Intertextuality in Isaiah 24-27: The Reuse and Evocation of Earlier Texts and Traditions (Forschungen Zum Alten Testament 2.Reihe) 3161490274, 9783161578472, 9783161490279

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Forschungen zum Alten Testament 2. Reihe Edited by Bernd Janowski (Tübingen) • Mark S. Smith (New York) Hermann Spieckermann (Göttingen)

16

ARTI BUS

J. Todd Hibbard

Intertextuality in Isaiah 24-27 The Reuse and Evocation of Earlier Texts and Traditions

Mohr Siebeck

born 1968; studied Theology at Lee University and Biblical Studies at the Universtiy of Notre Dame; 2003 Ph.D.; Assistant Professor of Hebrew Bible at Lee University.

T O D D HIBBARD,

ISBN 3-16-149027-4 978-3-16-157847-2 Unveränderte eBook-Ausgabe 2019 ISBN-13 978-3-16-149027-9 ISSN 1611-4914 (Forschungen zum Alten Testament, 2. Reihe) Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliographie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the Internet at http://dnb.ddb.de. © 2006 by Mohr Siebeck Tübingen, Germany. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that permitted by copyright law) without the publisher's written permission. This applies particularly to reproductions, translations, microfilms and storage and processing in electronic systems. The book was printed by Guide-Druck in Tübingen on non-aging paper and bound by Buchbinderei Held in Rottenburg. Printed in Germany.

Preface The following study is a revised version of a doctoral dissertation submitted to the University of Notre Dame in July 2003 with the title, Intertextuality in Isaiah 24-27: The Reuse and Evocation of Earlier Texts. I am grateful to the editors of the series Forschungen zum Alien Testament, Prof. Dr Mark S. Smith, Prof. Dr Bernd Janowski and Prof. Dr Hermann Spieckermann, for accepting this work for publication. Writing a dissertation is a collaborative effort, even if only one person's name is found on the title page. My debt of gratitude extends to several persons, professional and personal. I wish to express my thanks to the faculty and staff at the University of Notre Dame for creating an environment in which undertaking the task of graduate education was so rich and enjoyable. Among those whom I wish to thank, first mention goes to my doctoral supervisor, Prof. Joseph Blenkinsopp, whose assistance, direction, and influence were indispensable. This project could not have been completed without encouragement and critical judgment. Thanks also go to Prof. James VanderKam, Prof. Hugh Page, Jr., and Prof. Hindy Najman, each of whom faithfully and dutifully served as members of my dissertation committee. This study has profited much from their comments and suggestions. My colleagues in the Department of Theology at my present institution, Lee University, have been enormously supportive. Their encouragement has been professionally and personally invaluable. I would like to thank especially Dr. Emerson Powery, Dr. Michael Fuller, Dr. Brad Frazier, Dr. Dale Coulter, and Mr. Brian Alderman. It is a joy to call you friends as well as colleagues. Among the many excellent students whom I have had the opportunity to teach and interact, I would like to thank my assistant, Jennifer Whitson, whose assistance has proved timely. I would also like to express my gratitude to one of Lee University's most outstanding graduate students, Joshua Clark, whose help with editorial matters and compiling the indexes have made the publication of this book more timely than it would have been otherwise. Closer to home, I would like to thank my parents, Rev. James and Pat Hibbard, who first opened to me the richness of the scriptures. They have been a constant source of encouragement, support, and motivation. Thanks are also due to my siblings, Amy Harris and Joshua Hibbard, who have al-

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Preface

ways taken time to listen to the older brother's aspirations and dreams. Thanks also are due to my in-laws, Rev. Frank and Carleen Cox. Their support throughout my graduate education has not gone unnoticed, even when it required making crazy decisions that had potentially disastrous consequences for their daughter. Finally, I am especially grateful for a loving and supportive immediate family who has been willing to sacrifice in more ways than I can count so that I could complete this project, both when it was a dissertation and now as a monograph. My children, Chase and Mackenzie, continue to help me see what is truly important and lasting in life. They remain my greatest sources of inspiration and joy. My greatest debt of gratitude is owed to the love of my life, Danielle, without whom none of this would have been possible. Her love and encouragement continue to overwhelm me. Her support has been more than I deserved at many points along the way, but I am grateful that she chose to travel this road with me. I love her more than words can express. This book is lovingly dedicated to her. J. Todd Hibbard Lee University Easter 2006

Contents Preface

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Contents

VII

Chapter 1. Introduction 1. Prolegomena and Method 2. Intertextuality: What Is It and Who Does It? 3. Intertextuality in Biblical Studies 4. Isaiah 24-27: The History of Research Identity of the Anonymous City Babylon Jerusalem Several Different Cities Other Historical Possibilities Symbolic Interpretations Form, Structure and Redaction of Isaiah 24-27 Forms in Isaiah 24-27 Structure and Redaction of Isaiah 24-27 The Date of Isaiah 24-27

Chapter 2. Intertextuality in Isaiah 24:1-20 1. Structure and Form 2. Isaiah 24:1-13: Content, Theme and Intertextuality Citing Two Predecessors: The Cases of Nahum 2 and Hosea 4 Growth Within the Isaian Textual Tradition: The Case of Isaiah 17:6

3. Isaiah 24:14-20: Content, Theme and Intertextuality The "Treacherous One " Jeremiah, Moab and the Earth Amos, Israel and the Earth Alluding to the Primeval History

4. Conclusion Chapter 3. Intertextuality in Isaia 24:21-25:12 1. Structure and Form 2. Isaiah 24:21-23, 25:6-8: Content, Theme, and Intertextuality

1 l 10 14 20 20 21 22 23 23 24 26 26 28 32

37 37 40 40 46

49 49 53 56 56

68 70 70 75

Contents

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Isaiah 24:21-23, 25:6-8: the Covenant Meal Isaiah 24:21-23, 25:6-8: the Victory Feast Isaiah 24:21-23, 25:6-8: the Enthronement Feast and the Psalms YHWH's Kingship in the Prophetic Literature Summary of Isaiah 24:21-23, 25:6-8

3. Isaiah 25:1-5: Content, Theme, and Intertextuality Isaiah 25:1-5: Intertextuality with Psalms? Intertexuality within the Book of Isaiah The counsel of YHWH Tyrants YHWH as Shelter and Refuge God's Protection and Shelter Summary of Isaiah 25:1-5

4. Isaiah 25:9-12: Content, Theme, and Intertextuality Waiting and Salvation The Case ofMoab: Symbol of Those Who Reject YHWH's Kingdom Summary of Isaiah 25:9-12

5. Conclusion Chapter 4. Intertextuality in Isaiah 26:1-27:1 1. Structure and Form 2. Isaiah 26:1-6: Content, Theme and Intertextuality Summary of Isaiah 26:1-6

3. Isaiah 26:7-19: Content, Theme and Intertextuality Isaiah 26:7-10 Isaiah 26:11-19 Isaiah 26:7-19: The Question of Intertextuality Summary of Isaiah 26:7-19

4. Isaiah 26:20-27:1: Content, Theme, and Intertextuality Summary of Isaiah 26:20-27:1

5. Conclusion Chapter 5. Intertextuality in Isaiah 27:2-13 1. Structure and Form 2. Isaiah 27:2-6: Content, Theme, and Intertextuality A New Vineyard Song

77 80 83 86 92

93 95 97 97 100 102 104 106

107 108 110 116

117 119 120 124 134

135 139 141 150 159

159 166

166 168 169 170 176

3. Isaiah 27:7-13: Content and Theme 4. Isaiah 27:7-13: The Question of Intertextuality

181 195

5. Conclusion

208

Discourse about "Striking" in Isaiah: The Contribution of Isaiah 27:7 Inner-Isaianic Discourse about the Future: Isaiah 10:11-16 and Isaiah 27

199 204

Contents

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Chapter 6. Conclusion

210

Bibliography

219

Indexes

231

Chapter 1

Introduction 1. Prolegomena and Method Isaiah 24-27, the doubly mislabeled 'Isaiah Apocalypse,' presents the biblical interpreter with some of the most severe challenges in the entire book of Isaiah. These chapters resist easy genre1 and form-critical2 classification, present a host of seemingly intractable difficulties concerning their date of composition,3 and withstand attempts to chart convincingly their 1 Detailed discussions about the genre of Isaiah 24-27 may be found in Johannes Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse. Jes. 24-27 (Lund: Gleerup, 1938); Georg Fohrer, "Der Aufbau der Apokalypse des Jesajabuchs (Jesaja 24-27)," CBQ 25 (1963): 34-45; Helmer Ringgren, "Some Observations on Style and Structure in the Isaiah Apocalypse," AST! 9 (1973): 107-15; William Millar, Isaiah 24-27 and the Origin of Apocalyptic (HSM 11; Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1976). 2 Nearly every commentator and exegete has discussed form-critical matters; some of the more important discussions include Bernard Duhm, Das Buch Jesaia (4th ed.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1892), 172-94; Rudolf Smend, "Anmerkungen zu Jes. 24-27," ZAW4 (1884): 161-224; Paul Lohmann, "Die selbständigen lyrischen Abschnitte in Jes 24-27," ZAW 37 (1917/18): 1-58; Wilhelm Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27 (BWANT 10; Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1933); Otto Eissfeldt, The Old Testament: An Introduction (trans. Peter Ackroyd; New York: Harper and Row, 1965), 323-27; William E. March, "A Study of Two Prophetic Compositions in Isaiah 24:1-27:1" (Th.D. diss., Union Theological Seminary in the City of New York, 1966); Marie-Louise Henry, Glaubenskrise und Glaubensbewahrung in den Dictungen der Jesaja-apokalypse (BWANT 86; Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 1967); Paul Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27: A Form Critical Analysis," (Ph.D. diss., Vanderbilt University, 1972); Dan G. Johnson, From Chaos to Restoration: An Integrative Reading of Isaiah 24-27 (JSOTSup 61; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1988); Marvin Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39 (FOTL XVI; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1996), 311-53, esp. 313-6; Hans Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27: A Commentary (trans. T. H. Trapp; Continental Commentary; Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress, 1997), 447-60; Reinhard Scholl, Die Elenden in Gottes Thronrat (BZAW 274; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2000). 3 Again, see any of the commentaries; more important or specialized discussions include Duhm, Jesaia, esp. 172-3; A. H. van Zyl, "Isaiah 24-27: Their Date of Origin," in New Light on Some Old Problems: Papers Read at the 5,h Meeting [of the South African Society for the Study of the Old Testament] Held at University of South Africa, Pretoria, 30 January-2 February 1962 (ed. A. H. van Zyl; Potchefstroom: Pro Rege, 1962), 44-57; Eissfeldt, Old Testament, 323-25; Otto Plöger, Theocracy and Eschatology (trans. S. Rudman; Richmond, Va.: John Knox, 1968), 53-78; Otto Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39 (trans. R.

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Chapter 1: Introduction

redactional arrangement.4 Apart from the fact that they have come down to us as part of the Isaiah tradition, we know virtually nothing about their author(s). They are textually challenging,5 as a glance at the diversity of the ancient textual witnesses as well as the number of emendations scholars have proposed makes clear. Finally, various ambiguous references to an anonymous city6 (24:10, 12; 25:2; 26:1, 5; 27:10) occur in every chapter, certainly providing some sort of clue about interpretation; however, it has been understood in several different ways. In short, these chapters are some of the most obscure in the entire book of Isaiah. Nevertheless, nearly every scholar who has studied them has noted at least one common element in these chapters: their intertextual nature.7 These four chapters re-

A. Wilson; OTL; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1974), 173-233; Jacques Vermeylen, "La composition littéraire de l'«Apocalypse d'Isaïe» (Is., XXIV-XXVII)," ETL 50 (1974): 538; idem, Du Prophète Isaïe à L'Apocalyptique (vol. 1; Paris: Librairie Lecoffre, 1977), 349-81; Millar, Isaiah 24-27 and the Origin of Apocalyptic, 115-20; John H. Hayes and Stuart A. Irvine, Isaiah, the Eighth Century Prophet: His Times and His Preaching (Nashville: Abingdon, 1987), 295-320; Johnson, Chaos, 17; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 31624; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 460-7. 4 See most recently the discussion in Joseph Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39 (AB 19; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 2000), 346-8; cf. also Terence Collins, The Mantle of Elijah (The Biblical Seminar 20; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993), 37-58; Vermeylen, "La composition," 5-38; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 320-4. 5 Early important text critical work was performed by Ernst Liebmann, "Der Text zu Jesaia 24-27," ZAW 23-25 (1903-5): 209-86; 51-104; 145-71; cf. also G. R. Driver, "Isaiah 1-XXXIX: Textual and Linguistic Problems," JSS 13 (1968): 36-57; idem, "Linguistic and Textual Problems: Isaiah I-XXXIX," JTS 38 (1937): 36-50; Millar, Isaiah 2427, 23-58. 6 Otto Ludwig, Die Stadt in der Jesaja-Apokalypse: Zur Datierung von Jes. 24-27 (Inaugural Dissertation; Bonn: Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, 1961); Paul Redditt, "Once Again, The City in Isaiah 24-27," HAR 10 (1986): 317-35; Mark Biddle, "The City of Chaos and the New Jerusalem: Isaiah 24-27 in Context," PRS 22/1 (1995): 5-12. 7 For example, see T. K. Cheyne, Introduction to the Book of Isaiah (London: Adam & Charles Black, 1895), 147-8; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 465-7; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 323-4; idem, "New Gleanings from an Old Vineyard: Isaiah 27 Reconsidered," in Early Jewish and Christian Exegesis: Studies in Memory of William Hugh Brownlee (ed. C. A. Evans and W. F. Stinespring; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987), 51-66; idem, "Textual Citations in Isaiah 24-27: Toward an Understanding of the Redactional Function of Chapters 24-27 in the Book of Isaiah," JBL 107 (1988): 39-52; John Day, "A Case of Inner Scriptural Interpretation: The Dependence of Isaiah xxvi. 13-xxvii. 11 on Hosea xiii. 4-xiv. 10 (Eng. 9) and Its Relevance to Some Theories of the Redaction of the 'Isaiah Apocalypse,'" JTS 31 (1980): 309-19; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 347; Scholl, Die Elenden in Gottes Thronrat, 20-6; Donald C. Polaski, Authorizing an End: The Isaiah Apocalypse and Intertextuality (Biblical Interpretation 50; Leiden: Brill, 2001); idem, "Reflections on a Mosaic Covenant: The Eternal Covenant (Isaiah 24.5) and Intertextuality," JSOT 11 (1998): 55-73.

1. Prolegomena and Method

3

veal an interrelationship with other texts in Isaiah, with other portions of the Hebrew Bible, as well as possible connections with the corpus of Canaanite mythology. This textual interconnectedness, or intertextuality, forms the focus of the present study. As a field of inquiry, intertextuality has developed in several different directions.8 Both concept and term have found a home in such diverse areas as structuralist poetics, 9 post-structuralist literary approaches (in their seemingly infinite variety),10 and New Historicism,11 among others. Not surprisingly, a wide diversity in the definition of the term "intertextuality" has accompanied this vast usage, with the result that the term has become almost meaningless to some. 12 Without entangling myself in a discussion of these different meanings (which will come later), let me simply state the approach I will adopt here. While recognizing the validity of more theoretical orientations, I operate with a model of intertextuality much more akin to modes of discourse found in traditional biblical scholarship. This 8

On the development and application of intertextuality as an approach within literary and cultural theory, see Graham Allen, Intertextuality (London and New York: Routledge, 2000); Thai's Morgan, "The Space of Intertextuality," in Intertextuality and Contemporary American Fiction (ed. P. O'Donnell and R. Con Davis; Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1985), 239-79; Jay Clayton and Eric Rothstein, "Figures in the Corpus: Theories of Influence and Intertextuality," in Influence and Intertextuality in Literary History (ed. Jay Clayton and Eric Rothstein; Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), 3-36; Barbara Godard, "Intertextuality," in Encyclopedia of Contemporary Literary Theory: Approaches, Scholars, Terms (gen. ed. Irena R. Makaryk; Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1993), 568-71; Wendell V. Harris, "Intertextuality," in Dictionary of Concepts in Literary Criticism and Theory (New York: Greenwood, 1992), 175-8. 9 Michael Riffaterre, Semiotics of Poetry (Bloomington, Ind.: University of Indiana Press, 1978); idem, Text Production (trans. Terese Lyons; New York: Columbia University Press, 1983); Gérard Genette, Figures of Literary Discourse (trans. Alan Sheridan; New York: Columbia University Press, 1982); idem, Palimpsests: Literature in the Second Degree (trans. Channa Newman and Claude Doubinsky; Lincoln, Neb.: University of Nebraska Press, 1997). 10 Here see esp. Roland Barthes, S/Z (trans. Richard Howard; New York: Hill and Wang, 1974); idem, Elements of Semiology (trans. Annette Lavers and Colin Smith; London: Jonathan Cape, 1984); Julia Kristeva, Desire in Language: A Semiotic Approach to Literature and Art (trans. T. Gora, A. Jardine and L. S. Roudiez; ed. Leon S. Roudiez; New York: Columbia University Press, 1980). 11 Most notably Dominick LaCapra, History and Criticism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1985); idem, Rethinking Intellectual History: Texts, Contexts, Language (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983); for a recent treatment of Isaiah 24-27 from this perspective see Donald Polaski, Authorizing an End, esp. 24-32. 12 Ironically, the confusion in the term's definition can ultimately be traced to the person who coined it, J. Kristeva. She herself eventually abandoned "intertextuality," preferring instead the term "transposition." Cf. J. Kristeva, Revolution in Poetic Language (trans. Margaret Waller; New York: Columbia University Press, 1984), 59-60.

4

Chapter 1: Introduction

study offers an exegesis of Isaiah 24-27 that pays special attention to examples of intertextuality that have played a role in the formation of and discourse in these chapters. Three related questions guide this study: What criteria must be established to determine whether the text under consideration is accurately considered an intertext (methodology)? How should we think about the reappropriation of the earlier text on the literary level (literary function)? What is the exegetical significance of each example of intertextuality; that is, how do individual cases of intertextuality contribute to the meaning of the text within Isaiah 24-27? Other ancillary questions arise during the course of the investigation, but these three questions form the core of the inquiry. I take them as three stages through which the interpreter must proceed in order to gain a proper understanding of the kinds of intertextuality to be uncovered in Isaiah 24-27. The methodology adopted for the first stage is in some respects the most important issue, since it will dictate, in large part, what I view as a true intertext. Even a brief survey of existing treatments of intertextuality reveals that no firm or certain answer to what forms a true example of intertextuality exists. In fact, for many who operate within this domain, the question itself is misguided, since any text can be placed into conversation with any other text, thereby forming an intertextual relationship. Certain discussions about intertextuality have tended to emphasize the role of the reader and the reader's ideology in the construction of meaning, to advocate a synchronous reading of texts, to eliminate any notion of "author" and authorial intent from the discussion about a text, and to eschew the idea of literary influence. While these characteristics certainly have a place in the discussion about intertextuality, I question their ability to account adequately for the kinds of issues that arise in handling an ancient text within its own context. I am much more interested in the question of how the ancient reader read earlier texts and constructed a textual conversation with that text through the composition of her or his own text. In framing the issue this way, I consciously opt to retain a diachronic arrangement of the texts, however sketchy our knowledge about those matters may be. Additionally, I will not jettison the concept of the author or the author's intention as has become fashionable of late, but will instead attempt to understand what the author(s) was doing in the composition of Isaiah 24-27 based on the textual evidence.12. Obviously, framing the issue like this moves us into a hypothetical realm to a certain degree and mandates that certain safeguards 13 For a similar position on the issue of the author and intertextuality within biblical studies, see James Nogalski, "Intertextuality and the Twelve," in Forming Prophetic Literature: Essays on Isaiah and the Twelve in Honor of John D. W. Watts (ed. James W. Watts and Paul R. House; JSOTSup 235; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996), 102-24, esp. 102f.

1. Prolegomena and Method

5

be constructed, but the degree to which the "reading" advocated here is hypothetical is certainly no less than other more ardently postmodern approaches, and in fact, probably less so. In this study, I will adopt the following procedure for identifying an intertext: first, some amount of shared vocabulary must exist between this text and another. As one would expect, it is impossible to quantify precisely the amount of shared vocabulary necessary before positing an intertextual relationship, but obviously more is better. Additionally, the shared vocabulary should preferably not be language common to the rest of the Hebrew Bible. So, for example, two texts in question both using HliU is probably insufficient evidence for a meaningful intertextual relationship; more evidence is needed. The rarer the language in common between the two texts or the more extensive the verbal overlap, the more probable it is that one is dealing with an actual case of intertextuality. Second, the two texts in question should exhibit some degree of thematic coherence. If two texts are both exploring the same concept or problem, the possibility of intertextuality increases since the later text may intentionally choose the previous one as a "conversation partner." The issue is made difficult, however, by the fact that two texts may address a similar theme or topic without using the same vocabulary. In such a case, it is extremely difficult to decide whether or not a true intertextual connection exists since one text may conceivably interact with another without using the same vocabulary. Nevertheless, in this study I have opted for what I regard as the safest possible course, which means that thematic coherence will need to be accompanied by shared vocabulary in order to qualify as an example of intertextuality. This limits the options in certain cases, but it is a necessary limitation in my view. Next, it must be shown that the textual relationship is meaningful in some way. That is, it seems pointless to argue for an intertextual relationship based on similar vocabulary or theme if that relationship has no bearing on the meaning of the Isaianic text under consideration. I readily concede that this involves a degree of subjectivity on the part of the exegete; nevertheless, one must ask the question and attempt to answer it. Finally, since I am retaining a diachronic arrangement of the texts under consideration, the intertextuality should be chronologically possible. A possible intertext must refer to a text earlier than Isaiah 24-27, otherwise the relationship is not possible in the way I am defining intertextuality.14 14

This last point is important, because many current discussions about intertextuality bring texts from different historical periods into conversation with each other. Part of this effort is to allow later texts to determine (at least partially) the meaning of earlier texts. While this may be illuminating as a playful exercise for modern discourse, it tells us nothing about the ways these texts would have been read in antiquity.

Chapter 1: Introduction

6

Having identified an intertextual relationship, I turn to the question of which literary categories best describe the situation at hand. At this stage I attempt to understand on a literary level how the Isaianic text has engaged the earlier one. A wide spectrum of possibilities exists, ranging from quotation15 on one end to broader, more elusive thematic correspondences on the other. In between lies a whole range of possible ways of construing the intertextual alignment, described by Patricia Willey as "the realm of allusion, response, appropriation, recollection, and echo."16 This question essentially addresses how an author has evoked another text within his or her own composition. Additionally, it provides an index for how informed the author may expect the reader to be, since the reader must be aware of the precursor text in order to appreciate fully the way in which the author has reused it. The more opaque the textual interplay is, the more adept the reader will need to be to understand the reference. For example, a quotation may be more easily spotted by the reader because of the high degree of similarity between the referencing text and its antecedent.17 When the author chooses merely to echo or allude to an earlier text, however, the degree of difficulty in recognizing the literary interplay increases. Most of the examples adduced for Isaiah 24-27 fall into this middle range of allusion and its various correlates, which suggests that their identification — by ancient and modern readers - may not always be simple and straightforward. Most analyses of this sort involve a certain degree of unavoidable subjectivity on the part of the interpreter, and this is only all too easily ap-

15

For an insightful study of quotation within the prophetic literature and, to a lesser degree, quotation within the larger corpus of ancient Near Eastern literature, see Richard Schultz, The Search for Quotation: Verbal Parallels in the Prophets (JSOTSup 180; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999). Schultz makes a useful distinction between verbal parallels and verbal dependence. Quotations form part of the latter category, while the former may be due to any number factors. 16 Patricia Tull Willey, Remember the Former Things: The Recollection of Previous Texts in Second Isaiah (SBLDS 161; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997), 61. Ben Sommer uses three broad categories in his examination of allusion in Second Isaiah: explicit citation, implicit reference and interpolation (A Prophet Reads Scripture: Allusion in Isaiah 40-66 [Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998], 20-22). Cf. the three categories outlined by the French literary critic Gerard Genette (Palimpsests, 6-15): citation, allusion, plagiat (plagiarism). 17 1 should stress, however, that identifying a quotation in a biblical text is not as easy as in a modern text. For example, whereas punctuation and/or attribution indicate the presence of quotation in modern Western texts, this is not the case in the biblical text. No such indicators usually exist. Moreover, an author may intentionally change a text in quoting it in order to provide some kind of comment upon it, thereby complicating either the reader's ability to recognize the quotation or the reader's understanding of the purpose of the quotation (on which see my discussion in chapter 2 on Isa 24:18).

1. Prolegomena and Method

7

parent in trying to decide whether an intertextual connection is an allusion or an echo, for example. Finally, I explore the effect that the intertextual connection has on the reading of the Isaianic text. The history of scholarship in this area indicates that exegetes have often been content merely to note the textual overlap without inquiring about its purpose. Perhaps it seems axiomatic, but a valid example of intertextuality will have some bearing on the way the texts are to be read, otherwise there would be no point in the evocation of the other text. What possibilities exist? In my view, the textual link may impact the interpretation of either the earlier or later text, or both, so the reader must always bear in mind these multiple interpretive possibilities.18 The textual overlap may confirm or transform the message of the earlier text in some way. In the latter case, intertextuality may serve to augment the message of the earlier text (cf. Isa 16:1-12; 13-14), subtract from it, reapply it to a new situation (cf. Jer 25:11, 12; Dan 9:2), contradict it (cf. Isaiah 58; Deut 23:1-3), or reconfigure the ideas completely (cf. anonymous city in Isaiah 24-27 vs. historical cities in Isaiah 13-2319).20 In these cases the primary relationship is an exegetical one in which the later text comments on the earlier text in one or another of the preceding ways. Intertextuality's effect on the alluding text may take several forms. It may be something as simple as conferring a sense of authority on the later text, inasmuch as the association with an earlier authoritative text subtly suggests to the reader that it too is authoritative. More often, however, the allusion is more complex. To take an example that I will consider in more detail in chapter 2, how should the reader evaluate the reference to the n b i u rr i n in Isa 24:5? Is the use of this technical phrase meant to call to mind similar texts from the Priestly stratum of the Pentateuch (in whatever form it may have existed)? Additionally, might it envision similar uses of this phrase from Ezekiel as well as more generic covenant language connected with Deuteronomy and the Davidic dynasty? Perhaps all of these ideas converge to one degree or another in this one verse in Isaiah 24, resulting in a radical reconfiguring of covenant now expressed in this eschatologically oriented document.21 If this is the case, then the allusions to these earlier texts are meant to contribute to the reader's understanding of this otherwise oblique reference in Isa 24:5. A similar example may be 18

Sommer argues that the reasons a text may allude to an earlier one include exegesis, influence, revision, polemic, allusion, and echo (A Prophet Reads Scripture, 22-30). 19 Vermeylen, "La composition," 36-38; Biddle, "The City of Chaos and the New Jeruslam: Isaiah 24-27 in Context," 5-12; J. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 348. 20 Michael Fishbane (Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel, [Oxford: Clarendon, 1985], 44-279) provides several examples of these types of exegetical relationships. 21 This is essentially Polaski's argument; cf. Authorizing an End, 94-145.

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Chapter 1: Introduction

seen in Isa 27:2-6 where the vineyard language and imagery first introduced in Isaiah 5 reappears. A comprehensive taxonomy of the exegetical possibilities is not possible, since they are nearly infinite. Rather, my approach will be to highlight the interpretive function of the textual link in the course of the exegesis that follows. More directly, this study does not take up intertextuality for its own sake, that is, as simply a creative impulse of an author with no other purpose. Rather, in my judgment, intertextuality functions as part of the wider developmental process of ancient Israel's religious tradition(s). It is one approach to the theological development of religious themes, concepts and ideas, the trajectories of which followed different paths in the Hebrew Scriptures, but which eventuated in the Hebrew canon. Authors both inherit earlier aspects of that tradition and, for a variety of reasons,22 modify it for those who follow them. By the time Isaiah 24-27 is attached to that tradition (here I am thinking of the Isaianic tradition as well as the larger religious tradition of nascent Judaism whatever its contents at that point), prophecy, or more properly the composition of prophetic texts, has begun to interact with an expanding written tradition - prophetic and otherwise of which it must take account. This writtenness provides the later author with both a formal exemplar as well as a stock of themes, symbols, and ideas from which to draw. That an author would use these in such a way as to cause the reader23 to recall these earlier compositions is not hard to imagine.24

22 On the factors which lead to change in a tradition (religious or otherwise), see the important work of Edward Shils, Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1981), esp. 213-61. Shils contends that two types of social actors precipitate change in traditions: endogenous and exogenous. These factors create the patterns of change: at one end of the spectrum, a synthesis between an older and newer tradition may occur such that a completely new tradition emerges unlike either of its parents; at the other extreme, one of the traditions may simply absorb the other with no apparent change in the former. In between these two extremes traditions may evolve through the addition of newer elements to the older pattern as well as through an amalgamation of new and old. 23 Unfortunately we lack information about who read these texts and the context in which they would have been read and studied. Therefore, in trying to imagine the proper social context for these texts, I assume, for better or worse, a rather small readership for these texts, based primarily on what I take to be the rather low level of literacy among the general populace at this point in Judah's history and a lack of access to these texts. On the latter point, I think it likely that these texts were archived in Jerusalem where only a small cadre of interested people possessing the requisite skills to understand them would have taken notice of their material existence. One of the correlates of this kind of assumption, a proper one in my view, is the ability to surmise more easily that generally most readers would have understood the same set of intertextual allusions. For a recent treatment of the literacy question in ancient Israel and many related issues, see Susan Niditch, Oral World and Written Word (LAI; Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John Knox,

1. Prolegomena and Method

9

I should stress that it is not my task here to define a methodology or develop a taxonomy that is applicable to every example of textual reuse in the Hebrew Bible, a kind of Ubermethode, that transcends the bounds of this project, and I question whether it is practically possible in any nonreductionist way. 25 Undoubtedly, the authors of the biblical texts developed a variety of ways of interacting with earlier texts and traditions over the long course of the development of the biblical traditions and texts. It stands to reason that the approaches and stances toward these texts will differ in various cases, thereby making it nearly impossible to describe the phenomenon comprehensively. Yet while my focus is primarily to understand better the textual interrelationships within Isaiah 24-27, I hope that this will contribute to a greater understanding of intertextuality as a compositional and rhetorical strategy within the larger biblical corpus. To the degree that these chapters represent a later stratum of composition within the Isaianic tradition, they may yield important clues for the way tradents of the biblical traditions in the Second Commonwealth thought about and interacted with their predecessors.26

1997). On the matter of archives and their possible existence in Israel, see Philip Davies, Scribes and Schools (LAI; Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John Knox, 1998). 24 Wolfgang Lau and Burkhard Zapff have described this interaction and the composition of new prophetic texts as "scribal prophecy" (schriftgelehrte Prophetie). I will comment on this idea vis-à-vis Isaiah 24-27 in chapter six. See Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie in Jes 56-66 (BZAW 225; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1994) esp. 1-21, and Zapff, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie-Jes 13 und die Komposition des Jesajabuches (Forschung zur Bibel 74; Wiirzburg: Echter, 1995). 25 Obviously, Fishbane's treatment of inner-biblical exegesis (Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel) comes the closest to this kind of thing. However, as others have noted, clearly exegesis does not and cannot explain all of the varieties of textual relationship in the Hebrew Bible. See, e.g., Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture, 23-5. Moreover, even within legitimate examples of exegesis, Fishbane's three primary analytical categories legal, aggadic, and mantological exegesis - may not account for the total range of exegetical activity. 26 B. Sommer's understanding of these issues from the perspective of Deutero-Isaiah is worth mentioning here: "Deutero-Isaiah's was a peculiar sort of prophetic inspiration. He experienced the presence of the divine voice by ruminating on divine voices from the past. More than his pre-exilic forerunners, Deutero-Isaiah based his prophecies on older texts, recasting their words in order to create new but derivative oracles for his own day" (A Prophet Reads Scripture, 152). On the other hand, D. Polaski denies this kind of explanation for the origin of Isaiah 24-27, denying what some think is its exegetical, therefore, dependent status (Authorizing an End, 357). Polaski seems to think that a position like Sommer's (or that of David Petersen, Late Israelite Prophecy: Studies in DeuteroProphetic Literature and in Chronicles [SBLMS 23; Missoula, Mont.: Scholars Press, 1976]) diminishes the authority and power of the text, a position that simply does not follow from my perspective.

10

Chapter 1: Introduction

2. Intertextuality: What Is It and Who Does It? As I stated earlier, this study will adopt an approach to Isaiah 24-27 that falls under the heading of loosely related approaches known as intertextuality. The following is an attempt to survey briefly some relevant intertextual studies and theorists in order to nuance more adequately my own appropriation and application of this term as outlined earlier. Recently, textual examinations utilizing the language and procedure of this burgeoning area of literary studies have proliferated, but in so doing the confusion about this term and its appropriate application has only multiplied. In short, intertextuality has come to mean many things to many people, since no authoritative definition for either the term or the approaches to the text that it may represent has been forthcoming. The French literary theorist Julia Kristeva originally coined the term in the late 1960s,27 a time of transition in Paris from the previously dominant structuralist influence in literary studies to the poststructuralism that still dominates in many ways today.28 She derived the concept from Mikhail Bakhtin's idea of dialogism,29 broadly understood as give and take - the play - between the "text of the sender (subject), the text of the addressee (object), and the text of culture."30 However, whereas Bakhtin remained committed to the social location of this discourse, and therefore to the historical dimension generally speaking, Kristeva's modification sought to take the text out of the historical realm and into a kind of ahistorical textual space. Unfortunately, Kristeva's use of the term was not always consistent, so what she meant by intertextuality cannot be defined with a great deal of precision. One of her chief concerns was to differentiate between utterance and enunciation.31 For her, the former dealt with the act of the text's coming into being, while the latter was more concerned with the actual text itself independent from the author. Additionally, she introduced the ideas of the genotext and the phenotext - the latter being the traditional object of textual analysis, while the former is understood as the part of the text that emanates from the subconscious and serves to disrupt or undercut the phenotext.32 The phenotext 27

See especially two essays in Kristeva's Desire in Language: "The Bounded Text," 36-63; and "Word, Dialogue, Novel," 64-91. 28 Allen, Intertextuality, 30-5. 29 On which see Mikhail Bakhtin, The Dialogic Imagination (ed. Michael Holquist; trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist; Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981). 30 Timothy K. Beal, "Ideology and Intertextuality: Surplus of Meaning and Controlling the Means of Production" in Reading Between Texts: Intertextuality and the Hebrew Bible (ed. Danna Nolan Fewell; LCBI; Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 1992), 29. 31 Kristeva, "The Bounded Text," 36-7. 32 Ibid., "Word, Dialogue, Novel," 86-9; see also, Allen, Intertextuality, 50-1. One can see here already the seeds of deconstructionism.

2. Intertextuality: What Is It and Who Does It?

11

stands at one end of the literary spectrum as rational discourse, while the genotext stands at the other, and is most easily recognized in modernist works like Joyce's Ulysses. Intertextuality, then, partially deals with the way these two kinds of discourse interact with each other and the transformation that results. Eventually, as mentioned earlier, Kristeva adopted the term transposition to describe this interactive process, dropping the term intertextuality altogether. The former term subtly shifted the focus to the product that resulted from the kind of reading espoused by Kristeva, whereas the latter pertained more strictly to the process that brought about the end result, and, in the end, she was more interested in the product than the process. The legacy of intertextuality, both as a term and as a concept, has continued to influence those who have followed Kristeva. Most notably, Roland Barthes picked up the term and used it in part to champion his notion of the "death of the author."33 While Kristeva was sensitive to avoid talking about authors and their intentions, it was Barthes who attempted to demolish the idea of author when engaged in textual analysis. For him, not unlike the New Critics of an earlier generation, what confronts the reader is the text, not the author. Moreover, it is the reader actively engaging the text that creates meaning, not anything that an author may have wished to communicate. One can easily see the connections with poststructuralist thought - e.g., postcolonialism, feminst readings — that have become prevalent today. However, Kristeva's ideas have also been appropriated in the opposite direction by people like Gérard Genette and Michael Riffaterre, both of whom have used the concept of intertextuality in a return to decidedly structuralist approaches.34 So, for example, Genette elaborated on Claude Lévi-Strauss' influential notion of the bricoleur to talk about the process of rearranging the signs and symbols (literary or otherwise) found in an enclosed system of meaning into new and meaningful patterns of articulation.35 For Genette, no literary work is ever entirely new, but is constructed out of the pre-existing literary elements at the author's disposal. In this way, intertextuality is the recognition and description of the relationship between the specific text at hand and the larger fixed symbolic universe out of which it comes. Intertextuality, then, might be described as a rather plastic term and idea that has enabled theorists to apply it in many different directions. Moreover, some of these seem to have little if anything in common with each other besides the same terminology. Curiously, scholars have declined to 33 Roland Barthes, "The Death of the Author," in Image-Music-Text (trans. Stephen Heath; New York: Hill and Wang, 1977), 142-8; Allen, Intertextuality, 70-6. 34 See n. 9. 35 Genette, Figures of Literary Discourse, 3-25; Allen, Intertextuality, 96-7.

12

Chapter 1: Introduction

introduce new terminology that might more appropriately describe their own approaches (with the exception of Kristeva). On the one hand, this is fortunate because the constant proliferation of new technical vocabulary diminishes the usefulness of one's approach to some extent and because it enables us to see more clearly the lines of trajectory along which the ideas develop. On the other hand, it is unfortunate in that when concepts develop in seemingly opposite directions using the same descriptive terminology, those specialized terms may be rendered meaningless. In some respects, this describes the current state of intertextuality recherché. In addition to these discussions, which have consciously used intertextuality in a theoretical as well as analytical way, other approaches from the field of literary studies form the framework out of which the present study develops. Some of these represent ideas that practitioners of intertextuality have deliberately sought to discredit, but at least in my mind, they remain credible methods of analysis. One such notion is that of influence, developed most notably by the prolific Harold Bloom.36 Throughout Kristeva's work there is a distinct desire to avoid the idea of literary influence, and the reason for this is fairly clear once one understands what intertextualist critics like her are arguing. For them, the mind of the author is inscrutable, so any approach that claims to discuss what the author may or may have not been thinking is illegitimate. Since any discussion about what influences a particular author may have felt implies (to them) access to information unavailable to the critic, analyses from this direction are avoided. Additionally, even if, so the argument goes, one could know what was in the author's mind, this may or may not be a relevant piece of information, since some influences are so subconscious that the author may not be aware of them and other things that the author might think are influencing her or him may, in fact, not be, due to misunderstanding.37 While there is certainly merit in recognizing the limitations to the reader's knowledge of

36 Harold Bloom, The Anxiety of Influence: A Theory of Poetry (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973). For a broader historical perspective on the concept of influence, see Clayton and Rothstein, "Figures in the Corpus: Theories of Influence and Intertextuality," 4-11. I should add the very important point that for Bloom, influence was tantamount to the study of sources, a critical practice he expressly disavowed. In describing what he called "antithetical criticism," that is, the expression of one poem's meaning through another precursor poem he wrote: "Source study is wholly irrelevant here; w e are dealing with primal words, but antithetical meanings, and an ephebe's best misinterpretations may well be of poems he has never read" {The Anxiety of Influence, 70). 37 While this may sound similar to Bloom's idea of "misreading" it is not and the reader should not confuse the two. Misreading is an intentional act on the part of an author to "transform, redirect, reinterpret...already written figures in new ways and hence generate the illusion that their poetry is not influenced by, and not therefore a misreading of, the precursor poem" (Allen, Intertextuality, 135).

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13

the influences acting on the author, in my view it is simply going too far to claim that these are either irrelevant or completely unknowable. In fact, in a traditional culture in which sources were knowingly used, quite the opposite seems to be the case; it would seem plausible that the author might assume the reader would recognize certain influences so that his or her work might be regarded as part of an authoritative literary tradition. The idea of influence has also been avoided because it relies on a genetic approach to texts: in the biblical idiom, text a begat text b and so 38

on. Such a diachronic view of textual production has been replaced in intertextual studies by a turn toward synchronic analysis. Kristeva writes, "Diachrony is transformed into synchrony, i and in light of this transforman tion, linear history appears as abstraction." In this kind of analysis questions about historical priority have no merit because all textual productions are understood to exist within the field of discourse simultaneously. As I have already indicated, though, diachronic arrangement of the texts under consideration in this study is both necessary and valuable. An analysis that focuses on the role of earlier texts in the composition of a later text requires that one pay attention to diachronic concerns. Even if one grants this, it does not imply that influence is the best conceptual category for evaluating textual relationships. Other concepts from the field of literary studies, not necessarily indebted directly to the idea of intertextuality, also form part of the matrix out of which this study emerges. These would include the idea of echo40 as well as the notion of allusion,41 While allusion remains the dominant analytical category of the two, many scholars have, in fact, noted that these concepts are quite closely related, with the line demarcating them not always a clear one. Allusion is generally taken as the conscious reference by one text to another in a way that bears on the meaning of the former in some way. 42 Since an allusion is meaningful in its own text as well as in its relationship to the outside text, alluding markers occupy something of a

38

Cf. the comments of Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture, 14-5. Kristeva, Word, Dialogue, Novel, 65. While she seems to be talking of history generally, the same statement could be applied to textual history as well. 40 The thorough examination of this literary figure is John Hollander, The Figure of Echo: A Mode of Allusion in Milton and After (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981). 41 Carmela Perri, "On Alluding," Poetics 1 (1978): 289-307. 42 Earl Miner provides a standard definition for allusion: "tacit reference to another literary work, to another art, to history, to contemporary figures, or the like" ("Allusion" in Encyclopedia of Poetry and Poetics [ed. Alex Preminger; Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965], 18). 39

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Chapter 1: Introduction

double position.43 Obviously, for an allusion to be successful the reader must have sufficient knowledge of the outside work to recognize the reference, and further, must be able to allow the evoked text to come to bear on the present one in some way. An author may allude to another text to, among other things, confirm the original text's meaning, to controvert its meaning, or simply to suggest subtly to the reader that this newer text belongs in the literary tradition of the former, a matter of some concern if the literary tradition occupies a place of authority within a reading community. In many ways an echo is quite similar to this description of an allusion, the primary difference being the degree to which the later text deploys the outside text for its meaning. An echo may be a subconscious evocation of an earlier text with no rhetorical or meaningful end in mind. However, since the decision about whether the earlier text is meaningful is left in the end to the reader, not the author, opinions will no doubt vary. This subjectivity in interpretation might lead one reader to find an allusion where another would call it an echo, and ultimately the decision is often not one of absolute certainty.

3. Intertextuality in Biblical Studies How has intertextuality been appropriated in biblical studies? In many respects it has mirrored the diversity found among literary theorists generally. Because no clear and authoritative definition exists for the term, biblical scholars have appropriated it in widely different ways.44 On one end 43 For a discussion about the actualization of an allusion, see Ziva Ben-Porat, "The Poetics of Literary Allusion," PTL: A Journal for Descriptive Poetics and Theory of Literature 1 (1976):105-28. She describes a four stage process by which the reader comes to understand a literary allusion and bring it to bear on the text at hand: 1) recognition of a marker from an independent text; 2) identification of the evoked text; 3) modification of the interpretation of the sign in the alluding text; and 4) activating the evoked text as a whole to form connections between it and the alluding text which are not based on the markers and marked items themselves (this fourth stage is not always required). For an application of this method in a biblical text, see Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture, 152-167. 44 In addition to studies which will be taken up in more detail below, see the following essays from Spike Draisma, ed. Intertextuality in Biblical Writings. Essays in Honour ofBas van Iersel (Kampen: J. H. Kok, 1989): Willem Vorster, "Intertextuality and Redaktionsgeschichte," 15-26; James Voelz, "Multiple Signs and Double Texts: Elements of Intertextuality," 27-34; Ellen van Wolde, "Trendy Intertextuality?" 43-49; Wim Beuken, "Does Trito-Isaiah reject the Temple? An Intertextual Inquiry into Isaiah. 66.1-6," 53-66. A double issue of the journal Semeia (George Aichele and Gary A. Phillips, eds.; 69/70 [1996]) was devoted to the topic of intertextuality; see esp. James Voelz, "Multiple Signs, Aspects of Meaning, and Self as Text: Elements of Intertextuality," 149-164; Peter

3. Intertextuality in Biblical Studies

15

of the spectrum one can find post-structuralist critics who offer intertextual readings of texts guided by overt ideological concerns while at the other end one finds a kind of intertextuality not that dissimilar from traditional models of source and redaction criticism. Between these two extremes lies a whole range of discussions that use the terminology of intertextuality with different emphases. One set of intertextual readings tending toward the poststructuralist or ideologically motivated side has recently been collected in a volume on intertextuality and the Hebrew Bible.45 This diverse group of studies offers both theoretical musings and readings that attempt to apply theory to actual texts. So, for example, in an essay exploring the intertextual relationship between Isaiah and Genesis 1-3, Peter Miscall talks about the way in which Gen l:l-2:4a is "dispersed into Isaiah," focusing special attention on H. Bloom's modes of transumption and metalepsis, a kind of "troping on a trope, by which one figure of speech leads to another and then on to others so that a series of figures of speech is formed." 46 One of the purposes of this kind of activity is to make the last text appear to be the earliest, thereby displacing actual earlier texts. In Isaiah's case, according to Miscall, the book offers a eries of tropes on Genesis 1-3 (as well as on Exodus and other ancient Near Eastern myths) that suggest to the reader that those texts have now been replaced by Isaiah. Miscall notes a whole range of transumptive figures of speech related to both vocabulary (wordplays on light, darkness, beginning) and to God's acts and deeds from Genesis 1 (making, creating, doing).47 In so doing, Isaiah creates a vision of a new heaven and a new earth (Isaiah 65-66), which, when combined with the reminder to forget former things (Isa 43:18, here taken to mean earlier biblical books), suggests that the reader may plausibly ignore earlier manifestations of these figures of speech. Miscall has certainly provided an interesting and playful reading of Genesis 1-3 and Isaiah, however, whether the specific conclusions he champions are valid for an ancient audience remains an open question.

Miscall, "Texts, More Texts, a Textual Reader, and a Textual Writer," 247-60. Erich Bosshard-Nepustil, (Rezeptionen von Jesaia 1-39 im Zwdlfprophetenbuch [OBO 154; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1997]) has recently examined the way the authors/editors of the Book of the Twelve constructed a textual conversation with Isaiah 1-39. 45 Danna Nolan Fewell, ed., Reading Between Texts: Intertextuality and the Hebrew Bible, a volume that demonstrates the variety of methods currently fashionable as intertextual readings; for a discussion of theoretical matters see esp. Timothy K. Beal, "Ideology and Intertextuality: Surplus of Meaning and Controlling the Means of Production," 27-40. 46 Peter Miscall, "Isaiah: New Heavens, New Earth, New Book," in Reading Between Texts, 41-56, esp. 46. 47 Ibid., 49-55.

16

Chapter 1: Introduction

In addition to shorter studies like Miscall's several monographs have recently appeared examining some facet of intertextuality and the Hebrew Scriptures. These studies characteristically employ a narrow methodological approach in order to answer questions concerning patterns of literary borrowing and textual relationships between specific textual corpora. In one of the earliest and most comprehensive treatments of this subject, Michael Fishbane used the broad category of innerbiblical exegesis to describe what he saw as very distinct scribal modes of exegetical activity concerned with the continuing development of the biblical literature.48 In his highly influential study he argued for an "original" traditum that was continually reinterpreted and revised (traditio) in light of newer historical situations or community concerns.49 His study examined cases of scribal comments and explanations, but was more centrally concerned with three modes of exegetical activity, legal, aggadic and mantological, that enable the ongoing production of the traditio. Certainly, exegetical impulses account for many of the examples of intertextuality one could find in the Hebrew Bible - as we shall see in Isaiah 24-27 (e.g., Isaiah 5 and 27) - but it is not an adequate description for all of them. One of Fishbane's students, Ben Sommer, draws on two previously mentioned categories with long pedigrees50 in literary analysis, allusion and echo, in his analysis of Isaiah 40-66's engagement with earlier biblical texts. He eschews the term intertextuality.51 Additionally, he makes a helpful analytical distinction between the formal and thematic levels of textual reuse.52 The former describes how an earlier text is evoked on the literary level,53 while the latter concerns the purposes of that evocation.54 By way of evaluation, I should say that the study is impressive and creative, but the 48

Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel, esp. 1-43. Although never cited in Fishbane's book, this is extraordinarily similar to the language and argument presented by E. Shils. 50 Jay Clayton and Eric Rothstein, "Figures in the Corpus: Theories of Influence and Intertextuality," in Influence and Intertextuality in Literary History (ed. J. Clayton and E. Rothstein; Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1991), 3-36. 51 Sommer, A Prophet Reads Scripture, 6-9. While Sommer recognizes the validity of intertextual studies (however one defines those), he refrains from describing his own in these terms because he thinks 1) that intertextuality involves a much broader understanding of connections between texts, involving linguistic, esthetic, cultural, or ideological contexts; 2) it relies too heavily on structural linguistics; and 3) it focuses on the text or the reader, but not the author. 52 Ibid., 18-31. 53 He describes this in three categories: explicit citation, implicit reference, and inclusion. 54 These may include exegesis of earlier material (a la Fishbane), demonstrating influence, revision of an earlier text, polemic against an earlier text, or allusion to a precursor text in order to bolster the claim of the newer text 49

3. Intertextuality in Biblical Studies

17

results are a bit forced at times. A recent study by Patricia Willey does not avoid the term intertextuality, but rather, uses a methodology much closer to that developed by Fishbane and Richard Hays 55 in its examination of recollected texts in Isaiah 49-54. 56 And while many literary critics have tried to debunk studies concerned with literary dependence and influence, some scholars within biblical studies remain committed to these types of analyses. 57 Among these, John Day has produced what might be considered the most fanciful, arguing that the imagery related to the belief in life after death in Dan 12:2 can be traced back through Isa 26:19, Hos 13:14; 14:6, finally originating in the Baal Cycle (KTU 1.5.V.10-11; 1.6.III.2-13). Finally, one should note Richard Schultz's study of a neglected aspect of biblical texts, that of quotations between authors, specifically the prophets.58 To his credit, Schultz devotes a great deal of attention and detail to the issues of methodology and terminology, but his conclusions are not always transferable to examples that are not citations, due to the narrow focus of his work. To the question of methodology per se, biblical scholars seem to have devoted less attention. Most of the studies cited above do not lay out specific criteria for identifying an intertext, or if they do, they tend to be minimal statements. Two particular studies stand out in this regard, however. The aforementioned study by Hays on scriptural echoes in Paul's letters outlines seven specific tests for allusions: availability, volume, recurrence, thematic coherence, historical plausibility, history of interpretation, and satisfaction. 59 It could be argued that these categories are not equally reliable in gauging an allusion; for example, the test of volume, that is, the degree of explicit correlation of two text's ideas, vocabulary, syntactic pat55

Richard Hays, Echoes of Scripture in the Letters of Paul (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989). 56 Patricia Tull Willey, Remember the Former Things: The Recollection of Previous Texts in Second Isaiah (SBLDS 161; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997), esp. 57-104. While Willey embraces "intertextuality" she modifies it to such an extent that one wonders if an author such as Kristeva, despite her inconsistent usage of the term, would recognize the analytical model as akin to her own. She seems to be covering all the bases when she writes, "What is needed is a method of inquiry sensitive to historical uncertainties, attentive to literary possibilities, and flexible enough to recognize the wide variety of ways that one text might respond to another and incorporate, revise, repudiate or ignore its claims. This inquiry should be comprehensive enough to provide a map of the relative importance of various texts and traditions in Second Isaiah's formation. And it should be prepared to use this increased awareness of the text's discursive context to shed light on its messages" (58). 57 John Day, "The Dependence of Isaiah 26:13-27:11 on Hosea 13:4-14:10," 357-68. 58 Richard L. Schultz, The Search for Quotation. Verbal Parallels in the Prophets (JSOTSup 180; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1999). 59 Hays, Echoes of Scripture, 29-32.

18

Chapter 1: Introduction

terns, is perhaps more important than whether other readers throughout history have noticed the alleged intertext (history of interpretation). While Hays' work is helpful for thinking about some of these issues, his methodology cannot simply be imported into the present study, due primarily to the difference in chronological relationship between the texts in his study and mine.60 The question of dating texts is not an issue for Hays, since he is studying Paul's use of the LXX, the composition of which was complete by Paul's day. By contrast, it is not entirely clear how to conceive of the chronological relationship between Isaiah 24-27 and some of the texts to which it appeals (e.g., P). A more relevant study is that of James Nogalski on intertextuality in the Book of the Twelve.61 His concern is to understand more clearly how we can speak about the Book of the Twelve as a unity, and within that framework, how intertextual relationships might offer "clues for reading the Twelve as a 'united' piece of literature."62 He offers his own definition of intertextuality as the "interrelationship between two or more texts which evidence suggests (1) was deliberately established by ancient authors/editors or (2) was presupposed by those authors/editors."63 As one can easily see, Nogalski's approach is fully grounded on the possibility of capturing the author's or editor's intentions, however hypothetical the results may be. He uncovers five types of intertextuality in the Book of the Twelve: quotations, allusions, catchwords, motifs, and framing devices.64 Nogalski develops each of these categories with a relatively high degree of specificity, but his treatment of allusions is especially helpful. He argues that the process of evaluating whether a text truly alludes to another involves paying attention to word frequency, word pairings, motif development, literary homogeneity, and specific text combinations. Additionally, he suggests that critics take note of both internal and external allusions; the former refers to allusions to other parts of the book under consideration (in our case, Isaiah), while the latter refers to allusions to texts outside the book. In his opinion attention to these two distinct areas may provide clues to the reader about the author's conception of their text's role within the literary tradition of which it is part and the larger literary tradition within the society. Whether Nogalski's categories can be pressed into the service of understanding authorial intention is open to debate, but there is no ques-

60

For a critique of Hays along other lines, see Willey, Remember the Former

83-4. 61

Nogalski, "Intertextuality and the Twelve," 102-24. " i b i d . , 102. 63 Ibid. 64 Ibid., 103.

Things,

3. Intertextuality in Biblical

Studies

19

tion that the analytical categories he develops are helpful for thinking about the practicalities of intertextuality. Finally, I must mention Donald Polaski's recently published revised dissertation on intertextuality and Isaiah 24-27.65 The flexibility in defining intertextuality is evident once again with this book, which for Polaski has little if anything to do with the specific kinds of literary issues developed by Kristeva, Barthes and others. Rather, Polaski's concern is with interplay between text and social history, and specifically the social context out of which proto-apocalyptic emerges. He resists making a simple equation between text and social reality, what he describes as the kind of simplistic referential reading that has dominated much of traditional critical biblical scholarship. Instead he appeals to ideas developed in New Historicism66 in an effort to describe a more complicated relationship between these two aspects of investigation. For him, social context and text are mutually illuminating, that is, both equally create the realities reflected by each. This distinguishes him from earlier scholars who viewed the text as a passive element in this relationship. With this in mind, he examines Isaiah 24-27 to see how it engages other texts with a view toward shaping social reality, not just to reflect it. Borrowing from M. Foucault's idea of the "rules of formation,"67 his analysis of the presence of outside texts asks Why one thing is said and not something else. By this he means both why one text is used and not another and why this portion of the text (as opposed to the part of the text not reused in the Isaianic chapters). There is much about Polaski's work that is appealing, particularly the theoretical notion that texts and their production help shape social life; they do not simply reflect it. However, this same idea at times leads Polaski to some conclusions that seem rather dubious. For example, in his treatment of the • blU r V D , "eternal covenant" in 24:5 (about which we will say more later), he contends that the text is attempting to promote a new vision of covenant, that this text is not simply building on an earlier understanding of the covenant (e.g., P).68 Additionally, this covenant will be broken in the future, according to Polaski. This then leads him to promote what in my view is an awkward position: the text is condemning people for breaking a covenant (at some unknown point in the future), one which did not exist up until the point of Isa 24:5's appearance. How is this 65

Polaski, Authorizing an End. Polaski is especially indebted to the work of D. LaCapra. For relevant bibliographical information, see n. 12. Additionally, see Polaski, Authorizing an End, 24-32. 67 The phrase comes from Michel Foucault, Archaeology of Knowledge (trans. A. M. Sheridan Smith; N e w York: Pantheon, 1982), 31-9; Polaski, Authorizing an End, 46-7. 68 Ibid., 94-145; idem, "Reflections on a Mosaic Covenant: The Eternal Covenant (Isaiah 24.5) and Intertextuality," 66-73. 66

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Chapter 1: Introduction

possible, or at least how would it gain "authoritative status?" The book contains several such conclusions about the way intertextuality functions. Nevertheless, Polaski's attention to the social aspect of intertextuality is a positive one. While Kristeva used social language, particularly Marxist ideas of production and work, she did so in a way which was divorced from any actual historical context. Polaski's desire to understand these texts in the realm of the ancient social context while still paying attention to their intertextual dimension is a move in the right direction. As one can see, this brief survey of some of the more important studies in this area only highlights the variety of methods that scholars have developed and adopted in an effort to understand the types of textual reuse and overlap - intertextuality - that exist in the Hebrew Bible. Indeed, no one methodology has emerged as the only way of talking about intertextuality, nor does it seem likely that one will in the near future. These diverse methodologies are not simply the result of confusion about these issues, however; they represent honest and real attempts to address a variety of questions that properly fit under the umbrella of intertextuality. Inasmuch as no one method of textual analysis is adequate to answer all types of questions related to these issues, the eclecticism that now exists seems justified.

4. Isaiah 24-27: The History of Research Before examining Isaiah 24-27, it is necessary to survey briefly the large amount of previous scholarship on Isaiah 24-27.69 To get at this material, I have organized it around four issues that nearly every scholar who has examined these chapters has commented on: the text's genre, its structure, its date, and the identity of the unnamed city. In the course of my discussion about these topics other important matters are handled as well. Identity of the Anonymous City10 Of all the issues that have vexed commentators throughout the history of interpretation of Isaiah 24-27, nothing seems to have elicited as much comment as the identity of the unnamed city, reference to which occurs in each of the four chapters (24:10, 12; 25:2; 26:1, 5; 27:10).71 Several ques-

69 Recent surveys may also be found in Johnson, Chaos, 11-17; and Brian Doyle, The Apocalypse of Isaiah Metaphorically Speaking (Leuven: Peeters, 2000), 11-45. 70 See n. 7. 71 The identity of these cities apparently confounded even early translators of Isaiah, as demonstrated in the interesting article by Arie van der Kooij, "The Cities of Isaiah 24-

4. Isaiah 24-27: The History of Research

21

tions arise when one looks at these difficult passages: Does each mention of the city have in mind the same city? Do the two different terms used for "city" (TI5 m p ) signify any difference in meaning? Does any real historical city stand behind any of these references or should the city be interpreted symbolically? Scholars have addressed these, as well as other issues surrounding these verses, and as one might suspect, their conclusions have been varied. Babylon On the identity of the city, the most frequently mentioned candidate is Babylon, although not all exegetes envision the same historical situation. 72 M.-L. Henry identifies the city as Babylon following its defeat by Cyrus in 538 B.C.E., while J. Lindblom situates the text at the time of Xerxes I's campaign against the rebellious Mesopotamian stronghold in 485 B.C.E. Still maintaining that Babylon is the city, W. Rudolph identified an even later period for the historical situation, that of Alexander the Great's devastation of the city in 332 B.C.E., based primarily on the fact that Cyrus's overthrow did not destroy the city as described in Isaiah 24-27, and therefore, could not be the context.73 J. Vermeylen argued for identifying the city with Babylon, but for literary rather than historical reasons. 74 He sees a relationship between chapters 13 and 14, where the city of Babylon is specifically mentioned (cf. 13:9), and 24:1-13. Because of this literary connection, he claims that the city, at least in chapter 24, must be Babylon. 75 Yet a different line of argument has recently been advanced by M. Sweeney, who claims that one of the important pieces of evidence pointing the reader toward Babylon as the correct identification of the city is the

27 According to the Vulgate, Targum and Septuagint," in Studies in Isaiah 24-27 (ed. H. J. Bosman and H. van Grol et al.; The Isaiah Workshop; Leiden: Brill, 2000), 183-98. 72 Henry, Glaubenskrise, 17-34; Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27, 61-64; Lindblom, Die JesajaApokalypse, 72-84; G. W. Anderson, "Isaiah XXIV - XXVII Reconsidered," in Supplements to Vetus Testamentum 9 (Leiden: Brill, 1963), 118-26; Benedict Otzen, "Traditions and Structures of Isaiah XXIV-XXVII," VT 24 (1974): 196-206. 73 Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27, 62-3. Apparently, he did not think the troubles in 485 B.C.E. in Babylon qualified as an option since he does not even mention it as a possibility. 74 Vermeylen, "La composition," 5-38, esp. 6-8; idem, Du Prophete, 354-356. He identifies the city with Babylon, but he regards Babylon as the symbol of a pagan empire: "Nous avons identifié la ville ruinée avec Babylone, symbole de l'empire païen" (356). 75 Otzen is even more forceful: "Most impressive is Is. xiii; in this text we have exactly, as in our section, a strange connection between eschatological descriptions of the imminent world-catastrophe and the fall of the city of the world-power" ["Traditions and Structures of Isaiah XXIV-XXVII," 206],

22

Chapter 1: Introduction

citation of Jer 48:43-44a in Isa 24:17-18. 76 These texts stem from the period of the Babylonian threat (i.e., sixth century), and this example of intertextuality suggests (to him) identifying the anonymous city with Babylon.77 So while many scholars may agree on the identity of this anonymous city, the historical epoch to which the text belongs represents another matter altogether, or may be completely irrelevant to the line of argumentation some scholars pursue. Jerusalem Two scholars taking a similar approach to apocalyptic origins, P. Hanson 78 and W. Millar, 79 have identified the city of chaos, the destruction of which is anticipated and celebrated in chapters 24-27, with Jerusalem. Hanson suggests that the Isaian author is describing a Jerusalem controlled by a hieratic party in the early postexilic period (ca. 520 BCE). This author was a member of an opposition group of visionaries who held out hope for a different future for the city. Millar argues that the destruction of Jerusalem, YHWH's own city, touched off a search for meaning which eventuated, in part, in Isa 24:l-16a, 24:16b-25:9, and 26:1-8 (which contain three of the four references to the city). These texts, according to Millar, speak about Jerusalem's inglorious past and its hopeful future. Most recently, R. Scholl has argued that the city in chapters 24-27 is always Jerusalem, but that there is a contrast between an "earthly" Jerusalem and a "heavenly" Jerusalem. 80 The former is the referent in the "city" passages (24:10; 25:2, 3; 26:5; 27:10). Following P. Hanson, he identifies this "city of chaos" as the historical Jerusalem ruled by a theocratic party. From the Isaianic author's perspective, this city awaits destruction, after which it will be replaced by a heavenly Jerusalem (24:23; 25:6-8, 9-10a; 27:13). B. Doyle has also suggested that the city is Jerusalem, but it stands as a personification of the

76 Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 318. Sweeney's identification only applies to the city in chapters 24-26. On his interpretation of Isaiah 27:10, see below. 77 I must admit, however, I find his reasoning here puzzling, since the citation from Jeremiah specifically mentions Moab. On this basis, one could perhaps argue that the more correct identification is a Moabite city (Dibon(?); see below). Additionally, he argues that the description of the city in 24:10 as a HIP m p , "city of chaos," represents a pun on the mythic story of Marduk's defeat of Tiamat ( = i n n ) recounted in Enuma Elish during the Akitu festival. This amounts to a jab at Babylon whose god, Marduk, does not ensure order; rather chaos rules, calling into question Marduk's divine power, and Babylon's status. 78 Hanson, The Dawn of Apocalyptic, 314. 79 Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 15-21. He only deals with the first three references to the city, since he sadly eliminates the 27:8ff from his analysis because it does not fit with his prosodic analysis and is not, therefore, considered genuine. 80 R. Scholl, Die Elenden, 173.

4. Isaiah 24-27: The History of Research

23

people and the land.81 P. L. Redditt, who denies that the references to the city all have in mind the same referent, argues that only 27:10-11 is a reference to Jerusalem, and not a positive one at that.82 Another argument in favor of identifying the city with Jerusalem comes from O. Ludwig83 who maintains that the city references need not all reflect the same historical background. For example, he is unsure whether 24:8-12 and 27:10-11 refer to the conquest of Jerusalem in 586 B.C.E. or 168/7 B.C.E. (by Antiochus Epiphanes). He seems more certain about 25:1-5 and 26:1-6 which he claims reflect Simon's conquest of Acra in 141. Several Different

Cities

Another option for interpreting these references, one which pays special attention to the distinct literary context of each, is that the references are all or in part to different historical entities. That is, no one city is in mind every time the reference occurs. So, for example, W. Kessler argues that Babylon is the city in view in 24:10 and 25:1-5, but 26:1-6 may be either Babylon or a Moabite city, and 27:10 refers to Samaria.84 More recently, D. Johnson claimed that the reference to the inn ¡ T i p in 24:10 should be understood as a reference to Jerusalem prior to the Babylonian conquest, but the remaining city references in chapters 25-27 all refer to Babylon, looking forward to its downfall.85 On the other hand, Sweeney has argued that all the city references in chapters 24-26 deal with a hostile city (likely Babylon), but the reference in 27:10 is to an Israelite city that has been punished because of the sins of the Northern Kingdom.86 Other Historical

Possibilities

Scholars have suggested a few other historical possibilities with regard to the city references, but none of these have garnered much support. For example, both O. Eissfeldt87 and E. Mulder88 have argued that the key to in81

Doyle, Metaphorically Speaking, 44-5. Redditt, "Once Again, the City in Isaiah 24-27," 317-35. He identifies the other three references to the city as figurative uses. Redditt's appraoch to the social history of these chapters is one of the more innovative and potentially productive that I have seen. His methodology is drawn from modern anthropological work on peasants and their relationship to the larger socio-economic structures in their environment. While his article is highly suggestive, the details need to be worked out further. 83 Ludwig, Die Stadt, 64, 74-5. 84 Werner Kessler, Gottgeht es um das Ganze (Stuttgart: Calwer, 1960), 173. 85 Johnson, Chaos, 17, 29-35. Johnson never explicitly deals with the city reference in 27:10, so I can only surmise that he would interpret it similarly to his interpretation of the cities in chapters 24-26. This is by no means certain, though, because he interprets 27:7-11 as a reference to Judah/Jerusalem. His exegesis of Isaiah 27 is unclear. 86 Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 312, 317. 87 Eissfeldt, The Old Testament: An Introduction, 326. 82

24

Chapter 1: Introduction

terpreting the anonymous city is the lone historical entity named in Isaiah 24-27: Moab.89 Eissfeldt argues that 26:6, "the feet of the poor trampled it" indicates that the Jews had at least some share in the destruction of the devastated city. This fact precludes the possibility that Babylon may be in view, and suggests that one should look for a city in the vicinity of Judah. As it happens, 25:10 specifically mentions Moab, and this provides Eissfeldt with enough evidence to claim that the city in view is a city in Moab, although he declines to name a specific city. Mulder too thinks of a city in Moab, and he identifies it: Dibon.90 However, the importance (or lack thereof) of the Moab pericope in Isaiah 24-27 is disputed, so it seems unwise to ascribe such a pivotal interpretive role to this text.91 B. Duhm identified the city as Samaria ca. 107 BCE, an identification connected to his contention that the poems celebrating the downfall of the city (25:1-5; 26:1-6) derived from the time of John Hyrcanus.92 He based this, in part, on 26:6, a text that implies the complicity of the Jews in the destruction of the city (or at least their support for its destruction). Duhm's argument, while novel, was rendered completely untenable by the discovery of lQIsa 3 among the Dead Sea scrolls, a text that predates John Hyrcanus' high priesthood. Finally, O. Procksch considered both Rome and Carthage as possibilities (due to the reference to the "west" in 24:14) before finally settling on the latter, since Rome did not suffer destruction at any point covering the time of this text's composition.93 Symbolic

Interpretations

Yet another group of scholars has claimed that the vague description of the cities is a clue that the city should be interpreted symbolically.94 By sym88 E. Mulder, Die Teleogie van die Jesaja-apokalipse, Jesaja 24-27 (Groningen and Djakarta: J. B. Wolters, 1954), 91-3. 89 See also, Smend, "Anmerkungen zu Jes. 24-27," 161-224. 90 He bases this partly on the alleged wordplay between Isa 25:10 (ri)DID) and Jer 48:2 (jO"IO), the latter of course being another name for Dibon. 91 Several scholars have described 25:10b-12, the pericope in question, as a secondary insertion, apparently indicating that it could not have played a formative role in the composition of the "city" texts. So Johnson, Chaos, 12: "[M]ost scholars have recognized the Moab pericope (25:10b-12) as a polemical intrusion into the text which has nothing to do with its context and is uncharacteristic of the rest of the composition; it is to be excised." 92 Duhm, Jesaia, 172; see also, M.-J. Lagrange, "L' Apocalypse d'Isaie (24-27)," RB 3 (1894), 215, 224. 93 Otto Procksch, Jesaia I (KAT 9; Leipzig: Scholl, 1930), 345. 94 Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 50; Ronald Clements, Isaiah 1-39 (NCBC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 198-9; Plöger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 53-77; Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 176-7; G. B. Gray, Isaiah I-XXVII (ICC; Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1912), 399; G. N. M. Habets, Die Grosse Jesaja-Apokalypse (Jes 24-27): Ein Beitrag zur Theologie des Alten Testaments (Inaugural Dissertation, Bonn, 1974), 63; Polaski, Authorizing an End, 56.

