the policy for North Korean defector-residents is being carried out in accordance with provisions enacted nearly 40 years ago. At the time, repatriates (North Korean defector-residents) were used to obtain information and promote the superiority of the liberal democratic system. That is why, public security agencies such as the military and
28 Talbuk (Kr. 탈북, 脫北) means escape from North Korea. 29 North–South division (Kr. nambukbundan, 남북분단, 南北分斷) refers to the division of the Korean Peninsula into North and South Korea. 30 Blue House (Kr. cheongwadae, 청와대, 靑瓦臺). See TN 2, pg. 1.
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the police were fully in charge of managing repatriates, and this is still the case today.31 In other words, those in the government are not future-oriented; they are only concerned about keeping their own jobs and protecting their own rice bowls.”32
What do you want to say to the government? “Nowadays, there are millions of foreign immigrants and workers in our nation, but they pose no problem at all even though they aren’t handled by public security agencies. Times have changed, so it’s time to change as well. The government should approach North Korean defector-residents by viewing them as part of a labour force solution, and not for intelligence gathering purposes. That’s future-oriented.”
31 Public security agency (Kr. gong’an gigwan, 공안기관, 公安機關) is a term that is used more often in North Korea. South Korea has used public security in some agencies before, but it is not currently in use. 32 Rice bowl (Kr. bapgeureut, 밥그릇) is used metaphorically in Korean to refer to one’s job or means of making a living in Korean.
Special column South Korean defectors and North Korean defector-residents1
The South Korean Defector! A phrase used to refer to South Korean citizens who, either via a third country or by illegally crossing the 38th parallel, move into the North.2 Until the 1980s, North Korea referred to them as “those who returned of their own accord,” and since the 1990s, “South Joseon Residents” and “Reunification Warriors” (in the case of soldiers) have been used. 3,4 When I lived in Pyongyang in the 1980s, the “People’s Palace of Culture,” located near the riverside in the Central District, occasionally held press conferences for “South Joseon residents” or “puppet soldiers” who had crossed into the North. The recordings aired on national television and attracted no small degree of interest from the public.5 In isolated North Korean society, it is impossible for the citizens to be anything but curious about the outside world. This is because the government’s strict control makes it impossible to access foreign publications, TV, or broadcasts. The only media the people can access is the Labour Party journal, Workers’ Newspaper, which is essentially propaganda for the Supreme Leader. Television, too, is limited to just 2–3 channels produced and controlled by the government. Given this reality, North Korean people are naturally curious about the voices of outsiders. When a South Korean defector on TV says “in the American colony that is South Joseon, trying to find a job is like finding a needle in a haystack,” it spurs
1 South Korean defector (Kr. tallamja, 탈남자, 脫南者) is a term used in contrast with North Korean defectors as it refers to those who have defected from the South to North Korea. As with talbukja, it combines the character for escape (Kr. tal, 탈, 脫), south (Kr. nam, 남, 南), and the suffix for person (Kr. ja, 자, 者). 2 38th parallel (Kr. samsip’pal seon, 38선, 三十八線), see TN 12, pg. 3. 3 Individuals who returned to the North of their own accord (Kr. uigeoipbukja, 의거입북자, 義擧入北者). 4 Reunifcation Warriors (Kr. tongilyongsa, 통일용사, 統一勇士). Here, warrior (Kr. yongsa, 용사, 勇士) has implications of wartime glory. Compare with TN 15, pg. 9. 5 People’s Palace of Culture (Kr. inmin munhwa gungjeon, 인민문화궁전, 人民文化宮殿) is a palace and theatre in Pyongyang, first opened to the public in 1974.
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thoughts such as “well, even so it seems like you can choose your own job there. That would never be possible in this country.” The people cannot believe their ears when another South Korean defector says, “In Seoul it seems like workers, farmers, and even the intelligentsia hold protests decrying the government every single day.” It makes one think, “what would happen if a protest criticising the government and the Supreme Leader was held in our country?” For North Korean citizens, this kind of opportunity only comes once or twice a year, but they are taught “Supreme Leader idolisation” and “loyalty to the Workers’ Party” propaganda tens of hundreds of times over.6,7 Fear of the system means that no one raises objections against the authorities, but if you look at people’s faces you can see the discomfort and disappointment. Due to this unintended effect, South Korean defectors quietly disappeared from television screens in the 1990s. It is clear that South Korean defectors must live like North Koreans to be a North Korean citizen. They have to spend every day undertaking study of the Supreme Leader’s ideology while living off provided rations and performing work as ordered. And you must, of course, forget the meaning of words like “free travel,” “election,” and “government critique.” Until the 1990s, prospective returnees to the North who failed the qualification exams were sent to political prisons, but since the 2000s, international pressure has caused this to change a little. South Korean defectors whose scores are not high enough are sent to a third country or deported via Panmunjeom.8 Now, onto North Korean defectors! People who come to South Korea by crossing the 38th parallel or through a third country. The economic decline of North Korea was predicted from the beginning of the 1970s. The start of Kim Jong-Il’s participation in governance led to a widespread increase in the construction of statutes of the Supreme Leader and shrines commemorating the revolution. Supreme Leader idolisation was a fever that spread through the whole of society in waves that swallowed up the people. According to the testimony of the former secretary of the Joseon Workers’ Party, the late Hwang Jang-yop, in the 1970s~1980s, 40% of the national budget was spent on projects for the purpose of Supreme Leader idolisation. So it’s
6 Supreme Leader idolisation (Kr. suryeong u’sanghwa, 수령우상화, 首領偶像化) refers to the cult of personality surrounding the Kim family in North Korea, which requires total loyalty and subjugation to the Kim family regime. 7 Workers’ Party (Kr. nodongdang, 노동당, 勞動黨) refers to the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨). See TN 9, pg. 2. 8 Panmunjeom (Kr. 판문점, 板門店) was a village just north of the de facto border between North and South Korea, where the 1953 Korean Armistice Agreement was signed. Except for the building constructed to serve as the location to sign the armistice, the village itself is no longer standing. However, the name Panmunjeom is often used as a metonym referring to the Joint Security Area more broadly.
SK defectors and NK defector-residents 37 hardly an exaggeration to say that the country’s downfall into extreme poverty was naturally inevitable. Starting in rural areas in the late 1980s, the food ration system slowly collapsed, and by the mid-late 1990s after Kim Il-sung’s death, the City of Pyongyang had to suspend its rations. After this the whole country was overtaken by the “March of Hardship,” a tragedy that led to the death of three million people.9 After this, the numbers of North Korean defector-residents greatly increased. Those who could no longer wait and starve acted, despite knowing that “defection is treason.” Initial surprise at China’s development turns to further surprise upon learning that the South Korea that China is envious of is none other than “South Joseon.” Learning of the lies of the North Korean regime they fall to their knees and cry. In coming to the land of freedom, the Republic of Korea, these defectors risk their life for the belief that, even if they can only live for a day, they want to live with humanity. There isn’t a single North Korean defector-resident who came on the orders of the South Korean government. They all risked their lives of their own accord to come to this land looking for a new life. If it wasn’t for the Republic of Korea’s government embracing them as fellow Koreans, these people might be stuck living as wandering beggars in other unfamiliar countries. In North Korea, critique of the Supreme Leader means execution, and critique of the Workers’ Party means a life sentence. Even in my own country on my own land I need approval to move around. An average of 1,000 North Korean residents come to South Korea every year because they hate living like that. For North Korean defector-residents, it is deeply moving to receive a Republic of Korea resident registration card.10 They can see that even those who can’t find work won’t starve to death in South Korea. Even if it is a president they voted for by their own hand, they can criticise them if they do wrong. They can live anywhere they want, not just within South Korea, but in the world. They sense this with every particle of their body. The South Korean government considers issues concerning North Korean defector-residents from a humanitarian perspective. During the Cold War era of the 1970s and 1980s, the North and South took part in a war of propaganda. After the reunification of Germany and the collapse of the socialist block in 1990, the North Korean citizens knew that socialist North Korea would lose against liberal democratic South Korea in that fight.
9 March of Hardship (Kr. gonan’ui haenggun, 고난의 행군, 苦難의行軍), also known as the Arduous March and March of Suffering, was a prolonged period of famine and economic crisis that affected North Korea. The exact dates for the period are a subject of debate, but given as between 1996 and 1999 in this book. 10 Resident registration card (Kr. jumin deungnokjeung, 주민등록증, 住民登錄證) is a form of identification issued to all South Korean citizens when they reach age 17. The resident registration number (Kr. jumin deungnok beonho, 주민등록번호, 住民登錄番號) on this card is used in all manner of private transactions including those related to government, banking, education, or employment.
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In the 2010s, a new image appeared on North Korean TV (government propaganda aimed at outsiders like Uriminzokkiri might not be TV for average North Korean citizens, but it is still North Korean television).11 North Korean defectorresidents who were living in South Korea had returned home (defected back to the North), and were criticising South Korean society. It started from Bak In-suk in July of 2012, followed by Kim Gwang-hyeok and Go Jeong-nam and his wife in November of 2012, then Ri Hyeok-cheol and two other women. They even held a round-table discussion the following year. Press conferences for returnee defectors kept being broadcasted. They all claimed on Pyongyang TV that they “went to China to try to solve some of life’s hardships, but were seduced by the South Joseon government forces there and taken to Seoul by force.” They continue that “inhumane treatment in South Joseon society led to their disillusionment and decision to return home,” and of course they don’t forget to mention their gratitude to the Workers’ Party for “not asking about the past and taking them in with an open heart.” It seems like they are reading off a wellcrafted script. Why would this kind of scene appear? The answer is that they want to use these people to show the “bad side” of South Joseon. Whereas in the past they used South Korean defectors for press conferences, with the changing times, these “new defectors from the South” have taken their place.
11 Uriminzokkiri (Kr. uriminjokkiri, 우리민족끼리, 우리民族끼리), literally meaning between our (Korean) race, is a website run by North Korea’s Central News Agency that targets people who live outside of North Korea. It is blocked on the South Korean internet.
6
Kim Tae-bom North Korean logger in Russia ∞ director of the Peace Unith Korea Defectore Alliance1 1 The Peace Unith Defectore Alliance (Kr. pyeonghwa tongil talbuk’in yeonhaphoe, 평화통일탈북인연합회, 平和統一脫北人聯合會) may also be translated as the Peaceful Reunifcation of North Korean Defectors Association.
The miserable lives of North Korean slaves in Russia’s logging camps1 The first time that North Korean labourers were dispatched overseas was to the Soviet Union (present-day Russia) as loggers. This began during the 1950s, after Kim Il-sung and Soviet Union authorities made a confidential agreement. In return for the Soviet Union’s provision of materials to support North Korea’s war effort during the 6.25 War, Kim Il-sung sent 10,000 North Korean labourers to logging camps in the Soviet Union.2 North Korea and the Soviet Union shared strong economic ties during this time. The labourers dispatched to the logging camps in the Soviet Union were mainly criminals and troublemakers. Logging in the piercing cold was arduous and dangerous. The cold sliced down through to the flesh like a knife as temperatures fluctuated around −50°C. As North Korea entered the 1970s, the political idolisation of Kim Il-sung as the Supreme Leader grew and the quality of life for North Korean residents declined.3 People’s perceptions began to change from that point onwards, seeing as the banished labourers returned with TVs and refrigerators and were living a better life than those who were devoted to the Workers’ Party of Korea.4 From the 1980s, loggers who served their time were repatriated under Kim Il-sung’s instructions, and exemplary workers in North Korea were dispatched to the logging sites in their place.
1 The Peace Unith Defectore Alliance (Kr. pyeonghwa tongil talbuk’in yeonhaphoe, 평화통일탈북인연합회, 平和統一脫北人聯合會) may also be translated as the Peaceful Reunifcation of North Korean Defectors Association. 2 6.25 War (Kr. yuk’i’o jeonjaeng, 육이오 전쟁, 六二五 戰爭) refers to the Korean War, see TN 5, pg. 8. 3 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix. 4 Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨) is the founding and ruling political party in North Korea. It is also commonly shortened to Workers’ Party (Kr. nodongdang, 노동당, 勞動黨).
Kim Tae-bom 41 It is estimated that tens of thousands of North Korean loggers laboured in Russia, the biggest landmass on earth.5 Without a doubt, these people are also our fellow country people, and must be recorded as a part of the history of reunification. One summer day in 2017, I met with Kim Tae-bom in an undisclosed place in Seoul. He was a former North Korean labourer in a Soviet Union logging camp and is currently the Director of the Peace Unith Korea Defectore Alliance.
Where is your hometown? “I was born in April of 1959 in Sinwon-dong, Potonggang District in Pyongyang.6 I was the second son of two boys and three girls. My father was an executive of the jungmuwon State Administration Cabinet (a government position equivalent to director-level department officials) who managed administrative commissions across various regional provinces.7 My mother was an advisor of the Potonggang District’s Women’s Union.8 As members of the Korea Workers’ Party, both my parents were faithful workers to the Party and the nation.”
Introduce your life experiences in North Korea. “I graduated from Sinwon Secondary School in Mangyongdae District in 1976, and from the School of Trade and Commerce in 1981 (a course running for three years). In the spring of 1984, I was employed as a boilermaker at the Pyongyang Kim Jong-suk Silk Mill, and one year later I worked as a driver. Afterwards, I married a woman who worked as a teacher at a childcare centre. Fuelled by my drive to make more money (in foreign currency), and with the help of a relative, I was dispatched to the Khabarovsk logging camp in the Soviet Union in the autumn of 1989.”
5 Landmass (Kr. daeryuk, 대륙, 大陸) is more commonly translated in English as continent. However, given the term is loosely used in Korean, the author is referring to Russia as a landmass. 6 -dong (Kr.동, 洞), see TN 7, pg. 2. 7 Jungmuwon Cabinet (Kr. jeongmuwon naegak, 정무원 내각, 政務院 內閣) is the administrative agency with the highest authority in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. It was adopted in September 1948 and chaired by Kim Il-sung. In September 1998, it was abolished under a revised constitution and renamed the Cabinet of North Korea (Kr. joseon minjuju’ui inmin gonghwaguk, 조선민주주의인민공화국 내각, 朝鮮民主主義人民共和國 內閣). It is also commonly referred to as ‘the Cabinet’ (Kr. naegak, 내각, 內閣). 8 The Women’s Union (Kr. yeomaeng wiwonhoe, 여맹위원회, 女盟委員會) is an abbreviation for the mass organisation, the Socialist Women’s Union of Korea (Kr. joseon sahoeju’ui yeoseong dongmaeng, 조선사회주의여성동맹, 朝鮮社會主義女性同盟). Its predecessor, the North Korea Democratic Women’s League (Kr. joseon minju nyeoseong dongmaeng, 조선민주녀성동맹, 朝鮮民主女性同盟), was established on November 18, 1945 with the aim of enrolling women who were otherwise not members of any other mass organisation into a communist-controlled party. The Union underwent a name change to the Socialist Women’s Union of Korea in November 2016 at its Sixth Congress.
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Explain what it’s like in the logging camps. “You wake up at 7 am deep in a mountain valley and work right until 9 pm. Occasionally, you stay overnight to work an additional three hours, which is torturous and exhausting. Before sunrise or getting a chance to wash your face, you make your way to the logging site and begin logging trees in bitter cold temperatures ranging from −40°C to −50°C.”
What were the diffculties of day-to-day life in the camps? “North Korean loggers were accommodated in shipping containers. Each container was shared amongst 10 to 12 people as communal space. We used electric heaters in winter. The locally presiding North Korean office only supplied rice, soy sauce, and soybean paste, so during summer we would forage and pickle mountain vegetables and eat them throughout autumn to spring.” 9
Were you given any meat? “We didn’t have enough money to buy the otherwise well-stocked meat from the stores that were frequented by the Soviet people. The idea of buying meat was like a pie in the sky.10 We hunted bears, mountain deer, and the like around the logging sites or found wild animals that had frozen to death to cook as food. We would self-treat any illness, big or small, that resulted from working or from daily life. We heated water and washed ourselves about once a week.”
Were you paid properly? “With a month’s wage, I could afford one Soviet-made black-and-white TV. But, somehow, even with five to six months’ pay, I couldn’t even buy a sewing machine, let alone a TV. We received monthly pay, only it wasn’t in the form of cash but instead haengpyo.”11
Weren’t they essentially useless then? “Yes. According to friends who returned from vacation in Pyongyang, even if you took the haengpyo to ‘travellers’ stores’, there would be no goods available as the store would be completely empty. Even if you turned in haengpyo equivalent to
9 Mountain vegetables (Kr. namul, 나물) are wild greens comprising of edible grass or leaves commonly foraged from mountains. 10 Pie in the sky is used here to describe an idiomatic expression which literally means an image of a rice cake (Kr. geurimui tteok, 그림의 떡), referring to something that is unattainable. 11 Haengpyo (Kr. 행표, 行票) is a type of ticket that serves as evidence to confirm your labour, similar to a coupon that can be exchanged for products upon repatriation at designated stores.
Kim Tae-bom 43 the price of ten TVs, you couldn’t even buy one. The situation was nothing but deplorable. The reason why there were no goods in the stores was because, after finding out about the collapse of socialism in the Soviet Union, cadres panicbought everything off the shelves. In the end, it was the labourers who took the loss.”12
What was life like for the cadres who oversaw the logging camp? “The managers, party secretaries, guardsmen, and company executives live in completely different worlds to the labourers. With plump and fat faces, they eat bulgogi, drink whisky, and carouse in their warm homes.13 You’d be surprised to know how greedy they can be to line their pockets with money. Blinded by greed, these people compete viciously to show their devotion to the Party.”
Give an example. “To celebrate Kim Il-sung’s 80th birthday (April 15, 1992), they raised a goal to donate 80 Soviet-made pianos to the Pyongyang Youth Palace.14 To achieve this, labourers were exploited and overworked. We worked on only five hours of sleep a day. At the time, the monthly pay of a common labourer in Pyongyang was 100 won, whereas a colour TV cost 50,000 won and a piano 90,000 won.”
Why did you leave that North Korean company? “I would often leave the company to do some contract work part time (as parttime jobs). During this time, I attended a press conference with a German reporter from a press company on exposing the realities of working conditions for North Korean workers. I did it as I was told that my face would be censored and I’d be remunerated (with an appearance fee). However, my face wasn’t censored and was aired on local TV. I heard through word of a friend that an arrest warrant had been issued by higher-ups.”
12 Cadre (Kr. ganbu, 간부, 幹部), see TN 7, pg. 23. 13 Bulgogi (Kr. 불고기) literally means “fire meat.” It is a classic Korean dish made of thin, marinated slices of meat that has been grilled on a barbecue. 14 Pyongyang Youth Palace (Kr. pyongyang haksaeng sohyeon gungjeon, 평양학생소년궁전, 平壤學生小年宮殿) is a North Korean extracurricular educational institution in Jongnodong, Central District, Pyongyang. Established on September 30, 1963, it first operated as a school on April 15, 1967. It mainly caters for elementary and middle school students in Pyongyang.
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Explain the process of your escape. “I avoided North Korea’s State Security and hid for one year in Moscow, the capital of the Soviet Union, during which I met a saviour by chance.15 He was born in Pyongyang and had sought asylum during his time studying abroad and training in Moscow in the mid-1980s. North Korea was unable to do anything about him as he had Soviet citizenship.”
What kind of help did you receive? “He forged an identification card for me as a Koryo-saram, and introduced me to a job in the gem cutting industry.16 In December 1993, I went to the Embassy of the Republic of Korea in Moscow, applied for a visitor’s visa to Seoul, and landed in Gimpo International Airport in January the following year.”17
What sort of work did you initially do in Seoul? “I was recruited by XX General Hospital located in Bongcheon-dong, Seoul. After two years, I opened a restaurant called ‘Pyongyang Ssambap House’ in Yeouido, followed by ‘Cheongnyugwan’ nine months later, which was a North Korean restaurant near Madu Train Station in Ilsan, Gyeonggi-do.18,19 In December 1997, however, the restaurant was hit by the Asian Financial Crisis, and I went out of business with a mountain of debt.”20
What experiences did you have afterwards? “I worked part-time as a co-op assistant administrator at a foundation named ‘Christian Ethics Movement’ for five years. Then, in the spring of 2000, I was asked by Mr Hwang Jang-yop, the most well-regarded North Korean defector-resident
15 State Security Agency (Kr. gukga bowibu, 국가보위부, 國家保衛部), see TN 4, pg. 22. 16 Koryo-saram (Kr. 고려사람, 高麗), or Koryo-in (Kr. 고려인, 高麗人) refers to ethnic Koreans living in post-Soviet states, who migrated to Russia from the beginning of the decline of the Joseon Dynasty. In 1937, many were deported to Central Asia by Stalin under allegations of being Japanese spies. 17 Gimpo International Airport (Kr. gimpo gukche gonghang, 김포국제공항, 金浦國際空港) was the main international airport in the Republic of Korea before the opening of Incheon International Airport in 2001. 18 Cheongnyu’gwan (Kr. 청류관, 淸流館) literally means the clear stream eatery. 19 Ssambap (Kr. 쌈밥), literally meaning “wrapped rice,” is a Korean dish that comprises leafy vegetables wrapped around bite-sized portions of rice topped with fillings such as meat or vegetables. 20 Asian Financial Crisis (Kr. IMF sa’tae, IMF 사태, IMF事態), literally called 1997 IMF Crisis in Korean, refers to the period of severe market disturbances between 1997 and 1999 that resulted in a financial meltdown affecting a large portion of East and Southeast Asia.
Kim Tae-bom 45 at the time, to lead the missionary work of the Association North Korea Defector in the spring of 2000.” 21
Did you have a particularly special relationship with Mr Hwang? “Yes. I think Mr Hwang held me in special regard because he knew of my father’s work as a member of the State Administrative Cabinet. As a term of endearment, I called him ‘Teacher Hwang Jang-yop’ and he called me ‘my comrade Kim Taebom’.22 We met twice a week. I worked hard as Chief Missionary.”
I believe you are the founder of the frst civilian organisation for North Korean defectors. “To promote friendship and mutual cooperation between defector-residents and defector-resident groups, I organised and founded the provisionally named ‘Free Migrant Association’ in January 2000. It is an established alliance, comprising the Association North Korea Defector, the Christian North Korean Defectors’ Association, the Azalea Association, the Self-Support Community Training Centre, and Football for Peace Korea, amongst others. I have been on this journey with the Free Migrant Association alongside people such as Jang In-sook, Park Sang-woon, and Oh Soo-ryong.”
And that was the precursor to the Peace Unith Korea Defectore Alliance? “You could say that. Our organisation has proudly worked hard and conducted activities to assist North Korean defectors to settle into society, promote friendship, and recover ethnic homogeneity between North and South Korea.”
When was the organisation granted formal permission? “In March 2003, we received authorisation to be a corporate body affiliated with the Ministry of Unification, and we have continued to run our business in preparation for the peaceful reunification of North and South Korea.23 We continue to
21 The Association North Korean Defector (Kr. talbukja dongjihoe, 탈북자 동지회, 脫北者 同志會) is an incorporated organisation established for the freedom, human rights, and democratisation of the North Korean people and to defend the rights and interests of North Korean defectors in South Korea. 22 Comrade (Kr. dongji, 동지, 同志) is a broad translation of the Korean term dongji (Kr. 동지, 同志). It can be used widely in different contexts to signify the acknowledgement of comradery between either like-minded or similarly situated people. In political settings, it carries the nuance of comrade or compatriot. Similar to dongmu (Kr. 동무). 23 Ministry of Unifcation (Kr. tong’il-bu, 통일부, 統一部), see TN 4, pg. 7.
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work hard with integrity, upholding our honour as the longest standing North Korean defector association.”
Any fnal remarks? “I’ve really seen all sorts of people through the past 17 years of managing this organisation. If you’re not contributing donations to defector associations or doing volunteer work, I wish you would not, at the very least, meddle in the challenging work we’re undertaking. Doing so is equivalent to spitting against the wind.”24 (Director Kim Tae-bom passed away of a chronic illness in May 2018.)
24 Spitting against the wind (Kr. nuweoseo cheonjang’e chim’eul baetgi, 누워서 천장에 침을 뱉기) is an idiomatic expression which literally means to lie down face-up and spit up towards the ceiling. It refers to the futility of one’s attempt to hurt others, which only results in embarrassing oneself. An alternative expression in English would be cutting your nose to spite your face.
7
Kang Myung-do Premier Kang Sung-san’s son-in-law ∞ university professor
I am confdent that I can persuade Kim Jong-un to denuclearise One of the surprising things about South Korea to the North Korean defectorresidents, who come to this land looking for peace, is the fact that citizens choose their president by voting. This is understandably the case since North Korean defector-residents were once a part of the 20 million people in North Korea who ignorantly believe that the Supreme Leader should rightly, by law, be succeeded by his son. North Korean society is a society where a person is punished for carelessly referring to the god-like Supreme Leader without duly honouring him, let alone for criticism. The majority of defectors are inclined to be more conservative than progressive after having lived in such a closed society for a long time. A democratic country should have both conservatives and progressives in its society. If there were no opposing parties that compete for political standing, who criticise and keep each other in check, the world would probably not be that different from North Korea. It takes defectors some time to become versed in South Korean’s political culture – one that has both conservative and progressive parties. In December 2011, a reporting series about South Korean society was created on cable TV. Many North Korean defector-residents have been making appearances on shows and working hard to inform citizens about the realities of life in North Korea. One such notable person is Kyonggi University’s North Korean Studies Professor, Kang Myung-do. One day in May 2017, I met Professor Kang Myung-do in Jongno, Seoul.
I believe your hometown is Pyongyang. “I was born in January 1959 into the Kang family in Chilgol, Mangyongdae District, Pyongyang.1 I am the fourth cousin of Kim Il-sung on his maternal
1 -dong (Kr. 동, 洞), see TN 7, pg. 2. for explanation.
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side. My father was a cabinet minister until 1974, and my mother worked as the member responsible for the Pyongyang Party Executive Committee.2 In 1980, I graduated from Pyongyang University of Foreign Studies as a French major.3 Then, I worked at the Joseon League of Socialist Working Youth, and worked in Department 4 of the United Front Department until 1985.”4
What did you do afterwards? “I served as a security expert research director in the State Political Security University of the Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces (equivalent to South Korea’s Ministry of National Defense) until 1991, and then as the vice-president for the Reung Nyeong Nyun Trading Company under the Kumsusan Assembly Hall (Kim Il-sung’s office) from 1992.5,6,7 In 1991, I married Kang Hee-young, the eldest daughter of Kang Sung-san, the Party Chief Secretary (a position equivalent to South Korea’s governors) to North Hamgyong Province.”
2 Pyongyang Party Executive Committee (Kr. pyeongyangsi dang wiwonhoe, 평양시당위원회, 平壤市黨委員會) is a committee under the leadership of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party based in Pyongyang. 3 Pyongyang University of Foreign Studies (Kr. pyeongyang woeguk’eo daehak, 평양외국어대학, 平壤外國語大學) is a North Korean university specialising in language education. On November 15, 1949, it was founded under Kim Il-sung University as a Russian language college. In 1961, it was separated and promoted as a single university. It is now known as Pyongyang University of Foreign Studies, offering courses in 22 languages including English, Chinese, Russian, and Japanese. 4 Joseon League of Socialist Working Youth (Kr. joseon sarocheong jungang wiwonhoe, 조선사로청중앙위원회, 朝鮮勞動靑中央委員會) is a North Korean political youth organisation under the leadership of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨), representing youths aged 14 to 30. It has also gone by the names Democratic Youth League of North Korea (Kr. bukjoseon minju cheongnyeon dongmaeng, 북조선민주청년동맹, 北朝鮮民主靑年同盟), League of Socialist Working Youth of Korea (Kr. sahoe ju’ui nodong cheongnyeon dongmaeng, 사회주의노동청년동맹, 社會主義勞動靑年同盟), sarocheong (Kr. 사로청, 社勞靑), Kim Il-sung Socialist Youth League (Kr. kimilseong sahoe’juui cheongnyeon dongmaeng, 김일성사회주의청년동맹, 金日成社會主義靑年同盟), and the most recent being the Kimilsungist-Kimjongilist Youth League (Kr. kimilsung-kimjeongil juui cheongnyeon dongmaeng, 김일성-김정일주의청년동맹, 金日成-金正日主義靑年同盟). 5 Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces (Kr. inmin muryeok’bu, 인민무력부, 人民武力部), see TN 14, pg. 29. 6 Reung Nyeong Nyun Trading Company (Kr. reung nyeong nyun jeonmunyeok hoesa, 릉영륜전문역회사, 릉영륜전문역會社) is an affiliate of the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun (being Kim Il-sung’s office). 7 Kumsusan Assembly Hall (Kr. geumsusan uisadang, 금수산의사당, 錦繡山議事堂) is the former name of the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun (Kr. geumsusan taeyang gungjeon, 금수산태양궁전, 錦繡山太陽宮殿). It is also known as the Kumsusan Memorial Palace (Kr. geumsusan kinyeom gungjeon, 금수산기념궁전, 錦繡山紀念宮殿) and Kim Il-sung Mausoleum (Kr. kimilseong sisin gungjeon, 심일선 시신 궁전, 金日成屍身宮殿). Originally intended to be a presidential office at the time when Kim Il-sung was alive, it serves as a facility preserving the bodies of the past leaders of North Korea, Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il.
Kang Myung-do 49
Isn’t Kang Sung-san the Premier of the Republic? “Yes. My father-in-law served twice as the president of the Republic — once until 1984, and then again from 1992 onwards. He was born in March 1931 in North Hamgyong Province, and his father participated in the anti-Japanese movement with Kim Il-sung.”8
Explain in more detail. “After liberation, Kim Il-sung located all the children of the revolutionaries who participated in the anti-Japanese movement (such as Kang Sung-san, Yeon Hyung-muk, Kim Gi-nam, and Gye Ung-tae, among others) and sent them to Mangyongdae Revolutionary School, followed by Kim Il-sung University, and then to other famous universities in foreign countries for overseas studies.9,10 My father-in-law graduated from Czech Technical University in Prague and was in various roles from 1963 onwards, starting from the Central Advisor to the Party Chief Secretary of Pyongyang.”
I am curious about your escape. “In mid-December 1993, I went to Yanji, China, for a business trip. The purpose of the trip was to look into the possibility of a jointly established fertiliser plant with China and to receive an outstanding balance for car exports. At the time, hundreds of second-hand cars that were brought in from Japan for $3,000 each were being sold to China for $10,000 each, so there was great profit.”
You were good at your work, yes? “Haha! I suppose that was the case. However, an unexpected problem arose. During the business trip, I was struck with fear when I learnt from an acquaintance that Kim Jung-il had made special orders – ‘Who let the president’s son-in-law
8 Anti-Japanese movement (Kr. hangil undong, 항일운동, 抗日運動) refers to the North Korean guerrilla movement during the 1930–1940s against Japanese imperialism. 9 Mangyongdae Revolutionary School (Kr. mangyeongdae hyeokmyeong hagwon, 만경대혁명학원, 萬景臺革命學院) is an elite school in Mangyongdae District, Pyongyang established in 1947. This school is only accessible to high-ranking officials’ families and administration of the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨) and Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍). 10 Kim Il-sung University (Kr. kimilseong jonghab daehak, 김일성종합대학, 金日成綜合大學) is a higher education institution for elite students in North Korea, named in honour of the founder and first Supreme Leader, Kim Il-sung. On October 1, 1946, it was the first university to be founded in North Korea, as no university existed until that point after the end of World War II.
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out of the country? Summon him back immediately. If Kang Myung-do shows any signs of fleeing to South Joseon, just kill him on the spot.’”11
I don’t quite understand. “My official business passport was valid for ten days and I didn’t return by the appointed date. Because of this, North Korean authorities deployed a group of 40 agents – known as the ‘Kang Myung-do Assassination’ team – from the Ministry of State Security to the northeastern districts of China for my arrest. Fortunately, various acquaintances in China actively helped me and I passed through a number of countries such as Beijing, Hong Kong, and Germany, before arriving in the Republic of Korea in May 1994.”
How did you spend your time in Seoul at the beginning? “After completing background checks, I joined civilian life. I worked at the Institute for National Security Strategy for two years, and then at the Korea Institute for National Unification for one year. Both were areas of expert research in North Korean issues. Afterwards, I operated various businesses without much success. From 2000 onwards, I worked as a North Korean Studies professor at Kyungmin University, and from 2016, as a visiting professor in the North Korean Studies Department of the Graduate School of Political Science at Kyonggi University.”
You publicly supported candidate Moon Jae-in in the presidential election. “I can talk about this now. Although it’s a matter of the past, after I arrived in South Korea, I campaigned for the opposing party candidate, Kim Dae-jung, for the 15th presidential election. Even before then, I spoke about the realities of North Korea for two years as a special guest speaker for the Kim Dae-Jung Peace Foundation for the Asia-Pacific Region led by Kim Dae-jung, president of the Democratic Party.”12, 13
11 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4. 12 Kang Myung-do uses the abbreviation atae pyeonghwa jaedan (Kr. 아태평화재단, 아太平和財團) to refer to the Kim Dae-Jung Peace Foundation for the Asia-Pacifc Region (Kr. ashi’a taepyeongyang pyeonghwa jaedan, 아시아태평양평화재단, 아시아太平洋平和 財團). In 2005, its name was changed to the Kim Dae-jung Peace Center (Kr. kimdaejung pyeonghwa senteo, 김대중평화센터). The Foundation aims to bring peace to the Korean Peninsula and assist in the reunification of the two Koreas. 13 The Democratic Party refers to the Millennium Democratic Party (Kr. sae cheonnyeon minjudang, 새천년민주당, 새千年民主黨), founded in 2000 by the 15th president of South Korea, Kim Dae-jung. From 2000 to 2001, Kim was in office as president of the Millennium
Kang Myung-do 51
Whose help did you receive? “I received help from the Minister of Unification, Im Dong-won. Criticising North Korea’s dictatorship and supporting the Democratic Party in South Korea are separate issues, in regards to which I’m clearly free to choose. Also, I only voted for candidate Kim Dae-jung in the past four presidential elections.”
Didn’t you previously participate in a conservative party? “Definitely not. I didn’t receive any sort of title from a conservative party. During the 18th presidential election, I attended a North Korea defector-residents’ gathering that was supporting candidate Park Geun-hye because of the persistent requests of an acquaintance.14 I was greatly disappointed. There were certificates of appointment with Park Geun-hye’s name stacked up mountain-high, which were given out one after the other. Many leaders of North Korean defector organisations threw them in the bin on the way out.”
Why did you support candidate Moon Jae-in? “I judged that out of the five candidates running for presidency in this election, candidate Moon Jae-in was the one who could overcome the war crisis situation in the Korean Peninsula.15 Actually, the Democratic Party was much more considerate of North Korean defector-residents, raising the settlement allowance and implemented free travel (using multiple passports) for us.16 Out of many successive presidential elections, Moon Jae-in is the only candidate to put forth a North Korean defector-resident policy as an election pledge.”
North Korean defector-resident society is unsettled by your actions. “I gathered as much. They must be thinking in disbelief – how could I, a person who criticised Kim Jong-un’s dictatorship almost every day on a TV program, go from being conservative to progressive? It’s frustrating. Let us suppose that for the past ten years during the times of conservative government my political leaning was far-right conservative. Is there a rule that says I can’t change my views?”
Democratic Party. In 2005, its name was changed to the Democratic Party (Kr. minjudang, 민주당, 民主黨). Associated with progressive politics. 14 Park Geun-hye (Kr. 박근혜, 朴槿惠), daughter of former South Korean dictator Park Chunghee, was the leader of the conservative Saenuri Party (now Liberty Korea Party). Park was the first female president and 18th president of South Korea. She was involved in a political scandal regarding power abuse and corruption, and was impeached from office on March 10, 2017. In 2018 Park started a 25-year prison sentence. 15 Korean Peninsula (Kr. hanbando, 한반도, 韓半島), see TN 2, pg. ix. 16 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix.
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That’s true. “Shouldn’t I be disappointed with the Park Geun-hye administration? She monopolised state affairs in concert with some neighbourhood lady, was indicted by the court of public opinion, and impeached from office. Although I’ve been living in South Korea for 23 years, it was my first time seeing a government as miscommunicative and incompetent as Park Geun-hye’s.”
What do you think the Park Geun-hye administration did well? “One thing that was done very well was bringing international attention to the human rights issues of the North Korean people, who live in some of the worst conditions in the world. The dissolution of the Unified Progressive Party that openly supported North Korea, as well as the enactment of the North Korean Human Rights Act, can be called ‘progress’. Another thing was sending the message, ‘break free from tyrannical oppression and come out to the free world!’ to North Korean residents and being able to call us, North Korean defectorresidents, ‘the Reunification that came first’.”
What did they do wrong? “Last year in the general election, not a single member of the National Assembly was a North Korean defector-resident. A congressperson with a defector background represents both 30,000 North Korean defector-residents and 20 million North Korean residents at the same time. In the Lee Myung-bak conservative administration, they appointed a North Korean defector-resident, Cho Myungchul, as a member of the National Assembly, but Park Geun-hye’s conservative administration didn’t. Aren’t elections like that? Campaigning for votes is such that one acts as if they would go so far as to pluck stars from the sky.”17
Who do you want to nominate as the defector member for the National Assembly? “Personally, I would recommend Doctor Ahn Chan-il. There is no one with as much knowledge or experience when it comes to the topic of defector society. Some may say, ‘Kang Myung-do is taking an active interest because he wants to wear a “gold badge.”’18 However, if I were to wear a gold badge, I intend to
17 Pluck stars from the sky (Kr. haneul’ui byeoldo ddada junda, 하늘의 별도 따다 준다) is a Korean idiomatic expression that means to go to great lengths. 18 Gold badge (Kr. geum’baeji, 금배지, 金배지) is a symbolic motif referring to the gold badges National Assembly members of the Republic of Korea wear. The badges are shaped like the national flower of South Korea, the Rose of Sharon (Kr. mugunghwa, 무궁화, 無窮花).
Kang Myung-do 53 become a district representative and not a proportional representative. People really don’t know me.”
What are your political views? “In this election, North Korean defector-resident society has split into the left and right. Perhaps this is normal in a democratic society. However, it’s necessary to practise accepting others’ views and not just stubbornly stick to one’s own. The defector residents who have become part of a democratic country must now evolve to be mature citizens.”
Any fnal remarks? “If candidate Moon Jae-in is elected in this presidential election, I’d like to visit Pyongyang as a presidential envoy. I know the Supreme Leader’s family better than anyone as I’m part of the late Chairman Kim Il-sung’s maternal family. I have the confidence to persuade Chairman Kim Jong-un to immediately give up dangerous nuclear development which can cause ethnic annihilation. I will propose North–South mutual cooperation for our coexistence, rather than just letting it become an arena of competition for world powers.”
8
Cho Myung-chul Teacher at Kim Il-Sung university ∞ member of the 19th National Assembly (2012), politician
Interview with the frst North Korean defector-resident to become a member of the National Assembly On March 20, 2012, surprising news spread through the North Korean defectorresident community. The Republic of Korea’s Saenuri Party (now the Liberty Korea Party) announced that North Korean defector-resident Cho Myung-Chul, president of the Institute for Unification Education, had been selected as the party’s number four proportional representative for the 19th National Assembly elections. Many North Korean defector-residents were touched by the news. 1,2 The honoured Cho Myung-chul was born in Pyongyang in 1959. His father was a cadre (minister level) of the Workers’ Party of Korea.3,4 Cho is a member of the elite who graduated from the School of Economics at Kim Il Sung University.5 He worked as a teacher (professor) at his alma mater and as a research professor at Nanjing University in China from 1987 until July of 1994 when he defected to South Korea. In typical scholarly fashion, after spending time at the re-education centre, Cho Myung-chul worked for many years as a researcher at the national policy research body, the Korea Institute for International Economic Policy, and as a manager at the Korea International Development Cooperation Center. He also served as an advisory committee member of the Korea Development Institute’s
1 Saenuri Party (Kr. saenuri dang, 새누리당, 새누리黨) is a conservative political party in South Korea, founded in February 2017. Lim Il has noted that the Saenuri Party had a name change, however, the name appears to have been taken from an old English version of the party’s website. Its English name has since been changed to the United Future Party. 2 On February 17, 2020, the Liberty Korea Party merged with the New Conservative Party, Onward for Future 4.0, and several minor parties and political organisations to form the United Future Party. 3 Cadre (Kr. ganbu, 간부, 幹部), see TN 7, pg. 23. 4 Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨), see TN 9, pg. 2. 5 Kim Il-sung University (Kr. kimilseong jonghap daehak, 김일성종합대학, 金日成綜合大學), see TN 10, pg. 49.
Cho Myung-chul 55 School of Public Policy and Management from 2003, and as the 21st president of the Institute for Unification Education from June 2011. Cho entered the National Assembly with warm congratulations and encouragement from the 25,000 North Korean defector-residents in South Korea. Two years of his four-year term had passed when I visited his office one day in August 2014. I had originally planned to interview him in April on the second anniversary of his appointment to office, but the interview was delayed due to the Sewol ferry disaster.
It was hard making an appointment with you for this interview. “To be honest, this is a position where even if I could be in 10 places at once it wouldn’t be enough. Try counting the number of people who come looking for me and the phone calls I get in the two hours that you’re here. Even now, I’m supposed to be out supporting the campaign for our party’s (Saenuri Party) Dongjak B district candidate Na Kyung-won, but I’m busy with you. That being said, I can’t do this half-heartedly (laughs).”
Your offce has changed a lot. “I changed it a bit to facilitate as much conversation as possible with the people who come to this office. I suddenly had the thought that the positioning of my desk looked authoritarian, so I’ve hidden it at the back and put in a new bookshelf against the wall. It’s a bold attempt to encourage myself to read more books as they guide us on how to live our lives, and to communicate more comfortably with people who we consider the teachers of the nation. You have to change your surrounds from time to time in order to motivate yourself and bring new life to your work.”
Tell us about any recently proposed bills. “First of all, I proposed a bill to extend the period of employment protection for North Korean defector-residents from the current period of two years to three. The number of North Korean defector-residents is increasing. I believe it’s necessary to reflect upon increasingly diverse factors such as their socio-economic status, age, work experience, and health status when providing settlement support.”
Could you elaborate on this? “According to current laws, employment protection is enforced for a period of two years from the day that the eligible recipient (North Korean defectorresident) is first employed, but that period is too short, and they are facing many difficulties adjusting. This bill is a really important one.”
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It seems very practical. “I’m trying to enhance the efficiency of settlement support by first extending the employment protection period from two years to three based on considerations of the work experience and qualifications of North Korean defector-residents. Secondly, in the case that North Korean defector-residents who receive housing support cannot reside in the subsidised housing due to special reasons such as those related to employment or studies, the goal is to enable them to transfer their leasing rights to someone else within that period.”
Are there any other bills? “I proposed a bill to designate the provision of settlement support services for North Korean defector-residents as a collaborative effort between the national and local governments (Article 15-2 of the North Korean Refugees Protection and Settlement Support Act).6 The bill states that the Minister of Unification should actively negotiate with the Minister of Labour regarding the provision of vocational training, and that eligible recipients can make requests to the Minister of Labour and other officials to receive vocational education at training facilities for skills development (Article 16 of the NKRPSS Act).”
That sounds very signifcant. “I also proposed a bill to enable the Minister of Unification to subsidise insurance premiums incurred by North Korean defector-residents for medical care, by taking into consideration the financial capacity of persons eligible for protection under the National Health Insurance Act (Newly inserted Article 25 Clause 2 of the NKRPSS Act). Elderly people would be the priority beneficiaries of this bill.”
There are serious problems related to young North Korean defector-residents. “More than anything else, young North Korean defector-residents have to quickly cast away the lifestyle habits they had back in the closed off society of North Korea and live with pride as dignified citizens and students in the Republic of Korea. What they learnt about being the masters of their own destiny in North Korea is clearly the truth here.”
6 North Korean Refugees Protection and Settlement Support Act (Kr. 북한이탈주민의 보호 및 정착지원에 관한 법률), abbreviated as ‘NKRPSS Act’ hereon.
Cho Myung-chul 57
There are also severe issues associated with the hiring of North Korean defector-residents in industry. “I proposed a bill to prioritise the stable settlement of North Korean defectorresidents by making it obligatory for administrative agencies, local governments, and public institutions to hire North Korean defector-residents as a set proportion of their employees (newly inserted Article 18-2 of the NKRPSS Act).”
What are some other kinds of bills? “I made sure that local adaptation centres could be built to sustainably and systematically provide localised adaptation education and other comprehensive services that consider the characteristics of North Korean defector-residents (Article 15-2 of the NKRPSS Act). I also ensured that North Korean defectorresidents who are no longer eligible for protection by the government can receive a minimum level of vocational education and training (Article 16 Clause 1 of the NKRPSS Act). It feels like I can finally pause for a breath.”
What about the organisations for North Korean defector-residents and workplaces you visited in these past two years? “I visited about ten workplaces and organisations for North Korean defectorresidents since May 2013. I went to a senior citizens’ centre for North Korean defector-residents in Songpa district during spring of last year. I was moved to tears by people not unlike my own father and mother, who held my hands affectionately and asked me to work hard for them.”
Are there any other places? “I gained courage from North Korean defector-residents at a workplace in Gyeonggi Province, who were working so hard they were dripping with sweat. I remember a woman telling me that just the fact that she has become a citizen of the Republic of Korea is something to cry with gratefulness for. The majority of these people are housewives with one or two children who are working and living under tough conditions. Through their struggles, I reflected on the strong spirit of North Korean defector-residents once again.”
What do you usually talk about on these visits? “A lot of people raised issues with the operation of the organisation or business. Even if I cannot solve these issues after listening to their difficulties, I consider these problems in policy planning. A member of the National Assembly is not only a lawmaker, but also someone who is responsible for inspecting the government’s policies.”
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The North Korea Human Rights Act still hasn’t been passed. “It’s really hard. I met one-on-one with members of not only my own party, but even the opposition party and pleaded to them through my tears. I tried to convince them that enacting the ‘North Korea Human Rights Act’ is the only way to save our compatriots who are suffering under the tyranny of the barbaric dictator Kim Jong Un. All of them sympathise with me at the time, but during parliamentary sessions they succumb to the pressure of their party leaders. That’s the reality.”
If that’s the case, will it be hard to pass the Act in the future? “That’s not true either. One of the reasons I joined the National Assembly as a representative of 25,000 North Korean defector-residents, is to pass the ‘North Korea Human Rights Act’. We cannot even for a moment forget the misery and pain of our poverty-stricken and starving fathers, mothers, and siblings who we left behind in our hometowns. There are many leaders of organisations for North Korean defectors who are working together with me.”
Who are these people? “They include Hong Sun-gyeong, chairperson of the Committee for the Democratization of North Korea; Kim Seong-min, founder and president of Free North Korea Radio; Kang Chol-hwan, president of the North Korean Strategy Centre; Kim Heung-gwang, president of North Korea Intellectuals’ Solidarity; professor Ahn Chan-il; Lim Yeong-seon, president of i9Domin (support organisation for North Korean defector-residents); musical director Jeong Seong-san; Jang Se-yul, leader of Gyeoreeol Unification Solidarity; Kim Young-soon and Park Sang-hak, chairperson of Fighters for a Free North Korea.”
There is a lot of discord within the ‘Committee for the Democratization of North Korea’. “The organisation was a legacy left behind by the former Hwang Jang-yop, who was a pillar of support for all of us. The current committee chairperson, Hong Sun-gyeong, needs to take a large share of the responsibility for the disappointment that many North Korean defector-residents feel towards the organisation. However, the reality is there aren’t any other leaders as fit for the position as him either. There’s a saying, ‘fights should be stopped, and negotiations should be encouraged’. Seniors have to give advice to help their juniors develop and juniors have to be wise enough to follow the example of their seniors.”
Cho Myung-chul 59
Can’t you intervene? “Based on society’s standards, it’s wrong for an outsider to intervene in a democratically established organisation on the basis of my own opinion. Moreover, I am a public figure. They have to find a way gradually by giving way to and compromising with each other.”
Any fnal remarks? “At the very least, I hope people recognise that the government officials of the Republic of Korea are working hard in regard to North Korean defector-residents settlement issues, from understanding and assessing the situation, to collecting feedback and resolving civil complaints. Don’t forget that embedded within the Ministry of Unification, Korea Hana Foundation, and even local governments, are the invisible efforts of government officials who dedicate themselves to working for North Korean defector-residents.7,8
7 Ministry of Unifcation (Kr. tong’il-bu, 통일부, 統一部), see TN 4, pg. 7. 8 Korea Hana Foundation (Kr. nambuk hana jaedan, 남북하나재단, 南北하나財團) is a non-profit organisation established by the Ministry of Unification in 2010; it is also known as the North Korean Refugees Foundation (Kr. bukhan italjumin jiwon jaedan, 북한이탈주민지원재단, 北韓離脫住民支援財團). The KHF works to help North Korean defector-residents with support for resettlement, employment, education, integration, and more.
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Ahn Myeong-cheol Security guard in the Korean People’s Army ∞ president of NK Watch
A story about North Korean concentration camps shared in Berlin After arriving in Seoul, as a former North Korean who worked overseas, I visited many international organisations and countries, such as the United States, to give testimonies about my experience with the poor conditions of labour camps in Pyongyang and Kuwait. For six days from September 20, 2015, onwards, I visited Berlin after being invited as a guest to the German National Assembly with Ahn Myeong-cheol, president of NK Watch. The German National Assembly members and diplomats found it somewhat strange. Even if they had come across stories through the press about the human rights violations in North Korea, the most closed-off society in the world, they said it was their first time hearing testimonies from people who had directly experienced these incidents themselves. This was especially the case for President Ahn Myeong-cheol’s disclosure of the realities of the North Korean political prison camps. On the 24th, I protested alongside NGO members and citizens under the protection of local police in front of the North Korean Embassy in Germany. We condemned the atrocious violation of human rights by the North Korean regime for two hours, holding signs with phrases such as “Kim Jong-un must step down!” and “give the people freedom!” Running an event overseas related to the violation of human rights in North Korea is easier said than done. You must begin with a support group, but you also need a key figure to run a commemorative address, sponsors, and interpreters. At the end of the week’s schedule, I sat face-to-face with the president of NK Watch, Ahn Myeong-Cheol, at a coffee shop in downtown Berlin.
Ahn Myeong-cheol 61
Please introduce yourself. “I was born in February 1969 in Hongwon County, South Hamgyong Province. My father was a lower rank secretary at a grain policy business centre in Hongwon, and my mother was a housewife.1 I had a younger brother and younger sister. Because my father was a cadre at an enterprise that had hundreds of employees, we never experienced any financial difficulties.2 I graduated from Hongwon High School in 1985, and from Hongwon Agriculture Technical College in 1987.”3,4
When did you enter the army? “I entered the army as a political prison guard in 1987 and was trained as a new recruit at Station 11 (in Gyeongseong, North Hamgyong Province). I served in Station 13 (in Jongseong, North Hamgyong Province) for three years starting from 1987, in Station 22 (in Hoeryeong, North Hamgyong Province) for two years from 1990, and in Station 26 (in Hwacheon, Pyongyang) for three years from 1991.”
What are prison camps normally called? “In North Korea, there is no such term as ‘political prison camps’. Instead, we call them ‘Station XX’. In all official documents, they are recorded as ‘Business of Unit XXXX of the Korean People’s Army Guard’.5 But they are undeniably political prison camps.”
What were the duties of your unit as guards? “As the name ‘political prison camp’ suggests, they are secret facilities that specialise in holding people who have committed political mistakes. They’re all located in the remote mountainous backcountry, covering vast areas and various jail wards. Naturally, they are places that can’t be known to the outside world, so the group that monitors and manages the area is the Guards Unit. Its official name is the ‘Korean People’s Army Guard Unit XXXX’.”
1 A grain policy business centre (Kr. yangjeong saeobso, 양정사업소, 糧政事業所) is a place where people buy, process, and distribute grain. 2 Cadre (Kr. ganbu, 간부, 幹部), see TN 7, pg. 23. 3 Hongwon High School (Kr. hongwon godeung hakgyo, 홍원고등학교, 洪原高等學校) is a high school in Hongwon County, South Hamgyong Province, North Korea. 4 Hongwon Agriculture Technical College (Kr. hongwon nongeob jeonmun hakgyo, 홍원농업전문학교, 洪原農業專門學校) is a technical college in Hongwon County, South Hamgyong Province, North Korea. 5 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx.
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Can you provide some details about political crimes? “In North Korea, political crimes include criticism of the Party and the Supreme Leader, plotting against the government, or staging an overthrow of the regime. Those who secretly contact a South Korean person as well as leak secrets and attempt failed escapes are also political criminals. There are no lawyers for political criminals, and they are sentenced to prison for life. Depending on the gravity of the offence, even family of those prosecuted can be imprisoned through a guilt-by-association system.”
Tell us about a day in the life of a prisoner. “From sunrise to sunset, prisoners undertake high-risk labour like mining, excavating, construction work, and intense agricultural work. Under the surveillance of armed guards, they are forced to work for 14 to 16 hours a day. One room usually houses ten people.”
What are the standards of the meals? “The prisoners have watery cornflour porridge three times a day. You can think of it as just plain water with corn-meal. I often witnessed prisoners fiercely catching and eating live insects or animals when they worked outside, because they were so hungry.”
How did you perceive and treat them? “At the head office, they would continuously ram into our heads that ‘prisoners are cunning spies who conspire with American masters and South Joseon puppets. 6,7 They are enemies of the revolution who have betrayed the Party and the Supreme Leader.’ We were warned that we’d receive heavy punishment should we hold even a small ounce of sympathy for, or show any curiosity towards, them. So, prisoners were far from being seen as fellow people, but rather as terrifying foes.”
How were the prisoners monitored? “If I could describe it in a sentence, it’s a system where the prisoners themselves keep an eye on one another. For example, prisoners who snitched on each another were given 20 to 30 corn kernels as a reward. It’s a system where they have to report about one another, because if they don’t, they are punished just
6 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4. 7 American masters refers to American imperialism (Kr. miguk jeguk’juui, 미국 제국주의, 美國帝國主義). Here, the abbreviation, mije (Kr. 미제, 美帝) is used.
Ahn Myeong-cheol 63 like the ‘criminals’. As for us, we vigilantly checked to see whether they violated prison rules. If anyone was caught escaping, they were to be killed on the spot.”
What triggered your change of heart? “I returned to my hometown on vacation after serving eight out of the ten long years of my military service. Because food rations stopped, it was a time when the numbers of people who starved to death cropped up one after another. To my horror, I found out that my father had committed suicide a few months prior to my return. He had criticised the nation’s policies fuelled by his hate for the Kim Jong-il government. I was so shocked it felt like my heart would explode.”
I can somewhat understand “This is when I became aware that I was being watched. Everything before my eyes went dark.8 I was someone who managed political prisoners, but my father had become one himself. I immediately returned to my regiment and wrote an oath with my blood to pledge my absolute loyalty to Supreme Leader Kim Jong-il. I didn’t want to die.”
You must have been very concerned about your future. “I really was. If I didn’t know who political prisoners were, I wouldn’t have had thoughts about escaping, or I might’ve not even been able to do it. But for eight years, I witnessed countless people dying from working like animals. Political criminals were traitors who had to live out their lives isolated from the world, imprisoned in the devil’s nest, for the sole reason of criticising the Supreme Leader or the Party. The realisation that I may become like them made my hair stand on end.”
Tell me about the circumstances and route of your escape. “During my military service, I was a combat driver for the guard so I could freely move in and out of the prison camp. Late one night in September 1994, I crossed the Amnok River and stepped foot onto Chinese ground.9 I was the first soldier to desert the country fully armed and in military uniform. In the following days, wanted leaflets about me were distributed. I will leave out the details of the escape route as they relate to South Korean–Chinese diplomatic relations. I entered South Korea that year in October.”
8 Everything before my eyes went dark (Kr. nunap’i kamkam hada) is an idiomatic expression used when one does not know what to do after one hears bad news. 9 Amnok River (Kr. amnok’gang, 압록강, 鴨綠江), see TN 19, pg. 30.
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How did you spend your early days in South Korean society? “In 1995, I was employed by Nonghyup Bank through government benefits for North Korean defector-residents. At the time, there were around 20 to 30 North Korean defector-residents entering South Korea every year. After joining the company as a low-level assistant manager, I worked my way up over 15 years to section manager, before voluntarily resigning in 2009 with the dream of starting a new business.”
What sort of businesses did you run? “You get sick of working at the same place for 15 years. I wanted to work freely without constraint. With advice from experienced business owners, I operated businesses including a seafood distribution firm and a fried chicken franchise. There were times when I made money but more often than not, I didn’t. After five years of first-hand experience in all sorts of work, I came to realise that business is just not for everyone.”
Tell me about NK Watch. “In 2003, it started as the ‘Headquarters of the North Korea Pro-Democracy Movement’. It was established with the purpose of charging North Korean political prisons with human rights violations through testimonies. At the time, the presidents were Kang Chol-hwan and Ahn Hyuk, and I was the assistant administrator.”
Can you elaborate? “Kang Chol-hwan and Ahn Hyuk are North Korean defector-residents who came out of Yoduk concentration camp.10 The three of us are founding members and friends who have been together for 13 years. We have been devoted to each of our assigned roles. In 2013, when we changed the name of the organisation to ‘NK Watch’, I was appointed as president. The name means to ‘surveil North Korea’.”
10 Yoduk concentration camp (Kr. yodeok je sip’o-ho gwalliso, 요덕 제15호 관리소, 耀德第十五號管理所) is a political prison camp in Yoduk, South Hamgyong Province, North Korea. Other names include Camp 15 (Kr. gwalliso sip’o, 관리소15, 管理所15) and Yoduk political prison camp (Kr. yodeok jeongchibeom suyongso, 요덕 정치범 수용소, 耀德 政治犯收容所). Kang Chol-hwan (Interview 4) was once a prisoner in Yoduk concentration camp.
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If there is one, what is the reason for changing the organisation name? “In the past, we exposed North Korea’s political prison camps and accused North Korean authorities of human rights violations to domestic and international societies. NK Watch is different because it stands in solidarity and takes action with international and human rights groups in various countries around the world regarding such issues. In any case, it’s true that organisations, particularly those with international power, are somewhat more effective than individuals.”
What are the main activities of this organisation? “We mainly work to improve human rights conditions in North Korea through international organisations, namely the UN. Ultimately, we aim to prosecute Kim Jong-un at the ICC (International Criminal Court). This would be after fully investigating the human rights abuses and murderous acts in North Korean political prison camps, and the exploitation of slave labour that is taking place overseas. Even though North Korea is not a member nation of the ICC, we plan to accomplish our aim by any means necessary, even if it requires international society to enact special legislation.”
10 Jeong Seong-san Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ musical director
The people’s tragedy – Pyongyang Maria the Musical One weekend in July 2014, when the scorching sun was beating down, I made my way to Uniplex in Daehak-ro, Hyehwa-dong in Seoul, with my wife, who is also a North Korean defector-resident.1,2 We went to this place, which is known for its youthful and romantic atmosphere, to watch the musical Pyongyang Maria, a love story fraught with danger about a beautiful Pyongyang lady. Jeong Ri-hwa, the main commentator for the Pyongyang Korean Revolution Museum, was dismissed from her office for singing the South Joseon song, The Maze of Love, in front of a group of people.3,4 Jeong’s husband was imprisoned because she was a counter-revolutionary. She went to China to make money and save her husband before being forcibly repatriated to North Korea and imprisoned for the reason of encountering religion. In political prison camps, State Security members and the extremist cadres of the Workers’ Party of Korea value the lives of human beings as that of flies.5,6 They are savages who are no better than beasts, exploiting people’s goodwill for their own gain. They think that people who believe in God have abandoned the Supreme Leader’s revolutionary ideology and should simply be killed by firing squad. These are the daily realities that take place in political prison camps. I was choked up with emotion as I saw my wife silently weeping beside me throughout the play. After 70 minutes of conflicting emotions of sympathy and rage that were felt indiscriminately both on stage and in the audience, I met
1 -dong (Kr.동, 洞), see TN 7, pg. 2. 2 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix. 3 The Pyongyang Korean Revolution Museum (Kr. pyeongyang joseon hyeokmyeong bakmulgwan, 평양 조선혁명박물관, 平壤 朝鮮革命博物館), located in Pyongyang, was founded in August 1948. It exhibits relics and artefacts of the revolutionary history of Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il, including the anti-Japanese revolutionary struggle, democratic revolution, and North Korea’s history of socialism. 4 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4. 5 Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨), see TN 9, pg. 2. 6 Cadre (Kr. ganbu, 간부, 幹部), see TN 7, pg. 23.
