Hopi Journal of Alexander M. Stephen Part I 9780231883856

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Alexander M. Stephen

HOPI

JOURNAL OF

ALEXANDER M. STEPHEN EDITED BY

ELSIE CLEWS PARSONS PART I

AMS PRESS NEW YORK

Reprinted with the permission of Columbia University Press From the edition of 1936, New York First A M S E D I T I O N published 1969 Manufactured in the United States of America

Library of Congress Catalogue Card Number:

A M S PRESS, INC. New York, Ν. Y. 10003

77-82337

TABLE OF CONTENTS PARTI Preface XX Introduction XXV Winter solstice ceremony Introductory note . 1 J o u r n a l , 1891 . 7 J o u r n a l , 1892 (Sun prayer-stick making) 30 Journal, 1893 (Sun prayer-stick making) 62 Warrior prayer-stick making Introductory note 83 J o u r n a l , 1892 85 Journal, 1893 (Exhibition b y stick-swallowers. W a r Dance. W a r practices) 90 Winter prayer-stick making of t h e Snake-Antelope societies or of t h e F l u t e society Introductory note 101 Journal, 1893. Snake-Antelope prayer-stick doing (making) 101 Journal, 1894. F l u t e prayer-stick making 107 Kachina return Introductory note 113 J o u r n a l , 1893 114 J o u r n a l , 1894 115 Before P o w a ' m û Introductory note 123 J o u r n a l , J a n u a r y 7—February 7, 1893: Buffalo dance, J a n u a r y 7, 1893 124 J a n u a r y 9, 1893—January 26, 1893 130 Girl's adolescence ceremony, J a n u a r y 24—28, 1893 139 J a n u a r y 28—February 7, 1893 143 J o u r n a l , 1894: Zigzag dance b y children 152 Yo'we kachina goes around 153 Musical grinding p a r t y 153 Powa'mû Introductory note 155 J o u r n a l , 1893 (Prayer-stick making b y La'lakontï, J a n u a r y 2 0 ) . . 159 J o u r n a l , 1894 238 J o u r n a l , 1892 243 J o u r n a l , 1888 253 Kick-ball races, hunting, a n d other m a t t e r s Introductory note 258 J o u r n a l , F e b r u a r y 8—April 1, 1893 259 H o r n e d w a t e r serpent dance Introductory note 287 J o u r n a l , 1893 289 J o u r n a l , 1894 333 J o u r n a l , 1892 341

Vi

Table of Contents

K a c h i n a dances of spring a n d early summer Introductory note J o u r n a l , April 6—July 9, 1893 (May 28, Tewa p l a n t prayer-stick making) J o u r n a l , March 12, May 28, J u n e 28, 1892 (March 21, Girls' tablet dance) J o u r n a l , May 16, 17 J u l y 4—23, 1891 Nima'n Kachina Introductory note J o u r n a l , J u l y 14—24, 1893 (July 17, N a v a j o kachina b y Singers society) J o u r n a l , J u l y 6—22, 1892 (Aña'kchina a t Tewa, also b y Zuñi; Eagle sacrifice) J o u r n a l , 1891 Moisture moon prayer-stick making, J u l y 31, 1893 Snake-Antelope ceremony Introductory note J o u r n a l , 1885 J o u r n a l , 1887 J o u r n a l , 1889 J o u r n a l , 1891 J o u r n a l , 1893 A t Shipau'lovi, 1892

350 353 463 484 493 494 540 569 576 577 580 586 586 590 666 719

PART II F l u t e ceremony Introductory note J o u r n a l , 1892 Soma'koli prayer-stick making I n t r o d u c t o r y note Journal, 1893 J o u r n a l , 1892. Death a n d burial Lalakon ceremony I n t r o d u c t o r y note J o u r n a l , 1892 J o u r n a l , 1893 J o u r n a l , 1889 Po'boshwïmkya Assemblage a t Tewa, 1893 Sikya'honauuh gives a t r e a t m e n t , 1894 Mamzrau ceremony Introductory note J o u r n a l , 1891 J o u r n a l , 1892 Journal, 1893 K a c h i n a dance a t Tewa, September 20, 1893 October 1—31, 1892 Visits by Zuñi to d a n c e kachina T h e Town chief dies Owa'kültü is announced

768 770 818 818 819 824 830 830 851 853 857 857 864 865 911 930 937 940

Table of Contents

vn

October 2—30, 1893 952 Melon harvest ; H u s k i n g p a r t y ; E s t i m a t e s of cropsand consumption ; Meeting of chiefs N a a s h ' n a i y a (Wü'wüchlm) Introductory note 957 J o u r n a l , 1891 959 Salt t r i p ; Killing Masau'wüh; Mourning; Marriages; R a b b i t hunting; Shrines; Y a ' y a t ü society; First American visitors; N a v a j o fights; 994 Digging wild potatoes, a n d o t h e r m a t t e r s October 19, 1887 October 30, November 10, 20, 1891 November 18—December 13, 1892 October 27—November 29, 1893 Appendices 1. Moons a n d seasons; m o n t h s a n d ceremonials; ceremonial d a y c o u n t ; hours 1037 2. K i n a n d clan 1042 3. List of townspeople 1088 4. List of kachina 1131 5. Place n a m e s 1152 6. K i v a s 1169 7. Oraibi a n d Shûno'povï historical legend 1179 8. N o t e on weaving 1181 9. N o t e on p o t t e r y making 1187 10. Colour directions, Sex in colours, Pigments 1190 11. B a k e house 1195 Glossary 1198 Bibliography 1327 Index 1331 Maps a t end of P a r t 2

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PARTI

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42.

Figures Alexander M. Stephen Frontispiece Cattle or ox prayer-stick 7 W a r chief's altar, Goat kiva, Winter solstice ceremony 8 Big snake figurine, W a r chief's a l t a r 9 Mule figurine, W a r chief's a l t a r 9 Star effigy on W a r chief's a l t a r 10 Si'papii slab a n d plug 10 Group in Chief kiva, Winter solstice ceremony, Dec. 22, 1 8 9 1 . . . . 11 Markings in white clay of t h e novices f r o m Goat kiva 13 Altar in Chief kiva, Winter solstice ceremony, 1891 14 Effigy of W a t e r serpent, Winter solstice ceremony, 1891 15 R o d s with weasel skin, held b y H a w k y o u t h , Winter solstice cerem o n y , 1891 17 Squash blossom frame, held b y H a w k maiden, W i n t e r solstice cerem o n y , 1891 18 Gourd r a t t l e 20 Headdresses worn in Chief kiva, Winter solstice ceremony, 1891 21 Staff carried b y impersonators in Winter solstice ceremony, 1891 20 San Francisco Peaks, sunset 29 Chief kiva s t a n d a r d , Winter solstice ceremony 31 Prayer-stick of ear of corn effigy, Winter solstice ceremony 31 Prayer-sticks, Winter solstice ceremony 32 Staff carried b y Au'halani 34 Chief stick of Au'halani 35 W a r god fetiches in Pen'dete in Winter solstice ceremony 40 Winter solstice prayer-stick, m a d e in Tewa 41 Altar in Mo'nete, Winter solstice ceremony 42 W a r god group in Mo'nete, Winter solstice ceremony 43 Antelope heads, in Goat kiva, in Winter solstice ceremony 43 Cattle prayer-stick (unfinished) 44 Antelope prayer-stick (unfinished) 44 Cha'kwainä ita'shoo 45 P ü ' ü k o ñ figurine in Chief kiva, Winter solstice ceremony 46 Altar in Chief kiva, Winter solstice ceremony 48 Mask of Au'halani 52 Sun chief house 53 Sun prayer-stick. 54 Perched prayer-stick 55 Corn prayer-stick 55 Prayer-sticks a t Sim prayer-stick m a k i n g 56 J a r containing fetiches 57 Sun chief prayer-stick 57 S t a n d a r d in Mo'nete, Winter solstice ceremony 64 Sun prayer-stick, Winter solstice ceremony 65 Cattle prayer-stick, in Chief kiva 65

List of Illustrations

ix

43. Eagle egg prayer-stick, Winter solstice ceremony 66 44. Crook prayer-stick in sand mound, Wikwa'lobi kiva,Winter solstice ceremony 67 45. Crook prayer-stick, at Sichomovi · 67 46. Hi'ksi prayer-stick 68 47. Cattle prayer-stick, in Horn kiva 69 48. Antelope prayer-stick, in Horn kiva 70 49. Cattle prayer-stick, in Mo'nete 71 50. Sheep prayer-stick, in Mo'nete 71 72 51. War god figurines in Mo'nete, Winter solstice ceremony 52. War god figurines in Pen'dete, Winter solstice ceremony 73 53. Flute standard and horn helmet at Chief kiva 74 54. Sun prayer-sticks 75 55. Corn prayer-stick 76 56. Cigarette prayer-stick 76 57. Sim prayer-sticks 77 58. Honey jar 77 59. Warrior prayer-stick 77 60. Diagram of positions of Sim prayer-stick makers 79 61. War society altar 85 62. War society altar 86 63. Design of Milky W a y 87 88—89 64. Wall designs in chamber of War chief, 1887 65. Crook prayer-stick on War society altar 87 66. War prayer-stick 91 67. Warrior altar 93 68. Cloud mark made on trail 97 69. Throwing stick 99 70. Altar and members of Snake-Antelope societies, Winterprayer-stick making 102 71. Antelope blue-green prayer-stick 103 72. Snake hoto'mni prayer-stick 104 73. Antelope big prayer-stick 105 74. Flute society altar 110 75. Mask of Buffalo kachina 116 76. Masks of Cha'chakwainûmû 117 77. Warrior feather bundle worn on crown of Cha'kwainä mask . . . 117 78. Cha'kwainä grandmother 120 79. Shrine at the Gap 121 80. Prayer-stick carried by Buffalo girl 125 81. Buffalo dance positions 125 82. Buffalo dance positions or figures 129 83. Ute shield 131 84. Apache shield 132

85. Fire pit for pi'gûmi

86. Head scratcher for adolescent girl 87. Hopi girl 88. War god shrine at Chai'yûmpakiwu'ta 89. War god altar 90. Awa'tobi figurines 90 A. Girls' headdresses in Butterfly dance 91. Mesa top,, showing hunt wall 92. Y o ' w e kachina

135

140 141 145 146 147 147 . . 150 153

χ

List of Illustrations 93. Masks for Powa'mû, in Chief kiva 94. Mask of Ahü'l kachina

95. Prayer-stick (nakwa'kwosh hoto'mni)

96. 97. 98. 99. 100. 101. 102. 103. 104. 105. 106. 107. 108. 109. 110. 111. 112.

Prayer-stick with circlet, a n d reed cigarette Sun prayer-stick, a t P o w a ' m û K a c h i n a staff Wo'he I n Chief kiva, P o w a ' m û Ta'chûktï paraphernalia Circle prayer-stick a n d cane cigarette, deposited by Ahü'l kachina Nüva'kchina Little girl's h a i r cut F a w n pouch, worn b y T a ' c h û k t ï Mask of H a h a i ' y i w u q t i Mask of N a t a ' s h k a f a t h e r Their f a t h e r N a t a ' s h k a Mask of S o ' y o k m a n a Trap Mask of their W h i t e F a t h e r Corn husk fan a t rear of mask t o support t u r k e y tail feathers, worn b y Mapi'sona 113. Mask of Zrü'zriomochobo 114. Mask of Hili'li k a c h i n a 115. Mask of So'owuqti or Yo'hozrûk w u q t i 116. Masks in H o r n kiva 116 A. T a ' c h û k t ï figurine 117. Designs on kachina dancers 118. Wall designs in Young corn m o u n d kiva 119. Ta'chûktii m a s k worn b y T ü ñ w ü b 120. Mask of T ü ñ w ü b kachina, in P e n ' d e t e 121. Masks of W u k o kachina in P e n ' d e t e 122. Mask of W ü ' r w i y o m o kachina 123. F o u r W ü ' r w i y o m o masks a n d warrior m a s k in Young corn m o u n d kiva 124. W a r chief or A k ü s h kachina 125. Cloud designs for t h e Sa'lako t o sit on 126. Wall designs in Y o u n g corn m o u n d kiva 127. Moñ kachina figurine 128. Sio Sa'lako figurine head 129. T ü m a ' ü kachina figurine 130. T a ' t ú ñ a i y a figurine 131. Ma'lo kachinti'hü 132. Pesru'm kachina figurine 133. Spruce owl figurine 134. L e ' n a kachina figurine 135. Mask of Duck kachina 136. H o p i form of snout of Duck kachina 137. Masks of Bluebird snare kachina 138. Mask a n d r a t t l e of So'yok w o m a n 139. H e h e ' y a m a s k s 140. A l t a r in Chief kiva, P o w a ' m û 141. P o w a ' m ü r i kachina 142. Squash blossom effigy

161 163

163

164 165 166 167 168 169 172 174 178 181 185 185 186 187 189 190 190 190 193 193 195 196 197 198 199 200 200 204

205 206 207 209 211 211 213 214 215 218 218 218 221 222 223 225 226 228 232 232

List of Illustrations 143. 144. 145. 146. 147. 148. 149. 150. 151. 152. 153. 154. 155. 156. 157. 158. 159. 160. 161. 162. 163. 164. 165. 166. 167. 168. 169. 170. 171. 172. 173. 174. 175. 176. 177. 178. 179. 180. 181. 182. 183. 184. 185. 186. 187. 188. 189. 190. 191. 192. 193. 194. 195.

Chief kiva wall designs Designs, n o r t h side wall, Chief kiva Design on n o r t h side wall, N a s h a ' b k i Designs on south side wall, N a s h a ' b k i Mask of B r o a d face kachina Mask of So'yokmana Long prayer-stick, P o w a ' m û Masks in Goat kiva, P o w a ' m û Female m a s k e t t e Effigy of squash blossoms Tii'ïni Mask of W u p a ' m o kachina B o d y pigmentation of W u p a ' m o kachina T ü ' m a s h kachina N a v a j o kachina H e a d piece of Eagle kachina Chief's stick Mask of H e ' e w u q t i a n d gourd r a t t l e Shrine a n d a l t a r a t Kowa'waimovi N a t a ' s h k a of Tewa H e a d of figurine of T ü w a ' b o ñ t ü m s i Marks on r u n n e r s f r o m Chief kiva Kick-ball race course Loom for t h e big belt, in Chief kiva B u t t e r f l y design on Sa'lako figurine P a r r o t kachina m a s k Pa'lülükoña Pa'lülükoña Pa'lülükoña, showing mammae Whistle w a t e r bowls a n d whistle gourds Hahai'wuqti Serpent effigies with heads t o fireplace Sho'tokwinúñüh W u p a ' m o kachina Hano mana Struggling effigy False a r m worn b y manipulator of serpent effigy H a n d s t i c k figurines in Goat kiva Mask of A v a ' c h h o y a Lightning f r a m e a n d wood arrow-point H e a d of figurine of H i ' s h a t kachina Mask of N a v a j o k a c h i n a Mask of M a s h a ' n t a kachina (unfinished) Tala'vaiyi Mask of H o k y a ' Aña'kchina Masau' kachina Mask of Salakkachina Group a t Sun spring Laguna headdress, a s worn by Tewa Aña'kchina I m i t a t i o n flute carried b y Tewa Aña'kchina Altar of meal a n d corn ears, H o r n e d water serpent dance Leg painting of kachina impersonators S h a l a ' k m a n a figurine

χι 233 234 236 237 240—241 244 246 247 247 247 248 249 249 249 249 249 250 250 251 255 262 263 267 269 279 282 292 293 295 296 298 299 300 301 301 302 303 304 308 309 312 313 313 314 315 317 318 320 326 326 334 335 336

-yττ

List of

Illustrations

196. Shala'kmana figurine, in m a n t l e 337 197. Pa'lülükoña 338 198. Bee kachina m a s k 339 199. K w e ' w ü ü h (Wolf) m a s k 339 200. B a t o n (tala'vaiyi) 340 201. Antelope kachina 340 202. Broad head kachina 340 203. Cha'veyo 341 204. H o r n e d w a t e r serpent of Tewa 342 205. Sumai'koli m a s k a n d crook 343 206. Y a ' h a h a r a t t l e carried by Sumai'koli leader 343 207. N a v a j o kachina mask 344 208. Mask of Ye'bïchai with N a v a j o kachina 344 209. Cock m a s k ; grotesque mask of H e n 345 210. Pa'lülükoñkí of t h e Tewa 346 211. Mask of H a h a i ' w u q t i 347 212. Pa'lülükoña a n d corn p l a n t s in clay pedestals 347 213. Mask of N a v a j o kachina 348 214. Mask of H o k y ' a Aña'kchina 355 215. Mask of H a p o ' t a 357 216. Mask of Masha'nta or Flower kachina 358 217. Spruce in t h e court 362 218. Mask of Tewa N a v a j o kachina 380 219. Mask of "their g r a n d f a t h e r , " Tewa N a v a j o kachina 381 220. B o u n d a r y stone 390 220 A. Scarecrow 391 221. Prayer-stick m a d e in. Bear chief house, Tewa 393 222. Aña'kchina masks (unfinished) 396 223. Mask of A ñ a ' k c h i n a 400 224. H e a d of Chükü'wimkya 402 225. Mask of K a w a i ' k a kachina, Santo Domingo kachina 408 226. H e a d d r e s s of P a i ' y a k y a m û 411 227. Prayer-stick m a d e a t clan prayer-stick making 415 228. Sha'lako ribs 418 229. Sha'lako m a s k 419 230. Details of Sha'lako snout 421 231. Sha'lako figure 422 232. Zuñi Koyï'mse (Ta'chûktï) prayer-stick 424 233. Mask of Na'wisa or Shi'phikini 425 234. Sha'lako positions in court of Sichomovi 427 235. W ü ' r w ü ' r y o m o mask 429 236. Mask of N a k y a ' c h o kachina, Sha'lako warrior 430 237. Badger house: altar for masks, etc., against northwest wall, a t Sha'lako 431 238. Back room of Badger house, a t Sha'lako 432 239. P a t k i house: altar for masks, etc., a t Sha'lako 433 240. Badger house, Sha'lako dance night 434 241. Spruce in Sichomovi court a n d Sha'lako positions 438 242. K a c h i n a group formation 439 243. Mask of Left-handed kachina 443 244. Cho'sbushi kachina 444 245. Naho'Ile'chiwa kopa'choki kachina 445 246. Masks of Si'toto 446

Lisi of Illustrations 247. 248. 249. 250. 251. 252. 253. 254. 255. 256. 257. 258. 259. 260. 261. 262. 263. 264. 265. 266. 267. 268. 269. 270. 271. 272. 273. 274. 275. 276. 277. 278. 279. 280. 281. 282. 283. 284. 285. 286. 287. 288. 289. 290. 291. 292. 293. 294. 295. 296. 297. 298. 299.

y τη

B o d y designs of Cloud 447 Chaplet of Cloud 447 Outlines of d r u m heads a n d drumstick 447 Lightning effigy carried by Cloud 447 Chiikü'mana effigy 455 Mask of Le'totobï 458 458 Mask of H ü m ' s o m p kachina Face painting a n d head ornament of U t e dancers 465—467 Details of U t e shields 468 F r a m e of U t e shield 468 Comanche dance coronet 468 D i a g r a m of U t e dance 469 D i a g r a m of Buffalo dance 469 Mask of Duck kachina 472 Mask of White maid, Duck kachina 472 Diagram of ritual on return of Duck kachina 474 Duck kachina 475 Dance positions of Duck kachina 475 Mask of Zuñi Duck kachina 476 Zuñi Duck kachina 477 W a n d of Zuñi Duck kachina 477 P o t t e r y place for firing 482 Mask of Üshe kachina 485 Cloud symbol on gourd fiddle 485 Sticks a t t h e back of mask of H ü m ' i s kachina 486 H ü m ' i s kachina (rear) 487 Koya'la 489 Face painting a n d headdress of Koya'la 489 Mask of Ma'lo kachina 491 H ü m ' i s kachina 492 N i m a ' n kachina s t a n d a r d a t Chief kiva 496 Cup for mixing paint . 497 Prayer-sticks a n d prayer-feathers, N i m a ' n , I d a y 498 Mask of N a v a j o kachina a n d various forms of wooden k n o b . . . . 499 Mud hen s t a n d a r d a t Wikwa'lobi kiva 501 Face painting a n d headdress of Chükü'wlmkya 503 Details of mask of N a v a j o maid 504 Burlesque imitation of Mamzrau prayer-stick 506 Long prayer-stick, N i m a ' n 509 Nima'n altar 511 513 Corn m o u n t a i n Directions altar, I V d a y 513 Eagle bone whistle 514 Shai'ashtasha collar 519 Long cloud design 520 R i t u a l cylinder [ " " ' 521 Prayer-stick called chief stick 522 Mask of H ü m ' i s kachina, Müsho'ñmovi 522 Mask of Ma'lo . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ' . ! . . . . 523 Directions altar, N i m a ' n , V I I I d a y 527 Sun prayer-stick 528 H ü m ' i s m a s k back sticks 529 Female mask, H ü m ' i s 532

XXV

List of Illustrations

300. Circlet prayer-stick 301. Meal design a t h a t c h of Chief kiva a n d positions of All colours chiefs 302. Positions a t a l t a r in Chief kiva 303. F e m a l e mask, Aña'kchina ' 304. Details of m a s k of Hiim'is kachina 305. Details on upper p a r t of H ü m ' i s m a s k 306. R e a r of H ü m ' i s m a s k 307. K i s h y u ' b a prayer-sticks 308. Mask a n d b o d y colouring of Aña'kchina 309. Aña'kchina 310. Y a r n necklace of Aña'kchina 311. Cacti 312. Positions in dance court of Zuñi Aña'kchina a n d chiefs 313. Altar, N i m a ' n , I V d a y 314. Details of altar 315. Mask of Chowi'lüña (Eo'toto) 316. R e a r view of Sio Aña' m a n a , showing wooden hair f r a m e 317. Mask of Tiiuqti 318. Mask of their g r a n d f a t h e r 319. Mask of H e h e ' y a 320. W i ' k y a prayer-stick, also cloud design 321. Altar, N i m a ' n , 1891 322. Leather discs a n d yucca circlets 323. Meal lines on a l t a r 324. Position of kachina dancers 325. H u k y a ' t ü w i 326. S t a n d a r d a n d Snake whip in m a t t i n g a t Snake kiva 327. Face marking of Antelope a n d of Snake 328. Ground plan of Pola'ka's house in valley 329. Altar positions in Chief kiva, Antelope society 330. Sand painting, Antelope society 331. Cylinder a n d annulet a t t a c h e d t o snake designs on altar 332. Snake-Antelope paraphernalia 333. " H e h e ' y a k a c h i n a " 334. Altar a n d altar positions in Antelope kiva, I I d a y 335. Positions in Antelope kiva, 10.30 A. M., I l l d a y 336. Positions a t altar, in Antelope kiva, noon, I I I d a y 337. Positions in Antelope kiva, IV d a y 338. Brown Butterfly tile 339. ( ?) Black Butterfly tile 340. W a t e r jar f o r snakes 341. Positions a t altar, in Antelope kiva, noon, I V d a y 342. Antelope bow s t a n d a r d 343. Prayer-stick measures on h a n d 344. Positions a t altar, in Antelope kiva, noon, V d a y 345. Positions in consecrating prayer-sticks in Antelope kiva, sunrise, VI day 346. Cloud's house prayer-stick 347. Positions a t altar, noon, V I d a y 348. Whizzer 349. Positions a t altar, in Antelope kiva, V I I d a y 350. Snake altar, V I I d a y 351. F o r m e r lion picture on Snake altar

533 536· 53ft 542· 543 544 544 545· 551 552 553 556 560 561 562 563 564 570 570 570 570 572 573 573 575 576 580 581 590 591 594 595 597 598 600 609 611 616 617 617 618 619 622 625 626 632 633 634 637 639 640 640

List of Illustrations 352. 353. 354. 355. 356. 357. 358. 359. 360. 361. 362. 363. 364. 365. 366. 367. 368. 369. 370. 371. 372. 373. 374. 375. 376. 377. 378. 379. 380. 381. 382. 383. 384. 385. 386. 387. 388. 389. 390. 391. 392. 393. 394. 395. 396. 397. 398. 399. 400. 401. 402. 403.