4. Isaiah 24-27: The History of Research

25

bolic these scholars mean either that no historical referent was originally meant, or that one cannot be detected now. Either way, they view the search for a historical referent behind each of these texts as misguided and fruitless. Early last century, G. B. Gray argued that the author must certainly have had a city in mind, but his description lacks sufficient specificity to enable exact identification of that city (or historical setting), although he thought it probably referred to a capital city.95 O. Ploger, in his influential analysis of Jewish postexilic social reality, argued that these references, containing largely negative assessments of the city, represent opposition to city life in general.96 He situated this text among the prophetic-eschatological groups that were disenfranchised by the reemergence of the priestly power in Jerusalem during the late Persian and early Hellenistic periods. O. Kaiser, while advocating a symbolic reading, thinks that no definite city is in view, but rather takes 24:10 as "an example of the fate of all cities,"97 a view that nearly parallels Ploger's. Wildberger's reticence in identifying a city is based on his position that no one situation lies behind each of these references,98 so this stymies any attempt to identify which city is meant. Given this, he argues that in their present literary context, the cities are to be interpreted thematically, regardless of Sitze im Leben of the original poems. An approach that attempts to understand the "city of chaos" within its larger literary context, and one which disavows any attempt at a historical interpretation, has been put forward by M. Biddle.99 He reads chapters 2427 as part of a larger discussion within the book of Isaiah concerning the fate of cities. He identifies nine literary and thematic characteristics shared by Isaiah 13-23, 24-27, 28-33.100 Based in part on this, he argues that chapters 24-27 form a bridge within the larger literary context, chapters 13-33. Within this context, the references to a city must be understood against the background of enemy foreign cities, paradigmatically identified as Lady Babylon (cf. chs. 13-14, 21; cf. ch. 47) and sinful Jerusalem (chs. 95

Gray, Isaiah I-XXVII, 399. Plöger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 56; see also, G. N. M. Habets, Die Grosse Jesaja-Apokalpse, 63; and D. Polaski, Authorizing an End, 56. Habets writes: "In dem jetzigen Kontext wird die Aufmerksamkeit jedoch nicht auf eine bestimmte Stadt hingelenkt, sondern auf die Zerstörung und ihre Folgen." 97 Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 185. 98 "Analysis has shown that the city discussed in [24:1 Off] can hardly be the same as the enemy city mentioned in 25:Iff. and 26:Iff., nor can it be the Moabite city in 25:12 nor the one referred to in 27:10," Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 485-6. 99 Biddle, "City of Chaos," 5-12. 100 Biddle, "City of Chaos," 7-8. Additionally, he notes that many of these same images reappear in chapters 47-66, suggesting that an intentional redaction related to "cities" has been carried out throughout the book. 96

Chapter 1: Introduction

26

28-33; cf. ch. 57). The structurally significant placement of chapters 24-27 obfuscates attempts to identify precisely the cities in these chapters, especially the city of chaos (24:10). As a result of the placement of chapters 24-27, Biddle recognizes that the image could refer in either direction. This ambiguity is intentional. Overall, Biddle, has provided some intriguing possibilities for interpreting not just the city in chapters 24-27 (especially 24:10), but offers some creative possibilities for interpreting the role of cities within the book of Isaiah as a whole. Form, Structure and Redaction of Isaiah 24-27 The next set of issues in need of comment that has occupied the attention of scholars of Isaiah 24-27 is the related trio of form, structure and redaction. Does one find conventional prophetic or psalm forms in these chapters? How should we describe the literary structure of this material? Does the text display any indications of a redactional history? Can one speak about the text as a unity in any sense? In what follows, I briefly summarize the most influential suggestions to date on these and related matters. Forms in Isaiah 24-27 In his influential commentary on Isaiah, Duhm distinguishes between songs (Dichtungen) and apocalyptic oracles. While the identification of the latter group with apocalyptic has essentially been abandoned, a distinction between two kinds of literature has basically been retained down to the present. 101 The existence of songs in 25:1-5, 26:1-6, 102 and 27:2-5 has received nearly unanimous support among exegetes. The first of these uses language drawn from hymns (cf. 25:1: HUN "[QD11« HP« TI^K ¡Tin1 "jfttO), while the example from Isaiah 26 is specifically called a song ("Pton "ItDV niH). The argument for identifying a song in 27:2-5 is based primarily on its relationship to the earlier "Song of the Vineyard" in Isaiah 5 (see 5:1-7). While clear formal elements suggesting a song are lacking in Isa 27:2-5, its unmistakable allusion to the earlier Isaianic text, which possesses the necessary formal distinctives (cf. 5:1), encourages its categorization in this way. Additionally, individual scholars have added other songs to the list. For example, some scholars identify 24:7-12 as a "citysong" or something like that. 103 G. Fohrer's position was that 24:4-16aa

101

Duhm, Jesaia, 172. He identified the oracles, the older of the two groups, in 24:123, 25:6-8, 26:20-27:1, 12, 13; the songs, (also identified as Dichtungen), are found in 25:1-5, 25:9-11, 26:1-19+25:12, and 27:2-5. 102 The delimitation of the song in Isaiah 26 is debated. Proposals have ranged from 26:1-6 (the dominant view), 26:4-6 (Henry), 26:1-14 (Lindblom), 26:1-19 (Duhm). See below on Structure. 103 Ludwig, Die Stadt, 58; Henry, Glaubenskrise, 16.

4. Isaiah 24-27: The History of Research

27

comprised a three-strohpe song, the first two of which were laments (24:46, 7-9), while the last was hymn-like (24:12, 14-16), though his position has garnered no support. 104 Procksch, in addition to the aforementioned songs in Isaiah 25 and 26, argued for non-apocalyptic Liederkreise in 24:818a and 27:2b-ll. 1 0 5 However, it was J. Lindblom in his creative study of Isaiah 24-27 who identified the largest number of songs in these chapters: Danklied were designated at 24:7-16aa, 25:1-5, 26:1-14; a Jubellied at 27:2-11; and a Klagelied at 26:15-19. 106 It is not necessary to continue cataloging the numerous suggestions scholars have made concerning the location of songs in these chapters; our purpose is simply to indicate that scholars have recognized that many of these do exist, and in rather abundant fashion. The material labeled by Duhm and others in some way apocalyptic or prophetic is also generally agreed upon, although one might argue about the precise delimitation of the oracles in some cases. The opening oracle of 1 C\H

1 AQ

Isaiah 24, whether restricted to v. 3 or read through v. 6, is clearly a prophetic oracle, a position which is at least partially indicated by 24:3b: run - m n ¡"18 im r m r n Prophetic pronouncements are also visible in 24:16b-20; 25:6-8 (which also concludes with ~0"7 m i T and 25:9-12 (including the puzzling statement about Moab). Isaiah 24 concludes with the first of seven Kinn D m , "on that day" addenda (24:20; 25:9; 26:1; 27:1, 2, 12, 13), which may introduce oracular material (e.g., 24:20), hymnic content (e.g., 26:1), or eschatological additions (e.g., 27:13). Isa 27:7-11, some of the most difficult content in these chapters, do not, in my opinion, neatly conform to any biblical Gattungen, a position echoed by many other commentators. Some scholars find these verses, especially vv. 7-9, so confounding that they ignore them entirely in their analyses. 109 Isaiah 26, apart from the song that appears in the opening verses, is also somewhat enigmatic form-critically. Does it contain any prophetic oracles? Most scholars are inclined to describe a large portion of it as a lament, 110 although they do not all agree on its delimitation. The problematic Isa 26:19 is described by many as a Heilsorakel which answers the preceding prayer (particularly v. 14).111 However, others claim that it is too late to 104

Fohrer, "Der Aufbau der Apokalypse des Jesajabuchs," 36. Procksch, Jesaja, 340. 106 Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 62-63. Of course, in Lindblom's view these songs alternated with other poems and eschatological additions, as required by his understanding of these chapters as a cantata (on which see below). 107 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 350. 108 Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 200. 109 Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 58. 110 Plöger, Theocracy andEschatology, 64-8; Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 40-6. 111 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 368; Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apocalypse, 63. 105

Chapter 1: Introduction

28

have concluded the core lament of Isaiah 26, thereby undermining this formal classification.112 The verses that remain have generally eluded form-critical classification, falling into the catchall category of Zusätze113 or "additions" (both eschatological and non-eschatological). As a concluding remark about the form-critical categorization of the constituent elements in Isaiah 24-27, I think it correct to emphasize that much in these chapters defies conventional classification. One looks in vain for an easily identifiable "oracle of salvation" or "oracle of woe,"114 a fact which suggests one of two things: either the traditional prophetic Gattungen were no longer in use, a possibility given the demise of "classical" prophecy along with the monarchy; or the scribal nature of Isaiah 24-27 allowed the authors/redactors to ignore those literary types more directly linked to other Sitze im Leben. In any case, the general absence of clearly defined literary forms is evidence against those who emphasize a kind of liturgical character for these chapters (about which, see below). Structure and Redaction of Isaiah 24-27 The diversity of opinion that exists concerning form-critical matters in these chapters is matched by the different opinions about the question of structure. In an attempt to find some unity in this text, scholars have proposed several different ways of understanding this text's overall structure, a situation based in part on the lack of agreement in form-critical matters. Additionally, scholars do not use the same methodology in analyzing the text's structure and this too contributes to differing views. What methodology (if any) is best suited to answer the question about structure? Moreover, is this text a unified composition? These are some of the questions to which scholars have devoted themselves in discussing this matter. J. Lindblom offered a creative reading of these chapters when he argued that the core composition comprised a cantata performed at a festival in the Jewish community.115 Beginning from observations made earlier by G. Hylmö about the liturgical character of Isaiah 25-26 and Gunkel's defini-

112

Duhm, argued, as many following him have, that this verse must be correlated with Dan 12:2. The latter unmistakably mentions resurrection from the dead, while the former might, although this has been debated. Those who claim that resurrection of the dead is in view have generally argued that this must be a late theological innovation in the Old Testament, generally dated near the period of Daniel's composition (i.e., ca. 168 B.C.E.). 113 For which, see esp. Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 63. 114 The two most prominent studies of form-criticism in the prophetic literature remain those of Claus Westermann, Basic Forms of Prophetic Speech (trans. H. C. White; Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox, 1991); idem, Prophetic Oracles of Salvation (trans. Keith Crim; Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox, 1991). 115 Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 69.

4. Isaiah 24-27: The History of Research

29

tion of liturgy,116 Lindblom identified an alternating pattern of five eschatological oracles and four songs of thanksgiving or jubilation (not entirely different from Duhm's argument) coupled with a corresponding alternation between voices in the text (first, third, etc.), characteristics which helped form the basis of his assessment of these chapters. He went on to argue that the cantata mentioned various events celebrated by the community, most notably the destruction of an enemy city, identified with Babylon's destruction in 485 B.C.E. at the hands of Xerxes.117 While others have noticed liturgical elements in Isaiah 24-27 (Ringgren, Fohrer), most scholars have not accepted Lindblom's argument that these chapters comprise a cantata, given our lack of knowledge about liturgical matters in the Second Temple period.118 W. Millar's revised dissertation attempted to describe the overall structure of these chapters somewhat differently. He looked outside the realm of Israelite prophetic literature to discover an overarching thematic pattern that defined the individuals units within Isaiah 24-27 — a key also for the assessment of the larger structure of Isaiah 24-27. For him, the Ugaritic Baal Cycle and its thematic pattern of threat, war, victory and feast provided the proper structural and thematic context in which to place Isaiah 24-27. He divided these four chapters into six units,119 each of which contained at least some portion of the stated pattern. In fact, he identified the two middle sections of the pattern, war and victory, in every section, but only 24:16b-25:9 and 26:16-27:6 contained every element within the pattern.120 In my opinion, the fact that Millar is able to uncover the complete pattern only twice out of six textual units undermines the strength of his proposal, and consequently, calls into question the structural divisions he makes in the text. Moreover, the thematic structure he outlines depends on several emendations to the received text of Isaiah 24-27, many of which are presented to justify his accompanying prosodic analysis.121 This tends to diminish the value of his prosodic, structural and thematic analyses. Attempting to retain some sense of the text's unity, D. Johnson suggests a tripartite division of the text, each part of which is related to the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B.C.E.122 According to Johnson, the first section 116 Gunnar Hylmò, De s.k. profetiska liturgiernas rytm, stil och ¡composition (Lund: Gleerup, 1929), 6-12. 117 Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apocalypse, 84. 118 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 346. 119 24:l-16a; 24:16b-25:9; 25:10-26:8; 26:13-15; 26:16-27:6; 27:12-13. 120 See his summary chart; Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 70-1. 121 For instance, Isa 27:7-11 does not fit with the kind of prosody that he attempts to uncover, so it is conveniently expunged from his textual analysis. This kind of hypothetical and arbitrary treatment of the text offers no real solution. 122 Johnson, Chaos, 16-7.

30

Chapter 1: Introduction

corresponds to 24:1-20 and originated on the eve of Jerusalem's final devastation. The second section, by far the longest, comprises 24:21-27:1 and emanated from the time of the exile. The final section, 27:2-13, was also composed in the exilic period, but after the ascent of Cyrus. The key elements in the three sections respectively are lament and return to chaos, YHWH's imminent victory, and the reunification of Israel. While Johnson's attempt to read the text as related to the same historical situation is commendable, ultimately it is unpersuasive. Moreover, the divisions he argues for seem arbitrary in some sense; other possibilities are equally compelling. For example, he argues that 24:21-27:1 (his Section B) forms one unit in which the theme is YHWH's imminent victory, yet this overlooks the lament that takes up much of Isaiah 26. If YHWH's victory is soon to come, that author seems unaware of it. Additionally, if, as Johnson proposes, much of this text stems from the exilic period, its lack of congruence with Isaiah 40-55 is puzzling.123 Recently, a group of Dutch scholars has devoted considerable attention to the delimitation of textual units within Isaiah 24-27 as a key to its structure. H. J. Bosman uses a method of analysis that pays special attention to the "syntactic and text-syntactic phenomena that bring cohesion to the text."124 It results in a text divided along syntactic lines, i.e., into clauses, sentences, paragraphs, etc. On the other hand, H. W. M. van Grol employs a more conventional method, analyzing Hebrew verse here by means of

123 Different opinions concerning the relationship between Isaiah 24-27 and DeuteroIsaiah have been expressed. For example, both Anderson ("Isaiah xxiv-xxvii Reconsidered," 122-6) and Henry (Glaubenskrise, 20-34) argue for the influence of Deutero-Isaiah on the whole of Isaiah 24-27, while Otzen ("Traditions and Structures," 202-5) contends that Deutero-Isaiah's influence may be seen only in what he identifies as the Zion passages (24:13-16aa, 21-23; 25:6-10a; 26:1-3; 27:2-6; 27:12-13). On the other hand, H. G. M. Williamson (The Book Called Isaiah [Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994], 176-7), who otherwise claims that Deutero-Isaiah is responsible for the shape and redaction of much of the rest of the book of Isaiah, denies that Deutero-Isaiah's influence can be seen in these chapters. He writes, "To state the matter simply, I can find no evidence at any point in Isaiah 24-7 for detecting the hand of Deutero-Isaiah" (177). Cf. also March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," 212-3, who argues that no connection between Isaiah 24-27 and 40-66 can be posited on linguistic grounds. I will argue that certain linguistic themes are common between the two texts (e.g., "waiting"), but that the no intertextual relationship exists between these two sections. 124 Hendrik Jan Bosman, "Syntactic Cohesion in Isaiah 24-27," in Studies in Isaiah 24-27 (The Isaiah Workshop; ed. H. J. Bosman, H. van Grol et al.; Leiden: Brill, 2000), 19-50. These features include "conjunctions, pronominal references, consecutio temporum and others" [19]. For more on the type of methodology he uses see W. G. E. Watson, Classical Hebrew Poetry: A Guide to its Techniques (JSOTSup 26; Sheffield: Sheffield University Press, 1984).

4. Isaiah 24-27: The History of Research

31

meter and rhythm. 125 His prosodic analysis is based on divisions into cola, verse-lines, strophes and stanzas, and pays special attention to stress and accent within each line. Neither of these scholars appeals to the more traditionally defined form-critical categories in their analyses. Interestingly, while the analyses are different methodologically, these two authors collaborated on a translation of Isaiah 24-27, combining the insights from each one's respective approach. 126 These two studies make the point that no "assured results" exist when it comes to the consideration of this text's individual units. What this brief, and by no means exhaustive, survey of discussions about the structure of Isaiah 24-27 has demonstrated is the lack of agreement that exists in this area. The similarity in each of these discussions is the belief that the text is a unified composition in some sense, whether that unity is liturgical (Lindblom), 127 thematic (Millar), syntactic (Bosman), or related to the same historical experience (Johnson). The idea that these four chapters represent a tight literary or conceptual unity is suspect, however, and has recently been challenged by J. Blenkinsopp. 128 Even those who find some level of literary unity in the text do not insist that the entire text was composed by the same author. Rather, nearly all exegetes maintain that the text bears signs of a redactional history. This redaction has been described in several ways, including the Wachstumhypothese presented by, among others, Wildberger or through a process of relecture as described by J. Vermeylen (on which see below). While these are interesting suggestions, it appears that the precise details of the redaction of this text will remain a mystery, the present study's contribution notwithstanding. Therefore, we will suspend comment on matters of redaction until the relevant texts are handled in the course of the study.

125 Harm W. M. van Grol, "An Analysis of the Verse Structure of Isaiah 24-27," in Studies in Isaiah 24-27 (The Isaiah Workshop; ed. H. J. Bosman, H. W. M. van Grol et al.; Leiden: Brill, 2000), 51-80. In many ways his methodology mirrors Millar's prosodic analysis but not his discussion of structure (Isaiah 24-27, 23-64), the primary difference being van Grol's reticence to produce an emended text. Millar, on the other hand, emends the text often in order to match his scansion, and this diminishes the value of his study in my opinion. More will be said about Millar's analysis below. 126 Hendrik Jan Bosman and Harm W. M. van Grol, "Annotated Translation of Isaiah 24-27," in Studies in Isaiah 24-27 (The Isaiah Workshop; ed. H. J. Bosman, H. W. M. van Grol et al.; Leiden: Brill, 2000), 3-12. Where differences of opinion exists between the two, they are recorded in the footnotes. 127 Although recall that in Lindblom's argument he eliminated several texts as Zusätze, most notably 26:15-19. 128 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 346. He writes: "The four chapters comprise a number of loosely connected passages of uneven length, the sequence of which manifests no immediately obvious logical order."

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Chapter 1: Introduction

The Date of Isaiah 24-27 No text in the book of Isaiah has elicited such a wide variety of possibilities for its date of composition, suggestions ranging from the 8 century B.C.E. down to the 2 nd century B.C.E. 129 However, most scholars are nothing if not cautious when they attempt to date sections of this text because of its referentially ambiguous nature. 130 With the exception of the puzzling reference to Moab in 25:10, no other national entity is mentioned in a straightforward way, 131 one of the features of these chapters which starkly contrasts with the previous "oracles against the nations." On the contrary, the references to the anonymous city 132 indicate that these chapters are intentionally vague and ambiguous. 133 No references in Isaiah 24-27, including the Moab pericope, have been shown to refer to any historical situation with certainty, and this thwarts the interpreter's attempt to speak with any precision about when this text was composed. Further complicating the effort to establish sound dates for its composition is the fact that these chapters have been heavily redacted, and no consensus exists about the specifics of the redaction. One finds in the literature several attempts to trace that redactional history, but few suggestions about the actual date(s) of individual elements within the textual arrangement. 134 As such, with some important exceptions, discussions about this text's date tend to concern only the form of the text as it now stands, a situation dependent more on the historically ambiguous contents of these chapters than on a desire to privilege the text's final form. Additionally, at least as interesting as the actual date each interpreter assigns the various portions of the text are the criteria used to establish that date. Rather than simply cataloging the various dates scholars have proposed, a more interesting and instructive approach may be to survey their reasons for adopting whatever date they do. What follows selectively surveys important proposals about this text's date along with the criteria used to establish it.

129 Even before the discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls rendered it an impossible suggestion, it is hard to see how anyone could subscribe to the view espoused by Jacob van Gilse that this text derived from the second century C.E. (Jacob van Gilse, "Jesaja XXIV-XXVII," NTT3 [1914]: 167-88). 130 Eissfeldt, The Old Testament: An Introduction, 325-6. 131 The references to Egypt and Assyria in 27:12-13 are unhelpful for assessing the text's date of composition primarily because the verses are late additions. 132 24:10, 12; 25:2; 26:1, 5; 27:10. 133 Duhm's contention (Jesaia, 174) that when the Jewish author simply writes "city" he must of course mean Jerusalem, just as for the Roman the "city" is Rome, does not adequately account for the anonymity of the city in these chapters. 134 We will say more about studies that attempt to date individual layers of the composition shortly.

4. Isaiah 24-2 7: The History of Research

33

Among those who date the text early, the primary factor seems to be a desire to connect this text in some way to the historical Isaiah of the eighth century B.C.E. Both van Zyl and Oswalt address what they think are the major challenges to Isaianic authorship, namely alleged differences in language and style, as well as its relationship to older prophetic texts, and conclude that nothing prevents the exegete from assigning these chapters to Isaiah himself. Additionally, Beek read the imagery, especially that of Isaiah 24, as reflective of the earthquake mentioned in Amos 1:2 and Zech 14:5 and, therefore, dated it to the eighth century. At least one other scholar, H. Gratz, espoused a seventh century B.C.E. setting for the chapters,136 based primarily on his interpretation of the city references. He argued that the city in view was Nineveh and the impetus was Psammeticus' destruction of its wall. The single most common criterion used by exegetes to date most of these chapters, however, concerns the identity of the aforementioned unnamed city. Many scholars read the material about the destroyed city as corresponding to a particular city's destruction (e.g. Babylon, Jerusalem, etc.) at a particular historical moment, and then assign a date to the text corresponding to that identification. As we noted above, the most common candidate for the anonymous city has been Babylon. Simply identifying the city with this ancient Mesopotamian metropolis does not easily solve the problem, however, since Babylon was attacked and sacked several times during the Persian and early Hellenistic periods.137 As I mentioned earlier, M.-L. Henry identified this text with the capture of Babylon by Cyrus in 538 B.C.E.,138 but Lindblom claimed that it corresponded to the destruction of Babylon by Xerxes I in 485 B.C.E. following a major rebellion there.139 Rudolph suggested an even later destruction, one carried out by Alexander the Great in 332 B.C.E. as the time of the text's composi1

K

135 See Hayes and Irvine, Isaiah, the Eighth Century Prophet, 295-320; John N. Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah 1-39 (NICOT; Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmans, 1986), 23-8; 441-3; Martinus A. Beek, "Ein Erdbeben wird zum prophetischen Erleben" ArOr 17 (1949): 31-40; A. H. van Zyl, "Isaiah 24-27: Their Date of Origin," 44-57. 136 H. Gratz, "Die Auslegung und der historische Hintergrund der Weissagung in Jesaia Kap. 24-27," MGWJ25 (1886): 1-23. 137 In addition to Cyrus's conquest of Babylon in 539, the city suffered defeats in 521 (Darius), 482 (Xerxes) and 331 (Alexander). It should be noted that Babylon was destroyed in the Assyrian period (689 B.C.E.) by Sennacherib as well. 138 Henry, Glaubenskrise, 17-34; also, Johnson identified 24:21-27:1 as related to this event and its aftermath {Chaos, 17). 139 Lindblom, Die Jesaia-Apokalypse, 110. Some scholars have questioned what Xerxes actually did at this time and have wondered whether anything important really happened at all, based primarily on the lack of corroborating textual evidence in the Babylonian record about the event; cf. CAH2IV 132-5; CAH1 VI, 235-7.

34

Chapter 1: Introduction

tion.140 Hence, what we see is that merely identifying the unnamed city provides no solid and sure criteria in the dilemma about the text's date, since the general descriptions provided in the text present the interpreter with several historical moments as viable candidates. 141 A slightly different approach was taken by J. Vermeylen who nevertheless appealed to the identity of the fallen city as a key element in his dating scheme.142 For him, Isaiah 24-27 comprised three successive literary strata the growth of which was achieved through a process of relecture,143 The first stage, 24:1-13, 18b-20, completed by 26:8-9, 11-13, 16-18, 20-21, formed an allusion to Xerxes' destruction of Babylon in 485 B.C.E. and rounded off the section now known as the "oracles against the nations" (chs. 13ff). He dated it, therefore, to the quarter century immediately following that destruction. Stage two (24:14-18a, 25:1-5, 9-12+26:1-6; 7-18; 27:2-6), emanating from the end of the 5 th century or the beginning of the 4 th , was the result of a re-reading of the earlier chapters based on a distinction between the "just" and the unfaithful Jews. Finally, from the Greek era he isolated several later additions the chronology of which is impossible to determine dealing with the Samaritan controversy (27:7, 8b, 9-11), eschatological conflict (24:16, 21-23; 27:1), a messianic banquet reflective of Jewish missionary activity (25:6-8), and the return of the Jewish diaspora (27:12-13). 144 Words about the death of the impious (26:14) and resurrection (25:8; 26:19) were probably also added at this point. So while the identity of the anonymous city is the starting point for Vermylen's approach, he uses literary and theological criteria to explain the latter two stages.

140

Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27, 62-3. This is true not only when exegetes identify the city with Babylon, but with Jerusalem or even Moabite cities. This period of ancient Near Eastern history is one of almost constant upheaval and conflict, often involving the same antagonists repeatedly. 142 Vermeylen, "La composition," 5-38; cf. idem, Du Prophete Isaie a L 'Apocalyptique, 349-81. 143 Vermeylen's reading of Isaiah 24-27 is consistent with his overall interpretation of the book. His interpretation of the book highlights its growth through redaction and relecture (re-reading). Vermeylen's thesis is that the book achieved its final shape as interpreters considered, reread and actualized earlier texts in the book. The reflections generated by these considerations were added to the book until the third century BCE (cf. Du Prophete, 2-3). 144 Interestingly, Ploger [Theocracy and Eschatology, 77-8] read the theme of reunification of all Israel and the return of the diaspora as indicative of an earlier period - that of Ezra and Nehemiah. Once again, w e see that this text admits of many possible interpretations. 141

4. Isaiah 24-2 7: The History of Research

35

For W. Millar, prosodic analysis was the key to assigning this text's date. 145 He concluded that the text exhibited certain prosodic features that compared favorably with the anonymous author of so-called DeuteroIsaiah, 146 and this suggested a sixth century date. While not following Millar's prosodic arrangement, D. Johnson too has argued that the text should be dated largely to the period of or just preceding the exile based on his reading of the text as connected both with the fall of Babylon in 539 and re-emergence of Jerusalem in the subsequent period. 147 Others who have dated the text in the era of the Second Commonwealth have tended to do so based on either theological criteria, especially this text's alleged constellation of late theological ideas such as resurrection from the dead (see 26:19; 25:8; cf. Dan 12:2) 148 and an apocalyptic worldview 1 4 9 (the former may be disputed, the latter has been abandoned), or identification of late Second Temple political, social, and historical realia as the textual referents. On the latter, scholars have read the mythological monsters of 27:1, part of the recrudescence of Canaanite mythology in this period, as the Ptolemies and Seleucids (Kaiser) or the fall of the Macedonian empire and the rise of Rome (Procksch). 150 Ploger 151 has offered one of the most comprehensive analyses in favor of a late date (i.e. Ptolemaic period), especially for the latest elements of the text, claiming that the text 145 Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 61. Millar's approach is based on F. M. Cross's typological schema for the development of Hebrew poetry, which asserts, among other things, that the history of Hebrew poetry can be sketched using a strict stratigraphic analysis like one finds in archaeology. See most recently, Frank Moore Cross, "Toward a History of Hebrew Prosody" in Fortunate the Eyes That See (ed. By Astrid B. Beck et al.; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), 298-309. 146 Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 117; see also, Frank Moore Cross, "A Note on the Study of Apocalyptic Origins," in Canaanite Myth and Hebrew Epic (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973), 343-6. Millar wisely did not suggest common authorship between Isaiah 24-27 and 40ff. Blenkinsopp has also recently suggested that the text's composition and redaction may have begun contemporaneously with Isaiah 40-48, although for entirely different reasons (Isaiah 1-39, 348). 147 Johnson, Chaos, 17. 148 Cf. Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 178-9. 149 Cf. Duhm who insisted that the individual responsible for this text was so theologically similar to the author of Daniel that he could have composed it as well. Incidentally, it is worth noting that it was Duhm's reading of this text as apocalyptic which lead him to date it late and not the other way around. 130 Samuel R. Driver (An Introduction to the Literature of the Old Testament [repr.; Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1972], 221) was also attracted to the ambiguous entities in 27:1, but read them as references to Assyria, Babylon, and Egypt, a reading much more consonant with the sixth century pre-exilic date he espoused. 151 Ploger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 53-78, esp. 77-8. It should be remembered that Ploger assigns this text to the same time period as Zechariah 12-14 and Joel, a conclusion certainly not accepted by everyone.

36

Chapter 1: Introduction

fits later Second Temple sectarian conflicts while also coming close to the kinds of theological ideas found in Daniel (i.e. resurrection of the dead). However, the lower end of the historical continuum was first proposed by Duhm, who argued that the original layer of this text stems from the time of Antiochus Sidetes (ca. 135 B.C.E.) and the latest portion, 25:9-11, belongs to the time of Alexander Jannaus (ca. 103-76 B.C.E.), with other layers in between.152 While Duhm's hypothesis must certainly have seemed plausible at the time, the discovery of the many Isaiah manuscripts among the Dead Sea Scrolls, including the complete lQIsa", rendered his suggestion practically impossible, since the earliest of these manuscripts dates to ca. 2nd century B.C.E. While O. Kaiser recognized that Duhm's suggestion was not acceptable, he nevertheless argued that the latest elements of the book (e.g. 26:19) could date no later than the book of Daniel (ca. 167-164 B.C.E.).153 From this he worked backward, assigning various redactional layers to periods ranging from the first third of the second century B.C.E. all the way back to the fourth century B.C.E. The majority of scholars, then, locate this text in the sixth century or later. Even narrowing down the possibilities this much still leaves open a vast range of around 300 years for this text's composition. Unfortunately, one cannot do better and have a degree of desirable certainty. The potential problems for this study are, of course, obvious. Given that I have adopted a methodology in this study that relies on a diachronic arrangement of texts, any ambiguity about Isaiah 24-27's date of composition could undermine my argument(s) about intertextual connections. This is a less severe problem if one dates the text later, since fewer biblical texts - potential intertextual conversation partners - were composed later. In this study, I adopt a date of composition between the late 6th century and the early 4 th century. In relation to the composition of other biblical books, I date it between the composition of Isaiah 56-66 (or at least the majority of these chapters) and around the time of Chronicles. As I will argue often in the following chapters, Isaiah 24-27 often constructs a textual conversation with Isaiah 56-66. To the degree that the intertextual examples are persuasive they mandate a date of composition for Isaiah 24-27 after Isaiah 56-66. On the other end of the chronological continuum, the similar references to the asherim and hammanim in Isa 27:9 and 2 Chron 34:3, 4, and 7 suggests that these two texts were not composed far apart. It is impossible to be more precise than this range with regard to the date of Isaiah 24-27's composition.

152 153

Duhm, Jesaja, 172. Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 178-9.

Chapter 2

Intertextuality in Isaiah 24:1-20 Having laid the basic methodological procedure in the previous chapter, I now turn to a textual analysis of Isaiah 24-27. This chapter will specifically analyze Isaiah 24:1-20 and attempt to discover and explicate the most compelling examples of intertextuality found therein. After examining the structure of the chapter, I will argue that texts from Hosea 4, Jeremiah 48, Amos 5, Genesis 1-11 as well as elsewhere in the Isaian corpus form key intertextual connections with this section of Isaiah. As we will see, exegetically, the Isaian author has "universalized" judgment oracles against Israel and other nations so that they now apply to the entire earth. Moreover, the author alludes to these earlier texts in such a way that his reader would likely have recognized the evoked text. This both confirms the message of judgment he is attempting to convey and confers a sense of authority on his own text. The allusion to Genesis 1-11 is somewhat different, and the details of that connection will be offered below. Suffice it to say, however, that the message of judgment found in these chapters is now reapplied by our author to the eschatological moment of divine wrath that he portrays.

1. Structure and Form Although commentators generally acknowledge that Isaiah 24 comprises several textual units, they do not agree on the delimitation of those units,1 due primarily to the lack of formal indicators in the text. A new section undoubtedly commences at 24:1, with the opening H]n, a feature found elsewhere in the Isaiah tradition (10:33; 19:1; 30:27).2 At the same time, the conclusion of the section is less certain. Many commentators read the

1 See esp. Fohrer, "Der Aufbau," 34-45; Ploger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 53-78; Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse Jes. 24-27, 13-60; Johnson, Chaos, 14-5; Millar, Isaiah 2427,9-15; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39,325-30. 2 lQIsa 3 begins a new paragraph here, further indicating that a formal break was recognized here early on in the transmission of this text. My thanks to Eugene Ulrich for making the unpublished copy of lQIsa" to be included in the DJD series available to me.

Chapter 2: Intertextuality in Isaiah 24:1-20

38

finale at v. 6 based on what appears to be a change in content at v. 7.3 Others, however, argue more correctly that v. 3 actually concludes the first oracular pronouncement as indicated by the phrase ~Q"Til DK 1 3 1 mil'' 'ID rnn, a "prophetic communication formula,"4 although what "this word" refers to is open to speculation (to which I contribute below). This opening oracle paints a portrait of the world5 suffering because YHWH has erupted into judgment, affecting all social levels. Socio-economic distinctions are ignored as YHWH scatters the world's inhabitants. Isa 24:4-13, a second round of prophetic pronouncements which has no doubt undergone a process of growth,6 portrays the results of YHWH's wrath against the earth: viticulture is destroyed, the earth is depopulated, and the world's joy and gladness are depleted. That v. 13 concludes this section is universally accepted; it is made apparent by the concluding "T) clause formula (cf. v. 3) as well as the lack of any syntactical link to v. 14.7 The next major section of Isaiah 24 comprises w . 14-20, which may be subdivided into two smaller units: vv. 14-16aa and 16ap-20. That v. 14 begins a new section is clear from the introduction of a new (if vague) subject as well as the change of tone in the verses that follow, however, not all agree on the end of subunit.8 Moreover, as nearly every scholar has noted, v. 14 contains some interpretive difficulties: the verse begins 1KET ilDH • blp, "they lift their voice(s)," but it is not clear to whom the emphatic "they" refers9 since no antecedent subject exists that makes good sense. 10 3

Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 459; Clements, Isaiah 1-39,200. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 350; Johnson, Chaos, 20. Sweeney claims that the first section comprises vv. 1-2 only, an "introductory announcement of YHWH's punishment of the earth" {Isaiah 1-39, 327). Additionally, he argues that v. 3 begins a new section based on the shift in verbal forms (masc. sing. part. v. 3fs impf.), shift in subject (YHWH to earth), and most importantly, a O clause which he thinks begins the next section rather than concludes the previous. He thinks, incorrectly in my opinion, that the word of YHWH referred to in v. 3 is contained in vv. 4-13. 5 Johson, Chaos, 25-6, insists that in Isaiah 24 should be translated "earth," but denies the universal scope of these chapters. Instead, he claims that the catastrophe in view is a national calamity restricted to Israel. Cf. also March, "Two Prophetic Composition," 27-9. 6 Proposals for further dividing these verses, each of which possesses some merit, include observing breaks after vv. 6, 9, and 12. Cf. Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 325-30; Polaski, Authorizing an End, 79-85; Johnson, Chaos, 20-1. 7 Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 328. 8 For proposals that differ from that presented here, see Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 353; Brevard Childs, Isaiah (OTL; Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John Knox, 2000), 180; Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 189-91. 9 Sweeney (Isaiah 1-39, 328-9) argues that "they" refers to the inhabitants of the world, but this seems unlikely to me. I see no reason why non-Jews would praise God for worldwide judgment, especially when they are going to feel its terrible effects most severely. Johnson {Chaos, 38-39) argues that this refers to Jews, but those of Judah. Ploger {Theocracy andEschatology, 58) claims that it is a reference to the Jews of the wider diaspora. 4

1. Structure and Form

39

Additionally, the exuberant joyousness expressed here seems odd following the declaration in the preceding verses that joy and gladness have dissipated (cf. w . 8-13). Nevertheless, the section describing the universal praise of YHWH continues through v. 16aa (ending with p -IS 1 ?), followed by an unexpected change of subject in v. 16a(3 ("IftNl, first person singular11) indicating that a new section is commencing.12 This is further indicated by the change of tone in vv. 16a(3-20, one that returns to the themes of judgment and terror found in the first half of the chapter. That the second section ends with v. 20 is marked by the fact that v. 21 begins with a « i n n DVn, "in that day" redactional addendum so common in Isaiah 1-39.13 Allowing for all due difficulties, I read vv. 14-16aa as a poetic response from Jews living in diaspora to the promised worldwide judgment, especially as found in 24:1-6.14 For them, to the degree that the rest of the world is going to suffer the wrath of God, this is a time for rejoicing. They had suffered through destruction and persecution at the hands of the Babylonians, Assyrians, and others, and now their adversaries are about to receive their retribution, putatively an occasion for celebration, for God is vindicating them (here connotes vindication15). How do 24:16a(3-20 relate to what precedes? Apparently, it represents the prophetic response to this joyous attitude: it is improper. The prophet, here speaking in the first person (cf. 21:10), takes up a lament (v. 16b) and proceeds to describe a time of terror and upheaval (vv. 17-20a) which will culminate in the world "falling" because of the sin of its inhabitants, never again to rise (v. 20b). The contrast with the previous section could not be more evident. It appears that the subjects of w . 14-16aa had perceived God's judgment as a time of blessing for them, but the prophet wants it understood that God's judgment upon the earth should not engender premature praise. While it is true that ultimately the future will be a time for rejoicing, that time has not yet come. It appears that the schema outlined

10 Pace Johnson, Chaos, 38. Sweeney {Isaiah 1-39, 328) is fairly representative of the views of most scholars on this verse in noting that it lacks any syntactical link to w . 1-13. This should not be taken to mean that vv. 1-13 play no role in interpreting noil, just that nothing in these verses definitely decides who is intended by that pronoun. 11 The LXX renders this with Epouaiv, future, third person singular. 12 This is the position taken by Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39,329; Johnson, Chaos, 35-42. 13 The phrase Sinn DV3 occurs 45 times in the book of Isaiah, 44 of which occur in chapters 1-31. 14 Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 452, argues that 24:14-20 probably originally followed 24:16 immediately. Whether or not this is true is debatable, but it is really immaterial for the point being made here. World judgment is clearly the theme of not only 24:1-6, but 24:7-13 as well. The latter focuses on the city of chaos (v. 10), but v. 13 connects the city of chaos with world judgment. 15 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 352.

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Chapter 2: Intertextuality in Isaiah 24:1-20

by the prophet is one in which his own community suffers through the worldwide judgment predicted in 24:1-13, only to be vindicated and exalted at a later time (25:6-8). Another anonymous apocalyptic seer has taken worldwide judgment one step further in vv. 21-23, including the celestial bodies as part of YHWH's vengeance. However, as I will argue below, these verses belong more properly with 25:6-8, and therefore, I will withhold consideration of them for the moment.

2. Isaiah 24:1-13: Content, Theme and Intertextuality I now turn to the question of intertextuality in Isa 24:1-20. Applying the criteria outlined in chapter one, which texts emerge as candidates for intertextual relationship? Scholars have noted several possibilities for Isaiah 24, with varying degrees of probability. In the remainder of this section I will examine the text at hand with an eye toward other biblical texts and traditions that may have served as conversation partners for our author, at the conclusion of which I will assess the theological function of these examples of intertextuality. Citing Two Predecessors: The Cases of Nahum 2 and Hosea 4 As noted earlier, Isaiah 24 marks a sudden shift in tone and content in the book of Isaiah. The preceding chapters, the so-called oracles against the nations, bombarded the reader with a host of specific locales-cities, lands, regions-but now the text has the world at large as its point of reference. YHWH bursts onto the textual scene laying waste his creation, emptying it of its inhabitants and twisting its surface. Indeed, YHWH's behavior seems severe and unexpected within the immediate literary context, but upon closer inspection we notice that the language, although somewhat rare, is not completely unfamiliar. The author chooses two alliterative verbs to describe YHWH's activity that are found in only a few other texts in the Hebrew Bible: p p 2 1 6 and pb3. The former connotes the idea of emptying something (here the earth), while the latter, occurring only two times in the Bible (here and Nahum 2:11), shares in the (vast) range of verbs indicating devastation. It is the combination of these two words that points toward a possible intertext for Isaiah 24, for they occur in conjunction in Nahum 2 (v. 11), a chapter that is similar to other portions of Isaiah, 17 and in fact, several interpreters have noted a possible connection between these two 16 This word occurs only nine times in the Hebrew Bible, three of which are in Isa 24 (pace Polaski, Authorizing an End, 106 n.44). 17 Cf. Nah 2:1 and Isa 41:27; 52:7.

2. Isaiah 24:1-13: Content, Theme

andIntertextuality

41

texts.18 Nah 2:3 reads: "For YHWH is restoring the glory of Jacob, as the glory of Israel, though ravagers (D'ppH) have ravaged them (DlppD) and destroyed their branches." The text uses an intensive formulation, a combination of a Qal participle and Qal perfect plural, to describe the Assyrians and the devastation that they carried out against Judah. While the verbal forms are different, it is worth noting that Isa 24:3 also uses an intensive formulation,19 a Niphal infinitive absolute and a Niphal imperfect, to describe YHWH's destructive work against the earth. Later in Nahum 2 we read, "Desolation (np"Q), devastation (np"QO), and destruction (np^DD)! The heart sinks, knees knock" (2:11). The first part is reminiscent of the rhythmic and ominous triple threat in Isa 24:17 (cf. Jer 48:43). The first two nouns in this series are derived from the root ppZl,20 forming yet another possible connection with the first few verses of Isaiah 24. The linguistic overlap does not end there, however, as the declaration in Isa 24:3 that the earth is completely emptied and plundered (T"Qn T13D), echoes Nah 2:11 which encourages the plundering of silver and gold from Nineveh (DHT m 1T2). How should these terminological affinities be evaluated? The shared use of the exceptionally rare term might, by itself, suggest a textual connection. Additionally, the fact that the source text in this case, Nahum, contains extended prophetic pronouncements against the city of Nineveh would make another interesting point of contact between these two texts, given that Isaiah 24 immediately follows the long section of "oracles against the nations" as well as Isaiah 24-27's preoccupation with an unnamed city.21 However, there is little else in common between these two texts, suggesting that if an intertextual connection is present, it is not a very strong one. Apart from the shared terms mentioned already, these two depictions of judgment share no other similarities, either linguistically or thematically. In between the two verses that contain possible connections with Nahum, Isa 24:2 depicts a situation in which divine judgment ignores existing social categories and distinctions in language that recalls Hosea 4. The Isaian text presents six paired opposites and declares that they will be equally affected by YHWH's fierce judgment: T2VD D i n ¡Tm nraD m^D m b o a -itmnrj ncipzj n n m j D nnstra v n w ID N03. Divisions between priest and people, servant and master, mistress 18

Polaski, Authorizing an End, 106; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 351. G£C§113. 20 BDB, 101. 21 I do not in any way mean to suggest here that the anonymous city throughout Isa 24-27 is Nineveh. I merely note the possibly interesting fact that the author may have been drawn to Nah 2 because it contained language critical of another city. 19

Chapter 2: Intertextuality in Isaiah 24:1-20

42

and master, buyer and seller, borrower and lender, and creditor and debtor are erased as judgment is meted out.22 The theme of the blurring of social distinctions as a result of judgment occurs elsewhere in ancient Near Eastern literature. For instance, the Egyptian prophetic text The Admonitions of Ipu-Wer contains the following lines: "...poor men have become the possessors of treasures, He who could not make himself a pair of sandals is (now) the possessor of riches" (ANET 441). Likewise, the Prophecy of Neferti reads, "I show thee the land topsy-turvy. The weak of arm is (now) the possessor of an arm. Men salute (respectfully) him who (formerly) saluted...It is the paupers that will be eating bread, while the servants jubilate" {ANET 445). Additionally, other texts in the Hebrew Bible also indicate that divine judgment leads to social anomie and confusion. 23 In Isa 24:2 the point is that judgment will be no respecter of an individual's status within the community-the upper reaches of society will suffer just like the less fortunate. Kaiser describes the situation correctly: "[T]he imminent catastrophe will destroy all religious and social privileges. It will come upon people without regard for their social standing, their riches or their poverty." 24 This text apparently intends to describe a typical array of people in the society, all of whom would be effected by the divine displeasure (cf. Jer 6:1 lb-12, 21). As other interpreters have noted, the first of these pairings is identical to Hos 4:9. Hosea 4:9

]ro3 DUD rpm

Isaiah 24:2

]nm a m rrm v n i a - n m n r r Q j j nnstra -alca rmpa m ta mtaD 13 NE] HOlO ntt!3D

This text from Hosea is part of a larger oracle of indictment in the typical rib or disputation style (4:1-10). Like 24:2, this phrase is intended to convey the idea that no group of people will escape YHWH's wrath. Not only, then, is there verbal equivalence between the two texts, but the two texts function similarly as well. Perhaps taken on its own, this one example might prove indecisive as an actual case of intertextuality, but other clues from Hosea 4 suggest that the Isaian author may, in fact, have been inter-

22

A similar pairing structure is found in Isa 3:lff., although the listed items are different from those found here. 23 Within the book of Isaiah see especially Isa 3:1-4:1; 19:2. 24 Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 182; cf. Wildberger, Isaiah 13-37,476.

2. Isaiah 24:1-13: Content, Theme and Intertextuality

43

acting with or influenced by this text in other ways.25 Consider the following: 1. Hos 4:3, following YHWH's accusation in 4:1-2, offers a stern verdict, the first part of which reads: m ntBV ^ ^ Q K I p K H ^ P p bv. Here we find a cluster of vocabulary all of which occurs in Isa 24:4 and 24:6, albeit in a different configuration. Moreover, these verses are also, like Hos 4:3, a verdict pronounced in response to the people's errant behavior. In Hosea 4 that behavior is detailed specifically,26 whereas in Isa 24 more general assertions of law-breaking and covenant violation are given (although cf. Hos 4:6b). Nevertheless, the similarity remains. In fact, upon closer inspection it is possible that Isa 24:5 may be drawn from Hos 4:2. The latter text charges that • 1 D n , "bloodshed follows bloodshed." Isaiah 24 does not mention bloodshed, but 24:5 does state that ¡T3er n n n nsun p K m , "the earth is polluted by its inhabitants," which, if the statement in Num 35:3327 that bloodshed pollutes the land was a well-known position,28 provides a rationale for a further connection between Hosea and Isaiah here. The charge that people are committing bloodshed in Hosea 4 may have been read through the interpretive lens of Num 35:33 by the author of Isaiah 24, and then more broadly reconfigured in the statement in 24:5 about the earth's pollution. The polluting of the land may imply bloodshed thereby forming another intertextual connection between these two texts. 2. One should also take account of Hos 4:9b and its use of "IpS since this term is used throughout Isaiah 24-27. Out of sixteen total occurrences in the book of Isaiah seven are in chapters 24-27,29 a density which indi-

25

Kaiser claims "that Hos. 4.1-10 gave him the authority for the present prophecy, and that he had found there the answer to his questions concerning God's plans for mankind and the earth" (Isaiah 13-39, 184); cf. also Ploger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 55. 26ff ]S]T 3] n u n t!TG1 n b s : swearing, lying, murder, stealing, adultery. 27 Num 35:33 states: "You shall not pollute the land in which you live; for blood pollutes the land, and no expiation can be made for the land, for the blood that is shed in it, except by the blood of the one who shed it." Johnson denies any connection between Num 35:33 and Isa 24 because the context for Num 35:33 "makes it clear that the prohibition against pollution is because of Yahweh's ownership of the land" {Chaos, 29). It is hard to see, however, how this disqualifies Num 35 as a potential influence on Isa 24. 28 It is not necessary to conclude that any direct reference to or influence from Num 35:33 is made in either of these texts. If the idea that bloodshed pollutes the land was known, admittedly hypothetical, then the possible connection between the two texts would stand. Kaiser (.Isaiah 13-39, 183) connects Num 35:33 with what he thinks is a reference to the broken Noachic covenant (cf. Gen 9), described as a D^IB rT~Q (Gen 9:16). 29 24:21, 22; 26:14, 16, 21; 27:1, 3. All but 26:16 and 27:3 suggest that the word indicates divine punishment. The well-known interpretive and textual difficulties of npS at 26:16 will be discussed later. In 27:3 it represents an outsider's hostile action toward YHWH's vineyard.

Chapter 2: Intertextuality in Isaiah 24:1-20

44

cates its importance for this section.30 R. Scholl claims that it is the most important term for specifying divine action in these chapters.31 It does not occur in 24:1-20 (the section under discussion here), but it does appear twice in the eschatological addendum which follows in vv. 21-22. It will happen on that day: YHWH will punish O p 5 ' ) the host of the heavens in the heavens and the kings of the land upon the land. They will be gathered together, gathered in a pit, and they will be shut up in a prison. After many days, they will be pun-

ished pips''). (Isa 24:21-22)

In Hosea 4 the punishment designated by this word is YHWH's response to Israel's continual apostasy. The charge leveled against the people here, as is often the case in Hosea, is that they have forsaken YHWH and worshiped other gods (v. 10b). In Isa 24:21-22 no such charge of apostasy is made, but YHWH's punishment is in response to the world's rebellion (UKJS) (vv. 19-20). This rebellion is understood, in part, as the violation of YHWH's torah (v. 5). A similar charge is made against Israel in Hos 4:6 (cf. 8:1, 12). It is possible to suggest, then, that Isaiah 24 picks up both a similar charge (violation of YHWH's teaching) and a similar outcome (punishment) from Hosea 4. Whereas Hosea restricts this idea to Israel, Isaiah redeploys them with reference to the entire world. 3. A few other possible connections exist between these two texts, although I readily admit their more speculative nature. Hos 4:1b mentions the p K H 1HtOT', here understood as "inhabitants of the land" (not "earth"), clearly a reference to the Israelites given that it is parallel to ^KIET "OH. Isa 24 uses the phrase p f c "OCT' (v. 6) and, additionally, another form of 5©1 plus a pronoun indicating "one who dwells on the earth" occurs three other times (vv. 1, 5, 6). While it has been suggested that p N in Isaiah 24 has only the land of Judah (and Israel) in view,32 I contend that the focus is more properly on the world at large, not least because the author places p R in parallelism with in 24:4, a term that always means the world in totoP Since p N can mean either "land" or "earth," the author of Isaiah 24 may be exploiting the ambiguity by redeploying elements from this text in Hosea in a more universalistic fashion. An earlier word to Israel (QEJV p R ) was the starting point for a new word to the entire world (also 'OEJV pa). 30

This frequency of I p S in Isa 24-27 is reminiscent of its importance in Zephaniah, where it appears five times in three chapters (1:8, 9, 12; 2:7; 3:7). 31 Scholl, Die Elenden, 178-9, designates it a Leitwort. 32 Most recently by Johnson, Chaos, 25-6; cf. also Smend, "Anmerkungen," 166. 33 bnn occurs 36 times in the Hebrew Bible, without a single example where the term might mean anything but "world." Additionally, interpreters have almost unanimously understood JHN to mean "world" here.

2. Isaiah 24:1-13: Content, Theme andIntertextuality

45

4. Is it possible, given the connections with Hosea 4 in Isa 24:2 and 4, that the oblique statement in 24:3b, "YHWH has spoken this word" ("ID run - i m n J1K mrr) may be a reference to Hos 4:1-10?34 The phrase 1 ""Q"l mi"! "YHWH has spoken" occurs five other times in oracular contexts in Isaiah, 35 four of which have referents discernible from the surrounding context (1:2, 20; 40:5; 58:14). The one other occurrence of the phrase lacking a clear referent is 25:8, another text under consideration in this study. If, as seems likely, at this point in the history of the composition of prophecy (early postexilic), authors began to make use of extensive collections of prophetic materials, we can think of authors and/or redactors making cross-references to other texts. Read in conjunction with the other evidence pointing to connections with Hosea 4, this statement asserting that YHWH has spoken this word may be a reference to the Hosea text. While any one of these alleged connections to Hosea 4 taken on its own would provide insufficient support for a theory of intertextual connection between these two texts, their cumulative effect suggests that Isaiah 24 alludes to Hosea 4. If I am correct, and this is a case of Isaiah 24 making an intertextual connection with Hosea 4, why has the author chosen to do this? What is the purpose of the allusion? The way the author engages Hos 4:3a, and to a lesser degree 4:1b, suggests that a universalizing tendency may be found in the relationship between the two: where Hosea speaks of judgment on the land of Israel (or Judah), Isaiah is concerned with the entire earth. Some of Hosea's imagery and language about Israel is redeployed with reference to world. This includes the description about the land's decimated condition, which is redirected in Isaiah to describe the entire earth, and the idea that judgment affects all groups of people. Isa 24:2 expands the initial list - priest, people - given in Hos 4:9 so that the resulting picture is considerably more comprehensive and detailed. Additionally, the listing of the people's corrupt ethical behavior in Hos 4:2 has been expanded in Isa 24:5 through the use of the more general yet comprehensive tripartite TISH pn IS^n m m TOD 0*711) m i l . All of this com-

34

Several possible suggestions have been offered as the statement referenced by this text. Perhaps the most widely attested is simply that the phrase functions as a conclusion to vv. 13a, with those first verses as its referent (Blenkinsopp, although see below). On the other hand, Wildberger (477-8) claims that the referent is vv. 4-6, so that the phrase is introductory. Another interesting interpretive stream, more germane to the argument here, is that the referent lies outside the immediate context. Both Blenkinsopp (350-1) and Childs (178) have recently suggested connections with Isaiah 13 based on similarities in the vocabulary. A completely different approach is suggested by Polaski (91) who thinks that the reference is not to a text as such, but to YHWH. 35 The phrase also occurs in Isa 22:25, but the context, while prophetic, is narrative, so I have excluded it from consideration.

46

Chapter 2: Intertextuality in Isaiah 24:1-20

bines to reveal a universalizing tendency in the reuse of Hosea 4 by the author of Isaiah 24. Growth Within the Isaian Textual Tradition: The Case of Isaiah

17:6

Yet a further candidate for positing an intertextual relation exists between Isa 24:13 and Isa 17:6,36 specifically in the imagery of the striking of the olive tree and the gleanings that remain afterwards. Both texts use exactly the same vocabulary in describing the situation, rendered below: Isaiah 17:6 !VT s p 3 3 r i ^ U J 12 "1S2J31

Isaiah 24:13 T m n^D DN n ^ V l M IV T e p j D

Isa 17:6 is the conclusion to an oracle of doom against the Syro-Ephraimite coalition that formed against Judah ca. 734-732 B.C.E. Verses 1-3 denounce Damascus (Syria), no doubt for its anti-Assyrian stance, while vv. 4-6, presented as an "on that day" eschatological logia connected to the preceding verses through the catchphrase "glory (THD) 37 of Israel/Jacob," condemns the Israelite state for following the lead of its neighbor to the north.38 The devastation of the larger Aramean kingdom is recounted in terms of the destruction of its town and fortresses, while Israel's devastation is compared to little left after the harvest is reaped. The only remaining sustenance will approximate the gleanings left over after the harvesters have performed their work on the fields. Most scholars acknowledge that these two oracles can probably be traced to Isaiah ben Amoz.39 What is most important for the present argument is the knowledge that the second of the two (vv. 4-6) would have been part of the Isaiah tradition available to the author of Isaiah 24, and hence ripe for reuse. 36 Some scholars have also suggested that the last part of 24:13, "PUD ub'D, comes from 32:10, which contains an identical formulation. However, two factors make it unlikely that the author of 24:13 is consciously picking up language from Isaiah 32. First, this small phrase is not enough textual evidence on which to base a solid conclusion. More importantly, the two texts bear no thematic similarities. For a different position, see Scholl, Die Elenden, 56, 20910. 37 Blenkinsopp (Isaiah 1-39, 301) translates the second occurrence as "weight," based on the context. 38 This is the first of three "on that day" additions in Isa 17 (v. 4, 7, 9), suggesting the process of interpretation and addition in this chapter continued for some time. 39 Isa 17:1-3 comports so well with Isaiah 7-8 that its attribution to Isaiah himself is nearly universal (although see Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 76-8, who thinks that a later prophet composed the entire poem based on the tradition in 7:1-16). Isa 17:4-6 presents a more difficult picture, since it seems to be a redactional addition introduced with the familiar "on that day" formula. Nevertheless, the context and the historical events of the late eighth century strongly suggest that this short poem, even if not originally composed as the conclusion to vv. 1-3 (so Kaiser), very quickly assumed this position in the text.

2. Isaiah 24:1-13: Content, Theme and Intertextuality

47

Isa 24:13 concludes the longer composite set of oracles comprising vv. 1-13. Debate exists as to whether this verse should be regarded as an original part of the composition40 or whether one should view it as a redactional addition positioned to conclude the series of oracles,41 although ultimately resolving this issue is immaterial for our purposes. A more important question is whether or not we should view this text as dependent on Isaiah 17. The similar linguistic formulations - rPT ^pjD and nb^lU - suggest that Isaiah 24 is picking up the wording in Isaiah 17, especially since the two formulations only occur in these two places in the Hebrew scriptures 42 Additionally, and certainly less importantly, one could note that agricultural imagery abounds in Isaiah 24, so it is perhaps not surprising that this material from Isaiah 17 would have "caught the eye" of this later author. As we have already seen, Isa 24:4, 7 report the languishing of the earth using imagery suggestive of agricultural diminution, so the possibility that Isa 24:13 reuses 17:6 fits within an already established pattern. While the connection between these two verses has long been noted,43 M. Sweeney has perhaps devoted the most sustained attention to its import.44 He notes that the author's reuse of material from Isaiah 17 transfers a note of judgment originally exclusively concerned with Israel to a concern with the entire earth. Moreover, this transference, according to Sweeney, is based on a reading of the final form of Isaiah 17 by the author of Isaiah 24.45 This chapter, as we have already seen, opens with a condemnation of Aram and Israel, but quickly moves on to other matters, concluding with the declaration that the nations that participated in the punishment of Israel will themselves be rebuked by YHWH (17:12-14). Sweeney claims that this is the perspective from which the author has reapplied 17:6 in 24:13, due primarily to the fact that the latter's context is the universal scope of YHWH's judgment focused specifically on the symbolic "city of chaos" (24:10). He concludes, "[The author's] citation of Isa 17:6 in this manner presupposes a 'holistic' reading of chap. 17, which in40

Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 350. Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27,488; Doyle, Metaphorically Speaking, 178. 42 Polaski (Authorizing an End, 111-3) is wary of suggesting that 24:13 cites or reuses 17:6 in any way, based primarily on the possibility that the composition of 17:6 may postdate 24:13. Given the solid majority of scholars who favor the precedence of 17:6 as well as Polaski's very broad intertextual web, I find his reticence odd. 43 W. Gesenius, Commentar über den Jesaia (Leipzig: Vogel, 1821) 766; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 488; Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 185; Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apocalypse, 64. 44 Sweeney, "Textual Citations," 42-3; also see Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 328. Sweeney's analysis is essentially echoed by Childs, Isaiah, 179-80. 45 Scholl (Die Elenden, 210) claims that Isaiah 24 has made use of a redactional unity comprised of only 17:1-11, an observation which contributes to his argument about the later dating of Isaiah 24-27. 41

Chapter 2: Intertextuality in Isaiah 24:1-20

48

dicates that Israel's punishment will be followed by judgment against the ,,46

nations. I concur with Sweeney that 24:13 reuses 17:6, but his explanation of the former's reappropriation raises several questions. First, if the author of 24:13 based his reuse on a reading of the entire chapter, why re-deploy only 17:6? Given Sweeney's position, it seems more probable that we should expect imagery from 17:13b-c to reappear here, since this verse points to the fate of the nations: "He will rebuke him and they will flee far away; chased like chaff on the mountains before the wind and like whirling dust before the storm" (Isa 17:13b,c). However, neither the imagery nor the language of this verse is found in Isaiah 24. Additionally, might it be too conjectural to think that whoever composed Isaiah 24 already had at his disposal a version of Isaiah 17 identical with what is now found in the Massoretic text, as Sweeney assumes?47 Given the serial nature of Isaiah 17, decisions regarding the date of the final form of the chapter, not to mention its constituent sections, prove difficult. 48 At any rate, as the exposition below will show, only 17:1-6 form the intertextual nexus. Two other suggestions, with minor variations, have been offered as answers for why and how the author of 24:13 reuses 17:6. Rudolph, who argues that 24:13 originally formed the conclusion to 24:1-6, highlights what he sees as the remnant theme in 17:6 as the basis of the reuse.49 In his opinion, v. 13 illustrates "lUTQ in 17:6: only a few people remain-like the meager remains after the olive tree is beaten or the gleanings at the end of the grape harvest. The meaning of the imagery in 17:6 works against understanding this as a kind of metaphor for the remnant, however. There the image of the gleanings and the beaten olive tree are evidently intended quite literally, representing all that remains following YHWH's judgment on Jacob. A more likely approach may be that of Johnson, who denies that 24:13 picks up the remnant theme from 17:6, emphasizing instead its connection with judgment. 50 He writes, To be sure, v. 13 is modeled on 17.6, which speaks both of judgment and remnant (s'r). But it is important to note that any notion of s'r is left out of 24.13, which speaks only of the 'beating of the olive tree', and 'gleaning' which takes place after the initial harvest is finished.51

46

Ibid, 43. For the argument that Isaiah 17 may actually postdate Isaiah 24, see Polaski, Authorizing an End, 106. As I will argue below, however, Isa 17:8 also interacts with Isa 27:9, so at least a substantial portion of the chapter was evidently available. 48 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 303. 49 Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27,27-31. 50 Johnson, Chaos, 37. 51 Ibid. 47

3. Isaiah 24:14-20: Content, Theme

andIntertextuality

49

I think Johnson is essentially correct in his view that judgment is the overriding thematic link between these two verses, a point further confirmed by the fact that 17:6 does not, in my opinion, contain any notion of remnant. How should we explain the reuse of 17:6 in Isaiah 24? Rather than suggest, as Sweeney does, that the author is attaching a "worldwide significance" to Israel's punishment, our author has evidently picked up an oracle originally aimed at the wayward Northern Kingdom and reapplied it in part to his portrayal of the judgment and devastation of the earth. This is similar to the reuse of Hosea 4 noted earlier. That is, prophetic critique intended originally for Israel alone is now recycled so that it has the entire world in its purview. Just as Israel's earlier condition approximated that of a recently harvested olive tree, so now the earth is about to experience the same fate. YHWH's judgment, while more extensive in its cosmic and geographic scope, yields the same results that the earlier tradition had recorded. Here we see what will continue to emerge throughout these chapters as the "universalization" of prophetic material originally directed toward an individual state (most often Israel). In this way the tradition records continuity in God's action and its effect, but enlarges the object of God's judgment (and blessing) to include the entire earth. Whereas earlier prophetic critique was directed most often toward Judah and Israel, with occasional denouncements of other individual kingdoms (e.g., Isaiah 1323), the prophetic judgment in Isaiah 24-27 broadens its horizon so that it applies to the whole cosmos, further contributing to the development of a theology of YHWH's lordship over creation (cf. Genesis 1). With the author's redeployment of Isa 17:6 at the conclusion of this opening eschatological oracle announcing the devastation of the earth, 52 an allusion to the earlier tradition is made in such a way the reader would recognize the familiar language and so be more likely to accept this new message as an authoritative prophetic word.

3. Isaiah 24:14-20: Content, Theme and Intertextuality The "Treacherous One" Turning now to the latter portion of the second major section in Isaiah 24 (vv. 14-20), we shall query this text for examples of allusion and the texts they evoke. The first case occurs in v. 16: D'HJI'Q "TJQl D'H^D

52

It is worth noting that 17:6 also forms the conclusion to the earlier oracle, so even the placement of the recycled language accords with its earlier usage.

Chapter 2: Intertextuality in Isaiah 24:1-20

50 53

These two phrases, the last of which seems quite difficult to understand, appear to be drawn from at least one and perhaps two other places in the book of Isaiah: 21:2 and 33:1.54 The first of these two texts, 21:2, reads: ^ -un n o p m m i n t o intern m n -mnn no mu •'bv t o o n n n m s ba

A hard vision is reported to me; the treacherous one deals treacherously, the devastator devastates. Go up, Elamites! Besiege, Medes! All her sighing I will bring to an end.

The linguistic correspondence between this text and 24:16b through their common use of the term "I2D is the first piece of evidence pointing to some sort of relationship between these two texts. A glance at the concordance, however, reveals that this word is common enough in the Hebrew Bible,55 so further evidence is needed to substantiate the claim. To complicate matters, 21:2 is an enigmatic text in its own right, evidenced by the lack of scholarly consensus about its interpretation.56 It is part of a larger unit, 21:1-10 (one of the ITIKEO found in Isaiah 13-23), which culminates in the sentinel's report of Babylon's defeat (21:9). The referent of TTD and i n © (v. 2), presumably the same entity, is disputed: does it refer to Babylon57 or the Elamites and Medes (cf. 21:2)?58 Ultimately, I am less concerned with what the author of 21:1-10 must have originally meant, and more concerned with how the author of 24:16b read this text and interpreted it in his own context, although these need not necessarily be different. It seems to me that I T D and "TTIti) in chapter 21 are references to Babylon (and were read as such), and its behavior as characterized in these two participles is part of the reason it is being punished by God through the Elamites 53

The LXX renders 24:16b as follows: KCXI spouoiv Ouai TO 15 a0ETouaiv, 0 1 Cn ——-1 ttirniiohm11 —o both sections. The connections between 24:21-23 and ch. 25 will be explored more fully below, but to anticipate, the connection is primarily discernible through a shared emphasis on God's activity on Zion (enthronement, banquet). The second unit in this section is 25:1-5, which is the first o f three songs that appear in chapters 25 and 26. 3 Form-critically, it is a song of praise, the praiseworthy event evidently being the overthrow of the wicked unnamed city (25:2, 3; cf. 24:10). 4 Also engendering praise here is YHWH's help for the poor and needy QTON) in their time of distress (25:4, 5), conveyed in language heretofore unseen in Isaiah 24-27 yet, as we shall see, familiar in the Isaian tradition. Several critical issues must be addressed as part of the interpretation of this song. Nothing about the song is manifestly eschatological, so opinions have traditionally been divided over whether the song looks forward to a city's downfall5 or whether it re-

2 Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 332. Sweeney's position is also indebted to his view that Isaiah 24-26 represents a relatively unified composition, a view that I do not share. Also based in part on this, he argues that the anonymous "they" of v. 14 are the soon-to-be imprisoned kings of v. 21, but I cannot concur. Following the form-critical nature of his work, he labels 24:21-23 as an "announcement of punishment" although Kaiser has pointed out the salvific and hopeful note contained here from Israel's perspective (Isaiah 13-39, 178). 3 The other two are 25:9-12 and 26:1-6. 4 The first reference to a city in 25:2 in MT is textually corrupt ("PUD for "I1 a). All other ancient witnesses seem to read "city" here (cf. L X X , TTOAEIJ). 5 E.g., Johnson, Chaos, 59.