Jeong Seong-san 67 face-to-face with Jeong Seong-san, Director of the musical Pyongyang Maria in the dressing room.
Thank you for inviting us. We enjoyed your performance. “I’d like to thank you and your wife very much for coming. I was behind the seats during the entire performance. The spectators were immersed in an almost reverent atmosphere, and I saw that they couldn’t stop dabbing their eyes with handkerchiefs. Who wouldn’t be moved by a play about our pitiful fellow Koreans, who are starving, trying to find a path to survival, wandering about the streets of a foreign land?7 The reality is a lot direr than this performance.”
What message did you want to convey to the audience? “I presume that the audience now knows a little about the miserable state of our fellow Koreans who live like animals under the wicked dictatorship of Kim Jong-un. They suffer from a brutality that makes your blood boil, a kind that is unparalleled in the history of humankind.”
As I was watching your musical, I noticed something peculiar. “I used a unique directing technique that combines aspects of musicals, theatre, and film. I ran pre-recorded footage on stage on a two-sided screen and set it up so that the actors within the film and the cast on-stage would converse back and forth. It has the effect of an optical illusion, almost as if you are watching a movie and a musical together.”
Where is your hometown? “I was born in Pyongyang in January 1969 as the youngest out of two boys and one girl. My father was a cadre of the Korea Workers’ Party, and my mother was the assistant director of a provision store in Pyongyang for cadres (selling things such as groceries, clothing, and daily necessities). From a young age, I had somewhat of an artistic talent and received specialised education. I graduated
7 Our fellow Koreans (Kr. uri dongpo, 우리 동포, 우리 同胞) is literally our compatriots or our fellow country people. The pronoun our (Kr. uri, 우리) is culturally charged, especially in South Korea, referring to a collectivist and group value mindset, whilst dongpo (Kr. 동포, 同胞), literally meaning same (DNA) cell, is commonly used by Koreans to refer to the Korean diaspora, often those who have naturalised overseas, including second- or third-generation ethnic Koreans.
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from Kumsong Secondary School, an elite high school that was attended by Pyongyang’s top celebrities, before enlisting in the Korean People’s Army.”8,9
Tell us memories from your life in Pyongyang. “I joined a literature club for a short period during my childhood. Being the troublemaker that I was, I didn’t go to school. One day, my teacher actually tracked me all the way down to Ulmil Pavilion at Moran Hill.10,11 Thanks to this outstanding teacher, I graduated as a model student (laughs).”
What was your motive for escape? “During my military service in Hwanghae Province in July 1994, I happened to hear a South Korean broadcast while with my unit. Frankly speaking, South Korean broadcasts are very addictive. As they say, ‘if you keep doing something, no matter how quietly you try to do it, you will be caught in the end.’12 I was caught by State Security and imprisoned in Sariwon prison camp for three months.13,14 That was when I made the grim resolution, realising that I wouldn’t be able to live like a human being under Kim Jong-il’s dictatorship.”
8 Kumsong Secondary School refers to Kumsong Secondary School No. 1 (Kr. geumseong je’il godeung’jung hakgyo, 금성제1고등중학교, 金星第一高等中學校). Established on November 1, 1966, it is an educational institution that trains talented people for the entertainment industry in North Korea. 9 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx. 10 Ulmil Pavilion (Kr. eulmil’dae, 을밀대, 乙密臺) is a historic site, standing on the summit of Moran Hill, located in Gyeongsang-dong, Central District, Pyongyang. The origin of its name comes from a folktale involving fairy Ullmil, who was said to have fallen from the sky onto the Hill. 11 Moran Hill (Kr. moran-bong, 모란봉, 牡丹峰) is located in Gyeongsang-dong, Central District, Pyongyang. Other names include Moranbong and Moranbong Hill. Its name is derived from the Hill’s appearance, which resembles peonies (Kr. moran, 모란, 牡丹) in bloom. It houses monumental structures, including Choesung Pavilion (Kr. choeseung-dae, 최승대, 最勝臺), the Arch of Triumph (Kr. gaeseon-mun, 개선문, 凱旋門) that commemorates the Korean resistance to Japan (1925–1945), and the Kim Il-sung Stadium (Kr. kimilseong gyeonggijang, 김일성경기장, 金日成競技場). 12 If you keep doing something no matter how quietly you try to do it, you will be caught in the end was taken from the Korean proverb ggoriga gilmyeon japhinda (Kr. 꼬리가 길면 잡힌다), which literally means if the tail is long, it will get caught. It is an idiomatic phrase used to express that when one has done something wrong, regardless of how long it is kept a secret, they will eventually be caught. 13 State Security Agency (Kr. gukga bowibu, 국가보위부, 國家保衛部), see TN 4, pg. 22. 14 Sariwon prison camp (Kr. sariwon suyongso, 사리원수용소, 沙里院收容所) refers to the political prison camp in Sariwon in North Hwanghae Province.
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Tell me about your escape route. “I thought that, at worst, the punishment for illegally listening to a South Korean broadcast would be a prison sentence of a few months or maybe two years. I thought I could defect when I had the chance after serving my time as a model prisoner. However, to my shock, the military court gave me a sentence of 13 years. I was on the verge of going insane.”
Could you explain in more detail? “If there was the possibility that I could die, there was also the possibility that I could live. The prisoner transport vehicle heading to the political prison camps rolled over but, thank the heavens, I managed to survive. I crossed over into China after being chased for going all the way to Yanggang Province in order to meet my parents who had been banished from Pyongyang. For six months, I roamed Vietnam and Hong Kong, and then entered South Korea in January 1995.”
What did you do in your early days in South Korea? “I wanted to bring to life my talents in the entertainment field. I wrote People’s Army, Stop Moving! for Humor No. 1 on KBS in 1996.15 Afterwards, I began my creative writing career by making the play Mother.16 A lot of my works highlight the joys and sorrows of North Korean defector-residents.17 It was a time when dozens of North Korean defector-residents entered South Korea, and so the public’s interest in the social aspect of my piece was quite high.”
Tell me about your educational background and the works you have produced since. “I graduated from the Department of Theatre and Film and Media at Dongguk University, and completed my postgraduate studies in North Korean Studies at Kyungnam University. Through consistent production of creative works, I wrote the KBS drama Until the Azalea Blooms, and wrote musicals like Yoduk Story and The Great Show. These musicals were each selected as number one outstanding performances by the Ministry of Education and Ministry of National Defense.
15 People’s Army, Stop Moving! (Kr. inmin’gun dongjak geuman, 인민군동작그만, 人民軍動作그만) is a corner segment of the youth comedy programme Humor No. 1 (Kr. yumeo il’beonji, 유머일번지). Humor No. 1 was broadcast on television on KBS2 (the Korean Broadcasting System) from April 2, 1983 to October 4, 1992. Jeong Seong-san’s segment was broadcast from June 1988 to May 1991. 16 The play Mother is called ohmani (Kr. 오마니), which means mother in the Pyongan Province dialect. In standard Korean, mother is eomeoni (Kr. 어머니). 17 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix.
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I also directed Thank you, Korea, a cultural performance through a storytelling concert.”18
When someone says Jeong Seong-san, you think of the musical Yoduk Story. “My parents from Pyongyang became political criminals overnight because of my defection and were deported to the depths of the mountains in Yanggang Province to live like animals. One day, I heard that my parents were publicly executed because I had carried out anti-North Korea and anti-regime activities in Seoul. When I heard this, the pain ripped my heart into shreds.”
Ultimately, that must’ve been the inspiration for the musical. “That’s exactly right. I had the thought that the cold realities of North Korea shouldn’t be shared solely within South Korea, but also with the rest of the world. In light of this, I started the musical Yoduk Story. Set in the infamous North Korean Yoduk political prison camp, it is both a story about the violation of human rights and a tragic love story.”19
Briefy summarise the plot. “One day, Kang Ryun-hwa, who is a well-regarded dancer from the Wangjaesan Light Music Band, hears of shocking news that her father was a spy working for the South Korean National Intelligence Service.20 As a result, her entire family gets imprisoned in Yoduk concentration camp. Lee Myung-soo, the major general of the camp, rapes Kang Ryun-hwa and impregnates her. Kang Ryun-hwa attempts suicide and seeks to defect to South Korea. Lee Myung-soo is shot and killed after being charged with taking pity on and aiding Kang Ryun-hwa.”
18 Thank you, Korea (Kr. ttaengkyu koria, 땡큐코리아) uses the English name transcribed phonetically into Korean. 19 Yoduk concentration camp (Kr. yodeok suyongso, 요덕 수용소, 耀德 收容所), see TN 10, pg. 64. 20 Wangjaesan Light Music Band (Kr. wangjaesan kyeong’eum’ak-dan, 왕재산경음악단, 旺載山輕音樂團/ 王在山輕音樂團) is a light music group (Kr. kyeong’eum’ak, 경음악, 輕音樂) established on July 22, 1983 by Kim Jong-il, who named it after the place where Kim Il-sung fought the Japanese in the 1930s. Light music refers to cheerful, optimistic music played by a relatively small band composed of popular instruments. Usually, the subject popular folk songs favoured by workers are performed.
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You have also held many performances overseas. “In 2006, as many as 35,000 people attended my first 300 performances. I also ran an American show. The musical, Yoduk Story, made headlines as the Korean version of Les Misérables in many international press articles with the likes of the New York Times and the Washington Post.”
You were also invited to the International Writers’ Competition. “In September 2012, I was invited to the 78th PEN International Congress that was held in Gyeongju, North Gyeongsang Province. The theme was ‘Literature, Media and Human Rights’ and a total of 700 foreign and domestic writers participated in the competition. I showcased Yoduk Story at the ‘North Korean Writers in Exile PEN Literature Center’, which was a space created for North Korea defector writers to gather.”21
Didn’t you also produce many movies? “I participated in producing, from start to finish, movies such as Shiri, Joint Security Area, and Silmido, which are said to have had millions of viewers.22,23,24,25 I noticed at the South Korean film festival that there were so many things about North Korean films that people didn’t know. I officially debuted as a film director after filming the movie The Children of Ryang-kang-do: Merry Christmas, North!”
Please explain in more detail “The truth is, South Korean movies are too focused on making money. Because they’ve been sucked in so deeply into the business industry, if you don’t fall in line, it’s difficult for you to debut as a director – even I only debuted after my eighth production. The reality is that the environment that the directors and staff
21 North Korean Writers in Exile PEN Literature Center (Kr. mangmyeong buk-han pen senteo, 망명북한펜센터, 亡命北漢펜센터) is a centre located in Nowon District in Seoul that was established in 2011. Its official name in Korean is gukje PEN mangmyeong buk-han pen senteo (Kr. 국제 PEN 망명북한펜센터, 國際PEN 亡命北漢펜센터). On September 15, 2012, the 78th PEN International Congress took place in Gyeongju, North Gyeongsang Province. Under the name North Korean Writers in Exile PEN Literature, North Korean defectors applied for PEN International membership, and were unanimously approved as the 144th member. 22 Shiri (Kr. 쉬리) is a 1999 hit film directed by Kang Je-gyu. 23 Joint Security Area (Kr. gongdong gyeongbi guyeok JSA, 공동경비구역JSA, 共同警備區域JSA) is a 2000 hit suspense thriller directed by Park Chan-wook. 24 Silmido (Kr. 실미도, 實尾島) is a 2003 hit action-drama film directed by Kang Woo-suk. 25 These three hit movies ushered in an era of mega box-office films in South Korea.
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are in is poor beyond description despite being called a generation with millionviewer audiences.”
What are your future plans? “Firstly, I intend to make Yoduk Story into a popular movie – it has become something of my musical mascot. Not long ago, an American film company suggested that I officially produce and collaborate with them. I’m currently thinking about it carefully taking various factors into consideration. I think that there is a huge significance behind making this musical into a movie.”
Do you have anything else to add? “I intend to establish the NK Cultural Foundation and support younger North Korean defector-residents in various artistic fields, such as film, performance, and production. North Korean defector-residents are the living proof of reunification. Our juniors must also be successful.”
Special column North Korean defector-residents and naming problems
From the ceasefire until now, people who come to the South from the North in Korea are called North Korean defectors.1 The current official terms used by the government are North Korean refugees and new arrivals (the latter since the 1990s).2,3 Looking back at history, the names used to refer to North Korean defectors have been different across each respective generation. At the height of the fierce ideological warfare between the South and the North during the 1960s to 1970s, North Korean defectors were referred to as people who cross over to the South, repatriated people who cross over to the South, and after that, as repatriated warriors (around the 1960s to 1970s).4,5,6 After the collapse of the socialist bloc in Eastern Europe in the 1980s, we were called North Korean defectors and repatriated fellow Koreans from North
1 North Korean defector (Kr. talbukja, 탈북자, 脫北者), although controversial, is the most widely used term to refer to those who have defected from the North to South Korea. The term combines the first character for escape (Kr. tal, 탈, 脫), north (Kr. buk, 북, 北), and the suffix for person (Kr. ja, 자, 者). For a discussion about North Korean defector nomenclature, see Interview 5, pp. 27–34. 2 North Korean refugees (Kr. buk-han ital jumin, 북한이탈주민, 北韓離脫住民), see TN 5, pg. 27. 3 New arrivals (Kr. saeteomin, 새터민, 새터民) see TN 5, pg. 27. 4 Person who crosses over to the South (Kr. wolnamja, 월남자, 越南者) is a term coined during the 1960–1970s, where wolnam (Kr. 월남, 越南) means crossing over to the south, and the suffix ja (Kr. 자, 者) denotes person. It refers to those who lived north of the 38th Parallel and crossed the demarcation line into the south. 5 Repatriated person who crosses over to the South (Kr. wolnam gwisunja, 월남귀순자, 越南歸順者) was made an official term following the enactment of the Special Assistance Act on Relief of Persons of Distinguished Service to Independence (Kr. gukga yugongja mit wolnam gwisunja teukbyeol howonbeop, 국가유공자 및 월남귀순자 특별원호법, 國家有功者 및 越南歸順者 特別援護法). The Act seeks to implement special assistance to an individual who has worked to protect the state and nation of South Korea. Wolnam (Kr. 월남, 越南) means crossing over to the South and gwisun (Kr. 귀순자, 歸順者) means repatriated person. 6 Repatriated warriors (Kr. gwisun yongsa, 귀순용사, 歸順勇士), see TN 15, pg. 9.
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Korea.7 It would not be an overstatement to say that there were new terms used to address defectors every time the government changed. Given that this is the state of the government, what more is there to say about its people? Since South Korea is a liberal democracy, anyone can make up a term and use it at their own will.8 Nothing is more effective in making a term trend than spreading it through a famous person. In fact, repatriated soldiers from the Korean People’s Army or ordinary North Korean citizens who seek asylum through a third country, temporarily become a famous figure in South Korea. This is because they make media appearances, either through their own will or through someone else’s. Every citizen of the nation could hear and use the terms used to refer to these people. There are about ten different names used to refer to North Korean defectors, each freely used by different agencies, related organisations, religious groups, civic organisations, and individuals in South Korean society. These include: free North Korean people, defected fellow Koreans, one people, defected North Korean residents, re-unifers, free migrants, and South Korean people whose hometown is in the North.9, 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16
7 Repatriated fellow Koreans from North Korea (Kr. gwisun bukhan dongpo, 귀순북한동포, 歸順北韓同胞) includes the word gwisun (Kr. 귀순, 歸順) meaning repatriated, the South Korean term to refer to North Korea bukhan (Kr. 북한, 北韓), and dongpo (Kr. 동포, 同胞), which literally means compatriots or country people, referring to Korean diaspora. See TN 7, pg. 67 for explanation on dongpo. 8 South Korea (Kr. nam-han, 남한, 南韓), compare with TN 17, pg. 4. 9 Free North Korean people (Kr. jayu buk-han’in, 자유북한인, 自由北韓人) is based on the meaning of “North Korean people who have come in search of freedom” (Kr. jayu’reul chajaon buk-han’in, 자유를 찾아온 북한인, 自由를 찾아온 北韓人), jayu meaning freedom, bukhan the South Korean term for North Korea, and in denoting person. 10 Defected fellow Koreans (Kr. talbuk dongpo, 탈북동포, 脫北同胞) is a term more commonly used by religious groups, although individually, some defectors prefer to be called defected fellow Koreans as well. The characters talbuk mean break away or separate, and dongpo is literally compatriots or countrypeople, referring to a Korean diaspora. See TN 7, pg. 67 for explanation on dongpo. 11 One people (Kr. hana’in, 하나인, 하나人) is a term with characters hana (kr. 하나) meaning one, and in denoting person (Kr. 인, 人). 12 Defected North Korean resident (Kr. talbuk jumin, 탈북주민, 脫北住民) is a term with characters talbuk (Kr. 탈북, 脫北) means escape the North, jumin (Kr. 주민, 住民) denoting residents. 13 Re-unifers (Kr. tongil’in, 통일인, 統一人) is a naming term with the characters tongil (Kr. 통일, 統一) meaning unifcation, and in (Kr. 인, 人) denoting person. The term signifies North Korean defectors as people who have experienced both systems in North and South Korea, and being re-unifers, can act as a bridge between the North and the South when reunification comes. 14 Free migrant (Kr. jayuijumin, 자유이주민, 自由移住民), see TN 2, pg. 27. 15 Person whose hometown is in the North (Kr. bukhyangmin, 북향민, 北鄕民), see TN 3, pg. 27. 16 A Korean person whose hometown is in the North (Kr. gohyang’i bukjjok’in hanguk saram, 고향이 북쪽인 한국사람, 故鄕이 北쪽인 韓國사람) is another naming term. Although less commonly used, Korean person here uses the word hanguk saram (Kr. 한국 사람, 韓國사람), which means South Korean person. The literal translation here is a South Korean person whose hometown is in the North.
Naming problems 75 The situation is that even at various events and places, event organisers themselves create new names for easy usage in writing and speech. Similarly, this also clearly happens in religious organisations, and no one is even saying anything about it. I occasionally look at everything that is happening and wonder whether this has gone too far. Why do these trends happen? I think it may have even stemmed from the government’s complacency in not taking any conscious ownership or responsibility for future society every time the administration changes. I mean, the administration changes every five years, and surely so do the policies. The administration definitely has a desire to do well and make their very own so-called “excellent” policies, but they do not care whether it may be difficult or tiring for the citizens to understand. The heroic mentality of “you must stand out to succeed!” is another factor rampant in the political sphere. The current official term used by the government, North Korean refugees, is somewhat incorrect. The word ital specifically means “breaking away from normality.”17 The North Korean administration has rushed towards nuclear development, endangering people of the same race, and is squandering tens of millions of dollars on constructing bronze statues of the deceased. Can such a place be seen as a “normal country”? North Korea’s dictatorship is a system whereby authorities control people’s ideologies and speech. If anything, North Korean society today is worse than during the Imperial Japanese colonial period.18 Under Japanese rule, there was no sovereignty, but you were not kept in jail for cursing the Japanese emperor, and you could move freely anywhere within the country. The North Korean regime has made its people lunatics who are loyal to the Supreme Leader through and through. They live on the food provisions they are provided with, and are then made to obediently listen to the authorities. One is shot to death for opposing the Party and the Supreme Leader or imprisoned for listening to a foreign broadcast. How is this a normal country? North Korean defector-residents escape from this abnormal environment and come to the Republic of Korea, risking their lives in search of freedom.19 Only after escaping and experiencing living like actual human beings in South Korea, they beat their chests in anguish, realising that all this time they were living a lie in the extremely closed-off society that is North Korea. What is even more of a spectacle is the term new arrivals, which was created as a service by the relevant government organisation in 2005 to refer to North Korean defectors. According to the Constitution, North Korea is also part of
17 North Korean refugees (Kr. buk-han ital jumin, 북한이탈주민, 北韓離脫住民), see TN 5, pg. 27. 18 Imperial Japanese colonial period (Kr. ilje shigi, 일제시기, 日帝時期) refers to when the Korean Peninsula was under Japanese colonial rule from 1910 to 1945. 19 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix.
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South Korean dominion.20 If people coming from other provinces are called new arrivals, then those coming to Seoul from Gyeongsang or Jeolla Provinces should be called new arrivals too. Defectors feel that this situation is utterly absurd. “I mean, if we are called new arrivals, does that make South Koreans old arrivals?”21 The government of South Korea has been officially using both the terms North Korean refugees and new arrivals for about 30 years now. It could not get any more confusing. However, the two terms North Korean defectors and North Korean defector-residents, are more commonly used in everyday life compared to the former two, so there are four terms being used most widely. There is also an issue with the term North Korean defector. It is really confusing – those who wander around a third country outside of the Korean Peninsula, and those who have come into South Korea are both called North Korean defectors.22 Suppose a North Korean defector has settled in country A. It is unclear whether they were a person who once lived in South Korea and then left, or if they went there directly from North Korea. Perhaps this term is also somewhat confusing to foreigners as well, and not just us. This is bound to be a complicated issue for the next generation, who are the protagonists of reunification. Reunification education will certainly be included as part of a long-term education plan. If the government rolls up their sleeves and gives it all that they have, this naming issue can be resolved. The name North Korea uses to refer to defected North Korean residents is traitors to one’s people, which is embedded with the meaning betrayer and renegade.23After the commencement of Kim Jong-un’s regime, the term North Korean defector has been occasionally used as the official term and it is mainly used in press conferences about defectors who return to North Korea.24 Perhaps the same character ja found in North Korean defector carries negative connotations as well. Of course, it depends on how it is perceived, but generally the character ja is also used to refer to people of the lower class. On the other hand, the character min from the word North Korean defector-resident is the
20 The Constitution (Kr. heonbeob, 헌법, 憲法) refers to the Constitution of the Republic of Korea (Kr. daehan minguk heonbeop, 대한민국 헌법, 大韓民國憲法), which is the supreme law in the country. 21 Old arrivals (Kr. heonteomin, 헌터민, 헌터民) is a wordplay made with irony and jest by the author, with the term new arrivals (Kr. saeteomin, 새터민, 새터民). Whilst sae (Kr. 새) means new, heon (Kr. 헌) means old. 22 Korean Peninsula (Kr. hanbando, 한반도, 韓半島), see TN 2, pg. ix. 23 The character ja (Kr. 자, 者) here refers to person. The same character is shared in traitor to one’s people (Kr. minjok baeshinja, 민족배신자, 民族背信者), betrayer (Kr. baeshinja, 배신자, 背信者), renegade (Kr. byeonjeolja, 변절자, 變節者), and North Korean defector (Kr. talbukja, 탈북자, 脫北者). 24 Defectors who return to North Korea (Kr. jae’ibbukja, 재입북자, 再入北者) refers to those who after defecting successfully to South Korea, return back to North Korea. The characters jae (Kr. 재, 再) means occurring again, ib (Kr. 입, 入) signifies enter, buk (Kr. 북, 北) means north, and ja (Kr. 자, 者) denotes person.
Naming problems 77 same character used in the people of the nation, which has a softer and warmer feel to it.25,26 As such, a few thoughts have come to mind – what about referring to those who have escaped North Korea and reside in countries such as China and Southeast Asia as North Korean defectors whilst referring to those who enter the Republic of Korea as North Korean defector-residents? Would it not be clearer to refer to those who come to South Korea (a nation which has a constitutional immigration policy) and then leave abroad to a foreign country as former North Korean defector-residents, and those who settle in a third country outside the Korean Peninsula, such as the United States or Europe, as former North Korean defectors? In other words, my suggestion is that we distinguish between the two, with those who have come to South Korea referred to as North Korean defector-residents, and those who are staying in foreign countries as North Korean defectors – at least until reunification. Although it is a personal opinion, I believe that North Korean defector-residents should be changed to free residents after reunification, to reduce confusion.27
25 People of the nation is gukmin (Kr. 국민, 國民), in Korean. The character min (Kr. 민, 民), meaning people and citizens, is shared in the term North Korean defector-residents (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民). 26 Here, the author is discussing the differences in connotations between the suffix characters ja (Kr. 자, 者) in the term “North Korean defectors” (Kr. talbuk’ja, 탈북자, 脫北者), and min (Kr. 민, 民) in the term “North Korean defector-residents” (Kr. talbuk’min, 탈북민, 脫北民). Although both can be translated as person or people, ja (Kr. 자, 者) may carry negative connotations and be used in a disparaging way, and min (Kr. 민, 民) holds a more nationalistic and in-group nuance, connoting a sense of national pride and community. 27 Free people (Kr. jayu’min, 자유민, 自由民) is a term with the characters jayu (Kr. 자유, 自由) meaning freedom, and min (Kr. 민, 民) for residents/people.
11 Rhee Min-bok Agricultural researcher ∞ leader of anti-North Korean balloon propaganda program
We must enlighten 20 million people with Anti-North Korean leafets During the brutal battles between North and South Korea in 1962, the South initiated a plan to spread anti-North propaganda leaflets into North Korea as a retort to North Korea’s anti-South propaganda broadcasts.1 The goal of the leaflets was to use the truth to seed doubt into the thoughts of North Korean residents and soldiers who were mindlessly loyal to their tyrant’s dictatorship system. The North and South continuously and laboriously fought for political dominance after the armistice and up until the 1980s. That was until a change occurred entering the 1990s. The Soviet Union (now Russia) and Eastern European socialist countries, who were allies of North Korea, had collapsed. From this point, the economic gap between the North and South widened, followed by a large decrease in military broadcasting from both sides. During the mid-1990s, a terrible economic crisis caused a famine called the ‘March of Hardship’ which resulted in the starvation of three million North Koreans and an extreme increase in the number of defectors.2 These defectors were people who awakened to the hellish society they were tricked into living in. They are the ones sending pamphlets with the truth to their families in their hometowns. In late autumn 2015, I went to the city of Pocheon in Gyeonggi Province in search of the leader of the anti-North Korean balloon propaganda program. The base of operations, which was not too far off from a four-lane freeway, was surrounded by a quiet forest. There was nothing but a few containers used for housing and storage.
1 Anti-North propaganda leafets (Kr. daebuk jeondan, 대북전단, 對北傳單) are a printed sheet of paper which includes information about the North Korean regime. Such leaflets are also commonly referred to as bbira (Kr. 삐라) in South Korea. It should be noted that the dae in daebuk does not mean anti in an antagonistic sense (as in, for example, banhan, which means anti-Korean), rather it signifies direction and can be translated as aimed at the North. 2 March of Hardship (Kr. gonanui haenggun, 고난의 행군, 苦難의行軍), see TN 9, pg. 37.
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Can we call this place the “HQ in the frontier for reunifcation”? “It would be an honour if the North Korean defector-resident society’s best writer, Lim Il, was to overestimate us and call us that. You probably saw as you were coming, but the roads that lead here aren’t even sealed. It’s in a place like this that we work and aim to keep our wordless passion for reunification. If we didn’t, who on earth would do this job, even if they were being paid? We’re doing this for the 20 million people of North Korea.”
Please introduce yourself. “I was born in December 1957, in Seoheung County, Hwanghae Province. I was raised in Suncheon, Pyongan Province. Since the age of five I followed and helped my father, who was a worker at a commercial maintenance centre. I had five siblings of whom I was the eldest, and my mother was an ordinary housewife. We were a big, happy family.”
How about your education and work experience? “In August 1974, I entered Kim Chaek University of Technology in Pyongyang, whilst simultaneously being forced to work as a ‘socialist mass construction recruit’.3,4 In August 1979, I graduated from Nampo University of Agriculture, and from 1982, I was employed as a researcher at the ‘corn research centre’.5,6 The centre was located in Suncheon, South Pyeongan Province and belonged to the North Korean Academy of Agricultural Science.”7
3 Kim Chaek University of Technology (Kr. gimchaek gong’eop jonghap daehak, 김책공업종합대학, 金策工業綜合大學), see TN 13, pg. 15. 4 Socialist mass construction recruits (Kr. sahoeju’ui daegeon seoljeong dongwon, 사회주의대건설정동원, 社會主義大建設征動員) are people who are recruited to construct buildings for the socialist agenda. Apart from buildings, the constructions also include cultural icons, memorials, and statues. 5 Nampo University of Agriculture (Kr. nampo nonggeop daehak, 남포농업대학, 南浦農業大學) was established in 1967 in the city of Nampo and is affiliated with several of the cooperative farms in Ryonggang County. 6 Corn Research Centre (Kr. oksusu yeonguso, 옥수수 연구소, 옥수수 實驗室) is an institute in North Korea mainly involved with researching ways to maximise harvest of corn. 7 North Korean Academy of Agricultural Science (Kr. bukhan nong’eop gwahakwon, 북한농업과학원, 北韓農業科學院) is an agricultural research institution in North Korea with aims to establish a guidance system for the study of agricultural issues and research on agricultural production.
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Please tell me about your motivation for defecting. “In the summer of 1990, I went on a crop research business trip to Cheorwon, Gangwon Province. At that point, I coincidentally saw a leaflet sent from South Joseon that contained information about the 6.25 War.8,9 It said that North Joseon’s Kim Il-sung initiated the invasion of South Joseon in June 1950 with aid from the Soviet Union.10 I was shocked. After that, I secretly transitioned from ‘crop research’ to ‘Kim Il-sung research’ for three months.”
When did you defect from North Korea? “I first defected in November 1990, where I was arrested at the Chinese border and sent back to North Korea. I was released after three months after I argued that I went to purchase seeds for crops. In June 1991, I defected again and roamed around Yeongil, China.”11
Please elaborate. “It was a time before diplomatic relations between South Korea and China were established. I therefore decided that I was better off going to South Korea through Russia, so I chose to go there. I walked for four days along the Heilong River in Dongning County all the way to Russia.12,13 I crossed several border posts before safely entering Russia.”
Please tell me about your life in Russia. “I flew to Moscow ten days later with a missionary I met in Ussuriysk. On July 6, 1992, I visited the South Korean embassy, but was told to ‘take some time to think about it!’ At that time, three North Korean lumberjack defectors were appealing to go to South Korea in the hallway. The worker at the embassy almost threatened them and forced them out saying ‘if you don’t leave right now, we’ll call the police’.”
8 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4. 9 6.25 War (Kr. yuk’i’o jeonjaeng, 육이오 전쟁, 六二五 戰爭) refers to the Korean War, see TN 5, pg. 8. 10 North Joseon (Kr. buk-joseon, 북조선, 北朝鮮), see TN 16, pg. 17. 11 Yeongil (Kr. 연길, 延吉) is the Korean reading for Yanji, the capital city of the Yanbian (Kr. yoenbyeon, 연변, 延邊) Korean Autonomous Prefecture. See Map 2 on pg. xiv. 12 Heilong River (Kr. heukryong-gang, 흑룡강, 黑龍江) is also commonly called the Amur River and Heilong Jiang. 13 Dongning County (Kr. dongnyeong-hyeon, 동녕현, 東寧縣) is a county-level city in Heilongjiang Province, in south-eastern China.
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What happened when the embassy refused your travel to South Korea? “I slept at railway and subway stations as well as at parks for a few days. Fortunately, it was possible because it was summer. As for my hopes to travel to Seoul, whether I was to wait at the South Korean embassy or travel through three countries, I sensed that I was on my own. Although I was angry, I made up my mind to go to Seoul on my own two feet.”
How did you do that? “I attended a theological academy in Moscow through the introduction from a South Korean missionary. With the assistance of several acquaintances, I was in contact with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) for three years before being finally acknowledged as the first North Korea defected international refugee. Finally, I was able to come to Seoul, South Korea, in February 1995. It had been five years since I’d left North Korea.”
I’m curious about your life after arriving in South Korea. “After entering society, I received a proposal from the Korean Rural Research Institute to research the North Korean rural economy together. I refused, saying that ‘there’s nothing there to research on North Korea’s rural village cooperative farms. All that you do is your own individual farming.’ Afterwards, I gladly received a proposal to work with the military psychological operations group of the Ministry of National Defense.14 However, that also came to nothing. The reason for this was because they disliked their rice bowls being stolen by North Korean defector-residents.”15, 16
How was your experience after that? “From 1996, I had attended Seoul Theological University and Chongshin University from which I withdrew in 2000. If I was to give a reason as to why I chose to study theology, the reason is that I strongly believe in the sentiment that ‘the reunification movement is to be done with Christian organisations rather than the government’. I certainly believe that it shouldn’t be run by the government, as the government has a turnover every five years.”
14 Military psychological operations group of the Ministry of National Defense (Kr. gukbang-bu shimni jeondan, 국방부 심리전단, 國防部 心理戰團) is the military psychological operations group belonging to the South Korean Ministry of National Defense that is responsible for conducting operations against national enemies and spies. 15 Rice bowl (Kr. bapgeureut, 밥그릇), see TN 32, pg. 34. 16 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix.
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I heard you have also done North Korean defector-resident human rights movements. “In 1998, North Korean defector-residents spontaneously created the ‘Free North Korean Association’. At that time, the investigation agency was aggressive, and North Korean defector-residents would get verbally abused and beaten. In addition, North Korean defector-residents were subjected to a single passport for foreign travel. This was obviously immoral, so North Korean defector-residents spoke out to the world. As a result, North Korean defector-residents are now able to obtain multiple passports.”
Why do you campaign to send anti-North Korean propaganda leafets to North Korea? “I changed my mind thanks to South Korea’s anti-North Korean leaflets whilst in North Korea, the most primitive society of the 21st century. Changing the ideology of North Koreans is of utmost importance for the reunification of the Korean Peninsula.17 The most obvious method is through leaflets. I have been sending rubber balloons since 2003, packing hundreds of leaflets into them.”
How did you develop the technology for spreading leafets? “It is technology that I researched for five years and used since 2005. The time device operates according to things such as wind direction, velocity, and distance. There is a 90% success rate. 30,000 flyers (letters written on 0.03-millimetrethick plastic), a USB stick, a Choco Pie, and an American dollar bill are included in a 3.5-kilogram pocket hanging from a 7-meter-high balloon, flown at an altitude of 3,000 meters.18 It is a pocket of life for the residents of North Korea.”
Please elaborate. “Since 2005, 1,500 balloons have been scattered annually. From 2011, this quantity had halved because we couldn’t enter Baengnyeong Island.19 Baengnyeong Island is the most suitable location for sending off balloons, but the local residents were opposed to it, so now we can’t enter.”
17 Korean Peninsula (Kr. hanbando, 한반도, 韓半島), see TN 2, pg. ix. 18 Choco Pie (Kr. choko pa’i, 초코파이) is a common confectionary in South Korea. It is a chocolate covered sponge cakes layered with marshmallow, much like a Wagon Wheel without the jam. 19 Baengnyeong Island (Kr. baengnyeong-do, 백령도, 白翎島) is an island in Ongjin County, Incheon, South Korea. It is located near the Northern Limit Line (Kr. bukbang hangyeseon, 북방한계선, 北方限界線).
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What is the reason for distributing fyers late at night behind closed doors? “Anti-North Korean leaflets scattered in broad daylight are difficult for North Korean residents to retrieve. North Koreans live under surveillance and will report others, not because they hate them, but because they don’t want to be persecuted. Residents are subjected to punishment if they encounter anti-North Korean leaflets, which are authority-regulated objects. Therefore, it poses less threat to their safety for residents to access leaflets at night rather than in broad daylight.”
What diffculties do you face while preparing leafets? “There are lots of things. First, even the police, who protect me, strongly restrain my activities in certain cases. We employ part-timers to fill plastic bags with leaflets. I have employed both ethnic Koreans living in China and North Korean defector-residents.20 However, everyone leaves after two to three days, saying that they can’t do it. There was a time where one person said they would quit at 1AM at the leaflet preparation site.”
Is there enough funding for the group? “No, there isn’t. Thankfully I’m able to do things such as give lectures and church testimonies, and I contribute 10% of my sponsors’ donations to my labour costs. Here in the countryside, we raise livestock and grow vegetables. The only formal clothes I have are for the lectures.”
Any fnal remarks? “Despite putting my life at risk, the reason I adamantly send anti-North Korean leaflets is to liberate the souls of the people in North Korea. The possibility of change can only occur when the 20 million compatriots who have become fanatics of the Kim Il-sung religion are introduced to the ideas and freedom of democracy. It would be more efficient to anticipate a change in the people of North Korea than to hope for a change in Kim Jong-un.”
20 Ethnic Koreans living in China (Kr. joseon’jok, 조선족, 朝鮮族) refers to the Korean ethnic minority in China, most of whom had moved to and inhabited the area around Manchuria before 1945. Literally Joseon People or Joseon Family.
12 Han Yong-su Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ first North Korean metro train operator
Vigorously traversing the underground of Seoul, city of 10 million people Coming from a world thoroughly controlled by the Workers’ Party, the “subway” is one aspect that North Korean defector-residents who arrive in South Korea are amazed by.1,2 In North Korea, only Pyongyang has a subway. In South Korea, on the other hand, Seoul being an obvious one, major cities in other provinces such as Busan, Daegu, Incheon, Gwangju, and Daejeon also have subways. The Pyongyang Metro, which opened a year earlier than the Seoul subway system, was built with the aid of the former Soviet Union (now Russia)’s technology.3 It was initially built for private evacuation in case of emergency. If you go down 100 metres underground by escalator, you will find a platform and three to four electric trains running. The platform is 10 to 15 metres wide. The Pyongyang Metro has two lines, 17 stations, and spans across 22 kilometres. On average, there are 250~300,000 passengers daily. Apart from the rush hour period, the metro is usually inactive. The average speed of electric trains is 40 to 50 kilometres per hour. They are operated by the military (Ministry of Social Security Metro Operations Bureau).4 North Korean defector-residents think fondly of the fact that, in South Korea, subways are located not only in Seoul, but also in regional cities. In early June of this year, near Daerim Station in Guro District, Seoul, I met and talked with Han
1 Workers’ Party (Kr. nodong dang, 노동당, 勞動黨) refers to the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨). See TN 9, pg. 2. 2 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix. 3 Pyongyang Metro (Kr. pyongyang jiha cheoldo, 평양 지하철도, 平壤 地下鐵道) is the rapid transit system of Pyongyang, capital of North Korea. It began operating on September 9, 1973 and consists of two lines: Hyoksin Line (Kr. hyoksin’seon, 혁신선, 革新線) and the Chollima Line (Kr. chollima’seon, 천리마선, 千里馬線), which includes an extended line called Mangyongdae Line (Kr. mangyongdae’seon, 만경대선, 萬景臺線) across 17 stations. 4 Ministry of Social Security Metro Operation Bureau (Kr. inmin bo’anseong jihacheol unyeong’guk 인민보안성 지하철 운영국, 人民安全部 地下鐵道 運營局) is a managing department under the Ministry of Social Security (Kr. sahoe boan’seong, 사희보안성, 社會保安省) which operates the Pyongyang Metro (Kr. pyongyang jihacheol’do, 평양 지하철도, 平壤 地下鐵道).
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Yong-su, the first North Korea defector to have worked as an engine driver for the Seoul Transportation Corporation, something which he did for over 20 years.
Please introduce yourself. “I was born in Yeonsa County, North Hamgyong Province, in June 1975. I was the youngest of two sons and one daughter, and my father was a doctor at an oral clinic in Hamhung City. It was a good job. My mother, former Wonsan Agricultural University graduate, completed her studies at Mangyongdae Revolutionary School.5,6 After working as a university teacher, she gave birth to me and became a housewife. Our family moved to Hamhung City and we had lived there since 1987.”
Do you have any special family memories? “When I was younger, my father went away to a construction site in Libya as a doctor for a number of years. Sometimes he talked about the living environment in Libya while drinking with his colleagues at home. My heart fluttered a little when I secretly listened in on him.”
You must also have other memories. “My uncle was the president of the Pyongyang Science Encyclopaedia Publishing Company.7 Every summer vacation, I would spend time at his home in Pyongyang. In a photo album, there were photos of my uncle working and relaxing with foreigners from when he went on business trips to several socialist European countries.8 I got very envious whenever I looked at the photos. There were romantic smiles and leisure on the foreigners’ faces.”
5 Wonsan Agricultural University (Kr. wonsan nongeop daehak, 원산농업대학, 元山農業大學) is a university located in Wonsan, North Korea. The university was established in 1948 and is currently the largest agricultural university in North Korea. Students at the institute learn about farming, agricultural management economics, and other similar areas of study under the Juche ideology (Kr. juche sasang, 주체사상, 主體思想). 6 Mangyongdae Revolutionary School (Kr. mangyeongdae hyeongmyeong hagwon, 만경대혁명학원, 萬景臺革命學院), see TN 9, pg. 49. 7 Pyongyang Science Encyclopaedia Publishing Company (Kr. pyongyang gwahak baekgwasajeon chulpansa, 평양과학백과사전출판사, 平壤科學百科事典出版社) is a publishing agency in Sosong District, Pyongyang. The company publishes books and magazines in the fields of social science, natural science and medicine, encyclopaedias, and various science and technology dictionaries. 8 Socialist European country (Kr. gurapa sahoeju’ui nara, 구라파사회주의나라, 歐羅巴社會主義나라) uses the old-fashioned term gurapa for Europe, which is akin to Europa. In modern times, the term is more common in North Korea.
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When did you enlist in the Korean People’s Army?9 “After graduating from middle and high school in Hamhung, I joined the Korean People’s Army in August 1992. I went to the 1st Corps 13th Division, a frontline unit. After two months of recruit training, a year later I started doing tasks such as patrolling, surveillance, and undercover services.”
Isn’t that close to the Demilitarised Zone (DMZ)? “That’s right. There was a DMZ Service Unit in front of us, and we were behind it.10 It is called the front-line regiment.11 The distance between us and the DMZ was roughly 4 to 6 kilometres. When the weather was clear, the South Korean military guard post was clearly visible through binoculars. At the time, anti-North Korean broadcasts were garishly aired from the South, but I surprisingly became more interested in the anti-North propaganda leaflets.”12,13
What type of content was on the anti-North Korean leafets? “Amid the propaganda leaflets, information about South Korea’s ‘ten million cars’ caught my eye. That wasn’t easy to believe because that number was half the population of North Korea. It was also surprising to hear that South Joseon’s average annual income is $10,000 USD.14 The more I knew, the more amazing South Joseon became.”
What were the standards of military food distribution like? “Nine to ten people would go to the regiment to get the food and side dishes for our platoon to eat. These were items such as rice, crackers, meat, soybean paste, seaweed, and salt. After the death of Kim Il-sung in July 1994, two to three
9 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx. 10 DMZ Service Unit (Kr. mingyeong budae, 민경부대, 民警部隊) is a term for troops of soldiers serving inside the Demilitarized Zone. The Korean name reflects that the DMZ is, by design, a location free of armed personnel, housing only civilian and police forces, thus the use of mingyeong (Kr. 민경, 民警). 11 Front-line regiment (Kr. choe jeonyeon budae, 최전연부대, 前線聯部隊) is the military unit whose core responsibility is guarding the Korean Demilitarised Zone (Kr. hanbando bimujang jidae, 한반도 비무장 지대, 韓半島非武裝地帶) between North and South Korea. 12 Anti-North Korean broadcasts (Kr. daebuk bangseong, 대북방송, 對北放送) are broadcasts aired by the South Korean military on information about North Korea and its regime. The target audience is aimed for North Korean residents and soldiers. It is usually aired at the Demilitarised Zone (Kr. bimu jangji’dae, 비무장지대, 非武裝地帶). 13 Anti-North propaganda leafets (Kr. daebuk jeondan, 대북전단, 對北傳單), see TN 1, pg. 79. 14 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4.
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people would visit the regiment to collect side dishes, but all they would bring back was rice, salt, and tobacco. From that time on, the regiment command continually issued orders for the platoons to take care of their own food.”
Any memorable moments? “At the regiment, when we went to get side dishes, we would carry a backpack on our shoulders, a sack around our neck, and a box in our hands before going up to the checkpoint. When I was taking a break and looking at the enemy’s camp with binoculars, our national army was providing military supplies by helicopter, and I thought, ‘what are we doing?’”15
When did you have a change of heart? “To be honest, I had a feeling of disappointment in North Korean society before joining the military. When I heard the tales of my father who had been abroad, or when I was alone at my uncle’s home in Pyongyang, I questioned myself: ‘why do we live without knowing the world, unlike other countries?’ As I worked in the frontline unit, I always had doubts in my mind, such as ‘what kind of world is South Joseon?’”
I’m curious about your escape from the unit. “On June 12, 1995, around 9 am, the deputy platoon commander ordered me to go to the mountains and dig for wild vegetables. For reference, we worked on the frontline of course, but no matter what we did, we had to move around in groups of two or three people. On that day, I was sent out alone as there weren’t enough troops. To be frank, this was the first solo assignment order in 34 months since I had enlisted in the army.”
How did you feel at that moment? “While serving in the military, I always vacantly looked to the South and thought ‘I will go there if I have the chance. If South Joseon society is as much of a living hell and as rotten to the core as the Workers’ Party says, couldn’t we just come back?’”
It must have been the perfect opportunity. “It was a moment that came after four years of military service, and so I decided that it was a godsend. There was nothing else to worry about. I followed a route
15 National army (Kr. gukgun, 국군, 國軍) is used here by the interviewee in reference to the South Korean army implying his current association with the South.
Han Yong-su 89 I had memorised, crossed the DMZ at around 3 pm, and arrived at a Southern guard post at around 6 pm. I was emotionally overrun with joy.”
What did you do afterward? “I assimilated into society in January of 1996 after being investigated by a government agency. Then, in July, I got a job as a special employee at Seoul Subway Corporation (currently Seoul Transportation Corporation). There were about 30~40 North Korean defector-residents who entered the country the same year I had arrived. There was a ‘special law for repatriates’ recommended by the government to companies, but it was not mandatory.”16,17
What was the frst thing you did after joining Seoul Subway Corporation? “The job I was given when I entered the company was as a station employee at Gurogongdan Station (now Guro Digital Complex Station). It was an in-office customer service ticketing job. I worked at Bangbae Station from 1999, and Jamsil Station from 2001. Occasionally I’d have conflicts with fair evaders, but they were mostly drunk people. Some customers I’d have back and forth arguments with, but if I had it my way, I’d have already been fired (laughs).”
When did you become a subway train operator? “I became a train operator in 2003. I was a conductor for around ten years and, in 2013, I was able to get my operator’s license. I was the first North Korean defector-resident to become a subway driver.”
Which route do you operate in Seoul? “I’m currently operating Line 2 of the Seoul subway. It takes about an hour and a half to go around Line 2 which is 48.8 kilometres. I go around the line twice in a row and then rest for about two to three hours. It’s a safety operation rule.”
16 Repatriate (Kr. gwisunja, 귀순자, 歸順者) is a naming term for a person who defected from North Korea. 17 Special law for repatriates (Kr. gwisunja teukchae-beob, 귀순자 특채법, 歸順者 特採法) is likely referring to the Special Assistance Act on Relief of Persons of Distinguished Service to Independence (Kr. gukga yugongja mit wolnam gwisunja teukbyeol howonbeop, 국가유공자 및 월남귀순자 특별원호법, 國家有功者 및 越南歸順者 特別援護法). See TN 5, pg. 73.
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What does it feel like when you’re travelling beneath Seoul? “Me, a former soldier of the Korean People’s Army, a repatriate, now operates a train that fiercely zooms underneath one of the world’s top 10 ranked cities, Seoul, the capital of Republic of Korea. It is an honour to safely transport hundreds of thousands of Seoul citizens to their final destination. If my loved ones from my homeland were to see me, they’d also be extremely proud.”
Is there anything you want to say specifcally? “I would like a peace establishment on the Korean Peninsula which will allow for the proper development of railway connection and exchange between the South and North. I would like to function as a consultant within this process and so in 2015 I graduated from Hanyang Engineering University with a master’s in railway systems.”
Is there someone you’re always thankful for? “I’m thankful for my adoptive parents in Seoul, Mr Lee Jong-ik and Mrs Cho In-dan. They are a married couple who adopted me and treat me like their real son, even now, and who I treat like my real parents. They taught me every little thing I didn’t know while living in Seoul. When it’s the holidays, I go to greet them as if I were going to greet my parents in my hometown.”
13 Jeong Nam Railway worker ∞ president of Glov Co., Ltd. (sunflower oil producer)
A North Korean labourer who became the president of a company in South Korea North Korean defector-residents who enter South Korea receive settlement education and are surprised to learn that there are as many as 10,000 different jobs in the country.1 In North Korea, the state oversees job placement and management. Individual’s private property ownership is not recognised, and things such as job turnovers and entrepreneurship are not permitted at all. This is another method of controlling people. In North Korea, where the word for ‘human resource development’ doesn’t even exist, everyone who is eligible for employment is, at a bare minimum, placed in factories, where the machinery stopped working long ago. So, technically, there are no unemployed people, and everyone has a job. The state locks its residents into groups called organisations and forces them to make a living. The people of North Korea live under lifelong control of the authorities. They have two to three hours a week of ideological study and lectures at workplaces such as institutions and factories and participate in farming work and defence projects (the construction of war evacuation facilities) for three to four months a year. They are also forced to work as support personnel on construction sites and at various political events. That is the sort of primitive social life that North Korean defector-residents used to live in. They come to South Korea to engage in various jobs and run their own businesses – they come to find a better life. One day in November 2018, I visited Glov Co., Ltd. in Yongin, Gyeonggi Province to sit face-to-face with President Jeong Nam over a cup of tea.
Where is your hometown? “I was born in April 1973 in Songyo District, Pyongyang City, as the youngest of four brothers. My father was the brigade commander of the XXXX military unit
1 North Korean defector-residents (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix.
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of the Korean People’s Guard and died in the line of duty in 1978.2 My mother was a chief engineer at Pyongyang Urban Planning and Design Office.3 I graduated from Pyongyang No. 1 High School in 1989 and entered the Pyongyang College of Railways.4 A year later, I was forced to deport to Onsong County, North Hamgyong Province by authorities.”
For what reason? “My eldest brother studied at Kyiv State University in the Soviet Union (now Russia) while attending Kim Chaek Industrial University.5 My brother sought asylum in South Korea immediately after graduating from the Soviet university after five years of study which began in 1985. This resulted in our family being deported to Onsong.”
What about your other two brothers? “My second eldest brother was also an international student. He completed his studies at a military college in East Germany after studying there for three years, since 1987, and returned to his country to serve as a company commander of the Pyongyang Defence Command.6 My third eldest brother was a graduate of Mangyongdae Revolutionary School and attended Gyeongseong Aviation Military Academy for four years. I was proud of all my brothers.”7, 8
2 Korean People’s Guard (Kr. joseon inmin gyeongbidae, 조선인민경비대, 朝鮮人民警備隊) is an organisation of the Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍) tasked with defence and policing duties. 3 Pyongyang Urban Planning and Design Offce (Kr. pyongyang’dosi gyehoek seolgye saeopso, 평 양도시계획설계사업소, 平壤都市計畫設計事業所) is a specialised design agency that comprehensively deals with design of urban planning for Pyongyang City and its surrounding satellite cities. 4 Pyongyang No. 1 High School (Kr. pyongyang je’il godeungghakgyo, 평양제1고등학교, 平壤第1高等學校) was established in 1984, and is regarded as the best high school in North Korea. It is located in Shinwon-dong, Potonggang District, Pyongyang. 5 Kim Chaek University of Technology (Kr. gimchaek gong’eop jonghap daehak, 김책공업종합대학, 金策工業綜合大學), see TN 13, pg. 15. 6 Pyongyang Defense Command (Kr. pyongyang bang’eo saryeong-bu, 평양방어사령부, 平壤防禦司令部) is a part of the Korean People’s Army (Kr. inmin gundae, 인민군대, 人民軍隊) that is responsible for the defence of the capital, originally established to defend against South Korea and the United States during the Korean War. 7 Mangyongdae Revolutionary School (Kr. mangyeongdae hyeongmyeong hagwon, 만경대혁명학원, 萬景臺革命學院), see TN 9, pg. 49. 8 Gyeongseong Aviation Military Academy (Kr. gyeongsang bihaeng gun’gwan hakgyo, 경성비행군관학교) 鏡城飛行軍官學校) is a four-year pilot training school in Gyeongseong County, North Hamgyong Province.
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Your mother had a peculiar career. “My mother is the designer of the famous Juche Tower in Pyongyang.9 The symbol of the capital Pyongyang, the Juche Tower is a 170-metre-tall granite tower built by the North Korean authorities on the Taedong Riverside in East Pyongyang area in time for Kim Il-sung’s 70th birthday (April 15, 1982). Since then, my mother has designed some of the major buildings in Pyongyang, such as the Gwangbok Street Bridge and Nungra Bridge.10,11 She also received a commendation from Kim Il-sung, an Order of the National Flag medal, and a watch with Kim Il-sung’s signature on it.”12,13
What did you do while you were deported? “I worked in the Onsong Platoon, Sambong Railway Station, Northern Railway Administration as a railway person. It was a job where I specialised in remodelling railroads. The following year after deportation I entered the Department of Electrical Engineering at Pyongyang University of Railways by correspondence and graduated in 1996. It’s similar to Korea National Open University in South Korea.”
Was there anything that caused your change of heart about South Korea? “I had a distant relative in the Jeonyeon area of Hwanghae Province. He came on a business trip to Onsong this one time, and he showed something to our family in secret. It was a pamphlet. Surprisingly, there was a photo of our eldest brother getting married at some church. He was studying at a university in Seoul. There
9 Juche Tower (Kr. juchesa sasang’tab, 주체사상탑, 主體思想塔) is a tower situated directly opposite the Kim Il-sung Square and has a torch on the top that is said to be always lit. The tower was named after the ideology of Juche (Kr. juche, 주체, 主體). See Map 3, pg. xv. 10 Gwangbok Street Bridge (Kr. gwangbok geori-gyo, 광복거리교, 光復거리橋) is a 5.2-kilometre long bridge in Pyongyang that connects Gwangbok Station to Mangyongdae, the birthplace of Kim Il-sung. 11 Nungra Bridge (Kr. neungra dari, 능라다리, 綾羅다리) is a 1,070-metre long bridge that passes through Neungrado, an island in the Taedong River, and connects to Moranbong area, Pyongyang, constructed in 1988. It is also known as Brocade Bridge. 12 Order of the National Flag medal (Kr. gukgi hunjang, 국기 훈장, 國旗勳章) is the secondhighest order of North Korea, established in 1948, six weeks after the North Korean State was founded. It is awarded to people and organisations of political, cultural, or economic merit. 13 A watch with Kim Il-sung’s signature on it (Kr. kimilseong myeongham sigye, 김일성 명함시계, 金日成名銜時計) is a custom-made wristwatch with Kim Il-sung’s signature embossed in red. It originated from Kim Il-sung’s promise of friendship by giving his watch to his colleague Ahn Gil during his days as a partisan. High-ranking officials and commendable contributors are awarded with this watch.
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was also an inscription that said, ‘South Joseon is a society where freedom and human rights flow like a river.’”14
So, you must have known about South Korea through your eldest brother. “We could say that. My eldest brother was contacted through ethnic Koreans living in China.15 They told him that he had to leave North Korea and come to South Korea and to not ask why. That being said, is it easy to leave the country you grew up in? That’s a society where if you run from your country you are labelled as a ‘national traitor’ and receive the death penalty. My mother and the entire family lived in constant fear.”
What made you fnally decide to defect? “There’s a famous saying that goes ‘women are weak, but mothers are strong’. When the three of us (brothers) were uneasy and hesitant, our mother made the final decision. Our mother lived her whole life saluting the Party and the tyrant, but in the later years, it seems she became disillusioned with the struggle in North Korean society.”
Could you be more specifc? “I was the first one to cross the Tumen River to grasp the situation in China after discussing it with my mother.16 It was August 5, 1997. Three days later, my mother and my third eldest brother crossed over. My family spent 15 days in Jilin, and then flew by airplane with counterfeit passports. We entered South Korea in August 1997.”
How was the beginning of your life in South Korea? “I began assimilating into society in February 1998, after going through the investigation agency.17 Since I graduated from Pyongyang University of Railways in North Korea, I wanted to work at the Korea Railway Authority (currently the Korea Railway Corporation), so I applied for a job. At that time, they didn’t acknowledge North Korean graduates. Six months later, a job request came from
14 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4. 15 Ethnic Koreans living in China (Kr. joseon’jok, 조선족, 朝鮮族), see TN 20, pg. 84. 16 Tumen River (Kr. duman’gang, 두만강, 豆滿江), also known as the Tuman River or Duman River, is a long river which serves as a boundary between North Korea and China. It is located in North Hamgyong, Ryanggang Province, North Korea. 17 Investigation agency (Kr. josagigwan, 조사기관, 調察機關) is a South Korean government organisation that confirms the intent of defectors, making sure they are not espionage agents or ethnic Koreans from China coming to South Korea under the pretence of defection.
Jeong Nam 95 the Korea Railway Authority for me to work as an intern at their boiler room. It was absurd, so I bit my lip and refused politely.”
What did you do after? “Since I had come to an unknown country, a completely different world from North Korea, I wanted to study with the mindset that I was starting anew. In March 2000, I entered Yonsei University College of Law, and majored in Law, Journalism, and Visual Arts. I graduated in February 2005. It’s not common to major in three subjects simultaneously.”
Was it easy to fnd employment? “After I graduated, I began to apply everywhere. I would apply to at least three to four places, and to as many as 20 places, every day. In total, I made a thousand job applications in a single year. The only replies I got were from places that were far from ideal such as an insurance company, a credit card company, and a proxy agency. I tasted the bitterness of unsuccessful job seeking.”
I heard you worked in many places. “During my university life, I took an intermission and worked at ‘Jeon Cheol-woo Hometown Cold Noodles’ for some time.18 Jeon Cheol-woo, former Germany exchange student, is a North Korean defector businessperson who operates a food company. After graduating from university, I worked at ‘Jeon Cheol-woo Hometown Gukbap’ for a year.19 I learnt various wisdoms of societal life from President Jeon Cheol-Woo. Whether you see him as a defector, or whether you see him as a businessperson, he is my senior.20 I’m always grateful to him.”
Unexpectedly, you have experience working in the National Assembly. “In 2008, I served Choi Yong-gyu of the United Democratic Party (now the Democratic Party of Korea) as a 6th class secretary.21 At that time, Congressman
18 Jeon Cheol-woo Hometown Cold Noodles (Kr. jeoncheolu gohyang naengmyeon, 전철우고향냉면, 전철우故别冷面) is a cold buckwheat noodle restaurant in South Korea created and run by North Korean defector-resident Jeon Cheol-woo. 19 Jeon Cheol-woo Hometown Gukbap (Kr. jeoncheolu gohyang gukbap, 전철우고향국밥, 전철우故别국밥) is a restaurant created and owned by North Korean defector-resident Jeon Cheol-woo that specialises in gukbap, a Korean dish made by putting cooked rice into a hot soup or boiling cooked rice in a soup. 20 Senior (Kr. seonbae, 선배, 前輩), see TN 2, pg. 14. 21 United Democratic Party (Kr. tonghap minjudang, 통합민주당, 綜合民主黨) is a centralist, liberal party in South Korea, founded in 2014. Lim Il has noted that the United
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Choi was the president of the Korean Ukrainian Parliamentary Association.22 After that, I worked as Deputy Head of Human Resources and General Affairs at the Doul Architecture Office for three years.”23
Where did you serve after that? “Since May 2012, I served as the first North Korean defector-resident in the National Assembly, as a 5th level secretary to the Saenuri Party (now the Liberty Korea Party).24 My duties consisted of civil petitions such as legislation and regulation legislation related to North Korean defector-residents.”