Snake altar, showing sticks a n d arrows, V I I d a y Positions in Antelope kiva, before dawn, V I I I d a y Snake kilt design Snake kilt Line of Antelope dancers Positions a t a l t a r , in Antelope kiva, I X d a y Snake whip Cloud a n d rain designs laid on trail Positions in Snake kiva a t snake washing, I X d a y Positions of Antelopes in court Bow in s t a n d a r d of Snake society All directions altar, in Antelope kiva, I d a y Position of Wiki's h a n d while sprinkling sand. H e a d s of lightnings on altar Antelope a l t a r H a n d of Sa'miwi'ki exhibiting t h e seven prayer-stick termini Positions a t altar, in Antelope kiva, I I d a y Positions a t fireplace, in Antelope kiva, I I I d a y . Big smoke pipe Positions a t altar, in Antelope kiva, I I I d a y Positions a t altar, in Antelope kiva, I V d a y Positions a t fireplace, in Antelope kiva, V d a y Positions a t altar, in Antelope kiva, V d a y Positions a t altar, in Antelope kiva, V I d a y F o r m e r m o u n t a i n lion design on Snake altar Positions a t altar, in Antelope kiva, V I I d a y Positions a t medicine altar in Snake kiva, V I I d a y Medicine-water t r a y a n d fetiches a t Snake altar, V I I d a y Positions a t altar, Snake kiva, V I I d a y Positions of Wiki a n d Ko'pelï in Snake kiva, V I I d a y Positions a t altar, in Antelope kiva, VTII d a y Mü'Inkü'ñü Positions in Snake kiva, I X d a y Antelope society s t a n d a r d , Shipau'lovi Spider kiva, Shipau'lovi Cloud design on kiva wall, Shipau'lovi Low kiva, Shipau'lovi Snake whip a n d s t a n d a r d , Shipau'lovi Clay pipes, Shipau'lovi Map of Shipau'lovi showing A t ' k y a kiva a n d K o k y a ' ñ o v i kiva Snake bottles Snake vessels Snake whips in kiva Antelope altar a t Shüño'povl, I X d a y Prayer-sticks, Antelope society, Shipau'lovi Cone on Antelope altar Ti'poni, Antelope society, Shipau'lovi R i t u a l objects on Antelope altar Medicine bowl on Antelope altar Boulder of Müsho'ñlnovi a n d graving of shield Meal altar, Antelope society Meal altar, Snake society Standard, Antelope kiva

xv 643 648 650 650 653 655 656 658 660 662 664 668 67 0 672 674 677 680 681 682 686 691 693 696 697 698 699 700 702 703 705 706 710 719 720 721 722 723 725 727 730 731 733 735 738 739 740 742 743 746 748 749 749

xyi 404. 405. 406. 407. 408. 409.

List of

Illustrations

S t a n d a r d , Snake kiva Bain knife on bandoleer of Snake Warrior feather bundle of Snake Headdress of Snake of Shipau'lovi Diagram of Antelope dance Positions a t snake washing

750 751 753 753 755 760

PART II 410. 411. 412. 413. 414. 415. 416. 417. 418. 419. 420. 421. 422. 423. 424. 425. 426. 427. 428. 429. 430. 431. 432. 433. 434. 435. 436. 437. 438. 439. 440. 441. 442. 443. 444. 445. 446. 447. 448. 449. 450. 451.

Bird skins a t medicine-water altar Aspergili Positions a t medicine-water altar Shells on w a t e r r a t t l e a n d gourd rattle W a t e r rattle F l u t e paraphernalia Whizzer for t h e northwest Ti'ponis Positions a t altar F l u t e standard Positions a t altar Figurines; F l u t e maid a n d Mûïyïn'wû H e a d of Flute maid figurine F l u t e boy figurine Crosspieces h u n g over a l t a r of F l u t e society Diagram of Flute society altar F l u t e society altar Flute standard Images on F l u t e altar Tiles, ρ ollen trays, prayer-sticks a n d horn helmet on F l u t e society altar Singers society chief stick Cloud signs a n d tiles Positions of s t a n d a r d a n d tiles Flute s t a n d a r d a n d tiles on roof of F l u t e house Cup a n d base of ti'poni Circlet prayer-stick Cylinder prayer-stick Flute pa'lena F l u t e d a n c e house Kwa'shtapabï Ti'poni a n d cloud conventions on t h e trail Ceremonial group of reception a t t h e Break, F l u t e ceremony. . . . Positions a t altar Cloud conventions a t Sun spring Soma'koli altar, 1893 Soma'koli altar, 1892 Sumai'kolï shields Diagram of journey a f t e r d e a t h Lalakon ti'poni Positions a t altar Lalakon s t a n d a r d Ti'poni, prayer-sticks, annulets, netted gourds

770 771 771 771 772 773 775 776 777 777 779 785 786 787 788 789 790 791 792 792 797 798 798 799 799 802 802 803 804 805 806 807 812 815 819 820 822 826 831 832 833 834

List of Illustrations 452. 453. 454. 455. 456. 457. 458. 459. 460. 461. 462. 463. 464. 465. 466. 467. 468. 469. 470. 471. 472. 473. 474. 475. 476. 477. 478. 479. 480. 481. 482. 483. 484. 485. 486. 487. 488. 489. 490. 491. 492. 493. 494. 495. 496. 497. 498. 499. 500. 501. 502. 503. II

xvii

Long or water prayer-stick 835 Diagram of Lalakon altar 836 Sand altar of Lalakon 839 Positions a t altar, I V day, Lalakon ceremony 841 Medicine bowl 845 Whistle 846 Zuñi prayer-stick bundle 846 Prayer-stick measures on t h e h a n d 847 Altar of PoTjosh society 858 P ü ' ü k o ñ h o y a of t h e Po'shwlmkya wi'mi 859 PoTjoshtü of Po'shwlmkya wi'mi 860 Tala'tümsi of Po'shwlmkya wi'mi 861 Disease-causing object sucked f r o m t h e body 862 Meal altar of Mamzrau society 871 Prayer-feathers in meal t r a y 879 Mamzrau altar, 1892 884 F a c e pigmentation in burlesque of H e h e ' y a kachina b y Mamzrau women 896 Mamzrau coronet 902 Mamzrau altar, 1892 912 Slab on Mamzrau a l t a r 913 Positions a r o u n d Mamzrau altar 918 Positions in Buffalo dance b y Mamzrau women 922 Mamzrau altar, 1893 932 Ko'honinini K a c h i n m a ' n a headdresses 935 Ko'honinini w o m a n dancer 935 W o m a n clown, in Ko'honinini dance in Mamzrau 936 P a i ' y a k y a m û doll 939 Chükü'wimkya : Facial m a r k i n g a n d headdress 945 Zuñi mask, probably F l u t e kachina 946 Phallic emblem on back of Zuñi Chükü'wimkya 948 B u r d e n basket 953 Altar in Goat kiva, N a a s h ' n a i y a 961 Tala'tümsi 965 Female m o u n t a i n sheep horns 970 H o r n society a l t a r 974 Phallic design carried b y W ü ' w ü c h í m t ü 979 980 Sun t a b l e t Dance formation of W ü ' w ü c h í m t ü 982 Maiden's informal headdress 999 Married woman's headdress 999 Ground plan of old Walpi a t Kücha'ptüvela 1003 Paraphernalia of Y a ' y a t ü 1009 Petroglyph of P a ' l ü k ü k o ñ a 1010 Petroglyph of Tüsh'wan t a i t a 1010 Pa'lülükoña petroglyphs 1011 Petroglyph of a m a i d 1011 Petroglyphs of T ü ' m a s h a n d Tüñwüb kachinas 1012 K w a ' t o k o graving 1013 Middle Mesa wicker t r a y 1021 F o u n d a t i o n for t h e h u n t fire 1024 K w a ' t o k o graving 1025 K w a ' t o k o graving 1026

xvm 504. 505. 506. 507. 508. 509. 510. 511. 512. 513. 514. 515. 516. 517. 518. 519. 520. 521. 522. 523. 524. 525. 526. 527. 528. 529.

List of Illustrations

P a l ü l ü k a ñ ü h graving P a l ü l ü k a ñ ü h graving Star a n d flower gravings Mask gravings: Tiivo'klnpibush kachina, W u ' y a k a t a i o w a a d t a Cha'veyo graving Cha'veyo illustration Fish graving Sikya'tki shield graving Pecking of snake, n e a r Sikya'tki Pictographs of masks, near Sikya'tki Gravings of basket a n d crane t r a c k Gravings on cliff side near trail t o Sun spring Pecking on boulder below Shipau'lovi Pecking of goat, Shipau'lovi Graving of Cloud kachina Chamber shrine of A ' v a k a Wall picture in A ' v a k a shrine Genealogy of Si'mo Genealogy of Tü'Inoa Walpi kivas K i v a roof Winding f r a m e H o p i loom Fabric in loom B o y ' s m a n t l e in loom Wafer-bread bake house

1026 1027 1027 1027 1028 1028 1029 1029 1029 1029 1030 1031 1030 1032 1033 1034 1035 1046 1048 1169 1178 1183 1184 1184 1186 1196

Plates

Page

I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. XIII. XIV. XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XX.

Shields carried in Chief kiva, Winter solstice ceremony, 1891 Girdle worn by kachinas Tala'vai (Morning) kachina figurine Figurine of N a v a j o kachina Design on n o r t h side wall, Oak m o u n d kiva Design on n o r t h side wall, Oak m o u n d kiva Design on west end wall, Oak m o u n d kiva Mask of Ahü'l kachina Figurine of O'lopau'ki Curtain of Pa'lülükoñ Pa'lülükoñ curtain Figurine of Sho'tokünúñwa Board in f r o n t of Pa'lülükoñ curtain a n d Sun boards of curtain U t e shields Mask of Hiim'is kachina, Walpi Po'koma kachina (dog's head, p a i n t e d on altar cloth) Altar in Antelope kiva Altar of Snake society Snake kilt Altar in Antelope kiva a t Shipau'lovi, V d a y

22 35 211 215 238 238 238 243 248 297 298 300 336 463 523 563 596 697 708 737

XXI. XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXV.

List of Illustrations

XIX

PART I I

Facp^e

Blue-green cloud stone Tiles on Flute altar Mamzrau altar, 1891 Mamzrau long prayer-stick or cha'tü paho carried by Cha'tüma'ka Ritual sticks on Mamzrau altar, 1892 Maps a t end of F a r t 2

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

Terraces of the southwest point of First Mesa, below Walpi Terraces of the southwest point of First Mesa, below Walpi First Mesa Mountains from Red Cape and solar observations First Mesa (Walpi, Sichomovi, Tewa) First Mesa, southwest point North side, First Mesa Eastern horizon map from Tewa high house Eastern horizon map from R e d cape Walpi Sichomovi Horizon calendar, from Tewa

784 796 885 908 911

PREFACE Alexander M. Stephen was born in Scotland and was a graduate of the University of Edinburgh.1 He came to the United States some time before October 22, 1861, for on that date, according to the records of the War Department, he was enrolled at Pottsdam, New York, and mustered into service, to date October 30, 1862, as a private of Company A, 92nd New York Infantry, to serve three years. He was promoted to be commissary sergeant April 8, 1863. He reenlisted January 4, 1864, was transferred to the non-commissioned staff, 96th New York Infantry, December 1, 1864, was mustered into service as 1st lieutenant, to date January 28, 1865, and assigned to Company G of that regiment. He was appointed adjutant February 1, 1865, and was mustered out of service and honorably discharged with the field and staff of his regiment February 6, 1866, at City Point, Virginia. In 18812 we find Stephen at Ream's Cañón, Arizona, a friend of Tom Keam, the trader, and making acquaintances among the Navaho. Stephen learned to speak Navaho, and Navaho was his first medium with the Hopi. One of the important contributions of the Journal is the picture it presents of the relations at this time and earlier between Navaho and Hopi. Stephen's systematic observation of the Hopi was first made or at least recorded in 1882 in connection with the Mindeleffs'study of Hopi building. He helped them survey, and he recorded clan legends. The first chapter on traditional history in " A Study of Pueblo Architecture in Tusayan and Cibola" was contributed by Stephen of whom Victor Mindeleff writes, he "has enjoyed unusual facilities for the work, having lived for a number of years in Tusayan and possessed the confidence of the principal priests".3 When J. Walter Fewkes began to study the Hopi, as director of the Hemenway expedition, in 1890, he enlisted Stephen's coopera1 According to Mr. F. S. Dellenbaugh who knew Stephen at Ream's Cañón during the winter of 1884—1885. Mr. Dellenbaugh writes me that he liked and admired Stephen very much. " H e was a very fine character." 2 The photograph reproduced in the frontispiece was taken, presumably, before this date, for it was taken at Canton, New York. 1 Mindeleff, 16.

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XXI

tion, and no doubt prompted the very systematic recording of the ceremonial and daily life of the people of First Mesa that Stephen now undertook. The bulk of Stephen's notebooks are from 1891 to his death in April, 1894. Stephen visited the towns of Second Meea and Third Mesa but, excepting the account of the Snake-Antelope ceremony at Shipau'lovi in 1892, all the systematic records of ceremonial were made on First Mesa. Some of these records were published at once by Dr. Fewkes under his name and Stephen's, and others, after Stephen's death, under his own name with acknowledgement of aid from Stephen. It has seemed advisable to the editor, in order that the ceremonial calendar might be complete, to include in the Journal the records which were published intact by Dr. Fewkes, as well as to preserve in their original form much of the material that Dr. Fewkes edited to satisfy his own taste or preconceptions, or to meet conditions imposed by the Bureau of Ethnology. After· Stephen's death his notebooks were bought from his estate by Stewart Culin to be subsequently filed in Mr. Culin's office in the Brooklyn Institute Museum, whence in 1922 they passed into the hands of the editor. The notebooks are written in pencil so clearly that seldom is a word illegible. Even the notes made in the obscurity of a kiva or outdoors under stress of weather are usable. The illustrations have been merely inked over for reproduction. As a careful recorder Stephen used native terms abundantly. These I have compiled in a glossary, to free the narrative in a measure of this linguistic tax on the attention of the reader. Some instance of the use of the native term, usually the first, has been retained, however, in the Journal. There are undoubtedly many errors in these linguistic notes due both to the recorder and to the editor, nevertheless they may prove useful to the student of Hopi language, particularly in a study of ritual terminology which consists of obsolete terms and in itself tends to become obsolete. The glossary was submitted in manuscript to Mr. Benjamin L. Whorf, a student of Hopi language, and our thanks are due Mr. Whorf for the appended notes. Stephen was learning to speak Hopi. Had his accomplishment in the language continued, he would have been distinguished in interpreting the ceremonials as well as in recording them. As it is, as far as he goes, and he goes farther than Voth, his only rival in the field, his understanding is reliable. He had opportunities for observation that, one fears, will never again be afforded. The exclusive spirit of the eastern Pueblos has spread to the Hopi to render the work of the ethnologist among them, too, that of high grade detective. What we may call their abiding and characteristic

χχπ

Preface

evasiveness was a source of perplexity — and irritation — even to Stephen. However, the elders talked with him comparatively freely ; he had at all times access to the kiva life ; and he was initiated into three societies, the Flute and Lalakon of First Mesa, the Snake of Shipau'lovi. The names he acquired at initiation were Ripe Corn and Sunrise. (His Flute society name is not given nor is there more than a passing reference to his initiation into the Flutes.) Stephen lived in several houses on the mesa top, in both Hopi and Tewa households, and his relations to the townspeople were amicable, and on the whole sympathetic. He meets the usual requests for groceries and contributes to the feasts, writes letters for people, and takes the town's side, discreetly, against the injudicious activities of Government agents. To the War society ceremony in the maternal house of the War chief Stephen appears not to have been admitted. This society was notably exclusioniet — "no one not a member was permitted to be present." War and big game hunting had gone out before Stephen's day, but these pursuits were still remembered and the accounts given Stephen are valuable. Of the material culture Stephen makes no systematic report, excepting his published article on pigments, but the notes scattered through the Journal or given in the appendices, on farming, housebuilding, cookery, pottery, and weaving, will be of use to the student of Hopi economics. Particularly interesting are the notes on the musical grinding party and on the weaving party which I think are no longer held on First Mesa, at least I heard nothing of them. The ceremonial life has changed in several particulars since Stephen's day, giving his record here, too, a special historical value. With the "conversion" of Sha'lako, the woman chief of Mamzrau, that major society lapsed. The Ya'yatii and Po'boshwimkya societies, curing societies of the Keresan type, were lapsing even in Stephen's time, as was also the society of Stick-swallowers. There have been changes in the clan groups, in their names and ceremonial connections. Hopi clans, even to their enumeration, have been perplexing to students because of the use of several names for the same group and because the group may be actually sub-divided and each subdivision be given a name, the group and its sub-division being referred to all alike as nyütnü, people.1 Stephen was learning the proper classification, but he is never completely explicit about the aforesaid sources of confusion; largely because he failed to grasp 1 Compere Lowie, 331; Parsons 1: 15 n. 11. Towards the end of Stephen's study the phratry drops out of consideration.

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xnn

completely the importance of the maternal family, the group of blood kin, in the construction of the clan ; because he did not analyze fully the relations, ceremonial and otherwise, between the maternal families within the clan, or between the clans; and because the terminology he favored, phratry and gens, was misleading. The larger group which he called phratry I have called clan,1 the subdivision which he called gens I have called maternal family. The Hopi do not distinguish in terminology between the clan which is composed of two or more maternal families once a single blood group, and the clan which is composed of unrelated maternal families i. e. of maternal families which may have united, say for ritual reasons, to form a larger group or clan. This lack of analytical terminology suits the exigencies of the native category of clanship. The clan is a highly unstable unit, bound to vary according to the birth rate of its female infante. Where clan survival is socially important, the conception of clanship may well be elastic, ambiguous, and hospitable to what we would call legal fictions. Our understanding of clanship in all clan organized societies has been handicapped by lack of opportunity to observe over a term of years, i. e. to observe the clan for several generations, not merely as a social classification or category but as a social process. Naturally enough we have come to have a merely static conception of clanship, not a dynamic one. Now among the Hopi, at least a partial opportunity is presented for observation of clanship over a considerable period, there are Stephen's records from 1881 to 1894, and the records made by Lowie in 1915, and by Parsons in 1920 and later. Voth's early scattering records on Third Mesa can soon be compared with recent systematic records made by Dr. L. A. White and Dr. M. Titiev. In an appendix I have compiled Stephen's lists of clans as well as many clan references scattered through the Journal. Presented also are tables showing the ceremonial associations of the clans and a table showing the connections between the clans and the chieftaincies together with the available genealogical data for the outstanding lineages in the eleven clan groups. And in an appendix is given Stephen's study of kinship terms, a remarkable study considering that kinship terms had not yet come into ethnographic fashion. 1 Between certain clans there exists also a relationship which Lowie has endeavored to work out under the caption of linked clans. Even this term is too commital, I think, for these elusive clan relatione. For example, Lowie remarks that a clan absorbs remnants of a linked clan ; but one might put it as well the other way around — a clan that is absorbed becomes a linked clan.

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Preface

The clown groups of First Mesa have been another baffling subject to the student who may have sensed that here to be reckoned with is that practice of borrowing from tribe to tribe which is ever a factor for intricacy in Pueblo ceremonialism. Stephen's notes give at least some illumination. As for the clown play, another matter which has undoubtedly changed considerably in recent years, the description given by Stephen seems to me an unexceptionable account of primitive humor. Stephen's taste is impeccable, and he is far too sophisticated to take personal satisfaction, either by joke or by condemnation, in what is called obscene by those it disconcerts. Against stupidity, real or apparent, in White or Indian, Stephen is sometimes exclamatory, endearingly so, fellow workers can not help feeling. Some of his observation must have been made under severe strain, for he was not a well man, dying, I infer, of tuberculosis. His account of his "cure" by Yellow Bear of the Poshwimkya doctors ranks with the fidelities of other scientific adventurers who kept their journal to the gallant end.

INTRODUCTION The Hopi are Pueblo Indians living in eastern Arizona, on three separate mesas. On First or East Mesa there are the town of Walpi with the suburb of Sichomovi1 and the town of Tewa or Hano, settled by Tewa immigrants from the East, it is said about the beginning of the eighteenth century. On Second or Middle Mesa there are three towns, Misho'ñinovi, Shüño'poví, and Shipau'lovi. On Third or West Mesa there was in Stephen's time but one town, Oraibi. In 1906 the conservatives withdrew from Oraibi and founded Hotavila and some time later a group from Hotavila founded Pakabi. In 1931 the total tribal population of the eight towns,2 including a colony at Moenkopi and a colony from Pakapi, was 2,495. Stephen's population estimate, exclusive of infants, was 1950. The culture of this population is in many ways like that of the Pueblos of New Mexico. In all the thirty towns of the Pueblos farming is the main economic pursuit; houses and household activities are in general the same ; the household is the social unit ; there are Town chiefs and War chiefs, Hunt chiefs or societies and societies for weather control and for curing that perform ceremonies for individuals and for the good of all the people; the Spirits addressed and the rituals or religious techniques are comparable or identical and derive from a common ideology or philosophy. And yet permeating this homogeneity there is considerable variability, indeed a much wider range of variation than was once thought to exist. Some of these variations in culture, notably in language,3 are as yet unexplained, other variations appear to be due to dif1 As Sichomovi has not an independent Winter solstice ceremony, it is misleading to describe it, as is usually done, as a separate town or village. 2 The Hopi population has not been enumerated by the Indian Bureau by towns. In 1893 the population of Hano was 163. There were only six out of sixty-two children whose parents were both of Tewan descent. (Fewkes 7: 166—167). In 1900 the population of Walpi was given as 205. (Cushing, Fewkes, Parsons, 283). 3 Among the Pueblos there are four distinct languages. As yet Zuñi and Keresan are not known to have affiliations with other languages; Tanoan is related to Kaiowa, and Hopi is known to be a Uto-Aztecan tongue.

XXVI

Introduction

ferences of contact with other peoples, such as in the historic period with the Spaniards or Mexicans or "Americans". Probably differences of contact with other Indian tribes have always been factors of differentiation. Combination of different Pueblo groups and inter-pueblo imitation have of themselves produced new variations. Spanish missions were established among the Hopi in 1629 but after the Great Rebellion of 1680 the Friars did not return to the Hopi, and from Mexican settlements the Hopi have been, of all Pueblos, the most remote. Consequently they are not Catholics, nor have they the secular government that was imposed on all the other Pueblos by edict of the King of Spain in 1620. Adjustment to the Catholic church and to a secular or non-ceremonial system of government produced many changes in the society of the eastern Pueblos and even in the pueblos of Ácoma and Zuñi. Again the native ceremonial syetem of the Hopi did not feel the pressure that was exerted by the Friars elsewhere, notably on the openness of ceremonial activities and on burlesque or clowning behaviour. Nor were native attitudes towards disease and other personal misfortunes affected by Spanish beliefs in witchcraft to anything like the extent that occurred in the other pueblos. I can but think that the curing society of the Keres which spread to Zuñi and the Tewa was greatly invigorated in its witchcraft aspects by the beliefs of Mexican neighbors in witchcraft and by the witch persecutions of the early Church. As the Hopi pueblos are further from the railway than other pueblos and as most of the Hopi still live on mesa top, casual contacts with Americans have been more infrequent than elsewhere among the Pueblos, and even relations with storekeepers and Indian Bureau officials have been less close. The agency is at Keam's Cañón, ten miles from First Mesa, and traders and school teachers live off the mesas or at some distance from town. Hordes of sightseers are brought today by automobile to the "Snake dance," but their visit is only an overnight swarm and their behaviour only material for parody. More lasting American influences have been felt to be sure through the boarding schools and through townsmen who have travelled abroad. An intensive study of American influence in the last fifty years or so would be of much interest. In the east Pueblo tribal contacts were with the Comanche, the Kaiowa, and the Apache; in the west contacts were for the most part with Navaho, although the Hopi were raided by Ute, Paiute and Apache, and they traded with the Havasupai. Records of these trading and fighting relations are meagre and analysis of intertribal influences is difficult, so that the references in our Journal to

Introduction

XXVII

intertribal contacte are particularly interesting. Set forth as it was first told is the now familiar story of the raiding Utes who were overtaken and slaughtered by the immigrant Tewa. In the Ute dance presented by the Hopi in 1892, Ute headdress and facial painting are imitated, and in a burlesque by the women the Ute war cry is parodied. We learn of a Paiute boy living at Tewa; presumably he was captured in a raid. In the autumn small groups of Hopi make trading trips to the Kohonini or Havasupai. The four Hopi who visited the Havasupai in November, 1890, saw a Ghost cult dance, but their account on their return home made little or no impression among the townspeople, an interesting instance of a cult not "taking". Hopi influence on Havasupai visitors was effectual. In 1891 a Havasupai visitor at Walpi made a present of willow, cottonwood root, water grass, muddy clay, and tobacco, rain gifts, to the Antelope society chief. Another year one of the visiting Havasupai is invited to kiva during preparation for a kachina dance ; with the townsmen who are there he smokes for rain. 1 It is a picture which plainly indicates how the Havasupai came to borrow their mask dance from the Hopi. a In Stephen's day several persons on First Mesa could understand or speak Navaho, as is frequently shown in the ritual buffoonery caricaturing the Navaho. And Navaho was the means of communication for Zuñí visitors3 to First Mesa as well as, at first, for Stephen. According to the Mustard clan migration story, when these Eastern immigrants reached First Mesa after a sojourn among the Navaho they had forgotten Tewa and spoke Navaho only. An old Tewa told Stephen that in his boyhood the Navaho lived all around on the mesas and came to the pueblos, lots of them, every day. They would bring wood in on their backs and carry up water from the springs. In time of famine they might sell a child or leave it in a Hopi household.4 In Stephen's day, too, the Navaho were not infrequent visitors to First Mesa and these visitors had ample opportunity to observe the ceremonial life. At the Sha'lako performance of 1893 there were a hundred Navaho visitors, and about the same number at the Powa'mû ceremony of that year. Now and 1

Pp. 396, 633, 996. * Compare Spier, 262, 266—267, 272. N o doubt the name of the Havasupai dance, gidji'na, was derived from kachina. Spier gives an account of a Havasupai trading party to Oraibi where Yalapai and Apache had also come to trade, and he states that at that period Oraibi, the most western town, was the only Hopi town visited by the Havasupai. 3 See p. 943. 4 P. 930.