Chapter 3: Intertextuality in Isaiah 24:21-25:12

72

fleets the attitude of joy over the destruction reported in 24:10. 6 Furthermore, scholars are also in disagreement about when the song was composed, but ultimately, like so much other lyrical material in the Hebrew Bible, this issue is unresolvable. 7 Another question concerns the point at which this song was incorporated into the text. The notion that the song has been secondarily inserted is more obvious to some than others, an issue that is addressed below. What is clear is that in its present context, the song should be read in light of the eschatologically-oriented prophetic material that bounds it, a perspective that applies to the other hymn-like compositions in these chapters as well. In the next section, 25:6-8, the author describes a great feast prepared by YHWH on Mt. Zion for all the peoples. Like 24:3, this section concludes with the enigmatic statement that YHWH has spoken ("121 iTIiT although the utterance to which this might refer is unclear. The feast envisioned here would make the culinary artists of the day proud, since it includes a panoply of fine foods and wines (cf. the list in 25:6). YHWH will remove an obscure shroud (CD!1?) and/or sheet (HDDQ) covering the people (v. 7), and will dry his people's tears and remove their shame (v. 8). The coup de grâce, however, is YHWH's swallowing of Death (mD) forever v. 8a), an image that recalls Mot's threat to consume Baal near the conclusion of the Baal Cycle (KTU 1.5.vii-ix). While the section is fairly easily delimited, it lacks any thematic connection to 25:1-5. On the other hand, several interpreters have suggested that vv. 6-8 are connected thematically to 24:21-23 through a similar focus on, among other things, kingship and enthronement. While'this assertion will need to be verified through closer scrutiny, many of those who adhere to it have surmised that 24:21-23+25:6-8 originally formed a complete unit which was only secondarily interrupted by the interpolation of the hymn, 8 although this opinion has not commanded universal assent. 9 While the question of whether 25:68 originally formed a direct continuation of 24:21-23 must remain open, as I noted earlier, the sections fit together thematically. More importantly for this study, 24:21-23 and 25:6-8 are often intertextually connected to the same texts, as will be shown below. The concluding material in Isaiah 25, a thanksgiving song, has been understood structurally in two different ways: either by reading all of vv. 9-

6

E.g., Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 30-34; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 453. Plöger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 59-60. 8 E.g., Duhm, Jesaia, 177; Procksch, Jesaia, 313-14, 319; Plöger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 70; Johnson, Chaos, 57, who refers to this position as the communis opinio. 9 The recent view set forth by Scholl (Die Elenden, 104-15) is that all of Isa 24:2125:8 form a self-contained unit, the central unit of 24-27. 7

1. Structure and Form

73

12 as one unit10 or as two smaller sections, vv. 9-10a and vv. 10b-12. 11 Whether one reads one or two units here, it is clear that v. 9 marks the beginning of a new section, based on the aforementioned concluding formula in v. 8 mrr along with the now familiar introductory "on that day" formula found at the beginning of v. 9 (NIHil DTD "1081), although the wording is slightly different. The addition of "101 marks this as a formal response to or interpretation of vv. 6-8 (and possibly 24:21-23 as well). 12 The passage opens by noting that "on that day" the community will say that they waited for YHWH and he has appeared to save them, a fact which will inspire great rejoicing.13 The remark in v. 10 that YHWH's hand has come to rest "on this mountain," a clear reference to Zion, forms a link with the preceding section (cf. 25:6). The focus shifts abruptly in v. 10b to Moab. Precisely why this material about Moab has been placed here requires explanation, especially since the Isaian tradition has collected more elaborate material about Moab elsewhere (Isaiah 15-16). 14 Exegetes have explained this problematic transition in several ways, but other impediments to detecting the passage's meaning remain. Textual difficulties, 15 hapax legomena,16 ana turns of phrase that are nearly unintelligible combine to create a passage which meaning and intent is murky.17 What is clear is that Moab suffers a great defeat attributed to YHWH. Singled out especially for destruction are the nation's pride ( i m w , v. 11) and its well10 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 360-5; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 335; Clements, Isaiah 139, 209-10, although these latter two scholars further subdivide the material along the lines of the second option mentioned above. 11 Polaski, Authorizing an End, 149-50; Other opinions have been expressed; see for instance, W. Millar (Isaiah 24-27, 42) who extends the previous section to include 25:9, so that the last section is comprised of 25:10-12. 12 Sweeney, Isaiah 1-4, 52-4. 13 Two textual problems mar the otherwise beautifully constructed rhythm of v. 9. First, MT has HDN1 (3rd masculine singular) whereas lQIsa a and Syriac have 2nd singular "you." Second, 1 b " T i p miT HT in MT is missing from the Targum. 14 One speculative possibility for the passage's inclusion here is that the similarity be-

tween 25:i2b ( p s 1 ? m n 'raon nas i r ) and 26:5b ( m a T p s -m n'rstzr

ra^aer

"1SU 1U) led to the interposition of the former oracle through the catchword technique that apparently was used elsewhere as a method of augmenting this prophetic collection. See E. Conrad, Reading Isaiah (OBT; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991), 127, and Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 362-4. 15 The prime example here is ¡13010 1 D3. 16 p n Q , usually understood as related to straw; cf. HALOT, 653. 17 Cf. V T m m « DJJ ^ a c m , the last two words of which make little if any sense in their present form. Blenkinsopp {Isaiah 1-39, 361-2), following G. R. Driver ("Isaiah i-xxxix, Linguistic and Textual Problems," JTS 38 (1937): 36-50) and Wildberger (Isaiah 13-27, 537), appeals to an Arabic cognate aruba, "to be skillful," "crafty," and reads it as a reference to swimming. Alternatively, the JPS translation for v. 1 lb reads, "And He will humble their pride along with the emblems of their power."

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fortified walls (-[TIDin EC "HDD, v. 12). The contrast between the community's salvation in vv. 9-10a and Moab's destruction in vv. 10b-12 is stark. This section concludes with 25:12, evident from both the finality of the last phrase and the formal marker suggesting a new section at 26:1 (the familiar Sinn D m ) . To summarize: Isa 24:21-25:12 comprises either four or five sections, depending on how one chooses to read the last unit. These are 24:21-23, 25:1-5, 25:6-8, 25:9-12. Further, we find in this section an alternating pattern between oracular material (§§ 1, 3) and songs (§§ 2, 4), although the significance of this, if any, is unclear. At any rate, it seems insufficient evidence to postulate a liturgy.18 Given the thematic connection that exists between 24:21-23 and 25:6-8, I will handle these two sections together in the following discussion. The intertextual character of this section of Isaiah is unlike that of 24:120. In that section it was relatively easy to identify material that ultimately derived from elsewhere in the Hebrew canon because of significant verbal overlap (e.g., 24:17-18a; cf. Jer 48:43-44a). Even in cases where extensive verbal overlap was not present, the closeness of the verbal connection often left little doubt that an earlier text was being alluded to or reused (e.g., 24:20; cf. Amos 5:2). Almost immediately one notices that 24:21-25:12 is different in this regard. Extensive citations are not to be found. Rather, the verbal connections are often limited to isolated clusters of words and are more tenuous. In light of this, one must look more closely for thematic connections as a clue to intertextuality in these chapters. Based on the criteria established in chapter one, the farther away from verbal correspondence one gets, the less one is able to speak of intertextuality. Methodologically, it may occasionally be prudent to begin from thematic connections which are more clearly in evidence and work toward verbal connections. The following discussion is organized around three basic clusters of material: 24:21-23+25:6-8; 25:1-5; and 25:9-12. While the latter two textual units are likely self-evident, the former derives from the argument presented earlier that 24:21-23+25:6-8 should be read as one narrative unit,19 regardless of their compositional history.

18 Pace both Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse; and Hylmo, De s. k. profetsika liturgiernas rytm, stil och ¡composition. I. Jes. 25:1-26:21. 19 Even Polaski, who discerns a chiastic structure for this section which highlights the banquet of 25:6-8, concurs ultimately with this opinion. He writes, "the revelation of YHWH to the elders, his imprisonment of the kings, and the banquet become essentially one event" (Authorizing an End, 162).

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2. Isaiah 24:21-23, 25:6-8: Content, Theme, and Intertextuality Isa 24:21-23 and 25:6-8 read consecutively, portray the following narrative sequence, arguably related to the preceding material:20 YHWH punishes celestial beings 21 and earthly kings Imprisonment of opposing forces preceding judgment YHWH is enthroned as king in Zion before the elders YHWH makes a great feast in Zion for all the peoples YHWH removes the shroud and/or sheet covering the people YHWH "swallows" Death YHWH dries all tears and his people's shame is removed

The accent on judgment is certainly consistent with 24:1-20, but this passage moves beyond the single-minded focus on judgment to a vision of the future which culminates in YHWH's victory over death and his beneficence toward all nations. Moreover, the judgment on the earth and its inhabitants envisaged in 24:1-20 is transposed in 24:21-23 into a dual judgment on the heavenly host and earthly kings. Both are imprisoned for some time, though the particulars of how this takes place are not offered. While I do not think that this sequence is chiastic,22 this arrangement highlights YHWH's feast as the centerpiece of this section. Though YHWH's feast is not the only positive note sounded in this sequence, the additional acts of salvation on behalf of the people are presented in the context of the banquet. The first and most obvious question then from the perspective of intertextuality about this sequence and its focus on the festal banquet on Zion is whether other biblical texts present this same particular constellation of events and/or emphases. To my knowledge, the answer is no;23 however, several elements of this sequence find parallels elsewhere. Consider the following: 20

Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 65 (he starts the narrative sequence at 24:18c); Polaski, Authorizing an End, 161-2; for a different understanding see Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 3334. 21 anon "the host of the height," a variant of the more common •''OEJn S3U, "the host of the heavens," is understood here by many scholars as either stars or celestial beings (cf. Isa 40:26; 45:12; Jer 33:22; Ps 33:6; Neh 9:6). It is alleged that the "Host of Heaven" originates with the conception of YHWH as divine warrior, in which case, the Host make up YHWH's army (Josh 5:13-15; Isa 13:4-5; Joel 4:11 [3:11]; cf. Dan 8:1012). In Isa 24:21, however, they are YHWH's enemy (cf. 34:4). See "Host of Heaven," DDD, 428-30. 22 Pace Polaski, Authorizing an End, 162. 23 P. Welten points out that 25:6-8 is unique in the Hebrew Bible in having God prepare a feast; see Peter Welten "Die Vernichtung des Todes und die Königsherrschaft Gottes: Eine traditionsgeschichtliche Studie zu Jes 25,6-8; 24,21-23 und Ex 24,9-11," TZ 38/3 (1982): 132.

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in Isaiah

24:21-25:12

1. The motif of YHWH punishing other heavenly and/or divine beings is found in Psalm 82, where YHWH holds court and accuses the deities of the nations of perverting justice. YHWH passes judgment on them and asserts that they shall die like humans: I say, "You are gods, Children of the Most High, all of you; Nevertheless, you shall die like mortals, And fall like any prince. (Ps 82:6-7)

A related tradition finds YHWH defeating the chaos monsters, an idea that is connected with creation (Ps 74:12-17) and restoration (Isa 51:9,10).24 The closest analogue to 24:21, however, is found in another Isaian text: All the host of the heavens (CQHTn KDli ^D) shall rot, the heavens will be rolled up like a scroll; All its hosts (DS3U shall wither, like a leaf that withers on a vine like the fruit that withers on a fig tree. (Isa 34:4)

Like Isaiah 24, this passage depicts YHWH's judgment against the entire earth as well as a cosmic corollary. In both texts the "host" appears to be astralized deities venerated by other nations (Deut 4:19; 17:3; 2 Kgs 17:16; 21:3, 5; 23:4-5; Jer 8:2; 19:13; Zeph 1:5). 2. Another motif found in Isa 24:21-23 is the acclamation of YHWH's kingship, an idea that occurs in a number of biblical texts (see below).25 3. Exegetes have also noted that the banquet on Zion (25:6-8) resonates with aspects of other biblical texts that portray meals: the covenant meal,26 27

28

29

the coronation banquet, the victory feast, or even the pilgrimage feast (although some of these are certainly related traditions). Since I have suggested that the feast is the central focus of this arrangement, it seems reasonable to begin an investigation for potential intertextual connections there. Starting from the observation that this text is not an exact reproduction of any of the feast traditions just mentioned (as will become apparent below), this section examines the thematic and textual connections that ex24

J. Levenson, Creation and the Persistence of Evil, 3-13. I.e., Exod 15:18; Num 23:21; Jud 8:23; 1 Sam 8:7; 10:19; 12:12; Isa 33:22; 41:2124; 44:6-8; Jer 10:10; 48:15; Mic 2:12-13; Zeph 3:15; Zech 14:9, 16-19; Mai 1:14; Pss 47:7; 93:1; 95:3; 96:10; 97:1; 99:1. 26 Exod 24; cf. Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 193. 27 1 Sam 11:15; 1 Kgs 1:9, 19, 25; cf. 2 Sam 6:18; 1 Kgs 8:62-65; cf. Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah 1-39, 456. 28 Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 112-13. 29 Psa 24; cf. Polaski, Authorizing an End, 181-3. Polaski finds several divergent traditions coalescing in this text. 25

2. Isaiah 24:21-23, 25:6-8: Content, Theme,

andInteriextuality

11

ist between these different festival traditions and Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8, testing them against the criteria established in chapter one. This investigation seeks to discover which, if any, of these textual traditions is being picked up here and why. Does the manner in which they are reused suggest a theological development of some sort, and if so, why? Isaiah 24:21-23, 25:6-8: the Covenant Meal Perhaps the most common festival tradition that one finds mentioned in connection with this chapter is the covenant meal. 30 Several biblical and ancient Near Eastern texts that record covenant or treaty agreements present a meal shared by the covenant parties as the culmination of the covenant ratification.31 In the biblical texts one finds, for example, covenant or treaty meals shared by Isaac and Abimelech (Gen 26:26-33), Jacob and Laban (Gen 31:43-54), the Israelites and the Gibeonites (Josh 9:11-15), and David and Abner (2 Sam 3:12-21). 32 Apart from the meal itself, however, Isaiah 24-25 share no common language or themes with these texts. One other covenant meal involving God and humans has drawn comparisons with this Isaianic passage: Exod 24:9-11. Then Moses and Aaron, Nadab, and Abihu, and seventy of the elders of Israel went up, and they saw the God of Israel. Under his feet there was something like a pavement of sapphire stone, like the very heaven for clearness. He (God) did not lay his hand on the chief men of the people of Israel; also they beheld God, and they ate and drank. (Exod 24:9-11)

The passage, an awkward second narration of the initial covenant ratification at Sinai,33 reports that Moses, Aaron, Nadab, Abihu (Aaron's sons) 30

Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 193; Polaski, Authorizing and End, 165-66. In addition to the biblical texts to be mentioned below, covenant or treaty ratification meals are found among the Mari documents (ARM 8:13) and the Amarna letters (EA 162:22-25). In fact, as D. Hillers indicates, this practice continues among modern bedouin; see Delbert R. Hillers, Covenant: The History of a Biblical Idea (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1969), 57. 32 Exod 18:12 could perhaps be added to this list. In this text Aaron, the elders, and Jethro (presumably Moses also, although he is not mentioned specifically) share a meal together. Childs {The Book of Exodus [OTL; Louisville, Ky.: Westminster, 1974], 329) suggests that an old covenant treaty between Midian and Israel may lay behind this text. In addition to their formal covenantal features, each of these appears to be a peace treaty. Given this, one intriguing possibility is that Isa 25:6-8 is picking up on this idea and signaling a "peace treaty" between YHWH and the nations, envisioned here as a future time when hostilities between YHWH and the nations would cease. 33 Most scholars accept that Exod 24:1-11 reveals an editorial history in which the J and E versions of the covenant's ratification have been joined so as to give the appearance of one continuous narrative. In fact, however, 24:1-2, 9-11 (J) seem to report one version of the covenant ceremony sans people, while 24:3-8 (E) contain a version that includes the people. The versions contain other differences as well. See Martin Noth, 31

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and seventy elders ascended the mountain where they beheld God in his effulgence and shared a meal together, apparently concluding the covenant ratification. Several elements in this text suggest that the Isaiah text is evoking the Exodus passage. First, both contain a reference to the elders, the enumeration of which occurs only in the Exodus text (D^pT, Isa 24:23; Exod 24:9).34 Second, both texts speak of a meal involving YHWH and the people on a sacred mountain (Isa 25:6; Exod 24:11). If the field of comparison is extended beyond vv. 9-11, we find that both texts also reserve a role for YHWH's glory (Isa 24:23; Exod 24:16, 17). Scholars have classified the alleged relationship between these two passages in several different ways, speaking of possibilities ranging from minimal thematic similarity35 to an eschatological reinterpretation of the Exodus passage by the Isaian author.36 Most exegetes, however, simply assert a relationship between the two passages, usually conceived as the influence of Exodus on Isaiah. So, for instance, R. Clements writes, "Exod. 24:9-11...has undoubtedly influenced the picture [in Isaiah 24], As Yahweh had once before revealed his glory to the elders of Israel at the time when he had founded the nation, so in the end-time he will disclose it again."37 Given the wide range of opinion, can the perspective of intertextuality offer any insight into the relationship? To state the obvious, the two passages are not identical, unlike some of those examined in the last chapter. One does not find, for example, a quotation of Exodus 24 in the Isaian text nor is there widescale verbal overlap. The language shared by the two chapters, •''Dpi and HDD, is not extensive. On the other hand, some important differences exist: one notes the simplicity of the Exodus account of the meal compared with the more elaborate detail in the Isaiah text. Exod 24:11 simply states mtEH "and they ate and drank," while Isa 25:6 emphasizes the menu for the meal, described as nnQCJ DTIQCD pi3E? n n D C nntm HflDQ Exodus (OTL; trans. J. S. Bowden; London: SCM, 1962), 194-9; Brevard S. Childs, The Book of Exodus (OTL; Louisville, Ky.: Westminster, 1974), 506-7. 34 On the elders in Isaiah 24, see Timothy M. Willis, "Yahweh's Elders (Isa. 24,23): Senior Officials of the Divine Court," ZAW 103 (1991): 375-85. Willis argues that these figures in Isaiah 24 are members of the divine court, i.e., heavenly beings. I find his argument unpersuasive, however. I adopt the more widely held understanding of them as leaders among the postexilic Jewish ethnos (Ezra 5:9; 6:7); see Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 510-3. It is interesting that elsewhere in Isaiah, the •"'DpT are often depicted as objects of God's judgment (3:2, 14; 9:14[15]; 47:6), quite the opposite of what one finds here (cf. Isa 65:20). 35 Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 37. 36 Scholl, Die Elenden, 82. Scholl posits a relationship only for Isa 24:23 which he claims "reinterpretiert Ex 24,9-11 in eschatologischer Sicht." For a similar position, see Peter Welten, "Die Vernichtung des Todes und die Königsherrschaft Gottes," 129-46. 37 Isaiah 1-39, 206.

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• , ppTQ, "a feast of rich food, a feast of well-aged wines, of rich food filled with marrow, of well-aged wines strained clear." Ironically, a statement that the nations ate and drank (or will eat and drink) is absent from Isaiah 25. The accent in the Exodus text seems to be the actual partaking in the meal, while the Isaiah text highlights the sumptuous menu. A second, and perhaps more important difference, however, concerns the place of covenant within the discourse of each. Quite clearly, Exodus 24 narrates a covenant meal as part of the ratification of the newly revealed and enacted covenant (Exodus 19-23). This does not seem to be the point of Isa 25:6-8, however.38 On the contrary, the immediate context offers no indication that a covenant ratification is in view, a conclusion that seems warranted given the lack of language to that effect. How can one have a covenant ratification without the clear indication of a covenant? The intertextuality operates primarily on the narrative and thematic planes. Exodus 24 portrays a covenant ratification ceremony followed by a feast involving the interested parties; Isaiah 25 describes in detail what appears to be a feast following YHWH's enthronement (cf. 24:23).39 Yet I would suggest that these texts are related through their similar ritual functions and their concern for the status of the participants: both meals function as rites of passage resulting in the participants' change of status.40 In Exodus 24, a change of status is reflected in that Israel and God are now bound together in a covenantal relationship, the details of which are made clear in the legal material that immediately precedes this meal (Exodus 2023). The meal in Isaiah 25 points to both the nations' and Israel's changed statuses. This meal inaugurates a new era of relationship between God and the nations, one in which God moves beyond mere judgment on the nations. To be sure, God enters into judgment (24:21-23), but this is followed by the invitation to the nations to come and enjoy the sumptuous meal prepared by God (25:6). This suggests that in the end God is favorably dis38 Pace Polaski, (Authorizing an End, 166) who argues, somewhat strangely, that Isa 25:6-8 is a covenant ratification ceremony in which the broken D^II? I V C in 24:5 is being ratified anew. However, I find this line of reasoning unconvincing since no covenant is mentioned in 24:21-25:12. 39 Welten argues that the thrust of the meal in Exod 24:9-11 is the sacrifice (TDT), while Isaiah 25 transforms this into a coronation meal (about which see below). The key text that links them is, in his view, Isa 24:21-23. See Welten "Die Vernichtung des Todes und die Konigsherrschaft Gottes," 145. 40 The standard, if dated, study remains A. van Gennup, Rites of Passage (trans. Monika B. Vizedom and Gabrielle L. Caffee; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960). See also V. Turner, The Ritual Process (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1969). Viewed within the taxonomy of rites put forward by van Gennup, the events of Exodus 24 and Isaiah 25 would be classified under rites of incorporation. These two formerly separate entities (God/Israel; God/humankind) are now joined in a new kind of relationship.

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24:21-25:12

posed toward all peoples, a fact indicated not only by the preparation of the festive banquet, but also the removal of the mourning shroud and death itself (25:7). Additionally, this relationship now transcends the nationalistic bounds of covenant. That this meal does not intend to describe a new covenantal relationship between God and humanity is clear from the lack of a statement to that effect as well as the lack of covenantal regulations. In fact, the notice in 24:5 that the earth has broken covenant may call into question whether this text now considers covenant as a tenable way to think about or structure God's relationship with humankind. Rather, after punishing the nations, or more specifically, their kings (24:21-22), perhaps God is now initiating a new non-covenantal relationship with the nations. To be sure, within the structure of that relationship Israel is still exalted, as indicated by the revelation of God's glory (1133) to the elders (24:23) and the removal of Israel's shame (HSUI; 25:8), but the nations now occupy a significant place in the relationship as well. This line of interpretation highlights the author's penchant described earlier for taking literary traditions that were originally exclusively about Israel and reworking them so that they apply to the nations, generally described as a tendency toward universalism.41 Something more is involved in this intertextual link, though. Isa 25:6-8 evokes the textual and ideological world of Exodus 24 as part of the author's larger program of theological innovation. In this case, a tradition about a covenant meal between God and Israel has been reworked so that the meal now points to a new kind of relationship between God and humankind generally. Isaiah 24:21-23, 25:6-8: the Victory Feast42 Another group of texts that deserves our attention as possibly intertextually related to this portion of Isaiah are those narrating a victory feast. This feast is usually found in texts depicting one god's defeat of another god, suggesting a mythic setting. W. Millar explores this avenue most thoroughly, arguing that the entire Isaiah Apocalypse reproduces a mythic pat-

41

Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 323; idem, "Textual Citations in Isaiah 24-27: Toward an Understanding of the Redactional Function of Chapters 24-27 in the Book of Isaiah," JBL 107 (1988): 39-52. 42 At the outset it should be noted that the victory feast is closely related in many other ancient Near Eastern mythological texts with the enthronement of the god, so it is not always possible or even necessary to separate these two traditions. For example, Marduk's victory over Tiamat leads to his enthronement in Enuma Elish and it is not possible to know which of the two events the feast in this epic is intended to celebrate. Most likely it serves to commemorate both. Despite the close connection of the two events with the feast, a somewhat artificial separation seems warranted for heuristic purposes.

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tern found in the Ugaritic Baal Cycled which consists of the following four thematic elements: threat, war, victory, feast. This pattern presents the feast as the culminating event celebrating the victory won by the triumphant god in battle. On Millar's reading, this pattern is replicated several times in Isaiah 24-27, 44 but Isa 24:16-25:9 is the earliest and fullest appearance of the complete pattern in the Isaiah Apocalypse. The unit 24:1625:9 concludes with a victory feast in 25:6-8, a feast celebrating YHWH's victory of the forces of chaos which are identified in 24:21-23 and 25:8. 45 While Millar's analysis has not exactly carried the day, it is an attempt to address the acknowledged mythic elements in Isaiah 24-27, one of which appears to be a victory feast celebrating YHWH's defeat of enemy forces. What textual indicators in Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8 suggest its resonance with victory feast traditions? As already mentioned, this text portrays YHWH defeating and punishing two sets of enemies, one heavenly, the host of the height, and one earthly, a group of unnamed kings of the land (24:21), 46 both of which are imprisoned for an unspecified length of time (•"'Q1 HID, "for many days"). Additionally, the sun and the moon are shamed, although the precise reason for this or what this could mean are not entirely clear.47 YHWH's victory climaxes with his defeat of Death ( m a ) , 4 8 perhaps a reference to the West Semitic deity Mot who appears elsewhere in the Canaanite mythical literature.49 The exact meaning of 43

Millar, Isaiah 24-27. The structural units that replicate the pattern are 24:l-16a, 24:16b-25:9, 26:1-8, 26:11-27:6, 27:12-13. The first three form the original layer of the Apocalypse according to Millar {Isaiah 24-27, 65-71). 45 Ibid., 65-7. J. Levenson (Creation and the Persistence of Evil, 28-32) also argues that this section of Isaiah announces YHWH's victory over the forces of chaos. 46 One oddity about Millar's analysis is the fact that he claims the "victory" portion of the pattern occurs at 25:l-4c, but this is hardly plausible since YHWH's battles and victories occur in 24:21 and 25:8. See Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 66. 47 Many commentators suggest that this indicates that the light given off by these two heavenly luminaries will pale in comparison to the brightness with which YHWH's glory shines at the defeat of his enemies; cf. Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 195. Others suggest that the sun and moon should be read as heavenly bodies acting in consort with the other celestial bodies who are objects of YHWH's judgment (24:21); cf. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 357. Sweeney (Isaiah 1-39, 332) dismisses any essential role for heavenly beings in vv. 21-23, claiming instead that the passage is entirely about human kingdoms. 48 On the question of Isa 25:8a as a later addition to the text see Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 36; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 532; or Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 201. Johnson (Chaos, 64) argues for its retention, the position adopted here. Against those who argue that the text is an addition, it should be noted that the mention of m o fits with the other mythic elements of these two chapters (esp. 24:21-23). 49 See DDD, 598-603. There is quite a range of opinion about the meaning of DID in this text. Wildberger (Isaiah 13-27, 532-3) avoids the notion that here the reference is to the Canaanite deity who opposes Baal (although he recognizes that this may be part of the traditio-historical background of this text), opting instead for the position that here 44

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YHWH swallowing death has been a matter of some debate, but the mythic overtones would have been apparent to an ancient Israelite audience.50 This brief survey of these elements in Isaiah 24-25 demonstrates that the theme of YHWH's victory over his enemies is prevalent here; moreover, we have already noticed that the theme of the banquet is prominent as well. Given that other textual traditions connect these two themes-victory, feast-it seems warranted to examine the text for the possibility of intertextuality from this perspective. If Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8 fits the pattern of the Victory Feast the next question is Does the victory feast appear elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible? Apparently not, for no other texts in which nntOO or other feast language occurs report anything like a victory feast.51 One obvious place to look for victory feasts is in texts depicting royal feasts. There are references to a feast (nntOO) with royal overtones in only a few other places, i.e., 2 Sam 3:20; 1 Kgs 3:15. 52 The first of these, discussed earlier, narrates the feast prepared by David for Abner, his erstwhile enemies' commander, and his men. This appears to be the more common covenant feast, in this case, one commemorating a truce. The second passage reports that Solomon prepared a feast for his servants upon waking from a startling and powerful dream in which YHWH visited him and promised him whatever he asked. No elements of a victory feast are found here. One other text is a possibility: the enigmatic feast of Nabal, described as "like the feast of the king,"

the idea is YHWH's opposition to any life-denying power. Likewise, Blenkinsopp recognizes the Canaanite background for the imagery, but suggests that the idea here is that of a "force of disorder, negativity, and aridity, morally and physically, in connection with which the actual dying of the individual is episodic and incidental" (Isaiah 1-39, 359). Johnson offers a third interpretation, claiming that this text speaks about the destruction of hostile powers inimical to YHWH's plan for people {Chaos, 65). Polaski (Authorizing an End, 174-5 n. 92) offers a brief survey of other possibilities based on the term's appropriation in other biblical texts. What is clear is that this text demonstrates the power of mythic imagery to generate unexpected or innovative interpretive offspring. 50 M. Delcor, "Le festín d'immortalité sur la montagne de Sion à l'ère eschatologique en Is. 25,6-9, à lumière de la littérature Ugaritique." in Etudes bibliques et orientales de religions comparées (ed. M. Delcor; Leiden: Brill, 1979), 122-31. The view that this text supports the idea of resurrection from the dead seems weak. It is not clear to me what purpose resurrection could serve in this text. At any rate, if that were the idea, would it not have been stated in a less obscure manner? 51 This conclusion is further supported by the fact that Millar mentions no such feast tradition from the Hebrew Bible either. 52 As noted earlier, 1 Kings 8 also speaks of a festival in connection with the construction of the Temple, however, the terminology is different (3Í1). At any rate, the context is not a victory celebration, but rather an enthronement feast. Because of this, I will delay a discussion of it until I examine enthronement feast traditions.

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in 1 Sam 2 5 : 3 6 . 5 3 This phrase is part of the polemic against Nabal, contributing to the portrait of his insolence toward David, so the details of this feast should probably not be pressed too much. At any rate, nothing about this feast suggests its connection with any type of military victory.54 Outside of these texts, the books of Esther and Daniel mention royal feasting - and in foreign courts no less - more than any other books in the Hebrew Bible, although not in a victory context.55 Since these books most likely post-date the Isaiah Apocalypse, however, they fail to meet criterion of chronological priority laid out in chapter one. All in all, then, what one finds is a paucity of references to feasting in a royal context generally in the Old Testament, not to mention even fewer possibilities, if any, for feasting in a context of military victory.56 The upshot of this lack of evidence means that the quest for an intertextual link between Isa 2 5 : 6 - 8 and other victory feast traditions in the Bible is not successful. ("[ton

nnDDD)

Isaiah 24:21-23, 25:6-8: the Enthronement Feast and the Psalms An intertextual relationship with coronation or enthronement festival traditions offers a third possibility. Indications that an enthronement feast may lie behind Isa 2 4 : 2 1 - 2 3 + 2 5 : 6 - 8 include the notice that YHWH of Hosts reigns ( m i O ! £ niiT 1 "[to), the presence of the elders, the great banquet, and the vanquishing of all of YHWH's enemies, with Death (TllQ) being especially singled out. All of these elements occur in other enthronement scenarios, including non-biblical ancient Near Eastern texts. For example, one finds the narrative pattern of a deity's victory over his enemies, enthronement of the victorious deity, followed by a great banquet in both Enuma elish and the Baal Cycle. In the first, Marduk vanquishes Tiamat, is enthroned as king over all the gods, and prepares a great feast for the gods. A similar sequence of events occurs near the end of the Ugaritic epic when Baal overcomes Yam (KTU 1.2 iv) and takes his throne as the ruling deity,

53 Kyle McCarter, I Samuel (ABC 8; New York: Doubleday, 1980), 395. McCarter suggests that the MT is slightly corrupted here. He follows LXX B in reading "a king" instead of "the king." 54 Polaski {Authorizing an End, 171) also dismisses any connection with coronation rituals. 55 Est 1:1-9; 2:18; 5:4-8; 6:14-7:10; Dan 5:1. 56 The Hebrew Bible may not be unique in this omission. As far as I am aware, there are virtually no reports of feasts following royal military victory in the larger A N E literary deposit. One possibility includes the so-called "Banquet Stele" of Ashurnasirpal (ANET, 558-60), although this is apparently more likely connected with the dedication of Ashur's temple in Calah (through which may offer some possible parallels with Isaiah 25). This suggests that narrations of banquets within the context of a royal military victory celebration were not widely recorded in the literature of Israel or its neighbors.

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followed by a great feast (KTU 1.3 i; cf. also KTU 1.4 vi ).57 Apparently, then, this sequence - victory, enthronement, feast - was a common topos in ancient Near Eastern mythological texts. Moreover, it could be used to speak of events in various epochs, since Enuma elish places this sequence in the primordial period, the Baal narrative in an unspecified period, and the Isaiah text applies it eschatologically. While these texts exhibit sporadic similarities, this investigation primarily focuses on other biblical texts, so I will not comment further on alleged connections with these ancient Near Eastern traditions. At any rate, I would be hesitant to claim that the Isaiah text is drawing from any of these texts qua texts since the extent to which our author had firsthand knowledge of these texts composed at fO

least a millennium prior is unknown. The standard, if problematic, treatment of the enthronement festival in ancient Israel remains S. Mowinckel's essays in his Psalmenstudien,59 Since it is well-known that no such festival is ever fully narrated in the historiographical material of the Old Testament nor mentioned in the legal tradition, some justification for its existence must be provided. Mowinckel's evidence was principally of two sorts: first, the many enthronement psalms in the book of Psalms (e.g., 93, 95-99) and, second, indications of enthronement festivals elsewhere in the ancient Near Eastern literary corpus. While it would take us too far afield to survey Mowinckel's argument comprehensively, and at any rate that is not necessary, some brief observations are in order. He connected this hypothetical festival with the Feast of Tabernacles and a New Year's feast, both of which were covenant renewal feasts in his opinion. 60 We do not have a complete picture of the rites and ceremonies celebrated at these feasts, but Mowinckel speculated that the liturgy for the festal procession, with the ark as the cen-

57 An interesting question is which of these two banquets, if either, the Isaiah text reflects. The repeated references to Mt. Zion, i.e., the place of YHWH's temple, would suggest that the connection is with the later of the two, since the feast there is an inaugural banquet to celebrate the completion of Baal's palace (temple). Millar has sought to demonstrate the indebtedness of Isaiah 24-27 to an underlying Canaanite mythic cycle, however, this effort is, from the standpoint of intertextuality, unsuccessful given the great number of uncertainties surrounding Israel's use of these myths as textual traditions. 58 Polaski offers as similar assessment, noting that "Israel's relation to these myths and their cultic settings is...far from clear" (Authorizing an End, 171). 59 Sigmund Mowinckel, Psalmenstudien (6 vols.; Amsterdam: Verlag P. Schnippers, 1961); see also idem, The Psalms in Israel's Worship (trans. D. R. Ap-Thomas; New York: Abingdon, 1962). 60 Mowinckel, Psalms in Israel's Worship, 157.

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tral focus, was found in Psalms 68, 132, and 24 (in that order).61 The chief mythological feature of the enthronement festival was creation, depicted as God's conquest of chaos. This defeat of chaos is later used to describe God's opposition to the nations who oppose Israel.62 From here it is a short step to the idea of prophetic oracles against the nations, and, in fact, Mowinckel argued that the "Day of the Lord" tradition so familiar from the prophetic literature was originally the day of enthronement.63 Additionally, YHWH's enthronement meant aid for the poor and the needy (cf., Psalms 46, 48, 75, 76), a theme echoed in Isaiah 25. This very brief summary of Mowinckel's argument reveals that it is nothing if not creative. He links several seemingly divergent textual and theological traditions, painting a portrait of a complex development of ideas. While much about it is appealing it suffers from a lack of evidence. Ultimately, this creates severe problems for adopting his argument in general, an observation certainly noted before,64 and hence, the question of the existence of an enthronement festival in Israel or Judah must remain open. This is not to say, however, that enthronement traditions do not exist; on the contrary, various psalms undeniably reflect from this tradition, with the so-called enthronement psalms being the most obvious examples. In fact, the enthronement psalms, including Psalms 47, 93, and 96-99 (and possibly Ps 95), exhibit some strong thematic similarities with Isa 24:2123+25:6-8. All these texts acclaim YHWH's kingship (Ps 47:7-9; 93:1; 95:3; 96:10; 97:1; 98:6; 99:1; Isa 24:23), construed either as kingship over the nations (47:9; 96:10; 98:2, 9) or other divine beings (95:3; 96:4; 97:7, 9). It is worth noting that this section of Isaiah also contains reflexes of both ideas: the peoples (^nations) are gathered to Zion for YHWH's festive banquet celebrating his newly earned kingship (25:6), while the aforementioned heavenly host (•"Hon N3U) is imprisoned thereby certifying YHWH's victory and establishing his reign (24:21). Even though YHWH is described as king over all the earth, a special place still exists for his people Israel (98:3), a theme which also finds expression in Isa 25:8, where his people's shame (ilSin) is removed, clearly a reference to Israel. The psalm texts also mention that the nations are gathered to YHWH's courts in Zion (96:8; 99:2), also found in Isaiah (25:6-8). Finally, Ps 97:6 avers that YHWH's glory (1133) is revealed to the people, an idea echoed in Isa 24:23 where, as we have already discussed, YHWH's glory is displayed before the elders. It is also worth noting that these psalm 61

Ibid., 169. Cf. Gunkel's criticism of Mowinckel's handling of Psalms 132 and 24; Hermann Gunkel, An Introduction to the Psalms (trans. James D. Nogalski; Macon, Ga.: Mercer University Press, 1998), 71, 74. 62 Mowinckel, Psalms in Israel's Worship, 181-2. 63 Ibid., 116. 64 Gunkel, An Introduction to the Psalms, 69-80.

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texts often mention that YHWH rules justly and with equality (96:10, 13; 98:9), and, while not found explicitly in Isa 24:21-25:8, this idea is at least hinted at in 25:1-5 where YHWH takes up the cause of the poor and the needy.65 What can be made of these thematic and verbal similarities? Do they provide sufficient evidence to suggest that the enthronement psalms serve as intertextual partners for Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8? The thematic connections certainly seem to suggest a connection, and the verbal overlap, while not extensive, is significant enough to warrant the conclusion that an intertextual relationship exists between the enthronement psalms and this text. In fact, this is the first of what will be several examples of this author making intertextual connections with clusters of thematically related texts rather than simply engaging one exemplar of a given theme. It suggests that the author has read several texts and chosen to interact with many or all of them in the composition of his own material. Here, the connection with the enthronement psalms suggests that the author envisages the eschatological (or at least future) events about which he speaks as an enthronement of YHWH. While one might object to this connection and contend instead that the ideology of YHWH's kingship was a common idea, so that recourse to these texts directly would not be necessary, the specific connections, both thematic and linguistic, speak against this. Isaiah 25 differs from the enthronement psalms in one important respect, however: Isaiah 25's focus is YHWH's banquet for all peoples. As we have seen, banquets and enthronement feasts are not unrelated (especially in other ancient Near Eastern texts), so the Isaian author's innovation in that regard here is not entirely novel. It is, however, a thematic or narrative element not derived from the enthronement psalms, suggesting that our author was not limited to repeating merely what was in those texts. Rather, his own portrait of this future moment, while intertextually connected, was also unique, since (as noted above) the precise constellation of events in 24:21-23+25:6-8 is not found in the enthronement psalms. YHWH's Kingship in the Prophetic Literature Turning to the prophetic corpus one finds the acclamation of YHWH's kingship, always a future event, in Isa 52:7; Mic 4:7; and Ezek 20:33. Since the idea of YHWH's kingship is, perhaps surprising, rather rare in the prophetic literature,66 these texts might present strong intertextual possibilities with Isaiah 24 and 25. Each of these other prophetic texts probably predates Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8, making them eligible candidates for in65

Justice and righteousness are prominent in Isaiah 26. Could this represent prophetic reticence toward kingship generally, divine or otherwise? 66

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tertextuality.67 The passage in Ezekiel is part of a larger pericope (20:3338) which speaks about YHWH regathering the dispersed exiles and entering into judgment with them. As I live - oracle of the Lord God - surely with a strong hand and an outstretched arm and with wrath poured out I will become king over you. (Ezek 20:33)

In the future epoch it depicts, YHWH will be king over Israel. Judgment against YHWH's own people as well as against the nations is a prominent theme in this passage. YHWH is portrayed as a deity full of wrath and anger willing to purge the community of those who sin against him. While Isa 24:21-22 envisions God punishing or judging, it does so using language and imagery that share nothing with Ezekiel 20. Indeed, apart from the acclamation of YHWH's kingship, this text and Isaiah 24-25 bear no resemblance at all. Despite the common acclamation that YHWH will reign, an intertextual relationship between these two texts is very dubious. While speculative, perhaps the Isaian author's neglect of the Ezekiel text is related to the fact that the former avoids priestly categories for his eschatological vision. The fact that Isaiah 24:21-23+25:6-8 ignores a potential connection with Ezekiel may bespeak his non-priestly vision of future events on Zion. The text from Isaiah 52 which speaks of YHWH's kingship is part of an oracle of salvation delivered by a messenger (cf. 40:1-11) announcing peace and salvation for Zion because YHWH now reigns.68 How beautiful upon the mountains are the feet of the messenger who announces peace, Who brings good news, who announces salvation, who says to Zion, "Your God reigns." Listen! Your sentinels lift up their voices, together they sing for joy; For in plain sight they see the return of the YHWH to Zion. Break forth together into singing, you ruins of Jerusalem; 67 The texts from Ezekiel and Isaiah both originate in the exilic period most likely. The situation with Micah 4 is more difficult. Most critical readers of Micah recognize the material in chapters 4 and 5 date to a later period in their present form, although the impetus for this collection may actually be sayings going back to Micah or his associates. As Isa 2:2-4 and Mic 4:1-3 show, a close connection existed between these two prophetic collections and it is not always possible to know which was the original setting for material common to both. See Blenkinsopp, A History of Prophecy in Israel, 92. 68 K. Baltzer argues that the passage is hymnic; cf. Deutero-Isaiah (Hermeneia; ed. Peter Machinist; trans. Margaret Kohl; Minneapolis: Fortress, 2001), 376-85.

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Chapter 3: Intertextuality in Isaiah 24:21-25:12 For YHWH has comforted his people, he has redeemed Jerusalem. YHWH has bared his holy arm before the eyes of all the nations; And all the ends of the earth shall see the salvation of our God. (Isa 52:7-10)

This news is meant to elicit songs of joy and jubilation (52:8, 9) for it signals YHWH's return to Zion, an event manifested to the ends of the earth (52:10). Writing specifically about 24:23b, H. Wildberger claims that this text "is not far from what is said in Deutero-Isaiah," perhaps most clearly in 52:7-10.69 In fact, this passage bears a striking resemblance to much that is found in 24:21-25:10a. Both share a concern with the announcement of salvation, which means primarily the deliverance of Zion (52:7, 10; 25:9); both include a statement about God reigning (52:7; 24:23); both indicate that all peoples will be affected by this turn of events (52:10; 24:21-22; 25:6-10a); one includes the notice that these events will trigger singing (52:8), while the other includes a psalm celebrating YHWH's "wonderful deeds" of salvation (25:1-5); both texts speak of rest, in the one case YHWH provides rest (Oil]) for his people (52:9), in the other the hand of the Lord comes to rest (m3) upon Mt. Zion (25:10); finally, the surrounding context for both texts includes the "on that day" formula, which in the case of Isaiah 52, represents the only example of this literary phenomenon in all of Isaiah 40-66. How should these correspondences be evaluated? Though they do not all share the same vocabulary, the connections seem too extensive to be merely coincidental. Additionally, the fact that Isaiah 52 and 24-25 are both part of the Isaian tradition increases the probability that the two texts are intentionally related in some way. H.-J. Kraus, focusing on the royal ideology of Isa 24:23 in which YHWH is acclaimed king, argues that this text, as well as several other postexilic prophetic texts, is derived directly from Isa 52:7-10.70 It may be helpful to think of the later text offering a more developed stage about the issue. Isa 52:7-10 is clearly concerned 69

Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 511. Hans-Joachim Kraus, Die Königsherrschaft Gottes im Alten Testament (BZHT 13; Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Siebeck), 1951), 109-112. Kraus argues for the existence of two distinct royal ideologies in the postexilic period. The first, focused on the Davidic dynasty, is represented by such texts as Haggai and Zechariah 1-8. The second, which is indebted to Deutero-Isaiah, applies royal language to YHWH exclusively. He cites Isaiah 24; 33; Jeremiah 10, Malachi 1, Micah 2, Zephaniah 3, and Zechariah 14. M.-L. Henry also argues that postexilic royal ideology as found in Isa 24:23 is ultimately derived from Detuero-Isaiah (Glaubenskrise, 153-156). On the influential nature of Isa 52:7-10 in later Christian understandings of the message about Jesus, see Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 40-55, 344. 70

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with announcing the return of YHWH to Jerusalem, envisioned as his enthronement and ushering in a time of peace of general good. YHWH's return also includes the reestablishment of a legitimate (in the eyes of the Isaian author) YHWH cult. The emphasis on issues of ritual purity and the temple vessels (52:1, 11) contribute to this understanding. Isa 24:2125:10a picks on the idea of YHWH's enthronement, but develops the remaining portrait differently than Isaiah 52. This is discernible primarily in the positive role envisioned for the nations and the lack of concern for cultic matters. The nations go from mere observer status in 52:7-10 to active participants in 24:21-25:10a, principally through their involvement in the meal and YHWH's removal of the shroud that covered them (25:6-8). This suggests, once again, that our author is intertextually engaging earlier texts as part of a process of developing a more thoroughly universalistic portrait of God's purposes on Zion in this event. God's purposes certainly highlight Israel, but now include a positive role for the nations. God's redemptive activity begun in the exiles now extends to the nations. As is the case elsewhere in Isaiah 24-27's reuse of earlier texts, the cultic concerns of Isaiah 52 are de-emphasized in the eschatological depiction found in 24:21-25:10a. Both texts, however, understand God's activity in these events as a manifestation of his salvation (¡UMET). A third prophetic text, Mic 4:6-7, presents a complex and difficult case to analyze, mainly because of the uncertainty surrounding its date of composition.71 As I noted above, Isaiah and Micah are certainly connected in other places (e.g., Isaiah 2 and Micah 4) and scholars have long noted similarities between certain emphases in these books.72 Moreover, based on the dating information in each book's superscription the careers of both prophets date to the latter half of the eighth century B.C.E. However, both prophetic books have been subjected to extensive editorial activity and have been the deposit of later oracles that most assuredly did not derive from the mouth or pen of the prophet himself. While this is much more obvious and prevalent in Isaiah, the book of Micah contains much that ostensibly derives from the exilic and postexilic periods as well (e.g., Micah 4 and 5).73 This complicates any alleged intertextual relationship between these two books that presupposes the chronological priority of material in Micah over comparable material in Isaiah (or vice versa for that matter). Before we attempt to clarify these matters, let us examine the texts to see if 71 The most recent comprehensive discussion is F. I. Anderson and David Noel Freedman, Micah (AB 24E; N e w York: New York, 2000), 428-41. 72 G. Stansell argues that the two books may profitably be compared through the themes of theophany, Zion, prophetic conflict and opposition, and social critique; see Gary Stansell, Isaiah and Micah: A Form and Tradition Historical Comparison (SBLDS 85; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988). 73 Anderson and Freedman, Micah, 434.

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any linguistic evidence exists which would necessitate positing such a relationship. The primary evidence is once again a statement about YHWH reigning in Mt. Zion: In that day - oracle of YHWH I will assemble the lame And gather the outcast and those I have treated harshly; And I will turn the lame into a remnant and the expelled into a populous nation. And YHWH will reign over them on Mount Zion (|VU i n n Dm bv " t o m m ) from now on. (Mic 4:6-7)

Wildberger states that Isa 24:23 is dependent on Mic 4:7, and, indeed, the similar verbal formulations suggest that possibility:74 Mic 4:7 isa24:23b

] v u n r a am bs -[to mm j v u - i r n rn«3!t m m - [ t o

The question, then, is not whether there are any parallels between the two texts - obviously there are - but whether these are sufficient to sustain an argument for intertextuality. Are there other indications of intertextuality besides the declaration that YHWH will reign in Zion? Several differences exist between this passage and Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8. The passage speaks of YHWH gathering (ilSDK) the lame (nU^U) and outcast ( n m j ) into a remnant ( m K t Q ) that YHWH will govern. This decimated remnant, previously the recipients of YHWH's harsh punishment o n m n will be made into a strong and flourishing nation (cnur 'VJ) that YHWH will rule forever (0*711; 1U1 nn^D) from Zion. Isa 24:22 also speaks of YHWH gathering, but in that case earthly kings and heavenly hosts are gathered only to be imprisoned. Additionally, the remnant in Mic 4:6-7 seems to be composed of Israelites who were exiled. Here they are reconstituted nationally into a theocracy, but there is no mention of the nations (tH^in) sharing in this newly reformed eschatological state as in Isaiah 25. While the labels of poor p"T) and needy occur in Isa 25:3-5, the language in Micah differs completely. The ideas and language in Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8 are quite distinct and different from Micah 4 also. Earlier, I argued that occasionally Isaiah 24-27 takes up texts 74 Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 465-6; cf. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 347. This alleged connection is mentioned in introductory lists of texts reused by 24-27, but goes unmentioned in the later expositions of both commentators. This connection has also been explored by E. Bosshard, "Beobachtungen zum Zwolfprophetenbuch," BN 40 (1987): 30-62, esp. 34. The majority of Bosshard's observations concern Micah and Isaiah 26-27, so a more thorough assessment of his position is reserved until those chapters are considered in detail.

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that originally spoke of Israel in nationalistic terms and reapplies the ideas and language in a universal context. That notion, however, cannot be substantiated in this case. While I suspect that this text may have been familiar to our author, given the very similar formulations about YHWH reigning on Zion, what remains in the texts is too dissimilar to support the idea that Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8 has intertextually engaged Mic 4:6-7. Of the three prophetic texts that speak of YHWH reigning, Ezek 20:33; Isa 52:7; and Mic 4:7, only the earlier Isaiah text appears to have been taken up by our author. On the one hand, this is perhaps not surprising, given that the text may have been readily available to the author as part of the growing book of Isaiah. On the other hand, given the negligible influence of Deutero-Isaiah on Isaiah 24-27,75 this exception stands out. In taking up the theme of YHWH's kingship, Isaiah 24-27 ruminates on a theme that of course predates Deutero-Isaiah, and this may be the point. Isa 24:23 contributes to the ongoing development of the discourse about YHWH's kingship in the book of Isaiah. This idea occurs in the earliest strata of the book where the prophet's call in the Syro-Ephraimite crisis is conveyed via the vision of YHWH as king (Isa 6:1-8). Elsewhere in these early chapters, the idealized Davidic king is spoken of as well (Isa 9:6; 11:1). Isa 24:23, like 52:7, is conspicuous in its hope for YHWH's rule on Zion sans participation of a Davidide.76 This late redaction in the book of Isaiah reconceptualizes YHWH's kingship over Israel and the nations without comparable hopes for the reinstitution of Davidic rule. The universal rule to be exercised by YHWH excluded, in this Isaian author's view, any role for a parochial and narrowly defined nationalism embodied in the person of the king. Only rule by YHWH directly - theocracy77 - would overcome this nationalistic ideology, an ideology that was growing more difficult to sustain given the failure to re-establish the monarchy in the early postexilic period. While certain factions within the population would certainly keep nationalist hopes alive during the Second Temple period, other segments of society would strive toward a more universal vision of YHWH's rule over all nations, although even this would entail Israel's exaltation (Isa 25:8). Summary of Isaiah 24:21-23, 25:6-8 This survey of various possible candidates for intertextuality with Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8 has yielded few positive conclusions. An examination of possible connections with covenant and enthronement traditions in the He75

Pace H.G.M. Williamson, The Book Called Isaiah, 159-83. Here Isaiah 24-27 develops an idea about kingship and Zion that, like another Deutero-Isaian text, 55:3-5, re-imagines the Davidic monarchy, although hardly in the same way. Isa 55:3-5 is often described as "democratizing" the Davidic kingship (which I doubt), but 24:21-23 speaks only of YHWH-rule on Zion. 77 Though I am using the word theocracy here, no endorsement of Ploger's thesis, which builds on this idea, is implied. 76

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brew Bible turned up few solid intertextual links between these texts and Isaiah 24-25. The first such link was identified in the covenant ratification meal in Exod 24:9-11. In that case, the connection appears to be in the change of status that the banquet participants undergo, a transformation best construed under the anthropological categories provided by rites of passage. Beyond this, however, it was argued that the connection enabled the author to modify the Exodus text's conception of relationship with God by configuring the new eschatological relationship in distinctly noncovenantal and universalistic categories. A second set of intertextual connections was found in the enthronement psalms. This textual conversation provided the rubric necessary to understand Isa 24:23 ("YHWH of Hosts has become king") as YHWH's enthronement, an idea, it was seen, confirmed in several ways. The author's innovation, the great banquet on Zion, permitted him to move beyond simply repeating earlier enthronement traditions and portray this future moment with his own distinct accent. Finally, YHWH's acclamation of kingship and the accompanying feast approximated no comparable scenario's from the historiographical literature of the Hebrew Bible. Turning to the prophetic literature, three possibilities were examined, Ezek 20:33; Mic 4:7; and Isa 52:7, and only the last provided sufficient evidence to suggest a connection. What conclusions may be drawn from this survey? First, the texts that are reengaged by Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8 are those that highlight the role of non-priestly elements in the community. As P. Welten has noted, no technical language related to the cult or other priestly concerns is used.78 The specific mention of the elders (•13pT) in 24:23, drawn from Exod 24:9-11, recalls a style of communal leadership that antedates Aaron's ordination and the institution of the priestly classes. The intertextual connection with Isa 52:7-10 provides further support for this idea, since the cultic concerns in that text do not reappear in the reuse of the idea of YHWH's kingship. Other textual reuses may support this idea, but the connections were too tenuous to argue stridently one way or the other. A second conclusion concerns the tendency toward universalism in this text, a feature noted in Chapter 2. This idea was demonstrated in two ways in this material. Exodus 24 was intertextually connected through the common change of status that participants in both Exodus 24 and Isaiah 25 underwent. As part of this, I suggested that Isaiah 25 was intentionally undoing the mode of God's engagement with Israel - covenant - and extending a more universalistic invitation to the nations. This point is further underscored by the way the Isaianic texts take up the enthronement psalms. The reuse of these texts suggests that the author envisaged God as king over not just Israel, 78

P. Welten, "Die Vernichtung des Todes: Eine traditionsgeschichtliche Studie ze Jes 25,6-8; 24,21-23 und Ex 24,9-11," 131-2.

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but over all the nations. Additionally, I suggested that this idea is further supported through the exegetical relationship of Isaiah 24-25 and Isa 52:710. Whereas the nations appear as observers in 52:7-10, in 25:6-8 the nations are said to actively participate in YHWH's plan of salvation. While describing this as an emphasis on universalism, I nonetheless recognize that Israel still occupies pride of place, as evidenced through God's removal of its former disgrace. The intertextual connection with Isa 52:7-10 raises a question that will reappear later in the chapter, but about which some provisional word should be offered. To what extent do the intertextual connections identified in Isa 24:21-25:8 (or 25:12 as we will see later) suggest that these texts might best be considered as part of a growing Isaian textual tradition? Is the interaction with other texts within Isaiah of a different sort than that which may be identified as characterizing other textual connections? While the answer will need to be confirmed more thoroughly, it is perhaps helpful to suggest cautiously that it possible to identify an inner-Isaian textual development to which Isa 24-25 (at least) is contributing. The current section suggests that Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8 attempts to make a contribution to that tradition through re-envisioning passages in a universalist manner.

3. Isaiah 25:1-5: Content, Theme, and Intertextuality The problematic position of Isa 25:1-5 has elicited almost unanimous comment from exegetes. If, as I have suggested here, Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8 originally formed a single unit (or at least should be read this way) how does one account for the intrusion of this psalm at this point in the text?79 Several suggestions, primarily related to the destroyed city, have been offered, however, not surprisingly, none has garnered universal support. For example, Wildberger suggested that it may have been the insertion of 24:10-12, another passage which discusses the destruction of a city, that generated the inclusion of this short psalm since it too takes up this theme.80 Vermeylen offers a completely different explanation. In his view, 25:1-5 was likely composed before 24:21-23 since it responds to 24:7-13 through the common reference to the destroyed city (24:10; 25:2).81 More recently, Blenkinsopp has argued that the psalm was perhaps "composed explicitly for its present context by a scribe familiar with the Isaian literary 79 Oswalt, Isaiah 1-39, 460, among others, expresses the opinion that the psalm is, in fact, not a later insertion, but an integral and original part of the 24:21-25:8 based on the congruences he detects between this text and ch. 24. While I would not doubt the congruencies between these two texts, this is not evidence against viewing this text as a redactional insertion on other grounds. 80 Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27,5X1. 81 Vermeylen, "La Composition," 18-20.

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tradition as it existed at that time."82 He notes several linguistic and thematic similarities between this poem and other (earlier?) portions of Isaiah, including the plan/counsel of YHWH, portrayal of YHWH as a shelter and refuge, similar presentations of forces hostile to YHWH's plan, and, finally, a portrayal of hostile cities as a rubble heap.83 While complete resolution to the question of this psalm's placement may elude exegetes, the perspective initially offered by Blenkinsopp and further developed in this study may perhaps guide the discussion in a new and different direction. To put the question simply, could intertextuality contribute to a possible answer for this passage's composition and placement? Additionally, if it can, how might this perspective contribute to the interpretation of this text? Before turning directly to these questions, let us examine the content and imagery of the poem. This poem, form-critically a song of thanksgiving,84 celebrates YHWH's destruction of an unnamed enemy city (25:2), presumably the most recent or notable of the "wonderful plans" (miiJ? K^S) mentioned in 25:1. Additionally, the city, now a heap will never be rebuilt, but its inhabitants will honor and fear YHWH (25:3). The poem concludes with further justification for this people's fear of YHWH: he has been a source of help and strength to the poor and needy in their time of distress (25:4). This is conveyed primarily through the imagery of heat/shade. The song comprises a series of bicola (25:1-3, 5b) interrupted near the very end by two successive tricola (25:4-5a).85 Two themes, destruction of an enemy city and aid to the needy, are combined to create the unified composition found here. While the former theme is not unexpected, given the appearance of the unnamed enemy city already (24:10), the abrupt introduction of the poor and needy, stock categories elsewhere in biblical psalmody, is. YHWH's benevolence is also surprising, given his earlier angry disposition (24:1-2,21).

82

Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 363. Johnson, Chaos, 58-9, presents a rather similar position in which he argues in favor of the view that the passage was composed specifically for its present location based on his aversion to Duhm's two-fold division of much of Isaiah 24-27 and his desire to interpret all of 24-27 as a unified composition. 83 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 363. 84 For a thorough discussion of the form-critical issues surrounding this psalm and its larger context, see Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 333-6; Fohrer, "Der Aufbau," 172, 176-77. Sweeney identifies this short piece as a communal song of thanksgiving. Cf. also Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 453-4; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 360, 362; Johnson, Chaos, 57; Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 30; Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27, 34. For a differing opinion see Lohmann, "Die selbständigen lyrishcen Abschnitte in Jes. 24-27," 16, who refers to it as a "religiöses Siegeslied." 85 With no justification, Millar (Isaiah 24-27, 38-40) eliminates 25:4d-5 as a gloss.

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Isaiah 25:1-5: Intertextuality with Psalms? As in previous sections of Isaiah 2 4 - 2 7 , scholars have noticed the debt to earlier scriptural traditions in the composition of this text. J. Oswalt observes that "the singer here was a person steeped in the Scriptures. Numerous similarities to the Psalms and Prophets can be shown, yet they do not seem to be mechanical citations. They are the writer's own, but his categories are thoroughly biblical."86 The present investigation reveals two corpora as fruitful targets for intertextual investigation: Psalms and Isaiah. Since this text is quite obviously a psalm, we seem justified in looking at other psalms for possible links. At the outset, however, two difficulties beset any investigation of possible intertexts from the Psalter: the generic or general nature of the language of praise in psalms and the inherent difficulties in dating psalms.87 To illustrate the first difficulty, we may look at Isa 25:1, which opens with a declaration of praise: t i ^ k m r r -jdk? n n « - p a n s n r i K . Similar lines occur in Pss 3 1 : 1 5 and 8 6 : 2 . 8 8 Though some similar vocabulary does occur, neither psalm exhibits particularly strong thematic connections to Isaiah 25. 8 9 The recurrent vocabulary does not appear to be exegetically significant, however, so the idea that our author is intentionally engaging these texts seems unlikely.90

86 J. Oswalt, Isaiah 1-39, 459. Despite Oswalt's contention that numerous similarities could be shown, he offers none. 87 With regard to dating psalms to the postexilic period, G. Wanke has suggested six indicators: 1) allusions to the destruction of Jerusalem and to captivity in Babylon, to the dispersal of the Jews and the return to Palestine; 2) similarities to and dependence upon texts such as Deutero-Isaiah or the Priestly Code; 3) the influence of Wisdom; 4) a marked devotion to the religious law; 5) connections with the themes of eschatological prophecy; 6) linguistic evidence. He acknowledges, however, that even after one looks for these clues "it is well-nigh impossible to draw firm distinctions which would produce reliable results" (183-4). See G. Wanke, "Prophecy and Psalms in the Persian Period," in Cambridge History of Judaism (vol. 1; eds. Davies and Finkelstein; Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984) 162, 183-8. 88 Ps 31:15 reads n n « TI^N TTIDN m n 1 Tinon j 1 ^ ^Kl; the relevant portion of Ps 86:2 states nta'DP! Tt^K nriN "[131? OTin. 89 Isaiah 25 and Psalm 31 both portray YHWH as T1UO, a refuge, and speak about God's deliverance from enemies p'HN). Psalm 86 echoes the language of Isaiah 25 more closely: in addition to the comparison noted above, v. lb depicts the speaker as poor and needy (]V2N), and vv. 9-11 speak of "all nations" (D 1 ^ ^D) worshiping God, mentions God's wondrous deeds ( m « ^ , cf. Isa 25:1, mUU N^S), alludes to God using HQS (cf. Isa 25:1, rniDN), and finally, one finds statements about honoring (133) and reverencing (KT) God. The verbal overlap, while prominent, does not point to intertextuality in this case. 90 To this should be added that Psalms 31 and 86 are both individual complaint songs, a form not shared by the hymn of Isaiah 25. Cf. Gunkel and Begrich, An Introduction to the Psalms, 121.

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One slightly more interesting possibility is found in Ps 118:28, part of a psalm of thanksgiving, where the text reads TT^N "¡TIKI iiriR 1 "[QftnK, another line strikingly similar to Isa 25:1. Unlike Psalms 31 and 86, this psalm bears other potentially significant commonalities with Isaiah 25. For example, Ps 118:8-9 speak of taking refuge in YHWH using language reminiscent of Isaiah 25 (HDI"!) and vv. 10-18 detail the hostility of foreign nations toward the psalmist, another theme taken up in Isaiah 25. When we extend the possible comparison beyond Isa 25:1-5 we see that both texts develop the idea that YHWH has become the speaker's salvation (118:14, 21; cf. 25:9), in both the possibility of death is specifically removed (118:17; cf. 25:8), and both depict the hand of God in a context of salvation (118:15-16; cf. 25:10). These are interesting and suggestive connections, suggesting that Isaiah 25 may be reusing or specifically drawing from this psalm. The linguistic and thematic parallels seem too numerous to be mere coincidence. Moreover, the fact that this psalm contains themes and language which are clearly important in the larger Isaianic corpus (e.g., niMET, • , p , "li£) may have lead the author to this psalm. It is interesting to note that the author has not reused any of the language from Psalm 118 connected with Temple issues (118:19, 20, 22, 26, 27), perhaps a clue that the author of Isa 25:1-5 is not someone connected with the priesthood or particularly concerned with Temple. At any rate, the Isaianic author seems to have found in Psalm 118 language and ideas that have informed his hymnic response to God's eschatological victory, perhaps not surprising since Psalm 118 celebrates God's victory in battle by itself alluding to other texts.91 Other than scant allusions and echoes here and there, this forms the only sustained interaction with material drawn from the psalms that is striking enough to note for our purposes. Given the important statement in Isa 24:23 that YHWH is king, one would perhaps be inclined to think that the enthronement psalms (Psalms 47, 93, 95-99), psalms that specifically celebrate YHWH's kingship, would provide a background, and therefore, possible intertextual partners, to this passage.92 That is not the case, however. 91 This text alludes to, e.g., the victory at the sea of reeds in 118:14-16. Two other interesting factors about this psalm are noteworthy. First, Isaiah 12 also appears to echo vv. 14-16, suggesting that precedent existed within the Isaian tradition for reusing this psalm. Second, 118:1 is quoted in 1 Chron 16:34, so this psalm was evidently being read in the postexilic period. 92 If Gunkel had been right in his suggestion that the enthronement psalms ultimately found their migration into Israelite literature through the prophetic reinterpretation of the Babylonian enthronement literature principally found in Deutero-Isaiah, this would be even more surprising. Gunkel's hypothesis is doubtful, however. See Gunkel and Begrich, An Introduction to Psalms, 67-80. Moreover, texts that almost certainly predate Deutero-Isaiah speak of YHWH's acclamation as king over Israel (e.g., Deut 33:5; Num 23:21) or portray YHWH in royal imagery (1 Kgs 22:19; Isa 6:5).

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In fact, this text bears no thematic or formal resemblance to the enthronement psalms at all. The only connection - if it may be called that - is that both this text and that category of psalms belongs to the larger formcritical category of hymns, but this is certainly not much of a connection. Perhaps this is simply another indication that the best potential source for intertextuality vis-a-vis this text lies within the Isaian tradition. Intertextuality

within the Book of Isaiah

The Isaian tradition offers several possibilities for potential intertextual connections. As noted above, Blenkinsopp has recently suggested four specific areas of connection between the growing Isaian corpus and Isa 25:1-5. These warrant further investigation for possible textual links.93 The counsel of YHWH

Isa 25:1b reads mUJJ K^S rVtOU In the reference to the "wondrous plans" carried out by YHWH one encounters the use of ilUU, a familiar and important term from other passages in the book of Isaiah.94 Among the several references to a "plan" in the book of Isaiah, several stand out as possible links with Isa 25:1. The first reference to a plan in Isaiah occurs at 5:19 where mention is made of a "plan of the Holy One of Israel," although the referent is oblique. The two texts connected with the royal hopes in chs. 9 and 11 both contain allusions in this direction, one through the use of a title (fUV N^S, 9:5), the other through an expected spiritual endowment (¡"IUU m i , 11:2). Another clear reference to the plan of YHWH is found in 14:24-27, an oracular pronouncement made by YHWH against Assyria. In this text YHWH intends to remove the Assyrian presence from his land, although a universal effect is noted (v. 26). This entire sequence is replete with forms of TfV and nHU. A similar conflagration of vocabulary is found in a text detailing YHWH's plan against Egypt (19:17). Isa 30:1 may be connected with this text in as much as it too deals with Egypt. In this text those who plan a political and military coalition with Egypt are described as carrying out a plan (HUU) that is not YHWH's. 93 Scholl has also posited a connection that will not be addressed in detail here because it is not one that should be considered intertextual in the way that this study defines it. Building largely on observations made by L. Alonso-Schokel, he postulates a literary and verbal relationship between Isa 25:1-5 and 24:7-12. Despite his contention, however, the examples he provides are restricted to vague thematic similarities and do not provide sufficient evidence to postulate an intertextual relationship according to the parameters that were laid out in chapter one. See Scholl, Die Elenden, 190. 94 Although the precise nuance is not always the same, the verbal stem ^i) 1 occurs 17 times in Isaiah and the noun form ni£U 18 times. Interestingly, neither term occurs after ch. 47. Oswalt, Isaiah 1-39, 461, writes, "things planned long ago expresses a thought which is especially Isaianic" (emphasis original).