What was your reason for leaving such a good position in the National Assembly? “I actually wanted to study more. From February 2014 to August 2016, I completed my master’s course at the Graduate School of Public Administration at Yonsei University. Since March 2017, I have been doing my doctoral research at the North Korean University Graduate School. I’m afraid it’s like I’m a study bug.25 I’ve been studying at universities for more than half of my 20 years in South Korea (laughs).”
Tell me about Glov Co., Ltd. “Glov is a specialised company that imports and distributes sunflower oil from Ukraine. In May 2018, the certification of a unified preliminary social enterprise was obtained, and in July 2018, ISO 9001, 14001 quality management certifications were received. Now, we have applied to become a regional preliminary social enterprise. We’re expecting good results.”
22
23
24 25
Democratic Party had a name change to the Democratic Party of Korea, however, the name appears to have been officially shortened to the Democratic Party (Kr. deobuleo minju dang, 더불어민주당, 더불어民主黨) in 2015, known as minjudang (Kr. 민주당, 民主黨) in South Korean media since 2016. Korean Ukranian Parliamentary Association (Kr. hanguk ukeura’i’na’ui wonhyeop huijang, 한국우크라이나의원협회장, 韓國우크라이나議員會場) is a small organisation founded in 2016 that focuses on the South Korean–Ukraine relationship through diplomatic exchange and agricultural cooperation. Doul Architecture Offce (Kr. do’ul gyeonchuk samuso, 도울건축사무소, 도울建築事務所) is an architectural design and relations service industry but is now referred to as the Doul Architecture and Engineering Offce (Kr. do’ul geonchuk geonchuksa samuso, 도울건축건축사사무소, 도울建築建築事事務所). Saenuri Party (Kr. saenuri dang, 새누리당, 새누리黨), see TN 1, pg. 54. Study bug (Kr. gongbu beolle, 공부벌레) is a colloquial South Korean term which refers to someone who likes to study a lot.
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If it’s not a secret, what are your average sales per year? “The average sales in 2014 were 2.4 million won (laughs), 65 million won in 2015, and 68 million won in 2016. In 2017, it was 470 million won, and up until October this year, the sales were 830 million won. Our main customers are nationwide catering companies, edible oil distributors, methods of consumer ordering, and so on. Next year, we are planning for more than 1 billion won worth of pure edible oil sales, excluding brokerage trade.”
What is your heart’s desire? “We plan to put an automated facility for packaging edible oil on-site within the year. At the same time, we intend to hire two more employees. Currently, all six employees are North Korean defector-residents. They are colleagues who have been working together with me through thick and thin for nearly four years. I’m always grateful and sorry for the staff who believe and follow me as the president, and I’ll work hard in the future.”
14 Shim Ju-il Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ head of North Korean Soldiers of Christ Association
Sending gospel to 1 million North Korean soldiers There is probably no other country in the world that has military service like that in North Korea. The Korean Peoples’ Army military service is 10~13 years for men and 5~7 years for women.1 After graduating from high school, all North Koreans are recruited into the military and discharged at the age of 30, where they return home after completely devoting 10 years of their youth to the military. Ideological education is the most important thing in the North Korean military, which is self-proclaimed as “The Leader and its (his) Party’s Military” and “invincible army of super-powered soldiers.” It is a type of mental training and it lasts about two hours per day on average. They will read books in the morning and summarise them in the evening, almost like machines. On top of that, they attend various political classes and lectures, held two to three times a week. Within the harsh political studies done by the ignorant North Korean soldiers, the basics include the revolutionary thoughts of the Supreme Leader Kim Jong-un and the doctrine of national reunification. North Korean soldiers are fully obligated to undertake the religious education of Kim Il-sung, as if North Korea is a “Kim Il-Sung religion” country. Within the society of 30,000 North Korean defector-residents, there are some who have a military background.2 Among them, there are those who are part of the “North Korean Soldiers of Christ Association,” where they received official baptisms and became Christians. In April this year, I met with the North Korean Soldiers of Christ Association’s chairman, Shim Ju-il, in Gapyeong, Gyeonggi Province.
1 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍). See TN 9, pg. xx. 2 North Korean defector-residents (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix.
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Please introduce your family. “I was born in February 1950, in Pyongwon County, South Pyongan Province. At that time my father was the chairman of the village agricultural committee, and my mother came from an ordinary farming family. Five months after I was born, the 6.25 War broke out.3 Four months later my father was shot by the police, and my brother joined the army saying he’d get revenge, only to go missing.”
I heard you were a political military offcer.4 “I was accepted into Nampo National University of Education in September, 1967.5 The following year, in January, the Pueblo Incident occurred and I petitioned and enlisted into the Korean People’s Army following societal opinion.6,7 I was assigned to the 16th anti-aircraft (A.A) gun division of the Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces.”8
Tell us about the feld promotion in the army. “Even thinking about it now gives me goosebumps. One year after I enlisted, during the construction of a Soviet-made A.A gun storage tunnel, one platoon was destroyed. I was the sole survivor and I was honoured to receive the 3rd level National Colours Medal and became the chairman of the Kim Il-sung Socialist Youth Alliance.9,10 Afterwards, my superiors evaluated my camouflage installation
3 6.25 War (Kr. yuk’i’o jeonjaeng, 육이오 전쟁, 六二五 戰爭) refers to the Korean War, see TN 5, pg. 8. 4 Political military offcer (Kr. jeongchi gungwan, 정치군관, 政治軍官) refers to an officer who is responsible for the political education and organisation of the military unit they are assigned to. They are also intended to ensure civilian control of the army. Lim Il notes that the South Korean term for this is commissioned offcer or janggyo (Kr. 장교, 將校). See TN 9, pg. 28. 5 Nampo National University of Education (Kr. nampo gyowon daehak, 남포교원대학, 南浦敎員大學) is a university that was established in 1968 and is located in the city of Nampo, North Pyeongan Province. 6 Pueblo Incident (Kr. pu’ebeullo-ho sageon, 푸에블로호 사건, 푸에블로호 事件) was an event in which a US surveillance ship, the Pueblo, was patrolling near North Korea when intercepted. The crew members were captured and held captive for 11 months leading to a two-year long period of heightened tensions between the United States and DPRK on the Peninsula. 7 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx. 8 Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces (Kr. inmin muryeok’bu, 인민무력부, 人民武力部), see TN 14, pg. 29. 9 The National Colours Medal (Kr. gukgi hunjang, 국기훈장, 國旗勳章) is given to those in North Korea for outstanding merit and demonstrating endless loyalty to the Kim family. There are three ranks to this medal: first rank (Kr. il’geub, 1급, 一級), second rank (Kr. i’geub, 2급, 二級), and third rank (Kr. sam’geub, 3급, 三級). 10 Kim Il-sung Socialist Youth Alliance (Kr. jungdaechogeup danche, 중대초급단체, 重大初級團體) is a political organisation for young people. It consists of doing divisional
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for the A.A gun storage and I received the highest score. I then entered the Workers’ Party of Korea.”11
Could you please elaborate? “In 1972, I graduated from Kim Chaek Political Military Academy, affiliated under the Ministry of Armed Forces. I received a rank as second lieutenant and became an important political advisor.12 In 1980, I graduated from Kim Il-sung University (four years) as an entrusted student and was assigned to a political regiment.13,14 I was then appointed as the advisor (military rank lieutenant) of the political and organisational department at the Pyongyang Defence Command.”15
What is Kim Il-sung University’s entrusted student? “There are five schools in North Korea named after Kim Il-sung. Affiliated with the Ministry of Armed Forces are Kim Il-sung Military University, Kim Il-sung University of Political Science, Kim Il-sung University (which doesn’t directly belong to the state), Kim Il-sung Higher Party School, and Kim Il-sung High School of Physics.16,17,18 The Pyongyang Defence Command and the Escort Command entrust the training of lieutenant-level political executives to Kim Il-sung University and Kim Il-sung Higher Party School.”
11 12
13 14
15 16 17
18
work and more ideological training. This is also known as cheonnyeon dongmaeng (Kr. 천년동맹, 千年同盟). Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨), see TN 9, pg. 2. Kim Chaek Political Military Academy (Kr. kimcheak jeongchi gungwan hakgyo, 김책정치군관학교, 金策政治軍官學校) was established in the City of Nampo in 1945. It has since been renamed to the Kim Il-Sung University of Political Science (Kr. kimilseong jeongchi daehak, 김일성정치대학, 金日成政治大學). Kim Il-sung University (Kr. kimilseong jonghab daehak, 김일성종합대학, 金日成綜合大學), see TN 10, pg. 49. Entrusted student (Kr. uitak-saeng, 의탁생, 依託生), or entrusted military student (Kr. gun uitak-saeng, 군 의탁생, 軍 委託生) refers to a member of the military who has been entrusted to a non-military university or research institution to learn particular skills that are not typically taught at military educational institutions. Entrusted means the entrusting institution, in this case the military, which bears tuition expenses on behalf of the student as it is expected these skills will have useful applications for the military. Pyongyang Defence Command (Kr. pyeongyang bang’eo saryeong-bu, 평양방어사령부, 平壤防禦司令部), see TN 6, pg. 92. Kim Il-sung Military University (Kr. kimilseong gunsa jonghap daehak, 김일성군사종합대학, 金日成軍事綜合大學), see TN 9, pg. 8. Kim Il-sung Higher Party School (Kr. gimilseong gogeup’dang hakgyo, 김일성고급당학교, 金日成高級党學校) was first established in 1946 with the aim of being a high-level executive training school. Kim Il-sung High School of Physics (Kr. kimilseong godeung mulli hakgyo, 김일성고등물리학교, 金日成高級物理學校) was originally called Kim Il Sung Higher Agricultural School (Kr. kimilseong godeung nong’eop hakgyo, 김일성고등농업학교, 金日成高等農業學校), but was renamed in April 1967.
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Were there any instances of you feeling disappointed in the society? “I gave a lecture to executives around May 1997. It was about the defection of the North Korean secretary Hwang Jang-yop, related to how he was portrayed as an espionage agent for the United States and South Joseon.19 North Korea condemns anyone as a traitor if they are against them.”
Did anything special happen? “It was like a dream. One day, while working in the foreign office of the National Security Agency, I secretly received a Bible from an acquaintance who frequently went on business trips to China. We were close enough friends to criticise the negative state of society while drunk. I was stunned when I first read the Bible. It was a ‘forbidden text’ of the state, after all. But it’s true that even I reached for the Bible in secret.”
What did you think after reading the Bible? “I was shocked reading Genesis 1:26 to 28. North Korea’s Juche ideology defines man as the best in the world.20 However, the first chapter of Genesis tells us why humans are precious. It was completely different.”
At that time, you must have felt shocked. “Yes. I learnt profound explanations, those which God communicated to humans through the Bible. Explanations that were not even in the Juche ideology. I read the Bible under the covers, learnt of God, and that then gave me no reason to live in the land of a dictator.”
I want to know about how you left North Korea. “In March 1998, I left my home and boarded a train bound from Pyongyang for Manpo. After that, I crossed the border at night after surveying the terrain for two days in Manpo, Jagang Province. There were many moments where my life was at risk, but God protected me. In China, I spent seven months passing through Ji’an, Tonghua, and Dalian, and entered the Republic of Korea in October 1998.”
19 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4. 20 Juche ideology (Kr. juche sasang, 주체사상, 主體思想, lit. subject/body ideology) is North Korea’s official ideology. The main idea can be postulated as independence, autonomy, selfreliance, and it is an ideology of nation, an organising principle of society, and an epithet for individual North Koreans themselves (cf. Robinson 2007, 155–159).
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How was your life in Seoul to begin with? “After my time at the investigation agency ended, I entered society in the summer of 1999.21 Having read the Bible in Pyongyang, I was a man who decided to study theology when I went to South Korea. Although I was a little too old to study, I held the belief that I had to do it by any means, so I bit the bullet and enrolled into university.”
Where did you study? “First of all, I completed three years of a master’s degree at ‘Presbyterian Theological Seminary’ and two years of a doctoral program at ‘Korean Bible University’. In 2005, I was ordained as a pastor, and in June of the following year, I opened ‘Changjo Church’ in Bucheon, Gyeonggi Province. It’s a beautiful community where North Korean defector-residents and South Koreans worship together.”
What type of organisation is the North Korean Christian Soldiers Association? “It is a group of former soldiers, Christian North Korean defector-residents, and was founded on June 9, 2018, with the absolute and special grace of God.22 It is made up of North Korean defectors who completed their military service as seniors in the North Korean military and have realised that only God is the truth. They now trust in the triune God, and vow to devote their souls and bodies to the ministry of God’s will so that His cause will be realised in North Korea.”
What is the rationale behind it? “We are an organisation that fully understands that there is no truth and justice in all the political, legal, philosophical, religious, and artistic views that exist in the North and the South, and all corresponding institutions and foundations. After meeting God respectfully, those who confess that only God is the absolute truth from the beginning to eternity make up this avant-garde organisation. An organisation that will support God’s will by obeying and dedicating themselves to God’s call.”
If you could explain in detail. “As former North Korean military soldiers, we realised, as North Korean defector-residents, that the socialist ideology we received in North Korea was not true, nor the capitalist society we experienced in South Korea. We, as members of the
21 Investigation agency (Kr. josagigwan, 조사기관, 調察機關), see TN 17, pg. 94. 22 North Korean defector-residents (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix.
Shim Ju-il 103 North Korean Christian Soldiers Association, have realised that only God’s absolutism is the best doctrine mankind should go through.”
What has the North Korean Christian Soldiers Association been doing? “We put rice, a small radio, and a small Bible into plastic bottles and send them to North Korea. We conduct this privately off the coast of Incheon. There are one thousand plastic bottles, each containing one kilogram of rice, which is equivalent to one tonne.”
It must be a form of support for North Koreans. “It might be, depending on how you see it. The first North Korean residents who encounter the bottles are the coast guard soldiers. The purpose of those is to send God’s food (the Bible) with rice to those who are hungry in spirit and body. Additionally, we continue to extend this project into China and deliver the gospel to the defected North Korean soldiers who are in China.”
Do you have any plans for the future? “Our group currently has 44 regular members. There are plans to open several local branches this year, in order to increase the number of Christians from more former North Korean sergeants and discharged soldiers. When the office (chapel) is established, we are planning to begin monthly breakfast prayer meetings with the aims of evangelising the one million Korean People’s Army. I plan to hold two spiritual retreats each spring and fall starting this year.”
Any fnal remarks? “Some of the Korean churches do not go according to God’s word, the Bible, instead they go by the nunchi of the Blue House.23,24 This is wrong. Now is the beginning. Through constant spiritual training, prayer meetings, and Chinese missionary activities, the members of our group will devote their enthusiasm and passion to evangelise the one million slaves of the Kim Il-sung family from the North Korean military. I’m sure this is the reason God sent us to this earth.”
23 Nunchi (Kr. 눈치) literally translates to eye measure. It is a highly culturally specific term that refers to the subtle art and ability to listen and gauge others’ moods or the awareness of one’s surroundings that allows them to read the atmosphere and react to it appropriately. In this context, it refers to the wariness surrounding the power of the Blue House and following the government’s whims. 24 Blue House (Kr. cheongwadae, 청와대, 靑瓦臺), see TN 2, pg. 1.
15 Kim Seong-min Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ founder and president of Free North Korea Radio
The story of a hero who overcame terminal stage 4 lung cancer Kim Seong-min, the president of “Free North Korea Radio,” was born in Heuicheon, North Pyongan Province, in June 1962, and had lived in Pyongyang. He has five sisters. His father is Mr Kim Soon-seok, a professor at Kim Il-sung University and a poet who served as the chairman of the Joseon Writers Union Municipal Subcommittee until 1958.1,2 He was a famous poet of the time. President Kim joined the Korean People’s Army in the spring of 1978 and served in the 29th Division of the 4th Corps.3 In 1988, he graduated from the Department of Language and Literature at Kim Hyong-jik University of Education in Pyongyang as a military entrusted student in the military.4,5 In autumn of 1992, he was appointed as an art propaganda writer for the 620 Training Corps.6 He served here until 1996, and his military ranking was captain. During his military service, Kim felt a change in ideology as he saw anti-North propaganda leaflets fall into his frontline unit.7 In autumn 1996, he deserted the unit and was smuggled into China. In February of the following year, he was
1 Kim Il-sung University (Kr. kimilseong jonghab daehak, 김일성종합대학, 金日成綜合大學), see TN 10, pg. 49. 2 Joseon Writers Union (Kr. joseon jakga dongmaeng, 조선작가동맹, 朝鮮作家聯盟) is short for the Joseon Central Committee of Writers Union (Kr. joseon jakga dongmaeng jung’ang wiwonhoe, 조선작가동맹 중앙위원회, 朝鮮作家聯盟中央委員會). There are roughly 180 writers involved in the alliance. Writers in the union are socially influential enough to be treated as politicians and are more respected than ordinary journalists. 3 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx. 4 Kim Hyong-Jik University of Education (Kr. kimhyeongjik sabeop daehak, 김형직사법대학, 金亨稷師範大學) is one of North Korea’s top universities, specialising in the training of teachers. It was established in 1946 as a non-profit public higher-education institution and is located in Pyongyang, North Korea. 5 Entrusted Military Student (Kr. gun uitak-saeng, 군 의탁생, 軍 委託生), see TN 14, pg. 100. 6 620 Training Corps (Kr. hulryeonso, 훈련소, 訓練所) is a camouflaged 287th Cavalry and is also known as the 620 Artillery Corps (Kr. pobyeong gundan, 포병군단, 砲兵軍團). It refers to the military unit armed and responsible for operating medium- to long-range artillery. 7 Anti-North propaganda leafets (Kr. daebuk jeondan, 대북전단, 對北傳單), see TN 1, pg. 79.
Kim Seong-min 105 arrested by the North Korean Security Ministry and escaped while being transported to Pyongyang. He came to the Republic of Korea in February 1999 after three years of hardship in China. President Kim Seong-min had represented 30,000 North Korean defectorresidents as a North Korean human rights activist, when he was unexpectedly diagnosed with “stage 4 lung cancer” (terminal stage).8 In May 2018, I met Kim Seong-min with great difficulty, to gain coverage of his one-year struggle with the disease. He was undergoing chemotherapy at a certain Y hospital in Seoul.
Please tell me about the situation when you found out about your disease. “In mid-March 2017, I was very busy preparing for the ‘14th North Korea Freedom Week’ event held in the United States a month later.9 One day, I was surprised to see that I couldn’t make sense of the letters on my computer. After a few days, the same symptoms repeated, and I went to a local hospital and took a CT scan. After I found an anomaly in my brain, I went to Seoul M hospital, a university hospital, and I was diagnosed with brain cancer.”10
What’s this about stage 4 lung cancer? “I had a biopsy during my inpatient treatment at a certain M hospital in Seoul for three weeks and the results came out a week later. The cancer had started in my lungs and transferred to my brain. They explained further that it was very unlikely to be able to cure cancer that had metastasized. The probability of survival for a patient is 10%.”
What did the doctor in charge say? “They made a somewhat heavy expression and said that, truthfully, they had lost the right timing for treatment. They said that there are many cases where patients die while receiving cancer treatment, so it would be better off just to have a lot of delicious food and go to all the places that I wanted to go to with the rest of my time.”
8 North Korean defector-residents (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix. 9 North Korea Freedom Week (Kr. bukhan jayu jugan, 북한자유주간, 北韓自由週間) is an annual event co-organised by non-government organisations along with international communities to promote the freedom and human rights of North Korean people. 10 M Hospital (Kr. m byeongwon, M병원, M病院) is a certain hospital in Seoul, South Korea. This is a common form of naming used in South Korea whereby the specific details aren’t disclosed. Rather only the first letter of the institution is revealed.
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What did you feel like at this time? “I felt like I was suffocating, and my vision was pitch black. There was fire in my eyes. This person was a professional doctor who consulted and treated patients. However, from my perspective, they were the only one around me who said, ‘you’re definitely going to die soon!!’ Because of this, I became extremely serious and even thought of killing them, but I turned the other cheek.”
Who was the frst person to come to mind? “The late Hwang Jang-yop, who passed away in 2010. He was the great teacher of my political life.11 Teacher Hwang had made it his lifelong mission to complete the democratisation of North Korea but had failed to achieve this in his lifetime. He said that North Korean defector-residents should make reunification their lifelong mission and to walk down the path together, so it was heart breaking that I was the only one who had to stop halfway on this path of reunification.”
Anyone else? “The faces of more than 50 North Korean defector-residents who have been employed at Free North Korea Radio for the past 15 years flashed by like a movie. Also, when I recalled my parents and siblings living in pain in North Korea, I decided that ‘no matter what, I’m going to live!’ The next day I said to my doctor, ‘I will receive chemotherapy!’”
How painful is chemotherapy? “Once every three weeks, I take two antibiotics via IV drips. It takes about an hour and a half each. I’ve lost a lot of hair since the second treatment. The pain of the injection is either like cutting bones with an electric chainsaw or stabbing flesh with hundreds of needles. As the pain is difficult to bear, many cancer patients stop treatment and accept their fate.”
How did you eat during treatment? “Most cancer patients’ meals are replaced by IV drips. An IV drip will let you last about a week without food. The nausea was so severe that I couldn’t even eat any food. A North Korean defector-resident said that from his own experience, he ate raw chestnuts and injeolmi, so I followed his advice.12 The porridge made from ground raw chestnuts was bearable amongst the two. I am truly grateful to him.”
11 Great teacher (Kr. seuseung, 스승) is used when addressing an individual who is of high society hierarchy status. This is mainly used in a respectful and polite manner. 12 Injeolmi (Kr. injeolmi, 인절미, 引切别) is a Korean traditional rice cake made from glutinous rice and coated with soybean powder.
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Who is your lifesaving doctor? “Cho Byung-chul, a professor of oncology at Yonsei University’s Severance Hospital. There was a joint clinical trial and research project between the hospital and the American Medical Research Institute. Professor Cho Byung-chul asked me to respond to a medical trial, so I readily agreed with the mindset that I might as well grasp at straws.”
What happened after that? “Professor Cho Byung-chul said, ‘Dear patient! I assure you with confidence that you can survive. I have a lot of medicine,’ and this reassured me. It’s an expensive anti-cancer drug – 500 ml is over 10 million won.13 Fortunately, the insurance covered it and I’m able to receive hundreds of thousands of won worth. I must get an injection every three weeks. I’ve had 11 injections so far and I have to continuously get them.”
Is there anyone whom you are grateful to who is supporting your fght against cancer? “Fighting cancer costs a lot of money as it uses expensive anti-cancer drugs. Lee Min-il, the chairperson of the ‘Korean War Abductees’ Family Council’, sent a total of 10 million won, 5 million won two times, despite being a woman in her late 60s. Three reunification comrades (South Koreans) sent us 10 million won each.”14
Many North Korean defector comrades encouraged you. “Park Sang-hak, representative of the Fighters For Free North Korea, and Chung Seong-san, a film director, made ‘Kim Seong-min Supporters Club’ on social media.15 Many North Korean defector-residents have sent precious donations ranging from at least 50 thousand won to as much as 1 million won.”16
13 Ten million South Korean won is equivalent to around 10,000 USD. 14 Reunifcation comrade (Kr. tongil dongji, 통일동지, 統一同志) refers to a friend who supports the reunifcation of both Koreas, using the North Korean term for friend (Kr. dongji, 동지, 同志). 15 Fighters For Free North Korea (Kr. jayu bukhan undong yeonhap, 자유북한운동연합, 自由朝鮮運動聯盟) is a South Korean organisation well known for launching balloons carrying human rights and pro-democracy literature, DVDs, transistor radio, and USB flash drives from South Korea into North Korea. 16 North Korean defector-residents (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix.
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How many people altogether donated? “Including yourself, author Lim Il, there were about 100 people, among whom were heads of Korean defectors and even North Korean defector-residents whose names and faces are unknown. To be honest, seeing that made me cry a lot under the covers. To receive love from so many people was like a dream.”
There were pastors who prayed for you. “There are a lot of people I’m truly grateful to. Among others, Pastor Son In-sik (at the time, International Representative of the Mission Association), Pastor Ha Chung-yeop (Chaplain of Seungsil University), Pastor Lim Chang-ho (ViceChancellor of Kosin University). All together around ten pastors came to Y hospital for the past year and blessed or prayed for my health during my recovery.”
I heard you learned a lesson from this experience. “I saw a lot of patients dying at the hospital. There were a whole lot of people who died the day after a car crash. Compared to that I’m truly a person who is blessed by God. I learned a great lesson this time. I have published one poetry book and co-authored three books, but there are no stories about my hometown, my family, or the Korean People’s Army in it, so I would have regretted going to heaven.”
Do you have anyone you’re especially grateful to? “I was so sorry to see my wife take care of me while I suffered from late-night pain. And I’m extremely grateful to my loving daughter who gave me courage saying ‘Dad! You must not die!’ from breakfast to dinner. Police officers, in charge of protecting my personal life, even patrolled around my home at night for safety.”
You’ve crossed a big mountain on a rough road in life. “I’m telling you, on the verge of death, all sorts of thoughts change. It was a mix of worry, presumptions, distrust, hate, and love. I was able to witness and experience, first-hand, that although a person’s life is quite long, it’s also as trivial as a fly’s life. I did a bit of expensive life study.”
You’ve had a precious experience. “The new book I’m writing may have been the reason why I returned from the threshold of death. I’m working hard on writing it and hope to release it soon. When the book is published, I plan to have a small celebration.”
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Any fnal remarks? “I received great amounts of love from over 150 North Korean reunification defector comrades who I could not repay in a lifetime.17 First of all, I’m thankful to God for my miserable life He protected. I will definitely repay defector Kim Seong-min by successfully completing chemotherapy and taking the lead again confidently in the North Korean democratisation movement.”
17 North Korean reunifcation defector comrades (Kr. talbuk tongil dongjideul, 탈북-통일동지들, 脫北統一同志들) are fellow North Korean defectors who support the reunification of both Koreas.
Special column Arrival support and benefits
This is the history of the North Korean defector-residents (repatriates) that occurred after the ceasefire in the 6.25 War in July 1953.1,2,3 After the war, most North Korean defector-residents were soldiers of the Korean People’s Army.4 At that time, both South and North Korea were impoverished due to the threeyear war, and there were very few special benefits for the defectors from the government. From April 1962, the government enacted the “Special Assistance Act on Relief of Persons of Distinguished Service to Independence,” giving defectors the same status as those of national merit.5 Treatment of North Korean repatriates has improved significantly since the 1970s, due to the increased competition with North Korea. According to Dr Ahn Chan-il, a former repatriated soldier from the 3rd Division of the 2nd Corps of the Korean People’s Army DMZ Service Unit, who fled in July 1979, the government at that time gave the defectors each a 100 m2 apartment (average sale price of about 30 million won at the time) for free.6,7 The resettlement fund included enough money and commodities to buy two apartments, and gave the repatriates a place to work at whichever large company the defectors desired.
1 2 3 4 5
North Korean defector-residents (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see see TN 3, p. ix. Repatriate (Kr. gwisunja, 귀순자, 歸順者), see TN 15, pg. 9. 6.25 War (Kr. yuk’i’o jeonjaeng, 육이오 전쟁, 六二五 戰爭), see TN 5, pg. 8. Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx. Special Assistance Act on Relief of Persons of Distinguished Service to Independence (Kr. gukga yugongja mit wolnam gwisunja teukbyeol howonbeop, 국가유공자 및 월남귀순자 특별원호법, 國家有功者 및 越南歸順者 特別援護法) is an Act that works to implement special assistance to an individual who has worked to protect the state and nation of South Korea. Wolnam (Kr. 월남, 越南) means crossing over to the South and gwisunja (Kr. 귀순자, 歸順者) means repatriated person. 6 DMZ Service Unit (Kr. mingyeong budae, 민경부대, 民警部隊), see TN 10, pg. 87. 7 100 m2 (Kr. samsip pyeong, 30평, 三十坪), approximately 30 pyeong. See TN 12, pg. 9.
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Furthermore, each province participated in a “Citizens’ Welcome Contest” where repatriates received enough money and coupons to buy, on average, a one tonne truck worth of home appliances and furniture.8 As a result, repatriated warriors moved to 3rd–4th place on the rank of people single women wanted to marry.9 At that time, there were on average ten defector-residents every year. Through them, the government strongly criticised the communist regime in North Korea and actively promoted the superiority of the liberal democracy regime. Compared to the cost of enlightening the citizens, the settlement money given to the repatriated people was in no way a waste. In January 1979, the government enacted the “Special Compensation Act for Repatriated Warriors Returned South.”10 In the 1980s, the Communist Party, which had been in power for a long time in socialist European countries, including the Soviet Union and Germany which were North Korea’s allies, faced imminent collapse. With the unification of East– West Germany in 1990, people around the world said “reunification is a matter of time for the Korean Peninsula.”11 North Korea’s economy, which had been rolling with the aid of existing European socialist countries, faced a downturn. State-run stores were closed one by one, and all products such as underwear, socks, and toothpaste were distributed through a rationing system. Food supply declined year by year, until it finally stopped. On average, 20–30 North Korean defector-residents entered South Korea in the 1990s. These people mainly consisted of those in various occupations such as lumberjacks, international students, diplomats, soldiers, trade workers, and merchants. At the time, North Korean defector-residents received a payment of 25–30 million won, including a deposit for a small rental apartment approximately 66 m2 in size, and were specially hired at public corporations with the preferential treatment of the government.12
8 Citizens’ Welcome Contest (Kr. simin hwanyeong daehoe, 시민환영대회, 市民歡迎大賽) is a small ceremony where North Korean defector-residents are given housing by the Seoul Metropolitan Government. The Wonho Office awards them with a settlement fund and employment certificates to support them in the future. It was created in 1966 and held at the Seoul Civil Center. 9 Repatriated warriors (Kr. gwisun yongsa, 귀순용사, 歸順勇士), see TN 15, pg. 9. 10 Special Compensation Act for Repatriated Warriors Returned South (Kr. wolnam gwisunyongsa teukbyeol bosangbeop, 월남귀순용사 특별보상법, 越南歸順勇士 特別補償法) was established in 1979 and provides pension payments, jobs, housing, education, and medical and transportation facilities to compatriots who have passed away while rebelling against the North Korean regime. 11 Korean Peninsula (Kr. hanbando, 한반도, 韓半島), see TN 2, pg. ix. 12 70 m2 (Kr. i’sip pyeong, 20평, 二十坪) is an approximation for 20 pyeong. TN 12, pg. 9.
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In June 1993, the government enacted the “Protection for North Korean Repatriates Act.”13 This involved converting North Korean defector-residents who lacked the ability to live into living protection targets which significantly reduced the amount of support for North Korean defector-residents, such as lowering settlement funds. I admit that the national benefits for the increasing number of North Korean defector-residents also needs to be adjusted. Accordingly, a settlement amount of 16–18 million won was paid to the North Korean defector-residents, including a small 30 m2 rental apartment.14 Churches provided supplies for everyday life, and their occupations changed to a form where the protective police station in-charge will look into it for them. After the death of Kim Il-sung in July 1994, the average number of North Korean defector-residents defecting increased to more than 50. The cause of this was food shortage. In Pyongyang, food rationing ceased from May 1995. On the building of Kim Il-sung Mausoleum, it was written that flour and indica rice was imported using foreign currency to supply to citizens.15,16 In regional cities, food rations ceased two to three years before Pyongyang. The smoke of factory chimneys had stopped long ago. Those who had given up on factories that did not give food stamps and an income turned to jangmadang (market), where they lived day to day and came to know about death from starvation.17 In January 1997, the government enacted the “Act on the Protection and Settlement Support of North Korean Refugees.”18 Since then, the average
13 Protection for North Korean Repatriates Act (Kr. gwisun bukhan dongpo bohobeob, 귀순북한동포보호법, 歸順同胞保護法) provides for matters relating to protection and support of North Korean residents who have escaped from North Korea and desire to be protected by South Korea. 14 30 m2 (Kr. sip pyeong, 10평, 十坪) is an approximation for 10 pyeong. See TN 12, pg. 9. 15 Kim Il-sung Mausoleum (Kr. kimilseong sisin gungjeon, 심일선 시신 궁전, 金日成屍身宮殿) is also known as the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun (Kr. geumsusan taeyang gungjeon, 금수산태양궁전, 錦繡山太陽宮殿) and the Kumsusan Memorial Palace (Kr. geumsusan ginyeom gungjeon, 금수산기념궁전, 錦繡山紀念宮殿). 16 Indica rice (Kr. annam’mi, 안남미) is the North Korean term for indica rice. It is commonly referred to as indika’ssal (Kr. 인디카쌀) in South Korea. 17 Jangmadang (Kr. 장마당, 場마당) refers to non-state sanctioned unofficial markets. The term was historically used to describe a general marketplace, but has come to refer specifically to a type of market that exists within North Korea. After the March of Hardship (Kr. gonan’ui haenggun, 고난의 행군, 苦難의行軍) of the 1990s, the public distribution system could not provide for the people of North Korea, and so these markets came to become more widespread as a means of the people taking their finances into their own hands to survive. Since the 1990s, the government has generally tolerated the markets, but occasionally attempts to crack down on them to reimpose its control over food supply. The markets generally deal in foodstuffs produced in farmer’s gardens, goods produced in unofficial cottage industries, and finished products smuggled from China. 18 Act on the Protection and Settlement Support of North Korean Refugees (Kr. bukhan ital jumin’ui boho mij jeongchakjiwone gwanhan beobryul, 북한이탈주민의 보호 및 정착지원에 관한 법률, 北韓離脫住民의 保護 및 定着支援에 關한 法律) is an Act that provides protection and support necessary for North Korean refugees (Kr. bukhani taljumin, 한이탈주민,
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number of North Korean defector-residents entering South Korea has exceeded 100 per year. Hwang Jang-yop, the representative of North Korean defectorresidents, arrived in South Korea in April 1997, and is an international secretary for the Korean Labour Party. Coming to freedom at the end of his life, Hwang Jang-yop testified that the “Kim Il-sung regime always tries to attack the South Korean land with nuclear war even though it is inhabited by Kim Il-sung regime compatriots.” At the same time, he dismissed that the Kim Il-sung clan’s dictatorship was the cause of chronic food shortage in North Korea. As a large amount of state funds went into the “dictator worship” of the ancient spectacle leader, Hwang Jang-yop lamented that the reality of North Korea was that the factories were shut down and people were forced to starve. Since the 2000s, an average of 1,000 North Korean defector-residents have entered South Korea annually. Since then, a settlement amount of 20 million won has been paid to the defectors, including a deposit for a small apartment 33 m2 in size.19 In addition, “Hana Centres” have been established in each region of the country to reinforce employment and social adaptation education.20 In January 2009, the government revised the Act on the Protection and Settlement Support for North Korean Refugees, adding details such as expanding the scope of protection for North Korean defector-residents, strengthening support for North Korean defector youths, conducting regional adaptation training, and improving the employment system. North Korean defector-residents who leave Hanawon (a government-run education institute for settled North Korean defector-residents) receive employment and labour training at local employment and labour centres.21 North Korean defector-resident students are exempt from fees for middle school, high school, and university tuition. In addition, the government pays the corresponding cost if North Korean defector-residents under the age of 36 want to study at university. North Korean defector youths can only fulfil their duty of defence if they wish. After all, the difficult thing is the problem of employment. As in the past, the employment problem that the government first solved has become an old saying. When they enter South Korean society they really must work on their own and
北韓離脫住民) in South Korea to quickly adapt and settle in all areas of life, including politics, economy, society, and culture. North Korean refugees also known as escapees or defectors are residents escaping North Korea. 19 30 m2 (Kr. sip pyeong, 10평, 十坪) is an approximation for 10 pyeong. See TN 12, pg. 9. 20 Hana Center (Kr. hana senteo, 하나센터) is the Settlement Support Center for North Korean Refugees (Kr. bukhan italjumin jiwon jaedan, 북한이탈주민지원재단, 北韓離脫住民支援 財團). See TN 21, pg. 12. 21 Hanawon (Kr. 하나원, 하나院) is also known as the Settlement Support Center for North Korean Refugees (Kr. bukhan italjumin jiwon jaedan, 북한이탈주민지원재단, 北韓離脫住 民支援財團). See TN 21, pg. 12.
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complete four to six months of vocational training at the local employment and labour centre. North Korean defector-residents are surprised and grateful that they receive settlement money and other benefits in South Korea.22 But what is more impressive is the fact that they receive a “resident registration card” and become Republic of Korea citizens. South Koreans may not understand how important and blissful this is. It is creepy to think of the past days when North Korean defector-residents wandered abroad stateless. Foreign police recognised North Korean defectors struggling for freedom and livelihood as illegal immigrants, arrested them, and sent them back to North Korea. Therefore, if they were taken to North Korea, they would have to face the tragedy of being stigmatised as “traitors to the nation,” made subject to terrible torture and prison for life. Why can we not be thrilled that we have finally become proud citizens of South Korea after our journey here was carried out under such pain? It is easy to see how North Korean residents and Republic of Korea citizens differ in the eyes of Chinese people when they visit China to sightsee.
22 North Korean defector-residents (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix.
16 Park Sang-hak Trader ∞ chairperson of Fighters for a Free North Korea
I am a sniper aiming at the dictator There are two types of methods that some North Korean defector-residents use to spread anti-North Korean leaflets to awaken the North Korean people. The first method is to secretly disperse the leaflets late at night without leaving a trace, and the other is to publicise the action by inviting reporters and doing it in broad daylight. Both methods are effective in their own way. A benefit of secretly dispersing leaflets at night is that willing North Korean residents can read the leaflets in secret, while the method of publicly spreading leaflets during daytime has the benefit of informing the international community as well as being a little bit of a headache for the North Korean officials who monitor South Korea’s media. Surprisingly, it is the latter method to which the North Korean authorities react uncomfortably. A drawback to this method is conflict with residents in certain areas of South Korea who are extremely worried due to military threats from North Korea every now and then when leaflets are scattered. Nevertheless, there are North Korean defector-residents and organisations that consistently choose to send out anti-North Korean leaflets publicly. One day in November of 2016, at a location near Gwanghwamun Plaza in Seoul, I met Park Sang-hak, Chairperson of ‘Fighters for a Free North Korea’ and a representative figure of those who choose to publicly spread leaflets.
Introduce yourself. “I was born in Hyesan, Ryanggang Province on February 16, 1968. I have the same birthday as Kim Jong-il. His birthplace is also in Ryanggang Province, so it is a strange yet ill-fated connection. My parents were Japanese-Koreans born in Japan and were deceived into becoming naturalised North Korean citizens by the General Association of Koreans Residents in Japan.12 In our family, I’m the eldest of two sons and a daughter.”
1 Japanese-Korean (Kr. jae’il gyopo, 재일교포, 在日僑胞) refers to the ethnic Korean diaspora in Japan. 2 General Association of Korean Residents in Japan (Kr. 조총련, 朝總聯), see TN 5, pg. 22.
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Tell me about your educational background and working experiences. “In August of 1992, I graduated from the Department of Communication at Kim Chaek University of Technology in Pyongyang with a major in Radio Transmission.3 Later, I joined the Workers’ Party of Korea in 1996 after working as a member of the Publicity Department in the Speed Battle General Guidance Bureau under the Kim Il-sung Socialist Youth League.4,5 The following year I worked in Office 38, the Foreign Currency-Earning Division of the General Staff Department of the Korean People’s Army.6 I was classified as a Major on my identification card.”7
What kind of work did you mainly do? “Our main job at Office 38 of the People’s Armed Forces was to smuggle imported Japanese cars that arrived on the ‘Mangyongbong MV’ from Wonsan to the Chinese border and sell them illegally.8 The reason I joined at the age of 28 was because I was a reserve cadre.9”
What class are the Japanese-Koreans classifed as in North Korea? “The Japanese-Koreans are among the hostile classes in North Korea, with some exceptions.10 Those who benefit from the regime belong to the core class. My father was a member of Foreign Intelligence Department Division 4 of the Workers’ Party of Korea who was dispatched to Japan as a spy. In the 1990s, he disguised himself as a businessman and travelled between Tokyo and Seoul freely, selling antiques.”
3 Kim Chaek University of Technology (Kr. kimchaek gong’eop jonghap daehak, 김책공업종합대학, 金策工業綜合大學), see TN 13, pg. 15. 4 Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨), see TN 9, pg. 2. 5 Kim Il-sung Socialist Youth League (Kr. kimilseong sahoe’juui cheongnyeon dongmaeng, 김 일성사회주의청년동맹, 金日成社會主義靑年同盟). See Joseon League of Socialist Working Youth, TN 4, pg. 48. 6 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx. 7 General Staff Department (Kr. chong cham’mo-bu, 총참모부, 總參謀部), see TN 13, pg. 29. 8 Mangyongbong MV (Kr. 만경봉호, 萬景峰號) refers to a North Korean ship that was used to transport passengers, cargo, and vehicles. 9 Cadre (Kr. ganbu, 간부, 幹部), see TN 7, pg. 23. 10 Hostile class (Kr. jeokdae’gyecheung, 적대계층, 敵對階層). See Seongbun (Kr. seongbun,성분,成分), TN 4, pg. 137).
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Who gave the fnal approval for the mission? “At the time, Kwon Hee-kyung, the Head of the Foreign Intelligence Department of the Workers’ Party of Korea (and later foreign diplomat) reported to Kim Jong-il that ‘selling antiques (historical artefacts) in the international market these days is a huge source of income’. After that Kim Jong-il immediately approved the report.”
What happened to your father? “One day, when he went to Seoul for a business trip, his identity was exposed by the National Intelligence Service and he turned himself in. Then, he went back to Tokyo and continued to perform fake ‘spy activities’, during which he sent someone on his behalf to tell us to ‘escape from the North’.”
Could you elaborate? “In our rather conservative household, we regarded my father’s words as a mandate from heaven. I set an example as I am the eldest of my siblings. We decided to follow our father’s ‘secret escape plan’, and in October of 1999, our whole family crossed the Amnok River into China.11 After hiding in Yanji, Shenyang, and Dalian for three months, we arrived at Gimpo Airport in January of 2000 with fake passports.”
What did you do in the early days of arriving in South Korea? “I first worked as a researcher at a mobile research institute affiliated with Seoul National University for three years. As I majored in mechanical engineering in North Korea, I was looking for jobs that matched my qualification and that is how I ended up working there. When I started my life in South Korea, my dream was to earn a lot of money and live my life comfortably.”
Did anything special happen? “One day I heard some really shocking news from several acquaintances from my hometown. Due to our family’s defection, two of my uncles that we left behind in our hometown were beaten to death by State Security Agency (SSA) agents (equivalent of National Intelligence Service agents in South Korea).12 Even my fiancée was taken to the SSA and gruesomely tortured for two months.”
11 Amnok River (Kr. amnok’gang 압록강, 鴨綠江), see TN 19, pg. 30. 12 State Security Agency (Kr. gukga bowibu, 국가보위부, 國家保衛部), see TN 4, pg. 22.
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Is that why you decided to change jobs? “That’s right. My uncles, who we left behind in our hometown, were both considered loyal and hardworking members of society. My uncles were like parents to me and I became disillusioned and overcome with rage at the Kim Il-sung dictatorship that had beaten them to death. I clearly realised that Kim Jong-il, who disguises himself as a ‘Patriotic Leader’, was a ‘barbarian that sucks the blood from his people’.”
When was Fighters for Free North Korea established? “First, I served as a secretary-general at the North Korean Democratic Movement headquarters for two years. After that, I worked as a co-representative with a prisoner of Yodok concentration camp, Kang Chol-hwan, until 2007, and then established Fighters for Free North Korea in September of that year.”
At that time, the name “Park Sang-hak” was unknown to people. “A year before our organisation was formed, I visited the United States and met President Bush at the White House. During a two-hour luncheon, I showed Bush ten leaflets and made a tearful appeal of my desperation. I pleaded to him to help me because there was only so much I could do with my own finances to save the people in my hometown who were living like animals under the Kim Jong-il dictatorship.”
So, what happened? “President Bush immediately said ‘okay’ but a few days later, the North Korean representatives in the United Nations announced that they would boycott the six-party talks if the US government provided money to Park Sang-hak. After that, the South Korean media became curious. ‘Who is this Park Sang-hak and what does he do?’”
Some call you a “leafet businessman.” “That’s the jealousy of quarrelsome people who like to talk behind others’ backs. There are North Korean defector-residents and Members of the National Assembly among those pathetic people. When I distribute anti-North Korean leaflets publicly in broad daylight, I do it with caution and after checking the weather forecast. Also, the media play beforehand is entirely so Pyongyang’s dictator, Kim Jong-un, can see it.”13
13 Media play (Kr.언론플레이, 言論플레이) can be understood as media manipulation in English; the act of using the media to create a beneficial image for a person/group.
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North Korean defector-residents who spread leafets in secret are uncomfortable about your methods. “That’s why I feel frustrated. They only look at one side of the story. They can spread leaflets in their own way, and I will do it my way. Isn’t that why this is a free democratic country? Is everything that’s different to you considered bad? Treat others how you want to be treated.”
You are constantly receiving terror threats from North Korea. “In 2011, there was an attempted terrorist attempt on me at Nonhyeon Station on the Seoul subway. Ahn, a North Korean defector who had settled in South Korea, was given a mission by the SSA to ‘Poison Park Sang-hak!’, whilst travelling in and out of China for business purposes. Ahn’s friend who conspired with him wondered if it was a joke at first, but after realising the gravity of the situation, they reported it to the National Intelligence Service (NIS), who arrested Ahn at the scene.”
Weren’t there more threats after that incident? “There was one the following year as well. A spy belonging to the North Korean Reconnaissance General Bureau who was disguised as a North Korean defector was exposed during an NIS investigation. The spy, who had entered Seoul as a ‘fake North Korean defector’ after receiving the special mission to ‘Kill the national traitor Park Sang-hak!’, is currently in prison. This shows how cruel the North Korean regime is.”
Are you not afraid that your life is on the line? “Not at all. If I’m shot dead by the dictator, I will become a ‘hero of freedom’. This is the treasured words of the late Hwang Jang-yop. Out of the 30,000 North Korean defector-residents who had already prepared to die when they fled North Korea, the land of hell, how many do you think are afraid to die? We are living on borrowed time anyway. Rather, if I die without seeing reunification, I think I would feel a bit wronged.”
Any fnal remarks? If they aren’t going to help, I hope the government will at least not interfere with me sending anti-North Korean leaflets. The survival and human rights of our compatriots living in North Korea is also important. Don’t just talk about North Koreans and unification without doing anything about it, and please don’t interfere with this act of justice for North Korean residents. That’s if you want to be able to stand tall before the North Korean people and our history when we are reunified.”
17 Hong Sun-kyung North Korean envoy to Thailand ∞ North Korea expert
A spy movie-like defection story set in Bangkok As a representative of their home country, a country’s diplomat is as symbolic a presence as the president themselves. The basic requirements include being a person who is more educated, moral, and outstanding than anyone else. No matter which country they are from, an ambassador’s basic role is to act as a mediator between the people and cultures of two nations. For ambassadors within the international community to abandon their own country and defect overseas, the extent of their contempt towards their nation’s system and their disappointment about the future must have reached a breaking point. North Korea is so hopeless a country that it makes one wonder whether there could possibly be another country on the earth that has had as many diplomats defect. In a society of 30,000 North Korean defector-residents, there are about ten people who were previously North Korean diplomats. All of them have movielike defection stories. North Korean diplomats are a core group of elite workers who are more loyal to the Party and the Supreme Leader that anyone else. The fact that there are defectors who come from that group would be more or less a shock to the people. Out of all the defected diplomats, the protagonist with the most dramatic story is none other than the former North Korean Foreign Trade envoy to Thailand, Hong Sun-kyung. In October of 2016, I met Hong Sun-kyung somewhere in Dongdaemun district, Seoul, to listen to his unbelievably movie-like defection story.
When and where were you born? “I was born in November of 1938, in Sungjin (present-day City of Kimchaek), North Hamgyong Province. When I was 20 years old, while working at the Sungjin steel mill after graduating high school, I received news that I’d been accepted into the Faculty of Law at Kim Il-sung University.1 I graduated in
1 Kim Il-sung University (Kr. kimilseong jonghab daehak, 김일성종합대학, 金日成綜合大學), see TN. 10, pg. 49.
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August of 1964, and I was assigned to the Ministry of Foreign Trade. I naturally became a citizen of Pyongyang after being allocated an apartment in Kyunglimdong near Kim Il-sung Square.”2
Where was your frst foreign post? “At the start, I went on many business trips to places such as the Middle East, Southeast Asia, and Africa. I was promoted to Section Chief after working at the Ministry of Foreign Trade for 17 years, which wasn’t fast or slow but the usual amount of time it took. Beginning in 1983, I was stationed at the North Korean embassy in Pakistan as a secretary and worked there for five years until 1988, when I completed my tenure and returned home.”
What was your career like afterwards? “I was promoted to Department Chief and Vice Director at the Ministry of Foreign Trade headquarters in Pyongyang. In January of 1991, I was appointed as the representative of the North Korean Ministry of Foreign Trade in Thailand but my role there was as interim ambassador. That year in March, because the Ministry of Foreign Trade office there was promoted to an embassy, an ambassador came from the Foreign Ministry and I became a Foreign Trade envoy.”
Tell me about your lifestyle as a diplomat in Thailand. “At the time, the ambassador’s monthly salary was USD 380, and mine was USD 340 (400,000 won). With this money I could cover medical costs and my children’s school fees. I ate and slept at the embassy while gas, electricity, heating bills, and such were covered by operational funds. However, the personal favours of the executives who came from Pyongyang on business trips were very demanding. I had to fulfil their requests no matter what as otherwise they would get revenge on me once they return to North Korea.”
What other diffculties did you experience? “The North Korean embassy of each country around the world had to earn their official operational funds locally. That was the Party’s directive. Because of this, ambassadors had no other way but to think of all kinds of methods to make money illegally.”
2 -dong (Kr.동, 洞), see TN 7, pg. 2.
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Could you elaborate? “Ambassadors would commonly abuse their diplomatic immunity to purchase mass quantities of duty-free products and trade them. As long as it could make money, they didn’t care what it was. We had to offer loyalty funds to Pyongyang every year on Kim Jong-il’s (February 16) and Kim Il-sung’s (April 15) birthdays. Trying to meet those targets always had us in a sweat.”
When did you start to have doubts? “In 1996, before I was to return home after finishing my tenure, something unexpected happened. At the time, the Ministry of Social Security (equivalent to the National Police Agency in South Korea) established a branch in Thailand for a fingerprint research company, the Korea Amnok River Technology Company.3 The branch was established to import equipment and I was selected as the branch manager through an acquaintance. I didn’t want to go home to Pyongyang, which was facing economic struggles with the March of Hardship only just beginning.”4
Could you elaborate? “Around two years later, among a delegation from Pyongyang there was an agent from the State Security Agency (equivalent to the National Intelligence Service in South Korea). He was a ‘fake diplomat’. I don’t know if he just didn’t like me, but he gave a bad report and a subpoena was suddenly sent down from Pyongyang afterwards. I had a tentative hunch. If something went wrong, the North Korean authorities’ standard practice was to cut off the problem at the tail by putting all the blame on a specific person.”
So what exactly did you do? “On February 17, 1999, my wife and I escaped the North Korean embassy in Bangkok and went into hiding in the seaside city of Pattaya in the regional south. For close to a month we lived a life of seclusion thinking that everything would calm down after some time passed. On March 9, at five in the morning, we were arrested by local police who had been paid off by the North Korean embassy.”
What happened? “My wife and I gave up hope at this point. On the way to Laos, with a rope around my neck, the car we were in had an accident and flipped over. If there
3 Ministry of Social Security (Kr. sahoe anjeon-seong, 사회안전성, 社會安全省) is a political institution that is the central law enforcement agency of North Korea. 4 March of Hardship (Kr. gonanui haenggun, 고난의 행군, 苦難의行軍), see TN 9, pg. 37.
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really is such a thing as a miracle, that’s the word to describe what happened then. Without even realising it myself, I kept saying, ‘Oh! Thank the Lord!’ It was a truly fortunate situation.”
You wrote a letter to the Prime Minister of Thailand, Chuan Leekpai. “I entreated him with desperation. I wrote that I was not someone who would commit a crime serious enough for North Korean authorities to take me away and that I had enough evidence to testify to that. When the news broke out in the media, the whole world was enraged. The North Korean authorities’ irrational actions of abducting one of their own diplomats in broad daylight in a foreign country was enough to make the people of the world shudder.”
What happened to your youngest son who was taken hostage? “Because the world was being cold and sneering at North Korea, the Pyongyang authorities reluctantly released my youngest son who they had confined in the embassy. My son later confessed that he was actually being threatened by SSA agents and lying when he had said ‘I want to go to the Fatherland!’5 The North Korean authorities were such an inhumane group that they were trying to break even the bond between parents and their children.”
What happened to the SSA agents? “The North Korean embassy official (the SSA agent) who had made groundless false charges accusing me of ‘being a classic criminal who had committed the severe crime of embezzling USD 80,000,000, and of having conducted several secret drug businesses in Russia’, was immediately banned from leaving the country.”
Were there any other actions taken? “The six families in the North Korean embassy who cooperated with the SSA were all deported. They were all people who I was friendly with and whose faces I saw every day. But when it came down to it at destiny’s crossroads, they threw away all loyalty and friendship in favour of ideology. Looking at those people made me shudder. That is the true face of North Korean citizens.”
Did you come to South Korea immediately after? “No. For one year and eight months, I stayed in Thailand to thoroughly explain the unfair false charges that the North Korean SSA had accused me of until there was not even one bit of suspicion left. During that time, I received a handwritten
5 SSA (Kr. bowibu, 보위부, 保衛部) is an initialism for the State Security Agency (Kr. gukga bowibu, 국가보위부, 國家保衛部), see TN 5, pg. 22.
Hong Sun-kyung 125 letter from Dr Hwang Jang-yop. It said, ‘Comrade Hong Sun-kyung! Work with me in Seoul on the reunification movement!’ I was somewhat moved and after thinking about it for some time, I entered the Republic of Korea with my family in October of 2000.”
Do you have any family left in Pyongyang? “My eldest son. Born in 1969, my eldest son graduated from Pyongyang Film College and was a director in the People’s Army in the Military Archival Film Studio. I suspect the authorities would have dismissed him because of me. My second son died in a drowning accident when he was seven years old, and so my only remaining flesh and blood in Pyongyang is my eldest son.”
What was life in South Korean society like in the beginning? “For five years from April 2001, I worked as a researcher at the National Security Strategy Institute, which is a national public policy research institution. This was when my life in Seoul was the most worthwhile. I also served as the second president of the Association of the North Korean Defectors.”
I heard you also had other titles. “The first chairman of the ‘Committee for the Democratization of North Korea’ was Dr Hwang Jang-yop, and I was the second. Personally, it was an honourable position. In March of 2011, we waged a hunger strike in front of the Chinese embassy to protest against the forced repatriation of North Korean defectors. Since then, we have held several demonstrations at the National Assembly calling for the passing of the North Korean Human Rights Act.”
You’re a committee member on the Presidential Committee for National Cohesion. “I believe that it is due to the government’s consideration that I am able to represent the 30,000 North Korean defector-residents as a member on the Presidential Committee for National Cohesion, an organisation that is directly overseen by the president. The term of office is one year and beginning in July 2013, I have served three consecutive terms. I see this as president Park Geun-hye’s steadfast faith in us North Korean defector-residents.6 Last year, along with the committee chairman Han Kwang-ok, we visited Hanawon and carefully listened to various concerns.7”
6 Park Geun-hye (Kr. 박근혜, 朴槿惠), see TN 14, pg. 51. 7 Hanawon (Kr. 하나원, 하나院) is also known as the Settlement Support Center for North Korean Refugees (Kr. bukhan italjumin jiwon jaedan, 북한이탈주민지원재단, 北韓離脫住民 支援財團). See TN 21, pg. 12.
18 Joo Myung-shin University teacher ∞ chairperson of North Korean Defector Artists’ Association
We are chanting our hopes for reunifcation As a reporter for the ‘Tongil Shinmun’, an informational newspaper about North Korea, I have a special feeling when I attend events in Korea related to unification and North Korea, and watch performances featuring North Korean defector artists. These are traditional performances that have been disappearing in South Korea and are being continued by North Korean defector-residents. Not only the dance clothes, which are made in the style of our ethnic ‘Joseon clothes’ (hanbok), but our folk instruments are also great at captivating the audience’s attention. If pansori, which showcases our unique traditional singing style, is performed, even I get excited and start to dance along without realising. These performances are representative of our cultural colours. From my personal perspective, I am certain the various performances held by North Korean defector artists all over South Korea will resonate with the nation. Undoubtedly, these are cultural enterprise worthy of being actively promoted and funded by the government. If you cannot preserve your history, there will be no future. I was curious about the level of dedication and effort that artists put into giving the audience an enjoyable performance. On a sunny day in early June this year, I met Chairman Joo Myung-shin of the North Korean Defectors Artists’ Association, who was busy preparing for a performance at the Jongno District community centre in Changsin-dong, Seoul.
Where is your hometown? “I was born in May of 1958 in Wonsan. My father was a worker in the 1st Corps (a civilian working in the army, similar to a South Korean ‘Military Civil Officer’). I was the second son in a family of four sons and one daughter. My parents both liked music, and I inherited a bit of those genes too.”
Have you played music since you were young? “When I was in primary school, I sang a solo called ‘Rugosa Rose’ in the Gangwon Province round of a national choir contest and received a second-place worthy of
Joo Myung-shin 127 first place.1 During this time, I sang and also played the daehaegeum (an instrument similar to a cello). During my high school days, I participated in the Central Broadcasting Arts Festival held in Pyongyang with the song ‘Cheolryeong Boys’ and contributed to our group winning the first prize.”
Tell me about your career. “After graduating from secondary school (South Korean middle school and high school combined), I worked in the 1st Corps for four years. I entered Wonsan Arts University in 1978 where I was very popular. After graduating from university, I was assigned to Wonsan College of Education in 1982 as a music teacher and trained up-and-coming musicians for 16 years in this position, until 1998.”
Were there any memorable events? “On December 24, 1987, the birthday of Kim Jong-suk (Kim Jong-un’s paternal grandmother), the National University Students Art Contest was held in Hoeryong County, North Hamgyong Province. Many musical geniuses from all over the country gathered there. A girl who I taught at Wonsan College of Education sang ‘The day He comes’, and received the grand prize. I can still vividly remember the lyrics of that song now, even though it’s been 30 years.”
I am curious about your reason for defecting. “One day in May 1998, at a drinking party with friends, my younger brother said, ‘It would be great if someone would kill Kim Jong-il with an invisible laser gun.’ My brother disappeared without a trace the next day, and I presume he was taken to a political prison camp. Fearing for my life, I defected from North Korea by crossing the Tumen River in June of 1998, passing through Cambodia in December 2000, and entering South Korea in early February the following year.”2
What did you do after that? “After completing the course at Hanawon, I arrived in the City of Jeongeup in North Jeolla Province.3 I was a music teacher at an education college back in North
1 Haedanghwa (Kr. 해당화, 海棠花) is translated literally as ‘Rugosa Rose’, a common species of rose in eastern Asia, named as such due to its wrinkled appearance. The word Rugosa means wrinkled in Latin. 2 Tumen River (Kr. duman’gang, 두만강, 豆滿江), see TN 16, pg. 94. 3 Hanawon (Kr. 하나원, 하나院) is also known as the The Settlement Support Center for North Korean Refugees (Kr. bukhan italjumin jiwon jaedan, 북한이탈주민지원재단, 北韓離脫住民 支援財團). See TN 21, pg. 12.
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Korea, but my experience was not recognised anywhere in South Korea. With the thought that I just have to work hard in whatever job I can get, the first job I got in South Korea was filling up petrol tanks and hand washing cars at a gas station.”