χχντπ

Introduction

again Navaho were admitted to kiva, even during kachina preparation or prayer-stick making. 1 The Navaho brother of the Town chief of Walpi gives Stephen a Navaho interpretation of certain prayer-sticks on the Nima'n altar. 2 Once Navaho Yebichai maskers were invited into kiva during Powa'mû by a Hopi who was half Navaho, although this act of hospitality was severely criticized by the elders as subjecting the ritual beans to malign influence. Hopi curers may be sought by the Navaho. 3 In 1920 I found that the Tewa of First Mesa might be invited to contribute a set of kachina dancers to the last night's public performance of the Night Chant. 4 The Hopi Navaho kachina sing Navaho songs and the songs of the hidden ball game are in Navaho. In Stephen's day, if not now, the Hopi had a girl's adolescence ceremony quite similar to the Navaho ceremony. 6 The burlesque of the Navaho chanter and his wife during the Navaho kachina exhibition by the Tewa in 1893 indicated a considerable knowledge of Navaho ritual, and most of the clown performers spoke in Navaho.® The chief of the Tewa clowns was named Djasjini, the Navaho term for clown.7 Navaho are frequently burlesqued at the dances. Perhaps the most conspicuous detail of Navaho intimacy set forth in the Journal is in the story of the descent of Si'mo, the Town chief, who was three quarters Navaho. 8 Nevertheless Si'mo's purity of descent was considered impeccable, as his mother's mother was of the Horn clan of Walpi. But Si'mo's1

See pp. 223, 309, 345, 476, 524. See p. 574. • On August 17, 1889, a Navaho boy of twelve was bitten in the leg by a small rattlesnake, about two o'clock in the afternoon. His father at once rode to Walpi to get some of the Snake men to come and cure him. As this was the day of the Snake dance, none could come until the following day, then the Snake chief and two others came, reaching the hogan about nine o'clock in the morning. The boy's leg was swelled as big as his body. The Snake men put a pot of water on the fire to boil, then they gathered some herbs; they made all the Navaho leave the hut. They boiled their medicine and gave it to the boy to drink, they also rubbed medicine on the leg. By sunset the swelling had gone down and the pain ceased. N e x t day the boy was well. The boy's father gave the Snake men a horse and three sheep as fee. Cp. Parsons 28:11 n. 17. 4 See Parsons 17:22 η. 31. 4 The adolescence ritual has been reported from Second Mesa (Beaglehole), but it is unfamiliar on Third Mesa (Titiev), a distribution in support of the hypothesis that it has been borrowed from the Navaho. • See pp. 383—384. 7 Dr. Reichard tells me the term means black ear (compare the Tanoan term for the clown group, black eye). The Navaho say they got these clowns from Jemez. __ A 8 See pp. 949, 952. Na'hii, Úñ'wüsi and Cha'kwaina are also of Navaho descent. 1

Introduction

XXIX

own blood brother remained Navaho, and after Si'mo's death made a claim to hie property. An Oraibi man of Navaho descent has his cattle raided by the Navaho, and there is an account of an attack on a Hopi party of ten of whom four were killed, including Masha'li who was then Town chief, and a Navaho boy who had been adopted by the Hopi. 1 Significant in intertribal relations is the fact that in fighting the Navaho who raided cattle and attacked Hopi travellers the Hopi never scalped a Navaho, nor used his clothing for war paraphernalia. Too cowardly were the Navaho to impart power, rationalized the Hopi, unaware of the intimacy implied by such discrimination, and of the African adage that dog don't eat dog, unaware also that to the other Pueblos the Navaho seemed brave enough and unrelated enough to be worth scalping. Scalping is a familiar Plains Indian trait. The Hopi use of the foe's equipment for war fetiches is also Plains usage. Throughout Pueblo war ceremonialism Plains traits are suggésted and, as I have pointed out elsewhere,2 not least in Hopi war ritual and organization. In the Journal I find more parallels: Men race to attract the attention of the Spirits, the Cloud spirits ; they go barefoot in the hot fields to provoke their compassion; the clowns maltreat the kachina so that in anger the Cloud spirits will send storms. The Plains tribes make similar appeals to the emotions of the Spirits. Furthermore the Hopi societies have learned their songs from mocking bird, from the little grey bird called mo'chini, from Snake, much as individuals in the Plains may acquire their songs. Like sources of supernatural power are possessed also by the Apache. The Pueblos have merely socialized and conventionalized3 the individualistic guardian spirit or supernatural patron of the Apache and Plains tribes, or put it the other way around, the Apache and Plains tribes have individualized the group Spirits of the Pueblos. The Hopi took heads as well as scalps, a trait which they had in common with the Aztecs, together with many other traits. Until recently no comprehensive comparison of Aztec and Pueblo cultures has been made, 4 and knowledge of the cultures of northern Mexico has been meagre. Recent ethnological study in Mexico indicates See p. 957. Parsons 15:186—187. Parsons 23:643—644, 648—649. 3 The use of bird skins on Hopi altars or of special bird feathers in the prayer-sticks or feathers of Pueblo societies is an example of this socialization compared with the personal use of owl or crow feather in Pueblo witchcraft. * See Parsons 29. 1

1

XXX

Introduction

that in both post-Spanish and pre-Spanish periods there were contacte between the Pueblos and the tribes of old Mexico which left cultural marks. Language is notoriously the most persistent of cultural traits and the persistence of the distinctive Pueblo languages in a comparatively homogenous Pueblo culture is a capital case in point; nevertheless I incline to think that not only the Hopi language but a number of other Hopi traits will be seen to be especially related to a widespread early Mexican culture of which the Aztec was the most outstanding peak. The western Pueblos, Zuñi and Hopi, may be expected to show the earlier influences from the south or let us say the pre-Conquest parallels, and the eastern Pueblos, the post-Conquest parallels or influences. Possibly the Mexican Indians who accompanied the Spanish expeditions into New Mexico and who remained in the country were a source of imitation of southern ways. At least they must have helped to introduce, notably at Santo Domingo which was a centre for the early Spaniards and their Mexican servant-allies, what they themselves had taken over from the Spaniard. Early contacts with the people of Santo Domingo and with other Keres are indicated on First Mesa. Stephen was told that Laguna people had lived at a site overlooking Antelope Valley, which means, I take it, that people from there went to Laguna. There are families now living in Laguna who claim to be of Hopi descent.1 Acoma is referred to by the Hopi as a Hopi colony, and the ancient houses of these emigrants were also pointed out to Stephen. Contacts with other Pueblo peoples are also indicated on First Mesa, in fact with all excepting the Tanoans of Taos who are referred to by the Hopi as fools, meaning rank outsiders, as they are indeed! They have very little of the ceremonial organization of the other Pueblos. Today the most conspicuous inter-Pueblo contact is of course with the Tewa. The site of Tewa or Hano is within a stone's throw of Sichomovi. Tewa men have married into Sichomovi and Walpi, 2 and Hopi men have married into Tewa. The immigrant people became bilingual, speaking Hopi as well as Tewa. After the Great Rebellion there were Tanoan as well as Tewan immigrants to the Hopi land. Stephen was told about their houses or settlement. 3 Although there is no recollection at Isleta of the 1

See Parsons 13:233—234. Note, for example, t h a t Djasjlnl, the Tewa whom we have just mentioned, w a s married to the woman chief in the Walpi Town chieftaincy. Djasjlnl w a s himself a Town chief in Tewa but he seems to have appreciated living in a chiefly house in Walpi (p. 1016). * See Payii'pki, App. 5. 2

Introduction

XXXI

Hopi sojourn, a suburb of Ieleta is called Orai'bi, and possibly the peeudo- or near-clanship system of Isleta may have been acquired during their brief western visit. Át that time they picked up at least one Hopi clan migration legend.1 Of more recent Isletan visitors the Journal relates, 1 also of visiting relationships between First Mesa and Jemez. 8 Between First Mesa and Zuñi there has been a long unbroken period of visiting, certainly since the building up of Sichomovi and probably long before. In 1893, Stephen is told, four Hopi are living at Zuñi, two Zuñi orphan youths are living at Walpi, and one Zuñi is at Shüño'poví. A Zuñi youth has been courting a Tewa girl and Stephen, who often shows prejudice against the Zuñi, remarks that the girl is too nice to waste herself on a Zuñi. Just as groups go to dance from one Hopi pueblo to another, they go from First Mesa to Zuñi or from Zuñi to First or Second Mesa. In 1892, in July and again in October, Zuñi danced on First Mesa. In October the Zuñi who had been invited to come to dance for rain danced Kok'okshi, their own summer rain dance series having been concluded.4 These visiting kachina impersonators are very hospitably entertained in various houses, and individuals linger on after the dance group leaves. Such dance visits have had an important influence on Hopi ceremonialism, but I would postpone a more detailed discussion of Zuñi as well as of Kereean and Tewan influences until we have clearly in mind an outline of the organization of society on First Mesa. There were in 1892 on First Mesa ten or eleven exogamous matrilineal clans: Snake, Sand (these two were merging), HornFlute (Millet), Cedarwood (Ko'kop), Patki (Water-Corn), Bear, Kachina, Badger, Eagle-Sun-Reed, Mustard, Tobacco. The clans control or regulate land, springs, eagle regions and the major part of the ceremonial life.6 Land is owned individually, descending 1 Parsons 26: 362. » See p. 1008. 3 A Jemez man named Palo' (Bird, in Hopi, Chi'zrü) and his son are visiting Walpi in 1893. Thirty years earlier, during a famine, a party of Hopi paid a visit to Jemez (p. 1022). Fewkes states that Sitkya'tki, below First Mesa, was a Jemez settlement. 4 In a few years the Zuñi custom of going to dance on First Mesa in the. autumn was to lapse, not to be revived until the autumn of 1931 when a dance visit was suggested by the newly installed Kopekwin who was of Hopi descent. It was from his father, no doubt, that the Kopekwin had heard of the old custom. Unfortunately, the custom may not be kept up, for to this dance visit was imputed the devastating snowfall of the following winter. » See App. 2.

χχχπ

Introduction

within the maternal lineage, but matters of dispute are ultimately settled by the clan heads or chiefs ; springs and eagle regions ap>pear to be associated with the clan as a whole; ceremonial office and paraphernalia descend, like land, within the maternal lineage but, just as we can speak of clan lands, so we can speak of clan ceremonies. The proprietary or trustee lineage failing, land or ceremony would pass to another lineage within the clan before passing to a group in another clan. Houses descend also within the maternal lineage but there is no record of appealing in case of dispute about a house to the clan heads. Inferably, the house in which are kept the ceremonial paraphernalia, the house of "our oldest mother," is a centre of interest to all the clanspeople. Because Hopi clanship is so thoroughly integrated with the ceremonial system, Hopi ceremonialism can not be understood without understanding Hopi clanship, and vice versa. Since Hopi clans are possessed of ceremonies or rituals which are important to the whole community, the life of the clan itself is viewed as important. Clans which might die out otherwise unnoticed by the community become cases for social solicitude or subject to social pressure, the group at large will attempt to preserve the integrity of the small trustee group. Crow-wing in his journal of 1920 gives a striking instance of communal action to preserve trusteeship. An Oraibi man married into Tewa gets into a row and decides to remove his family to Oraibi. His wife is the sister of the Tewa war chief and in her house is kept the mask of the warrior girl kachina Po'haha. After a meeting in the house of the Town chief, the Horn society chief, the Bear clan chief and the Cedarwood clan chief follow the family that has departed and arrange for them to return.1 Stephen tells of the search made in the Rio Grande towns for the emigrant Hopi family that was associated with the Flute ceremony, a search in vain, and of recovering from the Navaho the man next in line df descent ;2 also of the persistent effort to get a woman who had married into Jemez thirty years before, to return to Walpi3 where her maternal house probably had ritual associations. But with the best of care groups dependent on birth and death may diminish. In this case consolidation with another group may be advisable. The history of the Snake clan shows evidence of consolidation. Already in Stephen's day the Snake and Sand (Lizard) clans were fusing.4 Nevertheless in 1920 the group wis so 1

Parsons 17:39—40. Pp. 1046—1047 3 P. 1022. * Pp. 718, 1067, 1068; Lowie, 310. 1

Introduction

XXXIII

reduced that no eligible clanswoman could be found to fill the important office of medicine maker in the Snake society and a daughter of the clan was chosen as trustee for the "schoolgirl" who was by birth medicine maker and clan mother. 1 As the Snake clan is trustee for four or five 2 major ceremonies it is probable that further consolidation has been or will be in order. I surmise that the' Eagle-Sun-Reed and the Tobacco-Rabbit groups exemplify a like type of consolidation. The last representatives of the Eagle clan and of the Tobacco clan (Ka'nii or Adam and Ha'ni) died in 1914 and in 1923. While the Eagle and Tobacco clans were diminishing it is possible that they were accounted lineages of the Reed-Sun 3 and Rabbit clans. Indeed it is possible that what the earlier anthropologists, including Stephen, took to be phratries or linked clans, are in large part due to the anxiety of the community about preserving its trustee groups. From this point of view origin traditions are the best available "legal fictions" to substantiate the original unity of the fusing groups. The origin tradition of the Town chieftaincy clan, the Bear clan, on Second Mesa is a good illustration. 4 On First Mesa this method failed or was not resorted 'to when the Bear clan diminished — perhaps because of the se liasse rtiveness of another clan — the Snake clan or the Horn clan. At any rate the Town chieftaincy and the chieftaincy of the Flute ceremony passed out of the Bear clan,® although important ritual functions still attached to Ko'tka, the single surviving Bear clansman. What will happen when Ko'tka dies? Possibly the Reed clan, a member of whom acted as trustee or regent for Ko'tka during his minority, will take over his functions, and the Reed clan origin tradition will be enriched in order to explain why Bear is "another name" in the Reed clan. The principle of regency, by group or by individual, appears to be a not uncommon Hopi device for perpetuating the relationship between ceremony and clan or lineage. Stephen mentions several instances, and Crow-wing told me that the office of Koya, the chief of Lalakon, a Reed clanswoman, Greasewood lineage, who had been adopted by a Patki family, would revert to the Patki clan.* In this case another means for enlarging the clan, adoption, having failed, 1

P. 578 n. 6. In 1920 a Lizard family had taken overtheWü'wüchlm society chieftaincy. 3 By 1920 Na'i, Reed (Sun), had succeeded Pautiwa, Reed (Eagle), as War chief. (Parsons 17:14). * See App. 2. 6 These two chieftaincies are associated with the Bear clan at Shüño'povI. (Voth 4:38). • Parsons 17:108. 2

Ill

XXXIV

Introduction

Koya having no children [ ? no surviving female descendant], the principle of regency became uppermost. The Hopi clan is a melting pot for old and new, for the preservation, elaboration or introduction of ritual or cult. If the Protestant missionaries had put Jesus into a clan, as welcome strangers are put in, they would have made more headway. Actually clanship is complicated, historically it is a problem,1 but in native theory clanship is very simple. The clan is a group of maternal families, using Goldenweiser's term, or maternal lineages, using Gifford's and Lowie's, the family or lineage being a group of blood kindred who reckon descent through the mother from a common female ancestor. The lineages may or may not be related in blood, they may or may not have a distinctive name, and it is because of these variabilities that the picture of the clan is so confused. A numerically strong maternal family or lineage which has given its name to the larger group may become reduced, and another lineage with its name may come to the fore as name bearer and as trustee of the ceremony associated with the clan. If a lineage actually consists of the remnant of another clan which for ceremonial or other reasons has been adopted, this lineage would have its own name; on the other hand a lineage grown large might split, and take different names.2 Again an immigrant woman might establish a distinct lineage but one having the name of another lineage in the general group she affiliates with. Sometimes the "other names" of a clan may merely indicate native identifications with groups in the other Hopi villages, convenient identifications for visitors. Sometimes a clan name may express merely the ceremonial function or ritual associated with the clan. Again, as I have said, a clan name may be that of a lineage, existing or extinct. 3 In other words between clan naming and clan organization there is no consistent, uniform system whatsoever. Pity the anthropologist! His only safe criterion is exogamy. Let him account groups or lineages which do not intermarry as belonging to the same clan and let it go at that! 1

It was not derived from the south as the clan structure has not been found anywhere in Mexico; it spread from the Hopi to the other Pueblos, not the other way around; and Hopi clanship is so much more complicated than Navaho clanship that it is highly questionable that it was derived from the Navaho. 2 Stephen presents an illustration. Of two Corn clan (Patki) sisters one might call her descendants Corn Root, the other might call hers, Corn Husk. (P. 1067 n. 7). 3 As noted, the last representative of the Eagle lineage in the Reed clan died in 1914, but in 1920 I was given Eagle as a name of the Reed clan.

Introduction

XXXV

Lineages within the clan may shift from one to the other the ceremonial functions in which the community takes an interest. We have such a history not only in the reduced Snake clan but in the numerous Patki clan. In Stephen's day the offices of Sun chief or watcher and of Winter solstice chief were in the Corn lineage of the Patki clan. In 1921 it is reported that these offices had been held successively by Sihtaime of the Bain lineage.1 (As Winter solstice chief Sihtaime succeeded Ma'kiwa who succeeded Su'pelä.1) If a lineage diminishes or dies out another lineage will take on its ceremony.* In other words the community is interested in the clan, not in the lineage. (Here is another source of confusion about the clan names. It may well be that an informant does not know whether or not the person you inquire about belongs to a distinctively named lineage or not ; he gives you the first clan name that comes to his mind.) Κ the ceremony is handed to another lineage, quite possibly the lineage name, if it refers to the ceremony, passes, in common reference, to the new lineage. The lineage possessed of the ceremony or ritual associated with the clan is the ranking lineage. The oldest woman in that lineage is referred to by all clan members as "our eldest mother"; in her house, the maternal house of the lineage or clan, the preliminary smoke assemblage for the ceremony is held and the ceremonial paraphernalia are cared for. The War society and the Flute society hold all their assemblages in the maternal house, not using a kiva. In the maternal house, too, are held clan meetings about clan affairs, lands, springs, and ritual functions. The maternal house of the clan is an important place and from it clan fetiches are removed with great reluctance.4 House ownership is a factor in clanship not because the clan houses are supposed to be contiguous, 1 Parsons 17:21 n. 28; App. 2, Genealogy 5. » Lowie, 346. 3 When possible the ceremony will be restored to the original lineage. The Antelope society belonged in the Cactus lineage of the Snake clan; it passed into the Dove lineage; but Ho'ñi of the Cactus family was slated to succeed as Antelope society chief. 4 Clan adoption may be practiced to keep the house (and the ceremony) within the lineage. Qöya of the Greasewood lineage of the Reed clan was reared by Venshi of the Patki clan and reckoned a s Patki. (Lowie 311, 316, 337). She is to succeed Venshi as chief of the Lalakon ceremony. (Parsons 1:108). On the other hand an instance has been recorded at Tewa of a maternal house being bequeathed to a woman of another clan who does not change her clan. In this case the ceremony passes out of the clan, but the ceremonial objects remain in the customary house. (Parsons 17:91). As we shall see, the Tewa are comparatively indifferent to the principle of clanship.

IV

XXXVI

Introduction

for they are not,1 but because ceremonial paraphernalia, notably the medicine bundles or ti'ponis, are harbored in particular houses to which ceremonial therefore attaches.2 The ti'poni of a ceremony descends in theory to the eldest son of the eldest sister ; in practice a younger son may be selected as fitter, or the son of a younger sister. A younger brother is preferred in theory to a sistèr's son, with exceptions again in practice. The holder of the ti'poni is the chief of the ceremony. Only when candidates within the lineage fail, do chieftaincy and ti'poni pass to another lineage within the same clan. So much for the theory of succession. In 1892 the Town chief of Walpi died and in the selection of his successor several extraneous circumstances affecting the appointment to office came to the attention of Stephen who very prudently refused to express an opinion. Foreign marriage was considered a disqualification, and even the reluctance to fill the office on the part of an eligible man was taken into consideration. Membership in the warlike Agave society was a positive disqualification, an interesting rule since it points to the conception of the Town chief as a peace chief which prevails elsewhere in Pueblo circles.3 Incidentally it became apparent that the chief of the Flute ceremony did not have to be necessarily the Town chief.4 Actually the offices were not separated ; they were restored to the lineage that held them at an earlier period and the ti'poni was handed, consistently with theory, to the eldest son of the eldest sister. Possession or guardianship of the ti'poni, distinguishes the chief of the ceremony, but other altar properties may belong to other members of the chieftaincy, as in the Lalakon society, where Kwüma'wensi was custodian, not of a ti'poni, but of the altar slabs,5 or as in the Antelope and Lalakon societies where several chiefs are possessed of the miniature water gourds set on the altars. As with altar properties, so with particular functions in the observance of the ceremony, they are prescriptive upon particular persons or assigned them according to their position in the lineage or the clan. Impersonation of Hawk, Snake and Flute maidens are probably assigned to girls of certain lineages. Ritual corn ears are See pp. 1082—1083. Compare Strong, 31 £f. ' Note too, for comparative reason, that at Oraibi the Agaves install the chiefs of all ceremonies. (Titiev). Among the Keres the War chief installs the Town chief. * Mashai'll of the Snake clan who was killed by Navaho prior to 1860 was Antelope society chief and Town chief. * P. 838. 1

2

Introduction

ζχχνπ

given women cl&n chiefs. The Kachina clan mother grows ritual corn. Clan mothers or their prospective successors, daughter or granddaughter, carry the corn basket in the Powa'mû procession. In this case and in other cases also Stephen mentions the clan mothers; but important as are the clan mothers throughout the ceremonial life Stephen never gives us a complete list of them. Moreover he frequently refers to the important maternal houses as if they were primarily associated with the men. Stephen's slowness to realize the importance of women in the social organization of the Hopi is a good illustration of the handicap of one's own cultural preconceptions in interpreting another culture. Paternal as well as maternal relatione are important in the ceremonial life. Enough cases are recorded in the Journal to show that there is tendency for the chief of a ceremony to appoint his son^ if he is a member of the society, to perform such ritual acte as prayer-stick offering or impersonation ; and a father has been known to act for a minor son. The conspicuous instance of a son serving for a father is that of Wi'nüta acting as regent, so to speak, for Ko'tka, as chief of the Horn society. When Me'le, Bear clan chief and prescriptively Horn society chief, died, his nephew Ko'tka was a little boy, so Me'le's son, Wi'nüta, a Reed clansman, served several years as regent. In 1920 the important position of medicine brewer for the Snake society was vacant, no Snake clanswoman was eligible, and so a child of the clan was chosen. All the children of the clan had been summoned to the meetings held in the maternal house to fill the position. 1 For less important functions than the foregoing, such as depositing prayer-sticks, the children of the clan appear to be regularly appointed. In several chieftaincies, clans other than the chief's are represented, and these memberships are also hereditary in lineage or clan. According to Crow-wing, in every ceremony there must be a Cedarwood man as fire keeper and a Badger man as medicine-water man. This stereotype in Crow-wing's mind is not matched by fact, however. Possibly Crow-wing's opinion merely refers to the practice of assigning certain functions to a Cedarwood clansman or to a Badger clansman if such are members of the society, as for example Yo'yöwaina, Badger clansman, who functions as medicine chief in the Nima'n ceremony of the Powa'mû society. In Stephen's day two brothers, Sand clansmen, fetched the sand for the Snake and Flute altars, one brother belonging to the Snake society and the other to the Flute society. The elder brother, Ka'kapti, per1

Parsons 17:102. IV*

xxxvm

Introduction

formed other ritual functions also in the Snake society which of all the Hopi societies is most definitely identified with clanship, and it was obviously through Ka'kapti's functions that the feeling about consolidating Sand and Snake clans was growing. Hopi mask or kachina impersonations range from somewhat frivolous light weights to figures of much religious importance, such as Ahü'l or Eo'toto. Several of these major kachinas are associated with clans. (See p. 1079). The mask is kept in the house (presumably the maternal house) of the man who has the right or duty to impersonate or to appoint in his place an impersonator — brother, nephew, son, etc. Such masks are thought of as clan masks and are referred to as wöye, probably meaning old one, a fair equivalent for our term ancestor. They descend in the maternal family, I infer, as do ti'poni and certain altar properties ; but whether this is true of all the masks referred to as wöye or ancestral is not known positively. The chieftaincy of the two kachina ceremonies, Powa'mû and Nima'n, belongs in the Kachina clan. The chiefs of the ceremonies with the addition of the Crier chief, the Bear clan chief (included probably because the Town chieftaincy once belonged in the Bear clan)1 and the chief of the Cedarwood clan who is not the chief of any ceremony but who figures importantly in ritual, are accounted the town council. The Town chief is today the chief of the Flute ceremony. The Town chieftaincy and the Crier chieftaincy apart, Hopi chieftaincies are surrounded by a group which may be recruited independently of clanship, through sickness or other personal experience or through dedication. This group together with the chieftaincy constitute a society. Snake clansmen are all potentially members of the Snake society, otherwise between society membership and clan affiliation there is no relationship. There are or were in Stephen's day twelve societies, Singers, Wii'wüchim, Agaves, Horns, War, Powa'mû, Flute, Snake, Antelope, Mamzrau, Lalakon, Oaqiil. (There are other ceremonial groups: the Sun chieftaincy, a rain making chieftaincy in the Patki clan, stick-swallowers who are probably affiliated with the War society, the jugglers and curers called Ya'yatii and Poboshtii, the group in charge of the sporadically presented Masau' dramatization; but all these are small, specially constituted groups.) Into one of the first four societies every youth is initiated, his ceremonial father or sponsor being chosen for him in infancy by his parents. The four 1 The Bear clan chief has been referred to as Summer chief (953 n. 3). This suggests a sometime double chieftaincy, as in the Eastern or Tewan moiety system. The Bear clan chief has charge of the place of Emergence.