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A text that is more generally descriptive of YHWH is found in Isa 28:29, where the reader learns that YHWH is, among other things, !"ll£17 N1 bsil, again reminiscent of 25:1. Two final texts come from so-called Second Isaiah: 44:26 and 46:10. The first speaks of YHWH's validation of the prophetic word, described here as VDN^Q DUU, while the second is part of the presentation of YHWH as the only true god, a claim substantiated in part through YHWH's purpose going forward (Dlpn TlHy). While some other texts could be added to this presentation, this certainly suffices to demonstrate the important role the "plan of YHWH" plays in the book of Isaiah. Is Isa 25:1 simply a contribution to this thematic feature or does it engage one or more of these texts in a more substantial way? Each of these texts arguably speaks about the international context in some way. ilUii recurs in texts commenting on YHWH's involvement with nations other than Judah/Israel, including Assyria, Egypt, Babylon and Persia.95 While this is obvious in Isaiah 14, 19, 30 and 46, even those texts which do not specifically mention a foreign nation strongly suggest the context of international politics (e.g, Isa 5:19). Additionally, those texts which use the language of plan/counsel in connection with the royal court (e.g. Isaiah 9, 11) or general leadership (e.g., Isaiah 28) should be understood within the realm of international politics since one of government's primary responsibilities lay in cultivating relationships with foreign powers. It appears then that the language about YHWH's plan is specifically invoked in contexts that highlight Judah's activity in the larger sphere of international politics and military encounters. The interpretation of these events in the book of Isaiah accents YHWH's control over other nations in order to bring about divine purposes for Judah. While these activities are sometimes acts of judgment against the Judah (cf. 10:5-19), more often they are conceived as YHWH's great acts of salvation on behalf of Judah in the form of deliverance from oppressive foreign powers (cf. 14:24-27; 46:10). Indeed, this seems to be the specific idea behind Isa 25:1-5. It seems apparent that 25:1 is evoking this interpretive tradition in Isaiah. The mHU K^S to which our author refers include the (apparently) recent destruction of the hostile enemy city, here described as a n n i £ 3 ¡ T i p . This should be connected with the lilH m p of 24:10, both of which are likely anonymous representations of a foreign enemy city.96 The reference to a • n r 9 7 p o n s in 25:2 confirms this. Isa 25:1 represents the 95 The latter two nations, although not mentioned specifically by name, are clearly indicated in Isaiah 46. 96 Vermeylen, "La Composition," 20; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 335. 97 The MT • 1 1 ! is a disputed reading here. The LXX reads aoEpcov, suggesting D1™! "insolent or presumptuous ones" as the original reading. Two extant Hebrew manuscripts actually give this reading. Given this, many scholars have preferred the emended reading to the MT (see most recently J. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 360). I retain the MT reading.

3. Isaiah 25:1-5: Content, Theme,

andIntertextuality

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destruction of the city using the language already encountered in Isaiah to depict YHWH's intervention in international affairs for Judah's preservation. By reusing language so familiar elsewhere in the Isaian tradition, the author of Isa 25:1 offers the reader a preexisting and familiar interpretive framework in which to understand his own poetic account of YHWH's action. This serves not only to confer Isaianic authority on his own text, but also to suggest the continuity of God's salvific activity throughout Judah's history. Divine deeds presented earlier as mi£U of YHWH continue to the present context of the reader, thereby suggesting to the reader that God still retains control of international affairs. Indeed, 25:1, 2 suggest that the actual destruction of the foreign city is simply the latest execution of God's plan in a long history of divine acts.98 The context of Isaiah 24-27 presents a further possibility for construing this text's evocation of these earlier texts. One should recall that even though 25:1-5 is a psalm celebrating, among other things, YHWH's destruction of an anonymous earthly city, the larger context is cosmic and eschatological. Viewed from this perspective one finds that language originally used of YHWH's deliverance from earthly powers has now been redeployed as part of a configuration of the future and put in an eschatological and cosmic vision." The mai? K^S to which our author refers would be plans leading to YHWH's eschatological salvation. These plans now form part of the basis upon which the eschatological portrait in 24:2125:12 is given. Through the reuse of this language, the author provides a grid for the reader's future hope and expectation, one that would invite easy verification, since YHWH's deeds in the international realm as portrayed in Isaiah were in the past and likely easily recalled. In summary, the reference to mUJJ in 25:1 is part of an intertextual web in Isaiah that portrays YHWH's mUI? as an integral part of the Deity's acts of salvation on behalf of the community in the international As Emerton has noted, aatfiris does not easily translate either "IT or IT ("A Textual Problem in Isaiah 25:2," ZAW 89 [1977]: 67). Additionally, as Polaski has noted (Authorizing an End, 200, n.157), both TD DU and D"MJ in the next line suggest an international context. Blenkinsopp's argument that the parallelism of D , Ji , "liJ and •,"TT in 13:11 suggests the emended reading is offset somewhat by the fact that •''"IT and D 1 li , HB occur together in Isa 29:5; Ps 54:5; Ezek 28:7; 31:12. 98 G. von Rad claims that the "plan to which Jahweh gives effect in history is a new element in the preaching of the eighty-century prophets" (Old Testament Theology [vol. II; trans. D. M. G. Stalker; San Francisco: HarperCollins, 1965], 162). If this is the case, this idea would have been present for quite some time by the time of Isaiah 24-27's composition. 99 Wildberger, Isaiah 1-39, 519. He writes, "...the context suggests that this is about deliverance from political oppression; in the eschatological perspective into which the song is now inserted, that would be deliverance from the oppressive pressures of the last times."

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sphere. While the immediate context in 25:1-5 suggests that YHWH's destruction of an enemy foreign city is the most recent of these plans or deeds, the larger context relates this language to a cosmic and eschatological future which is patterned on YHWH's past deeds for his people. 100 Tyrants The book of Isaiah mentions C ^ I H seven times, three of which appear in 25:1-5 (vv. 3, 4, and 5). Therefore, a strong people will glorify you the cities of the tyrant nations (• , m , -|U CHU) will fear you. For you are a refuge for the poor a refuge for the needy in their distress a shelter from the rainstorm, a shade from the heat. For the spirit of the tyrants (•"'IT "113) is like a winter rainstorm like heat in a scorched place is the noise of strangers. You subdued the heat with the shade of a cloud The singing of the tyrants (C'lTUJ) is stilled (25:3-5)

For this short psalm this is an important term and leads us to ask if its use is intertextually related to its appearance elsewhere in the Isaian tradition. Of the word's four other appearances, two are in contexts which are suggestive of Babylon: 13:11 and 49:25. 101 We have already seen that the first of these two texts is connected with Isaiah 24 (see Chapter 2), so a precedent for intertextual connection between these two texts exists already. And I will punish the world for its evil and the wicked for their iniquity I will bring the pride of the impudent to an end and I will lay low the insolence of the tyrants ( C i n i J ) (13:11)

Isaiah 13 and its use of j"1-!!? provides a close parallel for Isa 25:3-5, since the former text speaks of God's punishment of the tyrants of the world (with special attention devoted to Babylon, 13:19) in order to bring about the salvation of his people, an idea present in Isaiah 25. Given this, it is reasonable to posit a relationship between these two texts. I would suggest that the author of Isaiah 25 is intentionally reusing language and imagery that the reader has already encountered to depict further the salvation of YHWH's people through the destruction of their enemies, here called D 1100

This marriage of predetermined divine plan to eschatological event places us on the trajectory that will eventuate in full-blown apocalyptic. See John J. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination (2 nd ed.; Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 1997), 24-5. 101 lQIsa a also reads at 49:24 where MT reads The Scroll reading is also suggested by the Syriac and the Vulgate.

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Turning our attention to Isa 49:25, one finds a similar context, not surprisingly also focused on Babylon. For thus says YHWH: Even the captives of the strong shall be taken and the prey of the tyrants ( C y U J ) will be rescued And I will contend with those who contend with you and I will save your children. (49:25)

In this text God speaks of the restoration of his people (i.e., their salvation) through the destruction of Babylon, once again called This too suggests that the author has picked up on the language in this portion of Second Isaiah in order to detail God's destruction of the unnamed enemy city and the consequent salvation for his own people.102 The two final texts that mention both occur in Isaiah 29, although in different oracles. The first, 29:5, is part of an oracle depicting God's deliverance of Jerusalem from an attack by a C T i n y "multitude of tyrants." Once again, this text sounds the theme of YHWH's deliverance or salvation of Judah from an enemy just as 25:3-5. The final text, 29:20, also comes from an oracle (29:17-21) announcing salvation for the needy (]VDK; cf. 24:4) through the neutralization (DSN) of the enemy, again reminiscent of 25:3-5. In fact, several exegetes have noted a literary connection between 29:17-21 and 25:1-5 (as well as 25:9-10a and 26:1-6),103 the primary evidence for which is the vocabulary shared by the two texts All of this evidence suggests that the author of 25:3-5 was reusing language (primarily f'HU) found in each of these texts and likely did so for several reasons. First, this lexeme provided, due to its infrequent but important use, an easily recognizable term that could evoke earlier texts. Additionally, all of these earlier texts depicted YHWH's salvation for his people through the destruction of either an individual tyrant (p""li?) or a multitude of foes (• , 1T'UJ). Isa 25:3-5 picks up on this idea and redeploys this language in a universal context, most analogous to Isa 13:11. The description of the nations as D1 u places this text within an interpretive framework already existent in the book of Isaiah and thereby enables the reader to understand more precisely the activity envisioned in Isaiah 102 In my view, this confluence of vocabulary common to these three texts bolsters the claim that the model for the city in view in Isaiah 25 is Babylon. Ultimately, however, my argument here does not depend on identifying the city in Isaiah 25 with Babylon. 103 Scholl, Die Elenden, 208-9; see also Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 517-8; Vermeylen, Du Prophete, 408. Most recently Scholl has written that 29:17-24 displays a contrast between competing groups within the Jewish community similar to the one he detects throughout Isaiah 24-27.

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25. Further, because this word was likely recognizable from earlier contexts, it allows the author to exploit those contexts of meaning even while his own composition makes the referent intentionally ambiguous. For example, earlier uses of this language in connection with Babylon would provide an earlier interpretive template or grid through which the reader would understand the language, even if Babylon was not in view here. Furthermore, the rarity of this term in Isaiah likely made the contexts from which it came memorable. This too would likely have contributed to the author's predilection for this word in the construction of his own psalm of thanks for the destruction of the CH} n l - i p . Our author's most innovative contribution is the idea that their destruction will lead to their fearing and honoring of YHWH, an indication that the psalmist possesses a more inclusive and positive vision - even in the midst of judgment - than the texts with which he interacts. Whereas in the past the D ^ l i ? were simply judged and overthrown by God, now they are envisioned as eventual YHWH worshipers themselves. Additionally, the meaning of 23:5 is further clarified through the inclusion of C I 3 with the intertextually significant By adding "nations" the text contributes to the discussion elsewhere in Isaiah about how peoples who are hostile to YHWH's own transform their own disposition and behavior. This transformation is understood in this text as taking place along national lines. YHWH as Shelter and Refuge Isa 25:4b-5, the conclusion to the song of thanksgiving, presents a third potential example of intertextuality. 104 These verses shift the focus away from God's destruction of the fortified enemy city and onto God's protection for the poor and needy (]VI1N), an apparent reference to those who have suffered at the hands of the enemy nation(s), the aforementioned C l l The author uses the imagery of the rainstorm (D~1T) and intense heat p i n ) to depict the oppression by the ruthless and the imagery of shade (^H) and shelter (HDIIQ) to describe God's protection. M. Sweeney has detailed the reuse of two sets of texts within these verses, both of which come from the Isaian tradition: Isa 4:5b-6 and 32:1-2. 105 The first of these reads, Indeed over all the glory, a canopy. And it will be a pavilion, a shade by day by day from the head and a refuge and a shelter from the rain and storm. (Isa 4:5b-6)

104 Many scholars consider parts of vv 4b and 5 to be a gloss, on which see Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 40; Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 208; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 521; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 361. 05 Sweeney, "Textual Citations," 45-46 refers to this as a citation of Isaiah 4. Scholl, Die Elenden, 72, 188-9, describes Isa 25:4-5 as a paraphrasing of 4:5-6.

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A connection between this text and Isaiah 25 is postulated on the shared vocabulary describing the shade (^H) and the shelter (nonft), as well as the description of intense heat p i n ) and rain P"1T). Isaiah 4 uses this language to depict God's protection after Zion has been cleansed of its iniquity through exile. In Isaiah 25 this language is reused in a context of praise for the overthrow of the fortified city. This event is connected with YHWH's provision of protection for those who have suffered because of the ruthless city. The beneficiaries of God's protection in this passage are not explicitly identified, but Sweeney suggests that it may be all peoples based on the wider context (25:6-8).106 If one grants this line of interpretation, this passage presents another example of this author making an intertextual connection with a text that originally spoke narrowly of the salvation of Israelite residents of Jerusalem (^«"lO1 n£0,L?S, 4:2). Isa 25:4-5 redeploys this text in such a way that the nationalistic boundaries of 4:2-6 are effaced and God's salvation is extended to all peoples. The imagery in 4:5b-6 offered our later author a way to depict this salvation that would resonate with his readers. The ideology contained in 4:2-6 is modified, however: God's salvific work still takes place on Zion, but the participants now include non-Israelites as well. While Sweeney's position necessitates, in part, allowing 25:6-8 to determine the referents for vv. 3-5, this factor alone should not detract from this line of interpretation. The connection with Isa 32:1-2, described by Sweeney as a citation,107 is based on less verbal overlap, but is significant enough to suggest an intertextual link.108 Look! A king will reign in righteousness And princes will rule with justice Each will be like a hiding place from the wind A cover from the rainstorm Like streams of water on a scorched land Like shelter provided by a heavy rock in a weary land. (32:1-2)

This text speaks about a future king and princes, each of whom will reign righteously and justly. In so doing, they are envisioned as m~! fcOnOD

ns 1 !; p a n n m sbo bin ]VH=1 CO ^ S D a"!: nnDl. Each one pro-

vides a benefit to the community, depicted using imagery drawn from the world of nature: protection from wind, shelter from rain, streams of water on dry ground, etc. Sweeney argues that this imagery is picked up by the author of 25:4-5 and reused in such a way that "God will fill the role of the 106 107 108

Bible.

Sweeney, "Textual Citations," 46. Ibid. E.g., "parched land," occurs only in Isa 25:5 and 32:2 in the entire Hebrew

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righteous rulers mentioned in this passage, contrasting the protection offered by God to the abuse of the tyrants who ruled previously." 109 This position finds at least partial support in the acclamation of YHWH's kingship in 24:23. 110 The original beneficiaries of the righteous rulers in 32:1-2, like 4:5b-6, were most likely Israelites, but the context of Isaiah 25 reveals that the author is extending this message into an international context. God is now no longer just the protector and benefactor of those Israelites who dwell on Zion, but all those who have been subjected to the ruthlessness of the fortified city. 111 To be sure, these benefits only accrue to those who come to Zion, but that invitation extends beyond strict nationalistic categories to all peoples. God's rule over all peoples is envisioned in 25:4-5 in ways similar to the earlier expectation for righteous and just Israelite rulers. It seems clear that our author picked up imagery from both Isa 4:5b-6 and 32:1-2 112 and reused it in this hymnic setting celebrating the defeat of the fortified enemy city. These texts offer imagery originally construed in nationalistic terms which is here redeployed in a universal context. Moreover, in 32:1-2, God now fulfills the role originally allocated to the righteous king (cf. 24:23). m At any rate, the reuse of language found elsewhere in the Isaiah tradition allowed the author to express joy at God's latest act of deliverance in idioms familiar to the readers. God's Protection and Shelter One last text provides an interesting possibility for positing an intertextual relationship with Isaiah 25: Isa 30:1-5. These two texts share several terms, including HUB, m~l, T1JJQ, HOn/HOnO, and each of which is important in both contexts. Indeed! Rebellious children - o r a c l e of Y H W H -

109

Ibid. Strangely, Sweeney does make this latter point in his exposition. 111 Here the reader no doubt detects that I am not reading b l and as constituents in an internecine conflict in the emerging postexilic Jewish community, as does, e.g., Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 363-9. Rather, the context suggests just the opposite - that poor and needy come from all peoples. 112 Isa 28:14-17 offers similar imagery - that of shelter and refuge - but the language is different than Isa 25:4-5. This fact eliminates this text as a candidate for intertextuality, although one suspects that this passage would not have been unknown to our author. 113 Is it possible that this intertextual connection originates in a time when Judah's royal hopes were no longer existent and, therefore, these royal responsibilities of protection and care were transferred directly to YHWH? If so, this could possibly suggest a time in the first half of the 5 th century for this text, after Zerubbabel had faded from view with no apparent successor. 110

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who make a plan, but not mine who make an alliance, but not my spirit multiplying sins; who go down to Egypt but they do not ask me to find refuge in Pharaoh to find shelter in the shadow of Egypt; Therefore Pharaoh's refuge shall become shameful to you And the shelter of Egypt's shadow a humiliation Though his officials are in Zoan And his messengers reach Hanes Everyone comes to shame Through a people that cannot bring profit That brings neither help nor profit, but only disgrace and shame. (Isa 30:1-5)

This text condemns the formation of a military and political alliance with Egypt, a temptation at various points during both the Assyrian and Babylonian periods. The passage describes Egypt's help as nothing but shame (nsnn) and disgrace (tOfcO) for Israel (cf. Isa 20:1-6). Those who trust in Egypt's protection (T1UQ) and shelter (HDriG, are depicted as rebellious children and are threatened with humiliation and suffering.114 On the other hand, as we have already noted, Isa 25:1-5 praises YHWH for his wonderful plans, for they offer shelter and protection to those afflicted by the enemy city, something which trust in Egypt could not do in the view of our author. The language shared by these two texts offers a strong case in favor of Isaiah 25 intentionally reusing language from Isaiah 30 in order to portray YHWH as Israel's and the nations' true source of protection and shelter. Additionally, one wonders whether this language is reused specifically to discourage the reader from thinking that Israel's protection and success was tied to the Persian imperial authority. If so, the implicit and analogous message would be that just as earlier Israel was not to rely on Egypt for its success, so Israel and the nations should not now rely on the Persians for their ultimate success. Rather, in both cases, YHWH was the true source of protection and refuge, a point made in earlier passages in the book (e.g., Isaiah 7-8; 36-37) and reiterated here through the reuse of language drawn from a text that clearly states this. Once again, then, we have language which originally appeared in a nationalistic context reappropriated to an international one.

Again, if we extend the textual comparison to include Isa 25:6-8 we find another significant similarity between the two texts. Isa 30:5 reports that trust in Egypt will bring neither help nor salvation, but shame and disgrace (HSTn). Isa 25:8 reports that YHWH's activity will lead to the removal of the "shame of his people" (1DJJ nB~in), suggesting the possibility that the latter text is a reversal of the former based on YHWH's benevolence. 114

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One last text should be mentioned as a likely intertextual candidate for Isa 25:1. Isa 17:1 has often been recognized as a text that links with 25:1-5 through the common use of two lexical items: nbSQ and T m . The first of these, usually translated "ruin(s)" occurs only three times in the biblical literature, and all in the Isaian tradition: 17:1; 23:13; and 25:2. Moreover, they are all concerned with the destruction of a city, although 23:13 shares no other connection with 25:2 (thereby eliminating it as an intertextual link). The second lexical connection is somewhat more complicated due to an apparent corrupt text in 25:2. 115 Even after all due allowances are made for textual corruption, however, Isa 17:1 and 25:2 undoubtedly share an occurrence of TJJD, although they mean different things in each context. Additionally, both contexts describe the destruction of an enemy city: Isa 17:1-3 describes the destruction of Damascus, while 25:1-5 focuses on the unnamed enemy city. It is tempting to suggest that 25:1-5 is intertextually connected to 17:1-3 because of the thematic similarities. Additionally, as we have already seen (and will continue to see), Isaiah 24-27 makes connections with Isaiah 17 elsewhere. Nevertheless, the textual problems render an argument for intertextually here difficult to substantiate. While a possible connection does exist, it appears to me that the connection was made during the transmission of the text of Isaiah, not at its original composition. As such, I would not regard Isa 17:1 as an example of intertextuality as defined by this study.116 Summary of Isaiah 25:1-5 The evocation of earlier texts through allusion to or reuse of material familiar to the reader suggests that the author of 25:1-5 was consciously engaged in the process of intertextual composition. The presence of earlier texts drawn especially from the Isaian tradition seems incontrovertible. In particular, we have noticed four thematic areas or sets of texts which seem to have drawn our author's attention: texts in Isaiah that mention the plan or counsel of YHWH; texts that speak of the "tyrant(s)" using specialized vocabulary; texts that detail YHWH's function as shelter and refuge; and,

115 In Isa 2 5 : 2 nearly all exegetes recognize that the first occurrence o f "PUD cannot be right, and is possibly due to the copyist reading TUO in the next line during the process of transmission. Most scholars, following L X X , regard the correct reading as D'HJJ ( L X X , TTOAEIS). The second occurrence o f T U O is no less problematic. I follow Emerton's suggested emendation for the original form of the text and regard the term as a corrupted form o f a hophal participle from "1~IB. See J. Emerton, " A Textual Problem in Isaiah 2 5 . 2 , " ZAW 8 9 : 6 4 - 7 3 . For a different suggestion, no less hypothetical, however, see G. B. Gray, "Critical Discussions. Isaiah 2 6 ; 2 5 1-5; 34 1 2 - 1 4 , " ZAW31 ( 1 9 1 1 ) : 117123. 116

Pace Scholl, Die Elenden,

207-8.

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finally, a text that reminds the reader of several elements (including some of these just mentioned) simultaneously (30:1-5). One common theme running through these texts is their original concern for Judah's nationalistic welfare. Each of these possible intertexts emanates from a time of national crisis usually originating in the sphere of international relations. In many of these texts YHWH is portrayed as the liberator of and refuge for his people, often through the overthrow of their enemies.117 This short section has attempted to demonstrate that Isa 25:1-5 redeploys these texts in a way that suggests that the reader is familiar with the original context and builds on that information. The present context, however, makes small but important modifications to the literary and theological context. For example, Isa 25:1-5 reuses these texts in a context that focuses on Israel and the nations and, in so doing, transforms nationalistically partisan material into literature that praises God for deeds in a universal (or at least international) realm. This may provide a partial explanation for why the fortified city is so ambiguously described: it may have been an intentional rhetorical feature that was designed to prohibit the reader from making any one identification.118 At any rate, the intertextual character of 25:1-15 is similar to 24:1-20, 21-23, a fact which bolsters the claim that 25:1-5 was likely composed intentionally for its present position and enjoyed no independent existence prior to its placement between 24:23 and 25:6 (pace Duhm, Ploger, et al.). The same theological tendency toward universalistic appropriation of earlier texts noted earlier is evident in 25:1-5 also.

4. Isaiah 25:9-12: Content, Theme, and Intertextuality Having examined Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8 and 25:1-5, we now turn our attention to the last portion of Isaiah 25. That 25:9 begins a new unit is evident in the concluding formula of 25:8 (~QT m n 1 'D) and the familiar introductory formula in 25:9 (Sinn DVD "1081), although connections between the two sections do exist since 25:10 connects with 25:6-8 through the common use of m n i n n (25:6, 7, 10).119 Additionally, a division is gen117

Blenkinsopp (Isaiah 1-39, 363) suggests that the psalms in this section of Isaiah 24-27 - 25:1-5; 25:9-12; and 26:1-6 - are meant to show that Israel will survive the disasters outlined in the two sections that bracket these hymn, 24:1-23 and 26:7-19. Their survival includes benefits for the nations as well. 118 Ploger, among others, argues that these references to the city are condemnations of urban life in general, but that is not what I have in mind here (Theocracy and Eschatology, 82). 119 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 364. In fact, some scholars argue that the repetition of H?n "1113 here forms an inclusio with v. 6, in which case the unit would encompass 25:610a. So Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 34; Johnson, Chaos, 61. Additionally,

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erally recognized between 25:9-10a and 25:10b-12 based on both formal grounds (concluding clause) as well as content.120 From the perspective of content, the first of these two smaller sections continues the theme of Zion, the mountain of God (cf. 25:10a) found in 25:6-8. Similar to 24:21, this "on that day" formulation appears to introduce a comment on the previous verses. An anonymous speaker,121 using language reminiscent of the psalms, praises God for long-awaited salvation, visually represented by the hand of God coming to rest on Jerusalem (HTil 1113 miT T miD). Quite unexpectedly, the second section comprises a small oracle condemning Moab. This explicit reference to a historical nation strikes most readers as being somewhat out of place,122 given the focus on the earth ( f l N ) generally up to this point in chs. 24 and 25. Its exact function in Isaiah 25 requires further investigation. Waiting and

Salvation

The first of the two short units that make up this section has not generated much intertextual discussion. Indeed, Polaski's recent treatment of this subject all but ignores 25:9-10a, although his reasons are unspecified. 123 One supposes that the generic quality of much of this language - compare its similarity to many of the psalms - impedes intertextual investigation. It is difficult to establish firm criteria for testing hypotheses about connections with other texts when the common language is either ubiquitous or generic, not to mention difficult to date. But, as we saw concerning 25:1-5, this obstacle is not insurmountable. Identifying intertexts in this short piece is helped through the inclusion of potentially fruitful language and ideas not restricted to the psalms. More specifically, two ideas -"waiting" Procksch argues that the meter is consistent throughout vv. 6-10a, also suggesting that the textual unit extends to this verse (Jesaia, 319). 120 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 364. 121 There is a small textual problem in Isa 25:9 related to the voice of the speaker. MT reads HOST, 3rd singular while lQIsa a reads "IDNm, 2nd singular (also supported by the Syriac). 122 Many scholars argue that all of part of 25:10b-12 were secondarily inserted and should be deleted. Those who argue for the deletion of all of the passage include Fohrer, "Der Aufbau," 37; Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 66; Plöger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 62-3; Procksch, Isaiah, 318-9; Elder, "Theological-Historical Study of Isaiah 2427," 103-4. Others argue that v. 12 should be retained, but v. 10b-ll should be eliminated. These include Lohmann, "Die selbständigen lyrischen Abscnitte," 32-34; Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27, 42; Sievers, "Alttestamentliche Miscellen I: Jesaja 24-27," BGL 51 (1904): 154. 123 Polaski, Authorizing an End, 198-204. He examines 25:1-5 and 9-10a at the same time, presumably because both are songs. The ensuing discussion focuses almost entirely on w . 1-5, however, leaving one to wonder whether it is best to treat the two sections simultaneously.

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(Vmp) and "salvation" (VutD1) - important elsewhere in Isaiah provide an avenue through which possible meaningful connections with earlier texts might be explored. This short passage may be viewed as part of an exegetical and interpretive tradition within the book of Isaiah about waiting and salvation which includes passages from Isaiah 33, 49, 51, 59, 50 and 64.124 To the extent that 25:9-10a may be placed along this thematic and theological trajectory, it is quite similar to what I argued with regard to the use of D-'UnU above. That is, 25:9-10a engages a collection of texts that uses similar vocabulary and ideas and makes its own unique contribution to the discussion. This appears to receive further confirmation when one considers that these texts display common features that extend beyond their use of waiting and salvation. Many of them share other vocabulary and images: YHWH's hand ( T ; 25:10a; 49:22; 59:1);125 and Zion/Jerusalem as a place of prominence (25:10a; 33:5; 49:14; 51:3, 17; 59:20; 60:Iff; 64:9 [10]). Additionally, these texts speak about the status, role, or fate of foreign nations (33:3; 49:6; 49:22-26; 51:4-5; 60:1-22; 63:20-64:4 [1-5]), a fact which should not go unnoticed given Isaiah 24-25 has already reused texts to make a comment about the nations. In most of the present cases, the nations are portrayed as facilitating the community's restoration in some way: Behold, I will lift my hand to the nations and I will raise my signal to the peoples. They shall bring your sons in their bosom and your daughters shall be carried on their shoulders. Kings shall be your guardians their ladies your nurses With faces to the ground, they shall do obeisance to you and they lick the dust of your feet. You shall know that I am YHWH because those who wait on me f l p ) will not be put to shame. (49:22-23)

Other texts envision YHWH exercising judgment on the nations: I will bring my deliverance near quickly, My salvation has gone out And my arms will rule the peoples; The coastlands wait for me,

124 For m p in these texts see 33:2; 49:23; 51:5; 59:9, 11, 60:9 and 64:2; for njJIET or JJtZT see 33:2, 6, 22; 49:6, 8, 25, 26; 51:5, 6, 8; 59:1, 11, 16, 17; 60:16, 18; 64:4. The idea of waiting also occurs at 30:18 using ¡"On instead, and at 8:17 using both m p and ¡"On. It is probable that Isa 25:9-10a was composed after all of these passages with the possible exception of Isaiah 33, a text which is quite difficult to date. 125 Cf. the similar idea of YHWH's arm (i?~IT) bringing about salvation or ruling the peoples, found in 33:2 and 51:5.

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In these two passages and others noted above, the nations fill either of these two roles: as objects of YHWH's domination or as somehow facilitating the restoration of the community. Only Isa 25:9-10a offers a positive and constructive view of the nations as participants in YHWH's kingdom. Their inclusion in the worldwide banquet on Zion expresses a view about the outcome of waiting of YHWH's salvation not seen in the other texts. Unlike these other passages in Isaiah about waiting on YHWH's salvation, Isa 25:9-10a offers a comment about future salvation which portrays a positive and active participation of the nations, not merely a subservient role. As I have noted before, this universalistic chord is struck using language and imagery found in other Isaian texts. In this case, the reason for such use appears to be the opportunity (again, noted in other passages) to present an understanding of YHWH's future activity in language that would evoke these other texts and allow the reader to note the contrasting vision of the role of the nations. The Case of Moab: Symbol of Those Who Reject YHWH's Kingdom Finally, a consideration of 25:10b-12, the enigmatic pericope about Moab, is necessary. 126 Is this a misplaced piece, or, as seems more likely, has this small oracle been intentionally included here? If so, why? Given that Isaiah includes extensive material about Moab elsewhere (Isaiah 15-16), might this small oracle connect with it in some way? Finally, what, if any, earlier texts are intertextually engaged by vv. 10b-12? Scholars have noted the oddity of this text here and accounted for its presence at this point in several different ways. Both O. Eissfeldt and E. J. Mulder argued that this passage provided the frame of reference out of which the rest of the Isaiah Apocalypse was to be interpreted. For them Isaiah 24-27 was related to a third century destruction of a Moabite city. 127 At the other end of the interpretive continuum, several scholars have argued that the Moab pericope was a later addition to the text, and should therefore be excluded from

126 1 will postpone a discussion of 25:12 and 26:5, two remarkably similar texts, until Chapter 4. 127 Eissfeldt, The Old Testament, 326; Mulder, Die Teleogie van die JesajaApokalipse, 54. Plôger dismisses their position by noting that a comparison with the Moab sayings in Isaiah 15-16 makes it obvious "that we can hardly explain the composition of Isa. xxiv-xxvii by means of a Moab oracle which has been greatly expanded at a later date. If, in fact, an ancient saying against Moab did give the impetus to the formation of the apocalypse, this source has been ignored so completely that it could hardly have been important for the growth of the present collection and for the special position of Isa. xxiv-xxvii" (Theocracy and Eschatology, 54).

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exegetical consideration.128 Most scholars regard the Moabite passage as a later interpolation, although without ignoring its exegetical significance.129 Among those who comment on this text, opinions are divided as to how this reference should be understood. On the one side, some argue that this is a reference to historical Moab and may reflect, among other things, the deep antipathy felt by Judaeans toward Moab after centuries of hostility.130 The reference may have been suggested by the mention of the "covering" (¡31 b) over the nations in 25:7, a play on Lot, father of the Moabites in the biblical tradition (cf. Genesis 37).131 Others argue that this reference should be understood symbolically: Moab represents those who oppose the people of God however one defines this, but no reference to historical Moab is intended.132 Our task is to determine if intertextuality exists in this small section, whether it may illumine our understanding of how this text came to be part of Isaiah 24-27 and what its function within this larger literary context might be. D. Polaski, in his recent monograph on intertextuality in Isaiah 24-27, provides an extended treatment of the Moab material.133 In his view, Moab disappears from the scene in the early sixth century,134 so its appearance here must be a literary and ideological construction. Building on M. Fishbane's work,135 Polaski argues that the "key to understanding this passage in context is to consider the construction of Moab in postexilic discourse 128 These include Johnson, Chaos, 12, 62, who, despite what he says, never demonstrates that the passage is a later interpolation. Also, see, Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 44, who eliminates most of 25:10-12 based on the fact that it "prosaicized poetry." 129 E.g., Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 364; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 536-41; Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 204; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 333-37. 130 Cf. Numbers 22-24; Josh 24:9; Jud 3:12-30; 1 Sam 14:47; 2 Sam 8:2; 2 Kgs 3:427; Isaiah 15-16; Jeremiah 48; Amos 2:1-3; Zeph 2:8-11; cf. also the Mesha Stele (COS, II, 137-38.) 131 Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 337. 132 One important version of this view is presented by Vermeylen, (Du Prophète, 365) who thinks that Moab here represents impious Jews who oppose Jews who faithfully observe the law. 133 Authorizing an End, 192-8. 134 The state of Moab disappears at this time, but a people who are evidently considered Moabite continue; cf. Neh 13:23. The destruction of Moab (and Ammon) by Nebuchadrezzar is reported by Josephus, Ant, X. 181. 135 Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel, 114-21. Fishbane has explored the treatment of Moab in early postexilic discourse. While this investigation is illuminating, like Polaski's, it focuses on references to Moab exclusively in contexts expressive of cultic affairs, i.e., Deuteronomy 23; Ezra 9; Nehemiah 13. To be sure, this is an important domain for understanding some of the postexilic focus on Moab, but it is not the only explanation available (cf. 2 Kgs 24:2 and Moab's complicity with the Babylonians in the crises of 597 and 586 BCE). At any rate, it does not sufficiently account for Moab's inclusion in Isaiah 25. Perhaps Fishbane recognizes this, a fact which would explain why he excludes Isaiah 25 from his study.

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with regard to the boundaries of both the people and the Temple." 136 That discourse includes such texts as Deut 23:3-6 and Nehemiah 13, both of which speak of the prohibition of Moabites from the sanctuary/assembly of God.137 According to Polaski, Moab is not merely an ethnic term here but serves to designate anyone not cultically fit.138 Additionally, he reads 25:11, tOHSl V T , "and he spreads out his hands in its midst" as a satire aimed at improper prayer among those so designated as "Moabites" in this passage.139 The connection with prayer is based on a comparison of V T EH2 with other occurrences of the same phrase in the Hebrew Bible, all of which seem to indicate some context of prayer.140 Ultimately, Polaski concludes that the reference to the Moabites here is part of a larger symbolic discourse that encompasses all of 24:21-25:12 about YHWH's kingdom, an imperial banquet and proper purity regulations: while all nations are part of YHWH's empire, purity restrictions as previously developed (Deuteronomy 23) apply to the pilgrimage feast and attendant sacrifice celebrated in the sanctuary. Boundaries are observed, and in this case, Moab symbolizes those who are excluded. Polaski's interpretation of the passage, and especially the reference to Moab, highlights cultic concerns, but this interpretation seems very improbable. To read this as a text about cultic purity seems less than obvious since the passage does not speak about cultic matters. What is crucial from the perspective of this study, however, is that Polaski's approach does not account adequately for the intertextual connections made by this text. Though historical antipathies between Judah and Moab may ultimately lay behind the use of Moab here, in the present context Moab should be interpreted symbolically, a point on which I agree with Polaski. However, contrary to the idea that Moab symbolizes those who are to be excluded from the community on purity grounds, Moab here symbolizes the foreign enemies YHWH defeats when Zion is exalted and God's kingship established. 136

Authorizing an End, 192-3. Polaski argues that Nehemiah's allusion to the text from Deuteronomy is not an example of an appeal to a text that is already authoritative to settle a matter of religious and legal praxis. Rather, Nehemiah's invocation of the text confers authority on it, or makes Deuteronomy authoritative in this instance, by virtue of Nehemiah's own authority. I do not find this convincing as an explanation of Nehemiah's appeal to Deuteronomy. If the text did not carry at least some preexisting level of recognized authoritative status, why would Nehemiah appeal to it? Indeed, by this point, Deuteronomy was likely thought of a "scripture" and, hence, its authority would not have been in question. See Authorizing an End, 193. 137

138 The concern with cult is initiated by banquet on Zion spoken of in 25:6-8, which Polaski argues is a cultic feast. 139 It seems unusual to me that given his line of argument Polaski fails to deal with Isa 16:12 where Moabite prayer in their own sanctuary is specifically addressed. 140 Cf. Lam 1:10, 17; Ps 143:6; Prov 31:20; Isa 65:2

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This aligns with other early postexilic texts that speak of God's destruction of enemy forces and the establishment of a divinely sanctioned kingdom,141 which is not to say, however, that all of these texts portray this moment in the same manner. This line of interpretation is also consistent with passages critical of Moab elsewhere, especially in prophetic literature. Indeed, Moab is condemned numerous times in the prophetic corpus, including texts such as Amos 2, Zephaniah 2, Ezekiel 25, and Jeremiah 48. Within the Isaiah corpus itself Isaiah 15-16 offers a lengthy and sustained reflection on Moab,142 using language that recurs in Isaiah 25. We have heard of the pride of Moab, exceedingly prideful! Of its arrogance (inn«), pride (131SJ) and insolence (m~DU) Its bragging is nothing! (Isa 16:6)

This text reveals that Moab's pride and arrogance were targets of prophetic denunciation prior to the time of Isaiah 25's composition.143 The tradition in the prophetic literature about Moab's pride and arrogance occurs also in Jer 48:29 and Zeph 2:9, 10, and, in fact, the intertextual connection in Isa 25:10b-12 forms around this theme. From the standpoint of literary technique, the reference to Moab's pride in Isa 25:10b-12 is most analogous to that which was noted in connection with the use of earlier. Rather than drawing only one text into the intertextual web, this text draws on a cluster of anti-Moabite texts that uses similar vocabulary and expresses similar ideas. The comparison with the earlier •11£,HI} extends beyond literary technique, however. Both of these draw on texts that depict God's judgment on (a) hostile enemy nation(s), but not with the same end in mind. In the reuse of the ¡TIT"11? texts Isaiah 25 makes the theologically innovative point that those nations will fear and honor God; in the reuse of the Moab texts, however, this option is not held open, likely because Moab was an example of a nation that remained inimical to God's plan and activity (from the author's perspective). As such, no invitation to the banquet

141

E.g., Hag 2:21-23; Joel 3; Zech 14; Mai 1:2-5, 14b. This text has gone through a lengthy editorial history, which unlike many other examples in the biblical text, is quite obvious. One may describe the activity here as a kind of updating of earlier prophetic pronouncements, and this supports, in a general way, the idea that prophetic materials are open to further use and updating. See Brian C. Jones, Howling Over Moab: Irony and Rhetoric in Isaiah 15-16 (SBLDS 157; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996). 143 Indeed, references to other nations' pride - as well as Israel's own - are widespread and often serve as the reason for prophetic commination. See Isa 13:1 Iff., 14:11; Ezek 30:13ff.; Zech. 10:llff.; Zech 9:6. 142

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on Zion was forthcoming for Moab. On this reading, Moab and the kings mentioned in 24:21, 22 share similar fates in that both are punished. Up to this point, I have considered possible allusions or examples of intertextuality with other texts that specifically mention Moab. Two other intriguing cases of possible intertextuality exist with texts that do not mention Moab by name, however. The first of these, Lam 1:10 states, Enemies have stretched out their hands (~ll£ 0~I2 T P ) Over all her precious things; She has even seen the nations Invade her sanctuary, Those whom you forbade ( n m i i I B S ) To enter your congregation b n p l 18D1 N1?).

Some scholars have posited a literary connection between this text and Isa 25:10b-12 for several reasons. First, the similarity in phraseology between the first line of Lam 1:10 and Isa 25:11 ( m p n V T CIS) has been regarded as too similar to be coincidental. Second, v. 10c, so it is argued, brings to mind Moab. Recall that Deut 23:3 specifically bars Moabites (and Ammonites) from admission to the assembly (^np) of YHWH forever (DbllJ 113). This has caused some to suggest a kind of triangulation between Isa 25:10b-12, Lam 1:10 and Deuteronomy 23 (often connected to Ezra 9 and Nehemiah 13). To cite Polaski's study again, he defines the issue under discussion again as related to ethnicity and proper credentials for admission to the postexilic assembly/sanctuary.144 He writes, "Isa 25:10b12 may be seen as YHWH's response to the lament. Reminded of the rules of the congregation in the lament, YHWH takes action against those who should never have been allowed on the mountain."145 As already suggested, this line of interpretation is not entirely convincing, however. While Lam 1:10 uses a phrase that appears to be drawn from Deut 23:3, or at the very least is evocative of it, the issue in Lamentations is not legitimate entry into the sanctuary, no matter who is involved, Moabites, Ammonites, or otherwise. Rather, the point is the plundering of the temple as part of Jerusalem's destruction. To the extent that Isaiah 25 is a "response"

144

Polaski, Authorizing an End, 196-7. Ibid., 197. At this point I should note that I find Polaski's (and Fishbane's) omission of Isaiah 56 from the discussion about legitimate inclusion in the cultic community to be puzzling. Whether or not one regards the Isaiah 56 to have been in existence at the time of the Isaiah 25's composition, the fact that these authors argue that the latter text speaks to the same issue addressed in the former would seem to require at least minimal comment. The omission is only harder to explain if one thinks, as do Polaski and I, that so-called Third Isaiah was available to the author of Isaiah 24-27. If Isaiah 56 was available to the author, it is more difficult to maintain that the issue under discussion in 25:10b-12 is, in fact, cultic and ethnic purity. The fact that this is an argument from silence makes it no less compelling in my view. 145

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to Lamentations 1, and therefore, an example of intertextuality, it is as a judgment on those who oppose God and the divine plan, specifically as it pertains to Zion. The relationship may be posed in the following way: nations (e.g., Moab) entered the temple and "stretched out their hands" to oppose God, but now they will be crushed at the site of the temple for their opposition to God, even though they stretch out their hands to escape that judgment. Moab, both as one who has opposed God's purposes in the biblical tradition and as one who should not have been allowed at the sanctuary originally anyway, functions as the symbol of those objects of God's wrath. J. Vermeylen has argued for a second set of textual connections in Isa 25:10b-12. Based on what he thinks are strikingly similar language and themes, he claims that Isa 2:9-17 has been re-read and reused in the composition of the Moabite pericope.146 Both texts speak of human pride/haughtiness (pNJ/mNJ) being brought low Pin©); both mention the dust pSU); the root is used by each; and, finally, both texts place these events on the (future) day of the Lord. His argument here is part of his larger claim about the author's re-reading of 2:9-17 as part of a late redactional layer in the book.147 He claims that Isa 25:10b-12 occupies the middle stage in a redactional history that moves from 2:9-17 to 25:10b12 and finally to 26:1-6. This redactional layer is part of a larger rereading of the so-called "oracles against the nations" (Isaiah 13-23) which develops the idea of foreign opposition. Instead of opposing real foreign nations, these oracles are reused to depict internecine conflicts, primarily, in Vermeylen's terms, focusing on impious versus pious Jews. In his view, this fits the historical circumstances surrounding Nehemiah's mission to postexilic Yehud.148 Setting aside the possible socio-historical context for the moment, the question arises: Does this qualify as an example of intertextuality? The literary parallels - in addition to those already mentioned, note the common occurrence of nrro and 'PStO - certainly suggest the possibility of a connection. The difficulty in this case, however, is in satisfying the chrono146 Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 365-8. See, also, Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 323; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 540. Again, Vermeylen describes the process as relecture. 147 This redactional layer involves additions also at 5:15, 16; 30:25; and 32:19. See Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 366 and Scholl, Die Elenden, 74. As many others have noted, the editorial history of Isa 2:6-22 is quite complicated. The passage appears to have undergone several stages of redaction. See, in addition to Vermeylen, Blenkinsopp, "Fragments of Ancient Exegesis in an Isaian Poem (Jes 2 6-22)," ZAW (93): 51-62; M. Sweeney, Isaiah 1-4 and the Postexilic Understanding of the Isaianic Tradition (BZAW 171; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1988) 134-46. 148 Polaski seems to concur in large part with this conclusion; see Authorizing an End, 198-9.

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logical criterion for intertextuality. Put simply, it is difficult to be certain whether a form of Isaiah 2 containing the requisite elements held in common with Isaiah 25 existed prior to the composition of the latter given Isaiah 2's complex editorial history (see above). For the moment, let us assume that it did. One may surmise that the purpose for the connection lay in Isaiah 2's depiction of YHWH's wrath and the concomitant universal destruction. Vermeylen argues that the cause of the destruction is human pride and haughtiness (2:9, 11, 17), the same motivation found in Isaiah 25 (although one detects at least as much emphasis on the condemnation of idolatry [2:8, 18, 20]). If a reuse of language from Isaiah 2 is granted, it likely serves two purposes. First, it allows the author to allude to the more comprehensive eschatological statement found in ch. 2. In so doing, it aligns Isaiah 25 with the vision of judgment detailed there. Additionally, the allusion further elaborates the preceding passage about Moab. As a symbol of powers hostile to YHWH its downfall is articulated in terms expressed in Isa 2:6-22. Given the widespread appearance the language from Isaiah 2 throughout Isaiah, something recognized by many exegetes,149 this situates 25:9-12 within a growing Isaian exegetical tradition. Unlike many other examples of intertextuality adduced so far, this passage does not attempt to transform the meaning of the earlier text in any way; rather, as argued here, the allusion to Isaiah 2 offers a pattern of judgment and destruction for the later text - one which the reader is no doubt intended to recognize. Summary of Isaiah

25:9-12

To summarize, two smaller units comprise the brief section 25:9-12, vv. 910a and 10b-12. In the first unit, the author appears to draw on language and ideas found elsewhere in Isaiah centered around the idea for God's salvation. Isa 25:9-10a's contribution to the discourse is conceived primarily through its positive vision for the nations. In the other Isaian texts that develop this idea, the nations are either objects of God's judgment or facilitate the return of Israelites as part of the restoration. Only in our text do the nations play a positive and active role in the future vision of God's reign. In the second section, w . 10b-12, Moab symbolizes nations and/or peoples who remain hostile to the establishment of YHWH's kingdom (Isa 24:21-23), for which the penalty is destruction.150 Moab may have been 149

Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 45-6. Sweeney argues that Isaiah 5-33 refers back to passage in Isaiah 2-4 quite often, but in fact nearly all of the examples he offers come from ch. 2 only. 150 One tantalizing possibility is that Isa 24:22 and 25:10b-12 are different formulations of the same essential idea - resistance to the establishment of YHWH's kingdom and the events of salvation determined by God has dire consequences. In the first in-

5. Conclusion

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specifically named because it was destroyed by the time Isaiah 25 was composed, a fact taken by the biblical writers perhaps as a fulfillment of the earlier prophetic word. In the present context, this could symbolize the fate of all recalcitrant nations who remain obstinate toward God's plans. "On that day" they too would be judged as Moab had been earlier. They fit the Moabite "profile." Their recalcitrance is interpreted here as pride, presumably against YHWH, not unlike prophetic denunciations of Moab elsewhere in the Old Testament (Isa 16:6-7). Additionally, through the intertextual relationship with Lam 1:10, this text further elucidates those who fall under God's judgment: their behavior is analogous to those who participated in the destruction of Jerusalem and its Temple. A final possible intertextual connection is recognized with Isa 2:6-19 which allows one to read 25:10b-12 and the downfall of Moab in connection with the more elaborate portrait of judgment there. This allusion to Isaiah 2 offers the reader a pattern of judgment invoked elsewhere in chs. 1-39 (e.g., chs. 13 and 17). These few verses, then, express the hopeful expectation of God's restoration and the (assumed) certain judgment of those who oppose God.

5. Conclusion The evidence surveyed in this chapter suggests that the practice of reusing earlier texts, a clear compositional technique in Isa 24:1-20, continues in Isa 24:21-25:12, though its intertextual character is somewhat different. Methodologically, Isa 24:21-25:12 contains no long quotations like 24:120; instead it utilizes briefer linguistic and broader thematic connections. Thematically, many, if not most, of the examples of intertextuality adduced in this chapter fall under the heading of universalization. Texts that were narrowly focused on Israel are slightly modified and reused to craft a message about the entire world. So, for example, enthronement psalm traditions are alluded to by 24:23, but reused in a context in which YHWH reigns over all nations. One also finds YHWH's kingship proclaimed over the earth using a prophetic text from Isaiah 52 which had formerly restricted that kingship to Israel. Finally, it was suggested that the reuse of Exod 24:9-11 in Isa 24:21-23+25:6-8 supported not only a theological universalism, but indicated that the old covenantal mode of Israel's relationship with God was being replaced with a relationship (covenantal?) with all humanity. This new arrangement was based on the nations joining Israel on Zion to worship YHWH.

stance, this would be symbolized as imprisonment; in the second Moab's earlier fate is invoked as the model for recalcitrant nations.

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24:21-25:12

The short psalm, 25:1-5, continued the reuse of previously nationalistic texts in universalistic directions. This section, it was argued, draws heavily on other texts from the Isaianic corpus. One detects here also a different mode of reusing or alluding to earlier texts. This section makes a intertextual contribution to the development of various literary themes within the book of Isaiah. For example, one particular tradition develops the idea of the and their role in Isaiah. This short psalm makes a substantial contribution to that idea through its portrayal of the defeat of the cities of the "tyrant nations" (25:3). A similar method of alluding is found in Isa 25:9-10a, part of the psalmic concluding section (25:9-12). This verse-anda-half builds on the ideas of "waiting" (mp) and "salvation," (WtO1 and its various cognates) which are important throughout the book of Isaiah. The second half of the last section, vv. 10b-12, the enigmatic condemnation of Moab, engages a set of texts that highlight divine judgment against those who oppose God's plans. Those who are judged fit the "Moabite profile," hence the use of Moab here. It is revealing that other condemnations of Moab in Isaiah (e.g., chs. 15-16) are not reused, suggesting that the author did not want the reader to connect w . 10b-12 with the condemnations of empirical Moab found elsewhere. This may provide a further clue to the symbolic function of Moab suggested earlier. By way of conclusion, I note that this chapter has raised the important question about the existence of Isaianic interpretive tradition. Given that several of the texts alluded to or reused in Isa 24:21-25:12 come from other parts of Isaiah, to what extent is the reuse of earlier texts intelligible within an inner-Isaianic exegetical, textual continuum? Isa 25:1-5 and 25:9-10a offer apparent evidence for such an idea. As we shall see in the next two chapters, that evidence will continue to mount.

Chapter 4

Intertextuality in Isaiah 26:1-27:1 As is often true, future hopes are brought in to sharpest relief when contrasted with the dire circumstances of the present. Such is the case in Isa 26:1-27:1. Isa 24:21-25:12 outlined a prosperous and peaceful future in which, after YHWH's punishment of forces inimical to his purposes, the divine kingdom centered on Zion would be established. The expectation builds to a crescendo in the defeat of Death and the revelation of God's salvation to his people. This message of hope continues to be developed in the first part of Isaiah 26, a song which celebrates the downfall of the oppressive and exalted city ( w . 1-6). That the community has not realized this in its present experience quickly becomes apparent, however, through the communal lament which forms the core of Isaiah 26 (vv. 7-18). The fantastic hope expressed in the previous chapter gives way to a portrayal of the present which features the continued oppression of the community. If Isa 25:8 and the swallowing of Death is considered the high point of these chapters, then 26:14 and the description of the community as dead and as shades that dwell in the ground provides the opposite. The lament receives a reply which recalls the earlier expectation: your dead shall live! In the following, I investigate the structure of 26:1-27:1 generally, followed by a more thorough examination of the chapter's two large structural units, w . 26:1-6 and 26:7-27:1, during the course of which thematic, textual and linguistic issues are dealt with. After these matters are handled, I take up the question of intertextuality in the development of this message as found in Isaiah 26. To anticipate, the texts that are reused most often in this chapter come from elsewhere in the Isaian tradition, just as we saw in Chapter 3. This suggests at least the possibility that this chapter might provide further evidence of a growing Isaianic exegetical and interpretive tradition. Also, the strategy of universalizing earlier negative references toward to the nations continues in this chapter as one strategy of intertextuality. Another involves responding to earlier prophetic messages that are deemed unfulfilled.

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Chapter 4: Intertextuality in Isaiah 26:1-27:1

1. Structure and Form The structure and form of Isaiah 26 are not obvious, a fact which has been confirmed by the various attempts to delineate these features of the chapter. The major question concerns whether or not chapter 26 constitutes a literary unity or whether it is comprised of various smaller units that have been joined together. If the latter is the case, what are the units, how should they be delimited, and why were they brought together in their present shape? Over one hundred years ago, Duhm argued that 26:1-19 should be read as a single poem highlighted by wordplays and assonance. He denied that the poem could be divided at any point based on either meter or content. He read 26:20-27:1 as part of the earliest apocalyptic layer of 2427, and therefore, not part of the poem (vv. 1-19).1 Shortly after Duhm, P. Lohmann analyzed the structure differently than Duhm, arguing, for example, that 26:1-6 was composed of three different units, vv. lb-3, 4-5a and 5b-6. This view is overly atomistic and attempts to read structural disjunctures where the text is reasonably unified.2 Another major proposal about the text's structure was offered in Lindblom's creative, if often overreaching, study. He argued for the existence of three units in Isa 26 based on various Gattungen: 26:1-14 formed the largest unit (a Danklied), followed by two additional smaller sections at 26:15-19 (a Klagelied) and 26:20-21 (an eschatological poem).3 Finally, in his dissertation on Isaiah 24-27, W. Millar argued on metrical grounds that the first half of Isaiah 26 belongs structurally to a unit that encompasses Isa 25:10-26:8, while the second half of the chapter belongs to a section that runs from 26:11-27:6. In my view, his argument suffers from several highly conjectural emendations which form the basis of his metrical arrangement.4 As this brief survey demonstrates, exegetes have described the structure of this chapter in a variety of ways. Several recent analyses of the chapter have returned to viewing the chapter as Duhm did, although with some modifications. The idea that chapter 26 is an essential unity made up of different elements seems to have found support among several exegetes of late, perhaps owing to the recent focus on the "final form" or canonical form of the text, although 1

Duhm, Jesaia, 183. In his view, 26:20-27:1 was originally preceded by 25:6-8. Procksch (Jesaia, 331-3) also argued in favor of taking 26:20-27:1 as a self-contained unit. G. B. Gray essentially follows Duhm's position (Gray, Isaiah I-XXVII, 437). 2 Lohmann, "Die selbständigen lyrischen Abschnitte in Jes 24-27," 7-9. 3 Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 40-52. 4 Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 44-9. Isa 26:9-10 does not fair well in Millar's arrangement. He notes that they "do not fit into the passage metrically, nor do they make any sense." He regards them as a gloss the purpose of which is "to elaborate on what the righteous are to do" (49).

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their division of the subunits is not consistent.5 M. Sweeney, in his formcritical study of Isaiah 1-39, presents all of Isa 26:1-21 as a self-contained section, although he argues that the section can be subdivided into four smaller units.6 Similarly, J. Oswalt argues that the chapter is a unity, but delimits the subsections differently than Sweeney does.7 The most recent attempt to argue for a unified view of chapter 26 comes from D. Polaski, who argues that the chapter is essentially a unity composed of two units of unequal length: 26:1-6 and 26:7-21. In his estimation, what holds the two sections together and ultimately allows the chapter to be viewed holistically are two shared emphases: salvation (26:1, 18) and trust, an idea which "has a central role in 26:1-6, while waiting, essentially trust in action, bounds the poem in vv. 7-21"8 He concludes, "[T]he tension between 26:1-6 and 26:7-21 [does not] significantly impede understanding ch. 26 as a unified composition."9 As for the first point, i.e., salvation, it must be noted that the connection based on the appearance of nUltO1 in the two verses indicated is not especially strong. In fact, one could argue using the same criterion that a stronger connection exists between 26:1-6 and 25:910a.10 Moreover, Polaski's argument that the entire chapter is set "on that day" (26:1), which he identifies as another unifying feature, is not persuasive given this phrase's more obvious connection to the song (26:lb-6; cf. 25:9), but not the lament (26:7-21)." The more dominant exegetical position on this chapter has been to see one or more structural breaks in the chapter without any accompanying effort to argue for the thematic unity of the chapter.12 The first such struc-

5 Even Johnson, who argues for a decisive formal break between w . 6 and 7, writes: "To a large degree I share the sentiments of.. .Duhm that the poem, in its present form, demonstrates integrity throughout the first nineteen verses...In the final analysis there is an overall sense of homogeneity" (Chaos, 67). 6 Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 337-341. The four smaller units are 26:lb-6, 7-10, 11-19, and 2021. He identifies the chapter as a communal complaint, even though not all of the subsections fit this genre. 7 Oswalt, Isaiah 1-39,469-70. His subunits consist of 26:lb-6, 7-15, 16-19, 20-27:1. 8 Polaski, Authorizing an End, 207. O. Ludwig (Die Stadt, 17) notes one other possible unifying connection between vv. 1-6 and vv. 7ff., that of the p ,_ ll£ (vv. 2 and 7). He concludes, however, that this is really not a connection between the two sections. 9 Polaski, Authorizing an End, 216. 10 On the themes of waiting and salvation in 25:9-10a, see pp. 158-61. 11 Polaski, Authorizing an End, 212. His argument that the entire chapter is set "on that day" is basically derived from Dillman, although the latter made an exception at w . 11-12 which Polaski does not (Jesaja, 232). 12 Among those expressing this view are Johnson, Chaos, 67-8; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 455-7; Henry, Glaubenskrise, 67-70; 185-91; Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 205-15; Doyle, Metaphorically Speaking, 282-3; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 362-8; Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 211-3;

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tural break is generally regarded as occurring between vv. 6 and 7.13 Johnson provides the following four reasons for seeing a decisive break between the two sections: 1) direct address to YHWH begins at v. 7; 2) concatenation begins in a consistent pattern in v. 7 (not earlier); 3) the city motif disappears after v. 6;14 4) vv. 1-6 are future-oriented while vv. 7-19 are oriented toward the present.15 Others note the formal similarity (on which see below) between 26:1-6 and 25:1-5, a further argument in favor of a break after v. 6.16 As noted earlier, even many of those who argue for the overall unity of the chapter recognize a shift at v. 7. If some agreement exists about a break between vv. 6 and 7, no such unity of opinion can be found concerning structural breaks after v. 7. Many exegetes speak of 26:7-19 as a unified composition, but several suggestions have been made both for further subdividing vv. 7-1917 and for continuing the section through v. 2118 or even 27:1.19 In fact, the place of 26:20-27:1 within the larger structure (to say nothing of its content) has engendered all sorts of suggestions.20 Should these verses be considered as a small complete unit or should 26:20-21 be dissociated from 27:1? That is, what is the relationship, if any, between 27:1 and the end of chapter 26? These verses are arguably not part of the lament structurally. It is possible that 26:20-21 are connected as an exhortation to the community based on the expectation of YHWH's response to the lament,21 a response which is restated in mythic

Elder, "A Theological-Historical Study of Isaiah 24-27," 89; Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27, 44-5; Fohrer, "Der Aufbau," 173. 13 Virtually no one, however, has followed Lohmann in his argument that w . lb-3, 4-5a, and 5b-6 should all be regarded as originally independent of each other. See Lohmann, "Die selbständigen lyrischen Abschnitte in Jes 24-27," 7-16; Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27, 44; Ludwig, Die Stadt, 16-19; Henry, Glaubenskrise, 186-91. 14 This is emphasized also by Habets, Die Grosse Jesaja-Apokalypse, 118. 15 Johnson, Chaos, 67-8; cf. also Doyle, Metaphorically Speaking, 282-3. 16 Blenksinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 362-5. 17 Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27, 44; March, "A Study of Two Prophetic Compositions," 135-46; Ludwig, Die Stadt, 118-25. Many of those who further subdivide w . 7-19 do so in connection with arguments about the inclusion of vv. 14 and 19, regarded by many as insertions (see below). 18 Fohrer, "Der Aufbau," 173; Plöger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 65-6. Plöger actually divides w . 7-18 into two sections, vv. 7-11 and 12-18 without commenting decisively on vv. 19-21. 19 Doyle (Metaphorically Speaking, 282), on form-critical and stylistic grounds, argues for the following structural arrangement: vv. 7-10, 11-15, 16-18(19), 20-27:1. Blenkinsopp, on the other hand, treats 26:7-27:1 as an independent section, although he writes, "The passage is not clearly delineated as a distinct unit" (Isaiah 1-39, 368-73). 20 In truth, the question surrounding the place of these verses in the larger structure is related to the many issues about v. 19 (on which see below). 21 Johnson, Chaos, 81

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terms in 27:1. 22 At any rate, the preceding survey reveals that different possibilities exist for outlining the structure of this chapter, depending on the criteria adopted (for mine see below). Having briefly surveyed various understandings of the structure of Isa 26:1-27:1, something should be said about the related question of Gattung or form. 23 Those who view 26:1-21 as forming one complete section usually define the chapter's form as a communal complaint song, with the emphasis on vv. 1-19 and its petition. 24 Those who divide 26:1-6 and 26:7ff. usually identify two different Gattungen. The first section, 26:1-6, has been described variously as a hymn, 25 a thanksgiving song,26 a victory song (Sieges lied) combined with an entrance song,27 and a song of trust. 28 The diversity in this survey strongly suggests that 26:1-6 does not easily conform to any established form-critical category. In fact, these verses contain something to commend each of the above suggestions. In addition, the introductory rubric suggests some kind of eschatological interpretation, regardless of the song's original outlook. 29 The second longer section, 26:7ff., is almost universally labeled as a communal lament or complaint song, 30 although these verses too do not fit this category without difficulty. So, for example, Gunkel finds it necessary to exclude v. 14b-15, 19b-21 in order to make it conform. 31 Nevertheless, the note of petition so prevalent among communal laments is plainly seen, whatever else it may contain. In this study, I adopt the position that this material can be divided structurally into two sections of unequal length: 26:1-6 and 26:7-27:1. Further, these two sections do not form a unified composition, either originally or in their redaction. Based on vocabulary and themes, 26:1-6 relates at least as easily to passages in Isaiah 2532 as to 26:7-27:1. 33 From the perspective

22

Johnson, Chaos, 84; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 372. Recent surveys for Isaiah 26 include Johnson, Chaos, 68, 70; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 455-7; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 337-43. 24 Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 341; Polaski, Authorizing and End, 216. 25 Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 455; March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," 122-4; Gunkel, Psalms, 22. 26 Fohrer, "Der Aufbau," 173. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 360. 27 Lohmann, "Die selbständigen lyrischen Abschnitte in Jes 24-27," 7-16. Fohrer thinks this may be the basis of the Danklied ("Der Aufbau," 173), but see Clements' response {Isaiah 1-39,213). 28 Johnson, Chaos, 68. 29 See Plöger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 66. 30 Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 337-8; Polaski, Authorizing an End, 216. 31 Gunkel, Psalms, 82; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 368-73. 32 These connections include the verbal similarity between 25:12 and 26:5, the city theme (25:2; 26:2), the theme of the poor and needy ( b l , 25:4-5; 26:6), and similar genres (song). 23

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of form-criticism, Isa 26:1-6 is a future-oriented song of thanksgiving, focusing on the singers' own strong city (26:1b) and the destruction of the exalted enemy city (26:5). The genre and content shift at v. 7 where a communal lament appears (26:7-27:1). This lament is comprised of three subunits: 26:7-10, 26:11-19, and 26:20-27:1. The first incorporates language customarily associated with wisdom traditions, although this connection should not be pressed too far. The core of lament, the second section, presents the petition for evildoers to be put to shame. Its conclusion appears to be an oracle, a recognizable feature for this psalm form. The final strophe, 26:20-27:1, forms a series of eschatological comments (additions?) highlighting YHWH's judgment, the apparent expected imminent answer to the petition. Of course, articulating the text's structure is important from the perspective of this study because it dictates, however provisionally, where the reader might likely find units for intertextual investigation. In the case of this chapter, as will be seen throughout, the structure suggested here-based on form and content-is confirmed through intertextual connections. Having laid this groundwork, we turn now to a closer examination of each of these units, asking about their themes and possible intertexts which may inform their meaning.

2. Isaiah 26:1-6: Content, Theme and Intertextuality Isa 26:1-6 continues the eschatological portrait begun in 24:21 which depicts God's judgment of enemy rulers followed by the establishment of the divine kingdom centered in Zion/Jerusalem. Although Judah occupies an exalted position, all nations are summoned to join YHWH's kingdom and partake in the great banquet on Zion. Isa 26:1-6 rounds off the "narrative" sequence through its depiction of the "righteous nation's" entrance through the gates and the celebration of Jerusalem's strength. This latter element contrasts with the destruction of the enemy exalted city. At the center of the song, the anonymous singer urges the listeners to trust in YHWH, the adumbration of a theme which will be more fully developed in the lament of 26:7ff. The introductory rubric for this eschatological thanksgiving psalm describes it simply as a song (TEJ) that will be sung "on that day" (Sinn 33

Ploger also argues for interpreting the psalm independently from the rest of the chapter, but he does so because he thinks the psalm originates outside of Isa 24-27 and has nothing to do with the "eschatological narrative" (Theocracy and Eschatology, 69). While I too think that the psalm should be interpreted, at least initially, without recourse to 26:7ff., I do not share Ploger's view that the psalm has no connections to its present context.

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andIntertextuality

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•VD) in Judah. By now the "on that day" introductory formula is quite familiar in Isaiah 24-27 (24:21; 25:9), having been used to speak about an indeterminate day in the future on which YHWH's judgment and salvation will be made manifest. The specific reference to Judah is unexpected given that references to nations are generally absent in Isaiah 24-27, although it does form a contrast with ill-fated Moab in the previous section (25:10b). 34 The song proper commences in v. lb, opening with a celebration of the singers' strong city,35 noting that God has made walls and ramparts its salvation.36 Although not specifically identified, the city in question is obviously Jerusalem.37 The connection between walls and salvation brings to mind another passage in the book of Isaiah, 60:18, where the text speaks of Jerusalem's walls being renamed HUICT and its gates H biin. 38 The reference to the walls 39 and ramparts is followed with a third reference to an architectural feature of the city's outer boundary, its gates (26:2). Opinions are split over whether the command to open the gates refers to the gates of the Temple40 or gates of the city.41 Those who suggest that the gates of the Temple are in view here argue for an analogy based on putative entrance liturgies preserved in the psalms (e.g., Pss 15:1 ff.; 24:3ff.) where ethical qualifications for entering the Temple are checked.42 YHWH, who may dwell in your tent? Who may inhabit your holy mountain? The one walks honestly and who acts justly (plH) 34

Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 42-3, regards the reference to Judah as secondary because it is "foreign" to the Isaiah Apocalypse. 35 Pace March, "Two Prophetic Compositions," 114; Habets, Die Grosse Jesaja-Grosse, 119; both translate the opening phrase "a city is our strength." 36 The subject is not specifically identified, but God must be the implied subject. Some identify the m o i n , "walls," as the subject; cf. Procksch, Jesaia, 323; Ludwig, Die Stadt, 20. Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 43, objects to "God" as the subject because, "Wenn Jahwe Subjekt wäre, würde man das Perf. erwartet haben, da ja die Stadt schon befestigt ist." This is not altogether certain, however. 37 So, e.g., Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 212; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 365. 38 March denies any real connection between 60:18 and Isa 26:1b. He claims that "the parallel proves to be no parallel. In the first place, it is one thing to say the people call their walls 'Salvation' (60:18), and another to declare that Yahweh will set salvation as a wall about the people (26:1)" ("Study of Two Prophetic Composition," 215). 39 Vermeylen (Du Prophete, 367) and Blenkinsopp (Isaiah 1-39, 365) both suggest also that Isaiah 26 may be related to the mission of Nehemiah and his work on the walls. Vermeylen goes so far as to suggest that 26:lb-4 may have been used as part of the dedication service for the newly constructed wall. Cf. Duhm, Jesaia, 183; Lohmann, "Die selbständigen lyrischen Abschnittes," 38-40; Rudolph, Jesaja-24-27,44. 40 Fohrer, "Der Aufbau," 273. 41 Clements, Isaiah 1-39,212. 42 E.g., Paul L. Redditt, "Isaiah 26," Review and Expositor 88 (1991): 195.

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Chapter 4: Intertextuality in Isaiah 26:1-27:1 and who speaks truthfully (HON) in his heart. (Psa 15:1-2)

In fact, the language of Isa 26:2 is actually quite close to Psa 118:19-20: 1

Open the gates of righteousness for me (pili "HUE? b that I might enter through them to praise Yah. This is the gate of YHWH the righteous shall enter into it.

inns)

These processional psalms, so the argument goes, are also reflected in the claim in 26:2 that those seeking entrance constitute a "righteous nation" (pHU ''U) which "observes faithfulness" (tPlQK ~ID!0). Isaiah 26 also uses language that resonates with psalm language later in the book of Isaiah, although these do not appear to be processional psalms. For instance, in Isa 61:10-11 a speaker praises YHWH for bestowing righteousness and salvation for all the nations to see. In view of the reference to walls and ramparts in 26:1, however, it seems better to see this as speaking about the opening of the city gates. This receives further support if Isa 62:10 is considered: Pass through, pass through the gates, open the way for the people; Build up, build up the highway, clear it of stones, raise a signal over the peoples.

This text invites persons to enter Jerusalem as sign that God's salvation has come. At any rate, Millar's contention that Isa 26:1-6 is occasioned by "the processional entrance of the Ark," a conclusion based on his reading of v. 2, seems off the mark.43 A more pressing question in 26:2 concerns the identity of the "righteous nation" (p'Hli We have already encountered an opaque reference to p n a in 24:16: From the ends of the earth we hear singing glory to the Righteous One! ( p ' H u S ^ U )

This text appears to be speaking of YHWH, although p"H2i never actually occurs as an epithet for God in the Hebrew Bible. In the present context, however, it is an adjective describing the nation seeking passage through the gates. What seems clear then is that the word does not denote the same thing in both contexts. Polaski, using the methodology of intertextuality, has recently suggested that in 26:2 the phrase refers to pilgrims awaiting entry in Jerusalem. These pilgrims are the various nations from Isa 25 who are streaming to Zion for YHWH's feast. He argues that they need to be 43

Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 85; cf. the critique offered by Johnson, Chaos, 69.