What was the catalyst for your musical activities in South Korea? “In the summer of 2001, at the recommendation of the senior pastor of the church I attended, I created the ‘Worship Choir’, composed of five North Korean defector-residents. The aim was to form a healthy sense of community with South Koreans. With the pastor’s referral, we went to various churches in North Jeolla Province to give testimonies of faith and perform songs of praise.”
Could you elaborate? “With the support of the Korea Freedom Federation, the ‘North Korean Defector Artists Education and Culture Organisation’ was formed in December of 2002. It is a collective artist organisation which organises security lectures, stage performances, and volunteer activities. In 2005, the ‘Pyongyang People’s Arts Troupe’ was created, and there were a lot of people who challenged the name saying, ‘Are Pyongyang people and Seoul people different?’ (laughs). So, the following year, it was renamed to ‘Pyongyang Folk Art Troupe’.”
Introduce the “Pyongyang Folk Art Troupe.” “There are 20 members in the arts troupe and 10 supporting performers which makes 30 people in total. We perform on average 130 tours around the country every year. In the past 17 years, we have appeared on over 60 TV broadcasts, such as KBS Music Stage, and we have performed around 2,000 times in total.”
What was the most memorable event? “We performed in Taiwan this year from April 26 to 28. In commemoration of the first anniversary of the inter-Korean summit, this performance was held at the invitation of a certain Taiwanese organisation. For the personal safety of our troupe, ten police officers in Taiwan were in charge of escorting us, and one police officer from South Korea also accompanied us on the trip. That Taiwanese performance, where we even received a grand welcome, will truly remain in our members’ memories.”
You said there was an exclusive bus? “I bought it three years ago. Over 100 people offered to donate an exclusive bus to us but all of them were used buses and the cost to repair them was expensive. So, I made the big decision to buy a new 45-seater bus.”
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I think there must have been another reason. “First of all, it is a matter of our members’ safety. We take the highway often, as we do national performances, and there is a clear difference between the quality of new and used buses. It’s also important for improving our image. In the past, we took members to performances in a few vans but that didn’t feel right. There were looks of sympathy.”
Why did you establish the North Korean Defector Artists’ Association? “From what I know, there are currently more than 10–15 arts organisations in South Korea that are made up of North Korean defector-residents. I figured they need an association to represent and protect them, at the very least. Only then can they negotiate and bid for performances that are sponsored by the government, large organisations, and companies. No matter how distinguished they are, individuals and minorities are not very well trusted by institutions.”
When was the North Korean Defector Artists’ Association established? “After several years of agony and hard work, the ‘North Korean Defector Artists’ Association’ was finally established as an incorporated organisation. It was approved by the Minister of Unification, and I was the first chairperson. The Association had been in development under the advice of experts since 2014, and was officially launched as a corporation by the Ministry of Unification on December 6, 2016.”4
Were there any particularly special performances? “Last year, the Korea Hana Foundation, which sits under the Ministry of Unification, held the ‘North Korean Defector-Residents One Heart Festival’.5,6 The performance, which had been organised by eight North Korean defectorresident artists’ organisations, was attended by dozens of actors. Among the eight organisations, the North Korean Defector Silver Arts Troupe left the greatest impression.7 It was a performance where elders showed their great artistic skills and warmed the hearts of the audience.”
4 Ministry of Unifcation (Kr. tong’il-bu, 통일부, 統一部), see TN 4, pg. 7. 5 Korea Hana Foundation (Kr. nambuk hana jaedan, 남북하나재단, 南北하나財團), see TN 8, pg. 59. 6 North Korean Defectors One Heart festival (Kr. talbukmin han ma’eum chukje, 탈북민 한 마음 축제, 脫北民 한 마음 祝祭) is a South Korean festival, containing many performances by groups of North Korean defector-residents, which celebrates North Korean defector-residents living in South Korea. 7 North Korean Defector Silver Arts Troupe (Kr. 탈북실버예술단, 脫北실버藝術團, talbukmin shilbeo yesuldan) is an art troupe made up of elderly North Korean defector-resi-
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Is there anything else you really want to say? “The Ministry of Unification is currently building the ‘Inter-Korean Culture and Arts Center’ (tentative name) in the Magok area of Gangseo District in Seoul. The building is in a good location and has one basement level as well as seven levels above ground. They are asking us North Korean defector-residents to make good use of this building, which is being built with a federal budget of 20 billion won. However, we are asking North Korean defector-residents to use this building well with a national budget of 20 billion won. It’s preposterous.”
Why is that so? “How many North Korean defector-residents in Seoul and other regions will come to use this place? We are asking for a centre that we can be the owners of and manage and operate ourselves. Strictly speaking, I can’t see how this isn’t just the Ministry of Unification using North Korean defector-residents as an excuse to make another institution under their name to create new jobs within their organisation. It’s really pathetic.”
What is art to you? “Art is a special form of culture that only humans can enjoy, and its impact is huge. A simple example would be the recent Hallyu.8 Even the value from exporting hundreds of thousands of cars cannot be compared to the value of resonating with and touching the hearts of people all around the world with our own unique song and dance, Cultural power is also national power.”
Is there anything that you wish for? “Nothing big or fancy. I wish for an exclusive and permanent performance hall dedicated to us North Korean Defector Artists in Seoul. The elderly are the ones who like folk art performances. If we think about their contribution to the development of the Republic of Korea, this is definitely something worthy of the government’s consideration.”
dents. Also known as the Moranbong Silver Arts Troupe (Kr. moranbong shilbeo yesuldan, 모란봉실버예술단, 牡丹峯실버藝術團). 8 Hallyu (Kr. hallyu, 한류, 韓流), see TN 21, pg. 18.
19 Park Kwang-il Middle school teacher ∞ chair of Youth Forum of North Korea Democratization
Rights for North Korean Youth must be improved North Korea, a “closed nation” like no other in history, has been able to continue its dictatorship for around 70 years by forcefully brainwashing its people. For their entire lives, the 20 million people of the political society of North Korea are educated on ridiculous falsehoods such as the Supreme Leader’s cult of personality and distorted representations of South Korea. The younger generations of North Korea are the ones who have to suffer the worst consequences of this. Young people who should be learning about history and the present, justice and truth, dreams and hopes, only receive deceptive education based on worshipping their leaders (Kim Il-sung, Kim Jong-il, Kim Jong-un). At the same time, they grow to feel anger and hatred towards South Korea. Even to this day, the young people of North Korea cross the border through the tear-filled Amnok River with the hope of escaping a dark society no better than hell itself.1 There is an organisation that supports these hungry and scared youths when they arrive in China and South East Asia: a youth organisation made up of fellow North Korean defector-residents. Having arrived earlier and been through the same ordeal, these defectorresident seonbae understand the pain and suffering of their hubae, which is why they roll up their sleeves and step up to help them. One day in May 2016, I met with “North Korean Youth Student Forum” representative, Park Kwang-il, at a location in Ganghwa County in the Metropolitan City of Incheon.
Where were you born? “I was born in 1974 in Hamheung in South Hamgyong Province. Our family was a Japanese-Korean family often referred to as a ‘jaepo family’.2,3 I have three
1 Amnok River (Kr. amnok’gang, 압록강, 鴨綠江), see TN 19, pg. 30. 2 Japanese-Korean (Kr. jae’il gyopo, 재일교표, 在日僑胞), see TN 1, pg. 116. 3 Jaepo family (Kr. 재포가족, 在胞家族) refers to a family of Japanese-Koreans (see TN 1, pg. 116).
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sisters. I graduated from Kim Hyong Jik University of Education in Pyongyang and was employed at Hamheung Sungchun River High School as a social science teacher.4 Teachers are treated honourably in North Korea.”
Tell us about your family. “My parents and two of my older sisters came to North Korea in 1970 from Japan. Operations to bring Japanese-Koreans back to North Korea (the act of forcing Joseon people who had been manipulated by North Korean government propaganda or exiled by the Japanese government to migrate to North Korea) went on for 25 years from 1959 to 1984. My father was a teacher at a Joseon school in Japan, and he was a high-school teacher in Hamheung.”
Don’t returnees lead a wealthy lifestyle? “I’m not sure about that. Not all returnees are wealthy. It depends on the economic status of their relatives in Japan. To be more specific, it depends on whether their relatives are able to send them money often. Our family were relatively well off with the money our family in Japan sent us.”
When did you fnd out about what South Korea is really like? “In spring of 1998, I secretly watched a video from South Korea with some comrades at my house. Regardless of the content, anyone who is found to have watched a South Korean video is to be investigated by the SSA.5 Though it was through a screen, it was the first time my colleagues had been exposed to the outside world, and they all asked for copies of the video ‘Sandglass’, which they had watched with fascination. I granted the favour swiftly as my friends don’t ask for favours often, but that ultimately became the source of trouble for me.”
What happened after that? “My friends who watched the South Korean video with me at my house passed the video around and eventually this was reported to the SSA as ‘secret intelligence’. In July that year, I was taken to the City of Hamheung SSA and questioned for two weeks. After that, the case was transferred to the Pyongyang SSA and I was severely tortured there for two months.”
4 Kim Hyong-Jik University of Education (Kr. kimhyeongjik sabeop daehak, 김형직사법대학, 金亨稷師範大學), see TN 4, pg. 104. 5 SSA (Kr. bowibu, 보위부, 保衛部) is an initialism for the State Security Agency (Kr. gukga bowibu, 국가보위부, 國家保衛部), see TN 4, pg. 22.
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They say the SSA method of torture is brutal. “Yes. Torture by the Public Safety Agency cannot even compare.6 During interrogation, an intimidating investigator just kept repeating absurd questions like ‘When, where, and how did you get instructions from the South Korean government?’ and ‘What was the purpose of spreading the video to your fellow comrades?’”
Is it true that your case was reported to Kim Jong-il? “It was unprecedented for a South Korean drama to be found in North Korea, so my case was treated with grave seriousness, and thus reported to the Supreme Leader Kim Jong-il. In September of 1998, Kim Jong-il made an order to ‘get rid of the filthy capitalist culture in our society from its roots’.”
What were your thoughts then? “I didn’t oppose the North Korean system; all I did was watch a South Korean video. I was 24 years old then, so I was curious about literally everything. I thought long and hard about North Korea, the country I was born in. Metaphorically speaking, you could say North Korean society was like a town walled off from the outside world, where the only inhabitants are frogs in wells who know nothing of the greater sky. We were trained to keep each other under surveillance and fight each other tooth and nail.”
That must have caused a change of heart. “Yes. After I was released from the infamous SSA, I thought ‘I hope this dirty, barbarous world ruled by Kim Jong-il falls to ruins. I will never die in this hell of a country!’, then crossed the tear-filled Tumen River on October 1, 1998. I hid in mountains and farms in China for two weeks until I was arrested by Chinese authorities and repatriated back to North Korea with 12 others on the same day.” 7
What kind of punishment did you receive? “I was interrogated harshly for six days by the North Hamgyong Province SSA. As a result, I was charged with for huge crimes, such as distributing capitalist culture, disobeying socialist system supremacy, and illegally crossing the border.
6 Public Safety Agency (Kr. sahoe anjeon-bu, 사회안전부, 社會安全部) is a political institution that is the central law enforcement agency of North Korea. It has since undergone a few name revisions and is now called the Ministry of Social Security (Kr. sahoe anjeon-seong, 사회안전성, 社會安全省). 7 Tumen River (Kr. duman’gang, 두만강, 豆滿江), see TN 16, pg. 94.
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I was labelled a ‘traitor of the nation’ and eventually sentenced to a concentration camp.”
You must have been devastated. “I really was. I got on a train in Chongjin with two officials. I jumped out of a broken window in the bathroom of the train prepared to die. Fortunately, I landed on a big pile of snow and survived.”
What happened after that? “I traversed through the mountains in hiding for a week before arriving in Mujin. There, with the help of a friend, I crossed the Tumen River again to China. I lost consciousness for 30 days. The person who found me and took care of me for a month was a South Korean missionary. I stayed with him in China and studied theology for the next two years.”
He must be your life’s saviour. “He is. One day, Kim Sung-ho, the missionary who saved me, cautiously suggested I go to South Korea. I hadn’t crossed the border with the thought of coming to South Korea. I chose China as a shelter to escape from the harsh oppression of North Korea. Amongst the 20 million people of North Korea, anyone who goes to the South is treated as a traitor and their families face extreme punishment. I was scared of that.”
When did you arrive in South Korea? “After thinking about it, I decided ‘I will survive and fight the autocratic regime of Kim Jong-il! That was the way to stand tall before the 20 million citizens of the country.’ I crossed Vietnam and Cambodia, then arrived in South Korea in March of 2001.”
When did you study theology again? “In 2002, I studied theology at Presbyterian University and Theological Seminary. After that, I worked at Seongnam First Presbyterian Church as an education missionary for a year, and as a missionary at Seoul Presbyterian Church in Gangnam. I became a pastor in 2010.”
Tell us about the “Youth Forum of North Korea Democratization.” “Working as a minister who defected from North Korea, I decided that South Korean youths should have some perception and understanding of North Korean
Park Kwang-il 135 youths. I founded the ‘Youth Forum of North Korea Democratization’ in August of 2011, based on the existing group of North Korean defector students called ‘Majungmul’ created in January of 2006.”8
What is special about your organisation? “We are a volunteering organisation made up of and run by both North Korean defector-residents and South Korean youths. We rescue endangered North Korean defector youths from China through undisclosed methods. Also, we pray for and sponsor the six million North Korean youths who are being trampled on by the dictator Kim Jong-un. We operate 100% through membership fees and donations.”
What have you been doing these days? “I’ve been doing a lot of things. I have been organising various events and activities aimed at improving the rights of North Korean citizens, including the ‘InterKorean Youth Student Human Rights Dialogue’, ‘South and North Korean Youth Pilgrimage to Korea’, ‘Relay Photo Exhibition for North Korean Human Rights’ which is the publication of archives documenting the reality of North Korean youth’s human rights, and also the production of a documentary.”
You’re a pastor and a representative of a North Korean defectors’ organisation. “It’s the same as how you are an author on the side. I am a representative of a human rights organisation, and the pastor of a church (Beautiful Dream Church) at the same time. To let the world know of the pain of the North Korean people and the barbaric actions of the dictator Kim Jong-un, we need to have a strong sense of responsibility and God’s love and blessing.”
8 Majungmul (Kr. 마중물) is water used for pumping water up from a well and other bodies of water.
20 Song Byeok Jik’gwan seondong (propaganda) operative ∞ artist
Putting to canvas the sorrow and pain of 20 million people On April 6, 1947, Kim Il-sung and his wife (Kim Jung-suk) visited Munsubong hill near my hometown in Pyongyang (Soryong 1-dong, Taedong River District) and planted trees.1,2 The local administrative address of this is Raengchon-dong, Dongdaewon District, and the Pyongyang University of Fine Arts is also located here. It is the best art university in North Korea. The “Korean Central Art Museum,” which was built by the Soviet Union (now Russia), is a rather antique building in the city centre near Kim Il Sung Square. The many large Soviet-style buildings around the museum create an exotic landscape that make you feel as if you are in a European city. The Korean Central Art Museum is open to foreigners and houses famous works by prominent painters in North Korea. Most of these are oil paintings depicting Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il. The museum does not exist to simply exhibit art to the public, but to promote the Supreme Leader’s image as the “father of the people.” Over 30,000 North Korean defector-residents have left North Korea, the socalled “Supreme Leader’s country” of the people, because life was too tough and they were always hungry. There is a North Korean defector-resident who showcases the pain of the 20 million North Korean citizens through his art in South Korea all over the world. One day in March of 2018, I met artist Song Byeok somewhere in Gangnam, Seoul.
Where is your hometown? “I was born in Hwanghae Province in 1969. I come from an ordinary working family, and one of my two younger sisters starved to death during extreme famine. I graduated high school in 1986 and ‘XX Technical Engineering school’ in
1 Munsubong hill (Kr. munsubong, 문수봉, 文繡峯) is a mountain in North Korea in Raengchon-dong, Tongdaewon District, Pyongyang, not to be confused with another Munsubong in South Korea. 2 -dong (Kr.동, 洞), see TN 7, pg. 2.
Song Byeok 137 1988. After that, I worked at ‘XX Steel Mill’ for three years when the party secretary took a liking to me and I became a ‘jik’gwanwon’ (a person who writes or draws news, drawings, calligraphy, slogans and diagrams on billboards).”3
Did you have an interest in art since you were young? “During my primary school days, I liked to read comic books. Whenever I had the time, I would go to my comrades’ house and read every comic book I could find. Even when I didn’t have food to eat, I always had a comic book in my bag.”
Could you elaborate? “My interest in art became greater in high school. I would nod off in other classes, but wake right up when it was time for art class. I took particular interest in pencil drawing.”
Did you want to study art after graduating high school? “I really did. In South Korea, as long as you have talent, you could find a sponsor that supports your studies but this is not possible in North Korea. I wanted to go to an art university after graduating high school, but because of my parents’ social status, I couldn’t even dream of it.4 North Korea is a slave society where social status determines everything. For your information, there are many people related to the wartime ‘chi’andae’ in Hwanghae Province.”5
3 Jik’gwanwon (Kr. 직관원, 直觀員), also referred to as jik’gwan seondeongwon (Kr. 직관선동원, 直觀煽動員) refers to people who perform the tasks described by the interviewee for the state). 4 Seongbun (Kr. seongbun, 성분, 成分) is short for origin seongbun (Kr. chulsin seongbun, 출신성분, 出身成分), a term used to refer to the classification of one’s ‘origin’. This caste classification system is key to North Korean society and can be split into two parts: ‘ancestral seongbun’ (Kr. josang seongbun, 조상성분, 祖上成分) and ‘social seongbun’ (Kr. sahoe seongbun, 사회성분, 社會). A person’s ancestral seongbun is determined from the origin seongbun of their grandparents, parents, and spouse (three generations of their family), whereas their social seongbun is determined by their occupation and level of education. Consequently, social seongbun is similar to the South Korean conceptualisation of status (Kr. shinbun, 신분, 身分) in that it can be changed; however, ancestral seongbun is almost impossible to change. North Korean citizens are classified into one of three classes: core class (Kr. haeksim’gyecheung, 핵심계층, 核心階層), basic class (Kr. gibon’gyecheung, 기본계층, 基本階層), and hostile class (Kr. jeokdae’gyecheung, 적대계층, 敵對階層). 5 Chi’andae (Kr. 치안대, 治安隊) is a security force that is part of the police force; usually active during a war.
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Tell us about your experience working as a propaganda artist. “I worked as a ‘jik’gwanwon’ for eight years. I was technically a labourer, but we took orders from the publicity department of the Central Committee.6 The content (the news that goes on the billboards) was meticulously planned by the Central Committee and the only thing left to my discretion was the emotional expressions.”
What is the core value of propaganda? “In a system where one has to be loyal to the Party, the Supreme Leader, the nation, and society, propaganda is a method of reformatory education that nominates certain people as models and encourages hundreds of thousands of people to emulate them. The poster board next to the main gate of factories is a treasured spot that people’s eyes are easily drawn to at any time of day.”
Is there any special treatment for propaganda artists? “Not particularly. It was nothing more than doing a unique job with skills that others didn’t have. People are interested in the contents of the bulletin board posts, very few admire the jig’gwanwon’s vocabulary expressions, artistic talent, genius, and so on. To that extent, you can simply view them as people who have been subject to the strict ideological control of the state their whole lives and who are too busy trying to make a living. That’s the case with the entire North Korean population.”
What was family life like? “In 1993, before Kim Il-sung’s death, we received no rations from the state. Factory machines stopped running, and workers lived day to day wandering around selling things. I also earned money for food by selling art materials (paints, paper, brushes), but it was far from enough for a family of four.”
What was your motive for defecting? “I had relatives in China. At the time, it was said that in China, which had a population of 1.3 billion, the problem was that they had too much of food. After thinking about it, my father and I left our hometown with the help of our relatives in China. Around August 2008, my father was swept away by a strong current while crossing the Tumen River near Hoeryong. Even though it’s been almost 20 years, I’m still affected by what happened then.”7
6 Central Committee (Kr. jung’angdang, 중앙당, 中央黨), see TN 8, pg. 23. 7 Tumen River (Kr. duman’gang, 두만강, 豆滿江), see TN 16, pg. 94.
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Could you elaborate? “Unfortunately, I was sent back to North Korea after being arrested by Chinese authorities. After being detained in the Hoeryong training camp for two months, in the Hamgyong North Province SSA for one month, and in a labour camp for another four months, I was released on bail due to illness. While I was staying with my maternal uncle in Pyongan Province for two months, I heard that the Hwanghae Province SSA was waiting for me to return to my hometown to arrest me. This sent a shiver down my spine.”
What happened next? “There was no point in any more hesitating. I could no longer repress the rage I felt towards the pathetic North Korean government, which couldn’t even feed its labourer and farmer population properly. I got myself on to a northbound train and arrived at the North Korea–China border. After surveilling the area for a few days, one night I crossed the Tumen River. This was in May of 2001, and after laying low in China for six months, I arrived in Incheon Airport in January of 2002.”
You must have studied art in South Korea. “In 2007, I graduated from Kongju National University with a degree in Art Education and in autumn of that same year, I completed my master’s degree (three-year course) in East Asian Art at Hongik University in Seoul. After spending eight years in North Korea as a propaganda artist yearning to study art, I was able to do so to my heart’s content for eight years after I came to South Korea. I am truly so thankful to the Republic of Korea.”
You’ve been very active as an artist during this time. “I participated in a lot of different exhibitions. I have been honoured to receive awards from numerous art contests. For example, I was entered into the 5th World Art Exchange Association open-submission contest in 2002, given a special award at the 4th Seoul Grand Art Contest in 2006, and specially chosen for the 2nd Kyeonghyang Art Contest in that same year.”
When was your offcial debut? “In 2011, I held my first solo exhibition ‘Forever Freedom’ at ‘Gaia’, an art gallery in Insa-dong in Jongno District, Seoul. I wanted to share the value of freedom to the people through art. I experienced the March of Hardship period wherein three million people starved to death in North Korea. Sketching the crimes of dictators is my life’s mission.”8
8 March of Hardship (Kr. gonanui haenggun, 고난의 행군, 苦難의行軍), see TN 9, pg. 37.
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When was your frst overseas exhibition? “From the 17th to the 26th of February 2012, I held an exhibition at ‘Goat Farm Arts Center’ in Atlanta, USA, titled ‘Song Byeok: Departure’. It was planned by journalist Jo Hyeon-beom from News & Post, an online Korean news website. He worked very hard.”
You’ve been more active overseas than domestically. “So far I have had four exhibitions in New York, five in Washington and regionally toured my exhibition around Missouri and Iowa among other places. In October of 2015, I was invited to Frankfurt, Germany, to hold an exhibition as part of a commemorative event for the 25th anniversary of their reunification. In 2016, I was invited by the United States Government Ambassador for Human Rights in North Korea to exhibit at the Capitol Building in Washington, and last year in May I also had an exhibition in London, England.”
Are you currently preparing to go overseas? “This year at the start of February, I opened my first solo exhibition in Frankfurt, Germany, and so far the response has been somewhat good. I came back to South Korea for the Lunar New Year (February 16).9 I am planning to hold a regional exhibition tour for two months around Germany. My entry into Germany was made through personal acquaintance with the president of the German Financial Association.”
How close are you as acquaintances? “I’m not sure when, but during one of his business trips, an article about me in an in-flight magazine caught his eye and sparked his interest. The president of the German Financial Association has been helping me with my exhibitions in Germany both financially and mentally. On behalf of the 20 million citizens of North Korea, I want to deeply convey my thanks to him.”
Any fnal remarks? “Living overseas for half the year, there’s a particular feeling I sometimes have. Foreigners remain consistent and sincere in their support for social issues, but I think we’ve failed to do that. To use a common phrase, ‘copper pot personality’ applies well to us, doesn’t it?10 The issue of reunification is the same. The word ‘reunification’ shouldn’t be used the way it is these days as a hot button word for politicians to use for their own gain.”
9 Lunar New Year (Kr. eumryeokseol, 음력설, 陰曆설). The first day of the Korean calendar. It lasts three days: the days directly before and after Korean New Year. 10 Copper pot personality (Kr. naembigeunseong, 냄비근성, 냄비根性, naembi-geunseong) is a Korean idiom that means ‘quick to anger and quick to cool’.
Special column Displaced persons and North Korean defector-residents
The people who came down from the North to the South after August 15, 1945, are called “displaced persons.”1 During the five years after liberation, hundreds of thousands of North Korean residents moved to the South and these numbers reached their peak during the three years of the Korean War.2 The current double population gap between the North and South began with their division. In Gugi-dong, Jongno District, Seoul, there is a five-storey government office building for the “Committee for the Five Northern Korean Provinces.”3 It is also called the “Five Northern Korean Provinces Office” or the “Unification Hall.” The Five Northern Korean Provinces refers to the five administrative regions of North Korea after liberation, namely Hwanghae Province, South Pyongan Province, North Pyongan Province, South Hamgyong Province and North Hamgyong Province. The Committee for the Five Northern Korean Provinces is an administrative body established by the South Korean government to jointly handle all or part of the administrative affairs of North Korea’s five administrative provinces. There are 15 cities and provinces under the jurisdiction of the office. The governors of the Five Northern Korean Provinces are appointed by the president through the Prime Minister with the recommendation of the Ministry of the Interior and Safety. The seat of the chairperson is a position concurrently held for a term of one year by each of the governors of the Five North Korean Provinces, who are parliamentary vice-ministers in rank. Other city, county, township, and -dong directors are honorary positions. In Seoul 1949, it was opened as the “Five Northern Provinces Office,” and in 1962, the Special Measures Act for the Five Northern Korean Provinces was promulgated. Since 1966, the honorary mayor and honorary county governor system was implemented and in 1993, the current Committee for the Five Northern Korean Provinces building in Gugi-dong was newly constructed.
1 Displaced persons (Kr. silhyangmin, 실향민, 失鄕民), see TN 3, pg. 14. 2 Korean War refers to the 6.25 War (Kr. yuk’i’o jeonjaeng, 육이오 전쟁, 六二五 戰爭), see TN 9, pg. 2. 3 -dong (Kr.동, 洞), see TN 7, pg. 2.
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This building is a place of unity and harmony, soothing the joys and sorrows of displaced persons. The auditorium on the fifth floor is used as a venue for various events for displaced people. Various events are held by each city and county’s organisations, including awarding of scholarships for future generations, and hometown love and patriotism meetings. Every spring, each of the five Northern Korean provinces holds their own “Province Residents’ Day Sports Festival”’ in various parts of Seoul. In autumn, the president or the prime minister are invited to attend the “Five Northern Korean Provinces Residents’ Day Sports Festival” at Hyochang Stadium in Seoul, which residents from all Northern Korean provinces participate in. This year marks the 74th anniversary of the division of North and South Korea, and the 66th anniversary of the armistice. A five-year-old child who escaped from the North to the South on his parents’ back would now be over 70 and nearing 80 years old. This would have been an immature kid who knew nothing about Northern Korea. As a result, the main activities of the Committee for the Five Northern Korean Provinces are currently being carried out by second- and thirdgeneration displaced persons who are over 50 years old. Displaced persons who came down when they were in their tens to twenties are almost 90 to 100 years old now. Their wish is to set foot in the Northern hometowns they left behind just once, before they breathe their last breaths. These displaced persons think of Gugi-dong in Seoul as their hometown because that is where the Committee for the Five Northern Korean Provinces is located. They go there often to meet their fellow compatriots and soothe their nostalgia. The Committee for the Five Northern Korean Provinces promotes friendship by forming a sisterhood relationship between the families of displaced persons and North Korean defector-residents, whose numbers had begun to increase in the early 1990s. Decades after the armistice, there are still no signs of reunification and the displaced people have entered into old age. In 2004, a department dedicated to supporting North Korean defector-residents was established. They mainly run customised curricula for North Korean defector-residents and carry out projects to maintain familial ties and sustained interaction between residents of northern Korean provinces (displaced persons) and North Korean defector-residents. It also supports the training and employment of North Korean defector-residents at enterprises operated by residents of northern Korean provinces, and encourages them to help out at events run by the Committee for the Five Northern Korean Provinces. What North Korean defector-residents and displaced persons have in common is that their hometown is North Korea. The displaced persons are warriors who reached freedom one step ahead, and very much senior to North Korean defector-residents when it comes to capitalist life. Their noble traces are like valuable textbooks that North Korean defector-residents should follow and learn from. Displaced persons and North Korean defectors! It would be good if they could come together as one both politically and administratively, but there is a slight problem. First of all, the government department that controls various policies for
Displaced persons 143 displaced people is the Ministry of Public Administration and Security, whereas the department in charge of North Korean defectors-residents is the Ministry of Unification. They are assigned to different agencies and as a result receive different budgets. Additionally, the focus of the displaced people, including the second and third generations, is on issues such as ancestral rites for their hometown families, patriotic activities for their hometown, and educating future generations to love our country. Compared to them, most of North Korean defectors’ focus is on settlement, as far as the government supports it. Everything is fine so far, but since the number of North Korean defectorresidents exponentially grew in the mid-1990s, there are quite a number of defector-residents who have lived in South Korea for over 20 years. These people are definitely the second displaced persons, but they get no support for their patriotic activities. Sometime ago, the Committee for the Five Northern Korean Provinces offered to provide parts of their Gugi-dong office building for North Korean defector-resident organisations to use. Some North Korean defector organisations had meetings with the Committee to discuss the issue, but nothing came out of it as the second- and third-generation displaced people opposed. It seems the displaced persons felt threatened by the fact that the owners of the building might change from them to North Korean defector-residents. However, displaced people do not exclude North Korean defector-residents from ordinary events such as ancestral rites. They seem to be in harmony and at peace during social gatherings, but firmly against the notion of sharing the Gugidong building. If we look at the “Province Residents’ Day”’ and “Five Northern Korean Provinces Residents’ Day” sports festivals, the grand festivals held for displaced persons each year, we can see a huge difference in treatment. There are some places where North Korean defector-residents take part, and others where they do not. There are many North Korean defector-residents who do not even know these festivals exist. It is clear that the government should regulate these events and festivals so that displaced people and North Korean defector-residents can join in on them together. It is interesting to note that in preparation for unification, compared to displaced people, the government places less importance on the professional development of North Korean defector-residents. If Korea was to be unified tomorrow, how many North Korean defector-residents can the government show off to the North Koreans? Only one person progressed to high ranks in government and made it into the National Assembly in all 66 years of North Korean defectorresidents history. Among the community of 30,000 North Korean defector-residents who came to South Korea in search of freedom, there are over 2,000 university graduates and many who have succeeded on their own. Dozens of them have studied abroad, and some have become prominent in their field of work. To give
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hope and inspire North Koreans after unification, the government has to nurture North Korean defector-residents to become high-ranking officials or members of the National Assembly and the like. By doing this, we can offer some source of consolation to the 20 million North Korean citizens who have been bruised and battered by the painful dictatorship they endured during the period of separation.
21 Kim Tae-san President of Joseon-Czech joint footwear venture ∞ North Korea expert
Though I fantasised of a “Pyongyang Spring” whilst in Prague … Before leaving my hometown of Pyongyang, I used to live in an apartment building in Oesong-dong of the Central District for four years.1 The building was beside the Pyongyang International House of Culture, and nearby was the threestorey Embassy of the Czech Republic.2 The inner garden of the embassy could be seen in plain sight if one looked down and out the window from the corridor of the sixth floor, on which the 43rd unit was my home. There were times when I would stare vacantly into that garden, silently thinking to myself, “If I was born not in Pyongyang but Prague, would I not have lived a free life? At the very least, surely, I would have not lived as I do here, performing my duties as a citizen of the republic, spending my whole life studying the Supreme Leader’s ideology and working in his political system.”3 On November 6, 1996, I left my home in Oesong-dong for the last time. From Pyongyang Sunan International Airport, I boarded a plane, transited through Beijing, and headed for Kuwait in the Middle East. There, I was disillusioned after having to perform slave labour for 14 hours a day. Five months later, I came to Seoul. Twenty-three years have already passed since then, and yet it feels like it was just a few days ago. Amongst the community of North Korean defector-residents in Seoul, peculiar as it was, there was a person who had experience working in the Czech Republic.4 That person is Kim Tae-san, the former president of a footwear-manufacturing
1 -dong (Kr.동, 洞), see TN 7. pg. 2. 2 Pyongyang International House of Culture (Kr. pyeongyang gukje munhwa hoegwan, 평양국제문화회관, 平壤國際文化别館) is a cultural venue opened in 1988. It operates as a venue for cultural exchange with foreigners. 3 Supreme Leader’s ideology (Kr. suryeong sasang, 수령사상, 首領思想) refers to Kim Il-sung’s Juche Ideology (Kr. juche sasang, 주체사상, 主體思想). See TN 20, pg. 101 for explanation about Juche Ideology. 4 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民) is a term used to refer to North Koreans who have defected from their country and are currently residing in South Korea.
Kim Tae-san 147 joint venture between North Korea and the Czech Republic – Joseon-Czech Joint Footwear Venture. One day, in April of 2017, nearby Gwanghwamun, Seoul, I met with Kim Tae-san to share stories about Pyongyang, Prague, and Seoul, all over two cups of warm coffee.
Please introduce yourself. “I was born to a family of forest labourers in Chagang Province in July of 1952. In 1969, after graduating middle and high school, I started my career as a lathe operator in the 351st Border Factory.5 In 1976, I became the Chairman of the employees’ Socialist Youth Workers’ Alliance (SYWA), then two years later, I assumed the position of Vice-Chairman of the factory workers’ SYWA.6 Later, in September 1980, I enrolled in the commerce class at the People’s Economy College in Pyongyang.”7
Tell me about your work experience in detail. “After graduating from four years of university, I joined a Three Revolutions Team.8 Through this, I worked in the People’s Service Commission, and a trading company under the Public Safety Agency (similar to the South Korean National Police Agency).9,10 I was second to none during my career. Later, I transferred to a trading company under the Ministry of Light Industry, and for one year from 1995, I worked as the trade secretary of the North Korean Embassy in Malaysia.”11
5 351st Border Factory (Kr. ganggye 351-ho gongjang, 강계351호공장, 疆界351號工場) is a munitions factory that produced the automatic adjustment mechanisms for long-range antiaircraft artillery. 6 SYWA (Kr. sarocheong, 사로청, 社勞靑) is an initialism for the Socialist Youth Workers’ Alliance (Kr. sahoeju’ui rodong cheongnyeon dongmaeng, 사회주의로동청년동맹, 社會主義勞動 靑年同盟). See Joseon League of Socialist Working Youth, TN 4, pg. 48. 7 People’s Economy College (Kr. inmin gyeongje daehak, 인민경제대학, 人民經濟大學) is a higher education institute in Taedonggang District of Pyongyang that fosters North Korean cadres (see TN 7, pg. 23) in national administration and economics. 8 Three Revolutions Teams (Kr. sam dae-hyeokmyeong sojo, 3대혁명소조, 三大革命小組) refers to teams of people which formed the backbone of the Three Revolutions Team Movement (Kr. sam dae-hyeokmyeong sojo undong, 3대혁명소조운동, 三大革命小組運動), a political movement that promised ideological, technical, and cultural revolution. 9 People’s Service Commission (Kr. inmin bongsa wiwonhoe, 인민봉사위원회, 人民奉仕委員會) is a now-defunct political organisation that managed welfare affairs as well as the affairs and operations of state-operated restaurants in Pyongyang and the other special-level cities (Kr. teukgeup-si, 특급시, 特級市) of Nampo, Kaesong, and Rason, which are one of the first-level administrative divisions of North Korea. 10 Public Safety Agency (Kr. sahoe anjeon-bu, 사회안전부, 社會安全部), see TN 6, pg. 133. 11 Ministry of Light Industry (Kr. gyeonggong’eop-seong, 경공업성, 輕工業省) refers to one of 33 ministries in the Cabinet of North Korea (Kr. naegak, 내각, 內閣). It oversees the industrial
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Why did you work as a trade secretary for only a year? “Originally, it should’ve been for three years, but halfway through I was suspended for failing to meet my assigned goals in foreign currency earning.12 That was the official reason, but the real story is different. There are many people in Pyongyang who wish to undertake overseas work. They come from all sorts of especial organisations like the Central Committee, the Foreign Affairs Sector, and the State Security Agency (SSA).13,14,15 Thus, the competition for overseas work is extremely cutthroat. I was the highest-ranking person in my household, and yet, in the end, I couldn’t do anything but be pushed out of my position.”
What punishment did you receive after being suspended? “I was made subject to both ideological conflicts and criticisms based on the argument that I was incapable of acquiring food per the Party’s orders. I was then demoted to a labourer and, for two years, worked as the custodian of the arboretum in the Kumsusan Palace of the Sun (a mausoleum that houses the corpses of both Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il) located in Misan-dong, Pyongyang; this was the so-called revolutionisation.16,17 Then, in 1998, with the help of an
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sector that produces everyday consumer goods, such as the food-processing industry, the textiles industry, the footwear industry, and any other similar industries. Foreign currency earning (Kr. oehwa’beori, 외화벌이, 外貨벌이): one of the duties of Office No. 39 (Kr. je samsipguho-sil, 제39호실, 第三十九號室), which is a part of the Political Affairs Bureau (Kr. jeongmu-guk, 정무국, 政務局) of the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨). Officially, the office is another unassuming office under the bureau; however, it is purportedly a secret party organisation through which the North Korean leadership obtains foreign currencies through both legal and illegal operations, such as the management of overseas restaurants and the dispatchment of overseas workers, as well as the production of counterfeit money; the trafficking and smuggling of drugs and munitions; and international insurance fraud. Central Committee (Kr. jung’angdang, 중앙당, 中央黨), see TN 8, pg. 23. Foreign Affairs Sector (Kr. dae’oe bumun, 대외부문, 對外部門) is the collection of political entities that interact with foreign nations, including but not limited to the Ministry of External Economic Relations (Kr. dae-oe gyeongje’seong, 대외경제성, 對外經濟省), the Ministry of Commerce (Kr. sang-eop’seong, 상업성, 商業性), and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Kr. oemu’seong, 외무성, 外務省). State Security Agency (Kr. gukga bowibu, 국가보위부, 國家保衛部), see TN 4, pg. 22. Kumsusan Palace of the Sun (Kr. geumsusan taeyang gungjeon, 금수산태양궁전, 錦繡山太陽宮殿) is also sometimes referred to as the Kim Il-sung Mausoleum (Kr. kimilsung sisin gungjeon, 심일선 시신 궁전, 金日成屍身宮殿) and the Kumsusan Memorial Palace (Kr. geumsusan ginyeom gungjeon, 금수산기념궁전, 錦繡山紀念宮殿). Revolutionisation (Kr. hyeokmyeonghwa, 혁명화, 革命化), according to the Great Dictionary of the Joseon Language (Kr. joseonmal dae-sajeon, 조선말대사전, 朝鮮말大辭典), is the act of making people into ardent revolutionaries who will fight for the Party, for the Supreme Leader, for the motherland, and for the people. This is reportedly done by ridding subjects of all individualism and selfishness, and eradicating any old ideologies through various methods, including mandatory lessons on Juche Ideology and assigned work.
Kim Tae-san 149 acquaintance, I returned to the workforce as the supervisory officer of the Light Industry Committee’s Foreign Affairs Department.”18
When did you receive your appointment to the Czech Republic? “In July 2000, the North Korean government created a Joseon–Czech footwear technology joint venture through a bilateral trade agreement with Eastern Europe. Creating a joint venture with a foreign country was, by no means, a simple feat in North Korea. Czecho-Slovakia, after all, made the best footwear in all of Europe during socialist times.”
Could you explain in more detail? “I was appointed the leader (of the North Korean side of the venture) and was dispatched along with 23 North Korean female workers to SAM Footwear Company in Pardubice, just short of 70 km from the capital city of Prague. This factory manufactured, for export, special footwear used by riot police, firefighters, and mountaineers. It had quite the history and so it was a well-known business in the footwear-manufacturing industry. The corporation’s image was just that good.”
How popular were the North Korean women in the Czech Republic? “The people on the Czech Republic team looked at us with doubt. Compared to the Ukrainian and Mongolian female labourers at the time, the North Korean labourers were simply too small in stature. However, not even a month had passed when the news began to spread about expert familiarity and dextrous skill the North Korean women worked with. It was practically a demonstration of the saying ‘It’s the small chili pepper that’s spicy’.”19
Approximately how many workers were there? “There came requests to contract North Korean workers from each of the various Czech factories that produced footwear, textiles, and bags. Thus, over 200 North
18 Light Industry Committee (Kr. gyeonggong’eop wiwonhoe, 경공업위원회, 輕工業委員會) is a political organisation formed in 1960 under the Administration Council (Kr. jeongmu-won, 정무원, 政務院), which has since been renamed to the Cabinet of North Korea, to develop the light industry. 19 It’s the small chili pepper that’s spicy (Kr. jageun gochu-ga maepda, 작은 고추가 맵다) is a Korean proverb which means something akin to “don’t underestimate the little things” or “good things come in small packages.”
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Korean female workers entered Prague between the autumn of 2000 and the summer of 2001.”
Was there anything memorable? “One day, in secret, I had the thought, ‘Wouldn’t I earn so much more foreign currency if I secured contracts with companies in well-to-do countries like Germany and Italy?’20 And so, together with my wife, who graduated from Pyongyang University of Foreign Studies and also had experience at the Daeseong General Bureau, we commenced working towards that goal.21 The problem was, there was a company security officer (female, former SSA agent from Pongnamdong in Pyongyang) who’d started picking fights with me.”
That must have been unpleasant. “Of course. In the middle of it all, in February of 2002, I returned to Pyongyang and began attending a course (a sort of meeting). What was formally a course that taught the Supreme Leader’s Ideology, was in reality, a way for high-ranking officials to take away money from overseas sojourners.”
Was there a particular time in Pyongyang when you realised the truth? “I was greatly disappointed after about a month of staying in Pyongyang. They said they were remodelling the Palace of the Sun; they said they were donating supplies to the People’s Army; but those extortionist officials thought of nothing but money.22 Filled with anger, I thought, ‘Are the likes of you the workers of the nation?’ From then on, I began to feel that Pyongyang was like hell. In March of 2002, I once again left for Prague; as for my feelings at that time, it felt as though something had burst the bubble of frustration in my heart.”
What were the actual living conditions of North Korean workers in the Czech Republic? “At the time, there were around 200 North Korean female workers who had been dispatched to work in five Czech factories. Each person received a monthly pay of USD 150, but more than half of this was handed over to the North Korean
20 Foreign currency (Kr. oehwa, 외화, 外貨) is a term used in North Korea to refer to any form of currency that is not the North Korean won. 21 Daeseong General Bureau (Kr. daeseong chongguk, 대성총국, 大成總局) is a government office under the Political Affairs Bureau of the Workers’ Party of Korea. 22 People’s Army (Kr. inmin gundae, 인민군대, 人民軍隊) is a short form for the Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍) of North Korea. See TN 9, pg. xx.
Kim Tae-san 151 officials. As for the cost of living, USD 40 was given to the building owner as lodging expenses. With USD 30 left over, they had to live on one dollar a day.”
Could you explain in a bit more detail? “The workers split up their work into two rotations: the morning shift (from 5 am to 2 pm) and the afternoon shift (from 2 pm to 11 pm). The workers were unmarried women who treasured every minute and every second, working diligently as beads of sweat flowed from their foreheads. After their shift for the day, they were all prohibited from going outside. They could only read or chat with each other in their rooms, where all four members of their same team stayed together. The women were no different from birds trapped in a cage.”
Even just hearing that makes me speechless. “These female labourers who had to treasure their 30 dollars, they couldn’t use the money or even eat or clothe themselves properly. To make matters worse, even their menstruation cycles had stopped and their chests sunk in. On top of that, each woman was required to transfer an average of 3–4 dollars a month to the embassy because of things like the Party Loyalty Fund, the People’s Army Support Fund, and their patriotic offering.”23,24,25
Could you talk about your route of defection? “On September 8, 2002, after the company’s ‘September 9 Festival’ oath-taking gathering had ended, I escaped in a sedan with my wife and daughter using the excuse that I was going to attend the North Korean embassy’s gathering in Prague.26 We entered downtown Prague and bought plane tickets to Germany before boarding the plane. We bought tickets and left for South Korea 40 minutes after arriving in Germany.”
23 Party Loyalty Fund (Kr. dang chungseong jageum, 당충성자금, 黨忠誠資金) refers to a fund that North Korean citizens reportedly contribute to on a monthly basis to prove their loyalty to the Workers’ Party of Korea. 24 People’s Army Support Fund (Kr. inmin gundae jiwon’geum, 인민군대지원금, 人民軍隊支援金) refers to money that would be used to support and maintain the Korean People’s Army. 25 Patriotic offering (Kr. aeguk heongeum, 애국헌금, 愛國獻金) is a monthly contribution made out of the patriotic spirit to support any and all patriotic activities of the state. 26 September 9 Festival (Kr. gugu jeol, 9.9절, 九九節) is the more common way to refer to one of the most important national holidays in North Korea, the Day of the Foundation of the Republic (Kr. inmin jeonggwon changgeon’il, 인민정권 창건일, 人民政權 創建日). This term has its origins in the fact that the holiday falls on the 9th of September.
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Do you mean you did all that with North Korean passports? “Yes. In Prague and Germany, we were allowed to pass through without any difficulties. In fact, we were even able to enter Incheon Airport in South Korea, and so I thought ‘what is this if not something that would make even a ghost wail?’27 I mean, a North Korean was able to openly enter the country, without trouble, whilst holding a North Korean passport. The South Korean NIS (National Intelligence Service) couldn’t understand it either and misidentified me as an undercover spy.”28
You must have gone through a lot. “I did have a hard time during the NIS’s investigation. And I only found out why this was the case after the investigation finished and I went back into society; the day after I left Prague, two SSA agents had arrived at Prague airport from Pyongyang to arrest me. I felt a shiver run down my back upon hearing this. If I’d been even one step late, it would’ve been hell.”
How did you spend the frst part of your life in Seoul? “I went to the USA and I tried working there for a few months. Then, we lived in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, for a few years because my youngest daughter was learning English. As I grew older, I came to realise that my own country was still the best. Now, we live in Seoul and, thankfully, we’re able to eat thanks to my wife’s small-sized English academy. I even get to go fishing sometimes.”
How is the relationship between Malaysia and North Korea? “From a foreign trade perspective, Malaysia isn’t a country of much benefit for North Korea. Despite that, they maintain friendly relations because they share similar pro-American political tendencies. There’s no country in the world that’s as vocal towards the USA as North Korea is. Even the issue of Kim Jong-un’s eldest brother Kim Jong-nam’s assassination in Kuala Lumpur eventually petered out into nothing—though I’d already expected as much.”
27 Something that would make even a ghost wail (Kr. gwisin’i gokhal noreut, 귀신이 곡할 노릇, 鬼神이 哭할 노릇) is a Korean idiom that is meant to highlight the strangeness of something; because, supposedly, only something extremely strange would be able to make a ghost (an already strange entity) wail or cry. 28 NIS (Kr. gukjeong-won, 국정원, 國情院) is an initialism for the South Korean National Intelligence Service (Kr. gukga jeongbo’won, 국가정보원, 國家情報院).
22 Joo Seung-hyun Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ university professor
We truly are castaways in an era of division In autumn of 2016, the government of the Republic of Korea announced the era of 30,000 North Korean defector-residents.1 It is said that 30,000 North Korean residents came South following the Korean War Armistice. Depending on one’s personal thoughts and specific criteria, “30,000” can be either a large or a small number. Either way, it certainly has symbolic meaning. Among these 30,000 North Korean defector-residents are secretaries of the Party’s Central Committee, teaching staff from Kim Il-sung University, Party and administration workers, diplomats, journalists, university students, school teachers, labourers, farmers, scientists, and soldiers.2,3, They are people from all levels of society. Despite having come from all walks of life, they all have something in common; they have all said, “I have come seeking freedom!” In North Korea, which is akin to a feudalistic society, there is both a severe divide between the rich and the poor, and a rigid hierarchy. A child can automatically become a cadre if their parents are cadres, while the children of labourers and farmers will live in poverty for generations.4 However, regardless of one’s place in the hierarchy, all say the same thing, “there is no freedom!” There are some in North Korean defector-resident society who were originally defecting soldiers from the People’s Army and crossed over the 38th parallel of the
1 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix. 2 Party’s Central Committee (Kr. dang jung’ang wiwonhoe, 당 중앙위원회, 黨 中央委員會) refers to the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea (see TN 8, pg. 23). 3 Kim Il-sung University (Kr. kimilseong jonghab daehak, 김일성종합대학, 金日成綜合大學), see TN 10, pg. 49. 4 Cadre (Kr. ganbu, 간부, 幹部), see TN 7, pg. 23.
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DMZ (Demilitarised Zone).5,6,7 There were approximately ten defecting soldiers from the People’s Army who crossed the Military Demarcation Line between the years 2000 and 2017. I met one of them in February 2018 in Hapjeong-dong, Seoul.8 He was Joo Seung-hyun of the Military Studies Department of Jeonju Kijeon College.
Could you introduce yourself? “I was born in 1981. I will leave out my birthplace, parents, and the state of my family from a detailed introduction as they are left behind in North Korea. I graduated middle and high school in Hamhung in March 1997 and enlisted in the People’s Army (2nd Corps of the DMZ Service Unit).9 I was able to go to the DMZ Service Unit of the Korean People’s Army as my parents were of a good origin seongbun and I was a student cadre during my time in high school.10,11 At that time, my dream was to become a military officer.”12
Tell us about the DMZ Service Unit. “It is a Special Forces unit. In North Korea, the DMZ Service Unit, in addition to the Air Force’s Air Combat Division, the Navy’s Submarine Service, and the Guard Command’s Kim Jong-il Guard Unit, are known as the ‘Special Forces’. Recruitment into the Special Forces is held approximately one month ahead of general army recruitment. The selection criteria are more particular, of course.”
Could you please explain in more detail? “Unlike the general army associated with the Ministry of People’s Armed Forces (equivalent to South Korea’s Ministry of National Defence), the Special Forces receive training as new recruits in their corresponding units. I was assigned to the 2nd Corps of the People’s Army, which had a training centre for each company.13 Here, I received six months of recruit training, whereby low evaluation scores would have resulted in reassignment to the general army.”
5 Defecting soldiers (Kr. gwisun-byeong, 귀순병, 歸順兵) is a term used for soldiers who have defected to the South. The word gwisun (Kr. 귀순, 歸順) means repatriated and the suffix -byeong, as in byeongsa (Kr. 병사, 兵士) means soldier. Please also see TN 15, pg. 9. 6 People’s Army (Kr. inmin gundae, 인민군대, 人民軍隊) is short for Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx. 7 38th parallel (Kr. samsip’pal seon, 38선, 三十八線), see TN 12, pg. 3. 8 -dong (Kr.동, 洞), see TN 7, pg. 2. 9 DMZ Service Unit (Kr. mingyeong budae, 민경부대, 民警部隊), see TN 10, pg. 87. 10 Origin seongbun (Kr. chulsin seongbun, 출신성분, 出身成分), see TN 4, pg. 137. 11 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx. 12 Military offcer (Kr. gungwan, 군관, 軍官), see TN 10, pg. 8. 13 Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces (Kr. inmin muryeok’bu, 인민무력부, 人民武力部), see TN 14, pg. 29.
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Where was your DMZ Service Unit? “After finishing recruit training, I was assigned to the corps troops as a DMZ Service Unit radio operator. After four years, I then worked as a broadcast operator. I did things such as send out anti-South broadcasts, check anti-North broadcasts, and administer media (such as North Korean movies and psychological operations media).14,15,16 At the time, my rank was a Sergeant or Sanggeup Byeongsa (under Sergeant First Class), which is equivalent to the rank of sergeant according to the Republic of Korea Armed Forces.”17
Please tell me about the Anti-South Broadcasts. “Various programs are broadcast in the direction south of the DMZ. Megaphones and speakers manufactured by the bureau in charge of anti-South broadcasts are used to do this. When the Republic of Korea Armed Forces turn on broadcasts aimed at the North, there is a corresponding ‘counter broadcast’ put out at maximum volume. This is also known as a ‘suppressive broadcast’.”
That is very interesting. “When there are no broadcasts, there is internal broadcasting (cable broadcasting) to the Korean People’s Army. I would also take a video recorder and display media while visiting various units. The media were the North Korean film series, ‘Nation and Destiny’, and the State Security Agency’s ‘The South Joseon Puppets’
14 Anti-South broadcasts (Kr. daenam bangsong, 대남방송, 對南放送) literally translates to broadcasts towards the South. These broadcasts are played across the DMZ, often utilising propaganda and information about the Juche ideology; they are aimed at inciting criticism of the South among listeners in South Korea. 15 Anti-North broadcasts (Kr. daebuk bangsong, 대북방송, 對北放送) literally translates to broadcasts towards the North. These broadcasts are played across the DMZ, often utilising propaganda and news pertaining to both North and South Korea, as well as music or other media; their aim is to incite criticism of the North among listeners in North Korea. 16 Psychological operations media (Kr. simni jakjeon yeongsang, 심리작전영상, 心理作戰映像) is media concerned with psychological warfare tactics. While jakjeon (Kr. 작전, 作戰) literally means operations, the term is associated with warfare in this context. 17 Sanggeup Byeongsa (Kr. 상급병사, 上級兵士) is equivalent to the rank Sergeant; this is the highest level among byeong (Kr. 병, 兵) grade soldiers in North Korea. This rank has the NATO Rank Code of OR-4.
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Detestable Psychological Warfare’.18,19,20 They were about removing fantasies one may have about South Joseon.”
Please give more details. “The entire 155 miles (248 kilometres) of the armistice line is divided into three equal sections. The Goseong, Cheorwon, and Paju regions are known as the eastern, central, and western frontlines, respectively. Each of the three frontlines has a broadcasting station. In a single broadcasting station are 15 broadcast soldiers, divided into three groups (a system of five people per group) who share shifts in three rotations. You could say that they are up around the clock. I was the broadcast group leader of the 2nd Corps.”
How would you rate the standard of the food in the DMZ Service Unit? “While not enough to be filling, we had three meals of plain rice a day. As for the side dishes, we had things such as boiled egg, yeomjang-mu (yellow pickled radish), spicy braised tofu, and vegetables.21 We ate pork once a week, and sometimes ate fish on national holidays. The portions were small as a result of extortion by military officers. The soldiers didn’t get a say.”
Did you get special meals on national holidays? “A gift box comes down from Pyongyang every year on the 16th of February (Supreme Leader Kim Jong-il’s birthday).22 Inside the gift box prepared for each soldier were things like candy, pheasant meat, jiaozi (Chinese dumplings),
18 Nation and Destiny (Kr. minjokgwa unmyeong, 민족과 운명, 民族과運命) was released between 1992 and 2002. It is a 62-part film series notable for Kim Jong-il’s personal involvement in early production. Also notable was its considerable use of South Korean terminology, portrayals of South Korean presidents, and scenes set in capitalist society (aiming to desensitise North Koreans to Western life since the influx of smuggled goods with the opening of the jangmadang – see TN 17, pg. 112). The film series focused on several famous historical figures such as Choe Deok-sin, Yun I-sang, and Choi Hong-hee. 19 State Security Agency (Kr. gukga bowibu, 국가보위부, 國家保衛部), see TN 4, pg. 22. 20 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4. 21 Yeomjang-mu (Kr. 염장무, 鹽醬蔔) is a dish very familiar to the North Korean military. Radish is pickled with salt, and then can be sliced thinly, into long or circular pieces. Similar to danmuji (Kr. 단무지) in South Korea. 22 Supreme Leader (Kr. choego saryeonggwan, 최고사령관, 最高司令官) is a title given to one who is in a position to command and direct the entire armed forces of a nation. In this case, it is the title given to the person who is in charge of directing the Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), the military force of North Korea.
Joo Seung-hyun 157 mandarins, and cigarettes. This is, of course, a gift that is received after giving thanks to Kim Jong-il. We then take our ‘loyalty oaths’ after the holiday has passed.”23
What were your motives for defecting and which route did you take? “My father passed away in our hometown three months before I defected from North Korea, and two months prior my recommendation to the military academy was deferred.24 I couldn’t have been more despondent. I made the judgement that there was no future in North Korea’s slave caste system, so I defected to the South during the winter of 2002. It took 25 minutes to cross the roughly 600–700 metre section of the DMZ (Demilitarised Zone), a distance that would be a five-minute walk on foot, had I not had to avoid landmines, high-voltage wires, and other obstacles.”
What of your academic education in Seoul? “I entered the Department of Political Science and Diplomacy at Yonsei University in 2003, and graduated five years later. In 2007 and the following year, I worked as an aide to a certain member of congress, so I knew a little bit about politics. I went to Yonsei University postgraduate school in 2009 and completed my master’s degree in 2011. In 2013, I obtained my PhD in Unification Studies and have been working as a professor of Military Studies at Jeonju Kijeon College since 2016.”
What does Unifcation Studies involve? “It is the study of analysing domestic and foreign politics, economy, society, culture, and all sorts of phenomena that are related to reunification. It also involves research into effective unification strategies. I began with political and North Korean studies, and have now progressed to interdisciplinary research in various fields. I’m running master’s and doctorate degree courses in the graduate schools of universities such as Seoul National University, Yonsei University, and Ewha Women’s University. I’m the first North Korean defector-resident to have become a Doctor of Unification Studies.”
23 Loyalty oaths (Kr. chungseong seonseo, 충성선서, 忠誠宣誓) refers to the act of firmly and solemnly expressing one’s oath of loyalty to North Korea. 24 Military academy (Kr. gungwan hakgyo, 군관학교, 軍官學校) is a school that accepts soldiers and cadres who are serving in military units and trains them to become military officers during their time at the academy.
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You’ve published your new book Castaways. 25 “Published by ‘Thinking Power Books’ last January, this book details the trials and errors made while settling down in South Korean society. It also details my work at various companies, the National Assembly, and organisations I worked for after receiving my master’s and doctorate degrees, as well as how I finally became a Doctor of Unification Studies.26 I don’t know whether the book will sell well (laughs).”
Just as there are North Korean defectors, so too are there South Korean defectors.27,28 “Ironically, there has been a steady increase in the procession of North Korean defector-residents leaving South Korea, despite having entered the country risking their lives. Some estimate that about 5,000 North Korean defector-residents fled South Korea or again returned to the South after attempting to flee. It is said that by 2016, one in six of the 30,000 North Korean defector-residents had either defected to the North or had experience trying to. Some recent statistics indicate that 30% of North Korean defector-residents want to return to the North.”
You have expressed criticism of the policies giving preferential treatment to “gold spoon” North Korean defector-residents.29 “North Korean defector-residents born to the ‘gold spoon’ (cadres and their children) are receiving stable jobs and an adequate salary thanks to the protection and care of the government. Their circumstances are in clear contrast to North Korean defector-residents born of the ‘dirt spoon’, such as labourers and farmers who are faced with unemployment and poverty upon entering the country. It is somewhat disheartening.”
25 Castaways (Kr. jonan-ja, 조난자, 遭難者) is an autobiography written by Joo Seung-hyun, subtitled About those who belong neither to the South, nor the North. 26 National Assembly (Kr. gukhoe, 국회, 國會) is a short form used to refer to the National Assembly of the Republic of Korea (Kr. daehan minguk gukoe, 대한민국 국회, 大韓民國 國會). 27 North Korean defector (Kr. talbukja, 탈북자, 脫北者), see TN 1, pg. 73. 28 South Korean defector (Kr. talnamja, 탈남자, 脫南者), see TN 1, pg. 35. 29 Gold spoon (Kr. geumsujeo, 금수저, 金수저) is a neologism referring to a class of persons whose parents are wealthy, and so do not need to be concerned about financial matters in their future. It is similar in connotation to the English expression born with a silver spoon in the mouth.
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That’s the reality of it. “Of course, I can understand that the government needs to draw upon those born of gold spoon origins; however, there are clearly problems in not giving sufficient opportunities to ordinary North Korean defector-residents who endure discriminatory treatment while working hard to settle down in South Korean society. It’s a problem that shouldn’t be neglected.”