Introduction

XXXIX

societies holcl a joint ceremony annually in November which is called the Wü'wüchim ceremony, although the chief of ceremony is the chief, not of the Wü'wüchim society but of the Singers society. In Hopi theory the general direction of ceremonial rests with the Singers. The Wü'wüchímtü are the ancients, the thinkers; the Horns are the heralds; the Agaves, the destroyers. In time of peace the Horns control the Agaves. The societal organization for defense is pictured as concentric walls with the Agaves representing the outermost wall, then the Horns, the Wü'wüchímtü, the Singers and, as the fifth and sixth innermost walls the Snake-Antelope societies and the War society.1 The War society assembles for an overnight ceremonial during the Winter solstice or New Year period of celebration when seed corn is blessed, prayer-images are made and all make prayer-feathers for whatever they desire for the year. The Snake and Antelope societies who are thought of today as rainmaking rather than war societies alternate with the Flute society, a lightning society, in holding biennial ceremonies, in August, and the society whose turn it is to celebrate performs ceremonials during one day the preceding winter. The rain-making society par excellence is the Powa'mû society, the Kachina society which holds two annual kachina ceremonies, Powa'mû in February and Nima'n in July ; and some of its members fill important offices at kachina dances. In September and October the women's societies, Mamzrau, Lalakon and Oaqül, hold their ceremonies in sequence. The first two have also a one day assemblage in January. When the Wü'wüchim ceremony is performed with initiations the ceremonial period is lengthened from eight days to sixteen days, and this year an elaborate night dramatization is included in the Winter solstice ceremony, the altar is laid down in the War ceremony, and a ninth day ceremonial is added to the Powa'mû ceremony. Inferably on initiatory years the series of kiva races would not be held nor sporadic celebrations such as the Sha'lako, a kachina dramatization. The season for kachina dramatization or dances is from the winter solstice to the summer solstice. The solstices are observed by the Sun chieftaincy on a sunrise horizon, which is also observed for a series of agricultural plantings ;8 other ceremonial periods are determined either by solar or by lunar 1

This schematism was given Stephen in 1883 when t h e memory of w a r or raids was still alive; I d o u b t if it would be given t o d a y , although these societies still show war traits. 2 B u t for t h e first corn planting, sweet corn for t h e kachina, t h e sun is watched by t h e Town chief (p. 373), in t h e Eastern mode, and t h e Town chieftaincy provides seed corn.

XL

Introduction

observation by the chief of the ceremony which is due. The sequence of the ceremonies is of course generally well known; it is formally noted, at least in some cases, by the chief of the concluding ceremony going to the chief of the ceremony next in order to say that it is his turn to watch the sun, that is, the sunrise, or to watch for the moon, the new moon. The evening after the new moon has been seen, the smoke talk is held, usually in the maternal house of the chief, and the following dawn the ceremony is announced from the house top. Four days later or eight days, if the ceremony is to be observed in extended form, the chief goes in to kiva, setting up the standard at the hatchway. The major part of a ceremony is conducted by the chief or, if he is assisted from the beginning by a small group, we may say by the chieftaincy. The medicine-water chief holds second place. Other society members may come in only towards the close of the retreat and withdraw in case the chief observes a second or final retreat after the main ceremonial. They may assist in prayer-stick making and depositing, ever the chief part of the "work"; but the chief or chiefs make the altar and are responsible for the altar songs, making the road of meal, meal sprinkling, aspersing, smoking and other rites including the final exorcism or purification, the separating of participants from the potentially dangerous influence of sacrosanct personages or objects. Concretely the danger is getting the disease associated with the society, disease which the society, that is its chief, inferably its medicine-water chief, alone can cure. The "twisting sickness" is treated by the Wü'wüchím and Mamzrau societies, lightning shock, by the Flute society, snake bite and swellings by the Snake society, skin diseases by the Mamzrau and Lalakon societies, eye diseases by the Sumai'koli, a Tewa society, rheumatism by the Powa'mû society. In the Journal there is very little mention of witchcraft or of sucking from the body deleterious, witch sent objects ; we can only guess that this cure was practised by the Ya'yatü and the Po'boshwimkya, curing societies of the Eastern or Keresan type. The spirits and the animals, rather than witches, are the causers or curers of disease, wood lice, the rattler and Pa'lükükoñ or Horned water serpent, Badger who cures sickness but does not inflict it, and, among the Tewa, Bear,1 Sho'tokünuñwa or the sky god who 1 Bear is the curer animal among the Northern Tewa. The doctors wear bear feet and impersonate Bear. The presence of bear feet with the strings for impersonators on the Hano winter solstice altar (pp. 40—41) indicates t h a t there is or was at some time "bear medicine" at Hano. The Kossa or Pai'akyamû clown chief has "shell medicine.'' (P. 50).

Introduction

XL·!

shoote the lightning, and the kachina spirits of the mountains. The character of Twister man, a disease inflicting fetich of the Wü'wíichïm and Mamzrau societies, remains obscure. The Sun is prayed to for longevity and for much else, since "being a man he understands the needs of men." The spirits, cosmic and animal, have functions of war and of weather and fertility. Lion1 is depicted in the sand painting of the warlike Snake society and lion fetiches stand on the altars of the Snake-Antelope and War societies. Lion is the "pet" of the war gods. Something of a supernatural war character was attributed to Beetle and at least one of the old men opined that the dead, if bad enough, but ndt too bad, turned into beetles. If a degree worse, the dead became ants. There are butterfly and locust fetiches on the Flute society altar. Sho'tokünúñwa is a war star god ; but his lightning fertilizes as well as destroys. The War Brothers or Twins are associated with the War society, and Masau', the most distinctive god of the Hopi, was addressed in war and is still prayed to by the warriorlike groups, in the Wû'wûchïm and Snake-Antelope ceremonies. Moreover he is impersonated by members of his own small war society, a sort of cult society that is found at Zuñi but has not been noted before as Hopi. 2 Masau' is Skeleton, Death, Fire. He was the first denizen of First Mesa. His tracks were seen before he himself was encountered by the Hopi travellers, although in the Emergence myth he gives the people a hand up from the lower world, standing astride the si'papii on either side of which sit the War Brothers. 3 Masau"s wife is Childbirth water woman or Sand altar woman. She is a spirit of reproduction.4 Curiously enough the Earth spirit, the spirit of germination, Mû'ïyïfiwû, is male, probably because he is thought of as one of the chiefs of the cardinal directions, chief of the Nadir, and the other Chiefs of the Directions are male. These six spirit chiefs 1 The association of Lion with the hunt appears familiar, but it is not emphasized. This may be said also of the association of the animals with the cardinal directions. The animals, also the birds and the horned water serpent, are referred to not so much as spirits on their own but rather as creatures associated with the spirits, as the pets of the spirits, in Navaho and in Huichol terms. 2 On Third Mesa, Masau' impersonations are along the usual clan lines (Titiev) and this may be the case at Walpi. 3 P. 137; Stephen 2:7. * On Third Mesa this spirit is the keeper of game animals, rabbits and deer (Titiev), comparable with the Deer and Earth mother of Taos or with Chakwena woman of Zuñi who goes on the kachina rabbit hunt and performs a lying-in ritual. The shrine of Childbirth water woman is in the kiva controlled by the Mustard clan which had Zuñi and Eastern associations. See p. 261 n. 1.

XLrr

Introduction

control weather and are scarcely differentiated from the Cloud epirite who are chiefs of rain, enow, and hail and are represented in mask as kachina. Mü'iyíñwú and the other Chiefs of the Directions are not represented in mask although they are described as wearing masks of clouds, of the colours associated with the directions. 1 With the exception of the All Directions spirits and of the malevolent Wind spirit all the spirits may be represented in mask and may be referred to consequently as kachina. 2 Thus the kachina range from such cosmic spirits as Sho'tokünúñwa and Masau'wû or such clan ancients as Eo'toto or Cha'kwainà to a cock or a bee. In a narrower definition the kachina are beings who live on mountain tops and promote snowfall or rainfall and all the crops. Except indirectly as clan ancestors, and only a few kachina are thought of in these terms, the kachina are not associated very explicitly with the dead. The most significant implicit association is made through the little "white cloud" mask of cotton placed on the face of the corpse. 3 The kachina are spirit visitors, travellers coming from afar to receive the prayer-offerings of the people and to perform through impersonation the dances or dramatizations which crowd the calendar during the prescriptive season for kachina appearance, from the winter to the summer solstice. A large number of kachina dances occur more or less sporadically, although according to established pattern. Somebody "wants" the dance, — usually, I think, because of sickness, sickness of his own or in his family — and he chooses somebody, a kiva chief or a man of some distinction, to be the dance director. This director calls on the members of his kiva to impersonate the kachina and he invites, if need be, another kiva to impersonate the clowns or burlesques who ever attend upon or play with the kachina. Again, without solicitation, a kiva group may decide to present a dance at another town, 4 invariably dancing in their own town, too, on their return. I t is proper for the town that has been visited to return the courtesy within a year or two. 4 The 1

See p. 333 and Glossary (kü'Uü) where the All Directions chiefs, Cloud and masked impersonation are all identified. * But masking is not an absolute criterion of kachinaship, for the Powa'mû dancers are referred to as kachina and they are maskless, and the mummers called Pi'ptükyamü wear masks but presumably are not considered to be kachinae. Some Tewa women wear masks in the satire they perform at the Horned water serpent dance. 3 In an Oraibi tale there is an explicit reference to the dead becoming clouds. (Voth 4:116, 117). 4 See pp. 374—377, 470—471, 473, for the inter-town dancing. Dancing by request, in case of sickness, is not referred to in the Journal. Possibly it is

Introduction

TT.TTT

kivas aleo fonction serially, by year, in contributing a kachina dance group to the Nima'n ceremony and in contributing impersonations of the Sü'yükü or Nata'shka kachinae to the Powa'mû ceremony. A series of spring dances is also in charge of the year's official kiva. Kachina dance masks which, unlike the clan kachina masks, are personal property and are inherited by brother, nephew, or son, are kept at home or in kiva in a special recess or shrine. Among the Hopi there is no statutory number of kivas as in the double kiva system of the Keres and Tewa or the sixfold kiva system of Zuñí and Taos. On First Mesa there were in Stephen's day and there are now in Walpi five kivas,' in Sichomovi, two, in Tewa, two ; on Second Mesa there were in Müsho'ñinovi five kivas ; in Shipaulovi, two; in Shüño'poví, four; at Oraibi there were thirteen kivas. This numerical variability is the outcome of the associations of Hopi kivas which are different from the associations of kivas elsewhere; they are not associated, as among Tewa and Keres, with moiety organization ; nor, as at Zufii, exclusively with the kachina cult. Hopi kivas are associated primarily with clanship, only secondarily are they devoted to ceremonial usage, to ceremonies and kachina dances. To be sure this secondary function has obscured the primary to such an extent that the use of kivas is perplexing. Any man may build a kiva or buy and restore a deserted kiva and then pass the ownership on to his heir, presumably his sister's son. (In one case ownership passed on to a man's own son.) The kiva is shared, however, with the proprietor's maternal lineage and clan. Other clans may be invited to use the kiva. It is at the Winter solstice ceremony that this clan association is pronounced for at that time men are expected to assemble in the kiva associated with their clan. Now the kiva proprietor or "old man" of the kiva may or may not be chief of a ceremony. If he is chief, the ceremony will be held in his kiva. Otherwise the ceremony will be held in a loan kiva, habitually in the same kiva. Kivas are also used on a neighborhood basis; a man will frequent the kiva near his wife's house. The habitual frequenters of a kiva, whether they use the kiva as neighbors, clansmen, or members of a ceremony, form the kachina dance group of the kiva. In short, the kiva is loaned to the variable dance groupe as it is loaned to the permanent societies. Whether or not there is a permanent kachina dance director is of recent development, a substitute for the passing of the curing societies, the Ya'yatii and the Po'boshwlmkya, but, more probably, this association between sickness and the kachina cult was not discovered b y Stephen. T h e curative function of the kachina is marked among the N a v a h o and the Apache. (Opler).

XLIV

Introduction

obscure. The "kiva chief" has in his keeping the kick balls for the races, and presumably the runners are drawn from the kachina dance group of the kiva. — So much for the theory of kiva ownership and use; but there are endless exceptions, which may be more apparent than real did we but know all the kinship ramifications involved and why one man becomes proxy for another. A special observation must be made about Chief kiva. It is not only a loan kiva for several major ceremonies but a centre for meetings of all the chiefs, in other words it is outstanding among the kivas, although there appears to be no native theory to substantiate this preeminence. The clanship associations of Chief kiva, if it have any, have been particularly obscured by its ceremonial associations. A number of chiefs meet here at the Winter solstice ceremony so that it seems improbable that it should be used by all the Patki and Kachina-Parrot clansmen although through their ceremonies the heads of these clans are associated with this kiva. The clanship affiliations of the Tewa kivas are even more obscure than those of the Walpi and Sichomovi kivas. Every Tewan belongs to one of the two kivas ; but at the Winter solstice ceremony part of a clan may go into one kiva and part into the other.1 The Tewan clans enumerated by Stephen are Cloud, Bear, Corn, Tobacco, Pine, Sun, Earth (Sand), Kachina. The only ceremonies associated with these clans by Stephen are the Winter solstice ceremony and Sumai'kolï.2 The relations between ceremonies and clans also seem to be uncertain or unstable.3 Possibly all this confusion in clanship is the outcome of clash between the patrilineal moiety system of the immigrant Tewa and 1

Parsons 21:211 n. 9. In 1920 the ceremonies I heard of were Winter solstice (Bear clan, Chief kiva or Mo'nete; Sand clan, Corner kiva or Pen'dete), Kah'bena, a war and kachina ceremony (Corn clan), Kauto'po (Powa'mû) (Tobacco clan, through the whipper mask kachina), Ti'yogeo', a seasonal (spring) transfer ceremony (all the chiefs), an October seasonal transfer ceremony (Town chieftaincy), Summer solstice and Sumai'kolï (Cloud clan). The chieftaincy of the Kossa clown society (Pai'yakyamû) had lapsed, but it was formerly in the Cottonwood (Kachina) clan (Parsons 17:68n. 112) ; the society was recruited through sickness. The war chieftaincy was also in the Cottonwood clan. 3 When the Sun clan became extinct its office of Sun watcher and its Sumai'kolï ceremony passed to the Cloud clan through practical circumstances, and w e do not hear, as w e might have heard from Hopi in equivalent circumstances, that Sun became another name of the Cloud clan. In Stephen's day the chieftaincy of Pen'dete was in the Cottonwood (Kachina) clan; b y 1898 it was in the Sand clan, Poshine, a boy of seventeen, was kiva chief (Fewkes 2:268) ; in 1920 Poshine (Posumi) was a chief of the Winter solstice ceremony and his brother, Talaiatina, was chief of Pen'dete. (Parsons 1:37 n. 62). 2

Introduction

XLV

the matrilineal clanship of their hosts, as interesting an instance of acculturation, I think, as one may find anywhere in Pueblo circles. How did it come about? Possibly prior to the immigration the clanship concept had spread from the Keres to the Tewa to whom therefore Hopi clanship would not appear alien. And yet I would point out that even in Hano tradition1 there is no reference to migration by clan. Hopi clansmen, representatives of the Bear and Snake clans, visited the East to invite the Tewa to First Mesa, but the Tewa themselves gave ear only as an entire community to the the counsel of their Town chief, one of their moiety chiefs. Besides, of the Tewa clans that in accordatice with the 'Hopi tradition were said to migrate2 there is no representation today among the northern Tewa. If the weakness of the Northern Tewa clans today is due, as I believe, not to disintegration, but to their marginal position,3 then it is quite probable that at the time of the migration organization by clan did not exist. At any rate, as soon as inter-marriages began between the immigrant Tewa and the Hopi, changes in the Tewa system were bound to occur. The Hopi fathers could present no moieties for their Tewa children to be born into. And so in Tewa families of mixed marriage the moiety would lapse4 and the clan, whether newly introduced5 or merely reinforced, would become the paramount unit of classification.· Chieftaincies would tend to become associated with clans, likewise masks. In 1920 the Tewa 1

P a r s o n s 19:169—174. » Mindeleff, 30—1, 35—8. 3 P a r s o n s 24:278. * B u t n o t wholly disappear. The Town chief who is also o n e of t h e two Winter solstice chiefs is recognizable a s t h e chief of t h e s u m m e r m o i e t y ; he retains t h e name, poœtoyo, of t h e summer moiety chief a m o n g t h e N o r t h e r n Tewa ; t h e initiation a t t h e Winter solstice I h e a r d of is presumably a moiety initiation. In 1920 t h e r e were still seasonal t r a n s f e r ceremonials. A W i n t e r moiety fetich is described b y Stephen. I t is kept by t h e chieftaincy of P e n ' d e t e or Corner or Tewa kiva. T h e P l a n t prayer-stick m a k i n g (p. 392) m a y be a seasonal transfer ceremony. Stephen refers to t h e husking p a r t y of Wô'hè (p. 940), t h e Winter moiety chief, t h a t night W é ' h è will perform ritual for snow for t h e coming winter (Parsons 17:224), possibly, a t r a n s f e r ceremony. ' T h e Tewa mother's group, her moiety or possibly her society group, serving a s a source of suggestion for t h e n a m e of t h e new clan. • Among t h e northern Tewa t h e two kiva system is associated with t h e moiety system. Among t h e Tewa of F i r s t Mesa t h e kiva system is baffling because, I t a k e it, it is in a s t a t e of transition. Stephen presents a striking instance of how such transition m a y b e affected. Koch've, a H o p i Snake clansman married into Tewa, comes into possession of a n a b a n d o n e d kiva through repairing it. K o c h ' v e who probably h a s no nephew living in Tewa gives t h e kiva to his eldest son, Squash, b u t t h e kiva is to descend t o Squash's nephew (p. 1176), quite in t h e Hopi mode, establishing a tie between kiva proprietorship and clanship.

XLVl

Introduction

claimed that they brought with them from the East four masks» Eowi, the whipper mask of the Tobacco clan, Po'haha, belonging to the Cottonwood clan, Yeenu, belonging to the Town chief's lineage of the Bear clan, and Bear, belonging to the Pine lineage of the Bear clan.1 The Bear mask of the Pine lineage is identical with the Bear mask of the curing Fire society of Jemez.2 Was this mask which belongs in the complex of the Keresan curing society really brought with them by the immigrant Tewa or was it secured by them after they settled on First Mesa when in imitation of their Hopi hosts they wanted to have some clan masks ? The chieftaincy of the Sumai'koli society is in the Cloud clan, but all the Tewa chiefs attend the assemblage, and the society retains features of the curing society of the Keresan type. Since Stephen's day a Sumai'koli society appears to have been organized at Walpi,3 and the Tewa ritual for snow after the Town chief's husking party appears to have been copied by the Hopi.4 The Butterfly dance which is the Saint's day dance of the east probably reached the Hopi through the Tewa who presented kachina dancers wearing the characteristic tablet headdress.5 The Tewa clowns attended upon Hopi kachina. There were four Tewa in Ihe Hopi Snake society, three in the Antelope, three or more in Mamzrau, likewise in Lalakon, and even in the tribal organization of Wü'wüchím there was a sprinkling of Tewa in each of the four societies.® However, as Stephen remarks, in the Wü'wüchím the Tewa as a group take no interest. Crowwing, the Tewa, told me that the Tewa were afraid to join the Wü'wüchím societies; the old people told them they would have trouble if they joined. During the celebration small parties of Tewa men may even leave the mesa, to visit Zuñi which about this season is celebrating Sha'lako. As we have noted, there is an interchange of kachina dances between Zuñi and First Mesa. Kachina songs may be sung on First Mesa in Zuñi, and Zuñi variants of kachina dances are given as Zuñi dances i. e. they are called explicitly Zuñi dances. Of all these performances, the Zuñi or Sio Sha'lako gives most opportunity for imitation of ritual details. Distinctively Zuñi kachina come out and Zuñi prayer-sticks are made.7 The Horned water serpent celebration P a r s o n s 17:228. P a r s o n s 18:109. 3 Possibly through the H o p i members of the Sumai'koli society of Tewa. 4 P a r s o n s 1 7 : 2 2 4 ; P a r s o n s 19:115. 6 See p. 326. ' A g a v e s , 4 ; Horns, 5 ; Wü'wüchím, 3 ; Singers, 6. 7 See p. 423. N o t e the placing of a Zuñi prayer-stick bundle upon the altar of the L a l a k o n society and then in a Hopi shrine. (P. 847). 1

2

Introduction

XLV U

may also be cited for its Zuñí resemblances, and in this connection it is interesting to note that To'chl, one of the Hopi married into Zuñí, is the artist of the images of the meal grinders,1 and that the Zuñi suitor of Kai'yonsi takes part in the kiva preparations for the performance.1 Zuñi is the centre of the kachina cult of the Pueblos, and it seems probable that the kachina cult spread from Zuñi to the Hopi* as well ae to the other Pueblos. In the kachina cult there is no spirit of exclusion,4 which is why the cult is the most uniform or standardized feature of the ceremonial system of the Pueblos, it is virtually an intertribal cult. This catholicity is in marked contrast to the exolusiveness of the society life which is least standardized. As Stephen was told, kachina songs and "dances" (also amusements such as the musical grinding party borrowed from Zuñi) are borrowed by one town from another throughout the Pueblos, but ceremony, tvi'mi, is not borrowed. "That would cause confusion and be evil." s In 1883, Zuñi sent a delegation of eleven chief men to ask for the Snake-Antelope ceremony, which was refused them.6 It was not right to mix wi'mi. The Hopi were well aware that the Zuñi Snake society was quite dissimilar from their own. Indeed all the information about Zuñi ceremonial which the Hopi gave Stephen is surprisingly accurate, given the ignorance usually shown by one Pueblo tribe of another or, even within the tribe, by one town of another. There is something humorous in the Hopi refusing to give or rather sell the Snake-Antelope ceremony to the Zuñi for it is almost certain that the ceremony is not Hopi, but Keresan.7 The songs are in Keresan; 8 the stone fetiches are associated with Keresan supernaturals. The Hopi themselves were aware that Acoma once had the Snake dance. To be sure they explained it by saying that the people of Acoma formerly lived in the Hopi country. The Hopi also 1

See pp. 269, 335. » See p. 310. 3 One argument against this theory of distribution is the preeminence of Eo'toto on First Mesa. Eo'toto is the father of the kachina, and Eo'toto is to be identified with Heluta or Heruta of the Keres. 4 Except of course towards Mexicans or Americans, and in the eastern pueblos towards the people of Taos where there is no mask kachina dancing. « See p. 153. • See p. 713 n. 1. 7 The Sia Snake ceremony duplicates the Hopi ceremony. * Note the tradition that the clan associated with the ceremony, the SnakeSand clan, once spoke Keresan. Curiously enough, the patron supernatural of the Antelopes has a hybrid Hopi-Tewa name — Hi'shanavaiyu, the ancient horned water serpent.

xLvm

Introduction

report immigration from Keresan towns, in the usual legendary form of migration by certain clans. It seems quite probable that at the settlement of New Mexico in the early part of the seventeenth century groups of the eastern Keres may have sought refuge from the arrogance of soldiers and friars in distant Zuñi and Tusayan. The conduct of Oñate's men in 1601 was certainly outrageous enough to run away from. I surmise that these refugees introduced into Zuñi and Walpi their characteristic curing society, as well as the Keresan songs which are still sung in the Wü'wüchim and Singers societies and in the Snake and Antelope societies of First Mesa. The curing societies of Zuñi are undoubtedly Keresan curing societies and so were the Ya'yatü and Po'bosh tii of the Hopi. Possibly the Flute society was of Keresan origin, to be equated with the Flint society of the Keres.1 The Mustard and Badger clan legends of First Mesa and the traditions about the settlement of Sichomovi, ever the foremost place of hospitality for Zuñi visitors to First Mesa, are probably echoes of this early seventeenth century history which a century later was to be repeated with the Tewa refugees. Wikwa'lobi, a Mustard clan kiva, is referred to as the Watchmen's kiva and it was built after the Hopi moved to the top of the mesa, influenced perhaps by the alarming tales of the Keresan refugees. Wikwa'lobi is the kiva of the Keresan-singing Wü'wüchim society.2 Of course historical reconstruction through analysis of ceremonialism is hazardous and, I am well aware, must remain speculative, at least until the day when the Pueblos will allow the archaeologist to excavate within their towns. Fascinating as are its glimpses of intertribal influences or contacts, past or present, the Journal is primarily a record of the ceremonial life, which is so full and so elaborated that it causes the Journalist to exclaim in despair that it is beyond the compass of a man's lifetime to understand and that it argues the possession of a 1 Like Keresan societies the Flute society is for weather and for curing. It is associated with lightning and with arrow or flint points. The society assembles in a chamber, not in kiva, a Keresan character. Its major ceremony is in mid summer; but it assembles also (in kiva) soon after and possibly even during the Winter solstice ceremony, a Keresanlike arrangement. The rite of emesis, a peculiarly Keresan trait, is practiced. (It is practiced too in the Snake-Antelope ceremony.) The chieftaincy of the Flute society is associated with the Town chieftaincy as is the chieftaincy of the Flint society in several Keresan towns. Moreover the chieftaincy of the Drab Flutes was in the Squash clan which was connected with Wikwa'lobi kiva, a Keresan centre. Both Flute and Flint societies have war associations. 2 It is significant that Sü'yükü of the Cha'kwainä lineage of the Mustard clan and chief of Wikwa'lobi was described to Stephen a3 the good singer.