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reconstituted as a single nation in order to enter Zion, hence the appellation p n u •'ll 4 4 Polaski's argument is commendable for its attempt to relate the text to the larger context, something most exegetes have avoided. I agree with his assertion that the "righteous nation" is related to those who enter the city in Isaiah 25, but not with the details of his argument. He claims that the nations in Isaiah 25 need to be reconfigured into a single nation, but the basis of his claim is his contention that this has occurred in chapter 26, a clear case of circular argumentation. There is no compelling reason why the nations must be reconfigured into a single nation. Rather, the singular is used here first with reference to the Judeans and, perhaps by extension, to any other nation that may join Judah on Mt. Zion in celebration of this strong city. Given that historical referents in Isaiah 24-27 are not identified more precisely - part of their symbolic function - it should not surprise us that the referent is left ambiguous. In fact, the four occurrences of "H; or CH} in Isa 24-27 (25:3, 7; 26:2, 15) all seem to suggest a symbolic referent, even if an empirical historical entity originally inspired the depiction. A more important point, however, may be the recognition that this nation, whoever it may be historically, is described in ways similar to YHWH elsewhere in 24-27. This is evident through the reuse of two terms which have appeared earlier in 24-27: the aforementioned |T7}£ and nPUQK in the next phrase. Both of these terms have been used in connection with YHWH in Isaiah 24-25, the first in 24:16 and the second in 25:1 where it is used in connection with the antiquity of God's plans for Israel. A different perspective is gained through a comparison with a text from Isaiah 60, one that may prove more instructive intertextually. Isa 60:21 reads, Your [i.e., Jerusalem's] people will all be righteous (• 1 p 1 "!li) They shall possess the land forever. They are the shoot that I planted, the work of my hands, so that I might be glorified.

In this text the inhabitants of Jerusalem are described as righteous (here in the plural) in a future period of peace and justice (60:17).45 They are told of their permanent restoration to the land (i.e., Judah), and are depicted with agricultural imagery as a shoot planted by God bringing him glory. Isaiah 26 may have taken its cue from this text, so that p"Hl£ refers to

44

Polaski, Authorizing an End, 223. He also argues that the righteous nation turns out to be the otherwise mysterious "they" (non) of 24:14. The song that they are depicted as singing in 24:14-16a is 26:lb-6. This is creative if ultimately unsupportable. 45 Claus Westermann, Isaiah 40-66 (OTL; trans. David M.O. Stalker; Philadelphia: Westminster, 1969), 363.

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those who will dwell in Jerusalem "on that day."46 Like Isaiah 60, those who sing this song would be predominantly Judeans, but, as Isaiah 25 has demonstrated, the residents of Jerusalem in the eschatological future are not only Judeans.47 Perhaps a better lens through which to view the identity of this nation is through religious observance. Those who are spoken of are worshipers of YHWH regardless of ethnicity. If the latter part of Isaiah 60 informed the composition of Isaiah 26, we again see a universalizing tendency in the way texts are reused in Isaiah 24-27, one that offers a more conciliatory and inclusive tone toward the nations in Jerusalem's future. The depiction of the righteous nation keeping faith is followed by a general theological statement that God will ensure well-being (Dl1?®)48 for the one who trusts in him (v. 3). This leads the singer to urge his listeners to trust (PlCsn) in YHWH 49 forever,50 described as an everlasting rock (cra'Tiy "ITU, v. 4). According to the recent study by B. Doyle, this image of YHWH as TlU is the central metaphor in 26:1-6, providing the basis for the community's trust.51 This image of YHWH grounds the community's celebration of their own strong city and the confidence in the fate 46

Scholl, Die Elenden, 218-9. Commenting on the connections between Isa 26:1, 2 and Isa 60:18, 21, Scholl writes, "Beide Aussagen finden sich in einem gemeinsamen Kontext und in der gleichen Reihenfolge in 26,1.2 wieder" (219). 47 In this regard I agree with Polaski; that is, I agree with his conclusion, however, I disagree with the basis of his argument. Isaiah 60 also speaks of non-Judeans in Jerusalem as part of its prophetic vision for the future, but they are there simply as servants of the Judeans (60:10-12), not as participants in newly established divine kingdom as in Isaiah 25. 48 Many exegetes delete one of the two occurrences of D1 ^tD in v. 3, following the LXX and the Syriac; see Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 46; Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 43. Among those who retain it, the doublet is described in a couple of ways. Polaski thinks it occurs for emphasis (Authorizing an End, 250), while Irwin, followed by Oswalt, includes this as one of many examples of anadiplosis that he proposes in Isa 26 (Irwin, "Style and Syntax in Isa 26," 243; Oswalt, Isaiah 1-39, 468). Polaski also notes a similar double occurrence of Dlbü in Isa 57:19 which speaks of peace for those far and near as divine healing. The context makes clear that this refers to restoration from exile. Apart from the double occurrence of D1 there is nothing else that suggests a textual connection between the two verses. 49 Another doublet occurs in v. 4b, this time in connection with the divine name: IT 3 ' S miT. Again, most exegetes, following the LXX, delete one of the two occurrences as needlessly repetitive; cf. Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 46; Procksch, Jesaia, 323; Lindblom, Die JesajaApokalypse, 43; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 543. Oddly, Irwin does not comment on this feature of Isaiah 26. 50 Lohmann, "Die selbständigen lyrischen Abschnittes," 14, claims that 1JJ "Hfl is an example of late speech. Cf. Procksch, Jesaia, 323. 51 Doyle, Metaphorically Speaking, 286. He speaks of it as the core of the song, the central metaphor. He attempts, unsuccessfully I think, to link the idea of YHWH as rock with "strong city" theme. He claims that cities are connected with rock (why?) so YHWH is a strong city. Cf. Clements, Isaiah 1-39,212.

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of the soon-to-be-destroyed exalted city (¡"QJKE iT~lp, v. 5).52 The image of YHWH as a rock is found in the psalms (Pss 18:3, 32, 47; 19:15; 28:1; 92:16; 94:22; 95:1; 144:1) and elsewhere (Deut 32:4; 1 Sam 2:2; 2 Sam 22:2, 32; Isa 51:1) but the inclusion of trust with this image is unique to this verse only. None of these other texts qualifies as intertexts as defined by the present study, but as Doyle notes, "YHWH as rock would have been quite familiar to [the text's] audience..." 53 The image also balances that of the person of "steadfast mind" ("flOD ~1!T) mentioned at the beginning of v. 3, and perhaps inspired the depiction there. The command to trust in v. 4 (1PIC3I3) is based on the previous verse which states that YHWH ensures the safety of those who trust in him and to YHWH's depiction as an eternal rock;54 however, it also seems related to the statement in the following verse which notes that YHWH has destroyed the exalted city.55 The theme of trust has not appeared directly in Isaiah 24-25, but the theme of the community's waiting on YHWH, an idea related to trusting, was prominent in the previous chapter (cf. 25:9). Expanding the view to the wider book of Isaiah, one finds that PIC3D occurs rather frequently in so-called First Isaiah (13 times), but rather infrequently in chapters 40-66 (4 times). Of these, Isa 12:2 bears the strongest similarities. In fact, the verbal and generic similarities between Isaiah 12 and 26:1-6 are rather strong. The verbal correspondences between the 12:1-6 and 26:1-6 include: ninET (12:2,3; 26:1), r m (12:2; 26:3, 4), TU (12:2; 26:1); 3J2J3 (12:4; 26:5), NIHil UV2 (12:1,4; 26:1). Both texts also contain the otherwise unusual reading mil 1 I T p ) (12:2; 26:4), although most scholars, based on the LXX, propose emending the phrase in both places. In addition to the verbal overlap, both texts are songs, so their genres are identical as well. The question, then, is how to interpret these correspondences: are these texts merely part of the growing Isaiah tradition, do they stem from the same redactional layer, or is one making use of the other, and if so, which one? Complicating matters is the fact that many scholars view Isaiah 12 as a late poem in the book of Isaiah, rendering any putative diachronic analysis between this text and Isaiah 24-27 problematic.56 Vermeylen has argued that the two texts (along with 25:1-5, 9-12) belong to a similar redactional layer, one that rereads (relecture) the ora-

52

Ludwig, Die Stadt, 22. Doyle, Metaphorically Speaking, 287. 54 Irwin contends that the double appearance of 1103 in w . 3, 4 is another example of anadiplosis ("Style and Syntax in Isaiah 26," 241) 55 This, among other things, would seem to negate Lohmann's contention that vv. lb-4 and 5-6 are unrelated ("Die selbständigen lyrischen Abschnittes," 38). 56 Scholl, Die Elenden, 193-6. For an early date for Isaiah 12, see Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 128; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39,205-10. 53

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cles against the nations as speaking about wicked Jews.57 Scholl too argues that these texts all originate in a similar "literary horizon" although he does not press them as a rereading of the oracles against the nations.58 Williamson, on the other hand, claims that Isaiah 12 was written by DeuteroIsaiah as part of his larger redaction of the book as it existed during his time.59 Apparently, then, the issue of Isaiah 12's date has not been resolved satisfactorily, so one must proceed with caution. If Isa 12 is not chronologically prior to Isaiah 26, it would be improper to speak of these texts as intertextually related in the way that I have defined the notion in this study. Isaiah 12, regarded by many as two independent poems that have been brought together (12:1-2, 4-6),60 is a thanksgiving song which celebrates YHWH's salvation (12:2, 3). It speaks of a time when YHWH was angry with the psalmist, but now that anger has been transformed into comfort (12:1). God's deeds are celebrated and his name is exalted in universal fashion, but Zion remains the center of divine activity (12:4-6). The poem concludes with the characteristic title for God in Isaiah: Holy One of Israel (bintzr tonp, 12:6). As noted by Blenkinsopp, the chapter is "a patchwork of biblical citations and allusions"61 (cf. Pss 12:2b; 118:14; Exod 15:2). It may be read as a response to the divine deliverance in the Assyrian crisis, and as such forms a fitting conclusion to the first major section of the book (chs. 1-12).62 If the chapter also stems from this period, or even one close to it, it meets the first criterion for intertextuality: chronological priority. The second criterion, verbal overlap, has already been demonstrated. It remains to investigate whether the similarities should lead us to the conclusion that the chapter is being intertextually redeployed by the author. In looking at the verbal overlap I am struck by two features: First, most of the language that the two compositions share is common elsewhere also (the exception being miT ¡T). Second, the chapter seems to have no essential exegetical connection with Isa 26:1-6.63 That is, 57

Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 281, 364-5. Scholl, Die Elenden, 196. Scholl claims that Isa 12 uses typical Isaianic vocabulary to describe humanity's arrogance, but God's sovereignty is described using terminology that parallels Isa 25:10b-12 and 26:5. 59 Williamson, Book Called Isaiah, 118-25. 60 Both poems begin with the familiar "on that day" introductory phrase. V. 3 appears to be a link verse. 61 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 270; cf. Childs, Isaiah, 108. The allusions are to several psalms and Exod 15 (the Song of the Sea). 62 Pace Vermeylen (Du Prophète, 280-3), who regards it as an introduction to the oracles against the nations that follow. 63 Perhaps this is why Polaski fails to mention this chapter at all in his treatment of Isaiah 26, despite the overwhelming verbal connections. Cf. Authorizing an End, 146-205. 58

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despite the verbal connections between the two chapters, Isa 26:1-6 is not reusing Isaiah 12 in any meaningful way. The most we could conclude would be that the author of Isa 26:1-6 was influenced by language found in the earlier psalm of thanksgiving, but even that must remain conjectural due to the fact that so much of the language is found elsewhere and because we cannot be certain of the date for Isaiah 12. In the case of Isaiah 12, therefore, we must arrive at a negative conclusion on the issue of intertextuality and Isa 26:1-6. Isa 26:5-6 return to the theme of the destroyed city, already encountered in Isaiah 24-27 (cf. 24:7-12; 25:1-5). This contrasts with the "strong city" mentioned at the beginning of this psalm. Clearly, the two cities mentioned in Isaiah 26 are not the same, since the first is celebrated for its strength and the second is celebrated for its destruction.64 While the earlier city is reckoned by nearly everyone to be Jerusalem, the identity of the second, like the earlier references to the destroyed city in chapters 24 and 25, is unknown. Whatever the precise historical impetus, it appears to function symbolically here (and in the earlier references).65 Additionally, these verses appear to provide further grounds for the call to trust in YHWH found in v. 4, a fact borne out by the introductory The inhabitants of the city are further described as DUO a phrase reminiscent of the earlier D T l Q i l (24:21), although no intertextual connection exists.66 YHWH is the understood subject who destroys although this is not stated outright, a feature stylistically similar to 26:1b. V. 6 speaks of the footsteps67 of the poor and needy trampling the city, a situation which leads one to conclude that the symbolic city is responsible for their plight. As noted in Chapter 3, numerous scholars have noticed the verbal connections between 26:5-6 and various parts of the two songs in Isaiah 25, specifically 25:4-5 and 25:llb-12. 68 In the first example, both Isa 25:4-5 and 26:5-6 speak about the poor and needy, although the connection is more thematic than verbal. The only term that occurs in both places is the 64 That the two cities are counterpoised is but one reason why Lohmann's early contention that 26:lb-4 and 26:5-6 must not have been connected appears incorrect. Lohmann, "Die selbständigen lyrischen Abschnittes," 11. 65 Vermeylen, Du Prophete, 363-9. 66 Pace Polaski, Authorizing an End, 222, who writes: "Where ch. 24 speaks of YHWH punishing both heaven and earth, ch. 26 redeploys m~IO to describe YHWH's punishment of a select group, while asserting his beneficent care of another, namely the strong city (26:1)." Polaski here attempts to defend the notion that Isaiah 26 "nationalizes" the cosmic enemy in Isaiah 24, but any intertextual relationship seems more apparent than real in my opinion. 61 Many scholars, following LXX and lQIsa3, excise ^ " l from the text. Irwin has shown, however, that the doublets in Isa 26 perform a stylistic function, so one should be cautious in proposed emendations for Isa 26 ("Syntax and Style," 242). 68 Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 212; Scholl, Die Elenden, 102.

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quite common in 25:4 '¡TDK appears as parallel, while in 26:6 is. More importantly, perhaps, is the fact that while both verses speak of these groups, in the Isaiah 25 they are introduced as being sheltered by YHWH from the tyranny of the fierce cities, while in 26:6 the predicament has evidently come to an end, because there they are trampling what is evidently another instantiation of the same city. The overlap between Isa 26:5-6 and 25:1 lb-12 is more easily seen: V T M M S DJJ THIN; ASTERN

non -pnoin ruco -IÏDD i s a tiJ p s b w a n V-stm

•nû

ron

-a

m ' r a t e m:irci m p p s l u n'rsB1 - s e nu n w r

His (Moab) pride will be brought down with the work of his hands The high fortification of your walls will be destroyed cast down, it will be brought down to the earth, even the dust. (25:1lb-12) For the inhabitants of the height will be smashed the fortified city, he will cast it down he will cast it down to the ground he will bring it down to the dust. (26:5-6)

One can easily see the close verbal similarity found in the two texts. As in the consideration of Isaiah 12, the question is how to explain the apparent similarity: is this evidence of intertextuality or might it be explained better some other way? Many scholars have suggested that Isaiah 25 is influenced by Isa 26, an explanation that assumes the chronological priority of Isa 26:1-6 over the Moab pericope in Isaiah 25. However, one cannot be certain about this.69 As mentioned earlier, others suggest that the connections between 25:1-5 and 26:1-6 can best be understood from the perspective of the redaction of Isaiah 24-27, although some see the evidence as suggesting that the two texts are part of the same redactional layer,70 while others argue that the evidence points to a two-stage inclusion for these texts.71 It is difficult to determine whether the relationship between these texts is best understood as having significance only for our understanding of the redaction of these chapters or whether it has intertextual significance as well (or both). Making all due allowances for this ambiguity, in this study I have excluded from discussion about intertextuality connections within Isaiah 24-27, preferring instead to explore connections outside these 69

Plôger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 70-1; Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 204. Note Clements' cautious comment: "Possibly the author has been influenced by 25:12, although equally the influence could have been in the reverse direction" (Isaiah 1-39,212). 70 E.g., Scholl, Die Elenden, 191. 71 E.g., Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 366.

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chapters. Since this study attempts to address questions related to outside texts used in the composition of Isaiah 24-27, I have eliminated connections within these chapters from the discussion about intertextuality.72 Vermeylen has explored 26:5-6 (actually all of 26:1-6) in a manner relevant to the discussion of intertextuality. His argument was examined partially in chapter 3.73 He argues that 25:10b-12 and 26:1-6 are both dependent on Isa 2:9-17, and that all three texts are part of a late redactional layer in the book of Isaiah. He contends that the texts from the Isaiah 2427 re-read Isa 2:9-17 in light of the oracles against the nations (Isaiah 1323) in order to depict internecine conflict in Judah during the time of Nehemiah. The specific verbal connections with Isa 26:1-6 include the following:74 nnE? (2:9, 11, 17; 26:5); ^SCJ (2:9, 11, 12, 17; 26:5); 1SU (2:10; 26:5); me» (2:11, 17; 26:5); and DII/DTIO (2:11, 12, 13, 14, 17; 26:5).75 Additionally, both texts contain the familiar Kliin DVD rubric (2:11, 17; 26:1). From the standpoint of theme, Isa 2:6-21 indicts Israel for idolatry and pride before broadening out into an apocalyptic scenario. While Isa 26 makes no mention of idolatry, Vermeylen76 and Scholl77 have sought to connect the two texts through the theme of human pride: the general human pride depicted in Isaiah 2 is embodied in the "exalted city" of 26:5. The fate of both is to be thrown down ( b s c ) and destroyed (PiriE1). Sweeney reaches the same conclusion in his work on citations in Isaiah 2427.78 After noting that Isaiah 2 speaks of the overthrow of all human pride and Isa 26:1-6 speaks about the overthrow of the exalted city with the same language, he too concludes, "in the mind of the author of Isa 26:1-6, the city is the symbol of human pride to which Isa 2:6-21 refers."79 In his view, Isa 26:1-6 is the "projected fulfillment" of 2:6-21, one that envisions an eschatological judgment centered on the lofty city, but also - and this is Isaiah 26's most innovative element - in the exaltation of Jerusalem, the putative strong city.80 Sweeney describes the relationship between these

72

Pace Polaski, Authorizing an End, 222. See pp. 167-69. The reader is referred to those pages also for my treatment of the thorny issue of dating Isaiah 2 in relation to Isaiah 24-27. 74 Cf. also the chart in Scholl, Die Elenden, 192. The chart on that page shows possible textual similarities between 2:9-17; 5:15f.; 32:15-20; 12:1-6; 25:1-5; 25:10b-12; and 26:1-6, some of which are more compelling than others. 75 noin also occurs in both texts (2:15; 26:1), but the context strongly suggests that this is more coincidental than intentional. 76 Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 365. 77 Scholl, Die Elenden, 191-3. 78 Sweeney, "Textual Citations," 47-8. 79 Ibid., 48. 80 Ibid. 73

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two texts in terms of text and exegetical/interpretive reappropriation: Isa 26:1-6 is a fulfillment of Isa 2:6-21 in the mind of the author. I am hesitant to speak of the textual relationship as prediction/fulfillment, but, at any rate, this is unnecessary for reading the intertextual relationship in the way that Sweeney, Vermeylen, and Scholl otherwise do. The reuse of language and themes drawn from Isaiah 2 gives specificity to the judgment depicted there, since it connects the more general eschatological judgment there with a judgment against the symbolic lofty city. In this respect, the reuse of Isaiah 2 here in 26:1-6 is similar to its reuse in 25:10b-12 where the former's language is used to describe Moab. Whereas earlier examples of textual reuse by the author(s) of Isaiah 24-27 tended to make the contents of earlier prophetic texts universalistic in the reuse, this example takes a text that spoke of God's judgment against human pride and applies it to the overthrow of a city, albeit a destruction symbolized in the eschatological future. While the author of Isa 26:1-6 did not reuse the specific language of pride found in Isaiah 2, one wonders whether this might have been familiar enough for it to be (un)consciously drawn into the ancient readers' understanding of this text. Just as YHWH casts all human pride down "on that day," so the inhabitants of the lofty city are cast down. In Isa 2:6-21, the author found language and themes useful for his depiction of the overthrow of the unnamed exalted city, both of which would have suggested pride to the reader as the unnamed reason for this city's destruction. Summary of Isaiah 26:1-6 The preceding analysis reveals that Isa 26:1-6 has indeed continued the intertextual process of Isaiah 24-25. The major intertexts for this short thanksgiving are other portions of the book of Isaiah. Isaiah 60 offered the author a future portrait of Jerusalem's righteous inhabitants that has been redeployed here with the universalizing tendencies observed in chs. 24 and 25. While only Judeans were envisioned in the Third Isaiah text, Isaiah 26 offers a more inclusive vision of Jerusalem's inhabitants in so far as it at least implicitly shares in the perspective of the Isaiah 25. The overthrow of human pride depicted in Isaiah 2 is picked up and reused in Isaiah 26's portrait of the overthrown exalted city. The redeployed language and imagery suggests that the author may have considered pride to be the reason for the city's downfall, although this is not certain. Both Isaiah 2 and 60 have been drawn on at various points already in Isaiah 24-27, suggesting that these two texts may have played a significant role in the continuing development of the Book of Isaiah. These two texts both held out powerful visions of the future that were important in the way Isaiah 24-27 construed the future. Finally, it is tempting to see Isaiah 12 also as part of the inter-

3. Isaiah 26:7-19: Content, Theme and Intertextuality

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textual web for 26:1-6, but difficulties in establishing its chronological priority undermine postulating a relationship between the two texts.

3. Isaiah 26:7-19: Content, Theme and Intertextuality Following the eschatological song of thanksgiving in the first part of Isaiah 26 one encounters a prayer for YHWH's intervention on behalf of the righteous against the wicked. The contrast with the preceding material is dramatic. Where the former sings of a glorious and victorious image of the future, this section implores YHWH to help the present community in their grievous time of distress. Taking its cue from the language of 26:2 C^U p 1 " ^ ) , the entire prayer reads like "an extended reflection on what is implied in the earlier reference to a 'righteous nation.' " 81 Specifically, the poem speaks of the community's inability to win its own victories (vv. 1718) and confesses dependence on YHWH (v. 12), whose chastisement has evidently been felt rather strongly (v. 16). The community claims to have been singly devoted to YHWH despite domination by other lords, earthly or divine (v. 13).82 The prayer is immediately followed by a Heilsorakel addressed to the community announcing life and restoration, along with a statement evidently spoken to YHWH about his revivifying dew (v. 19). The concluding verses comprise various comments and instructions apparently generated by the expectation of YHWH's impending judgment against the earth because of its violence (26:20-21), the last part of which is restated in mythological terms to conclude the section (27:1). Because 26:20-27:1 possesses a different intertextual character than the rest of ch. 26 - a fact which will become apparent below - 1 will treat it separately.83 Form-critically and stylistically, the poem is unique in Isaiah 24-27.84 In terms of form, the poem appears most like the national communal lament Gattung, although, as Kaiser, among others, notes, it goes beyond the la-

81

Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 369. Exegetes have debated whether the ¡TDIN in v. 13 represent human or divine entities. Those who see deities here include Lohmann, "Abschnitte," 55; Lindblom, Die JesajaApokalypse, 46; and Henry, Glaubenskrise, 69. Arguing for human rulers are Duhm, Jesaia, 162; Gray, Isaiah, 443-44; Fohrer, Jesaja, 29; Vermeylen, "La composition," 27; Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 215; and Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 340. Perhaps both are intended since 24:21 speaks of God's judgment on both groups; Kessler (Gott Geht Es um das Ganze, 156) and Johnson {Chaos, 77) have both suggested that the two ideas can be conflated since rule by foreigners implies the right of foreign gods to rule. 83 See pp. 157-63. 84 Habets, (Die Grosse Jesaja-Apokalypse, 127) labels it sui generis. 82

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ment often.85 As such, it has been compared occasionally to other national laments such as Isa 63:7-64:11, Ezra 9:6-15, and Neh 9:6-37. 86 Further complicating an understanding of the prayer is the fact that some parts of the text of Isa 26:7ff. are in a very bad state of preservation. This situation has led many scholars to suggest numerous emendations to the received text based on the different readings found in the ancient versions, on hypothetical metrical arrangements, or on other criteria, but sometimes even these are of little or no help.87 Both the form-critical and text-critical uncertainties can potentially derail the search for intertextual conversation partners, so these matters will be borne in mind as I suggest various possibilities. Though it is identified by most scholars as a section separate from 26:16, an evaluation with which I concur, it contains elements that link it with the preceding material.88 So, in addition to the reference to p ^ U which is so important in both sections (26:2, 7), one finds the idea of salvation (rrUTty; 26:1, 18); the idea that the "righteous nation" is morally observant (v. 2) mirrors the idea in v. 13 that the nation has continued to remember YHWH's name faithfully; the expectation of the oppressing rulers' destruction (v. 14) is echoed in the expected destruction of the enemy city (vv. 5, 6); both sections speak of YHWH's blessing of D l b c (26:3, 12); both sections vividly describe people who are consigned to the dust (~IBU; 26:6, 19). While these connections are not sufficient evidence for viewing 85

Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 210. Several of the elements conventionally associated with the lament form are absent here, including the opening cry of complaint and the 3/2 meter; see Oswalt, Isaiah 1-39, 477. Gunkel, Psalms, 82, included it among the songs that he identified as communal complaints, but he excluded w . 14b-15 and 19b as later interpolations. Lindblom, who, it will be recalled, identified 26:1-14 as a Danklied, identifies the lament as w . 15-19 only. Moreover, he regards these verses are a much later addition to the text since they bear no similarity to anything else in the Isaiah Apocalypse (Die Jesaja-Apoklypse, 64; cf. Johnson's extended response, however {Chaos, 71-2). Wildberger labels the song as a lament but avers that it "has been massively 'broken apart' in both form and content {Isaiah 13-27, 558). 86 Although not strictly speaking a communal lament, Isaiah 33 also bears some resemblance to Isa 26:7-19. 87 A good example is Isa 26:16, a text that is difficult to understand no matter whether one attempts to understand the text as it stands or to emend the text based on other criteria. On Isaiah 26 generally, in addition to the standard commentaries, see Liebmann, "Der Text zu Jesaia 24-27," ZAW 24 (1904): 51-104; Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 45-54. Millar's emends MT frequently, but as always one must proceed with caution when emending the text, and not simply because one must assume the "correctness" of the MT. As is quite often the case, the ancient versions may provide evidence of other (earlier?) forms of the textual tradition, although this must be balanced against the recognition that sometimes the ancient translators had just as much difficulty making sense of the text in front of them as we do. 88 Pace Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 373, who doesn't think that 26:7-19 show any connection to 24:21-26:6 at all, a conclusion that I cannot support.

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the chapter as a unified whole, they do suggest that the two parts have not been composed in isolation from each other. These connections notwithstanding, one must acknowledge that on the whole 26:7-27:1 contrasts sharply with 26:1-6. Whereas 26:1-6 speak confidently about YHWH's acts of salvation on behalf of the community and the community's trust in YHWH, the remainder of the chapter portrays a community which has not experienced YHWH's salvation, though they have evidently tried ardently. In 26:5, 6 the community triumphantly tramples on the defeated oppressive city, but in 26:17, 18 the community delivers only wind-a metaphor for its inability to achieve victory against its enemies-and in 26:20, one finds the community taking cover indoors to escape YHWH's impending judgment. How should the contrast be explained? It is possible to see this as an instantiation of a pattern discernible elsewhere in Isaiah in which a glorious future is described but is immediately followed by a communal lament which expressed disappointment over the failure of the anticipated future to materialize (e.g., 62:11-63:6, followed by the lament of 63:7-64:11). Further, however, the different temporal perspectives offered by each of the two passages may offer a clue. The perspective of Isa 26:1-6 is entirely oriented toward the future, since it is set "on that day" (v. la) and expresses the future elevation of the Jerusalem and the destruction of the unnamed city. The lament that follows, however, gives voice to the present experience of the community.89 It appears that the prayer for God's intervention (26:7-18) is actually preceded by the description of that intervention (24:21-26:6).90 The basis for this conclusion cannot be found in the chapter's grammatical features,91 89 Pace Polaski, Authorizing an End, 209-12; idem, "The Politics of Prayer," 371, who claims, rather uncritically, that the entire chapter should be understood under the "on that day" rubric. He argues that "ineffectual prayer" of 26:7-19 functions as part of the eschatological future envisioned by this chapter. He concludes: "This lament is oddly cast in the future: YHWH's people will lament their ineffectuality even as YHWH's reign is coming into effect" (279). In addition, Polaski criticizes those who argue that the text refers to the present distress of the writer for adopting a temporal explanation that is "too tidy," but his attempt to understand the lament appears to complicate matters unnecessarily, a conclusion at least subtly suggested in his own explanation (279). Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 459, has argued that the lament is part of the original layer of the apocalypse, so it is expresses the people's oppressive circumstances at the end of time (558). 90 In my view, Isa 24-27:1 offers the following temporal arrangement. Isa 26:7-19, the national lament, is uttered in the present context of the community's suffering. The answer to this prayer is expressed in a truncated Heilsorakel in 26:19, but a larger expectation of God's imminent judgment, also an answer to the prayer, is found in 24:1-20; 26:20-27:1. The remaining material (24:21-26:6) describes the aftermath or results of divine judgment, both the negative consequences for the recalcitrant nations and the positive ramifications for Israel and those nations who respond affirmatively to God's invitation. 91 Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27,42-3; cf. Polaski, Authorizing an End, 210.

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but rather in the content of the prayer (on which, see below), which presupposes that the community is enduring a situation of deep distress. It is hard to imagine why the community would envision its future this way, particularly given the glorious portrait that was offered in 24:21-26:6. It makes better sense to conclude that the lamentable circumstances of 26:718 are being felt at the present moment. In this way, the passage is similar to the laments of Isa 59:9-20 and 63:7-64:11, two texts which are rather similar in tone to 26:7-18. This explanation is often connected with the idea that the prayer reflects a deep internal conflict that existed in the postexilic period. This point has been argued by, among others, Ploger, who claims that these verses reflect a division in the community between those who accept the eschatological faith and those who do not, described in these verses with the traditional language of pn~ri£ and DC2TI.92 These terms serve as labels for the pious and the impious Jews of the community, or, those who hold fast to the eschatological faith and those who do not.93 This position has been critiqued extensively by Johnson, who concludes that "there is no evidence in this communal lament for 'contemporary conflict' or tension within the community.' 94 The general perspective that has been advanced in this study is one that sees these chapters as an expansion of and, to some degree, revision of the concern for YHWH's activity in the international sphere as reflected in Isaiah 13-23. As such, it contributes to an emerging universal perspective that describes not only YHWH's interaction with Judah, but with all the nations. As such, I would agree with Johnson that the familiar p'HU/DEn language does not here reflect internecine division, but rather, serves as categories through which the reader may see the entire world

92 A division within the community using the language of "righteous" and "wicked" is generally accepted for Third Isaiah. See recently Brooks Schramm, The Opponents of Third Isaiah: Reconstructing the Cultic History of the Restoration (JSOTSup 193; Sheffield: JSOT, 1995), 127. 93 Ploger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 65-8; Hanson, The People Called (San Francisco: Harper and Row, 1986), 253-59; Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 370. For these exegetes, this division is at the heart of the earliest layer of the Isa 24-27. Since Isa 26:7-21 reflects this division it is part of the Groundwork of the apocalypse. This conclusion is echoed by Clements, Isaiah 7-39,213. 94 Johnson, Chaos, 74-5. Johnson offers three reasons why Plôger's view must be rejected: 1) vv. 11-18 make clear that the righteous/wicked dichotomy is a contrast between enemy nations and the Jewish community, not intra-communal conflict; 2) w . 8 and 15 speak of the nation as a homogeneous group, a situation difficult to imagine if the text reflects communal conflict; and 3) Plôger's specific interpretation of the traditional language as describing eschatological expectations (for instance, his interpretation of the phrase "the way of the righteous" as "the path of the man who is righteous because the goal of his journey is the eschatological millennium") cannot be sustained.

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(^nn cf. 26:9,18).95 Those who acknowledge YHWH's ethical and moral requirements (•,C3S!0D) regardless of nationality are contrasted with those who continue to do evil and fail to recognize correct moral behavior (p"IH "70 / b l UEH in 1 ; 26:10a). A dichotomization of the community in Third Isaiah is redeployed in Isaiah 26 to characterize the entire world. As noted above, the present section may be further divided in the following manner: 26:7-10; 26:11-19; 26:20-27:1. This division of the material will be adhered in the following analysis of intertextuality in this section. The present section focuses on the first two units. After examining each individual unit, I will comment on possible intertexts that may cut across the individual subunits. Isaiah

26:7-10

The prayer opens with a brief reflection in which the psalmist states that the world must operate within the broad parameters of justice and righteousness, that is, moral certitude, and evidently this is presently not the case. Since the psalmist assumes that God guarantees the moral order of the world through judgment on the wicked and blessing on the righteous (the idea of retribution; e.g., Psalm 73; Jer 12:1-4), these verses remind God that divine intervention is necessary in the present case because the world is teetering on the brink of moral collapse. These claims are not made with the cool detachment of a dispassionate observer, but are expressed in language that indicates a real crisis absent God's immediate action. As the next few verses make clear, the psalmist and his community are suffering at the hands of those who pervert justice - the wicked - but they are patiently waiting on YHWH to intervene. Their survival and YHWH's reputation are both at stake. As many scholars have noted, the prayer opens with language reminiscent of the wisdom tradition. The text speaks of the way (n~IK) or path of the righteous (pnTH) which is contrasted with the wicked pt£TI). YHWH's judgments (•1C3StDQ) and righteousness (plU) are spoken of, as is what is right or straightforward ("1ET, T133). While some of the same verbal arrangements may be found in places like Prov 4:18 (•1p',"IK PHN1 i"Q] TlfcO, "But the path of the righteous is like the light of dawn") or 15:19 (71 "^D o n e r m « 1 , "But the path of the upright is a level highway"), their formal and contextual dissimilarities are more obvious for our purposes.96 These kinds of texts were undoubtedly part of the broader intertextual web that made up the social background for any discourse in an95

This point is made also by Polaski, Authorizing an End, 242-3. Other texts from Proverbs that display various levels of verbal overlap with Isa 26:7-10 include 1:19; 2:20; 3:6; 4:26; 5:6, 21; 15:24. For a discussion of these texts and their similarities to Isa 26:7-10, see Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 558. 96

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cient Israel, but there are no specific textual connections between them and Isa 26. The fact that Isa 26:7ff. is formally a lament suggests that the lament psalms may be more likely candidates for actual examples of intertextuality. The text possesses a meditative and reflective character that is found among many of the songs of lament in the Psalter. Wildberger and Kaiser both note verbal similarities to Pss 25:10 and 27:ll-both employ m « and 25:10 uses TIETB in connection with it (cf. 26:7).97 Other psalms, most notably the originally unified Psalm 9-10,98 exhibit more extensive verbal connections, but these are unlikely possibilities for intertextuality because the connections are drawn from language that is otherwise quite common. Since one cannot ground an ostensible intertextual relationship in the quantity of verbal similarity alone, but must also examine whether there is, in fact, a relationship in terms of meaning (exegetical, thematic, etc.), examples like Psalm 9-10 are not probable candidates for intertexuality, although texts like this could belong to the more general background QQ

of the passage. When one narrows the field of inquiry to the Book of Isaiah, one notes that this lament uses language that is characteristically Isaian. For example, m « appears eight times in Isaiah100 but nowhere else in the prophetic corpus. Similar are •nCTD 101 ^UO, 102 and nilD],103 only the last of which is found outside of Isaiah in the prophetic books (in Amos 3:10). As elsewhere in the Isaiah 24-27, this suggests that the author is someone steeped in the Isaiah tradition, whatever other texts may be familiar to him. Finally, the language used already in Isaiah 24-25 is picked up, although this is hardly evidence that, as Polaski has argued,104 the major intertext for 97 Wilberger, Isaiah 13-27, 558; Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 211. Neither claims that these are examples of intertextuality. 98 Psalm 9-10 and Isaiah 26 contain the following terms in common: QU (understood in both texts as YHWH's), ntDSD, p i S , SOT, "IDT, DntCO, m i t n a , nffltD\ n c n . Additionally, the following phrases that are reminiscent of each other: 12JS3 m s n (Ps 10:3), D1!]!? m a n (Ps 10:17), t£B] m s n (Isa 26:8). Ps 10:12 implores YHWH to lift his hand, while Isa 26:12 notes that YHWH's hand is lifted and Ps 9:14b implores YHWH to lift the psalmist from the gates of Mot (death), Ps 9:18a comments that the wicked depart to Sheol, both of which are similar somewhat to Isa 26:14, which describes Israel's oppressors as dead who will not live/shades who will not rise. See Scholl, Die Elenden, 249. 99 This is also true for Psalms 58 and 75, both of which contain vocabulary that overlaps with Isaiah 26, but it is not specialized vocabulary nor can any meaningful relationship be posited. 100 2:3 ; 3:12; 26:7,8; 30:11; 33:8; 40:14; 41:13 101 26:7; 33:15; 45:19 102 26:7; 59:8 103 26:10; 30:10; 59:14; Amos 3:10 104 Polaski, Authorizing an End, 206, 218-9; 279. The difference between my approach and Polaski's is illustrated well in his understanding of the intertextual relationship between Isaiah

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Isaiah 26 is Isaiah 24-25. 105 While there are many things about these opening verses that are clearly dependent on earlier biblical texts and ideas, no particular text or set of texts is being redeployed intertextually when viewed from the perspective of the criteria of this study. In this particular case, the author draws on language and ideas that are part of his religious and cultural tradition. Given the highly formulaic and stereotypical language that characterizes most psalm-like compositions in the Hebrew Bible, this is not entirely unexpected. The text uses ideological and verbal idioms that would have been meaningful and apparent to its readers without being indebted to any one particular expression of those idioms. Isaiah 26:11-19 These often textually difficult verses comprise the central section of the prayer. In them, using both in the first person singular and plural, 106 the prophet appeals to YHWH 107 to bring forth the salvation of the nation by judging those who continue to oppress them (to be identified with the J7ETI of vv. 7-10). The people's continued fidelity to YHWH is appealed to as part of the basis for hoping in YHWH's vindication. Moreover, the nation's fruitless efforts to win their own victory and their oppressors' failure to recognize God's impending action are both mentioned as further motivations for God's intervention. The psalmist notes both the past lamentable foreign domination as well as YHWH's expansion of the nation. This portion of the prayer can be further divided into three subunits: vv. 11-15,108 16-18, and 19.109 This first subunit expresses the request proper (v. 11), the hope of YHWH's provision of peace (v. 12), a statement about the community's subjection to other "lords" and their continuing fidelity to YHWH (v. 13), ending with a statement about God's judgment on their oppressors and blessing on the nation through its enlargement (v. 14-15). 26 and 24-25. He writes: "I will read ch. 26 with the previous two chapters as the dominant intertexts in consideration. Thus 'retelling' does not mean a later recasting by a redactor, although this certainly may describe how ch. 26 was produced. Neither should it be taken as the result of a 'sequential read,' who might experience some of the effects described here. Rather, the reuse of imagery attests to the function of such imagery in the intertextual web" (218). 105 Examples include m m m « ; (24:14; 26:10); waiting (¡Tip) on YHWH (25:9; 26:8). 106 For an attempt to understand the meaning of the constant change of person in this section, see van Wierungun, "I and We before His Face," 240; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 340-1. Van Wierungun notes that "I" voice is that of the psalmist, while the "we" voice is that of the community, but no sharp difference of perspective exists between the two. 107 The lament uses several vocatives ( m m ) as part of its style of entreaty ( w . 8, 11, 12, 13, 15, 17) 108 It is also possible to read v. 11 with w . 7-10, so that the new section begins with v. 12. 109 This agrees with the division advocated by Johnson, Chaos, 75-81. For various other proposals on the division of the subunit see Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 338; Polaski, Authorizing an End, 216-8.

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Because of the many interpretive issues that make this a challenging section of text, a brief exegesis is necessary, after which I will take up the question of intertextuality in these verses. Verse 11 opens with a statement by the speaker of the psalm that YHWH's hand is raised, but "they," the wicked of the preceding verse, do not perceive it. As is often the case in Isaiah, YHWH's raised hand indicates a situation of judgment (cf. 5:25; 9:12, 17, 21; 10:4; 14:27; 40:2; 51:17, 22), although that is not always the case (cf. 11:15; 25:10; 41:20; 49:22; 59:1; 66:14). Of special interest here, however, is the recognition that in the book of Isaiah several passages speak of YHWH's hand as the instrument of judgment against foreign nations (14:27; 19:16; 23:11; 31:3) not unlike the text before us in Isaiah 26. Since the wicked are apparently oblivious to YHWH's intentions, the psalmist entreats God to allow them to see and be ashamed because of the divine zeal for the people (•!? rifcWp). This last phrase is enigmatic, but YHWH's zeal is not entirely unknown in Isaiah (cf. 9:6; 37:32; 63:15).110 While the text does not explicitly identify the "people," the idea expressed is that of YHWH's zeal for his people,111 perhaps in contrast to his enemies in the next colon. Not content merely to see them shamed, the prophet requests that YHWH's fire, reserved for his adversaries (cf. Isa 64:1 [2]), consume them, apparently an act that would get their attention. The tone of v. 12 is quite different from the preceding verse. Whereas the focus in v. 11 is on judgment against the wicked adversaries, in this verse the reader finds the speaker asking YHWH to decree Dl^CJ, wellbeing, for the community ("I]1?).112 The use of Dl^B may have been suggested by 26:3, but even if not, it contrasts well with the imagery of the preceding verse. The second colon is unique in attribution of the community's deeds to YHWH's activity ( n ^ S ) . Usually in Isaiah, niOUO is used in connection with the people to denote acts like idolatry (e.g., 2:8; 17:8) or iniquitous behavior (57:12; 59:6). In connection with YHWH, it is used to denote salvation (e.g., 5:12, 19; 10:12; 19:25; 29:23; 60:21; cf. 32:16-18). Here, however, the community's acts take on the quality of those performed by YHWH, suggesting that this may be some

110 In Isa 63:15 the psalmist asks about the absence of YHWH's zeal, an absence which has induced great consternation in the community. This is reminiscent of Isaiah 26. 111 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 366. The first colon of v. 12, DI^ID risen mn\ can be read as either as a future indicative ("you will decree peace for us") or, as here, an expression of a wish ("may you decree peace for us"). The choice here is based in large part on the appearance of so many jussives in the preceding verse. For an example of the first understanding of the verse see, e.g., Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 551; for an example of the second, see Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 366.

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kind of historical retrospective of the nation's accomplishments, particularly in the international sphere.113 That v. 12 concludes with a nod in the direction of Israel's past is suggested further by v. 13 which seems to look in the same general direction. The statement, literally "lords besides you, YHWH our god, have ruled us" (v. 13a) could apply to many periods of Israel's history, but the general point would stand regardless of which period one speaks of, making the choice of any one era to the exclusion of any other unnecessary.114 Further, scholars have been divided over whether "lords," CPin^, refers to divine beings or human rulers.115 Johnson makes the point that if one opts to interpret this as a reference to other gods, there is no antecedent for "them" in v. 14b, but he is quick to point out that given common ANE royal ideology perhaps no sharp division should be made between the two.116 At any rate, the presence of the theme of others ruling Israel in both Isa 63:19 and Neh 9:36, 37 points to this as an attested Persian-period communal lament theme. The point of the verse comes in the second colon: though these others have ruled the community, they have continued to revere YHWH's name only.117 This seems to echo the general point of 26:8 where the psalmist notes that they have continued to trust YHWH (cf. 25:9). Because the next verse, v. 14, lacks clear referents, it is one of the most contested verses in all of chapters 24-27. It solves little in my opinion to label the first half of the verse a later addition and, therefore, decline to interpret it in the larger context of the prayer.118 The verse presents many difficulties: Do the two halves of the verse refer to the same group? If not, to whom does each refer? What is the verse's relationship to v. 13, if any? These are just some of the thorny interpretive issues surrounding this verse. The interpretation of v. 14a centers on how one understands the 113

Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 563. Several scholars, including Wildberger (Isaiah 13-27, 564), Gray (Isaiah I-XXVII, 4434), Plôger (Theocracy and Eschatology, 67), and Rudolph (Jesaja 24-27, 47) think this statement fits the period of the judges quite well, although why that period would be highlighted here is unclear. Johnson (Chaos, 77) rejects an interpretation that highlights Israel's history, arguing instead that the phrase must refer to the present period of the psalmist. It is not impossible that the text could be referring to all periods of Israel's history, including that of the author, in this statement. 115 Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 563; Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39,212; Oswalt, Isaiah 1-39,481. 116 Johnson, Chaos, 77. I do not concur with his position that this verse must reflect the situation of the exile, however. 117 Following the suggested emendation of BHS: "|~I j b for "[3 131?; cf. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 367. Based on the LXX, Gray (Isaiah I-XXVII, 444) suggested iH3 ta, "we have not known." 118 This claim is usually connected with the desire to dismiss v. 19a from the original text as well. So, e.g., Rudolph, (Jesaja 24-27,48-9) argues that vv. 14a, 18b(3 and 19 form a threepart oracle which is inserted into Isaiah 26 later. Cf. also Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 370. 114

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DTIO/CPKSI: are these the D 1 ]"!^ of v. 13, understood then as "foreign

rulers"119 or is this a reference to the community and its members, described in this way here because they have been subject to oppressive domination?120 The second view seems most likely to me, so that the idea is that though the community has continued to revere YHWH's name, they have been defeated by foreign oppressors. In addition to fitting the immediate context (vv. 13-14), this interpretation also makes the connection with v. 19a vivid (on which see below). The second half of the verse (v. 14b) speaks of YHWH's judgment on "them," which should be understood also as the foreign rulers of v. 13, not the "dead" or "shades" of v. 14a, because (p 1 ?, "therefore") these individuals have destroyed YHWH's community. The point is made at the end of the verse through a small wordplay on "IDT which occurs at the end of v. 13: while the community has continued to memorialize ("TDT]) YHWH's name, all remembrance ("IDT) of the foreign rulers will cease. Some have interpreted v. 15 as "a plea for the increase of both the people and their land,"121 but it seems best to view this as a conclusion to the short historical recital of w . 13-15.122 The text recounts the expansion of the nation/borders of the land, presumably Judah.123 As others have noted, the idea of this verse may be indebted to the divine promise to Abraham (Gen 12:3) to expand his lineage into a great and powerful nation or to portrayal of the Davidic-Solomonic kingdom at its height (1 Kgs 5:1 [4:21]). The proposal that this verse reflects speaks about Israel's history does not exclude the fact that it may also implicitly express a future desire.124 Past divine blessing on the nation justifies the same hope in the future. The second subunit, w . 16-18, contains the lament proper. The opening verse is unquestionably the most textually difficult verse in the lament.125 The 119

Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 564-5; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 340; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 370; Polaski, Authorizing an End, 238-9; van Wierungen, " 'I' and 'We'," 242. Isaiah 14 portrays the shades (•1K3~I) of the underworld coming to greet the haughty and recently dethroned ruler of Babylon in its taunt of him; cf. 14:9. 120 Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39,212. 121 Johnson, Chaos, 78. He claims that it is a "request for the reversal of the situation described in 24:1-20, particularly 24:6 and 24:11" (78). In his view, this is related to the return from exile. 122 Pace both Duhm, Jesaia, 187 and Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 63-7, who argue that v. 15 begins a new section. 1231 'U is used four times in Isaiah 24-27. The first two occurrences clearly envision entities other than Judah (25:3, 7). The third appearance of the phrase is the (TIH 1 'n of 26:2 which, as I argued above, refers to Judeans. 124 Clements, Isaiah 1-39,215. 125 In addition to the standard commentaries, see G.R. Driver, "Isaiah I-XXXIX: Textual and Linguistic Problems," JSS 13 (1968): 50; J.A. Emerton, "Notes on Two Verses in Isaiah

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MT reads ID1? "flDlQ ]1pU "[Hps i m m n \ Of the many suggestions made for understanding this text, the brief study offered by Fouts is followed here, both for its elegance and simplicity, as well as the fact that it is reflected in the readings offered in some ancient versions. He first suggests that one should emend the obscure ]lpU to "IDpU, first person plural, noting that this is likely a case of metathesis.1 6 Next, he advocates reading " p n p S (also first person plural) for "[TIpS, a reading that appears confirmed by several manuscripts from the LXX, and the Targums.127 Finally, he changes 10 b at the end of the verse to 1] b, also confirmed by the LXX. These basically small changes lead to the following translation: O Lord, in distress we paid attention to you. We poured out a whispered prayer 128 while your discipline was upon us.

If we adopt this translation, the verse appears to be speaking about the community's appeal to YHWH to end their time of anguish, here understood as God's chastening.129 This anguish is described in the next two verses using imagery of a woman giving birth to only wind as a metaphor for the community's inability to achieve victory against their foes. The last line of v. 18 drives home the point of the metaphor: contrary to nation's efforts, the inhabitants of the world did not fall. 130 Read in this manner, the (26 16 and 66 17)," in Prophecy: Essays Presented to Georg Fohrer on His Sixty-Fifth Birthday (BZAW 150; ed. J.A. Emerton; Berlin/New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1980): 12-18; Irwin, "Syntax and Style," 250-2; D.M. Fouts, "A Suggestion for Isaiah xxvi 16," KT41 (1991): 47275. 126 Fouts, "Suggestion," 472. 127 In contrast, Irwin ("Syntax and Style," 250) advocates repointing ""[Hp9 as Pual perfect with a dative suffix expressing agency (cf. Isa 38:10b). This has the advantage of retaining the present text, but, in the end, Fouts' suggestion is more favorable. 128 ran1? is found two other times in Isaiah. In the first it is connected with snake charming (3:3), while in the second it appears to represent an amulet of some sort (3:20). Elsewhere it occurs only in Jer 8:17 and Ecc 10:11, both of which favor a meaning of snake charming. 129 Johnson {Chaos, 79) makes essentially the same point, although he regards the present moment of the community to be the time of the exile. 130 Scholars are divided over how to understand the text of v. 18c: ^HD 1 DtL71 "i bs 1 ta, particularly the verb 1 'TET. Two basic positions have been articulated. The first seeks to continue the imagery of the metaphor in vv. 17-18b and render the verb as "to be born" (cf. NRSV), although against this there is no clear case in the Hebrew Bible where in Qal means this. Rather, this meaning is restricted to the Hiphil. Cf. Duhm, Jesaia, 164; Procksch, Jesaja, 330; Habets, Grosse, 146; Ploger, Theocracy andEschatology, 67; Kaiser, Isaiah 1-39, 209; Johnson, Chaos, 79-80, 106; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 341; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 367; Polaski, Authorizing an End, 258-60. The second position renders the term with the much more common meaning for ^2], "to fall." Cf. Kissane, Isaiah, 289; Vermeylen, "La composition," 21; Clements, Isaiaih 1-39, 216; Willem A. M. Beuken, " 'Deine Toten werden leben' (Jes 26,19): 'Kindliche Vernunft' oder reifer Glaube?" 142-4. This way of understanding the verb discon-

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point of the lament is supported by the statement already made in v. 12b that only YHWH has achieved victories for the nation. The final verse of this section, 26:19 - identified earlier as an oracle of salvation - is undoubtedly the most debated passage in the Isaiah 24-27. It begins with an apparent promise of meaningful postmortem existence: Vn 1 •pOljT TI^HD "priO, literally, "your dead will live, my corpse, they will rise." Because of its content, several scholars have regarded it as a later interpolation, but as with v. 14, this solves nothing.131 Two important issues must be addressed before one can fully understand this opening cola: First, how should one interpret which appears impossible with the verb j i m p 1 ? Wildberger,132 among others, has suggested that the word should be emended to read • n b n ] , with third person plural suffix, a suggestion that appears to be supported by some ancient manuscripts.133 In his opinion the first person can be explained as a gloss by someone who wanted to be included in the resurrection.134 Millar emends the text to "pn 1 ?^, which at least has the advantage of matching "p HO.135 Irwin suggests retaining the MT but advocates translating the term adverbially, "bodily."136 Albertz too thinks the first person should be retained because it may reflect the voice of the leader of a prophetic group (cf. Isa 53).137 Beuken has recently argued that should be understood as a plural noun with a first person singular suffix, "my bodies." He reads this as YHWH's description of the community, echoing the older view that the term should be interpreted in a collective sense.138 In this case, the speaker tinues the metaphor of vv. 17-18b, but since the birth metaphor ceased in the preceding line QH8 HtDiJ] b l nUlKP) the argument that v. 18c must continue the birth metaphor is not persuasive. Moreover, the second option noted above makes more sense in view of the preceding cola. 131 Pace Kaiser, Isaiah 1-39, 215-20. Vermeylen, (Du Prophete, 370-71) regards it as a gloss, but one that interprets v. 18 through a relecture. 132 Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 556; Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 216-7; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 367. This emendation really solves little in my view, however, since it is still incongruous with the earlier "[Tltl Why use second person address in one phrase, followed by third person in the next? 133 This reading appears to be supported by some Syriac manuscripts; see Leona G. Running, "Some Syriac Variants for Isa 26," AUSS 5 (1973): 58. 134 Cf. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 370. 135 Millar, Isaiah 24-27, 53. The merit of this interpretation is offset by the fact that it has no textual evidence to support it. 136 Irwin, "Syntax and Style," 247; cf. GKC § 1441. 137 R. Albertz, A History of Israelite Religion in the Old Testament Period, (vol. II; trans. John Bowden; OTL; Louisville, Ky.: Westminster John Knox, 1994), 574-5. 138 Beuken, "Deine Toten," 141; cf. Duhm, Jesaia, 187-8; Procksch, Jesaia, 330; Johnson, Chaos, 79-81, 107. Helfmeyer thinks that the word should be understood in a collective sense, but he thinks that the phrase jlDIp 1 1 n is the community's response to the Heilsorakel"jTIO v n 1 ; see F. J. Helfmeyer, " 'Deine Toten-meine Leichen'-Heilszusage und Annahme in

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is YHWH, not the psalmist, and the text presents a non-literal understanding of resurrection. While not without difficulties, Beuken's understanding of the text is that followed here, primarily because it retains the consonantal text and offers a plausible interpretation of it. While it would be highly unusual for YHWH to address the community in this way, none of the other explanations surveyed alleviates the oddity of this passage completely. This explanation also suggests a connection with v. 14 in which the DTID mentioned there are being identified with the Judean community. If we take this to be an example of a kind of incremental eschatological reinterpretation of earlier passages in this chapter, then it would be similar to the relationship between 26:21 and 27:1 (on which see below). Having adopted this reading of the text, what then does it mean? Does this text advocate an individual physical resurrection or does the resurrection language function metaphorically in some way? While it has often been remarked that the clearest expression of bodily resurrection from the dead in the Hebrew Bible is found in Dan 12:2, some scholars have argued that Isa 26:19 also advocates an individual resurrection.139 Sawyer has stated it bluntly: "[Isa 26:19] is a reference to the resurrection of the dead which no-one but a Sadducee, ancient or modern, could possibly misconstrue..." 140 Interpreted from this perspective, the passage offers a bittersweet word of hope to the community: salvation will come, but it will not take the form of communal prosperity. Rather, they are promised a return to life after death. The lament is answered positively, then, but one may rightly suspect that this would not have been what the community had in mind. Whereas the speaker of the lament is beseeching YHWH to rectify certain crises in the life of the nation or community, prosperity in the immediate historical moment (whenever one might construe that) is not offered. The kind of salvation envisioned from this perspective is one in which YHWH does not intervene in the community's political affairs by defeating its enemies, but awaits a moment in the future to reveal itself in a most unexpected way. Other exegetes deny that the passage is about resurrection from the dead and opt for an interpretation that regards the passage as speaking meta-

Jes 26,19," in Bausteine Biblischer Theologie: Festgabe fiir G. Johannes Botterweck zum 60. Geburtstag dargebr. von seinen Schülern (ed. H. J. Fabry; BBB 50; Köln: Hanstein, 1977), 254; cf. Scholl, Die Elenden, 133. 139 H. Birkeland, "The belief in the Resurrection of the Dead in the Old Testament," 75; John F. A. Sawyer, "Hebrew Words for the Ressurection [sic] of the Dead," 234; Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 215-20; Albertz, Israelite Religion, 574; Beuken ("Deine Toten," 139-52) offers a nuanced version of this view since he claims that the text is speaking about physical resurrection but only for the righteous members of the community. 140 Sawyer, "Words for Resurrection," 234.

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phorically about national restoration.141 Read in this way, "resurrection" is symbolic for the community's return from the brink of destruction. Given that the rest of the prayer is focused on communal restoration and salvation, this understanding of the passage has much to commend it. It allows the text to be read more naturally as an oracle of salvation that speaks to the immediate concerns outlined by the psalm. The imagery of the dead corpse rising and living is put to use here to describe the "resurrection" of the nation from its moment of despair. Without question, the language used here to describe the community's renewed vitality is unexpected, but, as a comparison with Ezek 37 makes clear, not completely unheard of. Facilitating the nation's renewal in 26:19b is YHWH's 142 "dew of light" ( n n s ^ ) . 1 4 3 Dew, often used in parallel with rain, was considered to have powers of renewal, and was, therefore, a great blessing on the land (cf. Deut 33:28; Mic 5:6[7]; Hag 1:10; Zech 8:12; Ps 133:3; Prov 19:12). Here it energizes the community, referred to as "those who dwell in the dust" ("13U 'EtD), enabling them to rise and sing. 144 Finally, the last line of v. 19 reports that the earth will cause "shades," another statement about the restoration of the community which, in this case, builds on the birth imagery of vv. 17-18145 and the language of v. 14.146 By picking up so

141

J. Day, "The Development of Belief in Life after Death in Ancient Israel," 243-48; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 567-70; Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 216-17; Vermeylen, Du Prophete, 371; Johnson, Chaos, 79-81. 142 Here the second person suffix of can only be YHWH, but this does not necessarily imply that the same is true for the earlier"]"HQ (v. 19a), where the community could be envisioned. 143 The issues surrounding the translation and interpretation of this phrase have been conveniently handled in J. Day, " m i N bo in Isaiah 26 19" ZAW90 (1978): 265-9. He argues that the imagery of the phrase derives ultimately from the Feast of Tabernacles (cf. Psalms 46 and 110), and that similarities exist between the imagery here and Psalm 110 and Hosea 6. Blenkinsopp (Isaiah 1-39, 371) notes that the phrase is reminiscent of tly, one of Baal's daughters venerated at Ugarit (cf. KTU 1.3 1:24,111:7). It is interesting to note that in the Ugaritic tradition, dew and rain come from Baal (KTU 1.19 1:38-46); cf. Hos 14:5 where YHWH becomes the dew for Israel. See DDD, 249-50. 144 MT reads 13311 liTpn, two imperatives while lQIsa" reads 133~M HTp", two imperfects. 145 'ran has been translated and interpreted to highlight one of two different meanings of 733 in the Hiphil: either "to give birth" or "to cause to fall." Most scholars have decided in favor of the first sense; cf., e.g., Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 215; Johnson, Chaos, 79-81; Polaski, Authorizing an End, 262. For a recent case in favor of the second interpretation, see Beuken, "Deine Toten," 142-7, who argues that the phrase should be understood as YHWH keeping the shades(=other rulers, v. 13) confined to the earth. In my view, however, the phrase engages in a bit of wordplay, since appears in v. 18 without meaning to give birth, although the context uses birthing imagery. In v. 19 the same term is reused, but the birth imagery is picked up also.

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much of the language and imagery of the earlier prayer, the oracle of salvation responds to the lament nicely. Several portions of 26:11-19 are reminiscent of earlier parts of Isaiah 24-27. First, as already indicated, the opening notice that God's hand is raised reminds the reader of statement in 25:9 that God's hand has come to rest on Zion, although the two texts express contrasting sentiments (cf. also Isa 5:25-30; 9:7-20). In the first, God's hand has come to rest as a sign of blessing since it is connected with the great banquet on Zion and the vanquishing of death, but in the second, God's hand is raised to indicate judgment against the wicked.147 Second, YHWH's glorification148 is emphasized in connection with his enlargement of the land (26:15); two previous texts have spoken of people outside of Judah giving glory to God (24:15; 25:3) and one other speaks of YHWH's glory being manifest to the elders (24:23). In these cases the language is similar, but the accent is different in Isa 26 where YHWH seems to glorify himself through the enlargement of the land. Third, YHWH's judgment against foreign rulers is depicted using "IpS, something already done twice (Isa 24:21-22). Fourth, the expectation of well-being (m^K?) in v. 12 has an antecedent in 26:3. Fifth, the idea that YHWH performs deeds on behalf of the community, an idea also expressed in v. 12, is similar to the sentiment of 25:1 rPEJU miiU). Sixth, finally, the declaration in v. 14 that the dead (DTiO) will not live contrasts with the imagery in 25:8 of YHWH swallowing death man). While this is not sufficient evidence to substantiate the argument for the unity of these chapters, it does show that they were likely not composed in isolation from each other. It is difficult to draw conclusions beyond this, however, because there is no consistent pattern to the way the language and imagery is reused by ch. 26. For example in two cases, the use of DI^K? and I p S , Isaiah 26 uses the language similarly to the earlier chapters. In the set of texts about YHWH's hand and the dead, however, the usage in Isaiah 26 contrasts with the earlier texts. In these latter examples, it is impossible to know if the contrast is intentional or merely coincidental. 146

Just as was used to speak about the community in v. 14 (see above), so it is used here with the same referent. Thus the response of v. 19 to v. 14 is quite nice: whereas the prophet laments the fact that the "shades" cannot rise in v. 14, the oracle of salvation responds that they shall indeed "rise," using the birth imagery of vv. 17-18. 147 Doyle (Metaphorically Speaking, 301-3) argues that the metaphor of YHWH's raised hand and the claim in v. 15 that YHWH enlarges the nation form a synonymous parallelism. On YHWH's raised hand he notes that it is typically a threatening gesture by the deity, but in this case (as in 25:10), the act should also be understood as indicative of YHWH's jealousy of and provider for his people. 148 Cf. LXX (BHS note) which seems to presuppose the reading m 3 3 3 instead of MT's n"D33. MT makes good sense, however.

150 Isaiah 26:7-19:

Chapter 4: Intertextuality in Isaiah 26:1-27:1

The Question of

Intertextuality

Two recent works on Isaiah 24-27 have noted the apparent similarity between the language and themes of Isaiah 54 and the prayer in Isaiah 26. First, Polaski's intertextual study looks at Isaiah 26 and 54 as part of a larger restoration-era discourse about the end of judgment and the future prosperity of Jerusalem and its sanctuary.149 In his estimation, these two texts share numerous motifs, but Isaiah 54 speaks in more grandiose terms about the future restoration since it envisions precious jewels bedecking, among other things, the city gates and walls. Isaiah 26 possesses no such ostentatious vision of the future, a fact that may be indebted to economic realities in the early Persian period. Polaski's study places both texts in the same intertextual web of discourse about future hopes for the community in the postexilic period, but he does not claim any direct contact between the two. That is, neither Isaiah 26 or 54 assume knowledge of the other in their construction of this future era.150 By contrast, in his study on the redaction of Isaiah 24-27, Scholl claims that Isa 26:13-18 reflects the nonfulfillment of the prophecy in Isa 54:1-6, part of a larger argument about the presence of Isaiah 54 in Isaiah 24-27 generally.151 In his opinion, 26:13-18 makes the argument that 54:1-6 has not been fulfilled primarily by contradicting its claims. The request for its fulfillment, then, becomes a central component of the prayer in Isaiah 26. He notes several verbal and thematic connections between chs. 26 and 54. First, Isa 54:1 uses the metaphor of the barren woman who ends up with abundant children to speak about the restoration of Jerusalem. In Scholl's opinion Isa 26:16-18 take up this theme using identical language in some cases (1 I 7\ H) to demonstrate that Jerusalem's infertility remains, contrary to the expectation of Isaiah 54. The expected expansion of the land in 54:2, 3 has not yet materialized from the perspective of 26:15. Instead of the descendants of Israel inheriting the nations (54:3), they remain under the domination of other rulers (26:13). Closely related to this point about others ruling Israel is the idea that God was to be Israel's husband (^IH; 54:5). This evidence suggests to Scholl that Isaiah 54 has been highly influential in the construction of the central portion of the prayer. In his view, the similarity of language and theme between the two texts is evidence that Isa 26:13-18 is attempting to persuade God to resolve the non-fulfillment of 54:1-6. Although he does not use the language of intertextuality, this is an apt de-

149

Polaski, Authorizing an End, 252-3. Polaski does not argue for a diachronic arrangement of the texts, but his analysis suggests that he views Isaiah 54 as an earlier text than Isaiah 26. 151 Scholl, Die Elenden, 129-30, 216. In addition to 26:13-18, he argues for connections with Isa 54 in 24:10-12; 25:1-5; 26:1-6; and 27:7-11. Most of these are not persuasive though. 150

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scription of the kind of relationship that Scholl posits between the two texts. From the perspective of this study, what does the evidence of Isaiah 54 suggest? The verbal and thematic similarities between the two suggest that an intertextual relationship does exist between the two. Moreover, I agree substantially with Scholl's characterization of that relationship. Isaiah 54 envisions a bountiful community that would possess the nations, would no longer be shamed, and would once again be the recipient of YHWH's compassion and mercy. This is clearer still if the other texts from Isaiah 49-55 that deal with expectations about Zion are considered, i.e., 49:14-24 and 51:12-52:10. As Isaiah 26 implicitly claims through its requests, Jerusalem (and Judah) has not enjoyed the great success that it expected in the early postexilic period (cf. Haggai 1). By using the language of Isaiah 54 in the construction of his entreaty, the author of Isaiah 26 was able to remind the reader (and God) of earlier prophetic promises that had not come to fruition. 152 Further, the author may be intentionally alluding to the claim made in 54:14 that Jerusalem will be established "with righteousness" ( n p - r m ) in the use of the UiOI/pniJ language in 26:7-10. The claim would be that Jerusalem and Judah are, through their righteous behavior, living up to their end of the agreement, but YHWH is not living up to his through his failure to ensure victory against the wicked. As indicated above, the wicked here are the recalcitrant nations who continue to oppress the community through their failure to act righteously and resist participation in YHWH's kingdom (24:21-25:12). As has been the case up to this point, however, we note that the reuse of Isaiah 54 with regard to the nations makes one significant change. Whereas Isaiah 54 spoke of Jerusalem possessing the nations (54:3), no such comparable claim is made in Isaiah 26. Rather, the inhabitants of the world have the opportunity to "learn righteousness" (26:9) just like the Judean community. By not picking up on the triumphalist note that is found in Isaiah 54, the author of Isaiah 26 continues to express a more universal view of the emerging kingdom of God. Finally, I wonder if the use of i"l]~l, the opening word in Isaiah 54, in the Heilsorakel of 26:19 is designed to re-confirm the basic content of the prophecy in earlier text and thereby offer comfort and consolation to the community. What had been stated earlier would indeed come to pass; the community need only continue to wait on YHWH (Hip; 26:8).153

152

In this regard, the use of ~OT in 26:8, 13 is perhaps intentionally ironic. Is the psalmist claiming that the community has continued to "remember" God, but the same cannot be said of his remembrance of them? 153 One final speculative point: Isa 54:17 applies the chapter to the m n 1 "'13JJ, perhaps an emerging sect of the Babylonian and Persian period, but no hint of this is found in Isaiah 26.1

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Through the redeployment of Isaiah 54 in the core of the prayer, we see that the community's understanding of its present calamity was understood as contrary to an earlier textual promise. Isaiah 26 offers a unique example of a prophetic text's reuse in a prayer, but this is not the only example of this kind of reuse in this prayer. Several scholars have noted a similarity between the language and themes of 26:7-18 and Isa 66:6-16, an eschatological vision of God's vindication of Jerusalem. This text speaks about the imminent glorification of Jerusalem through judgment on God's enemies (foreigners?) and vindication of God's servants (•"'"DD; see above). As in Isaiah 26, this text portrays God's hand as a means of judgment against enemies and help for his own (66:14; cf. 26:11). Both texts envision God's judgment through his devouring fire (66:15-16; 26:11) and both use the language and imagery of labor pangs and birth (66:7-9; 26:17-18). If 66:5 is included in the comparison, then several more parallels may be noted,154 including a reference to YHWH's glory being manifest (66:5; 26:15), a word about shame on one's opponents (66:5; 26:11), and a word about YHWH's name (66:5; 26:8, 13). How should these similarities be evaluated? Can the language of intertextuality explain the relationship here? In order to answer the question about any hypothetical relationship between these texts, one must first attend to the difficult issue of dating Isaiah 66. If Isaiah 66 post-dates Isaiah 26, then we cannot claim that Isaiah 26 is reusing Isaiah 66 in any way. In his study on Isaiah 24-27, Johnson argues that Isaiah 26 was composed before Isaiah 66, and that the latter made use of the former.155 He bases this on his contention that all of the birth passages in Isaiah (49:21; 54:1; 66:7, 8; 26:17,18) deal with the return from exile:156 "It would be incongruous for the announcement that the birth has already taken place (66.7, 8) to antedate the lament that all hope for 'childbirth' seemed lost (26.17, 18). It follows that Isa 26.17, 18, and most, if not all of Isaiah 24-27, was written prior to Isaiah 66 and the first return of 538."157 Two questions come to mind immediately. First, is Isaiah 26 speaking about return from exile? Though I argued in chapter one against this idea, it cannot be ruled out completely. Even granting this, however, Johnson's argument is not entirely compelling. He presupposes that the interpretive trajectory for the imagery must move in a positive diwonder if the reuse of this text in Isa 26 and its application to the entire community is designed to counter this emerging party's claim to special status in the community? 154 Most scholars recognize a formal break between 66:5 and 6; see, e.g., Claus Westermann, Isaiah 40-66, 415-7. It should not be assumed, however, that a later ancient reader would have read the text in this way; s/he most likely would not have. 155 Johnson, Chaos, 78-9. 156 He does not include 59:4 in his list, but it clearly uses birth imagery. 157 Ibid., 79.