What are the pursuits of the “dirt spoon North Korean defector-residents”? “Twenty years have passed since the mass entry period of North Korean defectorresidents into South Korean society, and there are many admirable people who have studied and built up careers through their own genuine efforts, some of whom are also wonderful North Korean defector-residents who are sympathised with and loved by the public. North Korean residents will have hope for reunification only when we find, present, and give preferential treatment to such people.”
How does a Doctor of Unifcation Studies view reunifcation? “Reunification was destiny at one time, and taboo and aspiration at others. Now it is neither destiny, a taboo, nor an aspiration. Reunification has come to be dismissed like an empty well. Nevertheless, as defector-residents who’ve left their hometowns in the North, we continue to sincerely hope for reunification. Rather than being a ‘great success’ that is attained overnight, reunification should be the fruition of patience and perseverance, where ‘small reunifications’ accumulate little by little, without one even realising.”
Any fnal remarks? “I earnestly wish for unity amongst North Korean defector-residents. Even if the number of North Korean defector-residents henceforth reaches 300,000, it’ll be meaningless if we continue on as we are now without a shared focus. We cannot make our voices heard if we keep acting high and mighty. Even if there were only 3,000 North Korean defector-residents, and not 30,000, things would’ve been different had we all done our part.”
23 Kim Heung-kwang University teacher ∞ director of the North Korean Intellectuals Solidarity
The frst North Korean defector-residents organisation of North Korean intellectuals (university graduates)1 In the community of North Korean defector-residents, whose numbers have increased exponentially since the year 2000, there exist several organisations. On the surface, there are dozens of organisations, the majority of which are of a selfsufficient nature – basically “gatherings of acquaintances,” which provide hometown friendship, services, and commerce. There are, of course, also Hanawon reunions.2 There are also non-profit organisations; specialist human rights organisations that advocate for the human rights of North Korean residents, whilst condemning Kim Jong-un’s communist dictatorship as the cruellest in history. The main focus of non-profit organisations includes reunification education and civic movements, as well as fighting for the rights of North Korean defector-residents and settlement benefits. There are approximately 20 of these in varying sizes. Why is it then that North Korean defector-residents are just as good at creating organisations as South Koreans? Personally, I think a part of it might be due to the emotional change caused by the prominent explosion of resentment in those who came to South Korea after living in a closed society under deep political oppression; the resentment that I harboured in the North, I shall let go of in the South. In this era of 30,000 North Korean defector-residents, there are approximately ten North Korean defector-resident organisations that employ more than one full-time office employee. Among them, there is the North Korean Intellectuals Solidarity. In November 2016, I visited the organisation in Dongdaemun District, Seoul, and met with Director Kim Heung-kwang.
1 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民) see TN 3, pg. ix. 2 Hanawon (Kr. 하나원, 하나院) is also known as the Settlement Support Center for North Korean Refugees (Kr. bukhan italjumin jiwon jaedan, 북한이탈주민지원재단, 北韓離脫住民 支援財團). See TN 21, pg. 12.
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Please tell me about your family. “I was born in Hamhung, South Hamgyong Province, in April 1960. My father served as a staff member of the Hamhung Municipal People’s Committee (similar to a city hall public official) and my mother was a housewife.3 In 1982, I graduated from the Department of Computer Science at Kim Chaek University of Technology, Pyongyang, and two years later, I graduated from the university’s research institute.4 I worked as a professor at Hamhung University of Computer Technology until 1993, and at the Department of Science at Hamhung Communist University until 2003.”5,6
Do you have any special memories? “One day in December 1997, I saw a surprising sight at Hamhung Station while I was going on a business trip to Pyongyang. There were hundreds of citizens lying down on bedding in the waiting area. There were many orphans whose faces were black from not having been washed for several days.”
What did you think when you saw this? “I was dumbfounded as if I had been hit in the back of the head with a big hammer. Is this the socialism our parents established by tightening their belts after the 6.25 War had ended?7 Is this the socialism our generation is supposed to enjoy – one that is blessed by the fortune of our Supreme Leader and General?8 Are you saying socialism is to see people sleeping on the streets like homeless beggars? I really didn’t think that was right.”
3 Municipal People’s Committee (Kr. si inmin wiwonhoe, 시인민위원회, 市人民委員會) is a selfgoverning body of citizens that acts as local administrative and executive organisation for a city whenever the People’s Rural Assembly (Kr. jibang inmin-hoe, 지방인민회, 地方人民會) of that city is in recess. 4 Kim Chaek University of Technology (Kr. kimchaek gong’eop jonghap daehak, 김책공업종합대학, 金策工業綜合大學), see TN 13, pg. 15. 5 Hamhung University of Computer Technology (Kr. hamheung kompyuteo gisul daehak, 함흥콤퓨터기술대학, 咸興콤퓨터技術大學) is a university in North Korea, located in Hamhung, South Hamgyong Province. The university specialises in training advanced technical personnel in information technology and communications for the military and other industries, such as electronics and automation. 6 Hamhung Communist University (Kr. hamheung gongsan daehak, 함흥공산대학, 咸興共産大學). Although no information can be found on this university, it is described as a training institution for party officials later on in the interview. 7 6.25 War (Kr. yuk’i’o jeonjaeng, 육이오 전쟁, 六二五 戰爭), see TN 5, pg. 8. 8 Fortune of the Supreme Leader and General (Kr. suryeong’bok janggun’bok, 수령복 장군복, 首領福 將軍福) refers to the great blessings of fortune from the Supreme Leader Kim Il-sung and General Kim Jong-il.
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I understand that your relatives are overseas. “My uncle’s in Japan. Starting from 1986, he visited our house in Hamhung four times as a member of the first group of North Korean diaspora to visit their fatherland. The last time he visited was in 1995, but every time he came, he whispered to me, ‘The people of North Joseon live like beggars today because of Kim Jong-il’.”9
How did you feel at that moment? “North Korea is an uncivilised society where the life and death of a person depends on a single word. To criticise or even listen to criticism of the Party and Supreme Leader can make you a ‘reactionary’ and you can be sent to jail overnight. So, I hated my uncle for his ‘reactionary remarks’.”
How did you come to know the outside world? “In 2002, I served as a member of the 130 Committee (Temporary Organisation: Task Force), which was organised to facilitate Kim Jong-il’s policy to tighten control on foreign videos.10 Naturally, I came to watch these restricted ‘materials’ (such as foreign CDs and USBs). Among them was a file called, ‘The Four Men from the Middle East’, a story about the atrocities committed by Middle Eastern dictators and their miserable downfalls. It was since that time that I became cautiously suspicious of the North Korean regime.”
That must have motivated you to defect. “Perhaps. During my time at the 130 Committee, I gave a foreign CD to a very close friend of mine who worked in the publicity department of Hamhung City Hall. As a result, I was later discovered by the SSA (State Security Agency) and suspended for one year.11 As a party member, I received severe punishment and performed revolutionisation (forced labour) at a sideline farm.”12,13
9 North Joseon (Kr. buk-joseon, 북조선, 北朝鮮), see TN 16, pg. 17. 10 130 Committee (Kr. baeksamsip sangmu, 130상무, 百三十常務) is a special task force organised to find and restrict various types of foreign media crossing the border into North Korea. 11 SSA (Kr. bowibu, 보위부, 保衛部) is an initialism for the State Security Agency (Kr. gukga bowibu, 국가보위부, 國家保衛部), see TN 4, pg. 22. 12 Revolutionisation (Kr. hyeokmyeonghwa, 혁명화, 革命化), see TN 17, pg. 148. 13 Sideline farm (Kr. bu’eop nongjang, 부업농장, 副業農場) is a North Korean term for a farm that is run as an unofficial state side business to help government institutions make ends meet.
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Please tell me about how you defected. “In October 2003, I received approval from the university’s Party Committee to go on a business trip to undertake ‘reality research’ (work that requires going to rural Party Committees to observe and study how the Party’s business is progressing on site). I went to the China border region and the nearby Hoeryong County Party School in North Hamgyong Province.14 There, I asked an acquaintance for a favour and crossed the Tumen River by giving them 10,000 won in North Korean currency.15 At the time, my monthly wage was 4,400 won, so it was not a small amount of money.”
You must have been shocked arriving in China. “Although my stay was illegal, during my four months in Yanji, I became less disillusioned with the North Korean regime. I was proud to be a teacher at Hamhung Communist University, a training institution for party officials, and was loyal to Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il. However, after understanding that their absolute dictatorship had made North Korea a poor country, and that they had created a world in which 20 million people were starving, I no longer wanted to go back to North Korea. And so, in February 2004, I came to South Korea.”
What did you do in the early days of your life in Seoul? “After leaving the investigation agency, I studied soft security technology at the ‘Korean Information Security Education Centre’ for six months.16 Since then, I obtained a Certificate of Data Processing Engineering from the ‘Human Resources Development Service of Korea’ and lectured on computer operating systems at Hanshin University and Kyonggi University for two years. It was easy because it was the field of work I used to do in North Korea.”
Was there anything special that happened afterwards? “In the meantime, I met with Chairman Kim Il-joo (former member of the National Assembly), who is, himself, a displaced person.17,18 On his recommendation, I was
14 Hoeryong County Party School (Kr. hoeryeong’gun danghakgyo, 회령군당학교, 會寧郡黨學校) is a Party-run/Party-sponsored school in Hoeryong County. 15 Tumen River (Kr. duman’gang, 두만강, 豆滿江), see TN 16, pg. 94. 16 Investigation agency (Kr. josagigwan, 조사기관, 調査機關), see TN 17, pg. 94. 17 Kim Il-joo (Kr. 김일주, 金日柱) is a North Korean who was born in the City of Tanchon, South Hamgyong Province. When the Korean War broke out, he defected to South Korea and enlisted in the Republic of Korea Armed Forces. After the Korean Armistice Agreement, he studied and graduated from Konkuk University, majoring in politics and diplomacy. He then went on to become a National Assembly member. 18 Displaced persons (Kr. silhyangmin, 실향민, 失鄕民), see TN 3, pg. 14.
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employed by the Korea Hana Foundation and served as the general manager of the department of counselling and settlement support from 2006.”19
What kind of organisation is the North Korea Intellectuals Solidarity? “The North Korean Intellectuals Solidarity, a corporation established in 2008, is the first North Korean defector-residents organisation to be formed with North Korean intellectuals of university, college, and higher academic backgrounds. At the beginning, there were 26 employees and nearly 400 members. At that time, it was the largest organisation of North Korean defector-residents, with public trust and the greatest influence amongst North Korean defector-resident organisations.”
Why did you decide to create the organisation? “I belatedly realised that even if you’re considered a North Korean defector-elite, that didn’t mean you’d be provided with your preferred job in the thoroughly capitalist country that is South Korea. Along the way, I came to think, ‘I can feel proud as long as there is a civic organisation for us, whether it’s only a group of intellectuals from North Korea, or a corporate body.’”
What kind of work has the organisation done so far? “First of all, we run internet broadcasts and also publish ‘North Village’, the first magazine made by North Korean defector-intellectuals. It’s a well-made magazine, and some people in related organisations were very satisfied with it. We also gave security lectures to South Koreans, and sent USBs and CDs containing the truth of the world to the hopeless land that is North Korea. We also managed social enterprises, as well as the rescue of North Korean defector-residents.”
Do you think there are too many or too few North Korean defector-resident organisations? “Currently, I believe there are around 70–80 North Korean defector-resident organisations, but whether or not this too much or too little would depend on each person’s own criteria. If you think there’s too many, there’s too many; if you think there’s too few, then there’s too few. Of course, there needs to be various organisations that work hard with a sense of duty. It’s a pity, nevertheless, that it’s not easy for North Korean defector-resident organisations to work together.”
19 Korea Hana Foundation (Kr. nambuk hana jaedan, 남북하나재단, 南北하나財團), see TN 8, pg. 59.
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Do you have an example? “In the 20th general election (the election of National Assembly members that runs every four years) last April, I heard there were applications for proportional representation candidates for North Korean defector-residents – 12 candidates in total, 6 male and 6 female. I wonder if it would work if 30,000 North Korean defector-residents nominated one candidate. If this isn’t the funniest thing in the world, what is?”
I sincerely congratulate you on earning your doctorate degree. “I’m embarrassed. Since 2013, I have undertaken doctoral studies in UCT IT Convergence at the Graduate School of Hansei University and on August 16, I earned my doctorate in engineering. My doctoral dissertation is a study on the sharing of word processors – mainly South Korea’s ‘Hancom Hangul Offce’ and North Korea’s ‘Changdeok’ – between South and North Korea.20,21 I believe that my doctoral dissertation will help with the integration of the two Korea’s administrative work after reunification.”
Is there some sort of creed for the unity of North Korean defector-residents? “We both learnt it in North Korea – in October 1945, Kim Il-sung said in a speech to improve Pyongyang: ‘Everyone should take part in the founding of the nation – powerful people should help with power, rich people with money, knowledgeable people with knowledge.’ Perhaps what he said is just the thing for the 30,000 North Korean defector-residents who will undertake the important task of reunification.”
What else would you like to say? “Whether we were cadres of the Workers’ Party or labourers and farmers in North Korea; whether we lived in Pyongyang or in rural areas, we are all the same here in South Korea.22,23 Whether we crossed the 38th parallel, arrived by boat, or flew over by plane, we’re all the same people.24 Whether we’re successful or unsuccessful, educated or uneducated; whether we came to South Korea decades ago, or just yesterday, we’re all the same North Korean defector-residents.”
20 Hancom Hangul Offce (Kr. hankeom opiseu hangeul, 한컴오피스 한글) is a proprietary word processing application published by South Korean company Hancom Inc. 21 Changdeok (Kr. 창덕) is North Korea’s primary word processing application. 22 Cadre (Kr. ganbu, 간부, 幹部), see TN 7, pg. 23. 23 Workers’ Party (Kr. nodong dang, 노동당, 勞動黨) refers to the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨). See TN 9, pg. 2. 24 38th parallel (Kr. samsip’pal seon, 38선, 三十八線), see TN 12, pg. 3.
24 Jeon Ju-myeong Youth worker ∞ president of Unity Preparations North Korean Defectors’ Association
The fve million mentally disabled youth of the North Who was it that achieved this kind of good democracy in South Korea which allows us to criticise the president and the government? It turns out that it is none other than the young people of South Korea. Young university students, office workers, and ordinary citizens came out onto the asphalt and shed blood while protesting against dictatorship. Freedom is never free. This is where the South and the North begin to diverge. In North Korea, young people cannot even have doubts about their country and their leader, let alone criticise him. They are made subject to severe ideological education. Moreover, a million young men are serving ten years in the military. There is no freedom of movement, and the authorities designate jobs. A person’s youth is around 20 years, from late teens to mid-thirties. People learn a great deal in their youth and they sweat for their creativity and passion as it is a time when they are full of social sensibility, have strong initiatives, and are observant. Thus, we say youth cannot be bought even with gold. I decided that it was necessary to write about the youths of the unknown world of North Korean society in more detail. One day in October 2017, I met Jeon Ju-myeong somewhere in Yangcheon District, Seoul. He had previously served as a cadre in the Youth League Committee of South Pyongan Province and is now the president of the Unity Preparations North Korean Defectors’ Association.1,2,3
1 Cadre (Kr. ganbu, 간부, 幹部), see TN 7, pg. 23. 2 Youth League Committee of South Pyongan Province (Kr. pyeong’an’nam-do cheongnyeon dongmaeng wiwonhoe, 평안남도 청년동맹위원회, 平安南道 靑年同盟委員會) is a subsidiary provincial organisation under the Kimilsungist-Kimjongilist Youth League. See Joseon League of Socialist Working Youth, TN 4, pg. 48. 3 Unity Preparations North Korean Defectors’ Association (Kr. tong-il’eul junbihaneun talbukja hyeopoe, 통일을준비하는탈북자협회, 統一을準備하는脫北者協會) is an organisation that aims to protect the rights and interests of North Korean defector-residents, and help them to successfully settle in South Korea.
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Where is your hometown? “I was born in Anju, South Pyongan Province, in April 1966. I graduated from middle and high school in 1982 and served in the People’s Army for eight years.4 After graduating from Pyongsong Industry College in 1994, I was assigned to the South Pyongan Provincial Committee of the State Planning Commission.5,6 The following year, I was appointed as an instructor, then the head of the Youth League Committee of South Pyongan Province, before moving to a hydrographic observatory (national maritime institute) as a party worker from 2002.”
Where did you serve for the eight years of military service? “I served in the 13th Division of the 1st Corps, which was a frontline unit. There were abundant supplies in the People’s Army at the time. We were given side dishes and back-up supplies, almost to the standard of what a pilot would normally receive (pilots are supplied with the most in the army). So, we were not at all convinced by the propaganda broadcasts from the South (laughs).”
Tell us about the youth organisations in North Korea. “The Kimilsungist-Kimjongilist Youth League (hereafter referred to as Youth League) is the key external organisation of the Workers’ Party of Korea, targeting the young people of North Korea.7,8 Founded in January 1946, it has affiliated organisations in administrative units, economic sectors, schools of various levels, and military units in each province, city, and county. It’s mandatory for North Korean youths between the ages of 14 and 30 to sign up and so, there are around five million members in the league.”
4 People’s Army (Kr. inmin gundae, 인민군대, 人民軍隊) is short for Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx. 5 Pyongsong Industry College (Kr. pyeongseong gong’eop daehak, 평성공업대학, 平城工業大學) is an institution of tertiary education in South Pyongan Province. 6 South Pyongan Provincial Committee (Kr. pyeong’an’nam-do wiwonhoe, 평안남도위원회, 平安南道委員會) is one of several provincial committees of the State Planning Commission (Kr. gukga gyehoek wiwonhoe, 국가계획위원회, 國家計劃委員會), which is the central administrative body of the Workers’ Party of Korea that oversees the planning, establishment, guidance and supervision of North Korea’s economic policies. 7 Kimilsungist-Kimjongilist Youth League (Kr. kimilseong kimjeongil ju’ui cheongnyeon dongmaeng, 김일성-김정일주의청년동맹, 金日成-金正日主義靑年同盟), see TN 4, pg. 48. 8 Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨), see TN 9, pg. 2.
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Can it be regarded as a back-up organisation of the Workers’ Party?9 “Yes, it can. The Youth League puts top priority on its vanguard role of injecting the Party’s guidelines and policies into the public. It plays a leading role in the military, factories, businesses, and farming and fishing villages as loyal supporters of the Workers’ Party.”
When did the Youth League’s standing in North Korea improve? “The standing of the Youth League significantly improved when Choe Ryonghae (born in 1950, son of Choe Hyon, an anti-Japanese fighter), who is in effect next in line for North Korea, became the chairman of SYWA (Socialist Youth Workers’ Association; currently known as the Kimilsungist-Kimjongilist Youth League) in 1986, and held the 13th World Festival of Youth and Students in the summer of 1989.10,11 Although Kim Jong-un’s confidence in Choe Ryong-hae may have shaken at one time, it still stands firm.”
Approximately how old are the youth league workers? “A commonality shared by Party and Youth League cadres is that they both have the political authority to reign over the public due to their special occupation. With their privilege, they receive respect and are treated sweetly by the people. The high-ranking cadres of the Youth League serve until they reach around 40 years of age. There is a reshuffling of personnel to put it simply.”
What do the workers do afterwards? “Most workers complete a re-education class by the central party’s cadre-training institute. After this, they are sometimes promoted as party officials in provincial
9 Workers’ Party (Kr. nodong dang, 노동당, 勞動黨) refers to the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨). See TN 9, pg. 2. 10 Anti-Japanese fghter (Kr. hang-il tusa, 항일투사, 抗日鬪士) refers to people who fought against Japanese colonialism during the Japanese colonial period (1910–1945). 11 13th World Festival of Youth and Students (Kr. je 13 cha segye cheongnyeon haksaeng chukjeon, 제13차 세계청년학생축전, 第十三次 世界靑年學生祝典) was an international event organised by the World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY) that was held in Pyongyang, North Korea, in July of 1989. Around 22,000 young people from 177 different countries gathered in the Rungra Island 1st of May Stadium (Kr. reungra-do o’weol il’il gyeonggijang, 릉라도 5월1일 경기장, 綾羅島 五月一日 競技場), Pyongyang, and participated in social, cultural, and political activities.
Jeon Ju-myeong 169 and municipal parties or equivalent organisations. It’s a fairly good job that many people envy in North Korea.”
Do you have any bad memories of the March of Hardship?12 “I was the head of the Youth League Committee of South Pyongan Province during the March of Hardship (1996–1999; millions of people starved to death due to a severe famine), and just remembering that period makes my skin crawl. Under strict orders from the higher-ups, each cadre of the committee was assigned the task of coming up with countermeasures for several starving families. Then, with our authority, we received some food from people who were better off and distributed it to those that weren’t so advantaged.”
How did you feel when you saw such situations? “I was deeply deplored by the incompetence of the Kim Jong-il regime. They were forcing children to tell big fat lies, such as, ‘There’s nothing to envy in this world!’ and ‘We’re happy’, while the reality was so different. I was in anguish thinking that if there was an economic reform similar to the one in China, at least people wouldn’t be dying from hunger.”
Please tell me how you escaped. “I determined that there was no hope in North Korean society, even though I secretly thought about it for months. In May 2004, I crossed the Tumen River from Musan County and defected to China.13 Three days later, I moved to Vietnam and spent seven months there. In November 2004, I entered into South Korea. At the time, the South Korean government sent a chartered plane, and I entered alongside a group of 468 other people.”
What did you do in the early days of your life in Seoul? “I started my career in the spring of 2005. I started publishing the Settlers’ Newspaper for four years, though it was tough.14 Around 8,000–20,000 copies were printed each month, but due to financial circumstances, it couldn’t be continued.”
12 March of Hardship (Kr. gonanui haenggun, 고난의 행군, 苦難의行軍), see TN 9, pg. 37. 13 Tumen River (Kr. duman’gang, 두만강, 豆滿江), see TN 16, pg. 94. 14 Settlers’ Newspaper (Kr. jeongchak’in shinmun, 정착인신문, 定着人新聞) is a newspaper that publishes content with the aim of helping North Korean defector-residents settle in South Korea, as well as other North Korean diasporas.
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I assume you had other jobs. “Since then, I have established ‘Seyang’, a corporation specialising in mineral imports from China. Since 2013, I began to serve as the fifth chairman of the Unity Preparations North Korean Defectors’ Association, which is a registered cooperation under the Ministry of Unification.15 We are covering the operating expenses of the association with profits generated by ‘Seyang’.”
What kind of organisation is the Unity Preparations North Korean Defectors’ Association? “It might sound like I’m bragging, but as a North Korean defector-resident organisation, ours is the first to have been established as a corporate body. 2019 marks its 19th anniversary. In the meantime, we’ve organised numerous branches around Seoul and Gyeonggi Province where many North Korean defector-residents reside. They’re the Gwangmyeong, Incheon, Chungcheong, Jeolla, and Gyeongsang branches. We’ve carefully planned specific activities to be carried out by each branch. Moreover, in October last year, we also established the Busan branch.”
What are the main activities of your organisation? “First and foremost, the creation of jobs for North Korean defector-residents. Families remaining in the North will have hope if all North Korean defectorresidents settle well in the South and become pioneers for reunification. A special task for our organisation is to help our brothers and sisters who are suffering in North Korea and in other countries.”
Could you elaborate? “In addition to the job-creation department, which is the main operating unit, our organisation also has a volunteer department, inter-Korean cultural exchange project department, and the sports department. More specifically, there is a unification volunteer group in the volunteer department, a North Korean defectors’ art troupe in the inter-Korean cultural exchange project department, and soccer and footvolley teams in the sports department. They’re solely run by voluntary participation of North Korean defector-residents. The heads of each department are very passionately committed to their activities, and it has had a positive impact on building connections among the North Korean defector-residents.”
15 Ministry of Unifcation (Kr. tong’il-bu, 통일부, 統一部), see TN 4, pg. 7.
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Did you have any particular work achievements? “The following year, after I took office at Unity Preparations North Korean Defectors’ Association, I built the first ‘Memorial Hall for North Korean DefectorResidents’. The hall can hold 300 interments. It’s been set up inside the Peace Memorial Park on the hillside of Mt Byeollip, Ganghwa Island, a place where the land of North Korea is in view. It was built with the help of Ga Heung-un, the president of the Peace Memorial Park. I put a lot of effort into this undertaking.”
Why did you decide to build a memorial hall? “Once, a young defector in his twenties died in a car crash and I scattered his remains in Paju. Later, when the young man’s mother escaped from North Korea and came asking for her son’s remains, I was very sorry that I couldn’t tell her the exact location. Ever since, I desperately felt the need for the ‘Memorial Hall for North Korean Defector-Residents’.”
What are your plans for the future? “On the 11th of August, we hired 20 North Korean defector-residents in our newly opened, 1000 m2 grocery market store in Ansan, Gyeonggi Province.16 It was established with the help of donors and without any government support, so as to create more jobs. Based on this experience, we are preparing a project in November to hire around 30 North Korean defector-residents at a seaweed produce-processing factory in Iksan, North Jeolla Province.”
Any fnal remarks? “I’m always grateful to the heads of each department, as well as the officers and other members of our organisation. I sincerely thank everyone for believing in me and enthusiastically participating in everything that I do. The next generation of defector-residents can have the right mindset and create harmony only when we set a good example for them.”
16 1000 m2 (Kr. sambaek pyeong, 300평, 三百坪) is an approximation for 300 pyeong. See TN 12, pg. 9.
25 Park Seong-jin University student ∞ Sohaegeum musician
May this resonate even there, in my hometown of Pyongyang Citizens do not even have the freedom to choose their own occupations in the underdeveloped, behind-the-times world that is North Korea. It is principle that everything is to be comprehensively decided by the officials. The assigned employment of each high school graduate and discharged army personnel is handled by the Departments of Labour Administration in the People’s Committee of every province, city, and county (these correspond to the provincial, municipal, and county government offices in South Korea).1,2 Whether one likes it or not, the job that one is assigned by the officials cannot just be changed. It is possible in special cases, but those exceptions mainly consist of the seriously ill or physically disabled, who are then assigned to perform light labour, or those who are exiled and have to relocate their residences. In any case, it would not be an exaggeration to say that it is a way of maintaining the system. North Korean defector-residents have learnt skills in North Korea that can also be put to use without much difficulty after coming to South Korea.3 Out of these, I assume that music, which is a part of pop culture, would be included. Starting from the arts with plays and film, to fine arts, crafts, and even sports, the
1 Department of Labour Administration (Kr. nodong haengjeong’gwa, 노동행정과, 勞動行政課) is a department in charge of assigning employment to North Korean citizens of legal age (17 years old). 2 People’s Committee (Kr. inmin wiwonhoe, 인민위원회, 人民委員會) is a short form for the People’s Rural Committee (Kr. jibang inmin wiwonhoe, 지방인민위원회, 地方人民委員會), a nominally self-governing body of citizens that acts as local administrative and executive organisation for an administrative division whenever the People’s Rural Assembly (Kr. jibang inmin-hoe, 지방인민회, 地方人民會) of that administrative division is in recess. There exist three types of People’s Committees: Provincial People’s Committees (Kr. do inmin wiwonhoe, 도인민위원회, 道人民委員會), Municipal People’s Committees (Kr. si inmin wiwonhoe, 시인민위원회, 市人民委員會), and County People’s Committees (Kr. gun inmin wiwonhoe, 군인민위원회, 郡人民委員會). 3 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix.
Park Seong-jin 173 similarities these fields share with their South Korean counterparts will not be few in number. Out of the community of 30,000 North Korean defector-residents, there exists no lack of people who possess innate musical talent and aptitude. Towards the end of last year, in December 2018, a year filled with many happenings and difficulties, I met up with the one and only sohaegeum musician in the country, Mr Park Seong-jin, somewhere in Gangseo District, Seoul, and enjoyed a friendly conversation.4
Where were you born? “In April of 1971, I was born in Potonggang District, in the City of Pyongyang. I have three sisters. My father was a professor in the Department of Chemistry at Kim Chaek University of Technology, and my mother was a housewife.5 When I was 11 years old, I enrolled into Pyongyang Arts School, which since changed its name twice to ‘Pyongyang Arts Academy’ and then ‘Pyongyang Arts University’. For nine years, I studied how to play the sohaegeum in the Department of National Instrumental Music, before graduating with excellent grades in 1991.”
Can you tell me about your career? “More than anything, I wanted to join the Workers’ Party.6 In North Korea, men needed to join the Party to have a clean conscience, and the easiest place to do so is the army. And so, using all of my connections and even those of my acquaintances, I expressed my hopes to join a publicity squad in the General Staff Department of the Korean People’s Army, and was able to enlist after going through the formal procedures of admission.7,8,9 I wore my uniform and worked in the paid publicity squad (an organisation that worked with the professional arts) for four years.”10
4 Sohaegeum (Kr. 소해금, 小奚琴) is a North Korean musical instrument that is responsible for the basic melody in duets and ensemble pieces, but can also be played as a solo instrument. Its design is based on the traditional instrument known as haegeum (see TN 34, pg. 179) but unlike the two-stringed haegeum, the sohaegeum has four strings. There also exists a larger version known as the daehaegeum (Kr. 대해금, 大奚琴). 5 Kim Chaek University of Technology (Kr. kimchaek gong’eop jonghap daehak, 김책공업종합대학, 金策工業綜合大學), see TN 13, pg. 15. 6 Workers’ Party (Kr. nodong dang, 노동당, 勞動黨) refers to the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨). See TN 9, pg. 2. 7 Publicity squad (Kr. seonjeon’dae, 선전대, 宣傳隊) is a type of squad within the Korean People’s Army that engages in the performing arts to boost troop morale. Generally, this term refers to squads in which members are not paid for their work. 8 General Staff Department (Kr. chong-chammo’bu, 총참모부, 總參謀部), see TN 13, pg. 29. 9 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx. 10 Paid publicity squad (Kr. yugeup seonjeon’dae, 유급선전대, 有給宣傳隊) is a publicity squad (see TN 7, pg. 173) in which members are paid for their work.
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Please elaborate. “The General Staff Department, which is a part of the Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces (similar to South Korea’s Ministry of National Defence), has several organisations under its direct command, such as the Reserve Forces Division, the Communications Division, Operation Guidance Division, General Affairs Division, Vehicle Management Division, and the Officer Training Institute.11,12,13,14,15,16 There are several more subdivisions, but it was at these kinds of places that morale-boosting performances were held. Most of these were generally done during the winter training period (December to March).”
What were the performances about? “Strictly speaking, more than 90% of the performances consisted of songs of praise for Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il, as well as dance, narration, and instrumental music; political overtones were deeply rooted in the performances. As for the publicity squad, it consisted of the squad leader (who bore the army rank of Major), director, conductor, writer, music arranger, and other members of the squad – numbering about 20 people in total.17 We had our own private bus, so there wasn’t much trouble in moving the stage truck.”
11 Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces (Kr. inmin muryeok’bu, 인민무력부, 人民武力部), see TN 14, pg. 29. 12 Reserve Forces Division (Kr. daeyeol bochung’guk, 대열보충국, 隊列補充局) refers to the division of the General Staff Department that handles the human resources affairs of new recruits in the Korean People’s Army. 13 Communications Division (Kr. tongsin’guk, 통신국, 通信局) refers to the division of the General Staff Department that handled the instruction and supervision of all communication; the detection of unidentified radio signals; as well as the wired and wireless internal communications of the Ministry of the People’s Security (Kr. inmin bo’an-seong, 인민보안성, 人民保安省), now called the Ministry of Social Security (Kr. sahoe anjeon-seong, 사회안전성, 社會安全省). 14 Operations Guidance Division (Kr. jakjeon jido-guk, 작전지도국, 作戰指導局) refers to the division of the General Staff Department that summarises the operations carried out by the State Security Agency (Kr. gukga bowibu, 국가보위부, 國家保衛部) and each of the Provincial Security Agencies (Kr. do bowibu, 도 보위부, 道 保衛部), and that oversees the execution of the Supreme Leader’s orders. 15 General Affairs Division (Kr. chongmu-guk, 총무국, 總務局) refers to the division of the General Staff Department that operates within the Ministry of the People’s Security, handling all administrative work; the issue of all types of certification for identification and qualification purposes; the incoming and outgoing of documents; as well as the storage and handling of various confidential and classified documents. 16 Vehicle Management Division (Kr. charyang gwalli-guk, 차량관리국, 車輛管理局). No information can be found on the exact responsibilities of this division, but one source has claimed that it is in charge of the rear-guard of the army. However, it is assumed from the name that this is a division of the General Staff Department that is in charge of the movement of personnel and equipment through land transportation. 17 Major (Kr. sojwa, 소좌, 少佐) is the lowest rank of the Jwa Grade (Kr. jwa’geup, 좌급, 佐級). Officers of this rank correspond to Majors (or the equivalent of OF-3 by NATO’s ranking)
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How did you feel when performing? “Every time I went to perform at a subsidiary division, I noticed the gaunt figures of the soldiers. They were only soldiers in name; their physiques were smaller than those of South Korean middle and high schoolers. After seeing their dark faces, which revealed their inadequate nutrient and calorie intake, I had the thought, ‘working in the publicity squad of the People’s Army’s General Staff Department is indeed a luxury’.”
What did you do after that? “One day, I received a special invitation to an acquaintance’s wedding where I sang the South Joseon song Chilgap Mountain.18,19 This was considered a crime and I was subjected to a 40-day investigation by the SSA (State Security Agency).20 After that, for one year, I underwent revolutionisation (reflecting while performing slave labour for 14 hours a day) at a gold-panning facility in Taetan County, South Hwanghae Province.”21
Wouldn’t you consider that fortunate? “Perhaps so. After that, I attended an educational course at the Officer Training Institute of the General Staff Department for six months, and then I was stationed there for a fixed, six-year term as an officer. After I was discharged in September of 2000, I enrolled into Jang Cheol-gu Pyongyang University of Commerce.”22
Can you talk about life as a university student in Pyongyang? “Each university in Pyongyang has its own publicity squad (a performing arts troupe). There are around 20–30 troupe members (who were students) that
18 19
20 21 22
in other armies. The Jwa Grade is sometimes translated as the Commander Grade, which is why Sojwa can be translated as Lesser Commander. The second lowest rank of the Jwa Grade is Lieutenant Colonel or Jungjwa (Kr. 중좌, 中佐), corresponding to OF-4. The next rank up is Colonel or Sangjwa (Kr. 상좌, 上佐), which is equivalent to OF-5. The highest-ranking officers of the Jwa Grade are known as Senior Colonels or Daejwa (Kr. 대좌, 大佐), corresponding to OF-6 of NATO. South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4. Chilgap Mountain (Kr. chilgapsan, 칠갑산, 七甲山) is a song originally sung by Joo Byeongseon (Kr. 주병선) which was released in 1989. Its title references a mountain of the same name in South Chungcheong Province, South Korea. SSA (Kr. bowibu, 보위부, 保衛部) is an initialism for the State Security Agency (Kr. gukga bowibu, 국가보위부, 國家保衛部), see TN 4, pg. 22. Revolutionisation (Kr. hyeokmyeonghwa, 혁명화, 革命化): see TN 17, pg. 148. Jang Cheol-gu Pyongyang University of Commerce (Kr. jangcheolgu pyeongyang sang’eop daehak, 장철구평양상업대학, 張鐵久平壤商業大學) is a university in Pyongyang that trains professional engineers in the service sector.
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work without pay. For the four years I spent as a university student, I worked as the publicity squad leader of Jang Cheol-gu Pyongyang University of Commerce. The activities of the publicity squad included visiting places like rural volunteer farms, mass games training grounds, and construction sites, so that we could rouse the people’s working spirit through performances of song, dance, narration, and instrumental music.”23,24
How often did you have classes which reinforced idolisation of the Supreme Leader?25 “They were a part of the regular curriculum at university; once every two to three days, we would have a class on the history of the Supreme Leaders (Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il). The university students were taught every aspect of the Supreme Leaders’ births, their character, views about the nation, morality and virtues, revolutionary ideologies, as well as the views they had on the citizens of the nation. Much more emphasis is placed on the History of the Supreme Leaders, as a subject, compared to other normal subjects like humanities, science, and technology.”
To what extent did Hallyu affect Pyongyang?26 “From the late 1990s onwards, university students who didn’t know the names of one or two South Joseon films were treated as ‘fringers’ (outcasts) in Pyongyang’s university towns.27 Each university independently made Student Disciplinary Squads (regulatory teams), and they regulated and supervised the lives of students from morning to night. Disciplinary Squad members would suddenly inspect the bags of students and more often than not, CDs and USBs containing foreign films would be found.”
23 Rural volunteer farms (Kr. nongchon jiwon jeontu-jang, 농촌지원전투장, 農村志願戰鬪場) are places that are also known as collective farms, where every spring and autumn, middle and high school students are summoned to assist the farmers in their work. 24 Mass games training grounds (Kr. jipdan chejo hullyeon-jang, 집단체조훈련장, 集團體操訓鍊場) refers to the training grounds used by the participants of the Arirang Mass Games (Kr. arirang chukje, 아리랑 축제, 아리랑 祝祭), which is sometimes also translated as Arirang Festival. The name of the grounds can also be translated as Mass Gymnastics Training Grounds. 25 Supreme Leader idolisation (Kr. suryeong u’sanghwa, 수령우상화, 首領偶像化), see TN 6, pg. 36. 26 Hallyu (Kr. 한류, 韓流), see TN 21, pg. 18. 27 Fringers (Kr. moseori, 모서리) is a native Korean word that means corner or edge. It is used in North Korea to refer to social pariahs or outcasts; a fringer is a person who is on the fringes of something.
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I’m curious about the reasons behind your defection. “As soon as I graduated from Jang Cheol-gu Pyongyang University of Commerce in 2004, my father said to me, ‘Son! It’s absolutely too difficult for your talent to bloom in this society. Although it may be tough, let’s go to South Joseon!’ Whether it was because of him or because I was already filled with grievances towards the North Korean system, I immediately agreed.”
What did you do? “In autumn of that year, my whole family passed through Chongjin and Hoeryong before crossing over the Tumen River into China. It was the beginning of October, 2004. I then worked as a live performer, singing in cafés in Yanji, Harbin, and Beijing. And in September 2005, I passed through Mongolia and entered South Korea.”
How did you spend your early days in South Korean society? “I attended my first audition in January 2006 and entered the agency that managed the popular South Korean singer, Ms Jang Yoon-jeong. I was a part of the accompaniment in her 2007 title song, First Love, as well as in Worry and Evocation. I also contributed to the OSTs of the MBC dramas, Dong Yi and The Duo. In 2010, I performed together with the Seoul Metropolitan Chorus and the Busan Metropolitan Chorus, and I’ve also performed overseas in the United States, Canada, and England.”
Did you learn to play the sohaegeum at Pyongyang Arts University? “That’s right. I also learned vocal music at the time. After graduating from university, I mostly only sang in performances. In North Korea, musicians can’t choose what instrument they want to play. Generally, there are people who visit all the middle and high schools in the entire country and pick out students to enrol into arts universities. Then ‘character evaluations’ (interviews) are held and an instrument is assigned to the student.”28
28 Character evaluation (Kr. inmul simsa, 인물심사, 人物審査) is a North Korean term used to mean interview. In the Great Dictionary of the Joseon Language (Kr. joseon’mal dae-sajeon, 조선말대사전, 朝鮮말大辭典), it is defined as the examination and survey of a person who has been selected out of necessity, personally conducted by another person.
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Could you introduce the national instruments of North Korea? “After the 1950s, North Korea started making ‘national instruments’ which are capable of playing Western music. This was done by improving on existing traditional Korean musical instruments. The gayageum went from having 12 strings to 21 strings; the taepyeongso was improved upon and elongated, becoming the jangsaenap; and new instruments like the ongnyugeum and the eoeungeum were developed as well. This was all carried out under the Workers’ Party’s orders.”29,30,31,32,33
Could you elaborate? “In the earlier half of the 1960s, the traditional Korean instrument known as haegeum was improved upon and became the sohaegeum, which carried the distinct sounds of both the haegeum and the violin. The difference between the two instruments is that the haegeum has two strings, while the sohaegeum has four. The North Korean sohaegeum has a wider sound range as it consists of four strings, while the South Korean haegeum only has two.”
You’re the one and only sohaegeum musician in South Korea. “It’s great that the musical genres in South Korea are more diverse compared to those in North Korea. That’s why I perform with the instrument I like – the sohaegeum. I get love calls from a number of places because, not only is my
29 Gayageum (Kr. 가야금, 伽倻琴) is a traditional Korean plucked string instrument that originally had 12 strings, but 18- and 21-string variants exist in South Korea. Though, as Park Seong-jin states, only the 21-string gayageum exists in North Korea. 30 Taepyeongso (Kr. 태평소, 太平簫) is a traditional Korean double-reed wind instrument that is generally around about 35 cm in length. In North Korea, this instrument is referred to as saenap (Kr. 새납). 31 Jangsaenap (Kr. 장새납, 長새납) is one of several improved instruments (Kr. gaeryang akgi, 개량악기, 改良樂器) used in North Korea; it is essentially the same as the taepyeongso except it has a longer shaft; the instrument measures approximately about 50 cm in length. Its name literally translates to ‘long saenap’. 32 Ongnyugeum (Kr. 옥류금, 玉流琴) is one of several improved instruments used in North Korea; it is a string instrument with 33 strings and its name literally translates to fowing jade zither; however, the inspiration behind the name comes from the phrase ‘as beautiful as jade beads rolling around in a silver tray’. 33 Eoeungeum (Kr. 어은금, 御恩琴) is one of several improved instruments used in North Korea; it is a string instrument with four strings. The instrument was developed based on the mandolin and the balalaika, to which the eoeungeum is visually very similar. The name was derived from the fact that the instrument was made in Eoeun-dong (Kr. 어은동, 御恩洞) of Ryongsong District (Kr. ryongseong’guyeok, 룡성구역, 龍城區域), Pyongyang.
Park Seong-jin 179 skill in the sohaegeum recognised, but the instrument itself is quite rare to come across.”34,35
As someone who’s experienced it, what’d you think about North Korean music? “In North Korea, there are many cases in which people are put into choral groups to sing even though they aren’t professional singers, just because their voices sound alright. However, strictly speaking, there’s no such thing as artistic freedom; you can only sing and perform the songs that are chosen by the Party, all of which are orientated towards the Party’s ideologies. How could anyone call that ‘musical art’?”
Do you have anything you wish for? “Every day and every night, whether I’m sleeping or awake, I wish for reunification. Is that not what we, 30,000 North Korean defector-residents, along with the 50 million citizens of South Korea, all desperately wish for? I wish reunification would come quickly so that I can escape this daily, repeating nightmare. When that day comes, I want to go back to my hometown of Pyongyang and let people hear about our lives through the song of the sohaegeum.”
34 Haegeum (Kr. 해금, 奚琴) is a traditional Korean string instrument with two strings that is played with a bow and resembles a fiddle. 35 Love call (Kr. reobeu kol, 러브콜) is a South Korean term that is defined as a way of fguratively referring to the proposition of a transaction or trade.
Special column North Korean defector-residents and South Korean politics
Since the division of Korea, there have been two political systems on the Korean Peninsula.1 In South Korea, 12 presidents were elected by the public as a result of a free democratic society. On the other hand, in North Korea, where a communist regime was established, a one-man dictatorship under the Kim Il-sung family has been maintained since the division. The level of economic growth in the South is 40 times that of the North. The people in North Korea are only provided with porridge for their meals because 40% of the nation’s budget is spent on Supreme Leader idolisation projects, such as statues, museums, and memorial halls.2 North Korean defectorresidents risk their lives to cross the 38th parallel, the sea, or enter the South via foreign countries as they cannot stand the hunger.3 North Korean defector-residents are victims of North Korean politics. Today, the social, economic, and cultural degradation of North Korea is attributable to the dictatorship of the Workers’ Party.4 Like a democratic country, there should be a ruling and opposing party to criticise and compete with one another. However, this is impossible in North Korea. There has been no reform or development because, for more than 70 years, it is a one-party system of the Workers’ Party. The “Presidium Election of the Supreme People’s Assembly” (similar to the parliamentary election in South Korea) is the only national election held in North Korea.5 However, it cannot be considered an actual election as there is only one
1 Korean Peninsula (Kr. hanbando, 한반도, 韓半島), see TN 2, pg. ix. 2 Supreme Leader idolisation (Kr. suryeong u’sanghwa, 수령우상화, 首領偶像化), see TN 6, pg. 36. 3 38th parallel (Kr. samsip’pal seon, 38선, 三十八線), see TN 12, pg. 3. 4 Workers’ Party (Kr. nodong dang, 노동당, 勞動黨) refers to the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨). See TN 9, pg. 2. 5 Supreme People’s Assembly (Kr. choego inmin hoe’ui, 최고인민회의, 最高人民會議) is the highest political body in North Korea that can exercise legislative power. The presidium consists of the president, vice-presidents, a secretary-general, and other members, who are all elected by the SPA members. In the election, only one candidate who has been selected by the Workers’ Party of Korea appears on the ballot. To vote against, or refusing to vote for, the selected candidate is considered a treasonous act.
Defector-residents and SK politics 181 candidate, who is selected by the Workers’ Party. And even so, election officials watch over the voting process. When North Korean defector-residents come to South Korea, they participate in various elections (for example, presidential elections, parliamentary elections, and local government elections) as proud citizens of the Republic of Korea. It is so strange to be able to vote out of multiple candidates. I participated and voted in a total of five presidential elections during my 23 years of living in Seoul. I became a free citizen of Seoul in September 1997, after entering South Korea via Germany in March. It felt like a dream to be able to participate in the election as one of the voters in the 15th presidential election held in December of that year. In my first-ever presidential election, I voted for candidate Kim Dae-jung after some consideration on who to vote for. I voted for Kim because when I watched the documentary, Gwangju People’s Uprising in Pyongyang, I realised that he bravely fought for the freedom of South Koreans as an opposition politician.6 In the 16th presidential election in December 2002, there was a two-way race between Lee Hoi-chang from the conservative party, and Roh Moo-hyun from the progressive party. I’ve never met any of the candidates before, but my heart was more towards the progressive party candidate. I was drawn towards candidate Roh Moo-hyun because he had the common touch from just being a high school graduate like me. In the 17th presidential election (December 2007), I chanted for candidate Chung Dong-young, who was a former Minister of Unification. I earnestly voted for him as I thought he would be able to help maintain peace between North and South Korea, promote economic and exchange cooperation, improve the human rights of North Koreans, and provide support for North Korean defectorresidents. However, the result was a crushing defeat. In the 18th presidential election in December 2012, I supported candidate Park Geun-hye of the conservative party.7 I was sincerely grateful to the conservative party for choosing Cho Myeong-cheol, who is my senior from Pyongyang, as the head of the Institute for Unification Education. He is the first North Korean defector-resident lawmaker in constitutional history. Thus, I willingly wrote numerous columns on the internet to support candidate Park Geun-hye and national assemblyman Cho Myeong-cheol. Upon attending president Park Geun-hye’s inauguration ceremony, I was inspired to write a novel called Unifcation, with Park Geun-hye as the protagonist. I also expressed my unwavering support by participating in events such as
6 Gwangju People’s Uprising (Kr. gwangju inmin bonggi, 광주인민봉기, 光州人民蜂起) is a North Korean term referring to the popular uprising that occurred in the city of Gwangju in South Korea. From May 18 to May 27 in 1980, there was a mass protest for democratisation against Chun Doo-hwan’s military government. It is more commonly referred to as the May 18 Gwangju Democratisation Movement (Kr. o il-pal gwangju minju’hwa undong, 5·18 광주 민주화 운동, 五一八光州民主化運動) in South Korea. 7 Park Geun-hye (Kr. 박근혜, 朴槿惠), see TN 14, pg. 51.
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the “48th National Prayer Breakfast”. But my heart was torn to shreds when she became the first president in constitutional history to be impeached by the public, a year before the end of her term. Due to the unprecedented presidential impeachment, which led to an early election, the “December presidential election” which has been in place for the past 30 years, had shifted to a “warm spring election” in the 19th presidential election. Now, the public holiday, “Presidential Election Day”, has moved from a cold winter to a warm spring day. I supported Moon Jae-in as a candidate for the 19th presidential election held in May 2017. I was met with rampant criticisms filled with ill will, whereby many North Korean defector-residents would say things like “Is Author Lim Il in his right mind?”, “It is a problem among migratory birds like him!” and “You’ve got to stick with the ruling party if you want a piece of the pie!” 8, 9, 10 I just laughed it off. It is up to me to decide which party candidate I support. Various political parties exist in a democratic society. Particularly in elections, we acknowledge the views (be they political or independent opinions) of ourselves and others without excluding them. If we were to unconditionally support a single political party and only one person, how would that be different from an autocratic state such as North Korea? Even now, my colleagues sometimes ask me in private, “Mr Lim, do you still support the ruling party (Democratic Party of Korea)?” Then I firmly tell them, “Of course. Yet I simultaneously criticise them too,” pointing out that while I support reducing the risks of war on the Korean Peninsula and endeavours to secure peace and safety, it is wrong to remain silent about the human rights of North Korean residents.11,12 Then I say, “In a democratic country, it is completely normal for an electorate to change their orientations from conservative to progressive, progressive to conservative, or towards the political centre. Otherwise, how could democratic politics exist, whereby the ruling and opposition parties change according to the choice of the electorate?” My acquaintances have at times complained, “It’s obvious that Mr Lim’s political orientation is unclear!” So, I reply, “I’m neither a supporter of the ruling party, nor the opposition party. Rather, I am a supporter of the jangmadang
8 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix. 9 Migratory birds (Kr. cheolsae, 철새) is a term typically used in a political setting, in cases whereby politicians change their party register. It can be extended to be used in a derogatory manner for people that change and move around unfavourably. 10 If you want a piece of the pie (Kr. tteokgomur’irado eodeo meokji, 떡고물이라도 얻어 먹지) is a Korean expression, whereby the ingredients to make Korean rice cakes (Kr. tteokgomul, 떡고물) are likened to a desired share in something (albeit not being the first choice), similar to how pie is synonymous with something desirable in the English expression. 11 Korean Peninsula (Kr. hanbando, 한반도, 韓半島), see TN 2, pg. ix. 12 North Korean resident (Kr. bukan jumin, 북한주민, 北韓住民) refers to North Koreans residing in the North.
Defector-residents and SK politics 183 (a traditional market whereby North Korean residents’ livelihoods have greatly grown).13 Furthermore, I’m also a rational critic of Kim Jong-un.” If you examine South Korean political circles, the conservative party’s policies are better for the North Korean residents’ human rights. Meanwhile, the settlement support policies of the progressive party are a little better for North Korean defector-residents within South Korea. If these two were to be combined, it would truly be the icing on the cake; but that sort of political community is not easy to achieve.14 An unusual incident occurred in the wake of the last presidential election. The North Korean defector-resident society, which had once unanimously supported the conservative party, split into conservative and progressive groups. It is not advisable for North Korean defector-residents to unconditionally lean towards conservatism as they had obstinately done in the past. Conservatives and progressives must always be divided by opposition to keep each other competing, in check, and under criticism. That is what a perfectly upright democracy looks like. The Republic of Korea is a society with diversity, where each citizen’s own political opinions can differ and change at any time. Although the colours of conservatives and progressives in a democratic society are different, that does not mean that even their love for their nation and its citizens is different.
13 Jangmadang (Kr. 장마당, 場마당), non-government sanctioned market. See TN 17, pg. 112. In this context, the author is engaging in wordplay, whereby the dang (Kr. 당, 黨) syllable is used as a means to say he supports the North Korean people as opposed to the ruling (Kr. yeodang, 여당, 與黨) and opposition parties (Kr. yadang, 야당, 野黨), respectively. 14 Icing on the cake (Kr. geumsang cheomhwa, 금상첨화, 錦上添花) is a four-character idiom meaning to place flowers upon silk. Much like the English equivalent, it is used to express two or more good things coming together.
26 Park Myung-ho Party loyalist1 ∞ first North Korean defector-resident diver 1 Party Loyalist (Kr. dangilgun, 당일군) is constituted of the words dang (Kr. 당, 黨), which means party in the sense of a political party, and ilgun (Kr. 일군), which can also be translated as worker. Thus, a dangilgun is one who works hard for the party they belong to. Note, gun (Kr. 군) is spelt as ggun (Kr. 꾼) according to South Korean spelling.
The story of the family who defected in ferociously high seas1 North Korean defector-residents share common reasons for leaving the beloved hometowns they were born and grew up in. The reasons are that in North Korean society, there is absolutely no freedom, starvation and cold are a part of daily life, and hopes and dreams regarding the future are non-existent. This is the miserable reality born from 70 long years under the Workers’ Party of Korea’s dictatorial regime.2 For the North Korean defector-residents who have left that cruel society behind, they had the strong desire to escape from a lifetime of being relentlessly forced into ideology study and moral education by the authorities, and from their impoverished lives where one cannot even eat one bowl of cooked rice in an entire year. The route taken to defect by each North Korean resident varies. Firstly, there’s the method of entering Chinese territory by crossing the Amnok River or Tumen River at the North Korea–China border, which many North Korean defectorresidents use.3 Additionally, there’s also the methods of crossing the landminelined Military Demarcation Line, or coming down from the East or West Sea by boat, but these methods are very dangerous.4,5
1 Party Loyalist (Kr. dangilgun, 당일군) is constituted of the words dang (Kr. 당, 黨), which means party in the sense of a political party, and ilgun (Kr. 일군), which can also be translated as worker. Thus, a dangilgun is one who works hard for the party they belong to. Note, gun (Kr. 군) is spelt as ggun (Kr. 꾼) according to South Korean spelling. 2 Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨), see TN 9, pg. 2. 3 Amnok River (Kr. amnok’gang, 압록강, 鴨綠江), see TN 19, pg. 30. 4 The East Sea (Kr. donghae, 동해, 東海) is also known as the Sea of Japan. It is the marginal sea between the Japanese archipelago, Sakhalin, the Korean Peninsula, and the Russian mainland. 5 The West Sea (Kr. seohae, 서해,西海) also known as the Yellow Sea (Kr. hwanghae, 황해, 黃海), is a marginal sea of the Western Pacific Ocean located between mainland China and the Korean Peninsula, and can be considered as the northwestern part of the East China Sea.
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Around 90% of the 33,000 defector-residents who entered the Republic of Korea escaped from North Korea by crossing the Amnok River or Tumen River, and 10% entered South Korea through a foreign embassy, by crossing the Military Demarcation Line or by boat through the East or Yellow Sea. At the end of February this year, I met Park Myeong-ho, who is well known as the first diver defector, in the vicinity of Mapo.
Introduce yourself. “I was born in Cheongjin, North Hamgyong Province, in April of 1965. My father was a steel mill labourer. I am the oldest among six siblings. In 1981, I graduated from Cheongjin Pohang Secondary School, joined the Korean People’s Army and was assigned to the No. 61st Fighter Aviation Regiment stationed in Jangjin County, South Hamgyong Province.6,7 In North Korea there are 15 military air bases, and one regiment (unit) is stationed at each base. In North Korea battalions are called ‘gubundae’.”
How many planes were there in one aviation regiment? “Around 50. The manpower and infrastructure supporting them are very impressive. Each plane is assigned four aviation battalions, four technical squadrons, and one security and repairs squadron. There is also a transportation squadron and engineering squadron for each plane.”
Could you elaborate? “On top of this there is also an explosives management squadron, a torpedo platoon, and a meteorology platoon. Altogether, around 1,000 regular soldiers and 600 households consisting of workers (for the military) and their families make up two administrative villages.”
Can you tell me about your career in the army? “I was redeployed to the crude oil management office directly under my division. The planes and their supporting facilities use an incredible amount of crude oil. Our division usually had three to four crude oil tanks each with a 10,000 litre capacity. I was assigned the position of platoon leader in an engineering battalion, then one year later I was commissioned as a junior lieutenant and
6 Secondary school (Kr. junggodeunghakgyo, 중고등학교, 中高等學校), see TN 8, pg. 8. 7 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx.
Park Myung-ho 187 became a military officer (commissioned officer).8 The engineering battalion usually specialises in the construction of air bases and radars (detector deployment infrastructure).”9
Why is there an engineering battalion in the aviation regiment? “Whenever a new plane comes in or the radar infrastructure needs to be replaced with an upgraded model, we have to do construction works. The heat (the same as exhaust fumes from a car) that the fighter jets emit during training is of an extremely high temperature, so the runways become very damaged. When this happens, we have to repair or rebuild the runways. Otherwise we wouldn’t be able to preserve the fighter jets, and that’s not an exaggeration.”
What country do the planes come from? “Around 90% of them come from Russia. 10% of light aircraft and helicopters come from China and Germany. In the past, plane fuel from Iran, Libya, and Iraq was plentiful, but since the 1990s, the fuel has been sourced from Russia and China. That was when problems started to arise from the crude oil we used to fill the military fighter jets.”
Could you elaborate? “After the death of Kim Il-Sung in July of 1994, our unit was in a situation where people would buy rice using the crude oil for fighter jets. The regiment and their families consume 80 tonnes of food a month. The fixed daily ration was brought down from 800 grams to 500 grams. At that time, I took one hundred soldiers with me to the commander. At the time, I was an independent squadron leader with 100 soldiers under my lead.”
When were you discharged? “In 2000, the military administration returned to a self-reliance system. We had to source everything other than grains ourselves. In April of 2004, I was discharged as a captain and became a regiment marine base leader (civilian). It was a specialised marine working group consisting of 70 soldiers and 30 civilians. For reference, the corps and divisions have ‘Marine Business Centres’. They were originally civilian businesses, but became entrusted to the army due to the military-first policy.”
8 Military offcer (Kr. gungwan, 군관, 軍官), see TN 10, pg. 8. 9 Radar (Kr. reideo, 레이더) is a false friend of the English word “radar.”
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It seems like a decent job. “You could say that. High quality fish that I caught while doing side jobs at sea would be taken away by the regiment leader and the cadres above him.10 The heads of the politics department, security department, staff department, defence department, they all came but there was nothing I could do about it. You can’t get on the wrong side of those people. One day the head of the security department said, ‘Stop doing that! It’s boring if you do it for a long time!’ I caught onto the hint and retired in the autumn of 2005.”
What were your working experiences after that? “When I was discharged from my duties as a military officer (commissioned officer), I was given preferential treatment and appointed to work as a party secretary at the Guard Bureau’s Marine Business Centre in Ongjin County, North Hwanghae Province. The Marine Business Centre consists of 500 workers across three ranks. The majority of marine products that are caught are sent to Pyongyang or traded for foreign currency through smuggling.”
How did you come to learn about South Korea? “While fishing at sea, I would plug in earphones and secretly listen to South Korean broadcasts (KBS Hanminjok Radio) using a mini radio.11 The thought ‘Ah! We’ve been living like idiots imprisoned behind steel bars!’ suddenly came to me.”
That must have solidifed your resolve to defect. “That’s right. More than anything else, I thought of my two sons and agonised over defecting, which would mean leaving behind the beloved scenery I grew up in. I couldn’t bear to let my children, who have such long roads ahead of them, to live in that harsh world, so I discussed the issue seriously with my wife. Thankfully, my wife immediately empathised with me.”
I’m curious about the method and the path you took to defect. “I made a boat using around two tonnes of wood from Korean larch trees from Baekdu Mountain, which I had prepared in advance during the time of my discharge. After equipping it with an electric generator and a motor, it was pretty much operable. We left from the shores of Changyon at nine in the evening on
10 Cadre (Kr. ganbu, 간부, 幹部), see TN 7, pg. 23. 11 KBS Hanminjok Radio (KBS han-minjok bangsong, KBS 한민족방송, KBS 한民族放送) is a South Korean anti-communism propaganda radio channel of the Korean Broadcasting System (KBS). It is the only channel that does not have FM frequency in South Korea.
Park Myung-ho 189 April 25, 2006. I predicted we would be drifting for a long time, so I put all our luggage on the boat, and the whole family got on board. The next day at around dawn I wasn’t able to reach Baekryeong Island, so in the end I gave up and turned around.”