Introduction

XLIX

sixth sense in the townspeople whom he finds at times very dull i. e. unresponsive to his own terms of thought. It is the integration of the ceremonial life with the general life which is his despair, and ours. Were there a well defined sacerdotal group or caste, the situation would be much easier to understand, that is, the picture would approximate our own. But that is not the Hopi way, although, let me remark, an analysis of the chieftaincies and of the ritual functions of individuals does show some tendency towards concentration of ceremonial organization within certain families, and the performance of a large number of ritual functions by certain individuals. A careful reading of «Appendix 3 where individual pictures are drawn will reveal a considerable amount of coordination in the life of the individual townsman or townswoman, at least it has done so for the editor who considers this compilation of who's who the most important of the editorial contributions. The distribution of ritual functions, weather control, curing, warrior, i. e. ceremonial organization by society, priesthood, and kachina groups has never been as clearly defined among the Hopi as at Zuñí or other pueblos ; but analysis of the ceremonial functions of the townspeople indicates that the conceptions on which these classifications are based prevail in the lives of individuals. Mo'mi performs warlike functions for various groups quite as much as a Zuñi bow-priest; Su'pelâ functions pretty much as would one of the paramount rain priests of Zuñi; In'tiwa or Cha'sra is as much preoccupied with kachina celebrations as the ranking officer of the kachina cult of Zuñi. Predilections and duties along one line preclude those along another line. Predilection for the ceremonial life in general or a comparative indifference to it is also indicated among individuals. Although ceremonial duties are remarkably well distributed, every adult being bound to contribute to the ceremonial life in some way or other, major ceremonial functions are concentrated in a few hands or households. The household of Sha'lako and Su'pelâ is an outstanding case, but there are other instances of "ruling families" in our sense — the Town chieftaincies of Walpi and Tewa are united through marriage ; the young Town chief of Walpi marries into the house of the chief who is next to him in Council, and the old woman of this house is married to the chief of a major society who is also a kiva chief, a Kachina "father" and a doctor, not to speak of various societies to which he belongs. I would not stress this tendency to concentration of ceremonial authority, for the Hopi conception of authority or power is so different from ours that it would be misleading, but I hope that some day a study of Hopi

L

Introduction

ceremonialism from the angle of individual interests and abilities will be made. The Hopi system is far from being the automatic machine it almost inevitably appears from the way it has been hitherto described. Hopi biographies should supplement and interpret the formal record which in its turn, here as ever, has made possible the understanding of biography. The general cultural outline must be described before its functioning in the life of the individual can be apprehended. The Journal is primarily a biography of ceremonial, doing for the ceremonial round of the year what a day book would do for personal biography ; but the Journal gives many pictures of the cultural life in general. Hopi society is seen to be held together by ties which make alike for permanence or continuity and for elasticity and vitality. Duties and obligations, privileges and pleasures are distributed in both sexes, for all ages, by apprenticeship and by blood. For the crises of life, birth, adolescence, marriage, death, as well as for other special experiences, both maternal and paternal kindred are called upon, although as usual in Pueblo circles the more formal functions are assigned for the most part to the father's people. From infancy to manhood males should be hardened to cold and exposure, so a maternal uncle or other kinsman will wash an infant or little boy in snow or on cold weather carry a little boy on his back for the women to pour water over them both. After her first menstruation a girl's headdress is changed and her father's eldest sister takes charge of the ritual and the feasting, the whole celebration taking place in the aunt's house. Other kinswomen, likewise neighbors, contribute meal or corn in the ear, and girls who have already had their hair put up take part in the grinding and accompany the adolescent to the shrine she has to visit. The aunt's husband has prepared the girl's scratching stick. This same aunt has had the little girl in charge when she was whipped or exorcised in the Powa'mû ceremony. For a boy's sponsor on this occasion a man outside of the circle of kindred is sought. He will also be the boy's sponsor or godfather at his initiation into one of the four societies of the youths, i. e. the Powa'mû godfather initiates the boy into his own youth society. At marriage the kindred are again to the fore. The maternal relatives of the girl are summoned to her house to be consulted. The groom's kinsmen weave the blankets and belt or make the moccasins he has to give the bride; his paternal kinswomen display mock resentment over losing their bridegroom with whom, however, they continue to exchange many amenities, a t dances, after a hunt, etc. The bride's kinswomen grind the meal or make the wafer-bread which are needed in the feasting or which

Introduction

LI

are a return for the wedding outfit. Sometimes these payments are not completed for a year or longer. The bride's uncles and brothers make a store of timbers to be used for her grave when the woman dies. When a person is about to die relatives are summoned to listen to his parting speech. The hair of the deceased is washed and dressed by his father's eldest sister because she is giving the deceased a new name, and his chin is blackened by his father or, presumably, his father's kinsman. Father, mother's brother and, for a woman, her husband make prayer-sticks, at the death and later at the following Winter solstice ceremony; and the kinsmen make the prayerfeathers which encircle the head of the deceased. Kinsmen carry the corpse to burial and kinswomen carry food basins and water to the grave. An elderly maternal kinsman exorcises the burial attendants. The education of Hopi children and young people was along the familiar line of apprenticeship, until the American boarding school ruthlessly broke in upon old time ways. The young imitated their elders and shared according to their ability in the economic life. The younger boys were encouraged to hunt or snare rabbits and other small game. Participation in the ceremonial life was planned for the young people, before as well as after formal initiation. Bogey kachina call upon little children in their homes ; and the children receive gifts from the kachina. Special dances are arranged for the children. In the two day Buffalo dance, for example, the children dance the first day, and the second day, the youths and maidens, or the children dance in the morning and their seniors, in the afternoon. Stephen describes a children's zigzag dance. All the young men and women are expected to dance, to run races, to perform specific ritual functions like depositing prayer-sticks or plastering and decorating the kivas or grinding meal as offering to the spirits or for the feasts after dances or ceremonies. In special families young men and women are selected to be trained to carry on the ceremonial trusteeship associated with the family. A chief will take his nephew out herding with him not only as shepherd or donkey boy but to teach him his prayer-songs. The clan elders are expected to narrate the clan traditions at clan gatherings and any elder will narrate the general tribal traditions and teach kachina songs as men spin or weave in kiva. The most precious ceremonial services or techniques the old chiefs perform themselves until they die, thereby retaining the esteem of all the townspeople. This is true for women chiefs as well as for men chiefs. There are three women's societies, with women chiefs. In these, to be

LU

Introduction

sure, there are male as well as female members and a few men take the lead in the more expert ceremonial work, such as building the altar, painting, and singing. In the Powa'mû society, the kachina society, there are women members although women do not function as leaders for the kachina nor, with few exceptions,1 do women impersonate kachina. In the war or sometime war societies there are no women members, the Snake society excepted. Men make prayer-sticks or feathers for the women, and women grind prayermeal for the men to use and women contribute the food that is eaten in kiva. The girls plaster the kiva walls, while the youths lay on the decorations. The men and women cooperate in housebuilding or repair, as Stephen graphically describes, and they share in household activities and in pastimes in even more ways than are mentioned in the Journal. On the whole sex partnership is more complete among the Hopi even than in Pueblo circles elsewhere, and the position of the women is superior. Discrimination about feminine traits is of no mean order. "Some women have soft, smooth faces, beautiful to look upon, but thoughtless; the inside of their heads and the hearts in their bodies have no beauty. Some women's faces are rough, not beautiful to look upon, but their thoughts are direct, delightful, their tongues do not wander." — Cooperation between men and women, the interests of old and young provided for or safeguarded, a self-sustaining economy with work and play well distributed and little friction over property, social organization and a cosmic philosophy which guarantee community peace and which give people self-assurance and a sense of security, even in time of drought or epidemic or raid in the various ways it has been committed by the foreigner, Ute or Navaho or American — one may easily agree with the Hopi opinion that their way of life is good, lo'lomai, and that for them the way which is kahopi, not Hopi, ia kalo'lomai, not good. 1 Yellow woman in Hemis kachina at Nima'n is impersonated by a woman. (Parsons 17:99 n. 151). Stephen refers to impersonations in the Mamzrau ceremony as kachina personages.

WINTER SOLSTICE CEREMONY (SHOYA.XÛNA). INTRODUCTORY NOTE The Winter solstice ceremony is concerned with the annual progress of the Sun — the most important prayer-sticks are for the Sun and the major part of the night performance in the long form of the ceremony is a dramatization of the Sun's career, referring, according to Stephen, to those initial uncertainties of which the sun origin myths relate. But the Winter solstice ceremony is also concerned with the reappearance of the kachina — Au'halani and his two sisters, Blue corn girl and Yellow corn girl, aa well as other kachina. I t is from their coming up from below that the ceremony takes its name — shoya'lnyüña, they come out — and so general is the participation in prayer-feather making and so inclusive of all objects of prayer is the ritual of the prayer offerings that the ceremony becomes a supplication for general tribal prosperity. Every kiva functions and every man is supposed to go into the kiva his clan is associated with 1 to make his prayer-feathers. There is a chief of the ceremony who is also a chief of the Patki (WaterCorn) clan. The Au'halani kachina belong to this clan. Su'pelä was chief in Stephen's day, and Au'halani was impersonated by the son of Sikya'ustiwa, another Patki clan chief, Sikya'ustiwa being too lame to dance. In 1920 Sihtaime of the Patki clan was chief; 2 the kachina impersonation appeared to be undertaken for a certain number of annual performances, possibly as a form of vow, and, presumably, by a Patki clansman. 3 The preliminary or smoke talk was held, Stephen notes, in a Patki clan house, presumably the maternal house of the clan, the house in which the ti'poni or supreme fetich is kept. The woman of this house took a distinctive part in the ceremony. The other distinctive women's parts were also taken by Patki clanswomen.4 I t is clear that the Sun chieftaincy and the Winter solstice chieftaincy (and ceremony) belong to maternal families of the Patki clan. Parsons 1 7 : 1 2 . Stephen is obscure on this point. Su'pelà was succeeded, sometime before 1916 by his sister's son, Mâ'kiwa (Lowie, 311), whom Sihtaime succeeded, resigning from his office of Sun chief or watcher. — E d . 3 Parsons 1 7 : 2 1 , 14; Steward, 59. 4 See, too, Steward, 59. 1 2

1

2

Alexander M. Stephen

The four societies into one of which every youth is initiated, sometime war societies, Ί believe1, Singers, Wü'wüchímtü, Agaves, and Horns, not only figure directly i. e. as societies in the Winter solstice ceremony (in the long form), but they influence the form of the ceremony and determine the membership. When the November ceremony of these four societies, the Wü'wüchím, has been celebrated in its initiatory form, its long form, then the Winter solstice ceremony is celebrated in its long form, sixteen days instead of nine2, and includes the night dramatization referred to above. As for membership in the ceremony, membership in one of the four societies is a prerequisite, — until a youth is initiated at the Wü'wüchím he does not go into kiva at the Winter solstice ceremony.3 The initiation is thought of as a coming of age and only boys who have reached their majority, so to speak, are admitted to the company of their clansmen at the Winter solstice ceremony. Highly significant of the tribal character of the Winter solstice ceremony is the fact that the community which celebrates it is thought of as an entity whereas that which does not celebrate is a dependency or colony whose members return to the home town4 to participate in its Soya'la, as for example the people of distant Moenkopi who return to Oraibi. On the other hand, Hotavila and Pakabi, within a few miles of Oraibi, are not colonies because each performs its own Soya'la ceremony. Stephen took notes on the Winter solstice ceremony in 1891, 1892, and 1893. The ceremony in 1891 was in its long form. Stephen's account of the night long dramatization in Chief kiva is full ; unfortunately the rest of the ceremonial is not described. The ceremony in 1892 and in 1893 was in its short form and Stephen's notes are detailed. Fewkes visited First Mesa in 1897, arriving on December 20, the fourth day of the ceremony which was being celebrated in its short form. He appears to have seen the public performance of Parsons 15:186—187. * Counting the time between the announcement and the assemblage, eight days or four days. — Ed. s Cp. Dorsey and Voth 1:16. 4 This is theory. In practice considerations of ordinary use or residence may prevail. For example, Albert, a Rabbit man living in Sichomovi, uses Stove (Oak mound) kiva and at Soya'la goes into it instead of into Chief kiva at Walpi, the Rabbit clan kiva. One Kyash of Mishongnovi was referred to on First Mesa as returning to Mishongnovi for Soya'la — "he has not been here long, so he would not soya'la here". A man may join in the ceremony in two towns. The celebration at Shöhmopavi (Second Mesa) is not "on the same day" as on First Mesa and two cases were cited in which a Tewa married at Shöhmopavi and a Shöhmopavi married at Tewa celebrated twice. — Ed. 1

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the Au'halani the day following. He also appears to have read Stephen's notes on the ceremony oi 18911 into his own account* of other parts of the 1897 celebration, thus confusing the short and long forms of the ceremony. Again in 1898 Fewkes visited First Mesa and reports on the setting out of the altare in the Tewa kivas.* He reports on no other part of the ceremony of this year. For several years the long form of the ceremony was not celebrated. I was told that Ha'ni or Lesma, the Singera chief, felt he was too old to conduct the Wü'wüchlm in its long form. In 1923* Ha'ni died; in 1925* his successor was installed, and in 1927 the long forms of Wü'wüchlm and subsequent ceremonies, including the Winter solstice ceremony, were given. As far as I know, excepting a part of Powa'mû, they were not observed. Comparison with the account of the Winter solstice ceremony observed at Oraibi, Third Mesa, by Dorsey and Voth during the years 1893 to 1900, is of interest. On First Mesa the date of the ceremony is determined by solar observation, on Third Mesa the method of determination was obscure, but the date was probably fixed as the sixteenth day after the appearance of the Soya'l kachina on the day following the Wü'wüchlm ceremony.6 This Soya'l kachina These notes are also cited in another publication — Fewkee 4:268—271. » Fewkee 10. » Fewkee 11:266—273. 4 Approximate. 5 Dorsey and Voth 6 : 1 4 , 1 7 ft. The kachina is impersonated by the Soya'la chief, a Bear clansman. On November 30, 1920, I happened to be in Oraibi at the time the Soya'l kachina came out — about 4 P.M. He was arrayed in a worn cotton shirt, a dance kilt and belt, turtle shell under knee, and a cotton blanket. The mask was green-blue, with black lines at the eye holes, and on top a shabby bunch of red hair. The collar was a very shabby piece of fur, in fact the whole appearance was of the shabbiest, and the kachina acted as if he were very, very old and feeble, tottering and stumbling. I found him making a circuit about the kiva on the north edge of town, where four standards of flicker feathers with pendents of bluejay feathers (Dorsey and Voth 1 : Pl. VI) were in position. After sidestepping in antieunwise circuit to sprinkle meal on each side of the kiva, he stood in front of the hatchway and shook his gourd rattle twice. A man emerged carrying a flat basket containing a prayer-stick. This he gave to the kachina, sprinkling it with meal from the oblong leather pouch fastened to a bandoleer. From the kachina he unfastened the turtle shell rattle, and then descended the kiva ladder. The kachina tottered away eastward into the main court where he sprinkled the shrine and went on across town and on to the west edge of the cliff where he appeared to sprinkle meal before he descended out of sight. The men of the town were gathered out in the plain for a horse race, and only a few women and girls and children watched the progress of the kachina. As he started to cross the road to the western cliff, the children picked up things from the ground to throw after him — an act of exorcism. 1

1*

4

Alexander M. Stephen

appearance does not occur on First Mesa. At Oraibi Flute chiefs watched the sun from winter to summer solstice, the Soya'l chief, from summer to winter solstice. I n Oraibi tradition, at the time of the Emergence and after, the Town chief was also Soya'l chief, and with his clan the Soya'l kachina (and Ä'ototo) came up. 1 In Voth's day the Town chief, a Bear clansman, was the younger bloodbrother of Soya'l chief. This association between the Town chieftaincy and the Winter solstice ceremony is supplementary testimony to the tribal or rather town character of the ceremony. The ceremonial impersonations vary considerably. On both mesas there is a Hawk impersonation, but the accompanying ritual is different. The significant Au'halani kachina and his two sisters do not appear on Third Mesa, nor the Hail and Ice kachina ; the single Soya'l kachina or Mastop kachina or group of Zöoqöqlöm kachina of Third Mesa do not appear on First Mesa. Certain effigies vary — on First Mesa the horned water serpent appears, with an accompanying ritual; on Third Mesa, there is a screen picture of Mü'iyíñwó, the spirit of germination. The ritual complexes also vary considerably. On Third Mesa there is a war chief ritual which is repeated several times. Stephen describes a war chief altar and, inferably, there is some ritual, but he does not describe it. On First Mesa there is a special assemblage for Sun prayer-stick making in one of the maternal houses of the Patki clan. Probably this ceremony should be considered as distinctive from the Winter solstice ceremony. 2 The observers on both mesas considered that the dramatization of the Sun's motions or progress was the most significant part of the Winter solstice ceremony ; but the dramatization itself varies completely. On Third Mesa there is a conclusive period of four days of rabbit hunting, and final acts of throwing presents and of washing off the paint of the ceremonial participants. Nothing corresponds to this on First Mesa, where the final act is the removal of the war god images to their permanent shrine. Analysis of the large number of minor variations as well as a comparison of the general order of the ritual events must wait After listening to m y account of this performance, m y First Mesa escort stated that of such a character was the Ahulani kachina on First Mesa, the wöye of the Patki clan. There, he comes out in the winter solstice ceremonial, o n the day after toto'kya (eighth day), late in the afternoon. "He acts like a n old m a n and wears old clothes because he is such an old kachina". 1 Voth 6:19, 24. ! In which case the Winter solstice ceremony in its short form is a regular four (or five, see Appendix 1) day ceremony or, counting the period of announcement, an eight (or nine) day ceremony. — Ed.

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until the ceremony is restudied on both mesae, not omitting observation on Second Mesa. The following chronological summaries for the years 1891, 1892, and 1893, will be of aid in studying the details given in the Journal. 1891 Dec. 221 General prayer-stick making and distribution. Corn ears collected from house to house, for night ceremonial. Goat kiva, domestic animal fetiches set out, with the War chief's ti'poni. Clay animals made for deposit in cattle corral. War ceremony (referred to). Night ceremony in Chief kiva: Dance by "birds" (Horn kiva men). Dance by Hawk youth and maiden. Dance by Kwa'chakwa who is joined by a white mask. Circle dance by all in kiva. Dance-chant by Tüñwüb kachina, accompaniment by Singers society and declamation by two novices of that society. Dramatization of the progress of the Sun. Chant by Wü'wüchimtü society. Dramatization repeated by Wü'wüchimtü society through impersonation of Tai'owa; by Nasha'bki (kiva), through Antelope(?); by Horn society, through Ice kachina; by Agaves, through Hail kachina; by Ta'chüktü. 1892 Dec. 6 Sun chief observes sunset. Dec. 9 Smoke talk. Dec. 10 Sunrise announcement by Crier chief. Dec. 14 Standard up. Assembly. Prayer-stick in Sun spring. Au'halani kachina ritual in Chief kiva ; the trio visit the other kivas. Dec. 17 Hair washing. Prayer-stick making. Altars in the Tewa kivas. Distribution of prayer-feathers. 1

Same date in 1887 and 1889.

β

Alexander Μ. Stephen

Dec. 18 Au'halani out, in afternoon. Corn ears returned. Nima'n kachina impersonators visit all the kivas. Night ceremony in Chief kiva and in Tewa kiva. Dec. 19 Sun prayer-stick making. Dec. 20 Sun Drayer-sticks deposited. "Sun stays in his house for four days." Ceremony concluded, but chief stays on in kiva. Dec. 22 War god fetich removed to permanent place. 1893 Dec. 6 Sun chiefs observe sunset. Dec. 10 Smoke talk. Dec. 11 Sunrise announcement by Crier chief. Dec. 15 Standard up. Assembly by kiva chiefs, who are listed. Prayer-stick in Sun spring. Dec. 18 Hair washing by all, and prayer-stick making. War god fetich set out in Chief kiva. Sunset distribution of prayer-feathers. Dec. 19 Placing of prayer-sticks. Dec. 20 Sim prayer-stick making. Dec. 21 Sun prayer-sticks deposited. Dec. 23 War god fetich removed to permanent place, in maternal house of the Kachina clan. Assembly of chiefs.

JOURNAL 1891 Tuesday, December 22 Sun rises at 7.13; sets, 4.45. The standard 1 (na'chi) on all kivas is the same, müri'ñyauivúh, red shaft woodpecker. Goat kiva standard is a rod of twelve inches and two red shaft woodpecker feathers. Every man makes as follows, this day : wm pa'emi, field prayer-stick; &ffjt 1 ; small stems whitened. From pa'aa, field. \Π8· ta'UM paho, sun prayerVM · t | stick; 4; ehakwa' (blueI I green). vjl b f l ka'û paho, corn prayerΓ' ίίΞ^^Μί'^ stick ; 1 ; white painted, ordinary long (um'pa) prayer-stick. püchpaho, flat prayerstick; 1; thin, flat and notched at end ; antelope tracks. lcwa'a nü'hü ; 1 ; eagle egg of cottonwood, painted white and speckled black.* ho'ñwi or ìcavaiyo, prayerstick for horses ; with many feathers; spotted when the maker wants a spotted (pinto) horse. walca'eh, cattle, prayerFig. 1. Cattle or ox prayer-stick stick for cattle or sheep ; paho) of crucifix form. (Fig. 1.) 5 in. long, (walea'A cross piece l 1 / , in. White White when white sheep with black dote. The white cross are wanted. is the animal's head; the tips of kane'lpaho, sheep prayer- the cross piece, the ear (na'kabü)·, the black line across the tip is for the stick. mouth.