3. Isaiah 26:7-19: Content, Theme

andIntertextuality

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rection. Isaiah 26 must be earlier, so his argument goes, because the imagery is used in a lament, whereas, in Isaiah 66 it is used in the portrait of a glorious future. The best portrait must be the last. This is not obvious, however, and, at any rate, does not offer a firm enough basis upon which to substantiate his claim.158 K. Pfisterer Darr has explored the relationship between these texts from a different methodological vantage point, but offers a strikingly similar conclusion.159 She argues that Isa 37:3 and 66:7-9 are responses to Isaiah 26, based on the fact that a sequential reader encounters Isaiah 26 first, and, in the case of 66:7-9, it resolves the tension created by Isaiah 26. Why, however, should we assume that ancient readers read the book sequentially any more than do readers today? In addition, it is not obvious that the reader would understand Isaiah 66 to be resolving the tension in Isaiah 26 - one might just as easily think of them as predictions of the future. 160 These two exegetes have provided no compelling reason for dating Isaiah 26 before Isaiah 66. For the moment, it is at least possible to consider ch. 66 as the earlier of the two. A third explanation for the relationship between these texts, one which uses the language of intertextuality, is that provided by Polaski.161 He critiques both Johnson and Darr in ways that are similar to my own critiques, but he also rejects them because they "use frameworks which must privilege one text or the other in order to determine the texts' relationship and meaning."162 So, once again, while Polaski and I are using the same methodological language, our understanding of it is clearly different.163 Nevertheless, his own reading privileges ch. 66 over ch. 26, since he suggests that Isaiah 26 contradicts the promise of Isaiah 66 as "a way to engage the divine assurance of prosperity, expansion, and other items which could be represented under the metaphor of childbirth."164 The childbirth imagery serves as a way to portray the communal hopes of postexilic prosperity that focus issues of YHWH's blessing. Isaiah 66 speaks of YHWH acting more quickly than expected, but Isaiah 26 laments just the opposite, his failure to act in a timely manner. While Polaski distances himself in theory from readings that imply diachronic construals of texts, in point of fact, 158

This echoes Polaski's critique of Johnson also (Authorizing an End, 261). Katheryn Pfisterer Darr, Isaiah's Vision and the Family of God (LCBI; Louisville: Westminster/John Knox, 1994), 224. 160 Again, this is similar to the critique offered by Polaski (Authorizing an End, 262). 161 Polaski, Authorizing an End, 260-2. 162 Ibid., 262. 163 He adds, "An approach informed by intertextuality attempts to understand these texts as simultaneously occupying places in the intertextual web" (Authorizing an End, 262). I am not as interested in their simultaneous existence as in the manner in which the later author has redeployed the earlier in crafting his own text. 164 Ibid. 159

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that is what he does in his assessment of the relationship between Isaiah 26 and 66. Moreover, his analysis only takes into account the childbirth imagery without attending to the other connections that exist between the two passages. Another attempt to understand the relationship of Isaiah 66 and 26 has been recently espoused by Scholl. Heavily indebted to the work of O. Steck,165 Scholl is more broadly interested in the issue of the redactional relationship between the latest passages in Third Isaiah (Isaiah 65-66) and Isaiah 24-27 generally. He views these as redactionally related texts which deal with similar themes (i.e., retributive justice, idolatry, etc.). For example, he claims that 66:5-24 contains descriptions of sinners' behavior and divine reaction that is similar to 26:10-15 or that the metaphor of birth (66:7-11) should be seen to balance the corresponding text in Isa 26:15-19, since both are about the new creation of the people of God. He explains these similarities as evidence for a common redactional layer, not as intertextually related. Why the author would choose to balance these two texts, or why the author would find it necessary to do this is not addressed. In fact, Scholl notes the similarities, but often neglects to explain why the author(s) would make such connections. When he does attempt to explain them, his explanations are often unconvincing or even unargued.166 How should any perceived relationship between Isaiah 26 and 66 be understood? While the certainty with which one can assert the chronological priority of Isaiah 66 over against Isaiah 26 is not great, the preceding survey demonstrates that others have done so. The fact that Isaiah 66 is sequentially the last part of the book is not necessarily evidence that it was the last text composed for inclusion in the book. Moreover, dating Isaiah 66 is complicated by the fact that the chapter shows signs of an editorial build-up; that is to say, it shows signs of redaction.167 This suggests it is at least possible to argue that Isaiah 26 (or at least the relevant portions here) may plausibly antedate parts of Isaiah 66, making it possible to postulate an intertextual connection between the two texts going from Isaiah 26 to 66. Whether the case for intertextuality is convincing enough to move from possible to probable must be judged separately, and at any rate, only after the argument has been presented.

165

Odil Hannes Steck, Studien zu Trito-Jesaia (BZAW 203; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1991)248-65. 166 E.g., on Isa 64:5 and Isaiah 24-27 (especially 26:14, 19), he says "Es ist nicht zu verifizieren, wieweit die Aussage aus 64,5:13 n^m Jes 24-27, v.a. aber 26,14.19 beeinflußt hat. Anzunehmen ist es aber" (Die Elenden, 222). Unfortunately, this is typical of the kind of argument that he offers quite often. 167 This is particularly true for 66:17, 18-24. Cf. Westermann, Isaiah 40-66,422-23.

3. Isaiah 26:7-19: Content, Theme and

Intertextuality

155

As in Isaiah 54, it appears that Isaiah 66 is being reused because it is thought to be a prophetic text which fulfillment has not been forthcoming. Its language and themes are redeployed in the present prayer, and the new context offers a new meaning to these images and themes. Isaiah 26 redeploys two ideas from 66:5 which redefine earlier words away from intracommunal partisan concerns and toward national interests. Whereas the earlier text spoke of YHWH's glorification in connection with the •1l~in, generally understood as a sect-like group who shakes at the word of God (cf. Isa 66:2, 5; Ezra 9:4; 10:3),168 Isa 26:15 connects this same idea with the enlargement of the land, clearly an indication of the community's prosperity. Additionally, 66:5 avers that those who oppose the •,"Tin will be put to shame (CJ1D), but 26:11 requests this for those foreign enemies, identified earlier as S)2n, who continue to be imperceptive of God's judgment against them. Elsewhere, 66:14 claims that YHWH's hand is with "servants of YHWH," a group encountered already (cf. 54:17), but 26:11 reuses this image with regard to the entire community. 169 The birth imagery in 26:17-18 appears to have been taken up in order to contradict or counter it intentionally.170 Isa 66:7-9 states, Before she was in labor She gave birth Before her pain came upon her She delivered a son. Who has heard of such a thing? Who has seen such things? Shall a land be born in one day? Shall a nation be delivered in one moment? Yet as soon as Zion was in labor She delivered her children. Shall I open the womb and not deliver? - O r a c l e of YHWH Shall I, the one who deliver, shut the womb? - Oracle of your God.

This text employs the imagery of childbirth as part of its depiction of Jerusalem's miraculous restoration in the postexilic period. Like a woman who quickly gives birth to her child before any hint of labor, so YHWH will reestablish Jerusalem and Judah quickly and unexpectedly in the restoration pe168 J. Blenkinsopp, "The 'Servant of the Lord' in Third Isaiah: Profile of a Pietistic Group in the Persian Epoch," Proceedings of the Irish Biblical Association 7 (1983): 1-23. 169 1 wonder if this reconfiguration of material specifically connected with the D1"!")!! and the toward national affairs is an attempt to counter their own claim of special status? If so, it might serve as an early (unsuccessful) attempt to curb the nascent formation of sects in Second Temple Judaism. 170 This agrees in part with Polaski's analysis {Authorizing an End, 262), but is opposite the claim made by Johnson (Chaos, 79).

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riod. Moreover, God vouchsafes the word, guaranteeing that once the birth has begun, it will be carried through to completion, i.e., the imminent rebirth of the country is a fait accompli as far as God is concerned. Isa 26:17-18 offers a different portrait, however. It states, Like a pregnant woman, Who writhes and cries out in her pangs When she nears her time; So were we before you, YHWH We were with child, we writhed, But we gave birth only to wind. We have not achieved victory, The inhabitants of the world have not fallen.

While it is possible that these two texts might be part of a repertoire of traditional imagery with Zion as a birthing woman, 171 1 wish to suggest a different understanding of the commonalities between these texts. It is possible that this text takes up the language and theme of Isa 66:7-9 and, in effect, contradicts it. Whereas the earlier text expects the imminent "delivery" of the nation, this text laments the fact that none has been forthcoming: when the day of delivery came, contrary to earlier expectations, they delivered nothing but wind (m~l). This is explained as the inability of the nation to win any victories, here understood as their continued oppression at the hands of foreigners. What was expected as an imminent reality is lamented as a vision that failed to deliver the promised results.172 The one image that the two texts use in a similar manner is that of YHWH's fire, which is invoked to devour YHWH's, and by extension Jerusalem's, adversaries (66:15, 16; 26:11). This fire is a future expectation in Isaiah 66, but in Isaiah 26 the author feels the need to request it from God, perhaps again revealing disappointment that the expected judgment against national enemies has not yet materialized. This seems correct given the statement that follows noting the continued subjugation of the community by others. Perhaps it should be noted, though, that fire is frequently invoked as a form of God's judgment in Isaiah, so Isaiah 26 is not innovating or using items not already in the Isaiah "fund" here.173 One of the features in Isaiah 66 that appears to have been reused in Isaiah 26 is the birth imagery, but Isaiah 66 is not the sole source for this imagery. J. Day has argued that the use of this imagery in Isa 26:17-18 is directly dependent on Hos 13:13, two of only three texts in the Hebrew 171

See below on Hosea and the birthing imagery. Comparison with Isa 59:4, which also employs the birth imagery, would yield a different result. In this text, the community gives birth to foolishness and nonsense ("¡IN) because of their moral failure. It is the absence of this later point in Isaiah 26, however, that precludes positing an intertextual relationship between the two texts. 173 The term occurs 33 times in the book, almost always as a sign of YHWH's judgment. 172

3. Isaiah 26:7-19: Content, Theme and Intertextuality

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Bible174 that use the imagery of a pregnant woman unable to deliver a child as a way to illustrate judgment on Israel.175 The relevant passage in Hosea states, Birth pangs come for him but he is an unwise son; For he does not arrive at the appointed time at the mouth of the womb. (13:13)

While the imagery is similar, this text focuses on the son while the Isaiah text gives its attention to the mother. The verbal contacts between the two texts are actually minimal, and, as Day concedes, the connection is largely thematic. Given only this evidence, I would be inclined to conclude against any kind of intertextual connection in the way that is understood in the present study, but Day's case is not based solely on this example. Rather, he contends that there are eight parallels between Isa 26:13-27:11 and Hos 13:4-14:10[9] that demonstrate the dependence of the former on the latter. His list of eight parallels is as follows:176 1. Israel knows no lord/gods but Yahweh (Hos 13:4; cf. Isa 26:13 [LXX]) 2. Imagery of birthpangs but child refuses to be born (Hos 13:13; cf. Isa 26:17-18) 3. Deliverance from Sheol (Hos 13:14; cf. Isa 26:19) 4. Imagery of destructive east wind symbolic of exile (Hos 13:15; cf. Isa 27:8) 5. Imagery of life-giving dew (Hos 14:6; cf. Isa 26:19) 6. Israel blossoming and like a vineyard (Hos 14:6-8; cf. Isa 27:2-6) 7. Condemnation of idolatry, including the Asherim (Hos 14:9; cf. Isa 27:9) 8. The importance of discernment; judgment for the wicked (Hos 14:10; cf. Isa 27:11) Day's case is cumulative and based, in part, on the fact that, with one exception (no. 4), the parallels occur in the same sequence. How should one think about Day's argument in light of this study? It should be pointed out that Day does not use the language of intertextuality to describe the relationship he posits between Hosea and Isaiah here. That is not surprising, however, since intertextuality was not an idea employed in biblical studies at the time of his writing (ca. 1980). Rather, as mentioned above, he de174

The other is 2 Kgs 19:3 (= Isa 37:3). Day, "A Case of Inner Scriptural Interpretation," 311. 176 Day, "A Case of Inner Scriptural Interpretation," 309-10. Day's study is echoed by Scholl, Die Elenden, passim. 175

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scribes the relationship between the two texts as one of dependence. This, in and of itself, however, does not disqualify the results of his study from contributing to the present work. The question, rather is: Is the relationship Day identifies intertextual in the sense in which it is defined in the present study? If so, what is its significance? As we consider the possibility that this might be an intertextual connection between Isaiah and Hosea, it should be recalled that earlier an intertextal connection was identified between Isaiah 24 and Hosea 4. So precedent exists for connecting these two prophetic books in this way. Nevertheless, the major obstacle for identifying Day's parallels as examples of intertextuality is the lack of verbal connection exhibited between the two. The parallels are thematic rather than verbal. In the methodology outlined in Chapter 1, however, a verbal connection was identified as a major component of an intertextual relationship. Here, as Day concedes, Isaiah echoes Hosea, but those echoes are not primarily verbal. This would seem to force the conclusion that the relationship between these two texts is not best viewed through the lens of intertextuality.177 Having said this, the possibility exists that in this case, there may, nevertheless, be some warrant for seeing this as an example of intertextualily. How so? The last verse of Hosea (14:10 [Eng. 9]) urges the reader of Hosea "to study, discern and appropriate the truths embedded in the work."178 In this case, it may be that the series of parallels that Day identifies might have been an attempt to apply part of the message of Hosea to a later period (the writer's own). Isaiah 26-27 may have been an attempt to read Hosea 13-14 selectively and appropriate its themes and (less so) language to a later situation. The motivation for this re-reading may emerge more clearly with the observation that Hosea 13-14 predominantly comprises divine first person speech. Isaiah 26-27, on the other hand, is, in several places, a text in the voice of the community which might be a response to Hosea. The point would be that Isa 26:13-27:11 attempts to present a community that identifies with Hos 13:4-14:10, but now hopes to find the possibility of a positive way forward. To the extent that this reading has any merit, it is similar to the way in which the connection between Isaiah 26 and 54 was read above where Isaiah 26 offers a "response" to Isaiah 54. The conclusion in the present case may be only marginally described as intertextual in the way that is defined by the present study, but it is an attempt to recognize the impressive set of thematic connections outlined in Day's excellent study.

177 178

Cf. Polaski, Authorizing an End, 67. Gale Yee, "Hosea," in NIBC(vol. 7; Nashville: Abingdon, 1996), 296.

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Summary of Isaiah 26:7-19 The preceding analysis has revealed that as with Isa 26:1-6, the lament of 26:19 has drawn most explicitly from earlier texts in the Isaiah corpus. The failure of Isaiah 54's vision of a prospering community to come to fruition provided a textual conversation partner for the central portion of the prayer (26:13-18). The prophet/psalmist reuses language from Isaiah 54 as a way of reminding the reader (and God) that certain earlier expectations have not been realized. As such, ch. 26 forms a kind of "response" to ch. 54. It was suggested that the triumphalist language found in 54:3 was not redeployed, perhaps because it did not fit with the universalizing tendency we have noted repeatedly in this author's intertexual engagement. The nonfulfillment of Isaiah 66 has also lead to its inclusion in Isaiah 26, where nascent sectarian concerns are muted by using its language to speak about national interests. The birth imagery of 66:7-9 is redeployed in 26:17-18 to show that Jerusalem's imminent restoration and prosperity have not materialized, while the fire imagery of 66:15, 16 is re-engaged in much the same way by 26:11 : as a form of judgment upon those who oppose YHWH and his people. The reuse of texts primarily from Isaiah suggests that the composition of this portion of Isaiah 24-27 came about in dialogue with the emerging Book of Isaiah. Moreover, the texts that are intertextually connected - here Isaiah 54 and 66 - are all much later than First Isaiah. The fact that these texts are read as unfulfilled prophecies suggests that the vision of restored community life in the postexilic period was a matter of great debate among the custodians of this tradition. It was open to discussion and reinterpretation, the methodology for which in these cases was intertextual reappropriation.

4. Isaiah 26:20-27:1 : Content, Theme and Intertextuality The lament is followed by some brief expansions which appear to have been generated in part by the hopeful word of v. 19.179 In the first, vv. 2021, the prophetic speaker 180 urges the listeners to enter the inner rooms of 179 Van Wieringen, "I and We," 250. Both Duhm and Procksch separate 26:20-27:1 from the preceding verses, but they follow a line of interpretation different than that offered here. In their opinion, these verses are part of the earliest apocalyptic layer found in these chapters. 180 Opinion is divided over whether the speaker of w . 20-21 is YHWH or the prophetic psalmist of the earlier prayer. Those who contend the former point to11 ¡3D and argue that this is YHWH's designation for the community; cf. van Wieringen, "I and We," 249. There is no reason why the prophet could not refer to the community in the same way, however. Moreover, the idea that these verses are reflective expansions of the text makes more sense if they

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their houses ( " [ m n ) 1 8 1 and remain there a little while until YHWH's imminent judgment passes. YHWH is portrayed as going forth to avenge the iniquity, apparently bloodshed and murder, of the world's inhabitants.182 These two verses actually offer a more direct response to the request of 26:11 - that the enemy rulers would see YHWH's raised hand and that YHWH's devouring fire would consume them - than to the oracle of 26:19. In light of the community's own inability in the political/military arena, Clements argues that 26:20-21 imply that YHWH is urging the community not to take direct political action, but rather promising God's intervention as they requested. This intervention is portrayed using language encountered already in Isaiah 24-27, namely through the use of Hps (24:21, 22; 26:14, 16).183 Here as in 24:14-16a YHWH's judgment against the "world" is not without repercussions for Israel though; they too will feel the effects of YHWH's wrath (OUT) if only indirectly, hence their need to hide. 184 To be sure, however, they survive but whether the same can be said for the inhabitants of the world is not certain.185 are spoken by the prophet. See Plôger, Theocracy andEschatology, 68; Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 213; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 341 ; Scholl, Die Elenden, 136. 181 Against those who read this verse in connection with v. 19 as an admonition to members of the community to enter their graves awaiting resurrection it is often pointed out that ~nn nowhere occurs in Biblical Hebrew with the connotation of "grave" or "tomb" (so, e.g., Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 571; Plôger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 68; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 371). It should be noted, however, that T i n does appear on the inscriptions above the actual tombs at Khirbet el-Qom and Silwan (Sandra Landis Gogel, A Grammar of Epigraphic Hebrew [SBLRBS 23; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1998], 412, 439). In any case, the reference here is most likely to the inner rooms of a house (cf. Gen 43:30; Exod 7:28; Jud 15:1; 16:9; 1 Sam. 4:7), although the term is also used to designate the side rooms of the Temple (1 Chron 28:11). 182

The thought is reminiscent of Gen 4:10 where the blood cries out from the earth to be avenged. 183 The connection with 24:21, 22 is quite striking since there God's judgment is meted out against both celestial and earthly figures. This has lead Johnson to contend that 26:21 forms an inclusio with 24:21 and conclude that 24:21-27:1 is a self-contained unit, one in which "the destruction of the enemy is announced both at the beginning and the end of this section" {Chaos, 83). It is worth noting that 24:1 and 26:21 are syntactically parallel (miT HDH + participle), a fact that may undermine Johnson's argument somewhat; cf. Polaski, Authorizing an End, 229. Scholl {Die Elenden, 137), Vermeylen {Du Prophète, 373-4), and Henry {Glaubenskrise, 116-147) all deny any connection between these verses and 24:21-26:6, claiming instead that the connection is with all or part of 24:1-20. For example, Scholl contends that bloodshed is a concern in both 24:1-20 and 26:21. Vermeylen notes that both 26:20 and 24:1-13, 18b-20 are united through allusions to the Noah story (on which see below), while 26:21 and 24:1-13 share the language of f l N i l ,DtLr. 184 Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 570-1. 183 Polaski {Authorizing an End, 229-31) argues that the inhabitants of the world here are to be equated with the "wicked" of v. 10, an interpretation with which I concur. Based on this

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The question of intertextuality in these verses generally revolves primarily around three sets of texts.186 The imagery and thought of v. 20 are often connected to either the Noah story or the Passover/Exodus story, or both. The Noah narrative is connected in several ways, including through the common motif of entering a safe refuge to escape YHWH's judgment: Then YHWH said to Noah, "Go into the ark, you and all your household, for I have seen that you alone are righteous 187 before me in this generation." (Gen 7:1)

In addition, the use of "UD (Gen 7:16) (Gen 6:18, 19, 20; 7:1, 7, 9, 13, 15, 16), and " p m (Gen 7:16; l i m ) link the Flood story with 26:20, 188 while the temporal indicator Ì9UOD) is paralleled in by the repetitive emphasis on the amount of time Noah et al. spent on the ark (Gen 8:13,14). Lastly, the emphasis on YHWH's punishment of the inhabitants of the earth because of bloodshed and murder is analogous to the statement in 6:11 that the earth was filled with violence (DOPI K^om). Those who focus on the Exodus text also note the motif of hiding from YHWH's destruction is common to both Exodus 12 and Isaiah 26. 189 Additionally, Polaski notes that Isa 26:20 and Exod 12:11 both offer the idea that deliverance is imminent.190 How should we think about these two texts vis-à-vis intertextuality? The parallels that exegetes offer from the Passover narra-

and the verbal similarities with Isaiah 24, he argues that Isaiah 26 "deuniversalizes" the destruction in Isaiah 24 restricting it only to those who are wicked. 186 Two other texts have been mentioned as connected to Isa 26:20-21 in some way. First, Kaiser (Isaiah 13-39, 214) suggests that Ezekiel 9 may lie in the background of Isa 26:20, but the connection, if any, is hardly intertextual. The second text, Isaiah 2, has been encountered previously. Several scholars have noted the similarity between 2:10, 19 and the admonition to enter the rock, dust, caves and holes to hide as YHHW comes to terrify the earth. Several things disqualify this text as an intertextual conversation partner, however. First, in Isaiah 2 the charge against the earth is pride and idolatry, but these are not found in Isaiah 26. Second, there is no differentiation between the righteous and the wicked as in Isaiah 26; all suffer judgment together. The shared motif of hiding from YHWH's wrath is not enough to link these two texts intertexually, although one may presume that the author knew this text because it was reengaged earlier. See Scholl, Die Elenden, 137; Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 373; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 371. 187 Though not in 26:20-21, the idea of Noah's righteousness spared him from YHWH's wrath finds a parallel in 26:2, 7-10 with the emphasis on the "righteous nation" and the righteous/wicked dichotomy. 188 Habets, Die Grosse Jesaja-Apokalypse, 151; Seitz, Isaiah 1-39, 196; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 572; Childs, Isaiah, 192; Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 373; Polaski, Authorizing an End, 232. Johnson, on the other hand, rejects any connection with Genesis 6-9 quite strongly {Chaos, 82). 189 Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 111; Johnson, Chaos, 81-2; Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 373; Scholl, Die Elenden, 137. 190 Isa 26:20, "a little while" and Exod 12:11, "in haste;" Authorizing an End, 232.

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tive are less than compelling. I am not persuaded that the motif of hiding from YHWH's destructive power is present in Exodus 12, and at any rate, it is unlike Isa 26:20. Certainly one may assume that the Exodus text would have been known to the author of Isaiah 24-27, so it would have been part of his web of discourse, but, as noted earlier, that is a far different kind of relationship than that which this study seeks to identify and explicate. That the Flood narrative may have influenced the portrayal here is possible, but is it intertextually connected in the ways we have been speaking of in this study? That is, does Isaiah 26 redeploy material from the Noah story in any exegetically meaningful way? The evidence in this case is more persuasive. Recall that the Isaiah Apocalypse has already drawn from the Noah narrative in Isaiah 24.191 Both the verbal overlap and the thematic similarity suggest that the Noah narrative is again being redeployed by the author, but how and why? As in Isaiah 24, the Noah text offers a portrait of God's salvation which is redeployed here in the hope for God's intervention in this eschatological moment in the life of the community. First, the Noah narrative depicts the vindication or salvation of one who is righteous, but he does not go untouched by the calamity unleashed by God upon humanity. This is precisely the sentiment in Isa 26:20-1. Furthermore, the story also offers a picture of the quick and decisive destruction which befalls the wicked. This pattern is redeployed by the prophet of Isaiah 26 to encourage his readers that God's victory for the community is imminent. Just as God had acted to judge the wicked and save the righteous in Noah's day, so God would do likewise in this moment. Finally, Mic 1:3a is correctly connected with Isa 26:21a since both texts are identical: IQipDQ KIT m r r ¡"tin , 3. 1 9 2 In Isaiah 26 the shared line follows the peremptory command to the community to hide from YHWH's wrath while in Micah 1 it follows a summons to the peoples of the earth to pay attention to what YHWH is about to do. Here, as in Isa 24:20//Amos 5:2 it appears that the learned prophet of Isaiah 24-27 is quoting a text found in the Book of the Twelve, but the question is for what purpose? Because in the wider context of Mic 1:2-3 YHWH's place (DIpQ) is defined as the Temple, 193 Polaski argues that this citation is meant to signify the

191

See Chapter 2. Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 214; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 571; Scholl, Die Elenden, 137. 193 Mic 1:2 states, Hear, you peoples, all of you; Listen, O earth, and all that is in it; And allow the Lord YHWH to be a witness against you, The Lord from his holy temple (IBlp brrno). The imagery continues with YHWH coming down to tread the high places of the earth, suggesting he embarks from a heavenly rather than earthly abode. 192

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Temple as the place of action in Isaiah 26.194 What strikes me about the use of this text in Isaiah 26, however, is the fact that the Temple reference in Micah is ignored, suggesting that Temple is not the focus here. What both texts do share is an emphasis on universal judgment, although the motivation for that judgment is different in both contexts. In Micah, YHWH judges the earth, with special attention devoted to Samaria and Jerusalem, for idolatry and false worship (Mic 1:5-7), whereas in Isaiah 26 the charge is violence. Perhaps the purpose for this citation, like that of Amos 5:2, is to vouchsafe the certainty of the claim in Isaiah. The fact that the earlier prophetic word was understood to have taken place offered an authoritative template upon which the future judgment spoken of here could be plotted. Just as Samaria and Jerusalem had suffered YHWH's judgment earlier when he "came down and tread upon the earth" so the inhabitants of the earth could be sure they would suffer a similar fate when YHWH went forth from his place in this context. The use of this earlier line, then, may have granted a modicum of authority and certainty to the later word in Isaiah. Isa 26:20-21 display striking similarities to Isaiah 24 in their reuse of earlier texts and traditions. First, both redeploy elements from the Noah narrative that speak of divine judgment and the preservation of a righteous remnant. Second, both cite a line from a portion of the Book of the Twelve as a way of invoking an earlier pattern of judgment for the future with which the author is concerned. Johnson has spoken of Isa 24:21ff. and 26:20-27:1 as an inclusio which frames a second section of Isaiah 24-27, but this evidence seems to suggest that the inclusio, to the degree that we can speak about such a thing, may be more readily perceived in 24:Iff and 26:20-27:1. A second interpretive comment is found when the portrait of YHWH's judgment is redrawn in mythological terms in 27:1 where the (in)famous mythical creatures Leviathan195 and Tannin are punished (~Ip3) by YHWH's exceptional sword "on that day."197 The verse reframes the judgment in 194 He adduces other evidence as well: the entrance liturgy of 26:2 and the command of the people to enter their rooms and shut their doors form an inclusio which bounds the chapter. He reads both of these actions as related to the Temple, but that is debatable at best. Cf. Polaski, Authorizing an End, 246-8. 195 Leviathan appears elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible only in Ps 74:14; 104:26; Job 3:8; 40:25. 196 YHWH's sword is described as cruel (Hop), great (VnJI), and hard (npTUn). For YHWH's sword in connection with prophecies against foreign nations, see Isa 34:5-6; Jer 47:6; 48:10; Ezek 32:10; and Zeph 2:12. 197 Polaski {Authorizing an End, 285-9) and Scholl {Die Elenden, 150) argue that 27:1 introduces the disparate elements of ch. 27. The verse makes better sense viewed against the backdrop of ch. 26, however; cf. Doyle, Metaphorically Speaking, 323; Johnson, Chaos, 84;

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26:20-1 using the category of myth. Allusions to Ugaritic sources have been encountered already (24:18; 25:8), but unlike earlier instances Isa 27:1 is more similar to a portion of the Baal Cycle'. When you struck down Lotan, 198 the fleeing serpent (when) you destroyed the twisting serpent Shaliyat of seven heads... 1 9 9

In this text Mot (Death) goads Baal before their fateful confrontation, referring to his earlier victory over Lotan (= Leviathan). The verbal parallel between these two texts of course raises the question of the relationship between the Ugaritic mythological texts and the Hebrew Bible generally, and these two texts specifically. This section from the Baal Cycle offers no other passages that are parallel to Isaiah 27. Consequently, one is left unsure how or why the author chose to replicate this particular bit of Ugaritic narrative, if in fact that is what is happening. It must remain an open question unfortunately. Of course, this conclusion is unrelated to the more general claim that Baal characteristics and behavior - here as slayer of the chaos monster - are applied to YHWH in the Hebrew Bible, of which this would be an example.200 While the slaying of Leviathan is not connected with creation in any Ugaritic text, the same cannot be said for the Hebrew Bible. As Day and others have noted, Leviathan is one of the chaos monsters who is subdued as part of creation (e.g., Job 40).201 Chaos must be overcome in order to establish and ensure order in the cosmos. Isa 27:1 speaks of Leviathan's demise in connection with future events, however, not primordial creation. This leads J. Levenson to conclude that here "to use an overworked expression, Endzeit gleicht Urzeit, 'the end time recapitulates the primal time.' " 202 The point here is not simply that a primordial pattern is replicated in the future, but that in defeating chaos moral order is restored. In

Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 371. For Sinn CT3 as a concluding formula, see Simon J. de Vries, From Old Revelation to New: A Tradition-Historical and Redactional-Critical Study of Temporal Transitions in Prophetic Prediction (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995), 40. 198 John A. Emerton has argued that the name should be vocalized litanu ("Leviathan and Ltn: The Vocalization of the Ugaritic Word for Dragon," VT 32 [1982]: 327-331). 199 KTU 1.5 I i-iii; cf. 1.5 I xxvii-xxx. Cf. "The Ba'lu Myth," translated by Dennis Pardee (COS 1.86:265). 200 See Mark S. Smith, The Early History of God (2nd ed.; Grand Rapids: Wm. B. Eerdmans, 2001), 52; and John Day, Yahweh and the Gods and Goddesses of Canaan (JSOTSup 265; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000), 91-127. 201 Day, God's Conflict, 62-75; cf. also, Levenson, Creation, 14-25. Levenson stresses that this is an ongoing process rather than a one time event. Of course, the idea of a deity slaying a chaos monster is also known in Babylonian texts (e.g., Marduk and Tiamat in Enuma elish). 202 Levenson, Creation, 27.

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this way, 27:1 offers not only a restatement of 26:21,203 but also its own response to the prayer of 26:7-19, especially w . 7-10 where the psalmist/prophet laments the lack of moral order in the world (pTU). Chaos looks very much like a metaphysical and metahistorical evil force, although it is experienced through specific individuals (UETI, 26:10).204 While Isa 27:1 is arguably indebted to an old tradition that may be traced to Ugaritic, the search for intertextual connections yields virtually nothing. The closest one comes is Psalm 74, an exilic psalm that laments the destruction of Zion and the Temple at the hands of foreigners. The text depicts Leviathan and Tannin as destroyed foes, the only other text in the Hebrew Bible that speaks of Leviathan's destruction: You (YHWH) divided the sea by your might; You broke the heads of the dragons (DTDn) in the waters. You crushed the heads of Leviathan; You gave him as food for the people of the wilderness. (Ps 74:13-14)

If one looks at all of 26:7-27:1, other interesting parallels with Psalm 74 emerge. For example, both texts are concerned with the proper reverencing of YHWH's name (Ps 74:18; Isa 26:8, 13) and Ps 74:21 also pleads with YHWH not to let the downtrodden be put to shame, but let them praise YHWH's name (•©). Both note that it is YHWH alone who brings about salvation in the earth (Ps 74:12; Isa 26:18; cf. 26:12). YHWH's hand as a means of judgment is referenced in both: in Ps 74:11 the psalmist asks why the Lord's hand is held back, while in Isa 26:11 the prophet notes that the wicked do not see YHWH's outstretched hand. Both texts speak of temporal concerns in connection with YHWH's judgment: Ps 74:10 asks how long (TID 113) until YHWH executes judgment while Isa 26:20 notes that YHWH's judgment will last only a little while ¡3I2QD). Finally, also 203 Bernhard, W. Anderson, "The Slaying of the Fleeing, Twisting Serpent: Isaiah 27:1 in Context, in Uncovering Ancient Stones: Essays in Memory of H. Neil Richardson, ed. Lewis M. Hopfe (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbraus, 1994), 7. 204 Earlier generations of scholars were inclined to read the thrice-mentioned enemy (Leviathan twice, Tannin once) as evidence that three historical foes were in view. So, e.g., Duhm (Jesaja, 165-66) claimed that the monsters were Egypt, the Seleucid Empire and the Parthians, while Cheyne (Book of Isaiah, 205) thinks the text refers to Babylon, Persian and Egypt. Examples of this sort could be multiplied. More recent exegetes have correctly noted that finding three historical entities behind the three mentions of creatures reads too much into the text. Scholl (Die Elenden, 151-2), echoing J. Day (God's Conflict, 142-4) disregards any historical reference at all, preferring instead to speak of this as "code speech" for evil generally. Blenkinsopp {Isaiah 1-39, 372) concludes, "There can be little doubt that, in the context of 13-27 as a whole, a political connotation is present and intended, but the introduction at this point of the ancient motif of the cosmic conflict and victory of the creator-deity suggests that the scribe has in mind the final overcoming of evil as a metahistorical and metaphysical force."

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connected with Isa 26:20 is the concern of Ps 74:20 about violence, expressed in Isaiah as bloodshed and murder. Do these similarities suggest that Psalm 74 serves as an intertextual conversation partner for Isa 26:727:1? Because the dissimilarities between the two texts are more abundant than the similarities, it is better to read these texts as exploiting the same mythic tradition than to postulate that 27:1 is derived from Psalm 74. Summary of Isaiah 26:20-27:1 These verses, identified as later exegetical comments generated by the oracle of salvation (v. 19) as well as certain aspects of the prayer itself (vv. 718), have drawn primarily on the imagery and language of two non-Isaian texts. Certain elements from the Genesis story of Noah were reused in order to replicate a portrait and pattern depicting YHWH's judgment along with the preservation of a select small few. This is precisely what is found in Isa 26:20. Moreover, this is not the first time in the Isaiah Apocalypse that the Flood story has been reused, suggesting that this text was important in the Isaiah author's imagination. A second textual reappropriation is found in Isa 26:21a where Mic 1:3a is virtually quoted. It was suggested that this was remarkably similar to the reuse of Amos 5:2 in Isa 24:20: a line from an earlier prophetic text that was deemed to have been fulfilled is quoted as a way of granting authority to the present text as well as vouchsafing its own vision of the future.

5. Conclusion The major sections of Isaiah 26 all intertextually redeploy earlier materials as part of their presentation. The first two sections of the chapter, the psalm of 26:1-6 and the lament of 26:7-19, all drew exclusively on earlier portions of the Isaiah tradition. In fact, most of the texts alluded to by Isaiah 26 come from Isaiah 40-66 - especially chapters 54, 60, and 66 — or later passages in Isaiah 1-39, i.e., chapter 2. The author(s) of these sections joined a conversation among later Isaian tradents and their vision of future restoration and judgment. As in Isaiah 24-25, ch. 26 attempts to universalize the vision of the eschatological kingdom of God by outlining a more positive position for the entire world in these events. Additionally and for the first time in these chapters - Isaiah 26 responds to previous Isaian prophecies deemed unfulfilled. Both Isaiah 54 and 66 express hopes about Zion's future prosperity and renewal, hopes developed no doubt in the early postexilic period. Isaiah 26 takes up language and themes from these chapters in order to respond evidently to the non-fulfillment of these

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passages. Elsewhere, the later exegetical comments found in 26:21-27:1 avoided connections with Isaiah, opting instead to allude to an earlier Pentateuchal text and an earlier prophetic text. These earlier texts offered patterns of judgment and salvation which were replotted onto the Isaian topography as part of its own eschatological portrait. In drawing on texts from these portions of the Hebrew Bible, 26:21-27:1 is reminiscent of 24:1-20 which also alluded to these portions of scripture.

Chapter 5

Intertextuality in Isaiah 27:2-13 Isa 26:21-27:1 portrays YHWH coming forth from the cosmic temple to execute universal judgment (cf. 24:1-23). As earlier in Isaiah 24-27, this event culminates in the establishment of YHWH's universal kingdom in Jerusalem (cf. 25:6-8). In Isa 27:2-13 the emphasis in the portrayal of this reestablishment is different, however, in focusing on the restoration of Judah (27:12-13) and the proper cultic practices in the land (27:9). The themes of Judah's earlier judgment through exile and punishment are taken up (27:7, 8), but YHWH offers to make peace with them now (27:6). Instead of being an aggressor against them, YHWH offers to protect them and provide a refuge for them (27:2-5). As such, Isaiah 27 offers a conclusion to Isaiah 24-27 in which YHWH's judgment has come to an end and restoration is the dominant theme. While this theme was introduced earlier in these chapters (cf. 25:6-8), its inclusion at this point is highlighted by an overt nationalistic emphasis unseen up to this point. As the following discussion makes clear, this fact highlights the intertextual connections in these chapters. Despite the contentions of some scholars, the vocabulary connections between this chapter and 24:1-27:1 demonstrate that this chapter is integral to the overall message of Isaiah 24-27.1 A list of vocabulary common to the two sections includes JJ11, Tim, m^CJ, bnn, n i l , f p s , HEJp. In addition, a final mention of the anonymous city is found, here described as "Pi? m i m , "fortified city" (24:10; 25:2; 26:1, 5). In terms of theme and imagery, distinct connections with Isaiah 24 exist. Briefly, Isaiah 27 brings much of the devastation introduced in Isaiah 24 full circle, offering a portrait that highlights the possibility of future blessing and restoration (cf. 27:2-6). That the two chapters have common features is easily seen in their shared use of horticultural imagery. All of this suggests that 27:2-13 is an integral part of Isaiah 24-27 and should not be separated from 24:1-27:1. In what follows, I will investigate the structure of 27:2-13 generally, followed by more thorough examinations of the two major halves of the chapter: vv. 2-6 and vv. 7-13. In addition to structural issues, in each section I will examine thematic, textual and linguistic issues. After these basic matters are dealt with, I entertain the possibility of intertextual connections 1

See W. E. March, "Isaiah 24:1-27:1."

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and their ramifications for understanding the chapter. In Isaiah 27, unlike chs. 24-26, all of the major allusions are to earlier passages from Isaiah, suggesting that this chapter represents a piece of inner-Isaianic interpretation designed to reinterpret earlier messages in the book in a new postexilic setting.

1. Structure and Form Many exegetes contend that Isaiah 27 displays no coherent structure or unity.2 Smaller individual units within the chapter, such as 27:2-6-the song of the vineyard-are recognizable, but the relationship between the various parts of the chapter is difficult to perceive at first blush. The latter part of the chapter (27:7-13) has been described as a series of eschatological additions which have little or no relationship to each other.3 The repeated in-

troductory formula, «inn Dm (v. 2), c a n n (v. 6), and «inn a m rrm

(vv. 12, 13) lend support to the idea that there are separate and possibly originally independent textual pieces that have been connected by a redactor.4 Each of these phrases introduces new or different material within the chapter. That these various pieces may share little original connection with each other receives further apparent support through the fact that their content appears quite dissimilar. As already noted, vv. 2-6 are a song which describes Israel/Judah as a vineyard and YHWH as its caretaker; w . 7-8 appear to speak about exile; v. 9 claims that the atonement for Israel's sin is contingent upon the destruction of illicit cultic installations and altars; vv. 10-11 return to the theme of the besieged and desolate anonymous city; and finally, vv. 12-13 anticipate YHWH's regathering of dispersed Israel2 On the structure of Isa 27:2-13, or lack thereof, see Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 459; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 345-6 Lindblom (Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 53-4) labels vv. 2-11 a "song of jubilation" (Jubillied) but it is difficult to see how this material hangs together as a coherent song. For a thorough critique of Lindblom's position, see Johnson, Chaos, B5-6. The justification for including 27:1 with my analysis of Isaiah 26 may be found in Chapter 4. The discussion here about the structure and unity of Isaiah 27 excludes v. 1 from consideration since its place and function within the text of Isaiah 24-27 has been dealt with already. 3 Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 459. 4 An earlier generation of scholars often argued that vv. 12-13 originally followed 27:1, so that the earliest conclusion to these chapters was 27:1, 12-13; cf., e.g., Duhm, Jesaia, 193; Procksch, Jesaia, 334; Rudolph, Jesaia 24-27, 50-1. Their arguments were generally based on two things: 1) the similar Nliin DVD introductory formula in each of these verses; and 2) what they viewed as a similar theological outlook in these verses. That is, vv. 1, 12-13 "narrated" one eschatological event which included the defeat of Leviathan, i.e., forces inimical to truly observant Jewish life, the separation of faithful from the apostate, and the gathering of all faithful diaspora Jews to Jerusalem to worship.

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ites to Jerusalem to worship. At first glance, it is difficult to see what these various elements have in common and why an author/redactor would choose to place each of these disparate elements together here. Recently, however, Sweeney has argued that the entire chapter does offer indications of thematic unity. 5 In addition to the aforementioned introductory eschatological formulas that occur throughout the chapter, he cites the agricultural imagery that pervades much of the chapter as a unifying feature. Such imagery includes the vineyard allegory (vv. 2-5), references to Jacob "taking root" and to Israel "blossoming" and "blooming" as well as the reference to "fruit" (v. 6), and a cluster of images in v. 8 which he identifies as related to corn. 6 More important for our purposes, though, is Sweeney's argument that several allusions to Isaiah 1 and 17 unify the chapter. 7 The alleged connections with these two earlier sections of the Isaiah traditum will be examined below, but if these connections are valid they would seem to make a prima facie case for the chapter's unity. The following analysis explores possible intertextual connections in Isa 27:2-13. The exegetical ramifications of these connections are explored as well. The following structural breakdown of 27:2-13 is followed in the analysis: vv. 2-6: vineyard song and its interpretation; vv. 7-11: punishment and forgiveness; and w . 12-13: YHWH's regathering of dispersed Israelites. 8 Each section's structure, style and content will be investigated before intertextual possibilities are explored.

2. Isaiah 27:2-6: Content, Theme and Intertextuality Scholars generally agree that the first subunit of Isa 27:2-13 is vv. 2-6. 9 Its beginning is quite obviously marked by the introductory S i n n DVD formula, 10 but its conclusion has been open to some dispute. There is dis5 M. Sweeney, "New Gleanings from an Old Vineyard: Isaiah 27 Reconsidered," in Early Jewish and Christian Exegesis: Studies in Memory of William Hugh Brownlee (ed. C. A. Evans and W. F. Stinespring; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987), 54-7. 6 Ibid., 54-5. The references identified with corn include reading HDD in v. 8 as related to Akkadian sassu and Talmudic Aramaic s's', both of which refer to the "top of an ear of corn" (an explanation that relies on S. Daiches, "An Explanation of Isaiah 27.8," JQR 6/3 [Jan. 1916]: 399-404.); in v. 12 he claims E n r P refers to winnowing corn and ntDIO is the singular form of C 3 , "ears of corn." 7 Ibid., 55-6. 8 For organizational purposes, the last two division are treated together. 9 For recent general discussions about this unit's structure, see Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 345-6 and Johnson, Chaos, 85. 10 Recall that it was argued that 27:1 used the same formula as a concluding formula, demonstrating that not all uses of this phrase in Isaiah 24-27 necessarily function the same way.

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agreement over whether the unit concludes with v. 5 or v. 6, with the majority of scholars favoring the inclusion of v. 6 with the unit.11 Among the dissenters, Duhm argued that v. 6 did not belong with the preceding poem, instead labeling it a "postscript" (Nachsatz) that was likely a fragment from another poem. 12 From Wildberger's perspective, the verse functions as a superscription for vv. 7-11, which should be interpreted as offering a "contrast to the preceding promise of restoration." 13 In truth, the opening of v. 6, OK DPI, does suggest the possibility that this is a new element.. 14 The term, whether emended or not, likely connotes something like "in the coming days" because the remainder of the verse goes on to detail a future hope for Jacob/Israel. Nevertheless, one detects, through the continuation of the horticultural imagery, that the verse serves as a comment on or explanation of vv. 2-5. Fohrer contends that the verse summarizes the song and applies it explicitly to Israel,15 a view with which I essentially agree. The first subunit within Isa 27:2-13, then, is made up of vv. 2-6. The content of this unit begins with a heading: Tib "1DU "IQPI D1Z3, "a pleasant vineyard - sing to it!"16 Two textual problems plague this opening. First, lQIsa 3 preserves an alternative reading for "TDfl, "pleasant," 1 0 n , "wine" (cf. Deut. 32:14). This reading is plausible since it works well with the imagery of the vineyard. Here, however, I retain the reading in MT since it makes good sense and a similar phrase is found in Amos 5:11 (Tan cf. Isa 32:12). The second problem stems from the lack of grammatical agreement between a masculine noun, and the feminine pronominal suffix which must refer to it (il^). Indeed, this is only the first in a series of feminine pronominal suffixes in this poem for which no true feminine antecedent can be located. It has been suggested, based in part on the reading of the LXX, that the feminine suffix may have been a way of linking the vineyard with the city of v. 10. In that verse T D , a feminine noun is used for "city." This explanation is quite speculative, 11 Kessler, Gott geht es um das Ganze, 173; Scholl, Die Elenden, 150; Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 375-7; Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 220. 12 Duhm, Jesaia, 190-1. In his opinion, this verse would look trivial next to the more inclusive vision of 25:6-8. He excluded the verse from the Apocalypse entirely. 13 Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 590; cf. Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 55. Wildberger finds an analogy in 26:1-6 for the kind of function and content he identifies here. For a critique of Wildberger's position, see Johnson, Chaos, 83. 14 Some have suggested emending this term to read C K " "in the days to come." Cf. Clements (Isaiah 1-39, 220) and Blenkinsopp (Isaiah 1-39, 374). Wildberger contends that this is essentially what the term as found in MT means, but explains it as "shorthand" (Isaiah 13-27, 588), a view that has been echoed by Sweeney (Isaiah 1-39, 347) and Doyle (Metaphorically Speaking, 341). BHS suggests emending to DVH The present text is supported by lQIsa a . 15 Fohrer, Jesaia, 38. This conclusion is echoed by Johnson {Chaos, 85). 16 The last part of the line, H b 1 JU, is identical to Num 21:17.

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however. It has also been suggested that in this text only DID is understood as a feminine noun,17 although Leene has pointed out that D~D appears to be understood as a feminine noun on at least one other occasion (Lev. 25:3).18 Given this precedent, it is reasonable to assume that the feminine suffixes here have DID as their antecedent. At any rate, the meaning of the text is quite clear: readers are urged to sing a song to the vineyard. Like the oft-mentioned city in these chapters, this vineyard is anonymous, although its identification is not likely to be misconstrued (especially since v. 6 clarifies its identity). What follows does not look like the content of any such song, though. Rather, these verses are an allegory which depict Israel/Judah as a vineyard and YHWH as its caretaker.19 The unit is characterized by first person speech and the speaker is none other than YHWH. He describes himself as tending the vineyard, watering it, and guarding it from destructive elements (v. 3). Using language that has appeared quite frequently in Isaiah 24-27 already (most prominently ~Tp3; 24:21, 22, 26:14, 16, 21; 27:1), the text raises the possibility that the vineyard might be attacked, although by whom and for what reason are left unexplained.20 Quite unexpectedly YHWH states that he has no wrath toward the vineyard C j 1 ^ ilQIl) in v. 4. This statement strikes most exegetes as quite odd, since nothing in the preceding verses would cause the reader to expect any mention of wrath (in fact, just the opposite). In part because of this, Clements has suggested that the key term in the line should be emended to read HOil "wine," and

17 Redditt, "Isaiah 24-27," 226, n. 109; Polaski, Authorizing an End, 338. Polaski's attempted solution for the problem posed by all the feminine suffixes is by far the most extensive, but it suffers from being overly speculative, unhelpful, and, at times, factually incorrect. On the latter issue, he speaks about masculine suffixes in v. 5, but none exist (although masculine prefixes do; see p. 339). 18 Leene, "Isaiah 27:7-9 as a Bridge between Vineyard and City," in Studies in Isaiah 24-27 (The Isaiah Workshop; ed. Hendrik J. Bosman and Harm van Grol, et al.; Leiden: Brill, 2000)," 209. 19 The most thorough discussion of the allegorical or metaphorical elements in these verses is found in Doyle, Metaphorically Speaking, 340-52. Doyle (348) contends that the purpose of the metaphorical statement is "primarily relational." It achieves two purposes in his view. First, it describes the restoration of the relationship between YHWH and his people, part of which involves also commenting on why the relationship fell apart in the first place. Second, it describes YHWH's reaction to Israel's faithlessness. 20 It has been suggested that " I p S 1 in v. 3b should be read as a Niphal rather than a Qal as in MT; see Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 373. Lindblom (Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 545) suggested emending to HpSK, making the subject clearly YHWH. Robertson's suggestion to emend to U p S based on an Arabic cognate is speculative, although creative (Edward Robertson, "Isaiah 27.2-6: an Arabic Poem?," ZAWAl [1929]:200).

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read with v. 3.21 Robertson, on the other hand, suggests following the LXX and the Syriac and reading "Din, "wall."22 While each of these suggestions has some merit, they are not superior to MT. Moreover, in the case of the latter at least, it is necessary to make other more speculative emendations in order for the text to make sense (i.e., simply to say "YHWH has no wall" doesn't help). At any rate, the idea in v. 5 of an unnamed enemy making peace with YHWH suggests that however abrupt the change of ideas is in v. 4, it should be retained as the original reading of the poem. In fact, Wildberger claims that the idea of YHWH's wrath, or rather more accurately, his lack of wrath, is the central message of the song.23 For him, the song is an expression of God's salvation, the announcement of which has characterized much of Isaiah 24-27 (along with his judgment). In my view, this may be an oblique reference to the song of vineyard in Isaiah 5 (see below). The second phrase in v. 4 introduces one possible reason for YHWH's wrath: the vineyard's production of thorns and thistles.24 If that happens YHWH declares he will embark on a violent and destructive path. He will "march out" (UK®, hapax legomenon) in battle It is not altogether clear how the prepositional phrase (ilH) that concludes the 27:4ba should be understood: is it stating that YHWH will come into the vineyard to fight against the briers and thorns or that he will fight against the vineyard? Additionally, as noted in the discussion of verses 2 and 3, the referent for the feminine suffix on the preposition is unclear, a fact which complicates any attempted explanation of the question. The feminine suffix on rnrriJK in the next phrase also requires explanation.25 Since neither JVC

21

Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 220; see also G. R. Driver, "On hemah 'hot anger, fury' and also 'fiery wine," TZ 14:133-35. 22 Robertson, "Isaiah 27.2-6: an Arabic Poem?," 200. 23 Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 585. In his opinion this is one of the many clues that the song is alluding to Isa 5:1-7, a previous "song of the vineyard" (about which much more will be said below). 24 The phrase reads SVK? TQffi 1 jJiT Most exegetes and translations render this as expressing a hypothetical future situation: "If it (i.e., the vineyard) gives me briers and thorns..." On the other hand, it is possible to see the phrase as a desiderative expression, ("O that it would give me briers and thorns!") since , 0 + ]i~lj is often used for this (Exod 16:3; Num 11:29; Deut 5:29; 28:67; Jud 9:29; 2 Sam 19:1; Jer 8:23; 9:1; Pss 14:7; 53:7; 55:7; Job 6:8; 11:5; 13:5; 14:13; 19:23; 23:3; 29:2; 31:31, 35). See GKC §15lb; Polaski, Authorizing an End, 336. While the second option is certainly possible, it creates more problems than it solves (pace Polaski). Why would YHWH wish for elements destructive to the vineyard only to fight against them? I adopt the first option in this study because it makes better sense in the context. 25 There is some disagreement over the verb here. Most exegetes claim it is from m U , "to set on fire," although this, like the preceding verb, is a hapax legomenon. BHS sug-

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nor "VCtC is feminine, it is far from obvious that the suffix refers to one or both of these. On the other hand, the adverb 7 IT, "together," suggests that the idea expressed by this last phrase could be that the thorns and briers are burned up together. Taken on its own, v. 4 is likely stating the following: YHWH has no wrath toward the vineyard, but if it produces thorns and briers, he will march into it and burn these unwanted elements up. The language of God marching into battle is not out of character for the Isaiah tradition's depiction of judgment. The problems with this explanation begin when one tries to link it up with v. 5, in which YHWH suggests making peace. As some have noted, YHWH's battle march in 27:2-5 causes the metaphor of YHWH as caretaker of the vineyard to break down.26 The song expresses the prophetic topos of deity qua enemy of his own people (cf. Isa 10:5-6; Jer 21:5). The language used here to describe these undesirable elements, rpt£) T O ID, is distinctly Isaian27 but poses interpretive difficulties nonetheless. On the assumption that the vineyard is a metaphor for the community, scholars have wondered whether the weeds refer to enemies originating within the community or outside it? Wildberger raises the possibility that this alliterative phrase refers to external invaders intent on devastating the land of Israel.28 Kaiser too notes that the language of warfare suggests external enemies before concluding that the phrase must refer to internal enemies because, in his view, after 26:20-27:1 "it is no longer possible to speak of such external enemies."29 Jacob, after some initial hesitance, suggests that it likely refers to the Samaritan opponents of Nehemiah.30 It does seem likely that "weeds" and "thistles" suggest some kind of internal interference to the health and well-being of the vineyard, i.e., community.31 Moreover, most of these suggestions are highly reductionistic. The details of the song are either ignored, or elements that do not fit well with the suggested historical context are passed over. Therefore, in my judgment, in view of the lack of evidence, it is best not to press too gests emending the verb so that it is from HIO, "to quarrel," although I do not necessarily think this is preferable. 26 Doyle, Metaphorically Speaking, 345-51. 27 Cf. 5:24; 7:23-24; 9:17; 10:17; 32:12-13. 28 Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 586. 29 Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 225. The text has in mind future schisms in his view. 30 Edmond Jacob, "Du premier au deuxième chant de la vigne du prophète Esaïe, Réflexions sur Esaïe 27,2-5," in Wort-Gebot-Glaube: Beitrage zur Theologie des Alten Testaments. Walther Eichrodt zum 80. Geburtstag (ABANT 59; ed. H. J. Stoebe; Zurich: Zwingli Verlag, 1970), 328. 31 Scholl, Die Elenden, 155; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 374. Incidentally, this does not excludes the possibility that this text is speaking about opposition to Nehemiah and his efforts, since he encountered internal opposition as well (e.g., Neh 13:4-8).

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hard to make it fit one historical context. Additionally, one cannot exclude the possibility that we are confronted here with a symbolic literary construction that is unattached to a specific historical situation. Turning to the next verse, v. 5, it becomes clear that there is an alternative to destruction:32 "he" can hold fast to YHWH's refuge and make peace with him.33 Again, several problems beset any attempt to achieve interpretive certainty with this verse. After the succession of feminine suffixes in the previous verses, the masculine afformative is problematic. To whom or to what is the offer of refuge and peace being made? Since this is clearly the outcome that YHWH hopes will be chosen, this question is not unimportant. If the interpretation of vv. 3-4 offered above is essentially correct, then there seem to be two possibilities for the referent. Either YHWH is offering the "briers" and "thorns" the opportunity to make peace or the offer extends to the vineyard in general.34 Since no interpretation will be without difficulty, it seems best not to be too dogmatic one way or the other. That said, given what I take to be the overall point of the poem that YHWH and the vineyard are embarking on a new relationship - I think the offer is being made to the vineyard in general.35 To the extent that the briers and thorns are part of the vineyard (and they are), this possibility seems to include room for the second of the two above interpretive possibilities anyway. The double offer of peace is reminiscent of the repeated m ^to m ^to in 26:3. In the present verse, the mention of DlbtD provides the alternative to the vineyard producing ITD1 The idea expressed in the phrase pin'' is intended to contrast with the possibility outlined in the preceding verse of YHWH advancing against the vineyard in battle.36

32 Robertson advocates reading I S , "or" as "woe," but with no justification ("Arabic Poem," 201). 33 Similar language is found in Job 22:21. 34 One other possibility intrigues me, although it is quite speculative. Could the offer of refuge/peace originally have been extended to the potential aggressor in v. 3b O p S 1 IT ^iJ)? If one were to argue that v. 4 is an later addition, so that the poem originally went from v. 3 to v. 5, this would be possible. 35 Pace Duhm, Jesaia, 190; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 586 (who reads v. 5a as a jussive). Among those who view the verse in the way affirmed above, see Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 220. It should be pointed out that the masculine verbal prefix here is at least matched by the masculine gendered D~D, intervening references to its gender as feminine notwithstanding. 36 Wildberger (Isaiah 13-27, 586) contends that the phrase should be read as a reference to asylum in the Temple, but this seems forced. YHWH as a place of refuge (T1UD) is also found at 25:4, where it is the poor ("?!) and needy (]V3K) who take advantage.

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Finally, v. 6 offers an interpretation of the song of the vineyard which envisions Israel's future flourishing. 37 The verse envisions a time when Jacob/Israel will take root, sprout and blossom, filling the face of the earth with fruit ( r m u n ) . The cosmic devastation depicted in Isaiah 24 has come full circle so that in Isaiah 27 the depleted and ravaged earth is once again prosperous. 38 This suggests that the offer in v. 5 has been accepted and peace has been achieved between YHWH and his vineyard. While the verse uses horticultural language, it is clearly different from that of the allegory proper in the preceding verses. Indeed, it is not incorrect to say that apart from this explanation one would not automatically relate the allegory to Israel given the lack of references to historical realia in 27:2-5 or generally in Isaiah 24-27. 39 Given the unexpected appearance of Jacob and Israel, scholars have wondered about its exegetical significance. Many exegetes have seen in these designations a reference to the erstwhile Northern Kingdom, destroyed in 722 BCE by the Assyrians, or possibly a reference to those who inhabit that land in the early postexilic period. 40 Others, however, have seen in this language a reference to the Jewish community in general. 41 Given that the Jacob/Israel does not refer to the Northern Kingdom in late Isaian texts, but rather indicates the Judean community as a whole (e.g., in Isaiah 40-55), I adopt the latter position here. Read in this way, the verse applies the vineyard allegory to Israel's restoration, imagined as abundance and fecundity. A New Vineyard Song Turning to the question of intertextuality and 27:2-6, we encounter arguably one of the clearest examples of inner-biblical interpretation in all of 37

Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27, 53; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 347; Scholl, Die Elenden, 157. Rudolph claimed that the verse was an added summary the purpose of which was to postpone a word about the present moment to the end time. To view the poem and its interpretation as temporally distinct (one present, the other future) ignores that the each one's introductory phrase might refer to the same period. 38 Rudolph, (Jesaja 24-27, 53) sees in this phrase a universalism based on Gen 12:3. Wildberger (Isaiah 13-27, 586) counters that this refers only to the salvation of Israel, although even God's enemies could realize salvation (v. 5). Fohrer (Jesaja, 38) claims that the verse simply deals with all people of God throughout the world. 39 This would likely be true even if one took into consideration the alleged connections with Isa 5. 40 Ploger, Theocracy and Eschatology, 74; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 466-7; Scholl, Die Elenden, 157. 41 Childs, Isaiah, 196. This language pair is used in Isaiah 40-49 17 times to refer to the nation in general. Perhaps a more similar passage is Isa 14:1-2 which speaks of YHWH's compassion on Jacob/Israel manifest through their resettlement on their land. Foreigners return them to their land and themselves become members of the cultic community (cf. Isa 60:1-22; 65:18-21).

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Isaiah 24-27. A connection with Isa 5:1-7, an earlier "vineyard song," is almost universally recognized by exegetes.42 The first song portrays YHWH clearing a patch of ground and planting a vineyard, placing a watchtower in it, and hewing out a wine vat (vv. l-2a). Expecting it to yield grapes it produces wild or rotten grapes43 causing YHWH to wonder what he should do with the vineyard (vv. 2b-4). He decides to expose it to the ravages of wild beasts by removing its hedge, to allow it to become overgrown with thorns and thistles (¡TD1 TOD), and to command the clouds to withhold rain from it ( w . 5-6). The vineyard allegory is then explained through its explicit identification as Israel/Judah (v. 7). The unexpected grapes are bloodshed ( n S E J D ) and outcry (HpUU) while the expected grapes were justice (CDSDQ) and righteousness (Hplü). That the two vineyard songs are related seems obvious, given the similar nature of the metaphor and the vocabulary shared by them.44 The question then is not whether they are intertextually connected-they are-but what the nature of the relationship between the two texts is. Several methods of relating the two texts have been conceived, most of which center on the idea that Isa 27:2-6 reverses the thought of Isa 5:1-7 in some way. Kessler describes Isaiah 27 as a counterpart (Gegenstück) that contrasts with Isaiah 5, a view that has been echoed by others.45 Clements goes further and argues that 27:2-5 reverses the threat of 5:1-6 (especially v. 6) 46 He contends that the judgment threatened in 5:1-7 is abrogated by 27:2-5 and an offer of salvation and well-being appears as a distinct possibility (along with a continued threat of judgment). In this regard, it is in42

In addition to the standard commentaries, all of which mention a connection between these verses, see Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27, 52; Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 60; Habets, Die Grosse Apokalypse, 161-2; Jacob, "Du premier au deuxième chant de la vigne," 325-30; Polaski, Authorizing an End, 354-6; Doyle, Metaphorically Speaking, 344-5; Scholl, Die Elenden, 155-7. As far as I am aware, only Johnson {Chaos, 86-7) denies that any type of textual relationship exists between the two passages. 43 The fruit produced, is rendered with a word that occurs only in Isaiah 5. While it is usually translated as "sour grapes" or something to that effect, this is conjecture. G. R. Driver suggests, based on the verb EJND, "to stink, become odious" and Aquila's translation aaTrias, that what is in view here is fruit "spoiled by antracnosa." Hence, instead of good grapes, the vineyard is full of spoiled or rotten grapes. See G. R. Driver, "Difficult Words in the Hebrew Prophets," in Studies in Old Testament Prophecy Presented to Professor Theodore H. Robinson, (ed. H. H. Rowley; Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1950), 53 n.6; Polaski, Authorizing an End, 337. 44 Most notably tVtBO) TOE? and While the common vocabulary is not extensive, it is significant enough to suggest a relationship given the other similarities between the two passages, most significantly, the metaphor of nation as vineyard. 45 Kessler, Gott Geht Es um das Ganze, 166; Fohrer, Jesaja, 37. 46 Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 219; cf. also Sweeney, "Textual Citations," 50; Carroll, When Prophecy Failed (New York: Crossroad, 1979), 148.

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teresting to note that Isaiah 27 makes this an eschatological offer, which suggests that the text may assume that the threat in Isaiah 5 has already become a reality but recognizes that this may not be the final word on Israel's fate. As such, as Blenkinsopp has noted, what we may have here is a theological development within the Isaian tradition.47 This seems right, and, moreover, I would argue that it occurs at this point in the book of Isaiah because it fits at this juncture in the eschatological vision that these chapters outline for the entire world (chs. 13-27). Put succinctly, after God's judgment has been executed on the nations, inclusive of Israel and Judah, restoration is offered. The metaphor of Israel as vineyard thus serves both purposes in the book: it can describe God's judgment against his people, but it can also portray an offer of salvation. Recently, Polaski has raised objections to viewing the relationship between Isa 5:1-7 and 27:2-6 as simply a matter of the latter text superseding the former, thereby, in his estimation, rendering the first obsolete.48 His objection is based on his contention that to describe the relationship in this way would render Isaiah 5 irrelevant in the book, and would make its continued inclusion in the book difficult to explain.49 Rather than focus on Isaiah 27's supersession of Isaiah 5, Polaski sees part of the redeployment of the earlier text as a reuse of the threat of judgment stated in Isaiah 5. That is, Isaiah 27 does more than simply reverse Isaiah 5, but implicit in the way Isaiah 27 states its case is the idea that the threat in Isaiah 5 can once again be "activated" if the offer of peace in 27:6 is not accepted. In this, I think Polaski is fundamentally correct and he highlights an important facet of the intertextual connection here. Both texts express future possibilities for the reader and the intertextual relationship underscores the idea that the choice remains open as to which of the two will ultimately be the outcome for the reader and his community. While fundamentally in agreement with the idea that Isaiah 27 is intended in part to reverse Isaiah 5, this construct needs to be nuanced to disclose the full range of possibilities for conceiving the relationship between the two texts. What exactly is reversed? Again, borrowing from Polaski, it is instructive to note the contrasts in YHWH's behavior in the two texts. In Isaiah 5 YHWH removes the vineyard's protection (v. 5, 6), but in 47

Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 375. Polaski, Authorizing an End, 333-55. 49 This latter point is entirely misplaced. As has been demonstrated in recent studies on the interpretation of prophetic texts, older prophecies are often retained in a biblical book even if they are deemed "fulfilled" because, as fulfilled prophecies, they are valid words from God and, hence, open to further hermeneutical elaboration. The earliest or original interpretation may not be the only or final word on such prophecies for the ancient writers. For a discussion of these issues, see, e.g., Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel, 467-85. 48

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Isaiah 27 protection is his primary role (v. 3). YHWH's anger is apparent in Isaiah 5, but in Isaiah 27 he harbors no ill-will toward to the vineyard (v. 4). The thorns and briers are the direct result of YHWH's decision to destroy the vineyard in 5:6, but no such connection exists between YHWH's actions and the appearance of thorns and briers in ch. 27. In Isaiah 5 the vineyard produces unusable fruit (v. 2, 4), but in Isa 27:6 the vineyard (explicitly identified with Jacob and Israel) takes root, sprouts and blossoms, filling the earth with good produce (rQ1]n). Finally, YHWH is bent on destruction in Isaiah 5, but in Isaiah 27 YHWH holds out the possibility that the vineyard might make peace with him. Although in ch. 27 YHWH retains the prerogative to "march into battle" against the vineyard and destroy it, this is clearly not the outcome for which God hopes. Isaiah 5, on the other hand, portrays a deity bent on the destruction of his recalcitrant vineyard. These comparisons demonstrate that much of what is contrasted between the two vineyards songs focuses on YHWH's behavior and actions. Further, the most important part of that contrast revolves around YHWH's intentions for the vineyard - to destroy or to protect. In both Isaiah 5 and 27 the possibility of the vineyard producing waste rPEfl TDK?) is present. In Isaiah 5, this leads to destruction with no possibility of another outcome. In Isaiah 27, however, while destruction could result, reconciliation could also be the outcome. In the latter case, as Wildberger points out, the important point is 27:4: "I have no wrath." This could not be said by YHWH in Isaiah 5. Moreover, this is the key to the intertextual relationship between these two texts. As I noted above, within the context of Isaiah 27 this statement is somewhat surprising. After all, the previous two verses do not offer the slightest hint that YHWH is angry with his vineyard. Rather, this statement makes the best sense in the intertextual context. Why would the reader suspect YHWH was angry with his vineyard in the first place? Because Isaiah 5 depicts YHWH angrily bent on the destruction of his vineyard, clearly motivated by its failure to produce the kind of harvest consistent with the vineyard keeper's care. So we see that the explanation of reversal extends not only to the future possibilities for the vineyard's well-being, but is grounded in a reversal of YHWH's conduct and attitude toward the vineyard. This facet of the intertextual relationship between the two texts can be illuminated further by considering the place and role of JVC? and TOCL1.50 In

50 Polaski (Authorizing an End, 341) too compares the two texts from the perspective of the thorns and briers, but his conclusion are somewhat different based on his rather odd take on the briers and thorns in Isa 27. In that text, he writes that "YHWH dreams up the thorns as a possible threat to his vineyard." For him, the thorns and briers are fig-

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Isaiah 5 the appearance of these two unwelcome signs of destruction are the result of YHWH's judgment against the vineyard. I will make it a waste; it shall not be pruned or hoed and it shall be overgrown with briers (¡VE?) and thorns ( T O E ) . I will also command the clouds that they rain no rain upon it.51 (5:6)

These unwelcome invaders appear because YHWH neglects the vineyard. In contrast, Isaiah 27 depicts the production of the same two things as the result of the vineyard's work only. If it gives me briers (IVB) and thorns (TOE) I will march against it (or into it) in battle; I will set them on fire together. (27:4)

In this text YHWH is not responsible for their appearance; on the contrary, it is his intention to burn them up. This comparison demonstrates how the two texts take the same trope and put it to use in different ways. This further underscores the connections between the two texts, but the differences in the ultimate message. Whereas YHWH is the ultimate cause of the briers and thorns in the first text, in the second, he pledges to eradicate them from the vineyard should they appear. This reveals YHWH's changed attitude toward the vineyard in the second song, but portrays the vineyard itself as still potentially opposed and inimical to God's ultimate design for it. The intertextual connection between these two texts, then, focuses attention not so much on the changed status and/or behavior of the vineyard, but rather on YHWH's changed attitude and behavior toward it. This is demonstrated in the case of the briers and the thorns through their transformation from sign of judgment to an opportunity for God to offer refuge and peace to the vineyard.

ments of YHWH's imagination which enable him to hypothetically display his power to order and maintain. Given that IT EH ~TGE) is a distinctly Isaian word pair, one is justified in asking whether other texts that use the pair are intertextually connected with Isaiah 27. Recall that in addition to Isaiah 5 these terms occur together in 7:23-25; 9:17; and 10:17. A close reading of these texts reveals that nothing in them aside from these common terms suggests a connection with Isaiah 27. For example, none of them use the imagery of the vineyard. Occasionally, they exhibit a close connection with Isa 5, though. This confirms that the connection between Isaiah 5 and 27 is primarily based on the common vineyard motif and not this word pair. 51 The contrast to YHWH's withholding rain from the vineyard in chapter 5 is found in 27:3a: "every moment I water it."