In that case when did you attempt to escape again? “After that I naturally participated in the Party Secretary Meeting that was happening in Pyongyang. Around a month after that, we set off (defected) again during the day on May 23. The fog was very thick that day. In order to not get caught by army radars, I covered the top of the boat entirely with blankets and cloth. After a full two days, at two o’clock in the afternoon on the May 25, we arrived at Deokjeongmyeon, Onjin County in the City of Incheon and declared our defection.”
After that what did you do? “In October 2006, our family, which consists of my wife, my two sons and I, settled down in Yongin, Gyeonggi Province. It was really difficult to find a job as I had come to Seoul at the age of 42. On-site construction work, furniture delivery, I did whatever work I could get my hands on.”
What other kinds of jobs did you do apart from this? “In the spring of the following year (2007), I went to Cheolwon in Gangwon Province and did feeding and cleaning work on a pig farm for two months. That wasn’t right for me either, so I boarded someone else’s boat at Jeju Island and worked as a fisherman for two months. I worked really hard but unfortunately I went back to Yongin without even receiving a salary as the owner was a crook.”
When did you move to Goseong from Yongin? “After deliberating for a long time, I decided ‘Let’s go back to my roots. Let’s go back into the water I know so well.’ After discussing with my family, we moved to Goseong County in Gangwon Province in the autumn of 2007. In the spring of 2010, I bought a boat with the money I had earned during that time and entrusted the steering to my older son. I became a diver and my wife opened a sashimi restaurant called ‘MV Cheongjin Sashimi Restaurant’ on land. My younger son is a university student.”
What is a normal routine for a diver? “I go out to sea before sunrise, fish for six to seven hours, and finish before noon. The fish I catch include octopodes, sea urchins, and abalones. In terms of the amount of fish I catch a day, roughly, if I catch a little it’s worth a million won, if I catch a lot it’s worth three million won. Every time I go underwater, I come up
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to the surface after two to three hours. I go out to sea around 24 days a month in summer, and about 20 days in the winter. In the afternoons I help my wife out at the restaurant.”
What would you like to say to your juniors? “Settling on land was difficult, so I tried to work in the land (sewerage cleaning at the pig farm in Kangwon Province) and on the water (working onboard a fishing boat on the coast of Jeju Island). That didn’t work either, so now I’ve gone into the water. Looking at my case, doing the same work one did back in North Korea in South Korea is also a way.”
27 Ji Seong-ho Disabled youth ∞ chairman of NAUH
Look, world! Look at the North Korean people’s pitiable human rights On January 13, 2018 (local time), the first State of the Union address (speech from the President addressing the nation), since the inauguration of President Donald Trump, was held at the National Assembly building in Washington, DC, USA. This was an event watched by people all over the world. Near the end of his two-hour speech, President Trump said, “We have here with us today another witness of the ominous nature of the North Korean regime.” He continued, “He was a starving young boy in North Korea in 1996. He had an accident while stealing coal to exchange with food.” Trump’s voice was filled with passion. When Ji Seong-ho stood up from his seat and raised his crutches, the audience gave an enthusiastic standing ovation. It was a heart-warming moment for 30,000 North Korean defector-residents as they watched the touching scene, which was being broadcast all over the world. The world was paying genuine attention to the pain and suffering of the 20 million North Korean residents. Ji Seong-ho, a North Korean defector-resident whose name was called out by the US president, is the chairman of NAUH, a North Korean human rights organisation. He is an admirable person who does more work on North Korean human rights abroad than in Korea. Stealing some time from his busy schedule, I sat down with Ji Seong-ho for a cup of tea somewhere in Yeongdeungpo District of Seoul.
Where were you born? “I was born in Hoeryong City, North Hamgyong Province, in 1982. I was the eldest son out of two sons and one daughter. My father was a worker at the Hapo coal mine and my mother was a housewife. Although it was illegal, the fathers of other families would sell goods in the market to make their ends meet, but my father was too stubborn to do so. He was the ‘frustrating’ kind of person who did only what the party told him to do.”
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Please tell us the story behind your disability. “When I was in my third year of senior high school in 1996, I started stealing coal just to survive. I would get on a train when it slows down in certain locations, fill my sack with coal and throw them outside when the train approaches Hoeryong Station. My mum and younger siblings would then pick them up and sell them to people in the market or by visiting their homes.”
It must have been really tough. “But that was the only thing we could do to make our ends meet. One day, after about four months and dozens of rounds of stealing coal, I tripped while getting off the train and fell onto the railroad tracks, then got sucked under the running train.”
What were your thoughts at that moment? “To be honest, I was so worried about my family that I couldn’t feel any pain. Being the eldest in my family, I had the responsibility to take care of my parents and my two younger siblings, so I couldn’t accept the fact that I had become disabled. Although I didn’t feel any pain, tears were pouring out of my eyes. I cried partly because I felt guilty for not being able to support my family anymore.”
How did your injury get treated? “I was given local anaesthesia at Hoeryrong City Hospital for Citizens, and then they amputated my left arm and left leg up to the knee. The condition of the hospital was pathetic. There was no medicine and the only food provided was wheat flour porridge, so I got discharged from the hospital after two weeks. A child of a coal miner like me didn’t have the money to get prosthetic limbs.”
How was your life afterwards? “Once I graduated high school, I was considered as a socially protected individual (disabled person) but I was unemployed and just living at home.1 As usual, the North Korean authorities were not distributing food to the people, so I had to do something because otherwise we would starve to death. I grabbed my cane and started to steal coal again. I lived like that for five years, barely making enough to stay alive.”
1 Socially protected individual (Kr. sahoebojangja, 사회보장자, 社會保障者) is an individual with disability who requires ongoing support.
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Tell me about some of the diffculties you had. “In the summer of 2000, I travelled across the Tumen River to buy some food.2 Technically, this was my first defection. The Chinese people I met there were sympathetic towards me and gave me a lot of free clothes and rice. I had no way of bringing all of them back, so I only brought 5 kilograms of rice. However, this was discovered by the police and I got transferred to a police substation.”3
What happened then? “An angry looking security guard with glaring eyes hit me violently and said, ‘You idiot, you’ve been captured on the cameras of the South Joseon Agency for National Security in China and thoroughly humiliated our country. You deserve to die right now!’”
How did you feel at that moment? “I felt like the whole world was collapsing and my heart was stopping. Why did I lose my arm and leg? It wouldn’t have happened if we had received basic support from the government. It was only then that I realised ‘the darned Kim family regime is nothing but a barbaric nation of tyranny that has worn the lives of its 20 million people down to their bones’, and that made me seethe with rage. Afterward, my younger brother and I decided to escape from North Korea.”
Where did you defect to? “On a late night in April 2006, I entered the Tumen River with my younger brother. The flow of the river was especially fast that day and my brother barely managed to save me from being swept away. I had several close moments where I could have drowned. If it wasn’t for my strong will to escape to a free world alive, I wouldn’t have made it.”
When did you come to South Korea and what route did you take? “Once we had crossed into China, we went to Yanji and from there my brother and I decided to split up. The Chinese authorities were frantic about catching North Korean defectors as there were rewards for capturers, so we decided it would be best to split up to avoid both us being caught at once. After that, I travelled across land for 15 days, passing through Laos, Myanmar, and finally arriving
2 Tumen River (Kr. duman’gang, 두만강, 豆滿江), see TN 16, pg. 94. 3 Police substation (Kr. pachulso, 파출소, 派出所) refers to the smallest organizational unit in law enforcement system of Korea and Japan, where its size is smaller than a police station and normally occupied by one to ten police officers.
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in Thailand. Because I was a disabled person, I came to South Korea faster than the other North Korean defector-residents. I arrived in July of 2006.”
I’m curious about your life after that. “Running a street food shop was the first thing I did in South Korean society. The customers would often look at my disability with pity. As a 25-yearold bright-eyed youth, I couldn’t live like that. So in 2009, I entered Dongguk University’s Law School.”
If you could introduce me to NAUH. “The group NAUH (Now Action & Unity for Human Rights), as its acronym suggests, is a human rights organisation for North Koreans that ‘acts now’. NAUH was established by young, passionate North and South Korean students in the summer of 2010. We stage bold events advocating for North Korean human rights at certain times. Moreover, we have created broadcasting content for radio programmes aimed at the North, and for several years also helped rescue hundreds of endangered North Korean defectors in China and South East Asia.”
Tell me about your visit to the White House. “On February 2, 2018, eight North Korean defector-residents, including myself, visited the White House upon the US President’s official invitation. I sat next to President Trump, which was where another foreign head of state would sit.”
What did you feel at that moment? “It was one of those glorious moments that are rare in life. My heart swelled at the thought that I, once a poor North Korean boy who used to be teased and called an ‘idiot’, was now sitting proudly next to the US president on behalf of all North Korean people. President Trump listened intently to what us eight North Korean defectors had to say and expressed his sympathy.”
You were invited to the White House for Christmas in 2018. “On the December 18, 2018 (local time), the banquet event, which started at four in the afternoon and lasted for 1 hour and 30 minutes, was attended by President Trump, First Lady Melania Trump, Defense Secretary James Mattis, White House spokesman Sarah Huckabee Sanders, other high-ranking officials, and about 500 entrepreneurs. I am the first North Korean defector-resident to ever be invited to this White House Christmas event.”
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I think so too. “A young beggar from North Korea who came to South Joseon (Republic of Korea) in search of freedom is studying and promoting human rights. He was also invited to the White House Christmas banquet, something people all over the would be envious of. This glory belongs to all 30,000 North Korean defector-residents.”
How do you view inter-Korean relations these days? “I’m quite frustrated. I don’t know if we can still call our president, the secretary of defense, and the politicians citizens of this country if they can’t even blame North Korea for shooting missiles that are directed at us. What happened to the promise that our president made when he was a candidate to ‘be the president that Kim Jong-un is most afraid of’? North Korea keeps on firing missiles at us because they look down on our president and politicians. Wait and see if I’m wrong.”
Any fnal remarks? “Our president, Moon Jae-in, is a former human rights lawyer. And a democratic country is a society where the majority rules. It is rather unfortunate to see that we are ignoring the 100% of the people in North Korea whose human rights are being trampled by dictators, the 60% of the people who are suffering from hunger and cold, and the 40% of the children who are suffering from severe malnutrition. Setting ethnicity and compatriotism aside, North Koreans are human beings just like us.”
28 Lee Ung-gil University student ∞ president of Saeteomin Lounge
The testimonies of a Brigade Commander orderly There are many former People’s Army soldiers within the 30,000 North Korean defector-resident community which began growing since the Korean War armistice. Soldiers who once protected me only to put down their arms says everything. In the beginning many soldiers crossed over the demarcation line, but since the 1990s there are a few who cross the Amnok and Tumen Rivers.1 Upon coming to the Republic of Korea, the land of freedom, they experience first-hand what it is like to live in a humane world. A world where one can criticise incompetent presidents and other government figures and observe the performance of cabinet members, representatives of the people, which you took part in choosing with your very own hands via election. A world where one can freely travel as they please, without any regulation, both domestically and internationally. A world where one can do as they please, even with the freedom to change occupation. A world where one can live without having to worry all year round about being hungry or cold because of a lack in rice or clothing. This is truly the ‘heaven on earth’ they talk about in North Korea. Although they may not be the most eloquent when it comes to expression, former People’s Army soldiers are always thankful towards the government of the Republic of Korea for letting them live in this blessed country. On a somewhat cool day in mid-January, 2019, at an undisclosed location in Gangnam, Seoul, I met and spoke with Lee Ung-gil, president of Saeteomin Lounge.2
Where is your hometown? “I was born in 1981, in Chongjin, North Hamgyong Province. I have a younger sister. My father was a doctor at the Chongjin Metropolitan Forensic Identification
1 Amnok and Tumen Rivers (Kr. Amnok’gang gwa Duman’gang, 압록강과 두만강, 鴨綠江과 豆滿江). See TN 19, pg. 30 and TN 16, pg. 94. 2 Saeteomin Lounge (Kr. 새터민 라운지, 새터民 라운지) may be literally translated as the New Arrival’s Lounge. See TN 5, pg. 27 for saeteomin.
Lee Ung-gil 197 Institute (equivalent to the South Korean National Forensic Service) and my mother a doctor at the Chongjin City People’s General Hospital. My parents died at the same time in a car crash in September 1997 at the height of the March of Hardship.”3
When did you enter the People’s Army? “I entered the 11th Storm Corps (special warning/reconnaissance forces) after graduating from the Chongjin Institute of Foreign Languages in August 1998. There are six corps within the combined forces for fulfilling, when needed, special assignments and infiltrating South Korea. Within these, the Lightning unit (corps) would infiltrate the capital down to the Chungcheon area, followed by the Thunder unit which would then blow up important military bases. If these two were to pull out, then the Thunderbolt unit would proceed with infiltration.”
What do these special assignments generally involve? “Firstly, seizing the Government Complex in Gwanghwamun, followed by the National Assembly in Yeouido, Seoul City Hall, Gyeonggi Provincial Government Office, as well as assassinating and capturing government agents. Other special assignments also of course include terror attacks on the Seoul Subway, as well as raids on metropolitan water and gas resources. It’s a fighting force of 120,000 troops. The unit name of the 11th Storm Corps is the 630th United Corps.”
Tell me about the training intensity. “Soldiers have to run in pairs for 30 minutes whilst carrying on their shoulders 15 m × 20 cm logs that weigh over 40 kilograms. Additionally, they have to endure one hour inside rivers during winter which is also tough training. Training for the raiding of South Korean government institutes is carried out realistically using models of actual buildings. The most important aspect of training in the People’s Army is arming soldiers with the military ideology to carry out suicide bombings.”
I heard that you served as an orderly to a Brigade Commander. “I was appointed as an orderly office (orderly) to the 87th Brigade Commander stationed in Riwon County, South Hamgyong Province. My maternal uncle was an old comrade of the Brigade Commander and I was picked for the role thanks to their good relationship. There are most certainly acquaintance relations
3 March of Hardship (Kr. gonan wi haeng’gun, 고난의 행군, 苦難의 行軍). See TN 9, pg. 37.
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(school ties, regional ties, blood ties, personal connections) in the army just as there are in society. In fact, perhaps even more so in North Korea.”
Any special memories? “In June 2000, after the South–North Summit Talks, rice started coming in from South Korea. Our brigade also received 12 four-ton trucks full of rice which were then sold on the market (jangmadang).4 Of course, this was as per the Brigade Commander’s instruction. At the time, one kilogram of rice and corn was 1,000 won and 500 won, respectively.”
Why did that happen? The rice was sold at 800 won per kilogram and the money used to buy the equivalent amount in corn, which was then put into the unit’s food storage. That left a 300 won per kilogram profit. The cadres used this money to purchase things like meat, fish, oil, and eggs which they then sent off to their own homes. Strictly speaking, virtue that came with the rice from South Joseon was received by the cadres and not the people.”
I heard that Kim Jong-il visited your unit. “In January 2001, the members of the unit were pushed to do environmental culture work (environmental management). Work to tidy the surrounds which included road maintenance, tiding the soldiers’ rooms (barracks), and repairing the training grounds continued right throughout spring and summer. I didn’t know what it was all about even though I thought it was strange. In December of that year, Kim Jong-il came down to the unit, something that the Brigade Commander had found out about two days prior. Myself, I only just found out the day before.”
How was this frst visit by the General celebrated? “Three days before Kim Jong-il came, the unit’s food and backup storage were completely filled with things like white rice, pork, fish, and chicken. Kim Jong-il only took one photo with the soldiers before leaving. Later on, another two or three photos were composed and given out to the soldiers. I wasn’t able to have a photo taken close to Kim Jong-il as I had relatives in China which was seen as a problem.”
4 Jangmadang (Kr. 장마당). See TN 17, pg. 112.
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What are some of the benefts of being in the Special Forces? “In 1998, an order from Kim Jong-il was conveyed that ‘there be an adjustment to the number of People’s Army soldiers entering the Worker’s Party of Korea so as to reinforce its quality’. The number of discharged soldiers entering the Party decreased by about 50% compared to before. Soldiers from the Special Forces, however, continue to enjoy a 90% entrance rate into the Party, and receive ‘Communist University’ diplomas and ‘Ethnic Trainee Cadre’ certificates.”
When did you get discharged? “I was discharged in October 2003 after receiving a Worker’s Party of Korea candidate member certificate. I then transferred to the Chongjin College of Automation Engineering. I was initially offered entry into the Wonsan University of Economics, but refused for personal reasons.5 To be discharged from military duty in five years and two months and join the Party is a real super-speed advancement. To be frank, I was also certainly lucky to have been able to serve as an orderly to the Special Forces Commander. To use South Korean language, it was a sweet job assignment.”6
What about your experience working in society? “Surprisingly, food rationing did not work at all in civil society, and so in February the year after getting discharged from the military I crossed the Tumen River into China. I had a paternal aunt in Yanji, Jilin Province. I took money and went out to sell sea cucumbers, dried fish, and CDs. Conversely, I also brought in North Korean movies and sold them in China.”
Any other happenings? “I did a job whereby I searched for South Korean prisoners of war in North Korea. For every prisoner of war handed over to China you got 10,000 RMB. I only found five, one of whom was living in Gilju, North Hamgyong Province, and said he would go to South Korea. In September 2004, however, this was
5 Wonsan University of Economics (Kr. 원산경제대학, 元山經濟大學) is also known as the Chong Jun-taek University of Technology (Kr. jeongjuntaek gyeongje daehak, 정준택 경제대학, 鄭準澤經濟大學). The university was founded in 1960 and is named after Chong Jun-taek, who served as the DPRK’s Deputy Premier under Kim Il-sung from 1956 to 1961. Chong is credited as having been a central figure in the DPRK’s early industrialisation efforts. Chong is also, notably, the father of Jong Kyong-thaek, the current DPRK Minister of State Security. 6 Sweet job assignment (Kr. ggul bojik, 꿀보직, 꿀補職) may be literally translated as honey assignment. The word honey is colloquially used in popular speech in South Korea not unlike sweet is in English. E.g., ggul tib (Kr. 꿀팁) may be translated as a sweet tip/advice.
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discovered by State Security resulting in capture. Luckily I was let off with a warning.”
What made you decide to defect from North Korea? “I was at a loss for words, from a humanitarian perspective, in that trying to help a prisoner of war was seen as something that equated to ‘treason’.7 It’s at this time that I asked myself ‘is this the nation of the people that I used to protect as a soldier?’, and I couldn’t find an answer.”
When did you escape and what route did you take? “In mid-September, 2005, I crossed the China-Mongolia border only to get caught by Chinese soldiers who were working undercover. I was sent back to North Korea. From October I was interrogated for two months by State Security in Onsong before being imprisoned at Chongjin administrative detention centre for five months. One day, the following year in June, I once again crossed the Tumen River after escaping from field labor. I entered Mongolia at the beginning of July and spent eight months there before finally achieving my dream of coming to the Republic of Korea in February 2007.”
Tell me about ‘Saetomin Lounge’. “It’s an organization that was made in early February 2018, with the aim of getting us North Korean defector-residents to socialize together with South Koreans. There are 450 young members in their twenties~thirties, half of whom are North Korean defector-residents and the other South Koreans. We hold various meetings about issues such as reunification and North Korean aid, have discussions about North Korean defector-resident assimilation problems, as well as events such as soccer matches, mountain climbing, and membership training.”
What sort of work have you done since 2018? “We have events where senior North Korean defector-residents aid their juniors all year round.8 We use money collected from regular contributions and membership to purchase necessities which we then pass on to North Korean
7 To be precise, the interviewee writes that the POW was a prisoner of war from the national army (Kr. gukgun poro, 국군포로, 國軍捕虜), implying that even if the POW was from the South Korean army, he was still of the same people, thus meaning that the interviewee’s actions to try and aid the soldier in going back to the South were not technically treason. 8 See TN 2, pg. 14 about 선배 후배
Lee Ung-gil 201 defector-residents fresh out of the Hanawon.9 We also promote friendship amongst members through once-per-quarter workshops and sports events.”
Any memorable moments? “I went to visit repatriated soldier Oh Chong-song at Ajou University Hospital in Suwon. Of course, I wasn’t able to meet him in person, but nevertheless met the attending nurse and passed on a number of warm letters of encouragement from us, the North Korean defector-residents.”10
Anything you really want to say? “Being a serial murderer who had his older brother murdered with poison at an international airport in broad daylight, not to mention also having his uncle killed with a machine gun, Kim Jong-un is a dictator with the blood of 20 million of his people on his hands and should never be invited to Seoul. The government of the Republic of Korea mustn’t be fooled by North Korea’s fake peace show.”
9 See TN 21, pg. 12 about Hanawon. 10 Oh Chong-song (Kr. 오청성) is former People’s Army of Korea soldier who defected to South Korea via the heavily guarded Joint Security Area in November, 2017. He is one of only a few North Koreans to have managed to do so.
29 Jang Se-yul University teacher ∞ president of Gyeore’eol Unifcation Solidarity
Do you know about the North Korean Fighters for Liberal Democracy? For more than 70 years since facing division simultaneously, the South and the North are here today having constructed their own respective societies. North Korea is a dictatorship spanning three generations of Kim Il-sung’s family, whilst South Korea is a capitalist nation with a liberal democracy where the government is chosen and maintained via election. It is the only divided nation in the world. A skewed stance based on political circles and tendencies coming from what the South Korean government and the people of South Korea know about the North Korean regime and its people, as may be seen at the moment, is very undesirable. This is because whether we have to live together after reunification, or continue being broken apart as we are now, the people of North Korea are fellow Koreans who share the same blood, and North Korea’s fertile land is our territory.1 We, the victims of division, only know about positive and bright news from North Korea which are actively propagated through the nation’s official media. What we ought to know about, on the other hand, are the uncomfortable truths that North Korea tries so hard to conceal – serious economic hardship, human rights violations, and starvation. That is normality. May 1, 2019, was a fine spring day and the beginning of ‘Family Month’. At an undisclosed location in Ganghwa County, City of Inchon, the North Korean defector-resident body corporate Gyeore’eol Unifcation Solidarity hosted a ‘Memorial Ceremony for the Victims for the Fight for a Liberal Democracy in North Korea’. After the solemn memorial ceremony had ended, I saw down with the president of Gyeore’eol Unifcation Solidarity.
1 See TN 7, pg. 67 about 동포.
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Where were you born? “I was born into a family of officers of the People’s Army in March 1969, in Kangryong County, South Hwanghae Province. My father was a political commissar in a battery company within the 4th Corps. After graduating high school, I entered the military and, from 1985 until 1994, served at Mirim College (a computer technology university affiliated with the People’s Army), Pyongyang, and the 9th corps.”2
What was your career like after getting discharged? “After completing ten years of military service, I transferred into second year at Chongjin Mine University before graduating in 1998. After that I was assigned as a mathematics teacher (professor) in an introductory course in technology at the university, where I stood at the lectern with a fescue for six years.”3
Can you tell me about what motivated you to defect from North Korea? “During the time when I was teaching at university, I was exposed for having accidentally watched South Joseon television. As a result, I was made to do intense labour for three years as punishment. I worked as a technical director at the third station of the Orangchon Power Station complex which falls under the Second Metal Construction Cooperative Enterprise.4 My co-workers worked there for one to two years, whilst I had to work twice as long because I was a principal culprit. This was something that I was always discontent with.”
When did you come to South Korea? “I felt dejected and very angry at the fact that having watched a little bit of South Joseon television was seen as a big crime of betrayal to the Party and nation, both of which I’d been loyal to all this time. I decided that I had no more lingering affection for North Korea and so, at the end of 2007, along with my 13-year-old son, I crossed the national border to China. A month later my wife defected and, in 2008, after two years, we arrived in the Republic of Korea via Thailand.”
2 Mirim College (Kr. 미림대학, 美林大學), located in Mirim-dong, Pyongyang, is an institute of higher education that allegedly specialises in cyber warfare. 3 Stood at the lectern with a fescue (Kr. gyodan eseo gyopyeon eul jabatda, 교단에서 교편을 잡았다, 敎壇에서 敎鞭을 잡았다) is used figuratively by the interviewee to mean to teach. A fescue is a stick or stick/wand-like object once used to point out information on a blackboard during teaching. 4 Second Metal Construction Enterprise (Kr. je-i geumsok geonseol yeonhap gi’eobso, 제2금속건 설연합기업소, 第2金屬建設聯合企業所) is also known as the Chongjin Metal Construction Cooperative Enterprise.
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What kind of organization is Gyeore’eol Unifcation Solidarity? “The organisation is a body corporate that was registered with the Ministry of Unification in November 2011. In September 2013, it was designated by the Ministry of Economy and Finance as a charitable organisation. The organization was created with the aim of democratisation and improvement of human rights in North Korea.”
I heard that you organize very peculiar anti-North Korean activities? “Whether it be in South Korea or overseas, I believe that the North Korean defector-residents’ and their organisations’ mission is, above all, telling the world about the brutality of Kim Jong-un’s dictatorship and the terrible humanitarian situation facing the people of North Korea. Since a few years ago we have been filling plastic envelopes with pictures of Kim Jong-un and a number of necessities and food which we then send to North Korea.”
Why do you put pictures of Kim Jong-un in the plastic envelopes? “We put printed pictures of Kim Jong-un in a 50 cm × 60 cm plastic envelope filled with things like one kilogram of rice, five packs of ramyeon, toothbrush, toothpaste, soap, and a towel. We throw these envelopes, which weigh around 2.5 kg, into the ocean off Incheon on specific days. We do this during high-tide, which only happens twice a day. The envelopes enter North Korean waters after floating across the Northern Limit Line in about five or seven hours.”
Please elaborate. “We usually throw in excess of about 50 to 100 envelopes at a time and we’re certain that they all make it into North Korean waters. Chances are that the first people to come across these will be North Korean soldiers, which isn’t a bad thing. After all, conditions are such that even armed soldiers defending the nation are always battling hunger. You can’t tell how many North Korean civilians get access to the envelopes.”
Why do you have to put pictures of Kim Jong-un in the envelopes? “In order to open the envelopes, one has to first rip it open together with a picture of the Supreme Leader, Kim Jong-un. We came up with this method as a way of giving the unknowing, slave-like North Korean people the courage to rip pictures of Kim Jong-un. At around the end of 2015 we even undertook a onemonth experiment using GPS tracking.”
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I hear that you faced some diffculties. “Sometimes the police show up at the scene and try to restrain us, which makes me feel what I’m doing is in vain. Kim Jong-un may be the ‘most dignified’ in North Korea, but is this also the case in South Korea? I mean, I’m doing this for the sake of the lives and human rights of the 20 million people of North Korea, who are the ones that are the ‘most dignified’.”
Who are the North Korean Fighters for Liberal Democracy? “In the past years, there were seven comrades in North Korea as well as eight comrade leaders of other organisations whom I worked in connection with. They secretly provided us with information (e.g., changes in public sentiment, market prices, and content of speeches) about North Korea only to be all captured, imprisoned, and executed by North Korean authorities. These people, North Korean Fighters for Liberal Democracy, were a sacrifice for reunification and freedom and their souls must be paid tribute.”
Who came up with the name for these people? I did, around June, 2015. ‘North Korean Fighters for Liberal Democracy’! As the name would suggest, these are people in North Korea who were sacrificed through coercive oppression by local authorities whilst taking part in various antiestablishment activities underground with a yearning for freedom and democracy. The memorial ceremony is a collaborative effort made alongside Kim Seong-min, president of Free North Korea Radio, and Ms Suzanne Scholte, a leading North Korean human rights activist in America. They’re both admirable people.”
Since when have the memorial ceremonies been held? “This year (2019) marks the 5th ceremony solemnly carried out. The noble souls of the North Korean Fighters for Liberal Democracy must be paid tribute to. We host the ceremonies as part of ‘North Korean Freedom Week’, a biennial international human rights event held in Seoul and Washington since 2017.”
What are these victim memorial plans about? “This year (2019), as part of Chuseok (September), we are planning to erect a ‘North Korean Fighters for Liberal Democracy Memorial Monument’ in a certain location in Ganghwa County, Incheon Metropolitan City.5 We are currently
5 Chuseok (Kr. 추석, 秋夕), literally Autumn Eve and also known as Hangawi (Kr. 한가위) Korean Thanksgiving Day, is a harvest festival celebrated in both North and South Korea on the 15th day of the eighth month of the Lunar Calendar.
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raising funds as it will cost 50 million won.6 We’re also eagerly anticipating support from some significant reunification patriots.”
How do you feel when you do such activities? “There are all kinds of memorials that pay tribute to democracy fighters who died in sacrifice of South Korea’s liberal democracy all over the country. I believe that there should also be one paying tribute to North Korean Fighters for Liberal Democracy who have contributed to South Korea’s national security. The irony is that the people who are currently in government are cynical in regards to the North Korean fight for democracy all whilst perceiving their own fight for democracy as something that was important.”
What did you think of last year’s South–North Korean Summit in Pyongyang?7 “I followed the South–North Korean Summit attentively – denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula is a life or death matter for the Korean people. On the final day when leaders of the South and the North climbed Mt Baekdu, the sacred mountain of the Korean people, and then held their hands up in the air together, it was a historic scene that will be long remembered. I think that it was something that embodied the earnest wishes for peace of 70 million Korean people.”
Was there anything that disappointed you? “I was disappointed when on September 19, 2018, after watching an aerobics performance, President Moon Jae-in called himself the ‘President of the South’ during a speech in front of 150,000 people at the May 1 Stadium in Pyongyang.8 I wish he had said ‘I, the President of the Republic of Korea, am the son of displaced people who were born in Hamgyong Province’.”9
6 50 million won is equivalent to about 45,000 USD (2020). 7 South-North Korean Summit in Pyongyang (Kr. pyeongyang nam-buk jeongsang hoedam, 평양남북정상회담, 平壤南北頂上會談) is in reference to the Inter-Korean Summit held in Pyongyang in 2018. 8 May 1 Stadium (Kr. o-wol ir’il gyeongijang, 5월1일 경기장, 5月1日 競技場) is a stadium located on Rungra Island in Pyongyang, also known in English as the Rungrado 1st of May Day Stadium. It was opened on May 1, 1989, and is the largest stadium in the world based on seating capacity (around 150,000). 9 Both of President Moon Jae-in’s parents were born in Hamgyong Province, present day North Korea.
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What kind of advice would you give to the government regarding North Korea policy? “Peace on the Korean Peninsula without the threat of war is certainly precious. The North Korean dictatorship, however, is getting stronger, and you absolutely can’t pretend not to notice the 20 million miserable people who are living like slaves under it. You have to resolutely mend past policies that were wrong and also actively learn from the things that were good about the conservative government. Governments are around for just a moment whilst the people, they are eternal.”
Anything you want to say in the end? “From start to finish – I want to talk about North Korean defector-resident unity. If you look at North Korean defector-residents one by one, they’re all admirable people, and yet, for some reason which I can’t quite put my finger on, they can’t actually unite. It is cringy for South Korean people, not to even mention us, when they all show off how great they are. Wouldn’t it be alright to encourage one another to do well a little? At the least, I wish that people didn’t badmouth and say profanities about others.”
30 Choi Hyeon-jun Protection agent ∞ president of Unification Future Solidarity
I volunteer with gratitude to South Korea There may be some South Koreans who think to themselves, “Is there such thing as volunteer work in North Korea?”, “Wouldn’t it exist because North Korea is also a society that people live in?” Although North Korea, a nation which has been in a one-party dictatorship for about 70 years, is indeed a society where people live, residents in North Korea are not normal like us. The 20 million citizens of North Korean are the world’s most ignorant people. They must live a lifetime of political learning and organisational life according to the Workers’ Party, and they are not allowed to criticise their leader or the government.1 If North Korean residents want to leave their region, they must get legal approval from authorities or else they will be accused of ‘anti-revolutionary’ activities and be severely punished. In the Kim family’s kingdom that is North Korea, there are tens of thousands of public infrastructures (such as statues, portraits, memorial halls, bust sculptures, royal tablets, historic sites, eternity towers) constructed to demonstrate Supreme Leader idolisation.2 The people are not rewarded for their passion for managing these infrastructures, but it is somewhat helpful for success and promotion. This is the “North Korean version of volunteer work”. In the community of 30,000 North Korean defectors, there is an organisation that cries out, “Let’s repay at least part of the love we have received from the South Korean government and the people through volunteer work!” One day in October of 2018, I met with Choi Hyeon-jun, the president of the Unification Future Alliance, somewhere in Guro District, Seoul.
1 Workers’ Party (Kr. nodong dang, 노동당, 勞動黨) refers to the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨). See TN 9, pg. 2. 2 Supreme Leader idolisation (Kr. suryeong u’sanghwa, 수령우상화, 首領偶像化), see TN 6, p. 36.
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Please introduce yourself. “In March of 1965, I was born into a military family in Pyongyang. I had four older sisters and one younger brother. In 1981, I joined the Korean People’s Army and served in the 13th Division of the 1st Corps. In 1984, I graduated from Kim Chul Ju Artillery General Military Academy and was appointed commander of the 1st Division.3 It may seem unbelievable, but at that time, I really wanted to be a Korean People’s Army Corps leader (ranked army general).”
Tell me about your father. “Almost 40 years ago, in 1979, my father (ranked major general) attended a meeting of the People’s Armed Forces (Ministry of National Defense in South Korea) presided over by the Supreme Leader, Kim Il-sung. My father reported to Kim Il-sung that the party secretary (Kim Jong-il), the future leader of the country, was leading a frivolous lifestyle which involved dillydallying with young women in villas and giving out watches with Kim Il-sung’s signature.”4
That’s a very shocking statement to make. “My father only had the intention of loyally serving Kim Il-sung and Kim Jong-il. My father, who was supposed to be promoted to commander of the 2nd Corps, was dismissed the next day and sent to be a worker at the Myeongcheon coal mine in North Hamgyeong Province. This was when I was 14.”
What happened after that? “My father, who went from being a general of the People’s Army to a labourer overnight, felt so wronged that he posted civil complaints to the Central Committee.5 The investigation team, which visited three times over the years, threatened him by saying ‘If you continue to complain, your children will get hurt.’ Eventually in 1992, my father died of hwabyeong.”6
3 Kim Chul Ju Artillery General Military Academy (Kr. kimcheolju pobyeong jonghap gun’gwan hakgyo, 김철주포병종합군관학교, 金哲柱砲兵綜合軍管學校) is a military education institution that was founded in 1946, in Sunchon, South Pyeongan Province. It is also known as Kim Chul Joo Artillery University (Kr. kimcheolju pobyeong daehak, 김철주포병대학, 金哲柱砲兵大學), and is named after Kim Il-sung’s younger brother, Kim Chul-ju, who died in 1935. 4 A watch with Kim Il-sung’s signature on it (Kr. kimilseong myeongham sigye, 김일성 명함시계, 金日成名銜時計), see TN 13, pg. 93. 5 Central Committee (Kr. jung’angdang, 중앙당, 中央黨), see TN 8, pg. 23. 6 Hwabyeong (Kr. 화병, 火病) refers to a mental or emotional disorder caused by repressed anger or stress.
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That must have been an obstacle to your own promotion. “You could say so. One day when I stopped by Pyongyang on a business trip, I was disappointed to hear the counsel of my father’s acquaintances, who were in the General Political Bureau of the Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces and Organization and Guidance Department of the Central Party (Korea Workers’ Party).7 They told me that, no matter how much I advanced in the People’s Army, I wouldn’t be able to go beyond battalion commander (lieutenant colonel). I was speechless when I found out the reason was because of the problems with my father in the past. I was discharged as a captain in 2001.”
What did you do after leaving the army? “With the help of my father’s acquaintance, I entered Bureau 35 of the Ministry of Social Security (equivalent to South Korea’s National Police Agency). It was a special department in charge of managing Kim Jong-il’s villas and Jang Songtaek was the overall in charge. In 2004, Jang Song-taek was demoted and Bureau 35 was dismissed. Beginning in 2005, I worked at Division 6 of Bureau 1 of the State Security Agency (equivalent to the National Intelligence Service in South Korea).”
What does that department do? “The purpose of the department is to prosecute politically impure people, defections, and smuggling activities in the western coastal areas of North Korea. There are an average of 6,000 North Korean and 3,000 Chinese fishing vessels on the seas of the west coast each year, and the people on board them conduct all kinds of smuggling activities. It is an international market on the sea. As a west coast security chief who could use business vehicles for my own use, I received bribes in US dollars in exchange for turning a blind eye to the smuggling activity.”
Tell me why you decided to defect from the North. “Ironically, the SSA agents who are under orders from the authorities to strictly prevent residents from listening to South Korean broadcasts actually listen to them even more. Even SSA agents are curious about the outside world. My ideological faith started wavering after I found out what South Korea was really like.”
7 Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces (Kr. inmin muryeok’bu, 인민무력부, 人民武力部), see TN 14, pg. 29.
Choi Hyeon-jun 211
That must have led to where you are today. “Chills ran through my whole body as I wondered what would happen if this current reality continued. ‘How will my children live decades from now? Will they be ragged and starving like the commoner people are now?’ So, for the sake of my children, I resolved to defect. In December of 2007, we crossed the Amnok River, and in April of the following year, we arrived in South Korea.”8
What were the early days of life in South Korea like? “During a health examination at the Hanawon, they discovered I had stomach cancer.9 After I had surgery to remove the cancer and went through a year of cancer treatment, I felt like I was nothing but skin and bones. Luckily, I could walk on my own two days after the surgery, they took the stitches out after seven days, and I was discharged only nine days after my surgery. I had a strong will to survive at all costs – that was my mentality as someone who had lived as a soldier for decades.”
Please explain “Unifcation Future Solidarity”. “It is an incorporated organisation that was established in October of 2010 for the purpose of supporting North Korean defector-residents to successfully settle into South Korean society. We place emphasis on, and are active in helping North Korean defector-youths who have lost their parents back in North Korea and have no family here in South Korea to communicate and bond with each other.
What is unique about the organisation? “Our volunteering activities. All of us North Korean defector-residents have had our own brush with death and are living on borrowed time after all. Fifty of our members run the ‘Sharing Love and Hope Volunteer Group’, which holds regular monthly volunteering activities to assist North Korean defector-residents who are in financial difficulty, the disabled, isolated seniors who live alone, and North Korean defector-youths who have no family here. Recently our membership has increased to 230 people, which means we receive double the membership fees per month for the 86 people we support. We have 230 members, 86 of whom pay a monthly membership fee of KRW 20,000.”
8 Amnok River (Kr. amnok’gang, 압록강, 鴨綠江), see TN 19, pg. 30. 9 Hanawon (Kr. 하나원, 하나院) is also known as the Settlement Support Center for North Korean Refugees (Kr. bukhan italjumin jiwon jaedan, 북한이탈주민지원재단, 北韓離脫住民 支援財團). See TN 21, pg. 12.
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Can you think of anything particularly memorable? “One day in autumn of 2009, I became acquainted with a certain young North Korean defector-resident by chance, and went with him to a soccer club. At that time, many young North Korean defector-youths suggested, ‘Let’s create our own soccer club so we can compete confidently against South Korean people,’ and I agreed straight away. I judged that we needed it.”
So you made a North Korean defector-residents soccer team? “About 60 North Korean defector-youths founded the ‘Future FC soccer team’; it still exists to this day. Every Saturday, members from around the country gather in Seoul to play soccer together. People from the same hometown can socialise with each other and exchange information, which is beneficial from a social perspective.”
What do you think is unique about the way you work? “My principle is to listen to other people’s opinions carefully and discuss them with the greater group in order to find a solution. For example, if a member of the soccer team wants to do something, we discuss it in earnest with the other members. I find this is quite effective.”
In the past, what kind of work did you primarily do? “From October of 2016, I have been running events in conjunction with the incorporated organisation ‘People Who Share Hope’ to support North Korean defector-residents. The People Who Share Hope is an educational welfare support agency that supports disadvantaged children who are unable to pursue their hopes and dreams due to difficult domestic situations.”
Could you elaborate? “The public company Aekyung Industrial, LG Household & Health Care, and Ildong Foodis provided donations of daily necessities. Around 50 to 400 people attend each event, and we held about ten events to hand out these donated goods.”
Are there any other activities? “Every year in autumn, without fail, we volunteer to make kimchi to share and deliver coal briquettes. Last year (2017), my employees and I made 300 cabbage heads worth of kimchi at Guro Police Station and delivered them to the disabled, to multicultural families, and other vulnerable members of society. Recently, we
Choi Hyeon-jun 213 delivered 1,000 briquettes to the poverty-stricken neighbourhoods of Yeonsu District in Incheon.”
Any fnal remarks? “We North Korean defector-residents need to learn and gain as much first-hand experience as we can from the free democratic society of South Korea so that we can contribute to rebuilding our own hometowns after unification. In order to do that, more than anything else, we need to work hard, save money, and live frugally. This is also the direct route to reunification.”
Special column Other notable North Korean defector-residents
Yi Han-yong (birth name: Ri Il-nam; born: 1960) Born in Pyongyang, he was son of Song Hye-rang, who was the older sister to Song Hye-rim, the live-in partner and then wife of North Korea’s second Supreme Leader Kim Jong-il. Together with his family (mother and aunt), he studied abroad in Moscow, Soviet Union (Russia), before defecting to the Republic of Korea in October 1982. He graduated from Hanyang University, majoring in Theatre & Cinema Studies, and worked as a KBS producer starting from 1987. He married a South Korean woman, Ms Kim Jong-eun, and worked hard to create a happy family and successfully settle down into society. However, as he was a relative of the Supreme Leader, he was threatened by North Korean authorities with terror and assassination threats, which caused him to move his place of residence several times. In June 1996, Taedong River Royal Family: My 14 Years Incognito in Seoul, a book documenting North Korea’s most powerful man, Kim Jong-il’s luxurious private life, was published by Dong-A Ilbo. In February 1997, Yi Han-yong was shot by a North Korean spy in an apartment building somewhere in Bundang District in the City of Seongnam, Gyeonggi Province, passing away ten days later. His remains were buried in a memorial park in the City of Gwangju, Gyeonggi Province. Mr Yi Han-yong’s defection was a shock to South Korean society in that he had been a close relative of the Supreme Leader Kim Jong-il’s family. The disclosure of the North Korean dictator’s absolute power and luxurious life, which had been veiled for all that time, exposed the naked truth of North Korean society to the world.
Yi Ung-pyong (born: 1954) Yi was born in Taedong County, South Pyongan Province. He was a pilot, who graduated from Kim Chaek Air Force Academy, and was responsible for the 1st
Other notable NK defector-residents 215 Air Combat Division of the Korean People’s Army Air Force.1,2 Yi’s military title was that of a Senior Lieutenant or Sangwi.3 Whilst secretly listening to South Korean broadcasts on the in-flight radio, he found out that “South Joseon was not rotten to the core, but a rich country with a fairly advanced economy and a society with freedom that flowed like a river.”4 And thus, he became sick and tired of the North Korean regime. Senior Lieutenant Yi Ung-pyong defected using a Soviet-made MiG-19 fighter aircraft, which took off around 10:30 am on February 25, 1983, from Kaechon Air Base in South Pyongan Province, before crossing the Northern Limit Line in the West Sea 15 minutes later, and landing safely at the 10th Fighter Wing of the Republic of Korea Air Force (Suwon Air Base).5,6 A month later, he was specially appointed as a Major of the Republic of Korea Air Force, and the following year married the daughter of a professor at the Korea Air Force Academy. He adjusted well to his life in South Korea. Yi continued to serve in the Air Force and was promoted to Colonel in 1996. He worked as a policy researcher and instructor at Air University. On May 4, 2002, he died of liver failure at the young age of 48. It seems that the continuous binge drinking at the thought of family left behind in North Korea, in addition to the fear and wariness of possible terror threats, were the causes of his liver breakdown. Another one of the supposed causes seemed to be due to stress build-up whilst listening to the groundless slander against North Korean society.
Kim Man-chol (born: 1940) Mr Kim Man-chol, a former doctor at Chongjin Medical University Hospital, was greatly shocked by the fact that his youngest sibling was forcibly repatriated
1 Kim Chaek Air Force Academy (Kr. gimchaek gonggun daehak, 김책공군대학, 金策空軍大學) is a military university located in the City of Chongjin, Hamgyong Province, that specialises in aviation control, technology, and administration. 2 Korean People’s Army Air Force (Kr. joseon inmin’gun gon’ggun, 조선인민군 공군, 朝鮮人民軍空軍) is an abbreviated name for The Korean People’s Army Air and Anti-Air Force (Kr. joseon inmin’gun hang’gong mit banhang’gong’gun, 조선인민군 항공 및 반항공군, 朝鮮人民軍 航空 및 反航空軍), which is the unified military aviation force of North Korea. 3 Sangwi (Kr. 상위, 上尉) is the second highest rank an officer can hold amongst company-grade offcers (Kr. wi’gwan, 위관, 尉官) and it corresponds to the Senior Lieutenant rank of other armies (or the equivalent of OF-2 by NATO’s ranking). 4 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4. 5 Kaechon Air Base (Kr. gaecheon bihaengjang, 개천비행장, 价川飛行場) is a military airport near Kaechon, South Pyongan Province. It is the headquarters for the 1st Air Combat Division of the Korean People’s Army Air Force. 6 Northern Limit Line (Kr. bukbang hangye’seon, 북방한계선, 北方限界線) refers to the disputed maritime demarcation line in the West Sea between North and South Korea.
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and shot to death whilst studying abroad in the Soviet Union (now Russia) in 1975. He made the decision to escape from North Korean society after suffering from grief at his sibling’s death and the unjustness of being guilty by association. At 1 am on January 15, 1987, after secretly stealing the 50-tonne “Chongjin Ferry” at Chongjin Port, Mr Kim Man-chol and his family of 11 boarded and escaped into the East Sea. They arrived at the Port of Fukui on January 20 after drifting near Yamamoto, Japan, due to engine failure. The next day, on January 21, whilst the “Chongjin Ferry” was being towed to Tsuruga Port by the Japan Coast Guard, Mr Kim Man-chol and his family’s defection was revealed for the first time and reported in the press all over the world. The case of Mr Kim Man-chol’s defection was a fierce diplomatic battle between North Korea, Japan, and South Korea, as the North Korean Red Cross Society officially requested extradition on the basis that he and his family were stranded North Korean compatriots as a result of ship engine malfunction.7 On February 3, it was decided that Kim Man-chol and his family would be able to stop over in Taiwan, after negotiations between the South Korean government and Taiwanese government ended. Japan deported Mr Kim Man-chol and his family to Taiwan, and after the stopover on February 7, they arrived at Gimpo International Airport the next day on February 8, in the afternoon.
Hwang Jang-yop (born: 1923) Hwang Jang-yop was born in Gangdong County, South Pyongan Province. He graduated from Pyongyang Commercial School, Chuo University in Japan, and Kim Il-sung University.8,9 Hwang then completed a doctorate degree in philosophy at Moscow University in the Soviet Union (now Russia), and was appointed as the chancellor of Kim Il-sung University in 1965. He served as Chairman of the Supreme People’s Assembly for 11 years from 1972, secretary responsible
7 North Korean Red Cross Society (Kr. bukhan jeok’sipja-sa, 북한적십자사, 北韓赤十字社) is the South Korean term for the Red Cross Society of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (Kr. joseon minjuju’ui inmin gonghwaguk jeok’sipja-sa, 조선민주주의인민공화국 적십자회, 朝鮮民主主義人民共和國 赤十字社). 8 Pyongyang Commercial School (Kr. pyeongyang sang’eop hakgyo, 평양상업학교, 平壤商業學校) is a school located in South Pyongan Province and founded in April, 1931. Also known as Pyongyang Public Commercial School (Kr. pyeongyang gongnip sang’eop hakgyo, 평양공립상업학교, 平壤公立商業學校). 9 Kim Il-sung University (Kr. kimilseong jonghab daehak, 김일성종합대학, 金日成綜合大學), see TN 10, pg. 49.
Other notable NK defector-residents 217 for international affairs of the Workers’ Party in 1984, and Vice-Chairman of the Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of the Fatherland in 1986.10,11,12 At one time, Hwang Jang-yop was a high-ranking cadre, so much so that he had risen to 13th in North Korea’s overall power hierarchy; however, he decided to escape after a severe conflict with Supreme Leader Kim Jong-il.13 While returning from a visit to Japan in February 1997, he entered the Consulate General of the Republic of Korea in Beijing and applied for political asylum. The case of Hwang Jang-yop’s defection to South Joseon via China, an allied nation of North Korea, made global news.14 North Korea dispatched hundreds of special agents to assassinate Hwang, but China took the formality of providing thorough protection and deported him to a third country, in accordance with international conventions. As such, Hwang Jang-yop stayed in China for 30 days and 20 in the Philippines, before coming to Seoul on April 23. The respected Mr Hwang Jang-yop passed away of old age in his home on October 10, 2010. He had devoted himself to overthrowing the influence of conservatism and the Kim Jong-il regime, as well as exposing the state of human rights for North Korean residents.15 The body of Hwang, the highest-ranking North Korean defector-resident of all time, now rests at Daejeon National Cemetery.
Jang Seung-gil (born: 1948) Born in Pyongyang, Jang graduated from Kim Il Sung University and worked at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs from the early 1980s.16 He attended the 40th UN General Assembly, held in October 1985, as part of the delegation of the North Korean government, and visited Egypt in August 1989 with the support of the delegation of the North Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Director Yoon
10 Supreme People’s Assembly (Kr. choego inmin hoe’ui, 최고인민회의, 最高人民會議), see TN 5, pg. 180. 11 Workers’ Party (Kr. nodong dang, 노동당, 勞動黨) refers to the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨). See TN 9, pg. 2. 12 Committee for the Peaceful Reunifcation of the Fatherland (Kr. joguk pyeonghwa tong’il wiwonhoe, 조국평화통일위원회, 祖國平和統一委員會) was originally an independent organisation that was later promoted to an official state organisation under the United Front Department. This organisation was intended to make efforts towards unifying Koreans and respond to inter-Korean negotiations. 13 Cadre (Kr. ganbu, 간부, 幹部), see TN 7, pg. 23. 14 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4. 15 North Korean resident (Kr. bukan jumin, 북한주민, 北韓住民), see TN 12, pg. 182. 16 Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Kr. oegyo-bu, 외교부, 外交部) is the name of South Korea’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs and it literally translates to Ministry of Foreign Interactions. However, the author uses it to refer to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (Kr. joseon minjuju’ui inmin gonghwaguk oemu-seong, 조선민주주의인민 공화국 외무성, 朝鮮民主主義人民共和國 外務省).
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Ki-bok). In February 1993, he visited Syria as part of the North Korean government’s delegation. Beginning in July 1994, Mr Jang Seung-gil served as North Korea’s ambassador to Egypt. He defected to America in August 1997 with his brother Jang Seung-ho, who was an advisor of the North Korean Trade Delegation in France. In the diplomatic history of North Korea, it was the first time an incumbent ambassador sought political asylum, and in that, America. Former ambassador Jang Seung-gil has given no precise motive for his defection and has not been seen in public in America thus far. There are, however, speculations that his motive may have been the disappearance of his second son (Jang Cheol-min, then 19 years old), the failure to prevent Egypt and South Korea establishing diplomatic relations despite the close ties between North Korea and Egypt, or fears of the punishment he would receive for failing to properly negotiate food aid.
31 Kim In-chul Trader ∞ president of Jiwon Publishing
Sweat and toil for the hometown in your heart In both the past and the present, the North Korean government has always harshly denounced North Korean defectors, calling them “traitors of the Fatherland and the people who have no gratitude towards the Party which has nurtured them.” They have never offered any sort of explanation about the fact that they created a social environment which left these people with no choice but to defect. Truly a terrible regime. Suppose North Korea’s Supreme Leader was elected by the people’s vote, one earned as much as they worked, international publications and the internet could be easily accessed, and people could move about freely according to their own will. If North Korea was this kind of society, would there be nearly as many North Korean defectors as there are now? North Korean defector-residents have to live well in South Korea. It is their duty to their family members left behind in North Korea. This is the only way to perfectly disprove the North Korean government’s false claim that’s that “North Korean defectors are human trash who turned their backs on their homeland and family.” Many North Korean defector-residents dream about returning to their hometowns as successful people once a free democratic unification is achieved, though they do not know when. One day in May of 2018, I met the first North Korean defector-resident to become a president of a publishing company, Kim In-chul, somewhere in Yeomchang-dong, Seoul.1
Where is your hometown? “I was born in Hyesan, Ryanggang Province, in November of 1972. My father was a manager of XX factory, so we lived a relatively wealthy life. I graduated from XX Foreign Language Institute in 1989, and XX University in 1994. I was a middle-school teacher for a while, but being a teacher in North Korea is really
1 -dong (Kr.동, 洞), see TN 7, pg. 2.
Kim In-chul 221 hard. After that, I got a job at a trading company and while working, I would conduct illegal trades with Chinese people.”
When did you escape and come to South Korea? “To be honest, it’s not easy for someone to leave behind their hometown, and the society and system they are used to. But what can you do? Humans have the desire to live the one life they have as decent human beings. In June of 2010, I illegally entered China, and after passing through Shenyang, Kunming, and Thailand, I arrived in South Korea 36 days after I left North Korea. I began life in South Korean society in January of 2011.”
What kind of work did you do after that? “When I first entered South Korean society, I was 39 years old, which is pretty much middle age. Setting aside the fact that I had a university degree back in North Korea, in South Korea, 39 was the age when you would be established in your field of work or even thinking about retiring. So, it was almost impossible for me to get a job anywhere.”
It must have been extremely hard for you. “I did manual labour (paid by the day) at places like car-parts manufacturing factories.2 After two years of drudgery, I thought ‘If this is the way it’s going to be, wouldn’t I rather work in a developed country?’ and so I went to Germany.”
Tell us about your time in Germany. “In December of 2013, I got on a plane to Frankfurt from Seoul. The German immigration system is very complicated. First of all, the government doesn’t give you ‘work permits’ during the first five years. After your first four years, you have to study the language and take tests for nine months, and only then will they give you a job. The government supports you with the minimum cost of living (for things such as food and accommodation) for the five years. That’s all.”
There was a boom in moving overseas within the North Korean defector-resident society for a while. “From around 2007, there were tantalising rumours amongst North Korean defectors living in South Korea that ‘if you go to Europe or the United States, the government specially provides North Korean defectors with money and housing,
2 Unskilled manual labourer (Kr. nogada, 노가다) comes from the Japanese word dokata (Jp. 土方) meaning the same thing.
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and you can earn more money than in South Korea’. That kind of atmosphere created the ‘talnambum’ as a result.”3
What reasons do you think North Korean defectorresidents have for defecting from South Korea? “First of all, they don’t want to be treated as ‘second class citizens’. To be honest, some people sneer at us and think less of us than the ‘Chinese joseonjok’.4 The North Korean defectors put their lives on the line for freedom and hope, but when they get to South Korea, they have nowhere to put their skills or abilities to use. Words alone cannot express the sense of loss that comes from that.”
What is it really like for North Korea defectors living abroad? “The way North Korean defector-residents who were living in South Korea leave the South is by obtaining a holiday visa for a certain country and then announcing ‘I’ve come from North Korea!’ once they land. Around 3,000 to 4,000 North Korean defectors have left South Korea. As far as I know, there are around 1,000 defectors in each of London, England, and Toronto, Canada.”
Have that many defectors left? “There’s probably a more accurate statistic in the immigration record of the Department of Justice than the Ministry of Unification.5 I know there are also quite a few North Korean defector-residents who went to Southeast Asia. If we do the maths approximately, one to two out of every ten North Korean defectorresidents get on a plane with the purpose of leaving South Korea for a different country. That number went down from 2010 when the South Korean government started sharing fingerprint data of North Korean defectors with the rest of the world.”
When did you come back from Germany? “Our baby was born in Berlin, which is where me and my fellow North Korean defector-resident wife went. I was an illegal immigrant then, and I had to wait five years to get a job. I lived abroad for a while but after realising that there was no
3 Talnambum (Kr. 탈남붐, 脫南붐) refers to the period of sudden increase in North Korean defectors leaving South Korea to settle in another country. 4 Chinese joseonjok is referring to ethnic Koreans living in China (Kr. joseon’jok, 조선족, 朝鮮族). See TN 20, pg. 84. 5 Ministry of Unifcation (Kr. tong’il-bu, 통일부, 統一部), see TN 4, pg. 7.
Kim In-chul 223 country that treated North Korean defector-residents better than South Korea, I came back in March of 2014.”
What did you do after you came back? “I was studying for a master’s degree in Kyungnam University’s College of North Korean Studies as a fresh start when I became acquainted with a second-generation displaced person who was a president at a printing company.6 I worked at his company for a year and became confident that ‘I can do it too!’ Consequently, I founded ‘Jiwon Publishing’ in December of 2015. Of course, I had to take out a loan to do this.”
Tell us about your company. “‘Jiwon Publishing’ is the first publishing and printing company run by a North Korean defector-resident. As a prospective social enterprise preparing for the upcoming unification generation, the company has planning, designing, editing, and printing capabilities. There are six employees in total, half of them South Koreans, and half of them North Korean defector-residents. It’s a unified North– South Korean company (laughs).”
Could you elaborate? “To start with, I obtained my ‘Printing Company Certification’ in September of 2016, ‘Direct Manufacturing Certification’ from the Korea Federation of SMEs in January of 2017, and ‘Competitive Bidding Certification’ from the Director of Procurement in the same month.”
What is your business management philosophy? “The president and the employees should come together as one to work hard and with passion. In response to the 4th Industrial Revolution, our goal is to upgrade our competitive angle and the quality of our work. We are working hand in hand with a 30-year-old veteran company to enhance our technical skills training and manufacturing innovation. We are growing the company with the aim of becoming a leading company that specialises in printing and publishing for North and South Korean collaborations.”
6 Displaced persons (Kr. silhyangmin, 실향민, 失鄕民), see TN 3, pg. 14.
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What diffculties did you encounter while managing a company? “In South Korea, there are women’s enterprises and enterprises for the disabled. The preferential purchase system for those groups are legally well established. Compared to them, unification enterprises get little to no government support. There is only an ambiguous statute that says, ‘we can buy’. They’re simply putting their heads in the sand like ostriches.”
What do you want from the government? “I would like government institutions to take special interest in North Korean defector-resident enterprises and come up with a preferential purchase system for unification enterprises as a type of settlement support. I would like the government to take action and make policies that will have an actual impact, instead of just talking about unification and settlement. Show sincerity.”
What are the limitations for North Korean defectors? “In South Korea, running a business requires school ties, regional ties, and other ties. What I’ve learnt in North Korea is of no use. I only know ten people who have come from my hometown, and it’s really hard without people I know here. South Korean society is not very open towards North Korean defector-residents. This does not help in building a unified Korea.”
What are your plans for the future? “We achieved 500 million won in sales last year. Even though we are still insufficient and inexperienced, this is a small recognition of our continuous efforts to strive forward without looking back. More than anything else, I’m so grateful to my employees who worked together with me. I plan to make ‘Jiwon Publishing’ twice as big within the next three to four years.”
Any fnal remarks? “I am certain that a unified Korea will come one day. When that day comes, I want to establish ‘Kim In-Chul Cultural Publishing House’ in my hometown Hyesan and become the main channel for sharing diverse culture and news from both North and South Korean residents. I want to contribute to the glory and prosperity of a unified Korea in that way. This is the land of freedom that I chose to come to, so I will work as hard as I can until a unified Korea is achieved.”
32 Im Kang-jin Korean People’s Army soldier ∞ private business owner
I was the Regiment Commander of the Korean People’s Army1,2 The official name for the North Korean military is the Korean People’s Army, and it was founded on February 8, 1948, in Pyongyang, under the Supreme Leader Kim Il-sung. Following leader Kim Jong-il, the third and current Supreme Leader is Kim Jong-un. From grandfather to grandson, they have had complete control over a million soldiers of the Korean People’s Army, something unparalleled in history. In North Korea, a country where the Supreme Leader’s teachings are above the law, February 8 was celebrated as Military Foundation Day until 1977.3 Since then, the founding has been celebrated on April 25, the day Kim Il-sung established an anti-Japanese guerrilla unit in 1932.4 Since 2018, in celebration of its 70th anniversary, Military Foundation Day has been reverted to its original date – February 8. The Korean People’s Army has maintained the world’s longest mandatory military service (averaging ten years for men and seven years for women) – it is extremely bewildering. The reason for such service is so as to control and strictly tie down 1,000,000 youths in the military, where they run on orders from superiors. It is one of the best ways to maintain a dictatorship.