1 Placed in hatchway of a kiva to indicate ceremonial preoccupation below. See Glossary. — Ed. * See p. 569.

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Alexander M. Stephen

Men pass around from house to house as usual delivering, presenting the prayer-feathers.1 They are arrayed in their best duds, but not ceremonially, though all have smear of white on cheeks and forehead, and many feathers tied to the hair, these are called nakwa'lcwoshi na'kwa, prayer-feather plumes. Going down Goat (Chivato) kiva I started to step down to main floor on right hand side of ladder or north side, as is usual, but they all called me back and told me to step down on left hand or south side. I now observe a long prayer-feather (hi'lcsi) hanging from the rafter on the north side of the ladder. About sunset all the members of all the kivas are swarming through the village in groups or singly, presenting their prayerfeathers and good wishes. No altar in any of the kivas; there is really no room for one ; the entire floor, main and upraise is covered with squatting members busy making prayer-feathers and prayer-

Fig. 2. War chief's altar, Goat kiva, Winter solstice ceremony Ti'poni; road prayer-feather; crook (ñülü'kpi) ; ears of corn on top of stone block; water bottle (wiko'zrü) ; tray of prayersticks. 1.—6. animal figurines; 7. star effigy. In front, the si'papü (closed). 1

See p. 46.

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sticks, and before each man is a basket tray in which he lays his emblems as soon as finished. No sleep tonight, they all say. Three quarters of an hour after sunset Ha'ni 1 is going around with a peach basket on his back. He is presenting his prayer-feathers to the women only apparently, each of whom gives him or rather throws in his basket two or more ears of corn tied in packet together. People still busy presenting prayer-feathers, Tom (Keam) and I have a great bundle. In Goatkiva, Pauwati'wa's 2 ti'poni 3 , (Fig. 2) kale'taha múñwt yau'amau (war chief mother), the mother of the animal fetiches, which are set in front of it and are (Figs. 3,4) : (1) wy,ko chft'a, great snake, guard of the other effigies, (2) mosro, burro, (3) waka'ei, ox, (4) kavaiyo, horse, (5) mulo, mule, (6) wuko chü'a, great snake, same as No. 1. All these of cottonwood; all with four short legs. The great snakes also are four legged, with long taper tails. All these animal fetiches are referred to as watchmen (tü'iwla). (7) Orion (Wutom'kamü) (Fig. 5) sits in front. Referring to this star effigy are the terms : chavan'wútalcamü (clustered, the Pleiades) (the beads set in the tip); pokorab tükwabi (ancient, small, white shell; disc beads); kala'haiyi, very ancient bits of mother of pearl ( ? abalone). These form the constellation4 at the tip. The wood handle represents the sky (to'kpela) .... The stone block on which lie ears of corn

Fig. 3. Big snake figurine, War chief's altar 10 in. long, 2 in. high. Painted black with white spots.

Fig. 4. Mule figurine, War chief's altar. Black with yellow head. 1 Representing Chief kiva where the corn will be placed over night on the altar. See pp. 52—53. * Chief of War society and of Goat kiva. — Ed. 3 The paramount fetich of a chief. — Ed. * The Pleiades. The constellation at the handle is Orion. Orion and the Pleiades, these are the two constellations known to the Pueblos. — Ed.

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Alexander M. Stephen

iß in front of the kachina shrine.1 The ti'poni with the road prayerfeather (pü'hiabi naktva'kwoshi)* leading from it, and the animal figurines rest on shallow brown sand (tüvxi'mki). The si'papii* in front is closed.

10 in. long, 2 in. a t widest. Oval end, f l a t ; wooden handle, round. On side not represented, two more bead discs.

Fig. 6. Si'papii slab and plug (Cottonwood hewn by some sort of edged tool other than flint or stone.) 1 Kachinki'hü or icachinki, kachina house, is a niche in ledge a t end of kiva on main floor or an adjacent chamber. Masks and altar paraphernalia are kept here. The kiva ladder is so placed t h a t upon entering t h e kiva the face will always be directed towards t h e kachinki. The ground altar lies in front of it. ' These long string prayer-feathers which have been called road markers (See Dorsey & Voth 1: Pl. VIII) are placed (ta'bi) on altars as " r o a d " for fetich spirits or on trails for t h e kachina, etc. — Ed. 3 The small pit, a b o u t a foot square, in t h e kiva floor which h a s a ritual connection with t h e under world. I t is covered with a wooden slab with a perforation over t h e pit. The perforation is fitted with a plug. (Fig. 6).

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Pauwati'wa says his ti'poni is mother of all these four animal», not of game animal« . . . . All the mem bere, aleo men from other kivas, fasten prayer-feathers on the necks of these and on the handle of the star effigy, their desires for animals, grass, water, etc. Pauwati'wa says that all these animals are virtually his, because he holds the mother of them. That all these kinds of animale now in the hands of other people came through this same mother and are all virtually his, they came through the Hopi. That I should tell this to the Navajo and show them how great a sin they commit in stealing Hopi animals to barter for guns, etc. That all people came through the same si'papü, no, not all, the Hopi and Americans came up through the same si'papü. Americans went east to the house of the Sun and returned part way. The Hopi had followed the white men's trail, but halted now where they are. They separated on the road (the Hopi), the Snake clan going to Toko'nabI; the Horn clan went east from that mountain and then came here, etc. I went to Chief kiva. They are singing and one is playing the flute ; a whitened horn headdress lies on the hatchway and Wë'hë 1 sits on the hatchway at the ladder as guard. He will not allow me to f enter. He calls down that I am there. One comes up and shakes hands, but says I must not come down. This at 8 P. M. At that time the chiefs were sitting in Chief kiva as indicated in Fig 7. Group in Chief kiva, Fig. 7. On a circle of valley sand are Winter solstice ceremony, three intersecting meal lines and creDec. 22, 1801 nellate bowl (ña'k&yipi) — around J. Ha'ni standing up and playing these the semicircle. They sang and the flute. 2. Si'mo. 3. Successor prayed, as in this ceremony in the of Si'mo. 4. Wiki. 6. Anawi'ta. other kiva, and all were squatted β. Wi'nüta. 7.Tüwae'mi. 8. Ko'except IJa'ni, who stood playing the pell. 9. Su'peià with crenellate bowl in front of him. 10.—11. flute. After the ceremony was ended, Probably Ü'üwa and Süñoltl'wa ; a man stood on the main floor on possibly others. south side of the ladder holding a basin of medicine-water (ña'küyi), and as each one who had taken part passed by, he took the basin of medicine-water and drank from it and went up the ladder and across to the ruined house on the south side and knelt down and vomited. Every one who took part did this. 1 A chief in the Tewa kiva, Pen'date. He appears to have a warrior function, probably as member of the Horn society. — Ed.

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Alexander M. Stephen

About 9 P. M. Wikya'tïwa comes into his house with a mouthful of medicine from his kiva (Goat) and spurts it toward the ceiling, the four walls, the floor and over the stuff hanging on poles and pegs along the walls.1 The Goat people tell me that the Len'baki 2 (?Flute person) celebrate in Chief kiva tonight and Ha'ni plays the flute, flageolet fashion, one finger. Also that Squash has been telling that he has seen drawings of kiva objects, etc. in books at our house in the Cañón. This is the reason why they would not permit me to go down Chief kiva this evening. He is a damned liar for I am certain he never saw a single eketch in any of my books. They also talk of Tewa women having seen sketches. This may be. Dr. Fewkes, I think, showed his sketch book to some of them unthinkingly. I t reads a moral how careful we must be of our sketch books hereafter. In Goat kiva: patú'ñshibu'shi, patú'ñshi (squash blossom), an effigy set around with spruce twigs; cotton string wound round stem of shrub (tilmo'aia), string close laid and painted dark yellow (da'shkyabï). The crook with ritual ear of corn (ñwelü'kpi cho'chimiñwa) is in the hands of Wikya'tïwa. Pü'chi and Ka'chi make clay effigies of oxen, one each, very good. These with prayer-feathers attached to necks, and set at altar in Goat kiva, tomorrow morning at sunrise will be set at cattle corral near Wiki's house. Pako'kaiki is a long staff, five feet long, one and one-half inches in diameter, trimmed at end with eagle and turkey feathers set around plume fashion, with all the regular prayer-sticks made in Goat kiva fastened in around the feathers with cotton string. This and the hihi'lcwishjñ, the prayer-feathers of which are eagle feathers, some of them wing feathers, fastened on one long cotton string which must be forty or fifty feet long and laid over the shrub in bights. Three young men quite naked save for breech cloth, one bears a tray, large, of prayer-meal, the other two bear each one of the other two objects and without ceremony take them to Chief kiva at 10.30 P. M. T. V. K. and I follow the young men bearing the objects from Goat kiva to Chief kiva. They bring two chairs down and seat us at the east end against the wall. The kiva is quite full of men, except that the center of the main floor is clear. The novices (five or six) that I saw sitting in this kiva at Na'ashnaiya (Wü'wüchím)3 are 1 This -was a conclusive rite in the War chief's ceremony in Goat kiva which Stephen did not see. Cp. Dorsey & Voth 1:18—26. a This reference is obscure. In the Glossary the term is defined as a single person (inthis case, Flute person) going into altar place. Seep. 47. — E d . 3 See pp. 965—966.

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solstice ceremony, 1891. (For t e r m s for markings see Glossary.)

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Alexander M. Stephen

donning kilte and white decoration. About fourteen of the principal men etrip off and squat along the north wall; just before this, Ha'ni sprinkled moist valley sand along the north side of the main floor and on the upraise at the foot of the ladder. The three Agave novices from Goat kiva come in. All ten novices are arrayed in white kilts, white decoration on body (Fig. 8) and bright plume on scalp, ritual corn ear in hand. They pass in front of the elders and squat on the sand close against the elders and, backs against elders' knees, all face toward the center of the main floor. Anawi'ta1 alone is seated on the main floor near the south side, facing the elders. The elders carefully lift the kilte of the novices so that they sit with bare hips on the sand. Su'pelà sits on the west end of the line next the altar. (Fig. 9). I note Siñoití'wa, Ho'ñi, Si'mo, Ha'ni, Naehíñ'weve in this line of squatted elders. Anawi'ta afterwards comes over and equate

Fig. 9. Altar in Chief kiva, Winter solstice ceremony, 1891 1

Chief of Chief kiva.

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on the east end oi it. The members of Chief kiva squat on the upraise, ïn 'tiwa sits next me. The Horn kiva men come down and squat here also. One old man sits by the fireplace maintaining a flame with dry sumac (shil'bi). They will tolerate no candles and scowl askance at my notebook, hence I have scrawled rude memoranda in the dark on some succeeding pages and on the fly leaves at the back of this book. All being seated, there is a complete silence for about two minutes. Then Su'pelä1 casts a handful of meal toward Pa'lülükoña2 and utters a fervent prayer of two or three minutes duration. The elders have all provided themselves with a handful of prayer-meal before sitting down. On conclusion of his prayer, the effigy of Pa'lülükoña gently raises its head (Fig. 10) (which is all of the effigy visible) and utters four mellow groaning roars,3 the head shaking and vibrating with intensity. It is then depressed till it rests as before on the lower edge of the circular aperture in the large gourd forming its frame, convex side out. Then are heard six light strokes, as of a rod drawn across a notched stick. The next elder then casts his meal offering, and this is repeated along the line. After each prayer, Pa'lülükoña raises his head and utters four groans, followed by six rasps. The prayers concluded, the Horn men go up and Anawi'ta squats on the main floor near the fireplace, a little south of it and facing it. Then come down the Horn men again, with feathers and parts of wings plentifully displayed over the upper parts of their bodies, their heads especially almost covered with small white downy feathers attached to the hair. They all have short pieces of reed concealed in the mouth and as they come rushing down the ladder they dash in a fluttering hunkering way, hips on heels, and bounding on toes, clearly imitating a flock of birds. They pass up in a cluster to the west end of the line of novices uttering a rather pleasing imitation of young birds in a flock and pass down in their dance before the novices, from west to east, their faces passing close in front of those of the novices, and thence they dash back up the ladder in a hurry. This bird act occupies three or four minutes. There are seated on the upraise two very old white haired women4 and Kwüma'letsi, these are the only females in kiva. The old women Chief of the Winter solstice ceremony. The Horned water serpent. — E d . 3 His roar is ever a characteristic of the Horned water serpent. See p. 299, where it is referred to as "water talk". For Zuñi, see Parsons 3 : 1 5 6 ; Jemez, Parsons 18:78. * Presumably ex-impersonators. See Dorsey & Voth 1 : 3 0 n. — Ed. 1

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have each a tray of meal a round which is set a circle of corn ears set on end and attached together with yucca. The trays look as if each carried a coronet made of corn ears. The trays are quite large, twelve inches in diameter, the corn ears sit well out round the periphery. Just before the "birds" entered, a ball of meal was thrown down through the hatchway, striking and breaking apart about in the middle of the main floor about opposite the north end of the si'papii plank. At 11.35 a ball of meal (about the size of an ordinary snow ball) is thrown down the hatchway, breaking on the main floor about opposite the south end of the si'papii plank. Enters a well made young man, Hawk youth, Kih'sha ti'yo, in his decoration closely resembling the Antelope on the concluding day of the Snake ceremony, parroquet plume on scalp, chin blackened and thin white line from jaws passing along upper lip, bare feet blackened. In right hand a crook (ñwelü'kpi) ; in left, an ear of corn. Stepping from the upraise to the main floor, he hunkers down, hips about touching heels, but moving solely on the very tips of his toes. The chorus of six elders in the eouthwest corner sing a fine soft melody, and he slowly approaches in swaying rhythm along the main floor to the si'papii, reaching which he rises erect and stamps vigorously upon it. As he stamps, Anawi'ta shouts, "Kwakwai!" Thanks ! He then walks back to the foot of the ladder and repeats as above. This for eight times. Two of the elders rise and one of them gives him eight rods, four of which he holds by the ends in each hand. From the upper end of each dangles a dried weasel skin. 1 He holds them vertically. They are called ma'chvuñta ( ? hand held). (Fig. 11). The other elder

Fig. 11. Rods with weasel skin, held by Hawk youth, Winter solstice ceremony, 1891 12 in. long. 1 A weasel skin is used by Hawk man in tho Winter solstice ceremony of Oraibi. (Dorsey & Voth 1:34).

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Alexander M. Stephen

holde in his hand a frame of willow rods about two feet square. It is an arrangement of eight rods crossing one another at equidistant spaces, four rods vertical and four horizontal bound at the intersections with yucca strips, and at each intersection is fastened a squash blossom effigy (same kind of effigy as described in Goatkiva). There are thus sixteen of these and ae the frame is held vertical the blossoms are displayed as if projecting from a stalk at each intersection. Called shi'irUa, the shaken (object). (Fig. 12).

Fig. 12. Squash blossom frame, held by Hawk maiden, Winter solstice ceremony, 1891. 8 willow rods; 16 effigies of squash blossom.

Enters a maiden, Kwüma'letsi, arrayed in the same costume as worn by Spider maiden when she enacted the character of Snake maiden at the Snake ceremony. She personates Kih'sha ma'na, Hawk maiden. Same white tunics and mantles and knotted belt, blackened chin with white line over lip and blackened hands and bare feet, hair falling loose down the back. She is given the squash blossom frame which she holds vertical by grasping the outer side pieces. Youth and maiden then step upon the si'papü plank as the chorus begins and to it they move in a gliding step from end to end of the plank (five or six feet), the youth vigorously stamping. They move in unison, keeping close together. Tbe maiden shakes the frame vigorously to cause the blossoms to fall off, which they all do except one. The kiva is very hot, stifling. They continue this dance without halt for twenty minutes when the maiden staggers fainting. This seems to be a recognized occurrence and causes no

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unusual commotion, some of the men of Chief kiva reach her before she falls and they carry her up the ladder. Her faint developed some sort of epileptic fit, but she soon recovered and came back down the kiva in about half an hour and eat beeide her father 1 through the night. While the maiden kept continually shaking the frame, the youth at certain strains of the song laid down his rods, one at a time, in the little meal heape made by the breaking meal balls, and as the song continued he resumed them, one at a time. After the maiden fainted, he danced five minutes longer and had then picked up all his rods. The song ceased. He then gave back his rods to Anawi'ta and dipping the aspergili in the crenellate bowl, he aspersed to the cardinal points in front of the altar, and then in a very exhausted state went up the ladder. The novices and some of the elders are still in their squat positions along the north wall. Immediately after tha youth goes up, another ball is thrown down and a man enters with a very large eagle wing fastened extended from shoulder to elbow and wrist on each arm. He personates Kwa'chakwa. He has parroquet plume on his scalp and the long narrow green tablet on his back, a bell at garter of right leg, and in his right hand a clanking cluster of scapulse. He waves his wings and clanks over the novices. The chorus began as soon as he entered. He advances to the si'papü, stamps first with left foot, then with right, beating time to the chorus. He wears white kilt and white decoration. He delivers his clanker to Anawi'ta and receives the eight rods with the weasel skins. These he lays down and picks up as the youth did, but in quicker time. His whole dance occupies ten minutes. Then at 12.10 enters to join him a party of three or four personages. One of them wears a white mask, rather rude, and a fine white cotton woven jacket, a Hopi garment new to me. White mask chants in a recitative way, repeating the same phrase twelve times, of which I could only make out "toko, toko". All now rise up and join in a circle and all join in song as they move with slow side paces west, south, east, north, etc. The novices join as also do the old women bearing their trays of meal and vertical corn ears. One woman has black corn ears, the other red, and the maiden carries a bouquet of spruce surrounding a squash blossom in her right hand. After circling and singing twenty minutes, the trays are taken from the old women and set on the side of the altar, the character persons go out, the others resume their seats. Part of the novices stand on the north, part on the south side of the main 1

Uñ'wüei.

2*

20

Alexander M. Stephen

floor. The five or six elders resume seats at the southwest corner, and Anawi'ta, his former squat near the fireplace. One of the elders __ with gourd rattle (pa'aya, Fig. 13) ^rrwMii" ^Ψ} now takes his stand on the upraise * «Im I c l o s e beside and on the north side of F 13 G d ttl the ladder which he grasps with his left Fig. 13. our ratt e hand. He stands there throughout, rattling, but most of the time stooping and rattling toward the main floor. This rattling is continued throughout the succeeding declamations and whenever the chorus is singing which is all the time with but few minutes of interval. At 12.35 another ball is thrown down and Tüñwüb kachina enters.1 (Snow man, someone whispers.) He wears a chaplet from which project three semicircular thin leaves, white with black border, these are "clouds", and a wig of spruce twigs. These "leaves" or "clouds" are at the base of the long diameter of the head and about eight inches high; the twigs, from four to eight inches long depend from the base of the ornamental fillet from which the leaves project (Fig. 14a). He has a white decoration on the body and a white kilt. In his left hand, a red corn ear and small net gourd; in his right hand, a staff about four feet six inches long, lower third black, the rest of it, green. At the top of it two radiating eagle feathers (kwa'jril) project and a plume of red hair (pala'httmi) depends from its tip. Fastened to it is a crook (ñwelü'kpi). (Fig. 15).

Fig. 15. Staff carried by impersonators in Winter solstice ceremony, 1891 Referred to as planting stick (ahoya).

As he steps down on the main floor he halts on the north side of the fireplace and salutes Anawi'ta. Then in fine sonorous utterance begins to intone, punctuating his speech with vigorous stamps upon the floor with both foot and staff. He is asking for (or is bringing) all desirable good things. I detect an enumeration of all food plants, foods, rains, winds, flowing water, etc. These seem to be grouped in stanzas, occupying about three minutes in recital. 1 Not so, the home of Tüñwüb is Ki'shyuba, the mountain spring of the kachina, 30 miles to the northwest. This impersonation is O'mauwu, Cloud, from PdJa/tkwabï. See p. 54 n. 2.

W.

Fig. 14.

M •Μ*

Headdresses worn in Chief kiva, Winter solstice ceremony, 1891 a, cloud (o'mau na'kwata). b, squash blossom (patú'ñshi na'kwa). c, " m a n y flowers" (sin'kvoa na'kwa). d, ice (patii'shüñüla na'kiva). e, hail ßemo'biia na'kwa).

22

Alexander M. Stephen

At the end of each he elevates his voice and in a curious gait of rapid short shuffles he approaches the si'papü, on reaching which he shouts at the top of his voice and springs upon it, then shuffles back and forth along its length, constantly rapping on it with the end of his staff, accompanying the movement with deep rolling exclamation. As he springs on the plank, Anawi'ta and all on the main floor shout their thanks. The rattle shaker at the ladder constantly shakes his rattle throughout, and this concert of sounds is said to imitate the thunder and rain storms accompanying the fertilizing showers which constitute their chief blessing. O'mauwû, Cloud, shuffles on the plank but a short while, then returns to his former position near the fireplace and resumes his intoning, the whole of it occupying twenty minutes. He then delivers his staff, corn ear, and gourd to Anawi'ta, who thanks him. Meanwhile an assistant (suggesting a supe at a theater) has been watching from the hatchway, and now rushes down the ladder with a splendid sun shield which he delivers to O'mauwû just tus he had surrendered his staff. The supe retires to the upraise. It is now 12.55. The shield1 is circular and about fifteen inches in diameter, painted a dark green. Its peripheiy is surrounded with a handsome lozenge braid of corn husk, and eagle feathers, eighteen to twenty inches long, set as close as possible together, radiate around the entire periphery. The quills of the feathers are set in a stout circular fillet attached to the reverse of the shield. The diameter from tip to tip of the feathers on shield is about three and one-half feet. In center of the shield on a white disc clouds are painted red, yellow and white, with surrounding lines and rain lines in black. (PI. Ia). Throughout the declamation, seven or eight men of the Singers society stood on each side of the main floor against north and south walls, naked save for breech cloth, but without any special decoration, at least in the rush of occurrences I failed to observe any. The shield bearer now stood upon the si'papü plank, and the chorus of six in the southwest corner took up a new song, a low, soft melody of very agreeable cadence. At certain parts a refrain occurred which was sung by those standing against the walls, while the shield bearer sang throughout a curious solo staccato and almost falsetto. A very remarkable concerted piece, and with much melody, even harmony. In the center of each line of the Singers, stood a novice arrayed in the striking novice costume, simple, but artistic and picturesque. 1 This shield and the others to be described are all called moisture shield.

patii'poota,

PLATE I

Shields carried in Chief kiva, Winter solstice ceremony, 1891, by impersonators of: a. Cloud, b. Tai'owa. c. Chü'biowüh. d. Ice. e. Agave chief, f. Tüñwüb. g. Sun. Eagle feathers set in corn husk radiate all around.

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23

A bright coloured cluster of plumage on the scalp, his long glossy hair hanging loose down the back; white clay body decoration; white end embroidered kilt girt round the loins with coloured girdle ; bare legs and feet with white clay decoration, neck lavishly adorned with necklaces of white shell disc, coral, and turquoise. In the right hand, the crook with ritual corn ear, in left hand, the squash blossom effigy in a bouquet of spruce twigs. While the concerted piece is in progress the novice on the north side steps out in front of the line and extends his right arm at full length laterally, and bends his left arm across his chest, so that facing the south both hands point toward the west or northwest. As he makes this motion he begins chanting in his highest tones: Mü'iya Ho'iya Mü'iya Ho'iya

(shifts his arms and points southeast) so'ahü (shifts his arms and again points northwest) eiiee (shifts his arms and again points southeast) so'ehü (shifts his arms back and forth rapidly) eiiee

The first and third lines of the chant invoke moisture to come (or he says "flow") from the directions in which he points; the second and fourth invoke vegetation as typified by the squash blossom in his hand to which he alludes. He then moves on the si'papii (faces toward ladder) and repeats the chant and gestures, then resumes his place. The novice on the south side steps in front of his line and pointing to the northeast and southwest alternately gesticulates and chants as the first did, then moves close to the fireplace, on the north side of it, facing toward the altar, and repeats the invocation, then resumes his place. The concerted song and invocations occupy five minutes. At 1 o'clock the shield bearer stamps upon the si'papii, where he has been standing and posturing beautifully, throughout, and at this eignal nearly all of the Singers (whose place of cult is this kiva) arrange themselves in two irregular groups on the north and south side of the main floor, facing each other, and all burst forth into song, shouting vehemently, the shield bearer making eccentric dashes among them, first to one side, then to the other. While this ecstatic song lasts he continues these short swift rushes, and the groups, although in constant vigorous motion of low, rebounding springs, restrain themselves in crouching postures, as if in expectancy, and meet his onrushes by springing erect and repelling him to the si'papü. Thus from right to left, i. e. to north and south, he continues his mad oscillations, but throughout he swings his shield in rhythmic motion, and the dancers beat their feet in astonishing unison to the impetuous movement of their frantic strains.