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On the matter of this text's inclusion in Isaiah 27, one could imagine that Duhm's contention is correct that this poem originally stood in the margin and was only secondarily added to the text; however, it is possible to see why a scribe would have added it.52 The poem, through its offer of hope and salvation to the community, serves as a continued response to the lament of 26:7-18, albeit one that is quite different from, e.g., 26:19. 53 Unlike 26:19 this poem responds to the lament intertextually by picking up an earlier Isaian text and reallocating its imagery as part of the future envisioned here. Both texts, however, offer the possibility of a hopeful future based on YHWH's good will. In summary, Isaiah 5 and 27 have often been connected by exegetes through the conceptual category of reversal: the latter reverses the former. As we saw, this is true only as far as it goes. Further investigation allows us to nuance that suggestion by noting that what is reversed is primarily YHWH's attitude and behavior toward the vineyard. Whereas in Isaiah 5 YHWH is the agent of destruction, in ch. 27 he holds open the possibility that peace and refuge may be granted the vineyard. A related area of contrast between the two texts is the opportunity given the vineyard to amend its ways by taking refuge in YHWH and making peace with him. No such offer is made in Isaiah 5, but rather destruction is a fait accompli. Through these transformations Isaiah 27 constructs a text which opens the possibility of a new and different relationship between YHWH and Israel. The specific allusions to and connections with Isaiah 5 are a rather straightforward and clear case of inner-Isaian interpretation. It makes it possible for the reader to plot this new and potentially hopeful word onto the Isaian map rather easily.

3. Isaiah 27:7-13: Content and Theme Turning to the last few verses of Isaiah 24-27 we encounter several textual, thematic and structural challenges. 54 To some, these verses appear the52

Duhm, Jesaia, 191. It seems that this undermines Duhm's additional claim that the song has nothing to do with the context. While the imagery is undoubtedly different, its function is similar to that of 26:19 - an offer of salvation to the community. 54 Rudolph states, "Dies ist der schwierigste Abschnitt in Kap. 24-27." (Jesaja 24-27, 53), an assessment echoed by Duhm, Jesaia, 191; Lohmann, "Die selbständigen lyrischen Abschnitte," 27; and Kaiser, Isaiah 1-39, 226. Johnson, {Chaos, 88) identifies five problems that hinder any interpretation of vv. 7-11: 1) the identity of the parties is only clear in v. 9; 2) the frequent and inexplicable change between perfect and imperfect; 3) shift from masculine to feminine suffixes in vv. 7 and 8; 4) change from H N O to HT1 in v. 9 is difficult to explain; and 5) the less-than-obvious connection between vv. 9 and 10. 53

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matically and structurally disconnected, leading several scholars to regard this section - if it can be called that - as a collection of various additions.55 These verses appear to deal with judgment (vv. 7, 8), destruction of nonYahwistic altars (v. 9), the anonymous city (v. 10, 11), and return from exile (w. 12, 13). Finding a thread that binds all of these diverse elements together has proved quite elusive for exegetes. Additionally, any connection with the preceding verses (vv. 2-6) is equally difficult to discern. Sweeney suggests that these verses interpret the preceding allegory in relation to Israel's/Jerusalem's current situation. Formally, the section functions in his view as an exhortation in the form of a disputation speech which purpose is to persuade the people to accept YHWH's offer of reconciliation.56 Johnson argues for a similar understanding of vv. 7-11, which, according to him, serve as "both a plea and a warning."57 The plea comes specifically through the urging of the people to "renounce all forms of idolatry" (v. 9), while the warning is accomplished through remembering YHWH's former wrath against the vineyard (vv. 7, 8, 10) and threatening similar future action if the people do not acknowledge YHWH as God (v. II). 58 Scholl, on the other hand, sees vv. 7-11 as speaking entirely about a future judgment, 59 while Leene argues that the temporal perspective is oriented toward the present.60 In what follows, I shall again examine each verse in detail and inquire about an overall structure after which intertextual possibilities will be explored.61 To the extent that any exist they may provide a clue to the overall design of these seemingly disconnected verses as well as the relationship between them. The section opens with an intriguing and textually difficult rhetorical question: n i l VJ1H J i m OK i m n 1HDQ m e a n , which, if we follow the pointing of the MT62 may be translated, "Has he struck it/him like the striking of the one who struck it/him; or has he been killed like the killing 55

E.g., Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 458. Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 347. 57 Johnson, Chaos, 91. 58 Ibid., 91-2. 59 Scholl, Die Elenden, 161. 60 Leene, "Isaiah 27:7-9 as a Bridge," 206-8. He argues that vv. 2-6, 12-13 are futureoriented in contrast to vv. 7-11, which are concerned with the present. 61 For a fuller discussion of this verse, see J. Todd Hibbard, "Isaiah XXVII 7 and Intertextual Discourse about 'Striking' in the Book of Isaiah," VT 55:4 (2005): 461-476. 62 To preserve the parallelism, Lindblom (Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 55) maintains that V ^ n n must be repointed VJIIH, a suggestion supported by lQIsa a , LXX and the Syriac. Hendrik Leene disputes the idea that the parallelism mandates any change in pointing, however; cf. H. Leene, "Isaiah 27:7-9 as a Bridge," 201.1 am not convinced that the lines need to be grammatically parallel in any case. In the absence of other compelling reasons for emending the text, I follow the MT (cf. also Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 376). 56

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of its/his killed?" 63 Several issues need to be worked out before one can arrive at a clear meaning for this opaque sentence.64 The lack of a clearly defined subject and object(s) is the first matter to be resolved in order to understand this question.65 To put it simply, Who is doing what to whom? In addition, how should the masculine suffixes be explained in light of the feminine suffixes in w . 2-5 (and v. 8)? On the matter of actants, nearly all scholars begin with the reasonable assumption that YHWH is the subject of the sentence, a position that is maintained here. There is more disagreement over the identification of objects and the focus of the comparison: does the sentence compare God's striking/killing of Israel to the striking/killing of Israel by its enemies66 or does it compare God's striking/killing of Israel to the striking/killing of Israel's enemies by God?67 One must concede that either is possible grammatically, so other criteria must be used to make a decision. In my view, the latter position makes the most sense contextually. That is, comparing God's striking of Israel's enemies in light of the statement in 27:4 that YHWH will march out into battle against forces destructive to the vineyard (i.e., Israel) makes more sense than the former position.68 This is an attempt to take full account of the interpretive context of the vineyard song and its reinterpretation of Isa 5 in the interpretation of this very oblique statement. This decision, then, leads to the following understanding of the verse: Like the smiting of his smiter are they smitten? Or like the slaying of his slain are they slain? In other words, the prophet asks whether Israel has suffered the same fate as those who formerly oppressed it, but who have now been judged by

63 Leene ("Isaiah 27:7-9 as a Bridge," 201-2) offers two possible translations for the phrase, both of which are equally possible in his view. 1) Has YHWH struck Israel as Israel's striker has struck this people, or has Israel itself been killed as his killed ones (the killed Israelites) have been killed? Or 2) Has YHWH struck Israel as YHWH has struck Israel's striker, or has Israel been killed as Israel's killers have been killed? In the end, he opts for the second of the two based on the wider context. This second reading is suggested also by 1 QIsa a and the LXX. 64 Duhm (Jesaia, 191) labeled this an "artificial" (Künstliche) sentence. 65 This problem is dealt with extensively by Leene ("Isaiah 27:7-9 as a Bridge," 20811) under the rubric of actants. In order to alleviate this problem of who is doing what to whom, Blenkinsopp (Isaiah 1-39, 375) supplies definite subjects and objects for the questions. He translates, "Did God strike Israel like those that struck him? Or is Israel slain, as those that slew him lie slain?" 66 Leene, "Isaiah 27:7-9 as a Bridge," 200-2. 67 Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 347. 68 This also fits rather nicely with 27:1 which depicts YHWH's defeat of the forces of chaos. This text, like 27:7, uses J"IH.

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YHWH. The implied answer is no:69 despite Israel's judgment by God, it has not been dealt the same degree of punishment as its own enemies. The following verse is equally obscure. The opening phrase, HNDKDH, includes a hapax legomenon that has been understood in two different ways. Some have argued that the word is connected with an Arabic cognate, sa 'sawhich has to do with the shooing away of cattle,70 but it may more plausibly be related to ¡1KD, "measure."71 Read from the perspective of the latter option, 27:8 can be understood as something like "measure by measure," i.e., "a little at a time." Read with following phrase, ¡in^ED, one encounters the idea that some entity (expressed through the feminine suffix this time) has been sent away a little at a time, which suggests the successive deportations of the exile to some exegetes.72 Quite unexpectedly, the next term offers an address to God in the second person (mT-in), 7 3 making it much clearer that God is the subject of the previous infinitive. This opening phrase, then, claims that in sending "her" away little by little, God was contending with "her."74 Of course, the question is contending with whom? The feminine suffix in v. 8 a does not have a clear antecedent, so its identification in the context is somewhat uncertain. Because the suffix in v. 8a is feminine, many interpreters have connected this phrase with the city ( T p ) in v. 10,75 but it is equally possible to connect this with the feminine suffixes found in the vineyard song (vv. 2-4). Unfortunately, the second colon of v. 8, which states that a subject, presumably YHWH, has used his fierce breath (H2Jpn im~D) 76 to lead away, offers no assistance, since ¡13¡1 is simply third person narrative.77 The picture is

69 Pace Rudolph {Jesaia 24-27, 54) and Redditt ("Isa 24-27," 383) who contend that the implied answer is yes. 70 Leene, "Isaiah 27:7-9 as a Bridge," 202. Duhm (Jesaia, 191) argued that the word was connected to NTD, meaning "to shun." 71 Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 589; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 346; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 139, 376. This is apparently the way the Targum understood the term. 72 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 376. 73 Because the second person seemed to fit so poorly Duhm wanted to read either H D T T in v. 8a or " [ m i in v. 8b (Jesaia, 191). 74 Polaski (Authorizing an End, 300-2) reads this data as an indication that a divorce metaphor is in play here. 75 Duhm, Jesaia, 192; Scholl, Die Elenden, 160. Read from the standpoint of the first option, some have suggested that the verse is speaking of Jerusalem, an idea that will be evaluated more thoroughly below. So, e.g., Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27, 54. Kaiser claims that the intended city is Samaria (Isaiah 13-39, 228). 76 Cf. the similar construction in 27:1 where YHWH defeats Leviathan with "his fierce sword" (ntSpn m m ) . 77 Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 227. BHS suggests reading the final ¡1 of the word with mappiq which would make it a suffix, but this is unsupported by any other textual evidence.

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completed with the image of the east wind (CHp). 7 8 While this half of the verse provides no help on the identification of the feminine suffix in the first half, it does fit with the imagery of v, 8a in which someone is sent away. In Jer 18:17 YHWH's scattering of the people through exile is compared to that caused by the • ' H p , while in Hos 13:15 the east wind comes out of the wilderness at God's command and destroys the national treas79

ury. Taken together, the diverse elements of this verse suggest to many interpreters that the exile, either 722 or 586, is the referent here. 80 For example, because Johnson believes that the "east wind" is a reference to Assyria, he identifies this verse as an allusion to the destruction of Samaria in 722 BCE. 81 Sweeney, on the other hand, contends that the verse describes the Babylonian exile, "explicitly in v. 8a and metaphorically in v. 8b."82 Consistent with his rather early dating for much of Isa 24-27, he understands the verse as a description of people's current situation (as opposed to the future orientation of w . 6 and 12-13), i.e., they are in exile. A "maximal" view is espoused by Clements who claims that the verse refers to the exiles of both 722 and 586.83 The issued is complicated by the fact that D H p (v. 8) can refer both to Assyria (Hos 12:2; 13:15) and Babylon (Ezek 17:10; 19:12). While 586 is likely the most recent historical moment behind this text, its role in the construction of this text cannot be established with certainty. In view of the lack of specificity here, I would suggest that the verse reflects a composite view of exile drawn from other texts and experiences. The immediate point is the recognition that exile is the subject at hand. This seems to be confirmed in several ways. First, as already noted, the 78

The east wind is expressed with D H p alone (Gen 41:6, 23, 27; Hos 12:2; Ps 78:26) a n d D H p ( n ) m " l (Exod 10:13; 14:21; Ps 48:8; Jon 4:8; Jer 18:17; Ezek 17:10; 19:12; 27:26). iltDpH m~l occurs only here in the Hebrew Bible. Cf. Leene, "Isaiah 27:7-9 as a Bridge," 203. Lindblom's contention that HtDpn should be eliminated from the text because of rhythm is unconvincing {Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 55). 79 On connections with Hos 13:15, see J. Day, "A Case of Inner Scriptural Interpretation," 312; Johnson, Chaos, 88; and Scholl, Die Elenden, 161. Johnson includes Hos 12:2 as an influence on the conception of Isa 27:8 as well. 80 Polaski {Authorizing an End, 302-3) argues, oddly in my view, that the language here does not speak of any past exile, but points to a future threatened exile. He combines this with the imagery of divorce that he identifies in v. 8 and concludes, "The image of divorce thus expands the metaphor of exile beyond a literal removal from the land to an experience of both being forsaken by YHWH and being relentlessly punished by him." 81 Johnson, Chaos, 88-9. He bases this also his identification of Jacob/Israel in vv. 6 and 9 with the Northern Kingdom. 82 Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 348. 83 Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 221.

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language that is used here appears elsewhere to denote the punishment of exile (see above). This suggests that our author may be intentionally picking up language that may have been part of the cultural and religious discourse about exile and redeploying it in his own composition. Additional confirmation for the notion that exile is under discussion here comes when we consider the relationship between vv. 7 and 8. Duhm claimed that these verses were not connected in any way, but this seems overly pessimistic.84 Rather the verses may be read as a comparison of two types of punishment: in v. 7 an opponent is killed, but in v. 8 exiled. The first describes the fate suffered by Israel's oppressors, the second Israel itself. Understood in this way, v. 8 offers an elaboration on the answer to the question of v. 7: No, Israel has not been destroyed, but rather exiled. This explanation has the added benefit of obviating the need to move v. 8 before v. 10 (pace Duhm, Rudolph); the text makes good sense as it stands. Is it possible that v. 9 is also connected to the notion of exile as are the previous two verses?85 As with these previous verses, several philological and grammatical issues hinder interpretive certainty. The most debated issue among exegetes has to do with how one understands HKT2 in the first colon. The text reads: HpiT l a r r HBO p 1 ?. 8 6 To what does P N n refer? Leene has recently argued that it should be understood as "only on the following condition" (emphasis original).87 That is, the phrase points forward to what follows as the condition on which Jacob's sin will be atoned. That condition is identified as the smashing of the non-Yahwistic altars in v. 9. On the other hand, others have explained this phrase as a reference to v. 8 and expressing a redemptive understanding of the exile.88 This idea finds support in the opening words of Second Isaiah where one reads an announcement that the exile is over and Israel's sins are paid (Isa 40:1-11; cf. Lev 26:41, 43; Isa 6:789). While it is perhaps not necessary to choose one option to the exclusion of the other, I find Leene's argument 84

Duhm, Jesaia, 192. Johnson (Chaos, 89) writes, "On the surface, v. 9 appears to be a non sequitur: any connection between it and the preceding verse is less than obvious." 86 Isaiah 6 contains much of the language used in v. 9, although no intentional reuse seems to be evident. The common language includes 1 2 3 , "110, HStDri, and fQTO. 87 Leene, "Isaiah 27:7-9 as a Bridge," 204; cf. Johnson, Chaos, 89. Leene also argues also that this idea is inherent in the passive formulation of v. 9a and the gender agreement of HKT3 (fem.) with 101 EH (fem.). He offers Gen 34:22 and 1 Sam. 11:2 as passages that contain similar grammatical constructions with similar meanings. 88 Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 58; Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 226-8; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 377. 89 Scholl lays great stress on the role of Isa 6:7 in the creation and ideology of Isa 27:9. He speaks of the latter as the reception of 6:7 into a new context (Die Elenden, 85

162).

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convincing on the whole. Not only is it permissible grammatically, but it deals with the issue of the demolished altars in the remainder of the verse quite satisfactorily. The demolition of the false cultic paraphernalia and altars results in the purging of Israel's sin, an idea which has as its correlate the belief common among the prophets and also expressed in the History that judgment has been motivated by false worship. The verse expresses the idea that the destruction of all non-Yahwistic altars, turned into chalk dust, results in the removal 90 of Israel's sin.91 That this text mirrors the injunctions against false altars elsewhere should not be surprising,92 but none of these texts exhibit strong intertextual connections with Isaiah 27. Particular stress is laid here on the familiar asherim and the rarer hamman im, or cult stands.93 The latter are attested only in putatively exilic or postexilic literature,94 while these two in combination appear elsewhere only in 2 Chron 34 and Isa 17:8. The text from Chronicles narrates Josiah's reform and includes two elements that are striking from the perspective of Isaiah 27. First, unlike its parallel in 2 Kings 23, it mentions that the destruction of the CHOPl was part of the reform. The second noteworthy element is the description of how were demolished: they were ground into powder. In the towns of Manasseh, Ephraim, and Simeon, and as far as Naphtali, in their ruins 1 all around, he broke down (fTD ) the altars, beat (n!"D) the sacred poles (D'HEJN) and 1 1 the images into powder (pin ?), and demolished all the incense altars (• ]Dn) throughout all the land of Israel. Then he returned to Jerusalem. (2 Chron 34:6-7)

This description, though not verbally identical to Isaiah 27, is clearly reminiscent of that text.95 Since 2 Chronicles most likely postdates Isaiah 27, it would The phrase 1 "IS has proved troublesome to interpreters, prompting some to suggest eliminating or emending the phrase. So, e.g., Procksch (Jesaia, 341) argues that the phrase should be Piel infinitive construct, a reading which would more closely match the preceding parallel colon. As Procksch points out, though, the LXX offers disconfirmation of this, rendering this possibility creative if ultimately unsubstantiated. 91 On the issue of the identity of Jacob in v. 9, see the discussion on p. 10. The same conclusions apply here: the use of Jacob here does not signify only the Northern Kingdom, but, consistent with its usage in Second Isaiah and later, the term serves as a label for all Israel. 92 Cf. Exod 34:13; Deut 7:5; 2 Kgs 23:15; 2 Chron 34:7. 93 A thorough discussion of these appears in Lindblom, Die Jesaja-Apokalypse, 91100. On the • 1 ]DI1 as small shrines as opposed to incense altars, see Volkmar Fritz, "Die Bedeutung von hamman im Hebräischen und von mn' in den palmyrenischen Inschriften," BN 15 (1981): 9-20. 94 Lev 26:30; Isa 17:8; 27:9; Ezek 6:4, 6; 2 Chron 14:2ff.; 34:3-4, 6-7. 95 2 Kgs 23:15 is not identical to 2 Chron 34 in its depiction of the destruction of these altars. It states,

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be incorrect to argue that Isaiah 27 is reusing this text in its portrait of the future. Rather, these two texts suggest that what constituted correct cultic practice-whether past, present or future - was continually reflected upon, a reflection that was meant either to validate or delegitimize current practices.96 Connections with Isaiah 17 are more extensive and will be followed up later. The verse, then, develops the idea of exile offered in vv. 7-8 in two ways: it focuses on the removal of Jacob's sin and the destruction of false altars. Moreover, it is part of a discourse about false worship that was evidently taking place in the early postexilic period, as texts like Isa 57:3-13 and 65:1-7 - to mention just two examples from the book of Isaiah — attest. This points also to the end of idolatry theme developed earlier in Isaiah.97 Taken together, these passages suggest rather strongly that later in the development of the Isaian tradition issues related to proper worship became more important than they were at earlier stages of the tradition, including its putative 8th century origin. Somewhat unexpectedly, the anonymous city returns to center stage in 27:10-11, where one reads that the "fortified city is alone" ( m i m T U 1D T Q ) . The image of this city as a fortified ghost town is followed by its depiction as deserted pastureland where cattle graze until it is devoid of vegetation.98 Its final state approximates the abandoned desert. The desolate depiction of the anonymous city in 27:10-11 recalls the "back to nature" topos developed elsewhere in the book of Isaiah.99 Although the collection of texts that develop this idea are not connected intertextually, this theme is often featured to describe a cityscape returning to a wild and natural condition, devoid of human development or habitation. In the present text, the author envisions women collecting the dried and stripped branches as fuel for a fire (cf. 44:14-17). This depressing imagery leads the writer to editorialize using a existent prophetic refrain: this is a people without insight (Kin m m DU 'ID; cf. Isa 1:3; Hos 4:14). A final conHe burned the high place, crushing it to dust ("IBU1? p i n ) ; he also burned the sacred

pole (mtBK). Here it is the high place (HDD) that is crushed to dust, not the sacred pole(s). 96 Polaski offers a slightly different conclusion: "Isa 27:9 may be understood...as relating to the developing idealized picture of the Josianic reform in the early post-exilic period, a picture which comes to fuller expression in the work of the Chronicler" (.Authorizing an End, 305). I would argue, rather, that the "idealized" portrait of Josiah's reform emerges out of continuing discussions about proper cultic practice. That discussion may be heard in, among other places, 2 Kings 23, Isa 27, and 2 Chron 34. 97 Cf., e.g., 2:18, 20; 30:19-22; 31:6-7. 98 One should note the tension between the imagery here and in 27:2-6, especially v. 6.

99

379.

Cf. 5:17; 7:24-25; 13:20-22; 17:2; 32:14; 34:8-15. See Blenkinsopp, Isaiah

1-39,

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elusion is drawn from this desperate situation, apparently in some tension with the offer of 27:5, stating that the people's maker and creator — YHWH - will have no mercy or compassion on them. Indeed, the harsh imagery and conclusion of these two verses is quite difficult to reconcile with offers of hope and encouragement which immediately precede it. While vv. 7 and 8 do speak of punishment, one is not left with the impression that those punished are in such dire straits as one finds here. Moreover, vv. 7-9 point toward a future filled with hope if the people respond properly to YHWH's overture. In contrast, no such hopeful note is sounded in these two verses, but rather utter despair is the final word. These verses contain the last reference to the anonymous city in Isaiah 24-27, an entity which has made intermittent appearances several times in these chapters (24:10; 25:2, 3; 26:1; 27:10). If we try to connect this description of the city to any of these earlier references, we note immediately the similarity with 25:2 (n~nin m p ) . This suggests the possibility that the same city may be in view. Another set of connections exists between the city in ch. 27 and that in ch. 24. In both, one encounters images of great horticultural desolation, a withering grape harvest in ch. 24 and dried vegetation in ch. 27, accompanying the notice of the town's isolation (24:7-10; 27:10). Again, this suggests that perhaps the reader is supposed to identify the two towns with each other, although it is impossible to be certain. As with the earlier appearances of the unnamed city in these chapters, exegetes have made numerous attempts to identify the place in question historically. The two suggestions made most often have been Samaria and Jerusalem, although other significant places have been mentioned as well.100 Those who favor Samaria tend to focus on the alleged allusions to the Northern Kingdom already encountered in Isaiah 27 (reference to Jacob, "east wind" synonymous with Assyrian destruction, etc.).101 Additionally, many interpreters have noticed the similarity between the editorial comment about the people's lack of insight in 27:11 and Sirach 50:26 (LXX) which offers a similar sentiment about those who reside on the mount of Samaria and/or Shechem.102 This suggestion is placed in a deficit, however, by, among other things, the inability of interpreters to agree 100 Recently, Blenkinsopp has suggested that Babylon is in view, in which case, this reference would be similar to 24:10, 25:2 and 26:5 {Isaiah 1-39, 378). 101 Kessler, Gott geht es um das Ganze, 168; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 595; Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 377-8; Johnson, 90. The most recent critique of the Samaria identification is offered by Harm W. M. van Grol, "Isaiah 27,10-11: God and His Own People," in Studies in Isaiah 24-27 (ed. H. van Grol, J. Bossman, et al.; Leiden: Brill, 2000), 205-6. 102 The Greek includes a reference to the mountain of Samaria, while the Hebrew (cf. Latin) apparently mentions Seir. At any rate, Shechem appears in both versions. This example offers more evidence for Sirach's vilification of the Samaritans and his possible reading of Isaiah 27 than the other way around.

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on which destruction of Samaria might be in view.103 Additionally, the linguistic evidence cited in support of Samaria can be justifiably read in other ways. Those who focus on Jerusalem note that part of the description here is strikingly similar to the description of Jerusalem in Lam 1:1: the city is isolated ( " n i l ) . 1 0 4 It is also argued that the description of the city as abandoned and decimated fits the period of the Babylonian exile quite well. Moreover, the comment in 27:11 about the people's lack of insight is in my view more strongly reminiscent of Isa 1:3 than Sirach 50, which would also suggest Jerusalem. While these observations are true, they do not compel the interpreter to see Jerusalem here to the exclusion of all other possibilities. Because it is nearly impossible in the view of many to decide in favor of one city over against another, several interpreters have chosen to think of this city, as in some of the earlier cases, as a symbolic or metaphorical construction. Hence, the context suggests to van Grol that the city symbolizes God's own people,105 but Kissane uses the same criteria to argue that it is the city of Israel's oppressors.106 What is clear from this survey is that all attempts to identify the city historically are quite tenuous, from which I conclude that the city likely functions symbolically within the context. As will be seen below, the intertextual connections between Isaiah 27 and other portions of Isaiah buttress the argument that the city here is a literary construct drawn from various other texts. That the author may have also had one or more cities in mind as part of this literary construct is quite likely, but the n ~ n y n I 1 ! ) of 2 7 : 1 0 cannot simply be equated with any one actual city. Rather, the role played by earlier texts is at least as great an influence, if not greater, on the depiction of the city here as the historical situation of one or another historical city. If one grants that the city is a literary construct, what is its purpose at this point in the text? This question and others will be handled after the intertextual investigation is complete. To anticipate, however, it can be said provisionally that the theme of the fortified but deserted city is related to the conclusion about the people's lack of perception in v. 11. In stark contrast to v. 11, the chapter - and Isaiah 24-27 itself - concludes with two "on that day" comments that offer a word of hope and restoration to Israelites in Syria-Palestine and beyond. The first of these, v. 103

Suggestions range from 722/1 BCE (Johnson) to the reign of Demetrius II (ca. 145-40; Kessler). 104 Those who suggest identifying the city with Jerusalem include Duhm, Jesaia, 192; Rudolph, Jesaja 24-27, 53-5; Johnson, Chaos, 90; Sweeney, Isaiah 1-39, 349 (although Sweeney ultimately settles on Bethel); Scholl, Die Elenden, 167. 105 van Grol, "Isaiah 27,10-11," 208. 106 Kissane, Isaiah, 302. He thinks the city is parallel to the "smiter" and "slayer" of v. 7. Somewhat related to this idea is Blenkinsopp's contention that the city in question is Babylon, an interpretation that would link nicely with 25:2 (Isaiah 1-39, 378).

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12, speaks of YHWH threshing from the Euphrates to the Wadi of Egypt in order to gather the Israelites: On that day: YHWH will thresh from the channel of the Euphrates ("iron n b n m ) 1 0 7 to the Wadi of Egypt (D'HUO /FT]), and you will be gathered one by one, Israelites. (27:12)

This verse presents a northern boundary and a southern boundary for YHWH's gathering activity: the Euphrates River in the north and the Wadi of Egypt, identified as Wadi 'El 'Arish, to the south (cf. Num 34:5; Josh 15:4, 47). The collocation "irtDH and ^nil reminds one of the idealized boundaries of the United Monarchy (1 Kgs 5:1, 4; 8:65; 2 Kgs 24:7) and the promise to Abram (Gen 15:18). What is significant about this geographical description is the fact that it does not take into view Jews living outside Syria-Palestine, but rather, is focused on the gathering of those within its limits.108 Exactly what is implied in YHWH's actions in this verse has been somewhat disputed. The first verb, ED^n, "thresh," is relatively rare109 but is used in more than one way. So, for example, the word occurs in Deut 24:20 to describe beating olive trees, in Isa 28:27 to describe beating out dill, and in Judges 6:11 to speak about threshing grain in a wine press(!). Perhaps most analogous, though, is Ruth 2:17, which talks about gathering (CSp1?) and threshing (¡331"!) wheat. The activity of threshing involves here a separation of the wheat from the chaff, and it is this idea which has captured the imagination of many exegetes. Several scholars have argued that the term implies that 27:12 is speaking of a separation of faithful Jews (wheat) from Gentiles110 or from apostate Jews and Gentiles (chaff). 111 As Polaski has recently noted, however, the chaff is not mentioned; it must be

107

Various scholars have attempted to emend this phrase in one way or another. For example, Procksch (Jesaia, 335) wanted to change to a plural ("ears of corn") and move it after where it could be the object of 0317. Lindblom (Die JesajaApokalypse, 60) offered a similar emendation. I see no reason, however, to alter the text. 108 Pace Sweeney (Isaiah 1-39, 350-2), who maintains that the verse intends to point the reader to what lies beyond the border mentioned. In fact, just the opposite seems to be the case. See Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 599. Polaski makes a different point about the focus on the boundaries. In his view, the point of the passage is YHWH's reordering of space: "The emphasis falls on the land's completeness, not its former (and present) divided state" (Authorizing an End, 321). 109 It only appears in Deut 24:20; Judges 6:11; Isa 27:12; 28:27; Ruth 2:17. 110 Duhm, Jesaia, 193; Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 231-2; Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 599600. 111 Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 223.

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implied.112 If the main point of the verse is to suggest that God will somehow separate Jews from Gentiles, it has been put quite obscurely. One would expect something to be said about the chaff (i.e., Gentiles) if that were the case. Moreover, in view of 25:6-10a, I am deeply suspicious of any exclusionary claim for Isa 27:12 based on nationality, particularly when the evidence is inferential at best. That leaves the idea that the text may be speaking about the differentiation between faithful Jews and unfaithful Jews, an idea that sounds much more probable given the presence of this theme in Isaiah 26, and, perhaps more importantly, the emphasis on proper cultic practice in 27:9.11 While tentative, I would suggest that this verse may be speaking about YHWH's identification and ingathering of faithful and observant Jews. At any rate, it is clear that we have come full circle from 24:1. Instead of scattering ( f l S ) the inhabitants of the earth, YHWH is now gathering. This is followed by a second comment, v. 13,114 in which attention is directed toward the return of Israelites living in Assyria and Egypt. On that day: A great horn will be blown and those dispersed in the land of Assyria and those scattered in the land of Egypt will come. They will worship YHWH on the Holy Mountain in Jerusalem. (27:13)

Unlike v. 12, this text moves out into the diaspora in speaking about the return of Jews to Jerusalem. They are summoned by a "great trumpet" ("titi nsito) to come and worship in Jerusalem. The shofar is used elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible to call people to cultic assembly (e.g., Joel 2:15; Ps 81:4).115 As far as I am aware, however, this is the only place in 112

Polaski, Authorizing an End, 323. Polaski concludes that the fact that the chaff is not mentioned suggests the "essential non-existence of any group which sets itself against YHWH's order" (324). This is not the conclusion that I would draw, however. 113 In fact, Rissane (Isaiah, 302) goes even farther, arguing that 27:12-13 are the explanation of 27:9b. In his view, "in that day" represents time when Israel has renounced idolatry. Additionally, he argues that he gathering/gleaning idea of v. 12 should be connected with the vineyard imagery of vv. 2-5. 114 Clements {Isaiah 1-39, 223) argues that v. 13 is dependent on v. 12, but this must remain an open question. It is equally possible that one editor added a comment which purview was Syria-Palestine (v. 12) and another which spoke about the diaspora (v. 13). 115 The sounding of the shofar occurs in military contexts (e.g., Jos 6:6, 13; Jud 3:27; Jer 4:5, 19, 21; 6:1, 17; Ezek 33:4, 5; Hos 5:8; 8:1; Joel 2:1; Amos 3:6; Zeph 1:16; Zech 9:14), or liturgical contexts (e.g., Exod 19:19; 20:18; Lev 25:9; Joel 2:15; Ps 81:4), although the designation "great shofar" is found only here. See Johnson, Chaos, 91. Recently, Konrad Jenner has argued that 27:13 is part of an eschatological scene which begins at 26:19 and includes 27:1, 12-13. Reading these verses together, Jenner contends that the shofar announces the defeat of Leviathan by YHWH's sword in 27:1. He notes that Zech 9:13-14 and Ezek 33:3 also connect YHWH's sword with the sounding of the

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the Hebrew Bible where it is connected with the idea of a return to Jerusalem. 116 When one takes into view the purification of cult mentioned in 27:9, the likely language of separation between observant and nonobservant Jews in 27:12 and the reference to worship of YHWH here in 27:13, it seems clear that the return is being associated with purified worship in Jerusalem. The text reports that these returnees will come from Assyria and Egypt, the first mention of these old Israelite nemeses in Isaiah 24-27. The sentence reminds one of the remarkable assertions of Isa 19:23-25 where a highway stretching from Egypt to Assyria enables Israelite expatriates to return.117 The return in Isaiah 27 is connected with the resumption of worship in Jerusalem attended by those who previously lived outside the land. Unlike the previous verse, where a possible distinction is made between observant and non-observant Jews, no such distinction is made here.118 Rather, the returnees are described simply as •"'-QKn and DTnun, "those carried o f f ' and "those scattered."119 The text concludes with only the second explicit mention of Jerusalem in these chapters (the other is 24:23). The image of Jerusalem burgeoning with returnees coming to worship YHWH stands in stark contrast to the abandoned and deserted anonymous city in v. 10, suggesting that these two towns are antitheses of one another within the context. These two verses offer a future vision of salvation that gives pride of place to newly repatriated observant Jews. Various portions of this portrait are reminiscent of other texts in 24-27 as well as elsewhere in Isaiah. The shofar. See Konrad D. Jenner, "The Big Shofar (Isaiah 27:13): A Hapax Legomenon," in Studies in Isaiah 24-27 (ed. Hendrik Jan Bosman and Harm van Grol, et al.; Leiden: Brill, 2000): 157-82. 116 The shofar appears two other times in Isaiah: 18:3 and 58:1. The second is not relevant to our discussion, but Duhm suggested that 27:13 and Zech 9:14 were both dependent on the Isa 18:3 and its depiction of the nations being signaled by God with this horn (Jesaia, 194). I am unconvinced that any dependency exists, however. 117 Unlike Isaiah 27, in Isa 19:23-25 we read that cultic activity will involve Egyptians and Assyrians along with Israelites. Remarkably, there will be an altar in the midst of Egypt at which cultic sacrifice will take place. No similar statement about Assyria exists, however. Isaiah 27 restricts YHWH worship to Jerusalem evidently. 118 I wonder if the fact that no distinction is made between faithful and unfaithful Jews outside the land is may be explained as a residue of the idea that the exiles were the Jews who obeyed God's directive and, thereby, demonstrated the faithfulness (e.g., Jeremiah 24)? All those outside the land were assumed to be faithful. 119 Wildberger claims that the latter term is practically a technical term for those in the Gola, in which case the use of this term in connection with Egypt (as opposed to Babylon) is unexpected (Isaiah 13-27, 600). For PR] as reference to the exile, see Deut 30:4; Isa 11:12; 56:8; Jer 8:3; 16:15; 23:2, 3, 8; 24:9; 27:10, 15; 29:14, 18; 30:17; 32:37; 40:12; 43:5; 46:28; 49:5, 36; 50:17; Ezek 4:13; Mic 4:6; Zeph 3:19; Dan 9:7; Neh 1:9. The two terms ITT3 and occur together only in Jer 27:10, 15; and Ezek 34:4, 16. None of these is intertextually connected to Isaiah 27, however.

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image of people streaming to Jerusalem was introduced in 25:6-8, where, as here, one also finds a reference to Jerusalem as the "mountain" (~li"l). That said, however, the two texts differ in important ways. For example, in ch. 25 all peoples (• 1 DUn b'D), not just Israelites, are invited, and in ch. 25 they come for a great banquet, but in ch. 27 their presence is related only to worship. The imagery also strikes a chord with material earlier in the present chapter. Note that v. 12 and vv. 2-5, 10-11 use vegetation imagery as a metaphor for present Israelite experience or future hopes (cf. also 24:7-13). So similarities to other texts within chs. 24-27 exist, offering further indication that 27:2-13 is an integral part of Isaiah 24-27 generally. To be sure, the Isaiah texts most similar to 27:12-13 are found outside chs. 24-27: 11:11-16; 35:8-10; 56:8; 66:18-21.120 Each of these texts focuses on the theme of the return to the land and repatriation of dispersed Israelites, although each has other distinctive emphases as well. Even a cursory examination of these texts reveals that the return from exile was portrayed in several different ways and combined with other theological motifs in these texts. For example, 35:8-10 paints a portrait of the return of Israelites to Judah (or more specifically, Jerusalem) traversing a highway which would lead to Jerusalem and celebrating the replacement of sorrow and sighing with joy (Isa 40:3-5; 42:16; cf. 19:23-25). Apart from the shared theme of return from exile, nothing about this text is strongly reminiscent of Isa 27:12-13. In fact, on the linguistic level, the two texts use none of the same vocabulary. Isa 56:8 speaks about the gathering of the outcasts of Israel using at least some language that is found in Isaiah 27 (mD), but it also apparently alludes to gathering gentiles as part of the restoration. This is decidedly not a part of the imagery of Isa 27:12-13, however (although see above). A second text from so-called Third Isaiah, 66:18-21, also emphasizes the idea that the return will include gentiles, in this case, as persons who bring Israelites to the land as an offering to YHWH. Moreover, this text makes the tantalizing and remarkable suggestion that some of the non-Israelites will be appointed as priests and Levites (66:21). Like 27:12-13, other (although different) nations are mentioned (66:19), but this really seems like a surface similarity at best. In fact, very little, if anything, from either of these two Third Isaiah texts - again, apart from the idea of return to the land - supports further connections with 27:12-13. The strongest case for an actual literary or linguistic connection with 27:12-13 is found in 11:11-16. Because of its intertextual potential, I will treat this text later. What we can conclude provisionally, however, is that Isa 27:12-13 is part of a larger effort to integrate the idea of restora120 The theme is obviously found outside of Isaiah also (e.g., Deut 30:1-5; Hos 11:11; Zech 10:10). The clearest similarities, however, are found in the passages within the book.

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tion and return from exile, often set on a distant day in the future, into the overall message of the book. Additionally, with the exception of 56:8, these texts may be part of an intentional effort to round off major sections of the book with this idea of an Israelite return.121 Whether of not these form a distinct redactional layer-from the same hand-is less certain.122 At any rate, they do not seem to be intertextually related in the way that I have defined that idea throughout this study (again, with the possible exception of 11:11-16 which will be examined below).

4. Isaiah 27:7-13: The Question oflntertextuality We turn now to examine possible intertexts for Isa 27:7-13 and their import for understanding the last part of this chapter. One text stands out as major textual conversation partners for these verses:123 Isaiah 17. This text has already played a role in Isaiah 24 (see Chapter 2), so its reappearance here is neither new nor entirely surprising. A second possible intertext will be considered, Isa 11:10-16, but its connections with 27 are somewhat different than Isaiah 17. Finally, we will note a thematic connection between 27:7 and several other texts throughout Isaiah centered on the catchword HDD. To begin, let us look at connections with Isaiah 17. Reusing Isaiah 17 Again

The linguistic and thematic connections between Isaiah 17 and 27 seem clear and extensive even on a cursory reading of the two texts.124 Both texts describe deserted cities (17:2, 9; 27:10) as places now inhabited by flocks/cattle (17:2; 27:10). Similar agricultural imagery is found in both (17:5; 27:12), described using identical language (•^DD/n'pnc;, a p b ff 1 ] IiO, THp,), although in ch. 17 it is used to describe the judgment that befalls the people, while in ch. 27 it is employed to depict the restoration that follows judgment. Both texts reference humanity's maker (intOU; 17:7; 27:11) - presumably YHWH is intended - although in this instance there is another contrast in the way the two texts use the language. For Isaiah 17, the reference speaks of a future day in which one will abandon 121

Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 378; Clements, Isaiah 1-39, 223. Scholl (Die Elenden, 164-7) makes the argument that 11:11-16; 27:12-13; 35:8-10; 56:8; and 66:20 all stem from the same redactional layer of the book. When one goes beyond the shared theme of return to the land, the differences between these texts may suggest otherwise. 123 Indeed, this text is connected with all of Isaiah 27, not just vv. 7-13. 124 Various literary connections between these two texts have been listed and examined by, among others, Vermeylen, Du Prophète, 377-8; Sweeney, "New Gleanings," 557; Scholl, Die Elenden, 207-8; and Polaski, Authorizing an End, passim. 122

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idolatry and pursue "his maker," while Isaiah 27 speaks about one's maker withholding grace and mercy in a context that strongly suggests it is because idolatry has not been abjured. Both texts speak about some form of refuge (T1UQ), although here we encounter another contrast in the way the texts are related. Ch. 17 speaks of cities as an inadequate refuge (v. 9, 10) while in ch. 27 YHWH offers himself as a refuge for his vineyard (v. 5). Finally, and in my estimation most compellingly from the perspective of a putative literary connection, both texts speak about the •'HKJN and C^jOn (17:8; 27:9). These are two of only three places in the Hebrew Bible where these two terms appear in tandem (the other is 2 Chron 34:4, 7). Perhaps other connections could be added,125 but these suffice to demonstrate that Isaiah 27 alludes to or echoes Isaiah 17 at several points. The cumulative effect of the resonances between these two texts appears to be that Isaiah 27 is intentionally interacting with Isaiah 17. How should the textual overlap between these two texts be evaluated? What is its purpose? Vermeylen suggests that, at least in the case of the connections between 27:7-9 and 17:1-11, they are meant to guide the reader into concluding that the anonymous city of 27:10 is none other than Samaria.126 He bases this on his assertion that Isa 17:1-11 concerns Samaria, which governs the identification of the city in 27:10. Moreover, he argues that the allusions confirm the purpose of 27:9-11 as predicting the punishment of this city in order to expiate the guilt of Jacob (27:9a). For reasons discussed above, however, the city is most likely not Samaria. Moreover, as will become apparent below, the purpose of the intertextual relationship here cannot be reduced simply to identifying the city and/or region in view m Isaiah 27.127 In any case, as Sweeney has noted, Vermeylen appears to ignore many connections between the two texts that do not relate directly to his thesis.128 Sweeney offers a much more comprehensive analysis of the textual overlap than does Vermeylen by taking into account connections outside of 27:7-9 and by considering places where the two texts use similar language but contrast in some way. He concludes, Clearly, the association between chaps. 27 and 17 is intended not only to announce the condemnation of the people referred to in Isa 27:9-11, but to offer reconciliation

125 Sweeney, ("New Gleanings," 55) adds a few others, including comparable cosmogonic and mythic overtones at 17:12-14 and 27:1. 126 Vermeylen, Du Prophéte, 377-8. 127 A similar point is made by Polaski, Authorizing an End, 295. Even if this was not the case, it should be noted that the only city specifically mentioned in Isaiah 17 is Damascus, not Samaria (17:1)! 128 Vermeylen fails to pursue any textual overlap outside of 27:7-9; see Sweeney, "New Gleanings," 55.

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once their punishment is over. Apparently, the full implications of the harvest imagery of Isaiah 17 come to fruition in chap. 27. 129

He goes on to note that Isaiah 27 uses the themes of cessation of idolatry in favor of one's Maker and divine restoration and protection, themes which have been gleaned from the final form of Isaiah 17 and applied in Isaiah 27 with "its own themes of punishment and reconciliation."130 For Sweeney Isaiah 27 uses the language of judgment found in Isaiah 17, but goes beyond it to proclaim a new message of hope and restoration. In this regard, the allusion to and use of Isaiah 17 in ch. 27 is quite similar to that of Isaiah 5. On the whole I concur with Sweeney's analysis. It does appear that Isaiah 27 picks up imagery and themes from Isaiah 17 as part of its own portrayal of present devastation and future salvation. This textual redeployment occurs primarily in two ways: Isaiah 27 either reuses imagery and language from the earlier text while substituting different referents or it contrasts with the earlier text in some way. To take an example of the first move, the specific depiction of Damascus and the cities of Syria and Israel (17:1-3), or of the cities of the Hivites and the Amorites131 (17:9) as deserted and destroyed has been recycled to speak about the anonymous city of 27:10. Indeed, Damascus will no longer be a city But will become a heap of ruins. The cities of Aroer are abandoned (m3TU) They will be places for flocks Which will gather (°li£3~l) without anyone causing fear. The fortress will disappear from Ephraim And the kingdom from Damascus And the remnant of Aram will be Like the glory of the Israelites. (17:1-3) On that day their cities of refuge (1TUD ,~IU) will be like the abandoned cities (rDUIJ) of the Hivites and Amorites, which they abandoned (13T1?) because of the Israelites. There will be desolation. (17:9) For the fortified city is alone, an abode deserted and abandoned

129

, like the wilderness;

Sweeney, "New Gleanings," 55. Ibid., 56. 131 The MT of 17:9 does not identify these as Hivite or Amorite cities, but rather TDNm Ennn, "the wood and the bough." Most exegetes follow the LXX, which reads oi Apoppaioi Kai oi Euaioi due to the obscurity of MT and because LXX makes better sense in the context. For differing positions see Wildberger, Isaiah 13-27, 160; Kaiser, Isaiah 13-39, 80. 130

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calves will graze there, they will gather Q"n~P) there and stripe is branches. (27:10)

Isa 27:10 connects the imagery of abandoned cities with refuge (T1I7D) found in Isa 17:9, offering a further development to the idea stated there that the "its cities of refuge" will be abandoned. For Isaiah 27, this idea is brought to completion in the imagery of YHWH as the only legitimate refuge (27:5), an idea alluded to by Isa 17:10a: For you have forgotten the God of your salvation, and have not remembered the rock of your refuge ("JT13Q).

We recognize that the texts are connected further through the description of flocks/calves gathering and grazing in these erstwhile cities. In this way, the imagery and ideas of Isaiah 17 are reconfigured in Isaiah 27 in order to extend the theme of deserted and abandoned cities to Isaiah 24-27's anonymous city. Additionally, Isaiah 27 picks up the theme of these cities' inadequacy as places of refuge and completes it by offering YHWH as a refuge. A second intertextual connection may be noted in the contrasting use of some of the imagery in Isaiah 17 by ch. 27: whereas the earlier chapter uses the imagery and language of "gathering" (Bp b) to depict judgment (v. 5), in 27:12-13 gathering is clearly a metaphor to depict a time of salvation in which the scattered Jews are reconvened into a cultic assembly. To take a somewhat different example, Isaiah 17 deploys agricultural imagery in connection with the idea of judgment (vv. 10-11), but 27:2-5 uses imagery drawn from the same area to offer a word of hope and salvation. In the case of this example, I must concede that the two texts use different vocabulary, but in the context of the other links between the two chapters, it hardly seems accidental. A final contrast may be noted in the way in which the two texts speak about the altars, •'HtDK and D^Dn in connection with humanity's "maker" (¡lEMJ). Isaiah 17 relates its discussion of these matters to "that day" («inn DV3): On that day people will regard their Maker (THE®), and their eyes will look to the Holy One of Israel. They will not have regard for their altars (mrOTO), the work of their hands, and they will not look to what their fingers have made - the sacred poles (D'HBN) or the incense stands (D^QPI). (17:7-8)

In this text, individuals will disregard all apparently illicit cultic paraphernalia in favor of their Maker, i.e., YHWH. This is expressed as a future hope in Isaiah 17, but this optimism is tempered in the redeployment of this language in Isaiah 27. In the latter text, the people's Maker withholds compassion and mercy (17:11) in part because worship involving these

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oflntertextuality

cultic installations has not ceased (17:9).132 In this example, the two texts contrast, but unusually, it is the earlier of the two that maintains the more hopeful position. Isaiah 27, perhaps reflecting the current situation of the author,133 reminds the reader quite forcefully that whatever future hope Isaiah 17 may express, it is far from a reality in his own context. The nature of the intertextual relationship between Isaiah 17 and 27 is different from the other intertextual connections in Isaiah 24-27. I have argued that many of the cases of intertextuality that have been encountered thus far fit a broad pattern in which texts originally narrowly focused on Israel and/or Judah (or both) have been reappropriated in universalizing ways. The net result is that a new message related to the nations or peoples in general has quite often been constructed out of a message that was in fact originally quite nationalistic and parochial. This is not the case here, however.134 In the reuse of Isaiah 17 by Isaiah 27 a new message is crafted for a different audience, but that message is decidedly not universalistic. Rather, Isaiah 27 offers a word of judgment and hope to a postexilic Judean - more specifically Jerusalemite - audience which redeploys a word of judgment and hope to Syria and Israel.135 In other words, this example is the opposite of earlier examples. We may provisionally conclude that Isaiah 27 represents another piece of inner-Isaianic interpretation which extends an earlier message of the book into a new postexilic setting. To ensure the Isaian quality of the message, images, themes and language from Isaiah 17 are intertextually reappropriated and used to form a new message depicting judgment and salvation for postexilic Jerusalem. Discourse

about "Striking" in Isaiah: The Contribution

of Isaiah

27:7

As noted in Chapters 3 and 4 of the present study, Isaiah 24-27 also contributes to intertextual discourse in the book of Isaiah that is structured around the development of a theme through the repetition of a particular root or word (e.g., Cpy UJ). Recognition of this feature aids our reading of 27:7, a verse that is quite enigmatic. A focus on intertextuality helps us 132

Van Grol ("Isaiah 27,10-11," 208-9) suggests that the portrayal of God as withholding mercy and compassion in the context of a discussion of cultic matters may be intended to deny a liturgical formula that stresses these two divine characteristics (e.g., Exod 34:6f.). 133 For a thorough discussion of the temporal possibilities for Isa 27:2-13, see Leene, "Isaiah 27:7-9 as a Bridge," 207-8. 134 Of course, this also applies to Isaiah 5. 135 It could be argued, however, that the overriding concern to depict a universal kingdom of God centered on Jerusalem still lingers just below the surface of Isaiah 27, given that the author does not specifically pick up the judgment imagery against the enemy nations in 17:12-14 (pace Sweeney).

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see that it is part of a developing interpretive tradition in the book built around the idea of striking or beating. Several texts contribute to this discourse, which can be recognized through the common use of rO] or a cognate term.136 The theme is introduced broadly in Isaiah 1 without specifying who is the subject carrying out the beatings, but it is quite clear that Israel is on the receiving end. Additionally, they appear to be administered as a chastisement which purpose is to foster a return to YHWH. Why do you seek further beatings ("HZ? IDH)? Why do you continue to be rebellious? The entire head is ill and the whole heart is faint. From the sole of the foot to the top of the head there is no soundness in it. (Only) bruises and sores and bleeding wounds (HDD). (1:5-6)

After the introduction, an early stratum of texts in Isaiah137 use this term/idea to depict YHWH's punishment of Israel, generally due to the people's ignorance of God's requirements for a just and equitable society: Therefore, YHWH's anger burned hot against his people, His hand was stretched out against them and he struck them ( i n i H ) (5:25a) 138

This text depicts YHWH's hand as the instrument that struck the people, a striking motivated in part by God's anger. In general, the same idea lies behind 9:12[ 13]: But the people did not return to the one who struck them (irOQil); they did not seek YHWH of Hosts.

In these texts, YHWH is clearly depicted as the one who strikes the people, the purpose of which is to punish their disobedience. In so doing, the prophet expresses the hope that the people will discern their obstinacy toward God and return to a right relationship with him, envisioned as the maintenance of justice and equity. A second set of texts expresses generally the same purpose for the striking, but it is not YHWH directly, but Assyria, that beats Israel. 136 The verb HD3 occurs in the Hiphil 18 times in Isaiah (5:25; 9:12; 10:20, 24; 11:4, 15; 14:6, 29; 27:7; 30:31; 37:36, 38; 49:10; 50:6; 57:17; 58:4; 60:10; 66:3); in the Hophal two times (1:5; 53:4). The cognate noun is used five times (1:6; 10:26; 14:6; 27:7; 30:26), mostly in tandem with the verb. 137 The texts cited for this early stratum are generally connected to the 8 th century prophet Isaiah by most exegetes; cf. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, passim. 138 This is regarded by some as a misplaced stanza which may more likely have originally been connected with 9:8-21 [9-20]. See Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 217.

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Therefore, thus says the Lord YHWH of Hosts: Do not be afraid, O my people who dwell in Zion, of the Assyrians when they beat you (nDD"1) with a rod and lift up their staff against in the manner that the Egyptians did. (10:24)

Earlier in Isaiah 10, Assyria is depicted as the "rod of YHWH's anger" (10:5), so one may justifiably presume that the difference between texts like Isaiah 5, 9 and Isa 10:24 is one of degree rather than kind. YHWH uses Assyria to punish Judah and Jerusalem for their obdurate behavior. As the Isaiah tradition develops, however, Israel's beating at the hands of the Assyrians comes to be separated from the idea of God's judgment and is an example of Assyrian hubris and ruthlessness (10:8-19). As such, Israel hopes for the moment when Assyrian domination will come to an end, and YHWH encourages this hope, as seen above in 10:24. The same sentiment is expressed elsewhere: On that day the remnant of Israel and the survivors of the house of Jacob will no longer lean on the one who struck them (IPOD), but will lean on YHWH, the Holy One of Israel, in truth. (10:20; cf. 10:25-27)

Even the Philistines share in this hope, although it is mitigated somewhat by the recognition that the new-found freedom from Assyrian hegemony may be short-lived: Do not rejoice, all you Philistines because the rod that struck you ("[3D) is broken For from the root of the snake will shoot an adder and its fruit will be a flying serpent. (14:29)

The pride and haughtiness exhibited by the Assyrians when viewed through the Isaian lens becomes the casus belli for YHWH to make war against the Assyrians: The Assyrian will be terror-stricken at the voice of YHWH, when he (YHWH) strikes (rD 1 ) with his rod. (30:31)

Of course, the irony of YHWH striking Assyria with his rod is quite obvious against the backdrop of Isaiah 10. The smiting has come full-circle and the smiter has been smitten.139

139 This also helps explain Isa 14:6 where YHWH breaks the staff of the Babylonian king who has beaten the nations with unrelenting harshness. As has been shown on other grounds, this taunt-song against the Babylonian monarch may be based on an earlier text about the Assyrian monarch. That is, it is also possible that this is a taunt-song originally aimed at the Assyrian king, but which has been "recycled" here and applied to a Babylonian king. See Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39, 286.

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Finally, three other texts sound the theme of restoration in the form of YHWH's healing of the wounds inflicted by his striking. The first of these clearly plays off of the imagery in Isa 1:5-6: And the light of the moon will be like the light of the sun; and the light of the sun will be sevenfold, like the light of seven days, on the day when YHWH binds up the fracture of his people and heals the wound inflicted by his blow ( i r o n f flG). (30:26)

In this text, a future day of healing is envisioned which the larger context indicates has clear implications for the entire cosmos (30:23-26). A great time of peace and tranquility will ensue after YHWH heals his people's wound. The general vagueness of this future time, of course, reminds one of Isaiah 27 where temporal specificity is also difficult, if not impossible, to establish. Turning to Third Isaiah,140 two texts seem to build on the ideological and theological tradition about YHWH striking his people from First Isaiah. I was angry because of their wicked covetousness; I struck them (1H3S), I hid; yes, I was angry. (57:17) Foreigners shall build your walls and their kings shall minister to you; for in my anger I struck you ("piTDn) but in my favor I have had compassion on you. (60:10)

Just as Isaiah 30, both of these texts look back on God's judgment, described as his striking Israel/Judah, but also forward to his compassion and healing. It is likely that the judgment that these texts have in mind is the Babylonian exile, not the Assyrian domination, but this simply demonstrates the ability of the "God strikes Israel" theme to be used anew in different historical contexts. The preceding analysis points to the following use and development of the theme of YHWH's striking and wounding his people:141 140 The term HDD appears in Second Isaiah (49:10; 50:6; 53:4), but its usage is quite different from what we have tracked thus far. Two of the term's occurrences (50:6; 53:4) are set in first-person contexts, what have been often referred to as the Servant Songs. Its use in Second Isaiah seems to be unrelated to the uses cited in this discussion. 141 The theme is also used in the depiction of the "Suffering Servant" of Isa 52:1353:12. Isa 53:4 states, Surely he bore our sicknesses, he carried our diseases; We considered him stricken smitten by God (DTl'PK i"DO) and afflicted. In the present analysis I focus on the use of this idea with regard to the nation/community, so I have not included this text among those surveyed above. Neverthe-

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1. YHWH himself strikes Israel to punish them 2. YHWH uses Assyria to strike Israel as punishment 3. Assyria's harshness and pride lead YHWH to strike it 4. Future day of liberation from Assyrian beatings is announced 5. YHWH heals Israel from blows inflicted by him (through Assyria and Babylon) Although this arrangement does not likely correspond to a neat redactional layering of these texts, it does demonstrate the flexibility of this theme to depict Israel's relationship with YHWH from a certain perspective. The question we must ask is Where does Isa 27:7 fit in this discourse? At the outset, I should concede that v. 7's cryptic language — far more so than any of the texts we have surveyed thus far - is difficult. That said, I think we can discern its place and role in this discourse with reasonable clarity. If the basic development of the theme depicted above is correct, it seems that 27:7 stands at the end of this development and arrives at the same general conclusion held out by Isa 30:26; 57:17; 60:10: that is, YHWH can and will heal Israel though it has been struck mightily by its oppressor. The statement that YHWH has struck the one who struck Israel may be intentionally cryptic so that it would cover both Babylon and Assyria. The offer of healing in Isaiah 27 is expressed primarily through the offer of peace made to the vineyard in the verses immediately preceding 27:7 ( w . 2-6). This would suggest that v. 7 is an attempt to connect the imagery of the restored vineyard to God's offer of restoration of his people after enduring their severe blows. To be sure, the notion of what constitutes healing in ch. 27 is somewhat different than these other texts. In these three texts, God unilaterally promises restoration to Israel without any corresponding action on its part. This idea is found in 27:12-13, but Isa 27 also conceives of restoration as consequent on Israel taking up God's offer of peace (v. 5), perhaps made concrete through their destruction of non-YHWHistic altars (v. 9). Additionally, 27:7 seems to recognize the truth of, e.g., 1:5-6, that YHWH has inflicted great blows on Israel, but also assumes that passages like 30:31, which aver that YHWH will strike Israel's oppressor. Finally, the notion in 10:20, 24-27 that the beater will be beaten by YHWH is an idea not far from that of 27:7. One final argument may be offered in support of the idea that 27:7 stands at the end of this thematic/lexical trajectory of development. All exegetes note the opaque and enigmatic character of this verse, especially within its context. It appears to me, however, that if one recognizes that less, the appearance of this theme with regard to the servant is not completely dissimilar to those texts which portray YHWH striking Israel because of sin and transgression, since the affect of servant's smiting on community is in view (53:6).

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the author of this verse is intentionally engaging these other texts, it goes a long way toward explaining why this verse is no more specific than it is. Put differently, the enigmatic language of 27:7a is due to its intentional intertextual character and, as such, the passage makes little or no sense apart from the larger intertextual conversation of which it is part in the book of Isaiah. 142 Once this passage is placed in conversation with other similar texts in the book, the difficulty raised by the obscure language fades. Inner-Isaianic Discussion about the Future: Isaiah 11:10-16 and Isaiah 27 One final set of possible intertextual connections merits consideration at this point. Isa 11:10-16, comprising two "on that day" additions, exhibit strong verbal connections with portions of Isaiah 27, especially vv. 12-13. To state what is most obvious, both texts portray the ingathering of dispersed Israelites from other locales in the ancient Near Eastern world. Isa 11:11 specifically names places from which returnees will emigrate, including Assyria, Egypt, Pathros, Cush, Elam, Shinar, Hamath, and the coastlands of the sea (cf. Isa 66:19); comparably if less comprehensively, Isa 27:13 notes that returnees will come from Egypt and Assyria. Isa 11:15 speaks of YHWH manipulating the "tongue of the sea of Egypt" (Nile) and "the River" (Euphrates) in order to effect the return, while 27:12 notes similar actions for similar purposes from the "wadi of Egypt" and "the River" (Euphrates). While not identical in every respect, it is noteworthy that both depict YHWH acting on rivers. Isa 11:12 speaks of YHWH assembling the "outcasts of Israel" TIT]), while 27:13 mentions the "outcasts" (DTHDr!) returning to Jerusalem to worship. 143 Finally, the "shoot" (BID) of Jesse representing the Davidic scion in 11:10 is reminiscent of the vineyard/Jacob taking root (EHCP) in 27:6. In addition to these, Sweeney emphasizes what he sees as the common mythological elements behind the two texts, namely, the defeat of Leviathan by Baal/YHWH (cf. 11:15; 27:1). Most importantly for Sweeney, though, is the role of the gathering of the exiles in ch. 11 as an ensign to the nations enabling them to recognize God's power, power which Isaiah 11 portrays defeating the 142 This also likely explains the masculine suffixes in this verse, which are odd since the surrounding context is filled with feminine suffixes (related to the vineyard). This text uses this gender of suffix because all of the other texts that use suffixes and that are part of this intertextual conversation about striking use them as well. The masculine suffixes are a product of the intertextual character of the text. For a different explanation of the suffixes see Johnson, Chaos, 88. 143 This calls to mind also Isa 56:6-8 which speaks of YHWH as the one who gathers the outcasts of Israel n~0) to worship on the holy mountain (i.e., Jerusalem). This text contains elements found in both Isaiah 11 and 27:12-13. On this text and Isaiah 27, see Polaski, Authorizing an End, 328-9.

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forces of chaos. This, in turn, clarifies the relationship between Isaiah 27 and 24-26 in his estimation, since here the restoration of Israel is regarded as the "climactic event in God's defeat of the forces of chaos on earth."144 In evaluating any possible connection between these two texts we begin with the observation that establishing the compositional and/or redactional priority of one or the other of these texts is nearly impossible. Additionally, as I noted earlier, both 11:10-16 and 27:12-13 have been interpreted as rounding off larger units within the book, which opens up the possibility that both texts originate at the same time. Wildberger places both of them in his final redaction category, although he is hesitant to assign them to the same redactor.145 Scholl, however, thinks that given the tendency of Isaiah 24-27 to reuse earlier texts from the book of Isaiah, it is quite probable that I am inclined to 27:13 (he excludes v. 12) is dependent on 11:11-16. agree with Scholl on this point, although the evidence is not strong. This fact renders the idea that Isaiah 27 may be intentionally re-using language and ideas from Isaiah 11 tenuous at best, and hence, any conclusions must be tentative. However, given that Isaiah 1-39 contains several texts which putatively speak about the return from exile (2:1-5; 4:2-4; 11:10-16; 27:1213; 35:1-10) explicit verbal connections between two of these (11:10-16; 27:12-13) not shared with the others point rather strongly to the construction of an intentional conversation. What, then, is the purpose of the intertextual connections between these two texts? The answer lies both in the common vision shared by the two texts and the differences between them. First, the two texts' similarities quite clearly point to a shared attempt to define and describe a future time in which YHWH will gather exiles from the diaspora and return them to Judah or Jerusalem. That this is a concern in both texts is obvious, but the similarities between the two texts strongly suggest that Isaiah 27 is intentionally attempting to engage Isaiah 11 and its description of this event. Put differently, Isaiah 27 uses enough of the language and imagery from Isaiah 11 to recall this text for the reader in order to construct a dialogue with this earlier text. Why, however, with Isaiah 11 and not with any of the other texts from Isaiah 1-39 that also deal with the idea of return? The answer to this may lie in the differences between the two texts: the particulars of the return emphasized in Isaiah 11 are not accented in Isaiah 27, 144

Sweeney, "New Gleanings," 65. Wildberger, Isaiah 28-39, 556-58. Vermeylen (Du Prophete, 378-79) also considers these two texts to be part of the same redaction. Sweeney notes the difficulty in establishing the literary relationship between the two ("New Gleanings," 65). 146 Scholl, Die Elenden, 166. This argument is strengthened somewhat by the recognition that 11:10-16 does not appear to redeploy other texts and both texts' use of Assyria and Egypt as places from which YHWH will gather exiles. 145

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where a rather different set of emphases are found. It is my contention that Isaiah 27 may be intentionally attempting to offer a different vision of the future restoration by de-emphasizing certain themes in Isaiah 11 and portraying the return in ways more consistent with the overall vision of Isaiah 24-27. Two related thematic differences between Isa 11:10-16 and 27:12-13 may be isolated to illustrate the point.147 First, Isa 11:10 clearly emphasizes a renewed Davidic monarchy as part of the return from exile. In fact, the "root of Jesse," i.e., a Davidide, acts as a signal to the nations who then inquire of him. On that day the root of Jesse Cttf1 IZTItO) will stand as a signal to the peoples; the nations will seek him and his habitation will be glorious. (Isa 11:10)

By contrast, Isa 27:12-13 says nothing about the role of the monarchy in its construction of the return. In this, it is consistent with the rest of Isaiah 24-27 where only God is acclaimed king (24:23). The Davidic monarchy plays no role elsewhere in these chapters. Rather, in Isaiah 27 Jacob as whole "takes root" (Ent£T), which, because it uses such strikingly similar language to Isaiah 11, could be an attempt to neutralize the monarchical emphasis of that text by focusing, instead, solely on the role of the entire community. Second, Isa 11:10-16 envisions the time of future return as one in which Israel experiences national and political unity. Several factors contribute to this idea, most notably 11:13 which speaks of the end of contentious relations between the erstwhile kingdoms of Israel and Judah: The jealousy of Ephraim shall depart and the hostility of Judah will be cut off. Ephraim will no longer be jealous of Judah nor shall Judah be hostile toward Ephraim. (11:13)

Additionally, 11:15-16 uses distinct Exodus imagery, which might be designed to, among other things, hearken back to an idyllic time of unity. The monarchical ideology of v. 10 contributes to this theme as well by in147 A third difference could be mentioned if the comparison were restricted only to Isa 27:12-13, and no account was taken of the rest of Isaiah 24-27. Namely, Isa 11:14-15 demonstrate a harsh attitude toward Judah's neighbors, depicting the plundering of the Philistines and the domination of Edom, Moab and Ammon. Even the action that enables the return - YHWH destroying (•"!!!) the Nile, etc. - is quite violent and untoward. By contrast, no such sentiment is found in 27:12-13, but one must remember 25:10b-12 and the derisive portrayal Moab there. While most of the remainder of Isaiah 24-27 expresses what I have called in this study a universalistic vision of the kingdom of God (e.g., 25:68), the case of Moab makes arguing for a contrast with 11:14-15 on this matter difficult to sustain, since both texts specifically mention Moab in very unflattering terms.