1 Regiment commander (Kr. yeondaejang, 연대장, 聯隊長) comes under the classification of Colonel (Kr. sangjwa, 상좌, 上佐), the lowest rank of the Jwa Grade (Kr. jwa’geup, 좌급, 佐級). Officers of this rank correspond to Majors (or the equivalent of OF-5 by NATO’s ranking) in other armies. 2 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx. 3 Military Foundation Day (Kr. geon’gunjeol, 건군절, 建軍節) refers to the annual public holiday in North Korea commemorating the founding of the North Korean army. 4 Anti-Japanese guerrilla unit (Kr. hangil yu’gyeokdae, 항일유격대, 抗日遊擊隊) was an armed unit in which the then Supreme Leader Kim Il-sung participated. It was formed in 1931 to fight against Imperial Japanese and achieve Korean independence. It is sometimes referred to as the bbalchisan-pa (Kr. 빨치산파, 빨치산派, lit. partisan party) and kimilseong-pa (Kr. 김일성파, 金日成派, lit. Kim Il-sung party).
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It has been quite uncommon for high-ranking officers of the Korean People’s Army to defect, in the 60 year-long history of North Korean defector soldiers (including discharged soldiers). Early March this year, in Mokdong, Seoul, I met and spoke with Im Kang-jin, former regiment commander of the 9th Corps Division 262 artillery unit, Korean People’s Army.5
When and where were you born? “I was born in February 1965 in Sariwon, North Hwanghae Province. I’m the fifth of six children. My father was the Dean of the Department of Philosophy at Sariwon University of Education No. 2.6 In April 1981, I graduated from Kyongam Secondary School in Sariwon. When I enlisted in the army, the first place I was stationed at for one year was the Korean People’s Army 208th tank driver’s training centre, which is located in Kaechon County, South Pyongan Province. I felt a great sense of honour.”
You must’ve been assigned as a tank driver afterwards. “Yes. I was assigned as a tank driver in the 5th Corps 45th Division Artillery Regiment 2nd Battalion 4th Company. In October 1985, I graduated from Kim Chul Joo Artillery General Military Academy (two-year course) and was appointed as platoon commander.7,8 In March 1991, I was promoted to company commander, and then to battalion commander in February 1993.9,10 My promotions and transfers rising through the ranks were handled by the Political Affairs branch of the Department of Human Resources from the same Division.”
5 9th Corps (Kr. gu gundan, 9군단, 九軍團) is a corps within the Korean People’s Army. It is also referred to as the IX Corps. After a mock coup was discovered in April 1995, where more than 40 corps officers were executed, the 6th Corps was re-organised to the 9th Corps. 6 Sariwon University of Education No. 2 (Kr. sariwon je’i sabeob daehak, 사리원제2사법대학, 沙里院第二師範大學) is a higher education institution founded in 1963 that trains middle school teachers. It is located in Shingyang-dong, Sariwon, North Hwanghae Province. 7 Kim Chul Ju Artillery General Military Academy (Kr. kimcheolju pobyeong jonghap gun’gwan hakgyo, 김철주포병종합군관학교, 金哲柱砲兵綜合軍管學校), see TN 3, pg. 209. 8 Platoon commander (Kr. sodaejang, 소대장, 小隊長), see platoon leader TN 16, pg. 29. 9 Company commander (Kr. jungdaejang, 중대장, 中隊長) comes under the classification of dae’wi (Kr. 상위, 上尉), which is part of the wi level of ranks. Officers of this rank correspond to captains (or the equivalent of OF-2 by NATO’s ranking) in other armies. 10 Battalion commander (Kr. daedaejang, 대대장, 大隊長) comes under the classification of sojwa (Kr. 소좌, 少佐), the lowest rank of the jwa grade (Kr. jwa’geup, 좌급, 佐級). Officers of this rank correspond to majors (or the equivalent of OF-3 by NATO’s ranking) in other armies.
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Was there anything especially memorable? “In the summer of 1995, a serious incident suddenly occurred involving the 6th Corps of the Korean People’s Army stationed in Ranam District, Chongjin, North Hamgyong Province. Unbeknownst to the Corps Commander, political officers joined forces with the Director of State Security (intelligence officer) in an attempt to overthrow the central authorities.”11
That must have been huge. “Before the incident could happen, the Security Director of the Korean People’s Army acquired intelligence through a secret intelligence agent, and immediately carried out a spontaneous inspection of the 6th Corps. Up until July of the following year, many military officers were discharged and eventually the 6th Corps was dissolved. And from that, the 9th Corps was formed in its place. At the time, the frontline and supporting troops rotated, and I became battalion commander. I moved from the 5th Corps 45th Division to the 9th Corps 335th Rocket Launcher Brigade, which was a position of the same level.”12
You graduated from Kim Il-sung Military University.13 “In October 1997, I was admitted into North Korea’s most prestigious military institution, Kim Il-sung Military University. If you were to compare, it would be similar to a combination of South Korea’s joint forces military universities and Korea National Defense University.14 This university takes up around one square kilometre of Mangyongdae District, Pyongyang.15 By principle, student soldiers are promoted by one rank and are assigned to a high position upon graduation.”
11 Political offcers are referred to as gundan jeongchi wiwon (Kr. 군단정치위원, 軍團政治委員) in North Korea and jeongchi jang’gyo (Kr. 정치장교, 政治將校) in South Korea. Political officers serve the role of an agent who is dispatched to each troop by the communist party of a socialist country for the purpose of political education. The agent has the same power as a squadron leader or company commander. Also see Military offcer (Kr. gungwan, 군관, 軍官), TN 10, pg. 8, and Commissioned offcer (Kr. janggyo, 장교, 將校), TN 9, pg. 28. 12 Position of the same level is referred to using the North Korean term donggyeok jodong (Kr. 동격조동, 同格調動), where donggyeok (Kr. 동격, 同格) means same class, and jodong (Kr. 조동, 調動) refers to delegating or dispatching someone. Together it literally means movement/alteration within the same class. 13 Kim Il-sung Military University (Kr. kimilsung gunsa jonghab daehak, 김일성군사종합대학, 金日成軍事綜合大學), see TN 9, pg 8. 14 Joint forces military universities (Kr. yuk hae gong’gun daehak, 육-해-공군대학, 陸-海空軍大學) refers to the Republic of Korea Army College (Kr. daehan minguk yukgun daehak, 대한민국 육군대학, 大韓民國 陸軍大學), Naval War College (Kr. daehan minguk haegun daehak, 대한민국 해군대학, 大韓民國 海軍大學), and Air University (Kr. daehan minguk gong’gun daehak, 대한민국 공군대학, 大韓民國 空軍大學) collectively. 15 One square kilometre (Kr. sambsipman pyeong, 300,000평, 三十万坪) is an approximation for 300,000 pyeong. See TN 12, pg. 9.
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Please explain in further detail. “All active military officers are considered, ranging from sangwi to jungjwa, across various levels of troops from the army, navy, and air force of the Korean People’s Army for selection as prospective entrants.16,17 Education at Kim Il-sung Military University covers military branches of the infantry, reconnaissance, and artillery for three years, as well as branches of communications, military engineering, and chemical corps for four years.”
Were you promoted to Regiment Commander afterwards? “In October 2000, I graduated from Kim Il-sung Military University and was appointed as the Artillery Regiment Commander (jungjwa) in the Korean People’s Army 9th Corps 266th Division 333rd Regiment.18 Two months later, on December 26, I was appointed as Artillery Regiment Commander (sangjwa) of the 9th Corps 262nd Division Artillery Regiment at 36 years of age. I think I was the only one in the entire Korean People’s Army who had become a Regiment Commander at that age. I was that devoted.”
Can you talk about army life at that time? “The biggest difficulty managing the army was the issue of crude oil (gasoline). We had nothing, since crude oil was sent down from central authorities and was snatched up by the corps and divisions before it could reach the regiments or battalions. So we had to deal with the problem ourselves.”
What alternative methods were used? “We took out and used oil (gasoline) from combat vehicles (such as tanks and armoured vehicles). We would fill the vehicles up at the end of large military drills every year. However, oil becomes less efficient as it turns stale after a few months.”
16 Sangwi (Kr. 상위, 上尉), see TN 3, pg. 215. 17 Jungjwa, (Kr.중좌, 中佐) is the second lowest rank of the Jwa Grade (Kr. jwa’geup, 좌급, 佐級). Officers of this rank correspond to lieutenant colonel (or the equivalent of OF-4 by NATO’s ranking) in other armies. 18 Regiment Commander of Artillery (Kr. pobyeong bu’yeondaejang, 포병부연대장, 砲兵部聯隊長) is a military title under the Korean People’s Army rank jungjwa (Kr. 중좌, 中佐). It is different from Regiment Commander (Kr. yeondaejang, 연대장, 聯隊長), referring to a military title under the rank sangjwa (Kr. 상좌, 上佐), which is above the rank jungjwa.
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Managing the troops requires that much crude oil? “Even if we were to do drills, construct military facilities, or even transport supplies to rear troops, the thing we needed the most was crude oil. We were so desperate to the extent that soldiers who were able to purchase crude oil were granted special vacation. In terms of survival, crude oil is just as important as food.”19
Crude oil must have caused a lot of problems. “Out of all people, I was involved in such a situation. My driver received secret payments and bribes transporting smuggled goods from private Chinese merchants. I turned a blind eye when he purchased crude oil with the money, using my car. If I hadn’t, the cars would have never been able to move.”
Didn’t this cause trouble? “Just as expected, there was trouble. Around July 2010, the Organization and Guidance Department of the Workers’ Party of Korea came down to inspect the corps, divisions, and also my regiment.20,21 During the inspection, they searched for evidence of anti-socialism, such as income from bribes, unlawful gains, and examined how much combat ability we actually had. This is when my driver’s previous acts of corruption were discovered.”
What on earth was this corruption and what was the punishment for it? “The smuggled goods for civilian use that my driver transported were alpan (South Korean dramas, movies, music CDs) that came in from China.22,23 The driver’s corruption was discovered during an investigation into smugglers by the State Security Agency. They were particular about punishment when it came to alpan as they were in a different category from other items. Due to other issues, the Regiment Commanders of the three regiments stationed in Musan (infantry,
19 Food here refers to the food rations (Kr. sikryang, 식량, 食糧). 20 Organization and Guidance Department (Kr. jojik jido-bu, 조직지도부, 組織指導部) is an abbreviation of joseon rodongdang jojik jido-bu (Kr. 조선로동당 조직지도부, 朝鮮勞動黨組 織指導部). It is a department of the Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea with a central responsibility of implementing the directives and teachings of the Supreme Leader, Kim Jong-un. 21 Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨), see TN 9, pg. 2. 22 Alpan (Kr. 알판) is a North Korean term for CDs and DVDs which may be literally translated as egg disc/plate. 23 Civilian is referred to using the North Korean term samin (Kr. 사민, 私民). The equivalent South Korean term is min’gan-in (Kr. 민간인, 民間人).
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rocket launchers, artillery) were all dismissed (and discharged) from their positions at the same time.”
What sort of civilian workplace were you assigned to? “From January 2011, I worked as a facility and training supervisor at Musan Mining Complex.24 More than half of the production line had stopped – this was also due to crude oil supply. Those who could solve the problem of crude oil shortages were explicitly granted official vacation. Otherwise, the factory would not have been able to operate.”
I’m very curious about your escape route. “Late at night on October 3, 2013, we crossed the fierce currents of the Tumen River from Musan.25 We boarded a van that was on standby and arrived at Kunming after a six- to seven-hour ride. We passed the border of Laos and crossed the Mekong River, before going to an immigration detention centre in Thailand on October 10.26 After a certain point in time, on November 22, 2013, I arrived at Incheon International Airport with my wife and son.”
What have you been doing since? “We were indebted to a broker for ten million won because we defected as a family of three.27 I worked hard to repay that debt from the first day we joined South Korean society. I worked at construction sites, manufacturing plants, and large-scale eateries for more than 12 hours a day. I realised that making money isn’t easy in a money-loving, capitalist society.”
But you’re running your own business now. “I’ve been operating a snow crab restaurant for three years since moving to Cheongju, North Chungcheong Province. Out of the seven employees I have,
24 Musan Mining Complex (Kr. musan gwangsan yeonhap gi’eopso, 무산광산연합기업소, 茂山鑛山聯合企業所) is a mining complex in Musan, North Hamgyong Province, North Korea. It was excavated in the 1600s by residents and underwent significant development from 1913 during the time under Japanese rule. The area mines from North Korea’s largest iron deposit. 25 Tumen River (Kr. duman’gang, 두만강, 豆滿江), see TN 16, pg. 94. 26 The immigration detention centre (Kr. taeguk imin suyongso, 태국이민수용소, 泰國移民收容所) is located in Bangkok, Thailand. This facility houses inmates that are including but not limited to asylum seekers and tourists with invalid passports or expired visas. Other names include “IDC Detention Centre” and “Bangkok’s Immigration Detention Centre.” 27 Ten million South Korean won is equivalent to around 10,000 USD.
Im Kang-jin 231 five are North Korean defector-residents.28 I’ve managed people in both the North and in the South, and I must say that it’s a little more difficult to manage people in South Korea.”
If you could, how would you compare North and South Korean military? “Well, in terms of military equipment, South Korea may be much more superior, but the mental state of the soldiers of the Korean People’s Army is a lot better. Those in the People’s Army swear an oath of loyalty and believe they have dedicated their life to the nation. In comparison, soldiers in our national army are allowed to be temporarily released to see their parents or partner, and I’ve heard that you can even play games on your phone after the day’s duties. No matter how I look at it, they don’t look like an army to me at all.”
Do you have anything in particular to add? “I haven’t heard of any news about my daughter who went missing in Musan in the spring of 2011. From time to time, there were North Korean defectorresidents who said that they saw her in Shenyang, China, with the broker that helped us cross the Tumen River. I believe she must be somewhere in China. My wife and I are working hard in South Korea to find our daughter. We hope that our daughter can find us through TV and the internet, so she can come to us in South Korea as soon as possible. It is our greatest wish.”
28 Defector-residents (Kr. talbuk’min, 탈북민, 脫北), see TN 7, pg. 23.
33 Thae Yong-ho North Korean minister in the UK ∞ North Korea expert
30,000 North Korean defector-residents, heroes of the people The 33,000 North Korean defectors who entered the Republic of Korea since the armistice of the fratricidal Korean War1 were North Korean citizens from all walks of life. The most high-profile figure to date is Hwang Jang-yop, former secretary of the Workers’ Party of Korea, who defected in April 1997.2 Hwang devoted himself to democratising North Korea before passing away due to old age in October 2010. The latest North Korean defector to have been part of the South Korean National Assembly is Cho Myung-chul, former teaching staff (professor) at Kim Il Sung University, who entered South Korea in July 1994.3 Although all in the past now, he is known by the defectors for his unreserved attitude and statement that “although North Korean defectors were right in the choices they made, they could not represent the 90% who are struggling with cold and hunger.” In August 2016, together with his family, Thae Yong-ho, former DPRK minister serving in the UK, entered the Republic of Korea. The high-level, foreign diplomat, who had formerly taught at Kim Il Sung University, came to Seoul searching for freedom. Thae’s defection was certainly significant both domestically and internationally and made global news. There are now 30,000 North Korean defectors fronted by former DPRK minister Thae Yong-Ho rebuking North Korea’s Kim Jong Un, the cruellest dictator in history, and calling for unification and the liberation of 20 million people. I met former minister Thae Yong-ho on the Christmas Eve (24th of December) of 2018 in an undisclosed location on Chungmu-ro, Seoul.
1 Korean War refers to the 6.25 War (Kr. yuk’i’o jeonjaeng, 육이오 전쟁, 六二五 戰爭), see TN 5, pg. 8. 2 Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨), see TN 9, pg. 2. 3 Kim Il-sung University (Kr. kimilseong jonghab daehak, 김일성종합대학, 金日成綜合大學), see TN 10, pg. 49.
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Please introduce yourself. “I was born in July 1962, in Jongno-dong in the central district of Pyongyang, the second of three siblings.4 My father was a teacher (professor) of construction at the Pyongyang University of Architecture and my mother a teacher (instructor) at the Seomun People’s School. In 1974 I commenced English Studies at a school of foreign languages before entering a middle school attached to the Beijing University of Foreign Languages in 1976 where I studied for four years. I later attended Beijing University of Foreign Languages from 1984 until 1988.”
How about your work back in Pyongyang? “I graduated from Pyongyang University of Foreign Relations in August 1984. Just so that you know, the university, which specialised in fostering diplomats, was a spy training institute of the Korean Workers’ Party (KWP). Entry into the institution was based on one’s seongbun and not academic ability. From October 1988, I served as a European advisor for the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.”5
Tell us about the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. “If you look across from Kim Il Sung Square in Pyongyang, the building visible to the right is the office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It comprises 11 bureaus (6 regional, 5 administrative) and three research institutes, with a total of 1,500 staff. About 70~80% of the staff at Pyongyang’s other central institutes are ex-military (party members and university graduates) whereas at the Ministry of foreign affairs that figure is 45%. It’s safe to say that about 75% of the staff at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs are party members.”
What were the living standards like for your family? “During the period of the March of Hardship, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would use foreign currency to purchase flour and maize (commonly known as gangnengi in North Korea) which they would distribute in small amounts amongst staff.6 Three families with a total of eight people comprising my family, my parents, and my younger sibling and their spouse, lived in a house with three rooms in Moranbong District. Each night we would get by eating maize soup.”
4 -dong (Kr.동, 洞), see TN 7, pg. 2. 5 Seongbun (Kr. 성분, 成分), see TN 4, pg. 137. 6 March of Hardship (Kr. gonanui haenggun, 고난의 행군, 苦難의行軍), see TN 9, pg. 37.
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I heard that your frst overseas post was in Northern Europe. “In June 1996, I was assigned as a third secretary to the DPRK embassy in Denmark. From the very first day of arrival the ambassador (Rhee Tae-gyun) and I went around visiting places such as the Asia bureau and Bureau of International Cooperation at the Danish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Red Cross, and private charities to plead for food rations to send back to Pyongyang. It wasn’t really much different from begging.”
What was the monthly salary of foreign diplomats? “When I worked in Denmark and Sweden, I was receiving USD 500 (around 600,000 Korean Won). Price in Northern Europe are high, and so this wasn’t nearly enough to get by, which meant that staff, taking advantage of their diplomatic immunity, sometimes also unwittingly took part in illegal trade. Getting by would’ve been very difficult otherwise. Every year I would send USD 1,000 to my parents back in Pyongyang as well as my wife’s family.”
When did you start work in the United Kingdom? “I started working as a counsellor at the DPRK embassy to the United Kingdom (established in 2003) from June, 2004. Four years later I returned to North Korea where I worked as a deputy director (Europe bureau) in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs for five years. In April 2013, I returned to the DPRK embassy in the United Kingdom as minister.”
Is there anything that was particularly memorable for you whilst you were there? “In May of 2015, I showed around Kim Jong-chul (Chairman Kim Jong Un’s second older brother) when he came to London to watch famous British guitarist Eric Clapton perform. Looking back on this now is enough to make one fume. I mean, back in North Korea most people are eating watered down porridge, whilst the leader’s son is using tens of thousands of dollars in state money to go see a concert overseas.”
Any other memorable moments? “In April 2014, we found out that there was a hairdresser on the outskirts of London who had a picture of Kim Jong-un accompanied by ‘Unhappy with your hair? 15% discount for male customers’. The owner took down the advertisement after we protested.”
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What was the biggest reason behind your change of heart? “To be honest with you, it was the future of my two sons. In North Korea, foreign diplomats are required to leave one child in North Korea when stationed overseas. This is an unethical, criminal act on behalf of the North Korean government and something that is unheard of anywhere else in the world. I was able to take both of my sons overseas with me as I was specially appointed by Kim Jong-il. I felt sick at the thought of bringing my family back to Pyongyang after my term in office.”
When did you enter South Korea? “I arrived in Seoul with my wife and two sons around mid-August, 2016. How we got there is a diplomatic secret. I worked at the ‘Institute for National Security Strategy’ for a while and currently busy with various activities such as lectures as director of the civic organisation Nambuk Donghaeng Academy7 at the Database Center for North Korean Human Rights, television appearances, seminars, and newspaper contributions.”
What is your assessment of the South Korean government’s policies towards the North? “On the one hand, I think that it’s a good thing they were able to bring Kim Jong-un, a dictator, to the table for talks and able to halt nuclear development and missile launches. On the other hand, I think that it’s a mistake not to even mention human rights issues faced by people in North Korea. Human rights issues in North Korea are a much more serious problem than nuclear development. There would, of course, be no nuclear development in the first place if North Korea was a democratic nation like the South, where the people are the leaders.”
There are North Korean defectors who criticise you. “So, what? It’s not at all surprising in a democratic nation where there are people like this or like that living together. Criticism is normal and I couldn’t care less. They can live as they please and I shall do the same.”
7 Nambuk Donghaeng Academy (Kr. nambuk donghaeng akademi, 남북동행 아카데미, 南北同行 아카데미) may be translated as the South–North United Movement Academy.
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North Korean defectors are diffcult to unite. “When I was working in Europe, the Indians, Pakistanis, and Jews had wellformed communities, because they were there for their own rights, interests, and gains. One of the ways of bringing people together is a membership system. Only then can one really appreciate a deep sense of obligation. Just as in North Korea they have the so-called ‘Ten Principles for the Establishment of a Monolithic Ideological System’, there should be a ‘Ten Principles of North Korean Defectors’ (laughs).”
Have you had the opportunity to meet any organisation for North Korean defectors? “I’ve met quite a few. If you speak to people as individuals it’s easy to think ‘wow! They’re amazing!’, but when you put them together it couldn’t be any different. I think it’s because deep down they think they’re the hero and ‘the best of all’.”
Do you have any advice to give to organisations for North Korean defectors? “You have to understand that if you think your political views are important, the same goes for others. Being self-assertive all the time and excluding others in the process is really narrow-minded and ignorant. South Korea is a democracy with diversity, meaning that it is a completely different society when compared with North Korea, so you have to respect others.”
Could you elaborate on this? “The leaders of organisations for North Korean defectors have to be more flexible. They require a business style whereby they meet each other often and have open discussions and come up with logical measures. If you take a look at European organisations, they have a culture of debate. Predominantly, they try to make logical sense of the other’s political views and arguments just as much as of their own.”
What are you plans for the future? “I’m currently carefully preparing to launch a body corporate next year (2019), based on a coalition model, that can bring all the organisations for North Korean defectors together. It will have to encompass various organisations for North Korean defectors, such as those for North Korean human rights movements and broadcasts aimed at North Korea, support for new arrivals, as well as the arts and religious activities.”
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Any fnal remarks? “The 30,000 North Korean defectors who entered South Korea before me and gave detailed testament of the brutal realities of North Korean society are clearly heroes of the people. I would like to express my respect for the leaders of organisations for North Korean defectors who bravely fight to overthrow North Korea’s savage leader Kim Jong-un and achieve unification, bringing freedom and peace to 20 million people. Let us all advance and keep on advancing together until the day of unification.”
Afterword from the author
Around this time three years ago, the government of the Republic of Korea officially announced that the number of North Korean refugees (North Korean defector-residents) who entered the country had exceeded 30,000.1 The increase in the number of North Korean defector-residents, which started after the ceasefire, grew to in excess of 10,000 in 2006, 20,000 in 2010, and 30,000 in 2016 – clearly significant numbers. 2 Such is the current state that every year approximately 1,000 dignified people of Kim Il-sung’s nation exit what the North Korean authorities boisterously propagandise as the “people’s paradise on earth” because of cold and hunger in search of the “ragged and starving South Joseon.”3,4 Military personnel of the Korean People’s Army who cross the demarcation line filled with landmines, families that fight their way through ferocious wind and waves at sea, and those who illegally cross through landmasses passing through the jungles of Southeast Asia to come to South Korea, are all North Korean residents.5 They are people who come to South Korea after having defected from Siberian logging camps in temperatures of −50°C and construction sites in the Middle East. North Korean defector-residents beat their chests in anguish when they realise that they have been lied to their whole lives through fake news from North Korean authorities. It is understandable, since they thought that South Korea was a “cursed hell on earth”, whilst in reality it is one of the world’s top ten economies and a free democracy.
1 North Korean refugees (Kr. talbuk ital jumin, 탈북이탈주민, 北韓離脫住民), see TN 4, pg. 27. 2 The ceasefre (Kr. 휴전, 休戰) refers to the 1953 ceasefire of the Korean War. 3 Dignifed people of Kim Il-sung’s nation (Kr. jon’eom nop’eun kim ilsung minjok ui inmindeul, 존엄 높은 김일성 민족의 인민들, 尊嚴 높은 金日成 民族의 人民들) is used here sarcastically by the author alongside people’s paradise on earth (Kr. inmin ui jisang nakwon, 인민의 지상낙원, 人民의 地上樂園) and ragged and starving South Joseon (Kr. heolbeotgo gumjurineun nam-joseon, 헛벌고 굶주리는 남조건, 헐벌고 굶주리는 南朝鮮) in reference to similar expressions commonly used as part of North Korean state rhetoric. 4 South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮), see TN 17, pg. 4. 5 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍), see TN 9, pg. xx.
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Afterword from the author
The 30,000 North Korean defector-residents add value to the liberal democracy in the Republic of Korea, something that is worth much more than nuclear power.6 Whether the government is conservative or progressive, the democratic government elected by the votes of its citizens has at most a lifespan of five years. Regardless of the times or the era, however, the citizens are forever a community and a collective. From a future-oriented perspective, the government must entrust its citizens with full power over national policies for reunification. The government must dismiss all the idiotic North Korea-policy sell-outs of the past 70 years and walk hand in hand with North Korean defector-residents, as they are the key to reunification, and move towards the future.7 In the Republic of Korea, there are no better experts on North Korea than the North Korean defector-residents themselves. No matter how much study or research South Korean academics and experts have done, they lack the experiences that North Korean defector-residents have lived through. This is something you cannot buy with money. Competent North Korean defector-residents must be appointed to key positions at the “Committee for the Five Northern Korean Provinces.”8 One day when the day of reunification suddenly comes, the ones who enter the unknown land of North Korea and contribute to social reconstruction will be none other than the North Korean defector-residents themselves. Half the employees at the Ministry of Unification must be replaced with North Korean defector-residents, and many of them must also be employed in government departments relating to North Korea. Reunification is both the unification of land and the reunification of people.9 North Korean defector-residents are the representatives of those residing in North Korea, and so we must prepare for reunification together.10 We cannot just say the words “reunification with the people,” but must ensure that this is carried out in reality. We need a “reunification constitution” that does not change with each administration, just as the constitution does not change with each
6 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbuk’min, 탈북민, 脫北民), see TN 3, pg. ix. 7 North Korea-policy sell-outs (Kr. daebukpari baptong, 대북팔이 밥통) refers to South Korean politicians that use North Korea policymaking as a campaigning strategy to obtain votes during presidential elections, without the desire to improve North Korea relations. The original phrase that is used means in literal terms: daebuk (Kr. 대북, 對北) denoting associated with the north, pari (Kr. 팔이) selling, and baptong (Kr. 밥통, 밥桶) meaning cooked-rice container. However, in colloquial language baptong commonly means fool, idiot, or blockhead. 8 Committee for the Five Northern Korean Provinces (Kr. ibuk odo wiwonhoe, 이북5도위원회, 以北五道委員會), see pp. 141–144. 9 Ministry of Unifcation (Kr. tong’il-bu, 통일부, 統一部), see TN 4, pg. 7. 10 Those residing in North Korea (Kr. bukhan jumin, 북한주민, 北韓住民) refers to residents in North Korea; however, this phrase was used instead to avoid confusion with North Korean defector-residents (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民).
Afterword from the author 241 president.11 Here, we need to include a clause that criticises the North Korean dictatorship, reforms policies to improve North Korean residents’ human rights, and sets out regulations on North–South exchange. Education about reunification must also change. Unlike the current education about reunification, which has been set to the government’s tastes, education must transition into something that both conservatives and progressives can agree on. The miserable state of North Korean residents’ human rights must be made known to the world, something that shall all certainly become history that is worthy of receiving praise from future generations. The 30,000 North Korean defector-residents are the ones who earnestly hope for reunification of the North and South the most – more than anyone else. They count down the days till families who were separated by political ideologies and physical barriers can come together to live happily in a free and democratic society. The front base of reunification is the Republic of Korea. This land was passed down to us by our ancestors for us to live in happiness. Although we have been temporarily separated into the North and the South, and people have turned their backs on each other because of ideology, one day we must come together as one. As time passes, many things will change. Societies, nature, and even people will change. However, our future generations will proudly remember the 33 defector heroes who, whilst in Seoul, Republic of Korea, offered their noble love and passion, devoting every fibre of their being to the mission of achieving the Korean people’s long-cherished wish of reunification after about 70 years of division. With this, I conclude my tenth book and rest the pen with which I wrote it.
11 Reunifcation constitution (Kr. tongil heonbeobp, 통일헌법, 統一憲法) is a concept suggested by author Lim Il that would be made with the contribution of the people’s voice.
34 Exclusive interview with author Lim Il Construction worker in Kuwait ∞ writer
Conducted by Dr Adam Zulawnik and participants of ATS3321 Korean Research Project, Monash University Please introduce yourself and how you came to South Korea. “I was born in October 1968 in Pyongyang (I lived solely in Pyongyang for 28 years before going to do construction work in Kuwait). I am the youngest of three brothers. My father was a labourer at a construction company and my mother the head of an Inminban, an administrative organisation which manages the residents of a set area.1 I graduated from Taedong River Boy’s High School, Pyongyang, before working as a labourer at the Railway Safety Bureau and building management office of the Public Safety Agency from 1985 to 1993.2 After that, I worked at the Overseas Construction Complex (a company which specialises in outsourcing labour overseas) which is when, in November 1996, I went to Kuwait. In March 1997, I went to the South Korean Embassy in Kuwait and requested asylum before entering the Republic of Korea via Germany. I became an author in 2005 with ‘Shall I Go to Pyongyang Again’ (an essay) and, in 2011, a novelist with Kim Jong-il: The Novel. I have, thus far, written a total of ten books across eight categories, as well as over 200 columns for online and offline newspapers. I have conducted over 120 interviews with North Korean defector-residents, as well as over 70 interviews with South Koreans engaged with North Korea and reunification. I have participated as representative of North Korean authors at two international book fairs, received a commendation from President Lee Myung-bak, and attended two events with President Park
1 Inminban (Kr. 인민반, 人民班), lit. People’s Unit or People’s Group, may be likened to a neighbourhood watch or civic service group. Duties include keeping neighbourhoods tidy and domestic (small-goods) manufacture. 2 Public Safety Agency (Kr. sahoe anjeon-bu, 사회안전부, 社會安全部) is a political institution that is the central law enforcement agency of North Korea. It has since undergone a few name revisions and is now called the Ministry of Social Security (Kr. sahoe anjeon-seong, 사회안전성, 社會安全省).
Exclusive interview with author Lim Il 243 Geun-hye. I have been to international human rights events in countries such as America, Switzerland, Germany, Belgium, Russia, and Japan, where I gave vivid accounts of my experiences as a North Korean overseas labourer.”
How did you feel when you frst arrived in South Korea? Was there anything that particularly surprised you in regards to, for example, language, culture, or everyday life? “When I first arrived in South Korea, I felt along the lines of ‘it’s like a different country. It’s a foreign country with foreigners that speak the same language…’. I was very surprised by how many cars there were on the streets. The streets in Seoul were packed with cars when compared with Pyongyang. I was also very surprised to see the shop signs as more than half were written using loanwords. Also, the sound of music and advertising gushing out of shops was noisy. Oh-so bustling Seoul was distinct from quiet Pyongyang. Another thing that surprised me was the food culture. I was very surprised when I got served with kimchi in summer, as it’s a winter dish in North Korea. In South Korea, people have special kimchi fridges, whereas in North Korea many don’t have a fridge at all, meaning that kimchi is only eaten in winter. I was also quite surprised by the small rice bowls used in South Korea. When I was first given a bowl of rice, I honestly thought it was a child’s portion. I had to get about three or four refills. Later I realised that the reason for this is was that you usually get six or seven side dishes in South Korea, whilst in the North you’d be lucky to get one or two. Speaking of which, I was shocked and disappointed to see how much food was thrown out by people in South Korea. Company employees would have meetings and half of the food would go in the bin.”
How long did it take you to get used to life in South Korea? Was there anything that made assimilating diffcult? “I don’t think it took that long. I think that for North Korean defector-resident men, in particular, one way of assimilating is having a steady family life. I got to know a female North Korean defector at Yoido Full Gosepl Church, between March 1997 and April 2000, whom I later married, which further allowed me to settle domestically. To be honest, personally I think that my religious life (Christianity) helped me greatly, psychologically, in settling into life in South Korea.”
You must also have some fond memories about North Korea. Is there anything that you particularly liked about it or miss? “I have fond memories of all the time I spent living, perhaps not rich in material objects, but in peace, with my beloved family – my parents and brothers.
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During Seollal and Chuseok, in particular, I sometimes stare vacantly at the distant northern skies, which I cannot visit even if I wanted to, and remember the faces of my family. I miss my passionate mates from high school as well as my colleagues from when I worked in society with whom I shared the good times and the bad times. I really miss these people a lot, whether they were likable or not, as they are the ones that I laughed and cried with together in the classroom and workplace.”
When read in Korean, your book naturally encourages one to think about Korean reunifcation. Is there anything that you would like your book to achieve once translated into English? Is there anything in particular that you would like readers of the English edition to get from the book? “I hope that readers get to know at least a little about the unknown world that’s North Korea through the people (the 33 North Korean defector heroes) that lived and departed from there. North Korea, a nation ruled and maintained by a bizarre family dynasty spanning three generations – something unheard of – is fabricated from start till end. No one can testify about North Korean society and the North Korean people living there to the extent of North Korean defector-residents. In South Korea, many North Korea specialists come out on television programs, feature in newspapers and take part in seminars and debates giving lengthy explanations and interpretations about research on North Korean society, but everything’s based on books and media resources. The testimonies given by people (North Korean defector-residents), who lived in, and came out from, North Korean society, are a valuable resource that cannot be substituted with that of any other citizen of the Republic of Korea.”
Whilst translating the book from Korean, the frst impression was that the source text has a certain North Korean favour to it. The style is direct and candid when compared to the general style of writing seen in South Korea. What do you think about this? “I think that the style the book is written in is North Korean because it follows my habits as a North Korean defector-resident. When interviewing North Korean defector-residents, I paid special attention to try and encourage the most honest replies possible. I see the need to convey the realities of North Korea as they are, without any addition or subtraction, as my principle. The economic race between the Republic of Korea and North Korea already ended back at the end of the 1980s. Whilst South Korea joined the line-up of developed nations with the 88’ Seoul Olympics, North Korea completely collapsed into being the world’s poorest nation with the opening of the July 89’ World Festival of Youth and Students.
Exclusive interview with author Lim Il 245 Some North Korean defector-heroes lie when interviewed by South Korean reporters. They’re a type of ‘white lie’. They can get away with it because the South Korea reporters don’t know about the internal structure of North Korean society. At the least, that doesn’t work in interviews with me (author Lim Il).”
What are these “white lies”? “Basically, some North Korean defector-residents tell tall-tales to try and be something that they weren’t. This may include overstating one’s position or role in society back in North Korea. I don’t think it’s done with any real ill intent.”
What are some of the biggest differences in terms of the Korean spoken in the North and the South (apart from differences in vocabulary)? “The beginning sound rule. In North Korea there’s no beginning sound rule – it’s something that’s only used in South Korea. There are many words that drop the initial consonant in South Korea like, yeo’haeng (travel) and nyeo’ja (girl) which in North Korea would be ryeo’haeng and yeo’ja, respectively. Another characteristic of North Korean is that it sounds aggressive like language spoken in the military, something that can even be seen in the way the North Korean announcers talk. It’s the way it is because Kim Il-sung’s teachings say that public speaking aimed at the people should be aspiring. South Korean, on the other hand, is soft, sounds kind, and uses a lot of loanwords.”
How would you like this somewhat Northern style to be refected in the English translation? “I think that it would be good for there to be a note stating: ‘Please note that the source text contains interviews of 33 North Korean defector-residents conducted by North Korean-defector author, Lim Il, and thus is written in a North Korean style’.”
The term “our nation” (urinara) is commonly used in both North and South Korea; however, the usage and defnition seem to differ. In South Korea, the offcial defnition is ‘a term used by us, the Korean (han) people, to refer to the nation that we formed’, thus implying that it is a term that refers to both the South and the North. In reality, however, the general South and North Korean public does not seem to use the term in reference to both, rather, the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, respectively. Do North Korean defector-residents
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use the term “our nation”? And if so, does this cause issues when meeting South Koreans who may not feel that way? Do you feel comfortable using and hearing the term “our nation” in South Korea? “Many North Korean defector-residents including myself use ‘our nation’ without issue. We did so in North Korea, and we continue to do so in South. The South and the North were once one. Isn’t this the land where our ancestors told us to not to fight, but live in peace with one another? South Koreans using ‘our nation’ didn’t seem awkward to me at all, and neither do I when I use ‘our nation’ in reference to the Republic of Korea. Personally, I feel that defecting was a move from the Northern part of the Republic of Korea to the South.”
As you explain the book, there are many terms used to refer to people who have defected from North Korea. It seems as though the most popular term at the moment is buk’hyangmin, meaning people whose hometown is in the North. What do you think is the most appropriate term?3 “The history of terms used to refer to us North Korean defector-residents goes really deep and there’s a great lot of variety. What’s clear is that terms of reference can come off as either appropriate or inappropriate depending on the time period and environment they are used in. As a side note, during conservative governments, I argued that there ought to be a distinction made between North Korean defectors (those who are overseas) and North Korean defector-residents (those in South Korea). I also suggested that the term ‘free people’ be used with the formation of the Moon Jae-in government (I don’t think it’s an option as there’s a very strong political nuance).” When I first heard buk’hyangmin it sounded odd, but now I think it’s rather good.”
In the introduction to the book, you write that the majority of North Korean defector-residents are women. In the book, however, you don’t interview any women. Similarly, you don’t interview any people below the age of 40. Is there any particular reason for this, and do you plan to interview women and young people? “I plan to write a separate book featuring interviews with North Korean defectorresident women in the near future. As for young people, I think that one has to
3 Buk’hyangmin (Kr. 북향민, 北鄕民), see TN 4, pg. 27.
Exclusive interview with author Lim Il 247 have lived in North Korea for 20 years, and a further 20 in South Korea in order to be able to really know them well.”
Was there anything in the interviews that you found particularly shocking or surprising? Did anything touch you or make you feel nostalgic? “The most shocking interview was with Im Kang-jin, former regiment commander in the Korean People’s Army. Im was the equivalent of a South Korean field-grade officer and yet he still chose to defect from North Korea. For me, this reaffirmed just how hopeless the North Korean army really is. The most touching interview was with Ji Seong-ho, the president of NAUH (presently he’s a member of the National Assembly). He defected from North Korea as a person with disabilities and traversed a huge distance before entering South Korea. He has taken part in a lot of international human rights activities. The 33 North Korean defector-residents all feel grateful to the government of the Republic of Korea for giving them genuine freedom and a humane life. I was also touched to see each and every defector-resident do their best at whatever they chose to do, all whilst thinking about their families back in their hometowns.”
What have the reactions to your book in South Korean society, North Korean defector-resident circles, and North Korea been like? “I’ve received positive feedback from readers saying that they have learnt new things from the book. The majority of feedback from North Korean defectorresidents has also been positive. I’ve heard from the publisher that the book has sold better than their previous publications. As for North Korea, I haven’t heard anything from there yet. As a side note, when I wrote Kim Jong-il: The Novel (2011), the Committee for the Peaceful Reunification of the Ancestral Land put out a critical statement about me.”4
4 Committee for the Peaceful Reunifcation of the Ancestral Land (Kr. 조국평화통일위원회, 祖國平和統一委員會), also known as the Committee for the Peaceful Reunifcation of the Fatherland (CPRF) or Committee for the Peaceful Reunifcation of Korea (CPRK), is referred to by the author using the abbreviated term jo’tongpyeong (Kr. 조통평, 祖統平). It is a North Korean state agency (since 2016) equivalent to the South Korean Ministry of Unification.
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What do you think the future holds for South–North relations? Furthermore, what do you think about former US President, Donald Trump, and Moon Jae-in’s approach to North Korea? “In November 2019, two fishermen who had defected from North Korea were sent back by force by the Moon Jae-in government, which I think was a serious violation of international law. The current government is such that it can’t show any insubordination to North Korea even when, recently, a public servant of the Republic of Korea was shot and burnt at the stake after entering North Korean waters. I was a supporter of Moon Jae-in, but now think that it’s the worst government to date in terms of South–North relations, and that humiliation like this at the hands of North Korea will only continue. I also think that if President Trump were to be re-elected, we would also only see continuation of past hollow dialogue and time wasting between North Korea and the USA. I would like to see a more confident and dignified but resolute stance towards North Korea from the Moon Jae-in government. I want the government to confidently say the things that ought to be said to North Korea, but it’s not happening at all. I would like for them to not only support North Korea’s economy, but also consider the human rights of the North Korean people. I want President Trump and President Moon Jae-in to take a ‘righteous and fine stance’ whereby they think about the 20 million people in North Korea before they come to think about Kim Jong-un. Are the 20 million people of North Korea not its masters? Peaceful reunification of the Korean Peninsula is a long way off if they are to be ignored.”
Select bibliography
Dobrzyńska, T. (1995). Translating Metaphor: Problems of Meaning. Journal of Pragmatics, 24. Fahy, S. (2018). Marching through Suffering: Loss and Survival in North Korea. Columbia University Press. Hassig, R., & Oh, K.D. (2009). The Hidden People of North Korea: Everyday Life in the Hermit Kingdom. Rowman & Littlefield. Hoare, J.E., & Pares, S. (2005). North Korea in the 21st Century: An Interpretive Guide. Global Oriental. Information Centre on North Korea (2020). Dictionary of North Korean Terms. Ministry of Unification (Republic of Korea). Institute for Military History, MND (2012). National Defence Event History (gukbang Saggeon’sa, ). Institute for Military History (Republic of Korea). Kim, I.S. (1977). Kim Il Sung on Juche in Our Revolution, Volume 1. Weekly Guardian Associates. Lankov, A. (2014). The Real North Korea: Life and Politics in the Failed Stalinist Utopia. Oxford University Press. Minnich, J.M. (2005). The North Korean People’s Army: Origins and Current Tactics. Naval Institute Press. National Human Rights Commission of Korea (2016). Korean-English Glossary of North Korean Human Rights Terms. Human Rights Policy Division of the National Human Rights Commission of Korea. Nord, C. (1991). Text Analysis in Translation: Theory, Methodology, and Didactic Application of a Model for Translation-Oriented Text Analysis. Rodopi. North, C. (2001). Translation as a Purposeful Activity: Functionalist Approaches Explained. Routledge. Oh, D.G. (2006). Comparative Guide to Language Use in North and South Korea Post Division: North Korean Term Glossary Using Ourlanguage (). Privately Published. Robinson, M.E. (2007). Korea’s Twentieth Century Odyssey: A Short History. University of Hawai’i Press. Smith, H. (2015). North Korea: Markets and Military Rule. Cambridge University Press. So, C.J., & Suh, J.J. (2013). Origins of North Korea’s Juche: Colonialism, War, and Development. Rowman & Littlefield. Uriminzokkiri (2020). Great Dictionary of the Joseon Language (). http://www.uriminzokkiri.com/index.php?ptype=ckodic
Select bibliography 251 Venuti, L. (2004). The Translator’s Invisibility: A History of Translation. Routledge. Zulawnik, A. (2018). Translating ‘Controversy’ – Methodology for the Translation of Controversial Texts Exemplifed through ‘Hate Hallyu: The Comic’. Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, Monash University. Zulawnik, A. (2020). “Death to the Translator!” – A Case Study on Risk in Translation. AALITRA Review, 15.