24

Alexander M. Stephen

They will not permit me to light candles which we brought, and an old man maintains a light by steadily feeding the fire with dry twigs of greasewood, but this small fire with the crowded numbers present bring the kiva to a glowing furnace heat. Hence this violent drama is of short duration. In less than three minutes the shield bearer staggers with exhaustion and the supe runs forward and receives his shield and he disappears up the upraise, where some of the men of this kiva are in readiness to receive him. He faints and they carry him up the ladder. All of the posturing has been superb, and as a mimic assault the dramatic action intensely exciting, but there is no real conflict. The light feather-rayed shield is dashed from face to face, and the groups make as if they would seize it, but they no more than touch it with their outspread hands. But although to the observer this so vividly suggests an assault, yet the motive of this primitive drama is quite the opposite; it represents the Sun deity beginning his yearly shield-bearing journey, but hesitating whether or not to travel over the Hopi region, and this religious society of Singers thus display or typify their efforts to constrain him to his accustomed path. It has also some connection with the traditions of early sun making in the underworld when great disasters resulted from the first experiments in carrying the sun; sometimes it was too close and people were burned, again it was too far away and people were left in cold and darkness. At 1.05 A. M. a ball of meal is thrown down, striking about the center of the main floor, and ten Wü'wüchímtü, naked save for breech cloth, come down the ladder and file around to the south side of the main floor. Two of them, bearing squash blossom effigy in the spruce bouquet form, pass up on same side close to the upraise, detached from the other group. These two stand together, facing each other, and sing throughout the whole of this act (except during assault) a soft monotonous chant, a not unpleasant undertoned accompaniment of the other songs. Tala'hoya follows the last Wü'wüchímtü wearing a squash blossom coronet. I can not distinguish its details. It seems to be made of spruce twigs in foliage and feathers, with large squash blossom effigies set round the fillet. (Fig. 14b). He also wears a white kilt, body red stained, legs and arms stained yellow and green in opposition, also has sun tablet on his back and carries staff and small gourd same as the preceding personage. He intones and shuffles to the si'papü as did the former also. The novices gesticulate—practically the former act is repeated. The shield he receives from an attendant just as the preceding personage did. The white

Hop*

Journal

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star in the shield is Tala'shohü (Morning star). (PI. Ib.)· His coronet is called patú'ñshi na'ìcwa (squash blossom headdress), and they tell me he represents Tai'owa 1 , the son of Sun, hailing from a white mountain a t the northwest end of Zuñí mountains. (This is correct.) These Wü'wüchímtü are from Wikwa'lobi kiva, of which Tala'hoya is chief. At 1.35 the struggle begins, continuing three minutes, and Tala'hoya is carried fainting to the ladder and dragged up by some of t h e Singers who stand near the ladder in expectancy of such occurrence. The other Wü'wüchímtü go up before the altar and t a k e meal from the tray over which they pray and cast it on t h e altar. One or two of them had also to retire in a faint. These ten Wü'wüchímtü have the curious arrangement of hair suggesting the style worn by maidens. 1 They have a black stripe across eyes from temples and another black stripe across mouth from jaws. A t 1.40 another meal ball is thrown down, then enter twelve from Nasha'bki, 3 naked save for breech cloth. These are followed b y Nüvau'wína impersonating Chü'biowüh, Antelope or his representative. (See about this, as Ü'üwa I have always understood to be chief of this kiva. See as toNa'shabïtï pokamûh, [the kiva animal]). 4 He wears an elaborate headdress with antelope horns on each side of the fillet. His headdress is called sin'lca na'kwa (many flowers). (Fig. 14c). Squash effigies also on headdress. Chü'biowüh* pertains to the ruins at Antelope Valley. H e intones as did the others for twenty minutes and, as they did, gives up his staff and gourd to Anawi'ta and receives from attendant the shield (PL Ic). Corn husk around periphery with four squash effigies. As with the other shields eagle feathers radiate all around. The novices gesticulate as did the others. 1

Patron supernatural of the Wü'wüchímtü. — Ed. * In side whorle or wheels. — Ed. 5 A long while ago the Horn clan occupied Nasha'bki, calling it Chü'bmo, hence the name of the pillar rock near this kiva — Chü'bmo, Antelope mound. But see pp. 327, 361. 4 Certain creatures are associated with certain ceremonial groups (see pp. 307, 830, 850) and to these Stephen refers as "pete" rather than fetich animals or insects. With kiva organization proper there are no such associations. — Ed. 5 His house at Tü'ma just beyond Hukya'tüwi in the eastern range (Maps 8, 9) is whe re the tü'ma (white clay) is procured for whitening all kachina, because it smells sweet. The white clay for housewaahing is obtained near Crow spring on the west side of First Mesa (Map 3) and thia smells offensive to the kachinas.

26

Alexander M. Stephen

At 2.08 begins the struggle to continue for almost three minutes, when the leader is dragged up the ladder in a faint. The others sprinkle meal on the altar from the tray and go out. At 2.15 meal ball thrown down and about twenty of the Horn members enter from Horn kiva. White clay body decoration and white kilts, but only supported by strings, not ornamental girdles. They stand on both sides main floor. Their chief follows them down. This, I think, is Ka'kaptï. He wears a fillet of spruce wreaths which surrounds the base of a triple horn, black and glistening, made of split gourds. These horns are at least a foot high. (Fig. 14d). This headdress is called patil'ehüñüla na'hwa (patti,'shüñwa, ice). In his hands, staff, gourd and ear of corn such as the others preceding him carried. Body decoration white, forearms and legs from knee down, solid white. He intones and shuffles on the si'papü nearly thirty minutes, and at 2.45 got shield from attendant. The shield is surrounded with feather rays as the others, the kachina in the oval depicted in colours with great nicety. (PI. Id). This is Patü'shüñüla kachina. His home is in the ice caves of San Francisco Mountains. The novices then gesticulate as did the former ones, and assault is made at 2.50, continuing full five minutes. This is the fiercest assault yet and longest continued. The kachina impersonator faints at 2.55 and is supported up ladder. This Ice kachina wears instead of kilt an arrangement of long deerskin thongs, depending from girdle to knee. At 2.57 a meal ball is thrown down. Enter Pü'chi and another unmasked, with white meal rubbed on faces. White clay decoration and white kilts. Squash effigy spruce bouquet. They relieve the other two chanters who then go out. These two then occupy their place, at once beginning the same chant, Ha-wi-hi-a-a-wi, etc. At 2.58 the Agaves come in wearing white kilts and without helmets, their hair hanging loose as has hung the hair of all the society members who have been here. Another man also relieves the man at the foot of the ladder who must be very tired, in fact looks almost ready to faint. He had rattled almost constantly since the beginning. The new man takes the same rattle and place. At 3.00 A. M. the chief comes down. Solid white decoration on sides, representing snow. On head a modified form of the Agave gourd helmet, thickly sprinkled with white eagle down, perhaps cotton. (Fig. 14e). The four clouds alternate black and white. This is the Hail headdress (hmo'bita na'kwa, lemo'tva, hail). Wears white kilt with gray foxskin hanging from loins. Staff in right hand and

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27

in left hand, aside from email gourd and ear of corn, he also carries by its string handle a chief stick1 (mo'ñicohü), an effigy of theHorned water serpent. This bearer is Ü'üwa, at least so George says. I can not recognize him as there is a black maskette over the upper part of his face. A coronet or wreathed fillet surrounds helmet; large goggle eyes are attached or depicted on maskette and from its base curves a snout (mo'chobûh). Four semi-circles, clouds, surround base of helmet in front and rear, these are black and at the sides white. He represents the Agave chief. His house is called Lakon'abva, spring of La'lakontii. It is not a great distance west from San Francisco Mountains. It is a large spring of sweet (good) water but is always in commotion, and animals fear to drink it, perhaps the kachina there are angry. The Agave chief (Kwa'nü moñwí) intones twenty-five minutes and gets shield (Pl. Ie) from attendant at 3.25. The novices gesticulate as others had done. One of these is Jack. Assault at 3.30 continued four minutes. Agave chief is carried up in a faint1 at 3.34. Other members sprinkle meal on the altar and go out. At 3.40 a meal ball is cast down, enters a demon figure in black, face also black (unmasked), the eyes painted in two white lozenges a remarkable figure, called Po'shiadta( ?).3 Reaching the main floor, he beckons to others to come down, then enter two finely arrayed figures bearing arrows and bows in their hands. About sixteen Ta'chûktii wearing their typical knobbed masks enter, naked save for breech cloth. The heat is so oppressive they all push their masks off the face. They arrange themselves on south side and then their chief enters, a fine athlete wearing an elaborate maskette with an ox horn projecting from each side, Tüñwiib kachina, from Kishyu'babï. He wears the coronet (kopa'chokiata). Body stained dark or blackish, forearms and legs below knee solid white and instead of a kilt he wears a fringe of corn ears depending from his girdle, red hair also forms part of this fringe. Staff in right hand, gourd and corn ear in left hand. Intones twenty minutes and gets shield (PL If), at 4.00 A. M. This is the fiercest and best sustained assault of all and is maintained four minutes. Of the novices who gesticulate with these Ta'chûktii I recognize Oliver. Ah'pa carries the shield. Assault from 4.05 to 4.09, and this chief manages to stagger up the ladder with the assistance of one man. (See as to 1 These horizontal sticks or bare are associated with kachina chiefly impersonations and the Powâmû society. See Index. — Ed. 2 N o illness, they say, follows these faints. [Possibly mock faints dramatizing, according to Emergence lore, early human sacrifice. — Ed.] 3 Possibly Posh'aiankya, a Zuñi personage. Seepp. 281—282, also Fig, 461.

28

Alexander M. Stephen

their connection or similarity to the Chaajïni (Black Ears) of the Navajo.) Are these properly Chükü'wîmkya ?x At 4.10 A. M. a meal ball is thrown and two Wü'wüchímtü from Sichomovi enter and relieve the two chanters of the Agaves. These two are naked save for breech cloth and carry bouquet as other chanters. About twelve other Sichomovi Wü'wüchímtü8 enter and stand on the south side of the main floor, and their chief enters at 4.12. His hair hangs loose and on the top of his head there are a plume of parroquet feathers and some sort of coronet arrangement, called len'ei na'lcwa because it was ornamented with len'si (generic for figurine) projecting from its arches. On his back, a skin sun disc (same as depicted on shield) surrounded with rays of turkey feathers. Body stained red, left forearm and right lower leg green, right arm and left leg yellow. White kilt and foxskin depending from girdle. Staff in right hand and gourd and corn ear in left. He also has a small white sun rosette on left side of head. He represents Sun chief (Ta'wa moñwí).3 The impersonator is Shîlau'tiwa. Before Sun chief begins to intone, all the other Wü'wüchímtü remove the breech cloth without detaching it from the etring but so as to expose the penis, and they remain thus through the act. Sun chief declaims twenty-three minutes and is given shield (PI. Ig) by attendant at 4.35; the outer disc is black, the inner disc is surrounded with plaited corn husk. Four grown men, old members, gesticulate instead of novices, but in exactly the same manner. At 4.40 assault for three minutes. One of the ordinary members staggers out fainting, and at 4.43 the chief half fainting staggers to the ladder and is assisted out by some of the Singers. The other Wü'wüchímtü sprinkle meal and return to their kiva at Sichomovi. At 4.45 the person who manipulated the Water serpent effigy in the earlier performances had not yet come from his concealment behind the altar. Shoya'l kachina, youth and maiden, dance in public at Walpi on this final day, but I did not see them. 1

No, see pp. 157—158. — Ed. Λ

* George (Uñ'wüsi) says these are Sichomovi Horn society members. (See about this.) A. M. S. Note that their chief is a Horn. — Ed. 3 The Sun, not the Sun -watcher (see p. 30). Here Sun is associated with the Sun shrine (Ta'wakiata) at Sichomovi. — Ed.

30

Alexander M. Stephen JOURNAL 1892

Tuesday, December 6 Kwa'chakwa, Sun chief (Ta'wa moñwi), still continues hie observations at sunset, accompanied by Su'pelä, chief of Winter solstice ceremony, on the flat house roof of the house group I live in. He sits on the roof against the west wall of the house of Pauwati'wa's mother. Tonight was the first really clear sunset we have had. He says that in three days the sun will set in the notch made where Eldon Mesa intersects. (Fig. 16). See Map 4. On Sunday night about an inch of snow fell, and Monday was cold and squally. Today has been clear with a keen cold wind. Wednesday, December 7 Sunset was clear this evening and I observed it alone. Kwa'chakwa is weaving in kiva, but did not come up. Friday, December 9 Only cotton grown in this vicinity, as Wi'pho 1 , Chilibasa or other Hopi locality, is used for the spinning of strings to be used in the prayer-sticks and prayer-feathers of this coming feast (Winter solstice ceremony). I have examined all the cotton yet in use and I see none but the Tusayan. They are not yet, of course, spinning the strings, but are bartering with one another and collecting supplies, as every man makes numerous prayer-feathers. Tüwas'mi came up to my room where Wi'nüta was and gave him about a peck of Tusayan cotton bolls and this led to the remark (quoted above) by Wi'nüta, but on the other hand, both Kwa'chakwa and Su'pelä have begged orders on the store, from me, expressly for Pa'han ptishü'bi, American cotton, to be used in making prayer-sticks, etc. May be Wi'nüta meant that in Horn kiva only Tusayan cotton may be used. I must see about this tomorrow. Tomorrow morning Ho'ñi, Crier chief, Chaa'kmoñwí, will announce the Winter solstice ceremony. Saturday, December 10 Just as the sun began to peer over the eastern plateaus, Ho'ñi, standing on the roof of his maternal family house, the house of Sha'liko, announced the Winter solstice ceremony. Men are to meet in all the kivas on the fourth day from now. Last night after sunset, the following six assembled at the Sun house (ta'waki)2: Su'pelä, Kwa'chakwa, Anawi'ta, Sikya'ustiwa, A place of springs, three miles north of Walpi. In the house of Vensi (Kwiima'wünsi) in Walpi, a Patki clan house. See p. 54. 1

2

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31

Sakwi'stiwa, Kwa'a. After filling the pipe with tobacco and smoking in succession, they consulted, and it being determined that the sun had reached ite approportionate setting place, they determined to have Crier chief announce the Winter solstice ceremony on the following (this) morning. I was anxious to see this preliminary meeting, but not one of them warned me. Wednesday, December 14 1

Wednesday Dec. 14—

I day

Thursday

„

15— I I day

Friday

„

16— I I I day

Saturday Sunday Monday Tuesday Wednesday Thursday

„ „ „ „ „ „

17— IV 18— V 19— VI 20— VII 21—VIII 22— I X

day day day day day day

yüñini, will meet, yü'ñya, the assembly 4 - aoshkahi'müi, all do nothing also ehüehta'la, first day komo'ktoto'kya, wood carrying sleep toto'kya, sleep (pi.) ti'hû, effigy, impersonation o'vekniwa, loitering, holiday

In Chief kiva a standard of two feathers from the wing of the red shaft woodpecker bound to a willow rod, two feet long, painted black, is set up at sunrise. (Fig. 17). An ear of corn effigy, of wood painted in black and white, six inches long, one and onehalf inches in diameter (Fig. 18), is made

Fig. 18. Prayer-stick of ear of corn effigy, Winter solstice ceremony

For ceremonial day count see App. 1. — Ed. The ceremony is curtailed because no novices have been initiated this year. When novices have been initiated at the preceding Wü'wüchlm ceremony, eight days intervene between announcement and assembly. 1

2

Fig. 17. Chief kiva standard ( Shoya' 1 na'chi), Winter solstice ceremony

32

Alexander M. Stephen by Su'pelä; to it a turkey feather "wrapper", 1 and sprigs of bam'navi and white sage (kü'iñyá) are bound with the "lunch"* by the cotton string. A green-blue prayer-stick (a pair) with facet on the female stick (Fig. 19) — one set made by each of these three: Ha'ni, Anawi'ta, and Kwa'a — and all made in Chief kiva, just after noon. After smoking over them in tray, by the four makers, Su'pelä bound the four prayer-sticks to a bit of peeled willow wand, two feet long, this is then called paho'eo'mni (prayer-stick tied), and was given by Su'pelä to Kwa'a with a handful of prayer-meal to be deposited at Tawa'pa, Sun spring.3 Kwa'a made the offering about 1 P. M. No songs, no altar. In the tray of prayer-meal are prayerfeathers (eagle underwing feather and yellowbird, sikya'chi), one for the man and two for the woman who hold the corn trays, etc., tonight when the kachina return, and one road prayer-feather to be laid in place when the plug of the si'papii is withdrawn — tonight, Su'pelä says. All Winter solstice prayer-feathers have the triple needle of the pine attached. Wikwa'lobi kiva has the same standard as Chief kiva. Nothing going on ceremonially, a few of the members are here at their usual occupations, 1

Koyo'ño üshiadia. This is the erect feather bound at back of prayer-sticks t o Fig. 19. Prayer-sticks, Winter represent a blanket, possibly a reference to solstice ceremony the ancient turkey feather blanket. — Ed. 1 Facet on female (ma'na j stick, For this food offering on prayer-sticks, yellow pigment (da'shkyabi) see p. 56. — Ed. s •with three black spots; sage Below the mesa, on the east side. Of sprig back of turkey feathers; all the sacred springs it receives the greatest bam navi sprig at base. number of offerings. — Ed.

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spinning, sewing, shoemaking. No prayer-sticks are made here. They say only the chiefs make prayer-sticks and that in Chief kiva; in four days they will make prayer-sticks here. Nasha'bki has the eame standard as Chief kiva. No ceremonial, but ten members here all busy at ordinary avocations come to notice. They are all either spinning or carding cotton. Ü'üwa is chief here, and I notice here Nashüñ'weve, Sikya'piki, Sikya'hoña'va, Ho'nau, in fact, as some of them warned me a few days ago, I find men from all the different kivas.1 In three days is prayer-stick making. Then they will make plenty here. Tomorrow there is to be a rabbit-hunt, so Ho'nau tells me, and he is preparing a pair of goatskin overshoes to tramp through the snow tomorrow. About two inches of snow fell early this morning. Horn kiva has the eame standard as Chief kiva. No ceremonial here, and Sü'hima is the kiva chief. Wi'niita and Tüwas'mi are both here. One is weaving a woman's dark blanket (kane'lmü'chapB,); the other, a little blanket (pOsa'lho'ya), but they are only rank and file on this occasion.1 Ha'hawi and three or four others here spinning cotton for prayer-sticks and feathers. In three days they will make prayer-sticks here. Tonight the kachina return, at least certain kachina (Au'halani) visit the kivas, at Sichomovi and Walpi, but no Tewa kachina here — H ano kachina ieai'mû, kana'wakána, Hano kachina no, do not want. Goat kiva — same standard as Chief kiva. The kiva chief here is Pauwati'wa, and he, Pii'chi, Ha'yi, and two others are spinning cotton. They ask me for an order to get some raw cotton at the store. In three days they will make prayer-sticks here. Tonight the kiva chiefs visit each other, those of the two kivas at Sichomovi and the five of Walpi, not the Tewa, because they do not understand, they are not of the same category as the Hopi kachina. The two kivas at Sichomovi have the same standards as those at Walpi, but there happens to be nobody in either of them when I call. No standard on either of the Tewa kivas. I see they have a stove in the court kiva. The Winter solstice ceremony seems not to affect the Tewa mind,3 save the two or three exceptional Tewa youths who are married to Walpi girls and live in Walpi. 1 That is from the kivas used by their respective societies. Now men are assembling in the kiva associated with their clan, irrespective of society affiliation. Some kivas are used by more than one clan affiliation. — Ed. 1 Chiefs of the Horn society which meets in Horn kiva at Wü'wüchlm. 3 Although too sweeping a statement, for ceremonial was observed in Tewa kivas (see pp. 39—41; also Parsons 17:121—123), this comment is interesting in supporting the theory that in recent years Hano has borrowed

3

34

Fig. 20. Staff (ñatyü'ñpi) carried by Au'halani Of willow black as ebony with age except at the tip where it ia held as a staff. 4 ft. long, s / 4 in. dia. Five turkey feathers at butt. Ritual corn ear

Alexander

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Snow squalls through the afternoon. Len'mana received her marriage blanket, big belt, and moccasins this afternoon, and nearly all the men of Tewa and Sichomovi called upon her and partook of the feast provided in the house of To'chi, her father-in-law. 1 Only a few (comparatively) of theWalpi men called. This evening shortly before sunset the last party of our Hopi youths returned from their visit at Zuñi. They have made quite a lengthy stay, seeing that they went over immediately after the close of Wü'wiichím (Nov.18—Dec. 14).* The group rode in a cluster up the Zuñi trail, singing as they approached. Tonight at 7.30 three of Chief kiva were arrayed in white kilts, etc. and called Au'halani, 3 the kachinûm eki'ne (kachina return), various terms, one male and two as females. Su'pelà cast meal upon them. He first stripped off all his duds, the three then sang with stamping step and in curious falsetto, just over the si'papii, stamping on the plank. Ha'ni also assisted in decorating the three. 4 No altar. Anawi'ta and all the chiefs merely say the kachina are returned. The three Au'halani went from Chief kiva to Wikwa'lobi, then to Nasha'bki, Horn and Goat in succession, thence to the two kivas in Sichomovi. They sing the same brief song in each kiva. Centre figure (the male) wears a pouch-like conical mask with plumage at back and top, staff in right hand (Fig. 20), said to be very

traits of Winter solstice ceremonial from the Hopi. Among the northern Tewa the Winter solstice ceremonial is not of such major importance as in the West. — Ed. 1 See p. 997. The maternal house of To'chi is referred to, the house of the groom's ''aunt". Stephen knows quite well that the houses belong to the women, but often he refers to a man's housé instead of his mother's or sister's house i. e. his maternal house, (cho'chímiñtua) to- or his wife's house. — Ed. 1 wards tip. They went for the Sha'lako ceremonial (seep. 1004), as men went in 1921 and 1923. (Parsons 17:120). 3 From opening phrase of song. 4 Au'halani is arrayed by a Patki man; his sisters, one by a child of Patki, one by a Tobacco clansman. (Ha'ni was the Tobacco clansman.) — E d

PLATE

Girdle (mücha'bñwün

hce'u-aj

worn b y kachinas

II

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old and it surely looks it, white clay stripe down leg and arm, and white splashes on cheeks, white kilt and broad girdle woven in colour (mücha'pmü kvoe'voa, Pl. II), 1 body naked, gray foxskin d a n g l i n g behind ; the other two female masks, white kilts and white woolen blanket (atü'ü) with blue and red border; 1 hair all hanging loose. All have the same white decoration. Entering the kiva they give the kiva chief (kiva montât) an ear of com and a handful of prayer-meal. They ask if they are welcome on coming in,* and they give the parting salutation on going out. The male carried a chief gtick (Fig. 21) and a pouch of gray foxskin in the left hand in which

Fig. 21. Chief stick (mo'ñkohü) of Au'halani 53.5 X 8 X 1.5 c. E a r of corn in bas relief about a quarter of an inch. White with black line; but discoloured and dingy. Said to be very ancient. I t has not been renovated for a long time.

are the corn ears and meal. After giving the corn ear and meal to the kiva chief and receiving his thanks, they begin their song close to the upraise. It is short and tuneless, nor can I make out any words. It sounds like wu-u-u-hu-u-wu-u. This they repeat six times, approaching toward the si'papii by a pace or two after each "song". The sixth time they sing over the si'papii or its position. They have 1 The larger design is a convention of the Broad face kachina mask. (Fig. 147). The zigzag is his teeth mark (tama'advecUa) ; the lozenges are. eye marks (boehve'adta). The hooks are called angular marks (ha'zrüveadta). The straight white lines in the black band are called, indifferently, Pii'iikoñve'adta or Tai'owave'adta; but in fact, these "face m a r k s " are those typically pertaining to Pü'ükoñhoya. Like the women potters, the men weavers have, to a great extent, lost the significance of many of the designs in textile fabrics. B u t this belt decoration is always the same in design and colours, practically, although there are some slight variations observable. The design is not embroidered but woven in the weft. The fringe is 15c.long. * Hereafter this will be referred to as white woolen blanket or mantle, in distinction to the larger cotton blanket or mantle. — E d . 3 See pp. 989—990.