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voking the period of the United Monarchy as the ideal for which the restoration strives. By contrast, no such concern is evident in 27:12-13 (or anywhere in Isaiah 24-27 for that matter). Rather, where Isaiah 11 attempts to describe the return from the standpoint of national unity, Isa 27:12-13 emphasize the cultic aspects of return. This is accomplished through the imagery of the great trumpet blast which signals a cultic assembly (see above) and the statement at the end of v. 13 that Israel returns "to worship YHWH on this mountain." Given this statement's placement at the end, it is arguably the climax of the entire section. Moreover, while not a part of the texts directly under consideration, it is worth noting that 27:9 raises the issue of purified worship and makes it the fulcrum of the entire restoration process. The cumulative effect of all of this is to signal an ideology of return grounded in cultic concerns rather than in political sphere. From this perspective the return creates a cultic community, not a political community.148 One may not wish to overestimate the importance of these two differences between the descriptions of the return from exile in Isa 11:10-16 and 27:12-13, given that both are based largely on arguments from silence. At the same time, they do provide a glimpse perhaps into the intertextual conversation about what the return would look like and how it would unfold.149 To be sure, these two texts agree with each other on the idea of return, but they appear to diverge on some of the important particulars of the return, namely the role and place of the monarchy and the importance of national unity versus cultic unity. If the preceding analysis has any merit, then Isaiah 27 has attempted, however briefly, to offer a competing vision on these matters, one that is more consistent with the overall presentation found in chs. 24-27. It is precisely on this point where the universal emphasis that is otherwise lacking in Isaiah 27 may be detected. By not defining the restoration in national, but rather cultic terms, the text opens the possibility that non-Jews may participate (as in Isa 25:6-10a). I think this corrective concern also explains why Isa 27:12-13 make an intertextual connection with 11:10-16 and not the other major texts in Isaiah 1-39 that 148

It is tempting to see this as an attempt to assuage possible Persian concerns over the true intentions of those leading the Jewish restoration. Moreover, the kind of cultic emphasis noted here might fit the time of the newly constructed temple's completion (ca. 516-5). 149 Polaski attempts to situate Isa 27:12-13 intertextually in this broader conversation, but his discussion simply demonstrates the different understandings of intertextuality with which he and I operate. For him, Isa 27:12-13 are intertextually related to each and every text that mentions the return whether there are specific verbal connections or not. As has been evident throughout this study, I operate with a much more restrictive understanding of what constitutes an intertextual link. See Polaski, Authorizing an End, 326330.

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speak of the return from exile (2:1-4; 4:2-4; 35:1-10): these other restoration texts do not emphasize either a Davidic monarchy or political and national concerns in the way that Isaiah 11 does. Because of this, Isa 27:1213 do not object to the portrayals of the return in these other texts in the same way it does that of Isaiah 11. Moreover, in order to make the connection clear, Isa 27:12-13 speaks in vocabulary and themes drawn from Isa 11:10-16- but not those of other restoration texts — but in so doing points the way toward a different understanding of the return. The shared hope for a return did not mean that each text envisioned that return in the same way.

5. Conclusion Our study of intertextuality in Isa 27:2-13 has revealed several examples of intertextuality, all of which are drawn from other texts in Isaiah 1-39. The first example we considered, the redeployment of Isa 5:1-7 by Isa 27:2-6, has been almost universally recognized by scholars. The present study has emphasized that this interaction is best understood as the reversal of the earlier text by the latter. Specifically, YHWH's behavior and attitude are reversed, opening up the possibility of a different outcome in the relationship between the vineyard and YHWH. Moving to the second half of the chapter, it was noted that two texts were engaged. First, Isaiah 27 picked up language of judgment from Isaiah 17 - not the first time this text has been reused by Isaiah 24-27 - and used it to craft a new message that emphasized by hope and judgment. Ironically, Isaiah 27 used specific language of future salvation in Isaiah 17 to create a message of present judgment. The second example of intertextual discourse, this time generated by Isa 27:12-13, was identified as the connection established with Isa 11:1016. It was argued that these two texts are part of a larger discourse in the book of Isaiah about the return from exile. Isa 27:12-13 attempts to offer a corrective of sorts for some assertions about the restoration in Isaiah 11, namely by eliminating the role of the monarchy and emphasizing cultic aspects of the return instead of the national ones. A final example of intertextuality in Isaiah 27 was offered, but one that somewhat different from the preceding examples. Isa 27:7, it was argued, is part of a larger discourse about the role of "striking" (!"•]) in the book. It stands at the end of a rather lengthy and well-represented discussion, recognizable through the numerous texts that use this topos. Its purpose is to announce that the YHWH's striking has now come to an end and to open the possibility of a renewed relationship between YHWH and Israel.

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This brief summation reminds us of what has been said already in this chapter several times, namely, that Isa 27:2-13, from the perspective of intertextuality, offers a piece of inner-Isaianic interpretation. While it is not unaware of other biblical texts, many of which have been pointed out above, its major dialogue partners are clearly within the book of Isaiah. This suggests that the completion of the theological vision of Isaiah 24-27 was conceived almost entirely in Isaian terms. Although the deep universalistic commitment that I have stressed so often as characterizing the intertextual connections in Isaiah 24-26 is not present - in fact, remarkably, it is replaced with a concern for cultic matters usually restricted to Israel — the chapter is not discontinuous with the message of the preceding chapters. It simply emphasizes different areas. This difference in emphasis is discernible also in that the texts to which Isaiah 27 alludes come primarily from Isaiah 1-39. This stands in contrast especially with Isa 26:1-19 where, as I noted in the previous chapter, the major intertexts are located in Isaiah 40-66. What it shares with these chapters, however, is an abiding interest in defining a postexilic existence for the restored community trying to make sense of their situation. As such, it recognizes impediments to their communal prosperity, but also the hope that these might be overcome.

Chapter 6

Conclusion

This study has focused on a portion of text which came to be part of ancient Israel's prophetic tradition: Isaiah 24-27. I have attempted to shed light on the way in which this text has contributed to the ongoing development of that prophetic tradition. Fundamental to my argument is the understanding that the author of these chapters in Isaiah has interacted with certain prophetic and, to a lesser extent, non-prophetic texts and traditions in the composition of his own new contribution. That interaction involved the deliberate evocation of earlier material by Isaiah 24-27. Borrowing a label from the field of literary studies, I have described this process of evocation as intertextuality. To summarize these chapters in Isaiah again briefly: they depict a portrait of worldwide judgment followed by the establishment of YHWH's kingship on Zion. That kingship is celebrated with a meal on Zion to which all the peoples are invited - although not all come - and Death is swallowed. These eschatological events are adjoined to the downfall of an enemy city, understood symbolically as embodiment of forces oppressive to the life of YHWH's community. Future hope gives way to the grim reality of present experience, expressed in a communal lament which mourns the loss of the community while seeking the destruction of the wicked. The lament is answered with oracle of salvation again assuring the ultimate triumph of the community through YHWH's defeat of the forces of chaos. The final chapter rounds off the section with various elaborations of the hope inspired by the portrayal of YHWH's victory and the religious responsibilities incumbent upon the community because of this. A final note returning to the eschatological theme of the gathering of dispersed Israelites to Zion in order to worship YHWH concludes the section. In the Chapter 1, I situated the present study within the larger field of studies that fall under the broad heading of intertextuality. It was noted that this term, which was originally coined by the French literary critic Julia Kristeva, has come to be applied to several different approaches and methods within biblical studies. The present study paid attention to three questions: What are the criteria necessary to determine whether two texts

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may be described as intertextually related (methodology)? How should the literary reappropriation of an earlier text be construed (literary function)? What is the exegetical significance - the payoff - for the new text, in this case Isaiah 24-27? Of these three questions, the methodological issue was identified as initially the most important, since clarification on this matter has a direct bearing on the texts to be considered in the subsequent two questions. Additionally, attention to this question was deemed particularly advantageous since it is in need of clarification in biblical studies generally. I sought to offer a method specifically applicable to the question of intertextuality and the composition of a later text. As such, it was necessary to affirm the value of the diachronic arrangement of texts, while at the same time recognizing the hypothetical nature of those arrangements. The method adopted required that the two texts in question contain shared vocabulary, exhibit some degree of thematic coherence-, possess an intertextual relationship that is meaningful in some way; allow the reader to postulate that an intertextual connection that is chronologically possible. This approach valued empirical criteria, but was broad enough to allow a wide variety of textual arrangements to exist under the heading of intertextuality. As noted in chapter one, this is not the only valid way to determine an intertextual relationship between two biblical texts, but it was promoted in this study because it offers a way to connect exegesis to this theme. The final two introductory questions dealt with literary categories and exegetical purpose. On the question of which literary categories best describe the phenomena under discussion, it was noted that a broad range of possibilities exist. I suggested that one could consider these possibilities as existing on a continuum with citation on one end and thematic resonance on the other end. In between would be a whole range of ways of thinking about the issue which literary and biblical scholars have described as allusion, echo, evocation, response, appropriation, etc. Of course, the precise difference between these was not always clear when analyzing various texts. The ability to identify various intertexts became increasingly difficult as we moved toward thematic correspondence, but it was nevertheless possible to note texts that are evoked. Finally, I commented on the exegetical significance of each intertextual link. While the question of methodology was foundational and that of literary function organizational, the exegetical issue formed the central question that I attempted to address in each chapter. That is, once I was able to show that a particular text was being evoked and describe the literary style of that evocation, the prime issue was explicating the point of the allusion. The examples of intertextuality adduced for Isa 24:1-20 included Hos 4:9, Amos 5:2, and Isa 17:6 three texts that present messages of judgment against Israel. In Isa 24:1-3 (Hosea 4) and 24:20 (Amos 5), the beginning

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and end of this section, along with 24:13 (Isaiah 17) that message was extended against the entire earth. It was also shown that the message of judgment against Moab in Jer 48:43 was re-targeted toward the entire earth. In terms of literary technique, the reuse of Jer 48:43 and Amos 5:2 was close to a direct citation. The differences between these antecedent texts and their reuse in Isaiah 24 were minimal but important. The allusions to Hosea 4 and Isaiah 17 were not as direct. In all three cases, I attempted to show how the reappropriation of these verses in Isaiah 24 might also have been designed to suggest to the reader the larger context from which those verses derived. All of these allusions were described as a universalization of judgment texts; that is to say, texts that originally spoke of judgment on a specific nation were changed slightly and redeployed to depict a universal or worldwide judgment. Next, I argued that the enigmatic 24:16b was picking up language from Isa 21:2 and 33:1, particularly the root "IJQ, as well as possibly invoking the larger context of those passages (at least of Isaiah 21). I suggested that the intertextual use of this term here allowed the author to respond to those offer premature rejoicing over God's judgment against the earth and the expected reversal of wrongs as a result. The earlier uses of this term in Isaiah also depicted moments of ostensible good, but this did not nullify the immediate upheaval caused by divine judgment. Finally, I argued that a series of allusions to texts from Genesis 1-11, particularly the Flood Narrative and the Tower of Babel episode, also contributed to a portrait of judgment against the entire earth. Allusion to these texts recalls a previous divine judgment against the entire world, and this is the message the author of Isa 24:1-20 was crafting. Here special attention was given to noting how the broken r r ~ 0 in 24:5 is drawing on Genesis 9 to explain the cause of the destruction. Of course, an allusion to these chapters to portray worldwide judgment required no change in the evoked texts since they dealt with this topic originally. As such, an allusion to these chapters made good sense. In Chapter 3 I explored the intertextual connections in Isa 24:21-25:12, a text which transitions from judgment to blessing and back to judgment. One of the challenges in identifying examples of intertextuality in these verses was directly related to this sequence, a sequence that I argued was redactional rather than original. The allusions and evocations in this section did not include any citations, but instead most were closer to the thematic end of the continuum. To be sure, shared vocabulary between texts was present, but it was not as extensive as in the allusions discussed in chapter two. This was easily seen in the first example of intertextuality that I considered. Following several commentators, I argued that Exodus 24 and the covenant ratification meal held on Sinai was evoked through the meal on Zion in 25:6-8 and the reference to the elders in Isaiah 24. In Exo-

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dus 24 Israel undergoes a change of status in its relationship with YHWH, and it was this idea of status change that provided the framework within which to view relationship between this text and Isaiah 25. (with 24:2123). Exodus 24 inaugurated a covenant which regulated the relationship between Israel and God, but the broken covenant in Isa 24:5 in connection with the meal in 25:6-8 and the proclamation of YHWH's kingship suggested that a new kind of interaction between deity and people was conceived, possibly motivated by the inclusion of all peoples. The acclamation of YHWH as king led to a consideration the enthronement psalms. I concluded that the allusions to the enthronement psalms suggested that the author envisaged the eschatological events depicted in 24:21-25:12 along the pattern of earlier formulations of YHWH's kingship, but an innovation was evident in that now YHWH's reign included all nations, not just Israel. Within the Isaian tradition, Isa 52:7-10 announces YHWH's kingship as part of an expectation about return from exile. I argued that Isa 24:21 alluded to 52:7-10 since both share several verbal and thematic similarities, but that 24:21-25:10a represents a different development of ideas about YHWH's kingship. Specifically, the later text envisions a more positive and active role for the nations than does the earlier one, while by comparison the earlier text's cultic emphasis is de-emphasized in the way 24:21-25:10b envisions YHWH's kingship. These passages permitted the conclusion that a universalizing tendency continues in the intertextual reappropriation of these texts, but in a different manner from the examples of that idea identified in Chapter 2. The technique that produces the universalization is different: in 24:1-20 changes to the antecedent text produced the effect, but in 24:21-25:12 the context grounds the change. Moreover, in chapter 3, the reuse serves the purpose of a universalization of salvation, but in the previous chapter it featured in a portrayal of judgment. In 25:1-5, one of two psalm compositions in Isaiah 25,1 argued that the reader encounters a new type of intertextual connection. In this passage allusions are made to several passages in Isaiah that each revolve around the same theme. In each individual case, the theme was easily identifiable because the passages used the same key vocabulary. Four examples were identified: 1) A set of texts that use HUU and that invite the reader to understand God's actions against the enemy city along the trajectory informed by the passages about God's plan in the book of Isaiah 2) A set of texts that speak about God's actions against the Elsewhere in the book of Isaiah texts that develop the theme of the "tyrants" depict YHWH's salvation through their judgment. In Isaiah 25, their judgment is followed by their own recognition of

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YHWH, once again striking a more inclusivistic and universal note about God's salvation 3) Two texts that offer a portrait of YHWH as shelter and refuge (4:5b6; 32:1-2). Whereas the earlier texts spoke YHWH as Israel's shelter and refuge only, Isaiah 25 applies this idea to the nations, although this is certainly generated from the context 4) God's protection and shelter in Isa 30:1-5. Because this text shared several elements with 25:1-5 beyond those in #3, it was taken separately. It too offered a portrait of God's universal salvation. With respect to Isa 25:9-12 I argued that vv. 9-10a alludes to a collection of texts in the Isaiah tradition that comment on "waiting" (mp) and "salvation" (J7ET). Like Isa 25:1-5 the small passage may be placed on an interpretive trajectory about these two ideas in the book of Isaiah. The context suggests yet again that this allusion is intended to outline a more inclusivistic position about YHWH's salvation since the nations are included. Finally, I argued that the enigmatic Moab pericope, 25:10b-12, is intertextually different from what precedes it. I noted that this short text shares conspicuous language with Isa 2:6-22 which led to the conclusion that the author was invoking the more elaborate portrait of judgment found there. In so doing, Moab comes to symbolize those who oppose God's kingdom. While Isa 24:21-25:10a crafted a universal and inclusivist vision of YHWH's eschatological kingdom centered on Zion, this passage and its intertextual connection strongly suggest that the author recognized the certainty that some would remain opposed. In Chapter 4, I examined the cases of intertextuality in Isa 26:1-27:1 and found that most of the texts that were evoked are from elsewhere in the book of Isaiah. As with Isaiah 25, the developing Isaian tradition was a major source of allusions in Isaiah 26. It was noted that Isa 26:1-6, the final song in these chapters, exhibits intertextual tendencies strikingly similar to the two previous songs of Isaiah 25. That is, the portrayal of the downfall of the fortified city was found to use language from Isa 2:6-22 just as the Moab passage in the previous chapter. This suggests the possibility that as Moab symbolizes a nation that remains antithetical to YHWH's emerging kingdom on Zion, so the comparable portrayal of the downfallen fortified city may symbolize any city that is opposed to God's city, Zion. I also argued that this song redeploys portions of Isa 60 in a manner that suggests the inclusion of the nations as part of YHWH's emerging kingdom. In the communal lament (26:7-19) that follows, a text that depicted the present experience of the community (as opposed to the eschatological vision of events on Zion), I suggested that the author was alluding to Isa 54:1-6. This passage offers many points of verbal and thematic contact with Isa 26:7-19. It is a text that speaks about the future res-

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toration of Zion, and, when connected with other Zion-related expectations in Isaiah 49-55 (i.e., 49:14-26; 52:1-12), expresses a deep hope in Jerusalem's future prosperity and revival. Following recent works by Polaski and Scholl, I argued that Isa 26:7-19 attempts to claim that these future hopes, especially as found in Isaiah 54, remain unfulfilled. I also argued that the lament in ch. 26 alludes to Isa 66:6-16 to make a similar point, though I recognized that we are on shakier ground to postulate that Isaiah 26 postdates this portion of Isaiah 66. The allusion to an earlier text in the Isaian tradition to argue that it has not been fulfilled, in effect to contradict it, is unlike any earlier textual reuse demonstrated in these chapters, but the communal lament form in 26:7-19 is also unlike any other textual form that encountered in these chapters. The response to the lament, the so-called Heilsorakel, in v. 19 has generated what appear to be two further elaborations. The first of these, vv. 20-21, allude to two non-Isaianic texts: the Flood narrative (Gen 7) and Mic 1:3 a. I noted that both of these recall the intertextual techniques found in Isa 24:1-20. In this case, it was argued that the Noah story was once again evoked in order to pick up the theme of destruction of the many, salvation of the few. Further, I showed that Isa 26:21a was a virtual quotation of Mic 1:3a, recalling the similar technique and function of Isaiah 24's citation of Amos 5:2a to evoke a context of judgment. These cases of intertextuality stand in marked contrast to those of the previous verses in this chapter, both in the source of the allusions and the literary style. Finally, I took up the question of intertextuality in Isa 27:2-13 in Chapter 5. The discussion began with an example of intertextuality that nearly every exegete admits: the evocation of Isa 5:1-7 by 27:2-5(6). These two passages are linked through their shared portrayal of YHWH's vineyard and his efforts on behalf of it. As noted, it is often argued that Isaiah 27 reverses Isaiah 5. This idea was accepted and explicated through a consideration of the vineyard's condition, and especially through YHWH's conduct and attitude toward the vineyard. In the second half of the chapter I explored a second allusion to Isaiah 17, one which was much more extensive than the earlier one in 24:13. I found that 17:1-13, a passage describing judgment against Syria and Israel, is reused by Isaiah 27 where it is applied to "Jacob," typically a reference to the Judean community in late Isaian texts. This is a decidedly non-universalistic reuse, which in certain respects is the opposite of what is encountered elsewhere in these chapters. This was followed, I argued, by an allusion to a future hope in Isa 11:1016. In the allusion to this text, two changes were apparent. First, the role of the monarchy was eliminated, a feature that is not all that surprising given the strong emphasis on YHWH's kingship in Isaiah 24-25. Second, cultic aspects are emphasized, a feature that stands in marked contrast to earlier

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examples of intertextual linkage. Finally, Isa 27:7 occupies a place in a larger Isaian discourse about YHWH's smiting (i"D3). I argued that once the verse's relationship to the several other texts in the book that deal with this theme is taken into account, its opacity is resolved. This summary reveals that Isaiah 24-27 made intertextual connections with other texts that can be categorized in several ways. Thematically, these include • Universalization of judgment • Universalization of salvation • Responding to prophecies deemed unfulfilled • Contributing to a larger thematic discourse that runs through Isaiah Additionally, those connections were made in a variety of ways, ranging from citations to allusions and evocations. What is clear from the preceding study, however, is that intertextuality characterizes all portions of Isaiah 24-27 to one degree or another. Implications The preceding study has implications for two other issues which cannot be taken up in detail here, but may be commented on briefly. First, it was my contention that Isaiah 24-27 represents an example of postexilic prophecy. As such, how does its composition compare with other postexilic prophetic texts? Here it might be helpful to compare the thesis of W. Lau1 with respect to Isaiah 56-66 to the results reflected in this study. Briefly, Lau argues that Isaiah 56-66 is the work of tradents of prophets who update previous prophetic messages, especially Isaiah 40-55. He contends that the vast majority of texts in Isaiah 56-66 are updating texts (Forschreibungstexte) which were passed on as small collections and incorporated into the book of Isaiah.2 He identifies a core text for so-called Third Isaiah, chs. 60-62, which was supplemented by the work of three circles of tradents. In all cases, these tradents mark their updates through an integration of sources that is as literal as possible.3 In his view, the criteria for the inclusion of a source text include four areas of content: the Zion tradition, the servant of God tradition, Holy One of Israel tradition, and the Exodus tradition. The result of this process is described by Lau as "scribal proph-

1

Wolfgang Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie in Jes 56-66. Lau builds on and counters the way O. Steck understands both Isaiah 56-66 and 40-55 as scribal prophecy; cf. O. Steck, Studien zu TritoJesaja, 49-129. Also on the application of this idea to Isaiah 13 see Burkard Zapff, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie—Jes 13 und die Komposition des Jesajabuches. 2 Lau, Schriftgelehrte Prophetie, 18. 3 Ibid., 316-17. 4 Ibid., 18.

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Setting aside Lau's interest in the redactional formation of Isaiah 56-66, does the process he describes offer an adequate model for envisioning intertextuality in Isaiah 24-27? While there are some similarities — chiefly the attention paid to a previous prophetic tradition - the differences between the two seem more prevalent. According to Lau, the method of updating earlier texts in chs. 56-66 is accomplished through a literal integration of sources, which implies something like a citation, but this accounts for relatively few of the examples of intertextuality in chs. 24-27. Lau also emphasizes role of updating earlier prophetic texts, a function which suggests that the message of the earlier text is being responded to or altered in some way. This is occurs in Isaiah 24-27, but only as one style of connection among others. Even in cases where the message of an earlier text is altered in some way by chs. 24-27, it is only rarely meant to counter the message of the source text. More often, Isaiah 24-27 uses earlier texts because they exemplars of a message that the author wishes to deploy in the composition of these chapters. This brief comparison suggests that whatever merits of Lau's study as an explanation of prophetic composition in Isaiah 56-66, it does not provide an analogue for understanding the reuse of earlier texts in Isaiah 24-27. Finally, at several points along the way I suggested the possibility that Isaiah 24-27 might be construed as part of an Isaian interpretive tradition that eventuated in the Book of Isaiah. This of course has ramifications for how we think about the formation of the book, a topic which has generated enormous conversation in recent years. While it is obviously beyond the scope of this project to take up this question in detail, it is possible to see the repeated reuse of Isaian material as evidence for understanding the growth and composition of the book as, among other things, a continued exegetical exploration of themes and ideas within the framework provided by this emerging tradition. In fact, if the results of this study are accepted, it affords us a glimpse into a fairly late stage of the book's formation. While an answer to this question would necessitate taking up more thoroughly the development of similar theological themes by Isaiah 24-27, 5666 (or at least the latest stages of Third Isaiah)5 and other late passages in the book, this study has provided hints toward an answer. If chs. 24-27 are taken as a guide, it suggests that using earlier material to construct both a future message of hope about an inclusive universal kingdom of God and a concomitant message of destruction on those who reject that Zion-centered expectation likely formed one late interpretive trajectory along which the book developed. Continued study along theses lines could potentially offer clarification on this issue. In so doing, an understanding of intertextuality 5

For an earlier attempt to do this, although not with the formation of the book in mind primarily, see Kessler, Gott Geht Es um das Ganze.

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in these chapters may provide clues to a potential answer to the formation of the book of Isaiah, one of the more intractable problems in Isaian studies.

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Source Index I. Ancient Near Eastern Sources ARMZ.tt EA 162.22-25 KTU 1.2 IV KTU131 KTU 1.3 1:24 KTU 1.3 111:7 KTU 1.4 VI

77 77 83 83 148 148 83

.£71/1.5 1:1-3 KTU 1.5 1:7-9 KTU 1.5 1:27-30 A7771.5 V:10-ll KTU 1.6 111:2-13 ATt/ 1.19 1:38-46

164 72 164 17 17 148

II. Old Testament Genesis 1.1-11.26 1-11 1-3 1 l.l-2.4a 1.2 4.10 6-9 6.11 6.13 6.18-20 7 7.1 7.7 7.9 7.11 7.13 7.15 7.16 8 8.2 8.13-14 9

61 37, 56,57, 60, 69 15 49 14 59 160 56,58,59, 63, 161 161 58 161 57 161 161 161 57, 69 161 161 161 57 57, 69 161 43, 57, 58, 64, 68, 69

9.1-17 9.1 9.7 9.10 9.16 9.20-27 11 11.1-9 12-50 12.3 15.8 17.7 17.13 17.19 26.26-33 31.43-54 34.22 37 41.6 41.23 41.27 43.30

57 59,64 59 43 58 59 58, 59, 63 57,58,61,62,69 59 144, 175 190 58, 65 58, 65 58 77 77 185 111 184 184 184 160

Exodus 7.28

160

II. Old Testament

232 10.13 12 12.11 14.21 15 15.2 15.18 16.3 18.12 19-23 19.19 20-23 20.18 24 24.1-11 24.1-2 24.3-8 24.9-11 24.9 24.11 24.16 24.17 31.16 34.13

184 161-162 161 184 130 130 76 172 77 79 191 79 191 78, 79, 80,92 77 77 77 75,77,78,79,91 78 78 78 78 58, 65, 67, 68 186

Leviticus 24.6-8 24.8 25.3 25.9 26 26.30 26.41 26.43

66 58 171 191 68 186 185 185

Numbers 11.29 18.19 21.17 22-24 23.21 25.10-13 34.5 35 35.33

172 66 170 111 76,96 66 190 43 43

Deuteronomy 4.19 4.27 5.29 7.5 17.3

76 58 172 186 76

23 23.1-3 23.3-6 23.3 24.20 28 28.12 28.22-24 28.24 28.30 28.36 28.39 28.44 28.52 28.62 28.64 28.67 30.1-5 30.3 30.4 31.16 32.4 32.14 33.1 33.5 33.28 63-64 68

111, 7 111 114 190 68 65 65 65 65 65 65 65 65 65 58 172 193 58 192 65 129 170 129 96 148 65 65

Joshua 5.13 6.6 6.13 9.11-15 15.4 15.47 24.9

75 191 191 77 190 190 111

Judges 2.1 3.12-30 3.27 6.11 8.23 9.29 15.1 16.9

67 111 191 190 76 172 160 160

Ruth 2.17

190

II. Old Testament 1 Samuel 2.2

4.7 8.7 10.19 11.2 11.15 12.12

14.47 25.36 2 Samuel 3.12-21 3.20 6.18 8.2 19.1 22.2

22.32 23.5 1 Kings 1.9 1.19 1.25 3.15 5.1 5.4 7.2 7.19 8.62-65 8.65 22.19 2 Kings 3.4-27 17.16 19.3 21.3 21.5 23 23.4-5 23.15 24.2 24.7

129 160 76 76 185 76 76 111 82

77 82 76 111 172 129 129 58

76 76 76 82 144, 190 190 57 57 76 190 96

111 76 157 76 76 186, 187 76 186 111

190

1 Chronicles 16.34 28.11

96 160

2 Chronicles 14.2

186

233

34 34.3-4 34.3 34.4 34.6-7 34.7

186, 187 186 36 36,195 186 36, 186, 195

Ezra 5.9 6.7 9

78 78 111

Nehemiah 1.8 1.9 9.6-36 9.6 13 13.4-8

58 192 136 75 111, 114 173

Esther 1.1-9 2.18 5.4-8 6.14-7.10

83 83 83 83

Job 3.8 11.5 13.5 14.13 19.23 22.21 23.3 29.2 31.31 31.35 40 40.25

163 172 172 172 172 172 174 172 172 172 172 164 163

Psalms 9-10 9.14 9.18 10.3 10.12 10.17 12.2 14.7 15.1-2 15.1

140 140 140 140 140 140 130 172 126 125

6.8

234 18.3 18.32 18.47 19.15 24 24.3 25.10 26.7 27.11 28.1 31 31.15 33.6 46 47 47.7-9 47.7 48 48.8 53.7 54.5 55.7 58 68 73 74 74.10 74.11 74.12 74.13-14 74.14 74.18 74.20 74.21 75 76 78.26 81.4 82 82.6-7 86 92.16 93 93.1 94.22 95-99 95 95.1 95.3 96-99 96.4 96.8

U Old Testament 129 129 129 129 84 125 140 140 140 129 95 95 75 85, 148 85,96 85 76 85 184 172 99 172 140 84 139 165-166 165 165 165 165 163 165 166 165 85, 140 85 184 191 75, 136 76 95 129 84, 85, 96 76, 85 129 84, 96 85 129 85 85 85 85

96.10 96.13 97.1 97.7 97.9 98.2 98.3 98.6 98.9 99.1 99.2 104.26 110 111.5 111.9 118 118.1 118.8-9 118.14-16 118.14 118.15-16 118.17 118.19-20 118.19 118.20 118.21 118.22 118.26 118.27 118.28 132 133.3 143.6 144.1

76,85 85 76, 85 85 85 85 85 85 85 76, 85 85 163 148 67 67 96 96 96 96 96, 130 96 96 126 96 96 96 96 96 96 95 84 148 112 129

Proverbs 4.18 15.19 19.12 31.20

139 139 148 112

Ecclesiastes 10.11 12.3

145 57

Isaiah 1-39

1-12

2, 7, 22, 24,25, 27,31,35,37,38, 39,41, 117, 166, 203,204,206, 207,208 130

II. Old Testament 1 1.2 1.3 1.5-6 1.5 1.6 1.19 1.20 2-4 2 2.1-5 2.1-4 2.2-4 2.3 2.6-22 2.6-21 2.6-19 2.8 2.9-17 2.9 2.10 2.11 2.12 2.14 2.15 2.17 2.18 2.19 2.20 3.1-4.2 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.6 3.12 3.14 3.20 4.2-6 4.2-4 4.5b-6 4.26 5-33 5

5.1-7 5.1-6 5.1-2 5.1 5.2-4

169,199 45 187, 189 199,201,202 199 199 139 45 116 89, 115-117, 133, 134, 161, 166 204 207 86 133,140 115, 116 133,134 117 115, 142 115,133 115,133 133,161 115,133 133 133 133 115, 133 115, 187 161 115, 139, 187 42 42 78 145 139 140 78 145 103 204,207 102-104 139 116 8, 16, 26, 175, 176, 177, 178, 179, 180, 182, 196,200 172, 176, 177,207 176 176 26 176

5.5-6 5.6 5.7 5.12 5.15 5.16 5.17 5.19 5.21 5.24 5.25-30 5.25 6 6.1-8 6.5 6.7 7-8 7.23-25 7.23-24 7.24-25 8.17 9 9.5 9.6 9.7-20 9.8-21 9.12 9.14 9.15 9.17 9.21 10 10.4 10.5-19 10.5-6 10.5 10.8-19 10.12 10.17 10.20 10.24 10.25-27 10.26 10.33 11 11.1 11.2 11.4 11.10-16 11.10 11.11-16

235 176 139, 176,179 176 142 115,133 115 187 97, 98, 142 139 173 149 142,199 185 91 96 185 46, 105 179 173 187 109 97,98,200 97 91, 142 149 199 142, 199 78 78 142, 179 142, 173 200 142 98 173 200 200 142 173,179 199,202 199,200 200 199 37 97,98,203,204, 207 91 97 199 194,203-207 203,205 193,194,204

236 ll.ll 11.12 11.13 11.14-15 11.15-16 11.15 12 12.1-6

12.1-2 12.1

12.2 12.3 12.4-6 12.6 12.14-16 13-39 13-33 13-27 13-23 13-14 13 13.4-5 13.9 13.11 13.19 13.20-22 14 14.1-2 14.6 14.9 14.11 14.24-27 14.26 14.27 14.29 15-16 15.24 16.1-12 16.6-7 16.6 16.13-14 17

17.1-11 17.1-6 17.1-3 17.1

II. Old Testament 203 203 205 205 205 142,199, 203 129,130, 131, 132, 134 129,133 130 130 129,130 129,130 130 130 96 36 25 177 7 , 2 5 , 4 9 , 50, 67, 115, 133, 138 25 9 , 2 1 , 4 5 , 117 75 21 98, 100, 101, 113 100 187 21,98, 144 175 199,200 144 113 97,98 97 142 199,200 55,73, 110, 111, 113, 118 139 7 116 113 7 47,48, 106, 117, 169, 187, 194, 195, 196, 197, 198, 207 47, 195 48 46, 106, 196 105, 106,195

17.2 17.4-6 17.5 17.6 17.7-8 17.7 17.8 17.9 17.10 17.11 17.12-14 17.13 18.3 19 19.1 19.2 19.16 19.17 19.23-28 19.23-25 19.28 20.1-6 21 21.2 21.9 21.10 21.13-23 22.5 23.11 23.13 24-26 24-25

24

24.1-23 24.1-20

24.1-16a 24.1-13

187, 194 46 194 4 6 , 4 7 , 4 8 , 4 9 , 68 197 194 48, 142, 186, 194 194, 196-198 196 197 47, 195, 198 48 192 98 37 42 142 97 193 192 142 105 25, 50, 53 50,51,52, 54,68 50 39,50,51,52 51 45 142 105 23,71, 167, 204, 208 77, 82, 87, 88, 91,92, 93, 134, 140, 141, 166 7 , 2 1 , 2 7 , 33,37, 38,40,41,43,4549, 53, 56-59, 6267, 69, 70, 76, 78, 86, 88, 93, 100, 108, 131, 134, 157, 161, 162, 163, 167, 175, 188, 194 107, 167 30, 3 7 , 4 0 , 4 4 , 59, 68, 70, 74,75, 107, 117, 137, 160, 163, 167 22,29,81 21,34,39,40,47, 51, 160

II. Old Testament 24.1-6 24.1-3 24.1-2 24.1 24.2 24.3 24.4-16 24.4-13 24.4-6 24.4 24.5

24.6 24.7-13 24.7-12 24.7-11 24.7-10 24.7-9 24.7 24.8-18a 24.8-13 24.8-12 24.10-12 24.10

24.11 24.12 24.13-16aa 24.13 24.14-20 24.14-18a 24.14-16 24.14 24.15 24.16b-20 24.16

24.16-25.9 24.17-20 24.17-18 24.17 24.18 24.18b-20 24.18-19 24.19-20

39,48 68,71 94 37, 58, 62, 69, 160,191 42,45 27,38,41,72 26,27 38 27 4 3 , 4 4 , 4 5 , 4 7 , 58, 101 7, 19, 4 3 , 4 4 , 4 5 , 57, 58, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69, 79, 80 38, 58, 59, 144 39, 93, 193 26, 97, 131 59 188 27 38,47,58 27 39 23 150 2, 20, 23, 27, 32, 47, 5 9 , 7 1 , 7 2 , 9 3 , 94,98, 160, 167, 188 144 2,20, 23, 27, 32 30 38,46,47,48,68 39, 49,71 34 27,38,39,51,68, 127,160 38,71, 127, 141 145 27,38,39,51,53 34,39,49,50,51, 52, 53,68, 126, 127 22, 29,81 39 22, 53, 68, 74 41,53 6, 57, 69,75, 164 34,160 58 44,71

24.20 24.21-27.1 24.21-33 24.21-26.6 24.21-25.12 24.21-25.10a 24.21-25.8 24.21-23

24.21-22 24.21

24.22 24.23

25-27 25-26 25

25.1-26.21 25.1-15 25.1-5

25.1-4 25.1-3 25.1

25.2

25.3-5

237 27, 39,56, 58, 64, 68,74, 162, 166 30,33, 160, 163 30 136, 137, 138, 160 70, 74, 79, 99, 112, 117, 118, 151 88, 89 72, 85, 88, 93 34,40,51,64,66, 70-76,79,81-83, 85-87,90-93, 107, 116,117 44, 80, 87, 88, 149, 160, 169 39,43,71,75,81, 85, 94, 107, 113, 125, 131, 135, 160, 171 43,90, 113, 116, 171 22, 6 3 , 6 6 , 7 1 , 7 8 , 80, 85, 87, 88, 90, 91,92,96, 103, 104, 107, 117, 149, 192, 205 23 28 71,72, 79, 85,86, 90, 92, 95, 96, 100-105, 107, 108, 111, 113, 115, 116, 123, 126-128, 131, 132, 134, 193 74 107 23,24, 26,27, 34, 71,72,74, 88,93, 96, 97,99, 100, 101,105-108, 117, 118, 122, 129, 131, 132, 133, 150 81 94 2 5 , 2 6 , 7 1 , 9 4 , 95, 97-99, 105, 125, 127, 149 2, 20, 2 2 , 3 2 , 7 1 , 93,94, 98,99, 105, 106, 123, 167, 188, 189 90, 100, 101, 103

238 25.3

25.4-5a 25.4 25.5 25.6-10a 25.6-8

25.6 25.7 25.8

25.9-12 25.9-11 25.9-10a

25.9

25.10-26.8 25.10-18 25.10b-12

25.1 lb-12 25.11 25.10

25.12 26-27 26

II. Old Testament 2 2 , 7 1 , 9 4 , 100, 117, 127, 144, 149, 188 94, 102-104,123, 131 71,94, 100, 132, 174 71,94, 100,103 30,88, 191,206 22,27, 34,40, 51, 63, 66, 72-78, 8083, 85-87, 89-93, 103, 105, 107, 117, 120, 167, 170, 193,205 72, 73, 78, 79, 85, 107 72,80, 107, 111, 127, 144 34,35,45, 64, 72, 73,80,81,96, 105, 107, 119, 149, 164 27, 3 4 , 7 1 , 7 3 , 7 4 , 106, 116, 117, 129 95 2 2 , 7 3 , 7 4 , 101, 107-110, 116,117, 118, 120, 121 27, 73, 88, 96, 107, 108121, 125, 129, 141, 143, 149 29, 120 96 24, 73,74, 107, 110, 113-118, 130, 133, 136,205 131, 133 73, 112,114 24, 32,73, 88, 96, 107, 109, 114, 125,142, 149 2 5 , 7 3 , 7 4 , 110, 123,132 158 27,28,30,71,85, 119, 120, 122, 125-128, 130-136, 139-141, 143, 149156, 158, 159, 161, 162, 163, 16167, 168

26.1-27.1 26.1-21 26.1-19 26.1-14 26.1-8 26.1-6

26.1-4 26.1-3 26.1

26.2

26.3 26.4-5a 26.4 26.5-6 26.5

26.6 26.7-27.1 26.7-21 26.7-19 26.7-18 26.7-15 26.7-11 26.7-10

26.7 26.8-9 26.8 26.9 26.10-15 26.10 26.11-27.6

119, 123 121,123 120, 123,208 27,120, 136 22,81 2 3 , 2 4 , 2 6 , 34,71, 101, 106, 115, 119-124, 126-137, 159, 166, 170 125 30, 119, 122 2 , 2 0 , 2 5 , 27, 32, 74, 110, 121, 124, 128, 129, 131, 133, 136, 137, 167, 188 123, 125, 126, 127, 128, 135, 136, 144, 161, 163 128, 129, 136, 141, 149, 174 120, 122 128, 129, 131 120, 122, 131, 132,133 2,20, 22, 32, 110123, 124, 129, 130, 133, 136, 137, 167 24, 122, 123, 131, 132, 136, 137, 191 123, 124, 137, 165, 165 121, 138 107, 122, 136, 137, 159, 165, 166 34, 119, 122, 137, 138, 152, 166,180 121 122 121, 122, 124, 139, 141, 151, 161, 165 122, 123, 124, 136, 140 34 138, 140, 141, 143, 151, 152, 165 139, 151 154 139, 140, 141, 165 81, 120

II. Old Testament 26.11-19 26.11-18 26.11-15 26.11-13 26.11-12 26.11

26.12-18 26.12 26.13-27.11 26.13-18 26.13-15 26.13-14 26.13

26.14-15 26.14b-15 26.14

26.15-19 26.15 26.16-27.6 26.16-19 26.16-18 26.16 26.17-18

26.17 26.18

26.19-21 26.19

26.20-27.1

26.20-21

121,124, 139, 149 138 122, 141 23 121 141, 142, 152, 155, 156, 159, 160, 165 122 135, 136, 141, 142, 143, 149, 165 17, 29,157, 158 150, 159 144 144,151 135, 136, 141, 143, 144, 148, 150, 152, 157, 165 136, 141 123 27,43, 119, 122, 136, 140, 143, 144, 146, 148, 149, 154, 160, 171 27,31,120, 136, 154 127, 144, 149, 150, 152, 155 29 121 34, 122, 141, 144, 150 135, 136, 160, 171 135, 145, 146, 148, 149, 152, 156, 157, 159 137,152 121, 136, 137, 138, 139,143, 146, 148, 152, 165 122, 123 17,27, 34,35,36, 122, 135,136, 137, 141,143, 144, 146-149, 151, 154, 157,159, 160, 166, 180, 191 120, 121, 122, 124, 135, 137, 139, 159, 173 34, 120, 121, 122, 135, 159-164, 166

26.20 26.21-27.1 26.21 27

27.1

27.2-13 27,2b-11 27.2-11 27.2-6

27.2-5

27.2-4 27.2 27.3-4 27.3 27.4 27.5 27.6 27.7-13 27.7-11 27.7-9 27.7-8 27.7

27.8 27.9-11 27.9

27.10-11

239 137, 160-162, 166 167 43, 147, 160, 165, 166, 171 16, 23, 163, 164, 167-169, 175-180, 186-189, 192-198, 201-208 27, 3 4 , 3 5 , 4 3 , 6 4 , 122, 123, 135, 147, 163-166, 168, 169, 171, 182, 191, 195,203 30, 167-170, 193, 198, 207,208 27 27, 168 8,30, 34, 157, 167-171, 175-177, 181, 187, 207 26, 167, 169, 170, 173, 175, 176, 182, 191, 193, 197 183 27, 168, 178 174 43. 171, 174, 178, 179 173, 174, 178, 179,182 170, 171, 173-175, 188,195, 197,202 167-171, 175, 177, 178, 184,203 167, 168, 194 21,27,150, 169, 170, 180, 181 188,195 168, 187 34,167, 180-182, 185, 188, 194, 198, 199,202, 203,207 22,34, 157, 167, 169, 180-185, 188 34,36,195 36,48,157, 167, 168, 180, 181, 184-187, 191, 192, 195, 202, 206 23, 168, 187, 193, 197

240 27.10

27.11 27.12-13

27.12 27.13

28-33 28.27 28.29 29 29.5 29.17-24 29.17-21 29.20 29.23 30 30.1-5 30.1 30.5 30.10 30.11 30.18 30.19-22 30.23-26 30.25 30.26 30.27 30.31 31.3 31.6-7 32 32.1-2 32.2 32.10 32.12-13 32.12 32.14 32.15-20 32.16-18 32.19 33

II. Old Testament 2, 5,20, 22, 23, 32, 170,180,181, 183, 185, 188, 189, 192, 194, 195-197 157, 181, 188, 189, 194 30, 34,81, 167169, 184, 191, 193, 194, 197, 202-207 27, 168, 169, 181, 190-193,203,204 22,27, 168, 181, 191, 192,203, 204,206 25,26 190 97 101 99, 101 101 101 101 142 98, 105 104-106 97 105 140 140 109 187 201 115 199, 201,202 37 199, 200,202 142 187 46 102-104 103 46 173 171 187 133 142 115 52, 67, 88, 108, 109

33.1-24 33.1 33.2 33.3 33.5 33.6 33.8 33.15 33.22 34.4 34.5-6 34.8-15 35.8-10 36-37 37.3 37.32 37.38 38.8 38.10 40-66 40-55 40-49 40-48 40.1-11 40.2 40.3-5 40.5 40.14 40.26 41.13 41.20 41.21-24 41.27 42.16 43.18 44.6-8 44.14-17 44.26 45.12 45.18 45.19 46 46.10 47-66 47 47.6 48.8 48.14 49-55 49-54

51 50,51,52,53,68 108, 109 109 109 108 140 140 76,108 75,76 163 187 193, 194 105,199 153, 157 142 199 67,68 145 6,16,88, 129, 166, 208 30, 175 175 35 87,185 142 193 45 140 75 140 142 76 40 193 15 76 187 97 75 59 98 97,98 25 25,97 78 50 109 151 17

II. Old Testament 49 49.6 49.8 49.10 49.14-24 49.21 49.22-26 49.22-23 49.22 49.23 49.24 49.25 49.26 50 50.6 51 51.1 51.3 51.4-5 51.5 51.6 51.8 51.12-52.10 51.17 51.22 52 52.1 52.7-10 52.7 52.8 52.9 52.10 52.11 52.13 53 53.4 53.6 54 54.1-6 54.1 54.2 54.3 54.5 54.9-10 54.9 54.10 54.14 54.17 55.3-5 55.3 56-66

108 108,109 108 199, 201 151 152 109 109 109, 142 108 100 100, 101, 108 108 108 199,201 108 129 109 109 108, 109 108 108 151 109, 142 142 87, 88, 117 88 87, 88, 89, 92, 93 40, 86,88,91,92 87, 88 87, 88 87, 88 88 201 146 199, 201 202 150,151, 152, 155,158, 159, 166 150 150,152 150 150, 151, 159 150 64 57, 63 57, 63 151 151, 155 91 58, 66 9,36

56 56.6-8 56.8 57 57.3-13 57.12 57.17 57.19 58 58.1 58.4 58.14 59 59.1 59.4 59.6 59.8 59.9-20 59.9 59.11 59.14 59.16 59.17 59.20 60 60.1-22 60.1 60.8 60.9 60.10-12 60.10 60.12 60.16 60.17 60.18 60.20-64.4 60.21 61.8 61.10-11 62.10 62,11-63.6 63.7-64.11 63.15 63.19 64 64.1 64.2 64.4 64.5 64.9 64.10

241 114 203 193,194 26 187 142 199,201,202 128 7 192 199 45 108 108,109, 142 152,156 142 140 138 108 108 140 108 108 109 127, 128, 134, 166 109, 175 109 57 108 128 199,201,202 127 108 127 108, 125, 128 109 128, 142 58 125 125 137 136, 137,138 142 143 108 142 108 108 154 109 109

242 65-66 65.1-7 65.2 65.18-21 66 66.2

66.3 66.5-24 66.5 66.6-16 66.6

66.7-11 66.7-9 66.7 66.8 66.14 66.15-16 66.15 66.16 66.17 66.18-24 66.18-21 66.19 66.20

66.21 Jeremiah 4.5 4.19 4.21 6.1 6.1 l b - 1 2

6.17 6.21 8.2

8.3 8.17 8.23 9.1 9.15 10 10.10 12.1-4 13.24 16.15 18.17 19.13 21.5 23.1 23.2 23.3

II. Old Testament 154 187 112 175 152-156, 159, 166 155 199 154 152, 154, 155 152 152 154 152, 153, 155, 156, 159 152 152 142,152,155,203 152 155,159 155,159

23.8 24 24.9 25.11 25.12 27.10 27.15 29.14 29.18 30.11 30.17 32.37 32.40 33.22 40.12 43.5 46.28 47.6 48

192 192 192 7 7 192 192 192 192 58 192 192 58 75 192 192 192 163 37,54,55,63, 111,112

154 154 193 193 194 193

48.1-13 48.10 48.14-16 48.15 48.16 48.29 48.40 48.43-44a 48.43 49.5 49.36 50.5 50.17

55 163 65 76 54 113 55 22, 53, 74 41,54,55,68 192 192 58 192

191 191 191 191 42 191 42 76 192 145 172 172 58 88 76 139 58 192 58,184 76 173 58 58,192 192

Lamentations 1 1.1 1.10 1.17 3.47

114 189 112,113,114, 116 112 53

Ezekiel 4.13 6.4 6.6 9 9.4 9.6-15 10.3 11.16 12.15

192 186 186 114,161 155 136 155 58 58

II. Old Testament 16.60 17.10 19.12 20 20.23 20.33 24.9-11 22.15 25 25-32 25.8-11 26.33-38 27.26 28.7 29.12 30.13 30.23 30.26 31.12 32.10 33.3 33.4 33.5 34.4 34.16 34.21 36.19 37 37.26

58 184 184 87 58 86, 87,92 92 58 112 67 55 86 184 99 58 113 58 58 99 163 191 191 191 192 192 58 58 148 58

Daniel 5.1 8.10-12 9.2 9.7 12.2

83 75 7 192 17,28,35, 147

Hosea 4 4.1-10 4.1-2 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4-6 4.5 4.6b 4.9 4.10 4.11 4.14

37,43,44,45,46, 49, 69, 158 42,43,45 43 45 43,45 43 45 44 43,44 42,43,45 44 44 186

243

5.8 6 8.1 8.12 11.11 12.2 13-14 13.3 13.4 13.4-14.10 13.13 13.14 13.15 14.5 14.6-8 14.6 14.9 14.10

191 148 44, 191 44 193 184 158 57, 156 157 2, 17, 157 157 17,157 157, 184 148 157 17, 157 157 157,158

Joel 2.1 2.15 3 3.11 4.11

191 191 112 75 75

Arnos 1-2 2 2.1-3 2.1-3 2.15 3.10 3.6 5 5.1 5.2

67 112 56 111 191 140 191 37,56 56 68,74, If 166

Jonah 4.8

184

Micah 1:2 1.2-3 1.3 1.5-7 2 2.12-13 4 4.1-3 4.6-7

162 162 162, 166 163 88 76 86, 89 86 89,90

244

II. Old Testament

4.6 4.7 5 5.6

192 86, 90,91,92 86,89 148

Nahum 2 2.1 2.3 2.11 9.36 9.37

41,68 40 41 40,41 143 143

Zephaniah 1.5 1.8 1.9 1.12 1.16 2 2.7 2.8-11

2.9 2.10 2.12

3 3.7 3.15 3.19

1

1.10 2.21-23

151 148 112

Zechariah

76 44 44 44 191

1-8 8.12

9.6 9.13-14 9.14 10.10 10.11 12-14 14 14.5 14.9 16-19

148 113 191 191, 192 193 113 35 88, 112 33 76 76

112

44

Malachi

113 113 163 88 44 76 192

1.2-5 1.14 3.10

111

1

112

76, 112 57

Haggai

III. Apocrypha and Qumran Sirach 50 50.26

IQIsa" 189 188

37,73, 100, 108, 131, 139,148, 170, 182

Author Index Ahlström, Gosta Albertz, Rainer Allen, Graham Anderson Francis Anderson, B. W. Anderson, G. W. Bakhtin, Mikhail Baltzer, Klaus Barthes, Roland Beal, Timothy K. Beek, Martinus A. Beglich, Joachim Beglich, Joachim Ben-Porat, Ziva Beuken, W. A. M. Biddle, Mark E. Birkeland, H Blenkinsopp, J

Bloom, Harold Bosman, H. J. Bosshard-Nepustil, Erich Carroll, Robert P. Cheyne, T. K. Childs, Brevard S. Clayton, Jay Clements, R.

54 146, 147 3, 10, 11,12 56, 89 165 21,30 10 87 3, 11,19 10, 15 33 96, 97 96,97 14, 52, 55 14, 67, 145-148 2, 7, 25,26 147 2, 7, 27,29,31,35, 38, 39, 45, 46, 47, 48, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 68, 73, 81, 87, 88, 90, 94, 97, 99, 102, 107, 108, 111, 115, 121-123, 125, 130, 135, 142146, 155, 160, 161, 164, 165, 170, 171, 173, 177, 181-183, 185, 188-200 12, 15 30,31 15, 80 53, 176 2, 165 38,45, 77, 78, 130, 161, 175 3, 12,16 24, 27, 54, 65, 70, 73, 78, 102, 121, 123, 125, 128, 129, 131, 132, 135, 138, 144, 145, 146, 148, 161,

Collins, John J. Collins, Terence Conrad Cross, F. M. Daiches, S. Darr, K. Pfisterer Davies, Philip Day, John De Vries, S. J. Delcor, M. Doyle, Brian

Draisma, Spike Driver, G. R. Driver, Samuel R. Duhm, B

Eissfeldt, Otto Elder, W. H. Emerton, J. A. Fewell, D. N. Fishbane, M Fohrer, G Foucalt, Michel Fouts, D. M. Freedman, D. N. Fritz, Volkmer Genette, Gérard

170, 172, 174, 176, 184, 190, 191, 194 100 2 73 35 169 153 9 2, 17, 148, 157, 164, 165, 184 164 82 20, 22, 23,47, 121, 122, 128, 129, 149, 163, 170, 171, 173, 176 14, 144 2, 73, 172, 176 35 1, 24, 26, 27,28, 29, 32, 35, 36, 50, 54, 64, 70, 72, 94, 107, 120, 121, 125, 135, 144146, 159, 165, 168, 170, 174, 180, 182, 183, 185, 189, 190, 192 1,23,24, 32, 110 108, 122 99, 106, 144, 164 15 7, 9, 16, 17, 111, 114, 177 1,26,27, 29,37,94, 108, 122,123, 125, 135, 170, 175 19 145 56, 89 186 3, 6, 11

246 Gennup, A. van Gesenius, W. Gilse, Jacob van Godard, Barbara Gogel, S. L. Gratz, Heinrich Gray, G. B. Grol, Harm W. M. van Gunkel, Herman Habets, G. N. W. Hanson, P Harris, W. V. Hayes, John H. Hays, R. Helfmeyer, F. J. Henry, M.-L. Hibbard, J. Todd Hillers, Delbert R. Hollander, John Hopfe, Lewis Hylmo, Gunnar Irvine, Stuart Irvine, Stuart Irwin, W. H. Jacob, E. Jenner, K. D. Johnson, D. G.

Jones, Brian C. Kaiser, 0 .

Author Index 79 47 32 3 160 33 24,25, 50, 53, 54, 64, 106, 120, 135, 143 30,31, 188, 189, 198 28, 63, 85, 96, 97, 123,136 24, 25, 122, 125, 135, 145, 161, 176 22, 138 3 2,33 17, 18 146 1,21,26,30,33,88, 121, 122, 135, 160 181 77 13,52 165 28, 29, 74 2 2 128, 129, 131, 145, 146 173,176 191,192 1,2, 20, 23,24, 29, 31,33,35,37,38,39, 43, 44, 48, 49, 56, 57, 66-68,71,72,81,82, 94, 108, 111, 121123, 126, 135, 136, 138, 141, 143-146, 148, 152, 153, 155, 160, 161, 163, 168170, 176, 180, 181, 184, 185, 188, 189, 191,203 113 1,24,25,35,36,38, 42, 43, 46, 47, 50, 54, 58, 64, 70, 71, 77, 81, 111, 121, 132, 135, 136, 140, 143-148, 160, 161, 162, 173,

180, 183, 185, 190, 196 Kaufmann, Yehezkiel 60 Kessler, W. 23, 135, 170, 176, 188, 189 Rissane, E. J. 145, 189, 191 20 Kooij, A van der Kraus, H.-J. 88 Kristeva, Julia 3,10,11,12,13,17, 19, 20 LaCapara, Dominick 3,19 Lagrange, M.-J. 24 Lau, Wolfgang 9 Leene, Hendrick 171, 181-185, 198 Levenson, Jon D. 63, 68, 76,81,164165 Lévi-Strauss, C. 11 Liebmann, E. 2, 136 Lindblom, J. 1,21,26,27,28,29, 31,33, 37,47,72,74, 81, 94, 108, 120, 125, 128, 135, 136, 144, 68, 170, 171, 176, 181, 184-186, 190 Lohmann, P. 1,94,108, 120, 122, 123, 125,128, 129, 131, 135, 180 Ludwig, O. 2,23,121, 122, 125, 129 Macintosh, A. A. 50 March, Wallace E. 1,30,38, 122, 123, 125, 167 McCarter, P. Kyle 83 Milgrom, Jacob 60 Millar, W. R. 1,2, 22, 27, 29,31, 35, 37, 55, 73, 75, 76, 78, 80-82, 84, 94, 102, 111, 120, 126, 128, 136, 146 Miner, Earl 13 Miscall, Peter D. 15, 16 Morgan, Thais 3 Mowinckel, S. 84, 85 Mulder, E. S. 23,24, 110 Niditch, Susan 8 Nogalski, J. D. 4, 17 Noth, M 77,78 Oswalt, John N. 33, 76, 93, 95, 97, 121, 128, 136, 143 Otzen, B. 21,30 Pardee, D. 164 Perii, Carmela 13

Author Index Petersen, D. L. Plöger, 0 .

Polaski, Donald C.

Procksch, 0 Rad, G. von Redditt, P. L. Riffaterre, Michael Ringgren, H. Robertson, E. Rothstein, Eric Rothstein, Eric Rudolph, W.

Running, L. G. Sawyer, J. F. A. Schmidt, Werner Schökel, L. A. Scholl, Reinhard

Schramm, Brooks Schultz, R. Seeligman, I. L. Seitz, C.

9 1,24, 25,27, 34,35, 37,43, 72, 91, 107, 108, 110, 122, 123, 124, 132, 138, 143, 145, 160, 175 2, 3, 7, 9, 19,20,24, 25,38,40,41,45,47, 48, 57, 58, 65, 66, 67, 73-77, 79, 82-84, 99, 108, 111, 112, 114, 115, 121, 123, 126128, 130, 131, 133, 137, 139-141, 145, 148, 150, 153, 155, 158, 160, 161, 162163, 171, 172, 176178, 183, 184, 187, 190, 191, 194, 195, 203,206 24, 27, 72, 108, 120, 125, 128, 145, 146, 159, 168, 186, 190 61,67, 99 1,2, 23, 125, 171, 183 3,11 1,29 171, 172,174 3, 12,16 3, 12, 16 1,21,33,34,48,64, 94, 108, 122, 125, 137, 143, 168, 175, 176,180,183, 189 146 147 60 97 1,2, 22,44,46,47, 48, 54, 67, 78, 97, 101, 102, 106, 115, 128-140, 147, 150, 159, 154, 160, 161, 162, 163, 165, 170, 173, 175, 176, 181, 183-185, 189,194, 204 138 6, 17 50 58, 161

Shils, Edward Sievers, Eduard Smend, R. Smith, Mark S. Sommer, B.

247

8, 16 108 1, 24, 44 164 6, 7, 9, 13, 14, 16, 52, 55 Stansell, Gary 89 Steck, Odil Hannes 154 Sweeney, M. A. 1,2,22,23, 37, 39, 47, 48, 49, 50,51,52, 54, 56, 70, 71, 73, 74, 80,81,94,99, 102104, 111, 115, 116, 121, 123, 129, 133135, 141, 144, 145, 160, 168-170, 175, 176, 181-184, 189, 190, 194-196, 198, 203, 204 Turner, Victor 79 Van Seters, John 61 Vermeylen, J. 2, 7,21,31,34, 58, 59, 64, 70, 94, 99, 101, 104,111, 115, 125, 129,130-136, 138, 143, 145, 146, 148, 160, 161, 170, 188, 194, 195, 204 Voelz, James 14 Vorster, William 14 Wanke, G. 95 Watson, W. G. E. 30 Welten, P. 75, 78, 79, 92 Westermann, Claus 28, 127, 152 Wieringen, A.L.H.M. 141, 144,159 van Wilderberger, H. 1,2,24, 25,31,38, 39, 42, 45, 45, 47, 50, 51,53,54,58,65, 67, 72, 73, 78, 81, 88, 90, 92, 93, 94, 99, 101, 102, 111, 115, 121, 123, 128, 136, 137, 139, 140, 142-144, 146, 148, 160, 161, 162, 168, 170, 172, 173-175, 181, 183, 188, 190, 192, 196, 204 Willey, P. T. 6, 17, 55 Williamson, H. G. M 30, 67, 91, 130 Willis, T. M. 78

248 Wolde, Ellen van. Yee, Gale

Author Index 14 158

Zapff, Burkard Zyl, Ailti van

Forschungen zum Alten Testament Edited by Bernd Janowski, Mark S. Smith and Hermann Spieckermann Alphabetical Index

Barthel, Jörg: Prophetenwort und Geschichte. 1997. Volume 19. - : see Hermisson, Hans-Jürgen. Basson, Alec: Divine Metaphors in Selected Hebrew Psalms of Lamentation. 2006. Volume 11/15. Baumann, Gerlinde: Die Weisheitsgestalt in Proverbien 1-9. 1996. Volume 16. Bodendorfer, Gerhard und Matthias Miliard (Hrsg.): Bibel und Midrasch. Unter Mitarbeit von B. Kagerer. 1998. Volume 22. Chapman, Stephen B.: The Law and the Prophets. 2000. Volume 27. Diße, Andreas: see Groß, Walter. Ego, Beate: see Janowski, Bernd. Ehrlich, CarlS./White, Marsha C. (Ed.): Saul in Story and Tradition. 2006. Volume 47. Emmendörffer, Michael: Der ferne Gott. 1997. Volume 21. Finlay, Timothy D.: The Birth Report Genre in the Hebrew Bible. 2005. Volume 11/12. Finsterbusch, Karin: Weisung für Israel. 2005. Volume 44. Frevel, Christian (Ed.): Medien im antiken Palästina. 2005. Volume 11/10. Groß, Walter: Die Satzteilfolge im Verbalsatz alttestamentlicher Prosa. Unter Mitarbeit von A. Diße und A. Michel. 1996. Volume 17. Hanhart, Robert: Studien zur Septuaginta und zum hellenistischen Judentum. 1999. Volume 24. Hardmeier, Christof: Erzähldiskurs und Redepragmatik im Alten Testament. 2005. Volume 46. Hausmann, Jutta: Studien zum Menschenbild der älteren Weisheit (Spr lOff). 1995. Volume 7. Hermisson, Hans-Jürgen: Studien zu Prophetie und Weisheit. Hrsg. von J. Barthel, H. Jauss und K. Koenen 1998. Volume 23. Hibbard, J. Todd: Intertextuality in Isaiah 24-27. 2006. Volume II/16. Huwyler, Beat: Jeremia und die Völker. 1997. Volume 20. Janowski, Bernd und Ego, Beate (Hrsg.): Das biblische Weltbild und seine altorientalischen Kontexte. 2001. Volume 32. Janowski, Bernd und Stuhlmacher, Peter (Hrsg.): Der Leidende Gottesknecht. 1996. Volume 14. Jauss, Hannelore: see Hermisson, Hans-Jürgen. Jeremias, Jörg: Hosea und Arnos. 1996. Volume 13. Kagerer, Bernhard: see Bodendorfer, Gerhard. Kakkanattu, Joy Philip: God's Enduring Love in the Book of Hosea. 2006. Volume 2/14. Kiuchi, Nobuyoshi: A Study of Hata' and Hatta't in Leviticus 4-5. 2003. Volume 11/2. Knierim, RolfP.: Text and Concept in Leviticus 1:1-9. 1992. Volume 2. Köckert, Matthias: Leben in Gottes Gegenwart. 2004. Volume 43. Köhlmoos, Melanie: Das Auge Gottes. 1999. Volume 25. - : Bet-El - Erinnerungen an eine Stadt. 2006. Volume 49. Koenen, Klaus: see Hermisson, Hans-Jürgen. Körting, Corinna: Zion in den Psalmen. 2006. Volume 48. Kratz, Reinhard Gregor: Kyros im Deuterojesaja-Buch. 1991. Volume 1.

Forschungen zum Alten Testament - : Das Judentum im Zeitalter des Zweiten Tempels. 2004. Volume 42. Lange, Armin: Vom prophetischen Wort zur prophetischen Tradition. 2002. Volume 34. Liess, Kathrin: Der Weg des Lebens. 2004. Volume 11/5. MacDonald, Nathan: Deuteronomy and the Meaning of „Monotheism". 2003. Volume II/1. Marttila, Marko: Collective Reinterpretation in the Psalms. 2006. Volume 11/13. Michel, Andreas: Gott und Gewalt gegen Kinder im Alten Testament. 2003. Volume 37. - : see Groß, Walter. Miliard, Matthias: Die Komposition des Psalters. 1994. Volume 9. see Bodendorfer, Gerhard. Miller, Patrick D.: The Way of the Lord. 2004. Volume 39. Müller, Reinhard: Königtum und Gottesherrschaft. 2004. Volume II/3. Niemann, Hermann Michael: Herrschaft, Königtum und Staat. 1993. Volume 6. Otto, Eckart: Das Deuteronomium im Pentateuch und Hexateuch. 2001. Volume 30. Perlitt, Lothar: Deuteronomium-Studien. 1994. Volume 8. Podella, Thomas: Das Lichtkleid JHWHs. 1996. Volume 15. Pola, Thomas: Das Priestertum bei Sacharja. 2003. Volume 35. Rösel, Martin: Adonaj - Warum Gott 'Herr' genannt wird. 2000. Volume 29. Ruwe, Andreas: „Heiligkeitsgesetz" und „Priesterschrift". 1999. Volume 26. Sals, Ulrike: Die Biographie der „Hure Babylon". 2004. Volume 11/6. Schaper, Joachim: Priester und Leviten im achämenidischen Juda. 2000. Volume 31. Schenker, Adrian (Hrsg.): Studien zu Opfer und Kult im Alten Testament. 1992. Volume 3. Schmidt, Brian B.: Israel's Beneficent Dead. 1994. Volume 11. Schöpflin, Karin: Theologie als Biographie im Ezechielbuch. 2002. Volume 36. Seeligmann, Isac Leo: The Septuagint Version of Isaiah and Cognate Studies. Edited by Robert Hanhart and Hermann Spieckermann. 2004. Volume 40. Gesammelte Studien zur Hebräischen Bibel. Herausgegeben von Erhard Blum mit einem Beitrag von Rudolf Smend. 2004. Volume 41. Spieckermann, Hermann: Gottes Liebe zu Israel. Volume 33. Steck, Odil Hannes: Gottesknecht und Zion. 1992. Volume 4. Stuhlmacher, Peter: see Janowski, Bernd. Süssenbach, Claudia: Der elohistische Psalter. 2005. Volume II/7. Sweeney, Marvin A.: Form and Intertextuality in Prophetic and Apocalyptic Literature. 2005. Volume 45. Vos, Christiane de: Klage als Gotteslob aus der Tiefe. 2005. Volume 11/11. Weber, Cornelia: Altes Testament und völkische Frage. 2000. Volume 28. Weippert, Manfred: Jahwe und die anderen Götter. 1997. Volume 18. Weyde, Karl William: The Appointed Festivals o f Y H W H . 2004. Volume II/4. White, Marsha C.: see Ehrlich, Carl S. Widmer, Michael: Moses, God, and the Dynamics of Intercessory Prayer. 2004. Band II/8. Willi, Thomas: Juda - Jehud - Israel. 1995. Volume 12. Williamson, Hugh: Studies in Persian Period History and Historiography. 2004. Volume 38. Wilson, Kevin A.: The Campaign of Pharaoh Shoshenq I into Palestine. 2005. Volume II/9. Young, Ian: Diversity in Pre-Exilic Hebrew. 1993. Volume 5. Zwickel, Wolfgang: Der Tempelkult in Kanaan und Israel. 1994. Volume 10.

For a complete catalogue please write to the publisher Mohr Siebeck • P.O. Box 2030 • D-72010 Tiibingen/Germany Up-to-date information on the internet at www.mohr.de