Index
Note: Main index entries are generally presented in English, apart from some food/ cuisines, films and other cultural references. Cross-references in the index refer to the main entry head word or phrase in bold English. Full Korean translation is then provided in parentheses after each main entry. 2nd Infantry Division (Kr. je 2 bobyeong-sadan, 제2보병사단) 3 n11 6.25 War (Kr. yuk’i’o jeonjaeng, 육이오 전쟁, 六二五 戰爭) 8 n5, 40 n2, 81 n9, 99 n3, 110 n3, 141 n2, 161 n7, 232 n1 9th Corps (Kr. gu gundan, 9군단, 九軍團) 226 n5 13th World Festival of Youth and Students (Kr. je 13 cha segye cheongnyeon haksaeng chukjeon, 제13차 세계청년학생축전, 第十三次 世界靑年學生祝典) 168 n11 38th parallel (Kr. samsip’pal seon, 38선, 三十八線) 26 n12, 154 n8, 165 n24, 180 n3: definition 3 n12, 35 n2 121 Incident (Kr. il i’il satae, 121사태, 121事態): definition 1 n1 130 Committee (Kr. baeksamsip sangmu, 130상무, 百三十常務) 162 n10 351st Border Factory (Kr. ganggye 351–ho gongjang, 강계351호공장, 疆界351號工場) 147 n5 620 Artillery Corps (Kr. pobyeong gundan, 포병군단, 砲兵軍團) 104 n6 620 Training Corps (Kr. hulryeonso, 훈련소, 訓練所) 104 n6 Act on the Protection and Settlement Support of North Korean Refugees (Kr. bukhan ital jumin’ui boho mij jeongchakjiwone gwanhan beobryul,
북한이탈주민의 보호 및 정착지원에 관한 법률, 北韓離脫住民의 保護 및 定着支援에 關한 法律) 112 n18 Action for Korea United (Kr. tongilcheonsa, 통일천사) 10 n17 Administration Council (Kr. jeongmuwon, 정무원, 政務院) 149 n18 administrative provinces (Kr. do, 도) 28 n8 after liberation: definition 2 n6 Ahn Chan-il 7–13, 52, 58, 110 Ahn Myeong-cheol 60–5 Air University (Kr. daehan Minguk gong’gun daehak, 대한민국 공군대학, 大韓民國 空軍大學) 227 n14 American imperialism (Kr. miguk jeguk’juui, 미국 제국주의, 美國帝國主義) 62 n7 American masters see American imperialism American Second Division (Kr. Mi2sadan, 미2사단) 3 n11 Amnok and Tumen Rivers (Kr. Amnok’gang gwa Dumangang, 압록강과 두만강, 鴨綠江과豆滿江) 196 n1 Amnok River (Kr. Amnok’gang, 압록강, 鴨綠江) 63 n10, 118 n11, 131 n1, 185 n3, 211 n8 Amur River see Heilong River ancestral seongbun (Kr. josang seongbun, 조상성분, 祖上成分) 137 n4 Anti-Japanese fghter (Kr. hang-il tusa, 항일투사, 抗日鬪士) 168 n10
254
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Anti-Japanese guerrilla unit (Kr. hangil yu’gyeokdae, 항일유격대, 抗日遊擊隊) 225 n4 Anti-Japanese movement (Kr. hangil undong, 항일운동, 抗日運動) 49 n8 Anti-North Korean broadcasts (Kr. daebuk bangseong, 대북방송, 對北放送) 87 n12, 155 n16 Anti-North propaganda leafets (Kr. daebuk jeondan, 대북전단, 對北傳單) 79, 87 n13, 104 n7 Anti-South broadcasts (Kr. daenam bangsong, 대남방송, 對南放送) 155 n14 Arch of Triumph (Kr. gaeseon-mun, 개선문, 凱旋門) 68 n11 Arduous March see March of Hardship Arirang Mass Games/Festival (Kr. arirang chukje, 아리랑 축제, 아리랑 祝祭) 176 n24 Armistice Line (Kr. hyujeonseon, 휴전선, 休戰線) 4 n18, 8 n11 Asian Financial Crisis (Kr. IMF sa’tae, IMF 사태, IMF事態) 44 n20 Association North Korean Defector (Kr. talbukja dongjihoe, 탈북자 동지회, 脫北者 同志) 45 n21 atae pyeonghwa jaedan (Kr. 아태평화재단, 아太平和財團) see Kim Dae-Jung Peace Foundation for the Asia-Pacifc Region August 15 see National Liberation Day of Korea Autumn Eve (Kr. Chuseok, 추석, 秋夕) 205 n5 Baengnyeong Island (Kr. baengnyeong-do, 백령도, 白翎島) 83 n19 Bangkok’s Immigration Detention Centre see immigration detention centre basic class (Kr. gibon’gyecheung, 기본계층, 基本階層) 137 n4 Battalion commander (Kr. daedaejang, 대대장, 大隊長) 226 n10 bbira (Kr. 삐라) see Anti-North propaganda leafets betrayer (Kr. baeshinja, 배신자, 背信者) 76 n25 Bibim-naengmyeon (Kr. 비빔냉면) 18 n24 blood sausage see Sundae
Blue House (Kr. cheongwadae, 청와대, 靑瓦臺) 12 n20, 33 n30, 103 n24: definition 1 n2 Blue House Raid (Kr. cheongwadae seupgyeok, 청와대 습격, 靑瓦臺 襲擊): definition 1 n1 broadcasts towards the North see Anti-North broadcasts broadcasts towards the South see Anti-South broadcasts Brocade Bridge see Nungra Bridge bukhan (South Korean term for North Korea) (Kr. 북한, 北韓) 74 nn7, 9 Bulgogi (dish) (Kr. 불고기) 43 n13 Bush, George 25, 119 businessmen see Jangsa-ggun Cabinet of North Korea (‘the Cabinet’) (Kr. joseon minjuju’ui inmin gonghwaguk, 조선민주주의인 민공화국 내각, 朝鮮民主主義人民共 和國 內閣) 41 n7 cadre (trained leader) (Kr. ganbu, 간부, 幹部) 43 n12, 54 n3, 61 n3, 66 n6, 117 n9, 153 n5, 165 n22, 166 n1, 188 n10, 217 n13: definition 23 n7 Camp 15 (Kr. gwalliso sip’o, 관리소15, 管理所15) 64 n11 captains 226 n9 Castaways (book) (Kr. jonan-ja, 조난자, 遭難者) 158 n25 caste classifcation system 137 n4; see also ancestral seongbun; basic class; core class; hostile class; origin seongbun; social seongbun; status CDs/DVDs (Kr. alpan (Kr. 알판) 229 n22 ceasefre (1953) (Kr. 휴전, 休戰) 239 n2 Central Committee (Kr. jung’angdang, 중앙당, 中央黨) 23 n8, 138 n6, 148 n13, 209 n5 Central Committee of the Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang jung’ang wiwon’hoe, 조선로동당 중앙위원회, 朝鮮勞動黨 中央委員會) 23 n8, 48 n4, 229 n20 see also Party’s Central Committee Central District (Kr. jung-guyeok, 중구역, 中區域) 15 n6 Changdeok (word processing application) (Kr. 창덕) 165 n21 Changuimun (Kr. 창의문, 彰義門) see Northwest Gate
Index character evaluation (Kr. inmul simsa, 인물심사, 人物審査): definition 177 n28 Chilgap Mountain (song) (Kr. chilgapsan, 칠갑산, 七甲山) 175 n19 Chinese joseonjok see ethnic Koreans living in China Cho Myung-chul xx, 54–9, 232 Choco Pie (Kr. choko pa’i, 초코파이) 83 n18 Choe Deok-sin 156 n19 Choesung Pavilion (Kr. choeseung-dae, 최승대, 最勝臺) 68 n11 Choi Hong-hee 156 n19 Choi Hyeon-jun 208–13 Chollima Line (Kr. chollima’seon, 천리마선, 千里馬線) 85 n3 Chon Chol-Woo 14–20 Chong Jun-taek University of Technology (Kr. jeongjuntaek gyeongje daehak, 정준택 경제대학, 鄭準澤經濟大學) 199 n5; see also Wonsan University of Economics Chongjin Metal Construction Cooperative Enterprise see Second Metal Construction Enterprise Chosun Dynasty see Joseon Dynasty Chosun Ilbo (Kr. Joseon ilbo, 조선 일보, 朝鮮日報) 25 n11 Chun Doo-hwan 181 n6 cities see special-level cities Citizen Welcoming Assembly (Kr. simin hwanyeong daehoe, 시민환영대회, 市民歡迎大會): definition 9 n16 citizens (Kr. min, 민, 民) 77 nn 27–9 Citizens’ Welcome Contest (Kr. simin hwanyeong daehoe, 시민환영대회, 市民歡迎大賽) 111 n8 city of Paju (Kr. paju-si, 파주시, 坡州市) 5 n19 Civil Aviation Administration of Korea (abbr. CAAK; Kr. bokjoseonhanggonghyeopoe, 복조선항공협회) 15 n10 civilian (Kr. samin, 사민, 私民 (North Korea), min’gan-in, 민간인, 民間人(South Korea)) 229 n23 clear stream eatery (Kr. Cheongnyu’gwan, 청류관, 淸流館) 44 n18
255
Colonels (Kr. Sangjwa, 상좌, 上佐) 175 n17, 225 n1; see also Senior Colonels Commander Grade see Jwa Grade Commissioned offcer (Kr. janggyo, 장교, 將校) 99 n4, 227 n11: definition 28 n9 Committee for the Five Northern Korean Provinces (Kr. ibuk odo wiwonhoe, 이북5도위원회, 以北五道委員會) 240 n8 Committee for the Peaceful Reunifcation of Korea (CPRK) 247 n4 Committee for the Peaceful Reunifcation of the Ancestral Land/Fatherland (Kr. joguk pyeonghwa tong’il wiwonhoe, 조국평화통일위원회, 祖國平和統一委員會) 217 n12, 247 n4 Committee for the Settlement of Nine Northern Korean Provinces Residents (Kr. ibukgudominjeongchangwiwonhoe, 이북9도민 정착위원회) 28 n7 Communications Division (Kr. tongsin’guk, 통신국, 通信局) 174 n13 communism: anti-communist ideology 12, 25 n11, 188 n11; dictatorship 160, 180; education 199, 227 n11; parties 41 n8, 227 n11 Community Party 2, 111 company commander (Kr. jungdaejang, 중대장, 中隊長) 226 n9 company-grade offcers (Kr. wi’gwan, 위관, 尉官) 215 n3 comrade (Kr. dongji, 동지同志) 45 n22 see also dongji constitution (Kr. heonbeob, 헌법, 憲法) 76 n20 Constitution of the Republic of Korea (Kr. daehan minguk heonbeop, 대한민국 헌법, 大韓民國) 76 n20 continent see landmass cooked-rice container (Kr. baptong, 밥통, 밥桶) 240 n7 copper pot personality (Kr. naembigeunseong, 냄비근성, 냄비根性) 140 n10 core class (Kr. haeksim’gyecheung, 핵심계층, 核心階層) 137 n4
256
Index
Corn Research Centre (Kr. oksusu yeonguso, 옥수수 연구소, 옥수수 實驗室) 80 n6 County People’s Committees (Kr. gun inmin wiwonhoe, 군인민위원회, 郡人民委員會) 172 n2 coupons see haengpyo crossing over to the south (Kr. wolnam, 월남, 越南) 73 nn 4, 5, 110 n5 currency see foreign currency; Hwan cyber warfare see Mirim College daehaegeum (musical instrument) (Kr. 대해금, 大奚琴) 173 n4 Daeseong General Bureau (Kr. daeseong chongguk, 대성총국, 大成總局) 150 n21 danmuji (dish) (Kr. 단무지) 156 n22 dawn (Kr. yeomyung, 여명, 黎明) 20 n29 Day of the Foundation of the Republic (Kr. inmin jeonggwon changgeon’il, 인민정권 창건일, 人民政權 創建日) 151 n25 Day of the Shining Star (Kr. gwangmyeongseongjeol, 광명성절, 光明星節) 24 n10 Day of the Sun (Kr. taeyangjeol, 태양절, 太陽節) 24 n10 defected fellow Koreans (Kr. talbuk dongpo, 탈북동포, 脫北同胞) 74 n10 defected North Korean resident (Kr. talbuk jumin, 탈북주민, 脫北住民) 74 n12 defecting soldiers (Kr. gwisun-byeong, 귀순병, 歸順兵) 154 n5 defector-residents (Kr. talbuk’min, 탈북민, 脫北) 231 n28 defectors who return to North Korea (Kr. jae’ibbukja, 재입북자, 再入北者) 76 n24 demilitarised zone (Kr. bimu jangji’dae, 비무장지대, 非武裝地帶). 87 n12 Democratic Party (Kr. deobuleo minju dang, 더불어민주당, 더불어民主黨) 96 n21 see also Millennium Democratic Party Democratic Youth League of North Korea (Kr. bukjoseon minju cheongnyeon dongmaeng, 북조선민주청년동맹,
北朝鮮民主靑年同盟) 48 n4 Department of Labour Administration (Kr. nodong haengjeong’gwa, 노동행정과, 勞動行政課) 172 n1 deserters (Kr. talyeongbyeong, 탈영병, 脫營兵): definition 32 n26 diaspora (Kr. dongpo, 동포, 同胞) 67 n7, 74 nn 7, 10 dignifed people of Kim Il-sung’s nation (Kr. jon’eom nop’eun kim ilsung minjok ui inmindeul, 존엄 높은 김일성 민족의 인민들, 尊嚴 높은 金日成 民族의 人民들) 239 n3 direct-controlled municipality (Kr. jikhalsi, 직할시, 直轄市) 28 n8 displaced persons (Kr. silhyangmin, 실향민, 失鄕民) 14 n3, 31 n24, 141 n1, 163 n18, 223 n6; see also fve Northern Korean provinces residents district (Kr. gu, 구, 區): definition 2 n7 see also guyeok DMZ Service Unit (Kr. mingyeong budae, 민경부대, 民警部隊) 87 n10, 110 n6, 154 n10 Doenjang (soybean paste)(Kr. 된장) 19 n27 -dong (suburb)(Kr. 동, 洞) 7 n3, 15 n5, 41 n6, 47 n1, 66 n1, 122 n2, 136 n2, 141 n3, 146 n1, 154 n9, 220 n1, 233 n4: definition 2 n7 dongji (comrade)(Kr. 동지, 同志) 45 n22: definition 7 n2; see also comrade dongmu (Kr. 동무) see comrade Dongning County (Kr. dongnyeonghyeon, 동녕현, 東寧縣) 81 n13 Doul Architecture and Engineering Offce (Kr. do’ul geonchuk geonchuksa samuso, 도울건축건축사사무소, 도울建築建築事事務所) 96 n23 dried radish greens soup (Kr. siraegiguk, 시래기국) 23 n9 Duman River see Tumen River East Sea (Kr. donghae, 동해, 東海) 185 n4 enter (Kr. ib, 입, 入) 76 n26 entrusted military student (Kr. gun uitak-saeng, 군 의탁생, 軍 委託生) 100 n14, 104 n5
Index entrusted student (Kr. uitak-saeng, 의탁생, 依託生) 100 n14 Eoeun-dong (place) (Kr. 어은동, 御恩洞) 178 n33 eoeungeum (musical instrument) (Kr. 어은금, 御恩琴) 178 n33 escape from North Korea (Kr. Talbuk, 탈북, 脫北) 33 n29, 74 n12: definition xix n3 escapees see North Korean escapees or North Korean refugees espionage (Kr. nampa, 남파, 南派): definition 3 n13 ethnic Koreans living in China (Kr. joseon’jok, 조선족, 朝鮮族) 84 n20, 94 n15, 222 n4 Europe/Europa (Kr. gurapa) 86 n8 eye measure (Kr. Nunchi (Kr. 눈치) 103 n23 Fatherland Liberation War (Kr. joguk haebang jeonjaeng, 조국해방전쟁, 祖國解放戰爭) 8 n5 Fighters For Free North Korea (Kr. jayu bukhan undong yeonhap, 자유북한운동연합, 自由朝鮮運動聯盟) 107 n15 fre meat see bulgogi frst rank (Kr. il’geub, 1급, 一級) 99 n9 fve Northern Korean provinces residents (Kr. ibuk odomin, 이북5도민) 14 n3; see also displaced persons food rations (Kr. sikryang, 식량, 食糧) 229 n19 ‘fool, idiot, or blockhead’ (Kr. baptong, 밥통, 밥桶) 240 n7 Foreign Affairs Sector (Kr. dae’oe bumun, 대외부문, 對外部門) 148 n14 foreign currency (Kr. oehwa, 외화, 外貨) 150 n20 foreign currency earning (Kr. oehwa’beori, 외화벌이, 外貨벌이) 148 n12 Fortune of the Supreme Leader and General (Kr. suryeong’bok janggun’bok, 수령복 장군복,首領福 將軍福) 161 n8 free migrant (Kr. jayuijumin, 자유이주민, 自由移住民) 74 n14: definition 27 n2
257
free North Korean people (Kr. jayu buk-han’in, 자유북한인, 自由北韓人) 74 n9 free people (Kr. jayu’min, 자유민, 自由民) 77 n27 freedom (Kr. jayu, 자유, 自由) 27 n3, 74 n9 friend (Kr. dongji, 동지, 同志) 107 n14 fringers (social outcasts) (Kr. moseori, 모서리) 176 n27 front-line regiment (Kr. choe jeonyeon budae, 최전연부대, 前線聯部隊) 87 n11 fugitive (Kr. taljuja, 탈주자, 脫走者): definition 32 n25 Galbitang (dish)(Kr. 갈비탕) 18 n25 gayageum (musical instrument) (Kr. 가야금, 伽倻琴) 178 n29 General Affairs Division (Kr. chongmu-guk, 총무국, 總務局) 174 n15 General Association of Korean Residents in Japan (Kr. jochongnyeon, 조총련, 朝總聯) 22 n5, 116 n2 General Guard Bureau (Kr. ho wichong-guk, 호위총국, 護衛總局) 29–30 n17 General Staff Department (Kr. chong cham’mo-bu, 총참모부, 總參謀部) 29 n13, 117 n7, 173 n8 Gimpo International Airport (Kr. gimpo gukche gonghang, 김포국제공항, 金浦國際空港) 44 n17 Gohyang FS (Kr. 고향에프에스) 15 n9: definition 15 n9 gold badge (Kr. geum’baeji, 금배지, 金배지) 52 n18 gold spoon (Kr. geumsujeo, 금수저, 金수저) 158 n29 grain policy business centre (Kr. yangjeong saeobso, 양정사업소, 糧政事業所) 61 n1 great blessings of fortune see Fortune of the Supreme Leader and General Great Dictionary of the Joseon Language (Kr. joseon’mal dae-sajeon, 조선말대사전, 朝鮮말大辭典) 177 n28 great teacher (Kr. seuseung, 스승) 106 n11 gu (district)(Kr. 구, 區) 15 n6 gukbap (rice dish) 95 n19 guyeok (district)(Kr. 구역, 區域) 15 n6
258
Index
Gwangbok Street Bridge (Kr. gwangbok geori-gyo, 광복거리교, 光復거리橋) 93 n10 Gwangju People’s Uprising (Kr. gwangju inmin bonggi, 광주인민봉기, 光州人民蜂起) 181 n6 gwisun yongsa 9 n14 see also Special Compensation Act for Returned Soldiers to the South Gyeoksul (Kr. 격술, 擊術): definition 4 n15 Gyeongseong Aviation Military Academy (Kr. gyeongsang bihaeng gun’gwan hakgyo, 경성비행군관학교) 鏡城飛行軍官學校) 92 n8 gymnastics see Mass games training grounds haegeum (musical instrument) (Kr. 해금, 奚琴) 173 n4, 179 n34 haengpyo (coupon)(Kr. 행표, 行票) 42 n11 Hallyu (Kr. hallyu, 한류, 韓流) 130 n8, 176 n26: definition 18 n21 Hamhung Communist University (Kr. hamheung gongsan daehak, 함흥공산대학, 咸興共産大學) 161 n6 Hamhung University of Computer Technology (Kr. hamheung kompyuteo gisul daehak, 함흥콤퓨터기술대학, 咸興콤퓨터技術大學) 161 n5 Han Yong-su 85–90 Hana Center (Kr. hana senteo, 하나센터) 113 n20 Hanawon (Kr. 하나원, 하나院) see Settlement Support Center for North Korean Refugees Hancom Hangul Offce (Kr. hankeom opiseu hangeul, 한컴오피스 한글) 165 n20 Hanguk (South Korean term for North Korea)(Kr.한국, 韓國) 17 n16 Heilong River (“Heilong Jiang”) (Kr. heukryong-gang, 흑룡강, 黑龍江) 81 n12 hero (Kr. yongsa, 용사) 35 n4 Heungnam Mechanics Vocational School (Kr. heungnam gigye jeonmun hakgyo, 흥남기계전문학교): definition 2 n8 Hoeryong County Party School (Kr. hoeryeong’gun danghakgyo,
회령군당학교, 會寧郡黨學校) 163 n14 holidays see Day of the Foundation of the Republic; Day of the Shining Star; Day of the Sun honey assignment see sweet job assignment Hong Sun-kyung 121–5 Hongwon Agriculture Technical College (Kr. hongwon nongeob jeonmun hakgyo, 홍원농업전문학교, 洪原農業專門學校) 61 n4 Hongwon High School (Kr. hongwon godeung hakgyo, 홍원고등학교, 洪原高等學校) 61 n3 hostile class (Kr. jeokdae’gyecheung, 적대계층, 敵對階層) 117 n10, 137 n4 Humor No. 1 (Kr. yumeo il’beonji, 유머일번지) 69 n15 Hwan (currency)(Kr. 환, 圜) 12 n19 Hyoksin Line (Kr. hyoksin’seon, 혁신선, 革新線) 85 n3 IDC Detention Centre see immigration detention centre ideological training (Kr. cheonnyeon dongmaeng, 천년동맹, 千年同盟) 100 n10 Im Kang-jin xx, 225–31, 247 Im Young-sun xx, 27–34 IMF Crisis see Asian Financial Crisis immigration detention centre (Kr. taeguk imin suyongso, 태국이민수용소, 泰國移民收容所) 230 n26 Imperial Japanese colonial period (Kr. ilje shigi, 일제시기, 日帝時期) 75 n18 indica rice (North Korea) (Kr. annam’mi, 안남미) 112 n16; (South Korea) (Kr. indika’ssal 인디카쌀) 112 n16 individuals who returned to the North of their own accord (Kr. uigeoipbukja, 의거입북자, 義擧入北者) 35 n3 Injeolmi (Kr. injeolmi, 인절미, 引切别) 106 n12 interview see character evaluation investigation agency (Kr. josagigwan, 조사기관, 調察機關) 94 n17, 102 n21, 163 n16 IX Corps see 9th Corps
Index Jaepo family (Kr. 재포가족, 在胞家族) 131 n3 Jahamun (Kr. 자하문, 紫霞門) see Northwest Gate Jang Cheol-gu Pyongyang University of Commerce (Kr. jangcheolgu pyeongyang sang’eop daehak, 장철구평양상업대학, 張鐵久平壤商業大學) 175 n22 Jang Se-yul 58, 202–7 janggyo (rank)(Kr. 장교, 將校) 8 n10 jangsaenap (musical instrument) (Kr. 장새납, 長새납) 178 n31 Jangsa-ggun (business person)(Kr. 장사꾼) 15 n7 Jangteo gukbap (rice soup)(Kr. 장터국밥) 18 n25 Japanese-Korean (Kr. jae’il gyopo, 재일교포, 在日僑胞) 116 n1, 131 n2 Japanese-North Korean Repatriates (Kr. jaeilbuksonggyopo, 재일북송교포, 在日北送僑胞) 22 n3 Jeon Cheol-woo Hometown Cold Noodles (Kr. jeoncheolu gohyang naengmyeon, 전철우고향냉면, 전철우故别冷面) 95 n18 Jeon Cheol-woo Hometown Gukbap (Kr. jeoncheolu gohyang gukbap, 전철우고향국밥, 전철우故别국밥) 95 n19 Jeon Ju-myeong 166–71 Jeong Nam 38, 91–7 Jeong Seong-san 58, 66–72 Ji Seong-ho 191–5, 247 Joint forces military universities (Kr. yuk hae gong’gun daehak, 육-해공군대학, 陸-海- 空軍大) 227 n14 Joint Security Area (film) (Kr. gongdong gyeongbi guyeok JSA, 공동경비구역JSA, 共同警備區域JSA) 71 n23 Joint Security Area see Panmunjeom Joo Myung-shin 126–30 Joo Seung-hyun 153–9 Joseon Central Committee of Writers Union (Kr. joseon jakga dongmaeng jung’ang wiwonhoe, 조선작가동맹 중앙위원회, 朝鮮作家聯盟中央委 員會) 104 n2 Joseon Communist Party 2 Joseon Dynasty (Kr. 조선, 朝鮮) (1392–1897) 17 n16
259
Joseon League of Socialist Working Youth (Kr. joseon sarocheong jungang wiwonhoe, 조선사로청중앙위원회, 朝鮮勞動靑中央委員會) 48 n4 Joseon Peninsula (Kr. joseon bando, 조선반도, 朝鮮半島) xix n2 Joseon Peoples’ Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군대, 朝鮮人民軍) 98 n1 Joseon Writers Union (Kr. joseon jakga dongmaeng, 조선작가동맹, 朝鮮作家聯盟) 104 n2 Juche ideology (Kr. juche sasang, 주체사상, 主體思想) 86 n5, 93 n9, 101 n20 Juche Tower (Kr. juchesa sasang’tab, 주체사상탑, 主體思想塔) 93 n9 jung’wi (Kr. 중위, 中尉) 29 n17 Jungmuwon Cabinet (Kr. jeongmuwon naegak, 정무원 내각, 政務院 內閣) 41 n7 junior (Kr. hubae, 후배, 後輩): definition 14 n2; see also senior Jwa Grade (Kr. jwa’geup, 좌급, 佐級) 174–5 n17, 225 n1, 226 n10, 228 n17 Kaechon Air Base (Kr. gaecheon bihaengjang, 개천비행장, 价川飛行場) 215 n5 Kang Chol-hwan 21–6, 58, 64, 119 Kang Kon Military Academy (Kr. kang’gon gun’gwan hakgyo, 강건군관학교, 姜健綜合軍官學校) 29 n15 Kang Myung-do 47–53 KBS Hanminjok Radio (KBS hanminjok bangsong, KBS 한민족방송, KBS 한民族放送) 188 n11 Kim Chaek Air Force Academy (Kr. gimchaek gonggun daehak, 김책공군대학, 金策空軍大學) 215 n1 Kim Chaek Political Military Academy (Kr. kimcheak jeongchi gungwan hakgyo, 김책정치군관학교, 金策政治軍官學校) 100 n12 Kim Chaek University of Technology (Kr. gimchaek gong’eop jonghap daehak, 김책공업종합대학, 金策工業綜合大學) 15–16 n13, 80 n3, 92 n5, 117 n3, 161 n4, 173 n5
260
Index
Kim Chul Joo Artillery University (Kr. kimcheolju pobyeong daehak, 김철주포병대학, 金哲柱砲兵大學) 209 n3 Kim Chul Ju Artillery General Military Academy (Kr. kimcheolju pobyeong jonghap gun’gwan hakgyo, 김철주포병종합군관학교, 金哲柱砲 兵綜合軍管學校) 209 n3, 226 n7 Kim Dae-Jung 50–1, 181 Kim Dae-jung Peace Center (Kr. kimdaejung pyeonghwa senteo, 김대중평화센터) 50 n12 Kim Dae-Jung Peace Foundation for the Asia-Pacifc Region (Kr. ashi’a taepyeongyang pyeonghwa jaedan, 아시아태평양평화재단, 아시아太平洋平和 財團) 50 n12 Kim Heung-kwang 160–5 Kim Hyong-Jik University of Education (Kr. kimhyeongjik sabeop daehak, 김형직사법대학, 金亨稷師範大學) 104 n4, 132 n4 Kim Il-joo (Kr. 김일주, 金日柱) 163 n17 Kim Il-sung: ancestral background 30; anti-Japanese movement 49, 70 n20, 225; birthday 24 n10, 43, 93, 123; birthplace 30, 93 n10; Blue House surprise attack 3; brother (Kim Chul-ju) 209 n3; commendations from 93; critics 22; death and interment 37, 48 n7, 87–8, 112, 138, 148, 187; dictatorial regime 16, 113, 119, 163, 180; ‘dignified people’ of his nation 239; DPRK 199 n5; family 47–8, 53, 103, 202; grandson (Kim Jong-un) 6; great blessings of fortune 161 n8; history 176; Ideology Study 24; Juche ideology 146 n3; Jungmuwon Cabinet 41 n7; Korean People’s Army 225; Kumsusan Assembly Hall 48; Kim Chaek and 15 n13; loyal servants 209; paintings of 136; political idolisation 40, 131; religion 84, 98; research 81; revolutionary history of 66 n3; songs of praise for 174; South Joseon, invasion of 81; Soviet Union, relationship with 40; speeches 165; spoken language 245; Supreme Leader, used in reference to 21 n2; vulnerability 29; watch with his signature on it 93, 209; wife (Kim Seong-ae) 22
Kim Il Sung Higher Agricultural School (Kr. kimilseong godeung nong’eop hakgyo, 김일성고등농업학교, 金日成高等農業學校) 100 n18 Kim Il-sung High School of Physics (Kr. kimilseong godeung mulli hakgyo, 김일성고등물리학교, 金日成高級物理學校) 100 n18 Kim Il-sung Higher Party School (Kr. gimilseong gogeup’dang hakgyo, 김일성고급당학교,金日成高 級党學校) 100 n17 Kim Il-sung Mausoleum (Kr. kimilseong sisin gungjeon, 심일선 시신 궁전, 金日成屍身宮殿) 48 n7, 112 n15, 148 n16 Kim Il-sung Military University (Kr. kimilseong gunsa jonghap daehak, 김일성군사종합대학, 金日成軍事綜合大學) 8 n9, 100 n16, 227 n13 Kim Il-sung party (Kr. kimilseong-pa (Kr. 김일성파, 金日成派) 225 n4 Kim Il-sung Political Military University (Kr. kimilseong jeongchi gunsa daehak, 김일성정치군사대학, 金正日政治軍事大學) 15 n11 Kim Il-sung Socialist Youth Alliance (Kr. jungdaechogeup danche, 중대초급단체, 重大初級團體) 99–100 n10 Kim Il-sung Socialist Youth League (Kr. kimilseong sahoe’juui cheongnyeon dongmaeng, 김 일성사회주의청년동맹, 金日成社會 主義靑年同盟) 48 n4, 117 n5 see also Joseon League of Socialist Working Youth Kim Il-sung Square 93 n9, 122 Kim Il-sung Stadium (Kr. kimilseong gyeonggijang, 김일성경기장, 金日成競技場) 68 n11 Kim Il-sung University of Political Science (Kr. kimilseong jonghab daehak, 김일성종합대학, 金日成綜合大學) 48 n3, 49 n10, 54 n5, 100 nn12–13, 104 n1, 121 n1, 153 n3, 216 n9, 232 n3 Kim In-chul 220–4 Kim Jong-il: antagonism towards 127, 133; birthday 24 n10, 116, 123, 156; capitalist culture 133; conflicts 21; critics 22, 63, 169; death and
Index interment 48 n7, 148; dictatorial regime 68, 119, 134, 169, 217; family 214; film and media 133, 156 n19, 162; great blessings of fortune from 161 n8; Guard Unit 154; historical artefacts 118; history 176, 225; Kim Jong-il: The Novel (2011) 242, 247; lifestyle 209, 214; loyal supporters 63, 163, 209, 235; loyalty oaths 157; North Joseon, effect on 162; paintings 136; property 210; revolutionary history 66 n3; songs of praise for 174; Supreme Leader, used in reference to 21 n2; visits 198; Wangjaesan Light Music Band 70 n20; Worker’s Party of Korea 199; youth in North Korea 131 Kim Jong-nam: assassination of 152 Kim Jong-un: Blue House raid 4; character 84; critics 51, 60, 183; denuclearisation 47, 53, 235; dictatorial regime 51, 67, 76; family 6, 127, 152, 225; human rights violations 60, 135, 160, 201, 204–5; inter-Korean relations 195; International Criminal Court 65; Korean People’s Army 225; media play 119; Organization and Guidance Department 229 n20; printed pictures 204, 234; revolutionary thoughts 98; Supreme Leader, position as xx n4; unification goals 237, 247; youth in North Korea 131, 135, 168 Kim Seong-min 58, 104–9, 205 Kim Shin-jo 1–6 Kim Tae-bom 40–6 Kim Tae-san 146–52 Kim Young-soon 58 kimilseong gunsa-dae (Kr. 김일성군사대, 金日成軍事大) 8 n9 Kimilsungist-Kimjongilist Youth League (Kr. kimilseong kimjeongil ju’ui cheongnyeon dongmaeng, 김일성-김정일주의청년동맹, 金日成金正日主義靑年同盟) 48 n24, 167 n7, 168 n12 Korea Hana Foundation (Kr. nambuk hana jaedan, 남북하나재단, 南北하나財團) 59 n8, 129 n5, 164 n19 Korean Demilitarised Zone (Kr. hanbando bimujang jidae, 한반도 비무장 지대, 韓半島非武裝地帶) 87 n11
261
Korean Empire (Kr. daehan jeguk, 대한제국, 大韓帝國) xix n2, 4 n17, 17 n16 Korean Peninsula (Kr. hanbando, 한반도, 韓半島) 17 n15, 51 n15, 76 n24, 111 n11, 180 n1, 182 n11: definition xix n2 Korean People’s Army (Kr. joseon inmin’gun, 조선인민군, 朝鮮人民軍) 8 n6, 28 n9, 29 n12, 49 n9, 60 n1, 61 n6, 68 n9, 87 n9, 92 n2, 92 n6, 98 n1, 99 n7, 104 n3, 110 n4, 117 n6, 150 n22, 154 n7, 154 n12, 156 n23, 167 n4, 173 n9, 186 n7, 225 n2, 239 n5: definition xx n4 Korean People’s Army Air and AntiAir Force (Kr. joseon inmin’gun hang’gong mit banhang’gong’gun, 조선인민군 항공 및 반항공군, 朝鮮人民軍 航空 및 反航空軍) 215 n2 Korean People’s Army Air Force (Kr. joseon inmin’gun gon’ggun, 조선인민군 공군, 朝鮮人民軍空軍) 215 n2 Korean People’s Guard (Kr. joseon inmin gyeongbidae, 조선인민경비대, 朝鮮人民警備隊) 92 n2 Korean person whose hometown is in the North (Kr. gohyang’i bukjjok’in hanguk saram, 고향이 북쪽인 한국사람, 故鄕이 北쪽인 韓國사람) 74 n16 Korean rice cakes (Kr. tteokgomul, 떡고물) 182 n10 Korean Thanksgiving Day (Kr. Hangawi, 한가위) 205 n5 Korean Ukrainian Parliamentary Association (Kr. hanguk ukeura’i’na’ui wonhyeop huijang, 한국우크라이나의원 협회장, 韓國우크라이나議員會場) 96 n22 Korean War see 6.25 War; Fatherland Liberation War; Joseon War Korean Wave see Hallyu Koryo-in/Koryo-saram (ethnic Koreans in post-Soviet States)(Kr. 고려인, 高麗人) 44 n16 Kumsong Secondary School No. 1 (Kr. geumseong je’il godeung’jung hakgyo, 금성제1고등중학교, 金星第一高等中學校) 68 n8
262
Index
Kumsusan Assembly Hall (Kr. geumsusan uisadang, 금수산의사당, 錦繡山議事堂) 48 n7 Kumsusan Memorial Palace (Kr. geumsusan ginyeom gungjeon, 금수산기념궁전, 錦繡山紀念宮殿) 48 n7, 112 n15, 148 n16 Kumsusan Palace of the Sun see Kumsusan Memorial Palace landmass (Kr. daeryuk, 대륙, 大陸) 41 n5 League of Socialist Working Youth of Korea (Kr. sahoe ju’ui nodong cheongnyeon dongmaeng, 사회주의노동청년동맹, 社會主義勞動靑年同盟) 48 n4 Lee Myung-bak 9, 52, 70, 242 Lee Ung-gil 196–201 Lesser Commanders see Jwa Grade; Major Liberation of the Ancestral Country War see Fatherland Liberation War Lieutenant Colonel (Kr. Jungjwa, 중좌, 中佐) 175 n17, 228 nn17–18 lieutenants 29 n17 Light Industry Committee (Kr. gyeonggong’eop wiwonhoe, 경공업위원회, 輕工業委員會) 149 n18 light music group (Kr. kyeong’eum’ak, 경음악, 輕音樂) 70 n20 Lim Il xvi, xxi, 7, 54 n1, 80, 95 n21, 99 n4, 108, 182, 241 n11, 242–8 love call (Kr. reobeu kol, 러브콜) 179 n35 loyalty oaths (Kr. chungseong seonseo, 충성선서, 忠誠宣誓) 157 n23 Lunar New Year (Kr. eumryeokseol, 음력설, 陰曆설) 140 n9 Major (Kr. sojwa, 소좌, 少佐) 174–5 n17, 225 n1, 226 n10 management centres (Kr. gwalliso, 관리소, 管理所) 21 n1 Mangyongbong MV (North Korean Ship) (Kr. 만경봉호, 萬景峰號) 117 n8 Mangyongdae Line (Kr. mangyongdae’seon, 만경대선, 萬景臺線) 85 n3
Mangyongdae Revolutionary School (Kr. mangyeongdae hyeokmyeong hagwon, 만경대혁명학원, 萬景臺革命學院) 49 n9, 86 n6, 92 n7 maps: Central Pyongyang xv; East Asia xiii; North Korea xiv March 1st Movement (Kr. sam’il undong, 삼일 운동, 三日運動): definition xix n1 March of Hardship (Kr. gonan wi haeng’gun, 고난의 행군, 苦難의 行軍) 37 n9, 79 n2, 112 n17, 123 n4, 139 n8, 169 n12, 197 n3, 233 n6 March of Suffering see March of Hardship mass games training grounds (Kr. jipdan chejo hullyeon-jang, 집단체조훈련장, 集團體操訓鍊場) 176 n24 May 1 Stadium (Kr. o-wol ir’il gyeongijang, 5월1일 경기장, 5月1日 競技場) 206 n8 May 18 Gwangju Democratisation Movement (Kr. o il-pal gwangju minju’hwa undong, 5·18 광주 민주화 운동, 五一八光州民主化運動) 181 n6 media play/manipulation (Kr.언론플레이, 制造别别) 119 n13 megalopolis (Kr. gwangyeoksi, 광역시, 廣域市) 28 n8 mental or emotional disorder (Kr. Hwabyeong, 화병, 火病) 209 n6 metropolitan cities (Kr. teugbyeolsi, 특별시, 特別市) 28 n8 migratory birds (term) (Kr. cheolsae, 철새): definition 182 n9 military academy (Kr. gungwan hakgyo, 군관학교, 軍官學校) 157 n24 Military Foundation Day (Kr. geon’gunjeol, 건군절, 建軍節) 225 n3 Military Mobilization Offce (Kr. gunsa dongwon-bu, 군사동원부, 别事别别部) 29 n12 military offcer (Kr. gungwan, 군관, 軍官) 28 n10, 154 n13, 187 n8, 227 n11: definition 8 n10 military psychological operations group of the Ministry of National Defense (Kr. gukbang-bu shimni jeondan, 국방부 심리전단, 國防部 心理戰團) 82 n14
Index Millennium Democratic Party (Kr. sae cheonnyeon minjudang, 새천년민주당, 새千年民主黨) 50–1 n13 mingyeong (Kr. 민경, 民警) 87 n10 Ministry of Commerce (Kr. sangeop’seong, 상업성, 商業性) 148 n14 Ministry of External Economic Relations (Kr. dae-oe gyeongje’seong, 대외경제성, 對外經濟省) 148 n14 Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Kr. oegyo-bu, 외교부, 外交部) 217 n16 Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Kr. oemu’seong, 외무성, 外務省) 148 n14 Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (Kr. joseon minjuju’ui inmin gonghwaguk oemu-seong, 조선민주주의인민 공화국 외무성, 朝鮮民主主義人民共和國 外務省) 217 n16 Ministry of Light Industry (Kr. gyeonggong’eop-seong, 경공업성, 輕工業省) 147 n11 Ministry of Social Security (Kr. sahoe anjeon-seong, 사회안전성, 社會安全省) 85 n4, 123 n3, 133 n6, 174 n13, 242 n2 Ministry of Social Security Metro Operation Bureau (Kr. inmin bo’anseong jihacheol unyeong’guk 인민보안성 지하철 운영국, 人民安全部 地下鐵道 運營局) 85 n4 Ministry of State Security (Kr. gukga bowiseong, 국가보위성, 國家保衛省) 22 n4 Ministry of the Interior and Safety (Kr. haengjeonganjeonbu, 행정안전부, 行政安全部) 31 n22 Ministry of the People’s Armed Forces (Kr. inmin muryeok’bu, 인민무력부, 人民武力部) 29 n14, 99 n8, 154 n14, 174 n11, 210 n7, 48 n5 Ministry of the People’s Security (Kr. inmin bo’an-seong, 인민보안성, 人民保安省) 174 n13 Ministry of Unifcation (Kr. tong’il-bu, 통일부, 統一部) 11 n18, 27 n6, 31 n22, 45 n23, 59 n7, 129 n4, 170 n15, 222 n5, 240 n9: definition 7 n4
263
minjudang (Kr. 민주당, 民主黨) 96 n21 see also Democratic Party Mirim College (Kr. 미림대학, 美林大學) 203 n2 Moon Jae-in: elections 50–1, 53, 182; family background 206 n9; government 246, 248; human rights 195; speeches 206 Moran Hill (Kr. moran-bong, 모란봉, 牡丹峰) 68 n11 Moranbong Silver Arts Troupe (Kr. moranbong shilbeo yesuldan, 모란봉실버예술단, 牡丹峯실버藝術團) 129 n7 mother (Kr. eomeoni, 어머니) 69 n16 Mother (play) (Kr. ohmani, 오마니) 69 n16 mountain vegetables (Kr. namul, 나물) 42 n9 mun (Kr. 문, 門): definition 1 n3 Munhwa Broadcasting Corporation (MBC) 17 n19 Municipal People’s Committees (Kr. si inmin wiwonhoe, 시인민위원회, 市人民委員會) 161 n3, 172 n2 Munsubong hill (Kr. munsubong, 문수봉, 文繡峯) 136 n1 Musan Mining Complex (Kr. musan gwangsan yeonhap gi’eopso, 무산광산연합기업소, 茂山鑛山聯合企業所) 230 n24 musical instruments see daehaegeum; eoeungeum; gayageum; haegeum; jangsaenap; ongnyugeum; sohaegeum; taepyeongso; saenap Naengmyeon (Kr. naengmyeon, 냉면, 冷麵 in South Korea; raengmyeon, 랭면, 冷麵 in North Korea) 14 n1 Nambuk Donghaeng Academy (Kr. nambuk donghaeng akademi, 남북동행 아카데미, 南北同行 아카데미) 235 n7 Namnambuknyeo (Kr. 남남북녀, 南男北女): definition (‘good looking’ men and women) xxi n5 Nampo National University of Education (Kr. nampo gyowon daehak, 남포교원대학, 南浦敎員大) 99 n5
264
Index
Nampo University of Agriculture (Kr. nampo nonggeop daehak, 남포농업대학, 南浦農業大學) 80 n5 Nation and Destiny (film) (Kr. minjokgwa unmyeong, 민족과 운명, 民族과運命) 156 n18 national army (Kr. gukgun, 국군, 國軍) 88 n15 National Assembly of the Republic of Korea (Kr. daehan minguk gukoe, 대한민국 국회, 大韓民國 國會) 158 n26 National Colours Medal (Kr. gukgi hunjang, 국기훈장, 國旗勳章) 99 n9 National Liberation Day of Korea (Kr. gwangbokjeol, 광복절, 光復節): definition 2 n10 Naval War College (Kr. daehan minguk haegun daehak, 대한민국 해군대학, 大韓民國 海軍大學) 227 n14 new (Kr. sae, 새) 76 n22 New Arrival’s Lounge see Saeteomin Lounge New arrivals (Kr. saeteomin, 새터민, 새터民) 73 n3, 75 n20: definition 27–8 n5 newspapers see Chosun Ilbo; Settlers’ Newspaper Nine Northern Korean Provinces residents (Kr. ibukgudomin, 이북9도민) 28 n6 NIS (Kr. gukjeong-won, 국정원, 國情院) see South Korean National Intelligence Service non-state sanctioned unoffcial markets (Kr. Jangmadang, 장마당, 場마당) 112 n17, 156 n19, 183 n13, 198 n4 noodles see Bibim-naengmyeon; Jeon Cheol-woo Hometown Cold Noodles; Naengmyeon; Pyongyang Naengmyeon Nord, C. xvii north (Kr. buk, 북, 北) 76 n26 North Joseon (Kr. buk-joseon, 북조선, 北朝鮮) 17 n16, 81 n10, 162 n9 North Korea Democratic Women’s League (Kr. joseon minju nyeoseong dongmaeng, 조선민주녀성동맹, 朝鮮民主女性同盟) 41 n8 North Korea Freedom Week (Kr. bukhan jayu jugan, 북한자유주간, 北韓自由週間) 105 n9
North Korea, terms for see Bukhan North Korean Academy of Agricultural Science (Kr. bukhan nong’eop gwahakwon, 북한농업과학원, 北韓農業科學院) 80 n7 North Korean defector (Kr. talbuk’ja, 탈북자, 脫北者) 27 n4, 28 n6, 72 n1, 76 n23, 76 n25, 77 n28, 158 n28 North Korean Defector Silver Arts Troupe (Kr. talbukmin shilbeo yesuldan, 탈북실버예술단, 脫北실버藝術團,) 129 n7 North Korean defector-resident (Kr. talbukmin, 탈북민, 脫北民) 2 n5, 40 n3, 51 n16, 66 n2, 69 n17, 75 n19, 76 n22, 77 n27, 77 n28, 82 n16, 83 n17, 85 n2, 91 n1, 98 n2, 102 n22, 105 n8, 107 n16, 110 n1, 114 n22, 153 n1, 160 n1, 172 n3, 182 n8, 240 n6, 240 n10: definition xix n3, 146 n4; see also Nine Northern Korean Provinces residents North Korean Defectors One Heart festival (Kr. talbukmin han ma’eum chukje, 탈북민 한 마음 축제, 脫北民 한 마음 祝祭) 129 n6 North Korean escapees or North Korean refugees (Kr. buk-han ital jumin, 북한이탈주민, 北韓離脫住民) 27 n4 North Korean Red Cross Society (Kr. bukhan jeok’sipja-sa, 북한적십자사, 北韓赤十字社) 216 n7 North Korean refugees (Kr. bukhan ital jumin, 북한이탈주민, 北韓離脫住民) 73 n2, 75 n17, 112–13 n18, 239 n1 North Korean Refugees Foundation (Kr. bukhan italjumin jiwon jaedan, 북한이탈주민지원재단, 北韓離脫住民支援財團) 59 n8 North Korean Refugees Protection and Settlement Support Act (Kr. 북한이탈주민의 보호 및 정착지원에 관한 법률) 56 n6 North Korean resident (Kr. bukan jumin, 북한주민, 北韓住民) 182 n12, 217 n15 North Korean reunifcation defector comrades (Kr. talbuk
Index tongil dongjideul, 탈북-통일동지들, 脫北統一同志들) 109 n17 North Korean Writers in Exile PEN Literature (Kr. mangmyeong bukhan pen senteo, 망명북한펜센터, 亡命北漢펜센터) 71 n21 North Korea-policy sell-outs (Kr. daebukpari baptong, 대북팔이 밥통) 240 n7 Northern Limit Line (Kr. bukbang hangyeseon, 북방한계선, 北方限界線) 83 n19, 215 n6 North–South division (Kr. nambukbundan, 남북분단, 南北分斷): definition 33 n29 Northwest Gate (Kr. Buksomun, 북소문, 北小門) 1 n3 Nungra Bridge (Kr. neungra dari, 능라다리, 綾羅다리) 93 n11 Offce No. 39 (Kr. je samsipguho-sil, 제39호실, 第三十九號室) 148 n12 Oh Chong-song (Kr. 오청성) 201 n10 Okryu Restaurant (Kr. Okryu-gwan, 옥류관, 玉流館) 15 n4 old (Kr. heon, 헌) 76 n22 old arrivals (Kr. heonteomin, 헌터민, 헌터民) 76 n21 one people (Kr. hana’in, 하나인, 하나人) 74 n11 ongnyugeum (musical instrument) (Kr. 옥류금, 玉流琴) 178 n32 Operations Guidance Division (Kr. jakjeon jido-guk, 작전지도국, 作戰指導局) 174 n14 opposition parties (Kr. yadang, 야당, 野黨) 183 n13 Order of the National Flag medal (Kr. gukgi hunjang, 국기 훈장, 國旗勳章) 93 n12 Organization and Guidance Department (Kr. jojik jido-bu, 조직지도부, 組織指導部) 229 n20 origin (Kr. Seongbun, 성분, 成分) 137 n4, 233 n5 origin seongbun (Kr. chulsin seongbun, 출신성분, 出身成分) 137 n4, 154 n11 Our fellow Koreans (Kr. uri dongpo, 우리 동포, 우리 同胞) 67 n7 paid publicity squad (Kr. yugeup seonjeon’dae, 유급선전대, 有給宣傳隊) 173 n10;
265
see also publicity squad Paju County (Kr. paju-gun, 파주군, 坡州郡) 5 n19 Panmunjeom (Kr. 판문점, 板門店): definition 36 n8 Park Chung-hee 4, 6, 12: assassination of 1 n1 Park Geun-hye (Kr. 박근혜, 朴槿惠) 51 n14, 125 n6, 181 n7: administration 52, 125; elections 51, 181; history 51 n14 Park Kwang-il 131–5 Park Myung-ho 185–90 Park Sang-hak 58, 107, 116–20 Park Seong-jin 172–9 partisan party (Kr. bbalchisan-pa, 빨치산파, 빨치산派) 225 n4 party loyalist (Kr. dangilgun, 당일군) 185 n1 Party Loyalty Fund (Kr. dang chungseong jageum, 당충성자금, 黨忠誠資金) 151 n23 Party’s Central Committee (Kr. dang jung’ang wiwonhoe, 당 중앙위원회, 黨 中央委員會) 153 n2 patriotic offering (Kr. aeguk heongeum, 애국헌금, 愛國獻金) 151 n25 Peace Unith Defectore Alliance (Kr. pyeonghwa tongil talbuk’in yeonhaphoe, 평화통일탈북인연합회, 平和統一脫北人聯合會) 40 n1 Peaceful Reunifcation of North Korean Defectors Association see Peace Unith Defectore Alliance PEN see North Korean Writers in Exile PEN Literature penal labour camps see management centres pension (Kr. pensyeon, 펜션): definition 2 n4 peonies (Kr. moran, 모란, 牡丹) 68 n11 people (Kr. min, 민, 民) 77 nn 27–9 people of the nation (Kr. gukmin, 국민, 國民) 77 n25 people who move or migrate to other places (Kr. ijumin, 이주민, 移住民) 27 n3 people who perform tasks for the state (Kr. jik’gwanwon (Kr. 직관원, 直觀員/ jik’gwan seondeongwon, 직관선동원, 直觀煽動員) 137 n3 people who put reunifcation into practice see Action for Korea United
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people whose hometown is in the North (Kr. buk’hyangmin, 북향민, 北鄕民) 246 n3 People’s Army (Kr. inmin gundae, 인민군대, 人民軍隊) 29 n12, 150 n22, 154 n7, 167 n4 People’s Army Support Fund (Kr. inmin gundae jiwon’geum, 인민군대지원금, 人民軍隊支援金) 151 n24 People’s Army, Stop Moving! (Kr. inmin’gun dongjak geuman, 인민군동작그만, 人民軍動作그만) 69 n15 People’s Committees (Kr. inmin wiwonhoe, 인민위원회, 人民委員會) 172 n2; see also County People’s Committees; Municipal People’s Committees; Provincial People’s Committees People’s Economy College (Kr. inmin gyeongje daehak, 인민경제대학, 人民經濟大學) 147 n7 People’s Palace of Culture (Kr. inmin munhwa gungjeon, 인민문화궁전, 人民文化宮殿) 35 n5 people’s paradise on earth (Kr. inmin ui jisang nakwon, 인민의 지상낙원, 人民의 地上樂園) 239 n3 People’s Rural Assembly (Kr. jibang inmin-hoe, 지방인민회, 地方人民會) 161 n3, 172 n2 People’s Rural Committee (Kr. jibang inmin wiwonhoe, 지방인민위원회, 地方人民委員) 172 n2 People’s Service Commission (Kr. inmin bongsa wiwonhoe, 인민봉사위원회, 人民奉仕委員會) 147 n9 People’s Unit/People’s Group (Kr. Inminban, 인민반, 人民班) 242 n1 person who crosses over to the South (Kr. wolnamja, 월남자, 越南者) 73 n4 person who has lost their hometown see displaced persons person whose hometown is in the North (Kr. bukhyangmin, 북향민, 北鄕民) 27 n3, 74 n15 platoon leader/commander (Kr. sodaejang, 소대장, 小隊長) 29 n16, 226 n8 police substation (Kr. pachulso, 파출소, 派出所) 193 n3
Political Affairs Bureau (Kr. jeongmuguk, 정무국, 政務局) 148 n12 political military offcer (Kr. jeongchi gungwan, 정치군관, 政治軍官) 99 n4 political offcers (Kr. gundan jeongchi wiwon, 군단정치위원, 軍團政治委員(South Korea/ jeongchi jang’gyo, 정치장교, 政治將校(North Korea)) 227 n11 Position of the same level (Kr. donggyeok jodong, 동격조동, 同格調動) 227 n12 POWs see prisoner of war from the national army prisoner of war from the national army (Kr. gukgun poro, 국군포로, 國軍捕虜) 200 n7 Pro-North Korea Federation of North Korean Residents in Japan see General Association of Korean Residents in Japan propaganda see Anti-North propaganda leafets Protection for North Korean Repatriates Act (Kr. gwisun bukhan dongpo bohobeob, 귀순북한동포보호법, 歸順同胞保護法) 112 n13 provincial committees (Kr. do dang wiwonhoe, 도당위원회, 道黨委員會) 23 n8 Provincial People’s Committees (Kr. do inmin wiwonhoe, 도인민위원회, 道人民委員會) 172 n2 Provincial Security Agencies (Kr. do bowibu, 도 보위부, 道 保衛部) 174 n14 psychological operations media (Kr. simni jakjeon yeongsang, 심리작전영상, 心理作戰映像) 155 n16 Public Safety Agency (Kr. sahoe anjeon-bu, 사회안전부, 社會安全部) 133 n6, 147 n10, 242 n2 public security agency (Kr. gong’an gigwan, 공안기관, 公安機關): definition 34 n31 publicity squad (Kr. seonjeon’dae, 선전대, 宣傳隊) 173 n7 see also paid publicity squad Pueblo Incident (Kr. pu’ebeullo-ho sageon, 푸에블로호 사건, 푸에블로호 事件) 99 n6
Index pyeong (unit of measurement) 9 n12 Pyongsong Industry College (Kr. pyeongseong gong’eop daehak, 평성공업대학, 平城工業大學) 167 n5 Pyongyang Academy (Kr. pyeongyanghagwon, 평양학원, 平壤學院) 15 n11 Pyongyang Commercial School (Kr. pyeongyang sang’eop hakgyo, 평양상업학교, 平壤商業學校) 216 n8 Pyongyang Defence Command (Kr. pyeongyang bang’eo saryeong-bu, 평양방어사령부, 平壤防禦司令部) 92 n6, 100 n15 Pyongyang Gymnasium/ Pyongyang Indoor Stadium (Kr. Pyongyangcheyukgwan, 평양체육관, 平壤體育館) 28 n10 Pyongyang International House of Culture (Kr. pyeongyang gukje munhwa hoegwan, 평양국제문화회관, 平壤國際文化别館) 146 n2 Pyongyang Korean Revolution Museum (Kr. pyeongyang joseon hyeokmyeong bakmulgwan,평양 조선혁명박물관, 平壤 朝鮮革命博物館) 66 n3 Pyongyang Metro (Kr. pyongyang jiha cheoldo, 평양 지하철도, 平壤 地下鐵道) 85 nn3–4 Pyongyang Naengmyeon (Kr. 평양냉면) 18 n23 Pyongyang No. 1 High School (Kr. pyongyang je’il godeungghakgyo, 평양제1고등학교,平壤第1高等學校) 92 n4 Pyongyang Party Executive Committee (Kr. pyeongyangsi dang wiwonhoe, 평양시당위원회, 平壤市黨委員會) 48 n2 Pyongyang Public Commercial School (Kr. pyeongyang gongnip sang’eop hakgyo, 평양공립상업학교, 平壤公立商業學校) 216 n8 Pyongyang Science Encyclopaedia Publishing Company (Kr. pyongyang gwahak baekgwasajeon chulpansa, 평 양과학백과사전출판사, 平壤科學百 科事典出版社) 86 n7 Pyongyang University of Foreign Studies (Kr. pyeongyang woeguk’eo daehak, 평양외국어대학, 平壤外國語大學) 48 n3
267
Pyongyang Urban Planning and Design Offce (Kr. pyongyang’dosi gyehoek seolgye saeopso, 평 양도시계획설계사업소, 平壤都市計 畫設計事業所) 92 n3 Pyongyang Youth Palace (Kr. pyongyang haksaeng sohyeon gungjeon, 평양학생소년궁전,平 壤學生小年宮殿) 43 n14 radar (Kr. reideo, 레이더) 187 n9 Reconnaissance General Bureau (Kr. jeongchalchong-guk, 정찰총국, 偵察總局): definition 3 n14 Red Cross Society of the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (Kr. joseon minjuju’ui inmin gonghwaguk jeok’sipja-sa, 조선민주주의인민공 화국 적십자회, 朝鮮民主主義人民共 和國 赤十字社) 216 n7 refugees see North Korean escapees or North Korean refugees Regiment Commander (Kr. yeondaejang, 연대장, 聯隊長) 225 n1, 228 n18 Regiment Commander of Artillery (Kr. pobyeong bu’yeondaejang, 포병부연대장, 砲兵部聯隊長) 228 n18 renegade (Kr. byeonjeolja, 변절자, 變節者) 76 n25 repatriate(s) (Kr. gwisunja, 귀순자, 歸順者) 9 n14, 27 n2, 89 n16, 110 n2 repatriated (Kr. gwisun, 귀순, 歸順) 9 n15, 154 n6 repatriated fellow Koreans from North Korea (Kr. gwisun bukhan dongpo, 귀순북한동포, 歸順北韓同胞) 74 n7 repatriated person (Kr. gwisun, 귀순자, 歸順者) 73 n5, 74 n7, 110 n5 repatriated person who crosses over to the South (Kr. wolnam gwisunja, 월남귀순자, 越南歸順者) 73 n5 Repatriated Warrior Special Beneft Scheme (Kr. gwisunyongsa teukbyeol hyetaek, 귀순용사 특별 혜택, 歸順勇士 特别 惠澤) 9 n14 repatriated warriors (Kr. gwisun yongsa, 귀순용사, 歸順勇士) 9 n14, 27 n1, 73 n6, 111 n9: definition 9 n15
268
Index
Republic of Korea Army College (Kr. daehan minguk yukgun daehak, 대한민국 육군대학, 大韓民國 陸軍大學) 227 n14 Reserve Forces Division (Kr. daeyeol bochung’guk, 대열보충국, 隊列補充局) 174 n12 Resident registration card (Kr. jumin deungnokjeung, 주민등록증, 住民登錄證) 37 n10 resident registration number (Kr. jumin deungnok beonho, 주민등록번호, 住民登錄番號) 37 n10 resident(s) (Kr. jumin, 주민, 住民) 27 n5, 74 n12; see also people Reung Nyeong Nyun Trading Company (Kr. reung nyeong nyun jeonmunyeok hoesa,릉영륜전문역회사, 릉영륜전문역會社) 48 n6 reunifcation comrade (Kr. tongil dongji, 통일동지, 統一同志) 107 n14 reunifcation constitution (Kr. tongil heonbeobp, 통일헌법, 統一憲法) 241 n11 reunifcation of Korea xix-xxi, 7 n4, 10, 12–13, 17, 20, 26, 35, 37, 40–1, 45, 50 n12, 52, 72, 74 n13, 76–7, 80, 82–3, 98, 106–7, 111, 120, 125, 126, 140, 142, 157, 159, 160, 165, 170, 179, 200, 202, 205–6, 213, 217, 239–41, 243, 247–8; see also unifcation reunifcation warriors (Kr. tongilyongsa, 통일용사, 統一勇士) 35 n4 re-unifers (Kr. tongil’in, 통일인, 統一人) 74 n13 revolutionisation (Kr. hyeokmyeonghwa, 혁명화, 革命化) 162 n12, 175 n21: definition 148 n17 Rhee Min-bok 79–84 rice bowl (Kr. bapgeureut, 밥그릇) 82 n15: definition 34 n32; see also wrapped rice Robinson, M. E. 101 n20 Roh Moo-hyun 25, 181 Rose of Sharon (Kr. mugunghwa, 무궁화, 無窮花) 52 n18 Rudosa Rose (Kr. Haedanghwa, 해당화, 海棠花) 127 n1 ruling parties (Kr. yeodang, 여당, 與黨) 183 n13
Rungra Island 1st of May Stadium (Kr. reungra-do o’weol il’il gyeonggijang, 릉라도 5월1일 경기장, 綾羅島 五月一日 競技場) 168 n13, 206 n8 rural volunteer farms (Kr. nongchon jiwon jeontu-jang, 농촌지원전투장, 農村志願戰鬪場) 176 n23 Ryongsong District (Kr. ryongseong’guyeok, 룡성구역, 龍城區域) 178 n33 saenap (musical instrument) (Kr. 새납) 178 nn30–1 Saenuri Party (Kr. saenuri dang, 새누리당, 새누리黨) 54 n1, 96 n24 Saeteomin Lounge (Kr. 새터민 라운지, 새터民 라운지) 196 n2 salespersons see Jangsa-ggun Sam-il Movement see March 1st Movement sangjwa (rank) (Kr. 상좌, 上佐) 228 n18 Sariwon prison camp (Kr. sariwon suyongso, 사리원수용소, 沙里院收容所) 68 n14 Sariwon University of Education No. 2 (Kr. sariwon je’i sabeob daehak, 사리원제2사법대학, 沙里院第二師範大學) 226 n6 sarocheong (Kr. 사로청, 社勞靑) 48 n4 see also Joseon League of Socialist Working Youth; Socialist Youth Worker’s Alliance School of North Korean Youth Defectors (Kr. talbuk cheongsonyeon dae’an hakgyo, 탈북청소년대안학교) 20 n29 Sea of Japan see East Sea seceders (Kr. italja, 이탈자, 離脫者): definition 32 n27 Second Metal Construction Enterprise (Kr. je-i geumsok geonseol yeonhap gi’eobso, 제2금속건 설연합기업소, 第2金屬建設聯合企 業所) 203 n4 second rank (Kr. i’geub, 2급, 二級) 99 n9 secondary school (Kr. junggodeung hakgyo, 중고등학교, 中高等學校) 8 n6, 186 n6 security force (Kr. Chi’andae, 치안대, 治安隊) 137 n5
Index send to the South see espionage senior (Kr. seonbae, 선배, 前輩) 95 n20: definition 14 n2; see also junior Senior Colonels (Kr. Daejwa, 대좌, 大佐) 175 n17 Senior Lieutenant rank (Kr. Sangwi, 상위, 上尉) 215 n3, 228 n16 Seoul Broadcasting System (SBS) 17 n18 September 9 Festival (Kr. gugu jeol, 9.9절, 九九節) 151 n26 Sergeant (Kr. Sanggeup Byeongsa, 상급병사, 上級兵士) 155 n17 Settlement Support Center for North Korean Refugees (Kr. bukhan italjumin jiwon jaedan, 북한이탈주민지원재단, 北韓離脫住 民支援財團) 12 n21,19 n28, 113 nn20–1, 125 n7, 127 n3, 160 n2, 211 n9 Settlers’ Newspaper (Kr. jeongchak’in shinmun, 정착인신문, 定着人新聞) 169 n14 Shim Ju-il 98–103 Shiri (film) (Kr. 쉬리) 71 n22 sideline farm (Kr. bu’eop nongjang, 부업농장, 副業農場) 162 n13 Silmido (film) (Kr. 실미도, 實尾島) 71 n24 social seongbun (Kr. sahoe seongbun, 사회성분, 社會) 137 n4 socialism: anti- 229; deprivation and 161; East Germany 17, 20, 37, 111; footwear 149; Kim Jong-un 6; mass construction recruits 80; North Joseon 17; North Korean history and ideology 13, 66 n3, 102; political education 227 n11; Soviet Union 43, 73, 79, 86, 111; system supremacy 133; see also cadre; Joseon League of Socialist Working Youth; Kim Il-sung Socialist Youth Alliance Socialist European country (Kr. gurapa sahoeju’ui nara, 구라파사회주의나라, 歐羅巴社會主義나라) 86 n8 Socialist mass construction recruits (Kr. sahoeju’ui daegeon seoljeong dongwon, 사회주의대건설정동원, 社會主義大建設征動員) 80 n4 Socialist Women’s Union of Korea (Kr. joseon sahoeju’ui yeoseong
269
dongmaeng, 조선사회주의여성 동맹, 朝鮮社會主義女性同盟) 41 n8 Socialist Youth Workers’ Alliance (Kr. sahoeju’ui rodong cheongnyeon dongmaeng, 사회주의로동청년동맹, 社會主義勞動 靑年同盟) 147 n6 see Joseon League of Socialist Working Youth socially protected individual (Kr. sahoebojangja, 사회보장자, 社會保障者) 192 n1 sohaegeum (musical instrument) (Kr. 소해금, 小奚琴) 173 n4 soldiers (Kr. byeongsa, 병사, 兵士) 154 n6, 155 n18 ‘something that would make even a ghost wail’ (Kr. gwisin’i gokhal noreut, 귀신이 곡할 노릇, 鬼神이 哭할 노릇) 152 n27 Song Byeok 136–40 soups see dried radish greens soup; galbitang; jangteo gukbap South Joseon (Kr. nam-joseon, 남조선, 南朝鮮) 17 n17, 50 n11, 62 n7, 66 n4, 81 n8, 87 n14, 94 n14, 101 n19, 156 n21, 175 n18, 215 n4, 217 n14, 239 n4, 26 n12: definition 4 n17 South Korea (Kr. nam-han, 남한, 南韓) 74 n8: uses (Kr. hanguk, 한국, 韓國) 4 n17 South Korean defector (Kr. talnamja, 탈남자, 脫南者) 158 n29: definition 35 n1 South Korean Ministry of Unifcation 247 n4 South Korean National Intelligence Service (Kr. gukga jeongbo’won, 국가정보원, 國家情報院) 152 n28 South Korean person whose hometown is in the North (Kr. hanguk saram, 한국 사람, 韓國사람) 74 n16 South Pyongan Provincial Committee (Kr. pyeong’an’nam-do wiwonhoe, 평안남도위원회,平安南道委員會) 167 n6 South-North Korean Summit in Pyongyang (Kr. pyeongyang nam-buk jeongsang hoedam,평양남북정상회담, 平壤南北頂上會談) 206 n7 soybean paste see doenjang
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Index
Special Assistance Act on Relief of Persons of Distinguished Service to Independence (Kr. gukga yugongja mit wolnam gwisunja teukbyeol howonbeop, 국가유공자 및 월남귀순자 특별원호법, 國家有功者 및 越南歸順者 特別援護法) 73 n5, 89 n17, 110 n5 Special Compensation Act for Repatriated Warriors Returned South (Kr. wolnam gwisunyongsa teukbyeol bosangbeop, 월남귀순용사 특별보상법, 越南歸順勇士 特別補償法) 9 n14, 111 n10 Special law for repatriates (Kr. gwisunja teukchae-beob, 귀순자 특채법, 歸順者 特採法) 89 n17 special-level cities (Kr. teukgeup-si, 특급시, 特級市) 147 n9 sporting arenas see Pyongyang Gymnasium/ Pyongyang Indoor Stadium SSA (Kr. bowibu, 보위부, 保衛部) 124 n5, 132 n5, 162 n11, 175 n20; see also State Security Agency State Planning Commission (Kr. gukga gyehoek wiwonhoe, 국가계획위원회, 國家計劃委員會) 167 n6 State Security Agency (Kr. gukga bowibu, 국가보위부, 國家保衛部) 22 n4, 44 n15, 68 n13, 118 n12, 124 n5, 132 n5, 148 n15, 156 n20, 162 n11, 174 n14, 175 n20 status (Kr. shinbun, 신분, 身分) 137 n4 ‘study bug’ (Kr. gongbu beolle, 공부벌레) 96 n25 suburb: definition 2 n7 see also dong Sundae (Kr. 순대) 18 n22 Supreme Guard Command (Kr. howisaryeongbuk, 호위사령부, 護衛司令部) 29–30 n18 Supreme Leader (Kr. choego saryeong’gwan, 최고사령관, 最高司令官) xx n4, 21 n2, 156 n22 Supreme Leader idolisation (Kr. suryeong u’sanghwa, 수령우상화, 首領偶像化) 36 n6, 176 n25, 180 n2, 208 n2 Supreme Leader’s ideology (Kr. suryeong sasang, 수령사상, 首領思想) 146 n3
Supreme People’s Assembly (Kr. choego inmin hoe’ui, 최고인민회의, 最高人民會議) 180 n5, 217 n10 sweet job assignment (Kr. ggul bojik, 꿀보직, 꿀補職) 199 n6 sweet tip/advice (Kr. ggul tib, 꿀팁) 199 n6 SYWA (Kr. sarocheong, 사로청, 社勞靑) 147 n6 taepyeongso (musical instrument) (Kr. 태평소, 太平簫) 178 nn30–1 talnambum (increase in defectors leaving South Korea)(Kr. 탈남붐, 脫南붐) 222 n3 Tangun Joseon (the ancient founding kingdom of the Korean people, 2333 BCE) 17 n16 teaching see ‘stood at the lectern with a fescue’ Thae Yong-ho xx, 232–7 third rank (Kr. sam’geub, 3급, 三級) 99 n9 those residing in North Korea (Kr. bukhan jumin, 북한주민, 北韓住民) 240 n10 Three Revolutions Team Movement (Kr. sam dae-hyeokmyeong sojo undong, 3대혁명소조운동, 三大革命小組運動) 147 n8 Three-One Movement see March 1st Movement tickets see Haengpyo traitor to one’s people (Kr. minjok baeshinja, 민족배신자, 民族背信者) 76 n25 transaction or trade, proposition of see love call Trump, Donald 191, 194, 248 Tumen River (“Tuman River”) (Kr. duman’gang, 두만강, 豆滿江) 94 n16, 127 n2, 133 n7, 138 n7, 163 n15, 169 n13, 193 n2, 230 n25 Ulmil Pavilion (Kr. eulmil’dae, 을밀대, 乙密臺) 68 n10 unifcation (Kr. tongil, 통일, 統一) 74 n13; see also reunifcation of Korea United Democratic Party (Kr. tonghap minjudang, 통합민주당, 綜合民主黨) 95–6 n21 United Future Party see Saenuri Party
Index Unity Preparations North Korean Defectors’ Association (Kr. tongil’eul junbihaneun talbukja hyeopoe, 통일을준비하는탈북자협회, 統一을準備하는脫北者協會) 166 n3, 170 n17 unskilled manual labourer (Kr. nogada, 노가다) 221 n2 Uriminzokkiri (Kr. uriminjokkiri, 우리민족끼리, 우리民族끼리) (between our (Korean) race) 38 n11 Vehicle Management Division (Kr. charyang gwalli-guk, 차량관리국, 車輛管理局) 174 n16 Venuti, L. xvii Wangjaesan Light Music Band (Kr. wangjaesan kyeong’eum’ak-dan, 왕재산경음악단,旺載山輕音樂團/ 王在山輕音樂團) 70 n20 war (Kr. joseon jeonjaeng, 조선전쟁, 朝鮮戰爭) 8 n5 warfare tactics see operations; psychological operations media warrior (Kr. yongsa (Kr. 용사, 勇士) 9 n15 watch with Kim Il-sung’s signature on it (Kr. kimilseong myeongham sigye, 김일성 명함시계, 金日成名銜時計) 93 n13, 209 n4 water (Kr. majungmul (Kr. 마중물) 135 n8 West Sea (Kr. seohae, 서해,西海) 185 n5 wi level of ranks 29 n17: dae’wi (Kr. 상위, 上尉) 226 n9 Women’s Union (Kr. yeomaeng wiwonhoe, 여맹위원회, 女盟委員會) 41 n8 Wonsan Agricultural University (Kr. wonsan nongeop daehak, 원산농업대학, 元山農業大學) 86 n5 Wonsan University of Economics (Kr. 원산경제대학, 元山經濟大學) 199 n5; see also Chong Jun-taek University of Technology worker (Kr. il’gun, 일군) 153 n4, 167 n7
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Workers’ Party (Kr. nodong dang, 노동당, 勞動黨) 2 n9, 22 n6, 36 n7, 40 n4, 85 n1, 165 n23, 168 n10, 173 n6, 180 n4, 208 n1, 217 n11 Workers’ Party of Korea (Kr. joseon rodongdang, 조선로동당, 朝鮮勞動黨) xx n4, 2 n9, 8 n6, 15 n12, 22 n6, 36 n7, 40 n4, 49 n9, 54 n4, 66 n5, 85 n1, 100 n11, 117 n4, 148 n12, 165 n23, 167 n8, 168 n10, 173 n6, 180 n4, 185 n2, 208 n1, 217 n11, 229 n21, 232 n2 World Federation of Democratic Youth (WFDY) 168 n13 World Institute for North Korea Studies (Kr. segyebukhanyeongusenteo, 세계북한연구센터,世界北韓 硏究中心) 7 n1 wrapped rice (Kr. Ssambap, 쌈밥) 44 n19 Yanbian (Kr. yoenbyeon, 연변, 延邊) 81 n11 Yellow Sea (Kr. hwanghae, 황해, 黃海) 185 n5 Yeomjang-mu (dish) (Kr. 염장무, 鹽醬蔔) 156 n21 Yeomyung School (Kr. yeomyung haggyo, 여명학교) 20 n29 Yeongil (Kr. 연길, 延吉) 81 n11 Yoduk concentration camp (Kr. yodeok je sip’o-ho gwalliso, 요덕 제15호 관리소, 耀德第十五號管理所/ yodeok suyongso, 요덕 수용소, 耀德 收容所) 64 n10, 70 n19 Yoduk political prison camp (Kr. yodeok jeongchibeom suyongso, 요덕 정치범 수용소, 耀德 政治犯收容所) see Yoduk concentration camp Youth League Committee of South Pyongan Province (Kr. pyeong’an’nam-do cheongnyeon dongmaeng wiwonhoe, 평안남도 청년동맹위원회, 平安南道 靑年同盟委員會) 166 n2 see also Joseon League of Socialist Working Youth Yun I-sang 156 n19 Zulawnik, A. xvii, xviii, 242