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visited all the Walpi kivas by 8 P. M. and gone to Sichomovi. There is no further ceremony. Thursday, December 15, I I day I have searched all around Sun spring and along the trail and among the cliffs at Dawn cape, Tala'tüyüka, 1 but I can find no trace of the prayer-sticks placed by Kwa'a yesterday. Spinning and such like occupations in all the kivas. In Wikwa'lobi, Sü'yükü is roasting rabbits. After skinning, the entrails are taken out and put in an empty melon. (A half melon scooped out is a common temporary vessel.) A man bites the "ham strings" through with his teeth and lays the hind legs over the back, the hind feet resting over the shoulders; the fore legs (joint muscles bitten through) are folded inward upon themselves; the ears are laid smoothly down the back, the fur is left on all four of the feet and lowest leg joint. The rabbit is merely laid on the embers and allowed to cook through by an occasional turning. They are using American and Tusayan cotton indifferently, but they say the American cotton is whitest and has the strongest fibre. This they say in all the kivas. In Chief kiva the following abstain from salt and fast entirely on the fourth day: Su'pelä, Anawi'ta, Ha'ni, Kwa'a, Kwa'chakwa, and Sikya'ustiwa. A'pa, son of Sikya'ustiwa, personated Au'halani, "their elder brother (pa'vaa'mà)", and carried the chief stick and kachina staff. The part should be personated by Sikya'ustiwa, but his lameness prevents him.2 Kachinmana and Shiwa'matii personated the sisters of Au'halani. These impersonators eat no salt from the first day. The white wafer-bread they eat is prepared without salt, merely water and meal and is called nakya'biki, fragments of which are given to every member of this kiva as a medicine. They say that eating it makes the flesh good, si'kwi lo'lomai. It is made by women chiefs (wu'qti moñ'witü) — Nü'msi3 and Nii'ïsi are named. There are probably others. There was singing in Nasha'bki from about 8 to 10 P. M. Nothing ceremonial as to display of fetich, prayer-sticks or altar, nor could 1 Northeast corner of rock stratum half way between Walpi and Sichomovi. (Map 5). Here there isashrine and the place has important ritual associations. 2 In 1920 the situation was reversed and a man impersonated for his young son, who had not yet been initiated into Wü'wüchlm and so could not impersonate kachina. (Parsons 17:14). Arranging within the family for proxy or deputy is a common Hopi-Zuñi practice, often perplexing in a study of clan functions. — Ed. 3 Patki clanswoman and a chief of Lalakon.

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I get any information ae to songs other than that they were the songs of all Winter solstice ceremony singing (bhoya'l ta'walalûwû). In Chief kiva there were songs for about the same length of time. There was a little more formality here, but no altar, although there were six to eight rattles in use most of the time, rattles in hands of the chiefs. As in the Nasha'bki the members, about thirty, sat around the sides of the kiva, the chiefs near the si'papii which has remained opened from the first night when the plug was removed by Su'pelä when he and the other chiefs prepared the Au'halani. It is told me in the kiva that the hostile Oraibi prisoners have returned from Fort Wingate and they now proclaim themselves soldier-chiefs.1 Friday, December 16, I I I day In Chief kiva all hands are busy spinning cotton string. Anawi'ta has just finished his supply, four small balls from an inch and onehalf to two inches in diameter. The only other ceremonial articles being made are a circular wicker disc of suma«, forty centimeters in diameter, called a Win. There is another one with the same name, but showing the checker design in centre like the basket tray pi'kiñpi, and nearly square but with rounded corners, same size and material both. These are to be prepared with two hoops (ñü'la) with corn, spruce, etc. They say wait a while and I will see. The maiden holds it before her as she dances on the fourth night. The hoops are manzanita (tüwa'bi), a branch split in two, bark left on, heated over the fire and bent into a circle and tied with buckskin. (The man, ta'lca Shoya'l kachina, the maid, Shoya'l kachinma'na, these are the two who dance on the fourth night.) A small bundle of willow wands are on the thatch pegs. In Wikwa'lobi there are about a dozen carding and spinning, two or three scraping the bark from willow wands, several small 1 For several years Oraibi had been hostile to Americanization, opposing the building of houses below the mesa, the introduction of American clothing and agricultural machinery, and compulsory schooling. (Dorsey and Voth 1:9). In 1890surveyors sent by Washington to divide the land in severalty caused considerable agitation which was increased in 1891 by the "strenuous efforts" to secure pupils for the government school in Ream's Cañón. Then the school teacher, Agent, six soldiers and a Tewa interpreter visited Oraibi, but were unable to effect the arrests they wished to make. Military reenforcement was sent for, and ten days later two companies of cavalry with four big guns, also one hundred Navahos, marched against Oraibi. Six chiefs obeyed a summons to surrender, one subsequently escaping. The War chief of Oraibi and his son offered themselves as hostages. The prisoners were kept at Fort Wingate and detailed to cultivate the gardens of the officers. (Cushing, Fewkes, Parsons, 273—282). Seep. 281. — Ed.

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bundles on the wall pegs. In each kiva are a number of the men who are usually found there, still there are very marked exceptions, as Anawi'ta who remains constantly in Chief kiva and Pauwati'wa in Goat. Sü'yükü is telling [in Wikwa'lobi] the story of the hostile coyote.1 In all the kivas there is string spinning, moccasin-making (one or two), and shirt-making. In Goat, they are eating, baking pieces of jerked mutton and roasting corn ears. Chief kiva, Anawi'ta is kiva chief; Wikwa'lobi, Sü'yükü, kiva chief; Nasha'bki, Ü'üwa and Mo'mi (two chiefs here); Horn kiva, Sü'hima, kiva chief; Goat, two chiefs, Pauwati'wa and Pi'ba. The songs in Nasha'bki last night were quite informal. The only ceremonial songs were those in Chief kiva. As at all the kiva ceremonies, all members from the time of first going to the kiva eat all their food there and sleep there. All the women of both Walpi and Sichomovi have been making wafer-bread since early in the forenoon till dark. Tonight all those of the Chief kiva except Anawi'ta and two or three other of the oldest men took off all their duds and in an irregular way daubed themselves with white clay, some striped legs and arms, but it was more general a daubing over the face and body. Some wore beads, but there was no attempt at display. All had gourd rattles in right hand ; some also had tortoise rattle at knee. Thus naked save for breech cloth. About thirty, with drum, started down through the bitter cold to Goat kiva. The members of that kiva drew back to the upraise, except the fire tender who kept up a blaze of greasewood twigs. The singers arrayed themselves round three sides of the main floor, drummer in center, and sang a stamping song for ten minutes. They then retired and went into Horn kiva and then to Nasha'b and Wikwa'lobi and back to their own kiva. They are in "undress" and everyone pretends not to know what kachina he will personate tomorrow. No kachina emblems in any of the kivas except those unfinished objects I noted this afternoon. Tala'hoñsi came to my room2 weeping a little while ago. She wanted a candle to light her father's room. They think he is dying. See Stephen 2:9. Tala'hoñsi is the young woman who cooks for me and takes care of my rooms. She and her brother, Ko'tka, live in this house with their grandmother, Masai'yonsi of the Bear clan. This is the only house group now occupied by the Hopi Bear clan. Tala'hoñsi is married to Tii'lnoa of the Horn clan, who lives with her here. — A. M. S. Tala'hoñsi left no issue. In 1915 Ko'tka was the only representative of the Bear clan and it was said that he had joined the Tewa Bear clan. (Lowie, 309 n. 4). — Ed. 1

2

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Saturday, December 17, IV day The evenings have been too cloudy and squally since the tenth to admit of marking place of sunset, but Kwa'chakwa has not concerned himself to watch the sunset, nor has anyone else given heed to the sunset since Kwa'chakwa set the time (on the sixth) when announcement should be made by Ho'ñi on the tenth. Everyone in the five kivas is making Shoya'l prayer-sticks (blue-green) and prayer-feathers. Also in both the Sichomovi kivas. Masi' is in the Pavüñchomo (Young corn mound) kiva making his prayer-sticks. Choehoñ'niwa (kiva chief) is preparing a hi'hikei, a long branch of moñpühübi at the butt of which he ties a long turkey tail feather and strip of corn husk and sprig of bam'navi; and many prayer-feathers. The bam'navi was gathered last September and preserved bound up in packages in corn husk. Everyone goes home in the morning between 8 and 10 and washes his head thoroughly in amole1 before beginning to prepare prayer-sticks and feathers. In Tewa the members of both kivas are gathered. Pen'dete is crowded. I can not find room to squat and use my elbows to write. All are busy making prayer-sticks. The floor is covered with trays. Everybody is too busy to have much time to speak, but old Djasjïm (kiva chief) gives me Hopi names for all the objects. I can get the more difficult Tewa names afterwards. They tell me to be sure to come to their kiva tonight, that they will sing the songs to Pü'ükoS, the war gods, when the Pleiades get in the meridian, and Wë'hë1 goes up to his house and brings down his bandoleer and ties it to the north or right hand stem of the ladder. The Pü'ükoñhoya group of images is on the upraise on the north side of the ladder. (Fig. 22). At the other end of the kiva on the main floor is an altar on which is an effigy of Pa'lülükoña, the Water serpent, in clay, newly made, fifty centimeters long and five centimeters in diameter. White kernels of corn are set around one end of the effigy, representing the teeth and eyes, and the back is stuck full of eagle wing feathers. In front of the effigy sits a crenellate bowl, and back of it a long prayer-stick, two stout rods of willow two feet long, bound together and blackened. In a tray beside it are two sets of the notched ü'yi (plant) prayer-sticks, painted green and ten inches long. (Fig. 23). 1 Yucca root, its suds are used for hair-washing in all Hopi and Zuñi ceremonies. — Ed. * As assistant kiva chief. He is to succeed DjasjhiL See p. 94. — Ed.

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Fig. 22. War god (Pü'ükoñhoya) group of stone fetiches inPen'dete in Winter solstice ceremony. Spider woman in centre. 30 c. high, head 12 c. dia. To her right, Pa'lüñahoya; left, Pü'ükoñhoya. Fetich animals (töho'poko).

In Mo'nete are not more than fifteen, Ka'lashai, Kwa'lakwai, Ho'nau, Squash, Ka'nü, etc. At the southwest end, main floor, is a simple altar, a low sand ridge about two and one-half feet long and three inches high, set full of eagle wing feathers and long prayer-sticks. In front of this ridge sit two ti'ponis and a crenellate bowl of consecrated water. (Fig. 24). 1 A trail of meal stretches to the ladder and along the upraise to the north side where sits a rude group of Pü'ükoñhoya. (Fig. 25). This trail is again sprinkled with yellow pollen. Beside the Pü'ükoñ group are two bear's feet, skins 1

Cp. Fewkes 11:P1. X V I I I ; Parsons 17:Fig. 11, also p. 121.

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of the feet with claws, with strings attached to them for fastening to the hands of the personator. A man having made four prayerfeathers, touches each in the Pü'ükoñhoya group with the bunch and then ties a prayer-feather on each, after a brief prayer. All in this kiva are also busy making prayer-sticks and feathers. In Goat kiva there is a little heap of valley sand in front of the kachina shrine in which is thrust a crook (ñwelü'kpi) from which a road prayer-feather extends along the meal trail, about half way to the ladder. Three antelope skulls, very old and falling apart, (Fig. 26), rest on greasewood on the north side of the upraise. No altar. There are about twenty here, all busy making blue-green prayer-sticks (none black here) and prayer-feathers; also cattle prayer-sticks (Fig. 27) also antelope prayer-sticks (Fig. 28) : and rude oval forms of cottonwood, "eagle eggs," painted white and spotted black. Moñpühübi is the shrub of which the hi'ksi is made (here as in Young corn mound). After prayerfeathers, etc. are attached to the butt of the shrub, it is thrust in to the roof on the north side of the ladder at the side of the kiva and over the edge of the upraise, the long string prayer-feather, which is the hi'ksi, (pam hi'ksi), hanging half way to the upraise. Wiki laments that his store of turkey Fig. 23. Winter solstice prayer· stick, made in Tewa feathers is exhausted and his prayerBlack, except the blue-green sticks, five or six sets, lack this essential. notch of the male (ta'kaj stick This evening, interchanging gifts of and the facet of the female prayer-feathers. stick. Turkey feather at back; hawk, in front. In Horn kiva, where one would naturally expect to find many Horns, there is not the sign of one. There is nothing on the upraise except a cluster of men working at prayer-sticks and feathers. Back

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Fig. 26. Antelope heads (chü'bio lcüüa), in Goat kiva, in Winter solstice ceremony

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of the si'papii is a heap of sand and a crook, with a road prayerfeather, just as in Goat, and the same hi'ksi hanging from shrub over the upraise at the north side. The broad prayer-stick is the antelope prayer-stick, the keystone shape. Sheep prayer-sticks, except that the ears are less prominent, are as near as may be the same as cattle prayer-sticks. None is finished yet. One man shows me his bunch of prayer-feathers all prepared and wound together for his horses, to be tied in their tails. I promise to be here tonight also. Just how I am to manage to visit them all is very problematic, but I will try. In Nasha'bki, as in Horn and Goat, Fig. 27. Cattle prayerthere are a heap of sand and a crook stick (unfinished) and road prayer-feather at the kachina shrine end, and hi'ksiata hanging over the upraise. No fetich or other emblems. The main floor is full of workers, who Fig. 28. Antelope prayerhave about finished their prayer-sticks stick (chü'bio paho) (unand feathers, and eight or ten of the finished) principal men give me their prayerfeathers with the customary greeting, a few of them adding a petition to Washington, mainly for wagons. Mo'mi ties a prayer-feather on the north leg of the ladder. In Wikwa'lobi it is just as in Nasha'bki only there are not quite so many, but Siñoítí'wa says there will be lots more bye and bye; same crook, prayer-feather, hi'ksiata, but on the north leg of the ladder Cha'kwainä ita'shoo (the grandmother of the Cha'kwainyümü, Cha'kwainä clan), a black mask, is fastened. This identical mask was brought by these Hano people, Siñoítí'wa and Sü'yükü tell me, when they came first to Tusayan. "This is the chief who directed victory in our struggles with the Navajo." She is the war chief. She is the hostile grandmother. She it is who knows how to slay. Above the mask is fastened the warrior's bandoleer- (to'zriki) and a maiden's hair whorl frame (na'somñüela) is thrust through its strings. A rattle also hangs suspended beside the mask. (Fig. 29)1. In Chief kiva, it is crowded on main floor and upraise with men preparing the same blue-green prayer-sticks and prayer-feathers as in the other Walpi kivas. At the kachina shrine end of the main floor are the little heap of sand, the crook and the road prayerfeather, as in the other kivas, and the same hi'ksiata hanging over

0

1

Cp. Fewkes 17: Pl. I V ; Parsons 17:Fig. 30; Parsons 19:191—192.

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Fig. 29. Cha'kwainä ita'shoo (our grandmother, said by a Cha'kwainá wiiñwa) 1 Mask black, yellow eyes, red tongue. 1

Cha'kwainá lineage person of the Mustard clan. — Ed.

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the upraise. But at the kachina shrine end, on the floor and resting against the end wall, are two or three masks of the false face style. It is impossible to get near them just now and everybody is too busy here to talk. Just under the ladder and on the main floor between fireplace and upraise, resting against the upraise, are three antelope skulls resting on greasewood as in Goat kiva, and on the north side of the skulls, close against them, is a rude stone figure of Pü'ükoñhoya, (Fig. 30), around whose neck they are tying new prayer-feathers. The figurine, which is in the keeping of ïn'tiwa, is very old, very black and dirty, with many old prayer-feathers around the neck. All the chiefs of Chief kiva and many other men attach new feathers. Su'pelä ties a prayer-feather to the north leg of the ladder. It is now about three. I started Fig. 30. Pü'ükoñ figurine at about 8.30 and have visited every in Chief kiva, kiva, but they are all too busy to Winter solstice ceremony talk, except in Wikwa'lobi I have 38c. χ 10c. not had a bit of information. When one presents a prayer-feather to a man, one says : Üm ka'bo i'taka üh'kachi na'wakïnanï You tomorrow my man you (to) sit all you may desire If to a woman friend: Üm ka'bo i'wuqti üh'kachi na'wakïnanï There are many variations in these greetings. There are prayerfeathers for poultry, dogs, cats, as well as larger animals. As last year, at sunset all the men go round in groups1 rigged up in their best apparel, the prayer-feathers they have received tied to their hair, to present their prayer-feathers to their friends at their houses, principally women of course, as the men are all knocking about or in the kivas. 1

I was told they went by clan, distributing to clanspeople and children of the clan. — Ed.

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There is no altar in Goat kiva. They tell me that the altar is only made after the complete Wü'wüchím, that is the Na'aehnaiya. So I suppose there will be a modification of the ceremonies in Chief kiva. But it is now just dark, a little after five, and I have been all round the kivas and there is no altar in any nor any sign of shields nor any other fetich objects except the skulls, etc. already noted. In Chief kiva they are cleaning out the main floor and Su'pelá explains that the chiefs and others of Chief kiva will not break their fast till the Pleiades peer above the horizon, then Shuyima 1 will go through the village, calling the women to bring their food to the kiva, Chief kiva. Those of the other kivas go to their houses after food and bring it to the kivas where they eat. In Chief kiva the h ï ksi from each kiva hangs from the roof at altar end; along the sides and strung on long willow wands are the prayer-feathers received by the women, to be placed for them by the men tomorrow. 1 Innumerable trays of meal and prayer-sticks sit on the ledge, these for peaches, corn, herds, flocks, all material blessings. T. V. K. came over, just after dark reaching Walpi. Sunday, December 18, V day In Chief kiva about 8.30 P. M. the five or six principals assembled around the si'papii end and placed the altar. (Fig. 31). Nearly all in the kiva took part in the songs that followed. Consecration of altar, Ha'ni playing the flute, ceremony without unusual feature,* lasting say thirty minutes. The horn helmet of last year lies on the hatchway, and perhaps six or seven women sit on the upraise. At 10.30 the elders get together between the fire and the si'papii and begin singing "Thobtyaj". All the men in the kiva join. In Wikwa'lobi is a quiet party of a dozen, talking round the walls. High up close to the roof as in Chief kiva are the prayer-feathers given to the women of these people today. Nothitíg on the floor. All their prayer-sticks are carried into Chief kiva. Four trays of prayer-sticks are in the niche near the upraise, the woman's niche.4 1

Is he Shü'hima, Horn kiva chief ? — Ed. In the shrines on the mesa top, and at Wa'la, the Gap, the great break in the mesa north of Tewa (Map 3). In these shrines Soya'la chief has placed crooks of varying lengths. These the people touch, beginning with the longest and ending with the shortest. As they touch, they say, "I want to be old," or on reaching the shortest, "I want to be like you, very old," referring to the crook, which represents the head bowed to the ground in extreme old age. » Seep. 11. Glossary, ta'wi (kita'wi). * Childbirth water house. Seep. 148. 1

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In the fireplace is a küpkü prayer-stick, a short sumac twig with two prayer-feathers. At 11 P. M. the Horn, Horn kiva folks, come down to Chief kiva. They are naked save for breech cloth, and whitened. There are thirty three, faces white, no masks, numerous prayer-feathers in hair, tortoise rattle on right leg, gourd rattle in right hand; some carry prayer-sticks in left. They arrange in double ranke round three sides of the main floor and dance and sing to the shout of Cha'sra who sits at the fire. The rear rank sings a boo hoo second. They must have something in their mouths. (Inquire!) (No, they have nothing.) ïn'tiwa 1 has taken no prominent part till now. He sprinkles the visiting dancers. He alone sprinkles. These are the Nima'n kachinûnûh, just what that means, the gods only know. They go to visit all the kivas (Walpi only) in succession. After they go out, In'tiwa prays. They danced in Chief kiva twenty minutes.2 In all the kivas there is a fire prayer-stick at the fireplace, and round the walls close to the roof are the women's prayer-feathers on long willow wands. No masks are worn. In each kiva are also the sand mound and the crook prayer-stick. Fourteen of the Nasha'bki, naked save breech cloth, no pigment, are brought down by Ü'üwa to Goat kiva. This gathering seems quite informal. After dancing about ten minutes they sit down on the ledges and talk informally, discussing the songs, etc. These are not Nasha'b. They are of this kiva. I was misled by seeing Ü'üwa, but he is just dropped in on an informal visit. These Goat people folks are going to visit Chief kiva, after a while. I go on to Tewa. I t is now 11.45 P. M. As I got through Sichomovi I overtook the Tewa coming out of the kiva there where they had been singing. All are naked, save for breech cloth and white smears, tortoise rattle at right leg. I follow them on to the Corner kiva, Pen'dete. Men of both Tewa kivas in the visit. In Pen'dete just at 12, and we have a refection of wafer-bread and watermelon. Their white pigment is laid with considerable regularity. It is similar to that of the Agave — corncob impress Kachina clan chief and chief of the Powa'mu society. — Ed. They are the impersonators of the kachina from Horn kiva for the Nima'n ceremony in the following July, Hüm'is kachina. See p. 494. They are merely announcing that when planting is over they will have the Nima'n kachina. Voth notes the practice of kachina songs and dances at the Oraibi Soyala (Dorsey and Voth 1:26), but he does not connect it with the Nima'n kachina. — Ed. 1

2

4

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laid from great toe up leg to girdle, up each side of body a little in front and curving on front of shoulder down arm to tip of middle finger, smear on each cheek. Around the altar is a great huddle of trays containing prayersticks, prayer-feathers, meal effigies of peaches, 1 some of which I also noticed in Chief kiva. There are great numbers of bundles of corn ears tied with yucca. A bowl or large round decorated basin about half full of liquid contains four shells, a small conch, a spiral and two others I do not recognize. The Water serpent image is stuck with twelve upright eagle feathers, and in front of it sits a small basin of medicine-water. Djasjlni and Wë'hë are chiefs of kiva in this ceremony. The former showed me a curious carved figure representing a human face and suggesting the figure. 2 I t is of yellowish translucent stone, looks like topaz. I t is four or five inches long and one-half to three-quarters inches in diameter. It is trimmed with feathers and difficult to make out. The old man shows it to me in the dim light, but he does not relinquish it, but I could not tell much about it in such light as we have here. I t leans against the feathers set in the clay serpent. All the men in the kiva drank a little of the shell medicine-water. Djasjinï says it is a very powerful medicine. He makes it. Most of those in kiva gather round the Pü'ükoñ group on the upraise, and Djaejïnî tells me that they are now to sing Puükoñ, next Snake, then Bear, Mountain Lion, Star — these in succession. 1 Effigies of watermelon are also made. The effigies are of sweet corn meal, made by the women. They are buried in orchard or field, a prayer for increase. The clay figurines of the domestic animals are made for the same purpose. See pp. 5,12. Cp. Fewkee 10:72,75. For Zuñi, cp. Parsons 6. Some of the Zapoteca of Oaxaca, Mexico, make like figurines and place them in Catholic shrines. — Ed. * It is called eikya'zri&pi. It is a war chief made by Sho'tokünúñwa. (War spirit) [ Τ Star spirit]. Made by Ice chief ? Is of ice — icicle ? N o w (1893) since Djasjlnl's death, in keeping of Wë'hè. — A. M. S. Possibly corresponding to the Ice Mother, the supreme fetich of the Winter chief and Winter moiety of the northern Tewa. The characteristic Tewan moiety structure finds no homology in Hopi social organization and tends to disappear. In 1892 Pen'dete, inferably the kiva of the sometime Winter moiety, is the outstanding kiva for the Winter solstice ceremony; in 1920, Mo'nete, the kiva of the sometime Summer moiety, is the outstanding kiva and the Summer chief is accounted the only Town chief. (Parsons 20:9—10; Parsons 17:121—123). In 1892 the double Town chieftaincy was less disintegrated in other respects also. We note that Djasjlnl, chief of Pen'dete, and Wë'hë, Djasjlnl's suoceesor, are both prominent in the Koyala (Kossa) clown group (see pp. 182, 392, 406, 412, 541), in accordance with the northern Tewa system. (Parsons 24:110). — Ed.

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They are fine anthem tones, very impressive. The Bear is especially good, sounds like a peal of victory.1 When Orion set or got well down in the west, i. e. about 5 A. M. while yet quite dark, the different kivas sent groups of two or three members for their perched prayer-stick (paho chokpi). (Prayer-stick to Sun epring on meal trail). A group of eight young men dancere and one "fiddler" goes from Chief kiva and sings and dances in each kiva in succession. On their return they sing and dance in Chief kiva, then put on their duds. Su'pelä, holding his duds and ti'poni, and Kwa'a, holding his ti'poni, stand in front of the altar and make a short prayer, waving the ti'poni. Then everyone proceeds to put on his clothes and take down the kiva wands. Su'pelä distributes fragments of white wafer-bread. Sikya'ustiwa purifies with his feather, sprinkling ashes on the feather. All take a pinch of ashes and when he flicks the feather2 they pass their left hands with the pinch of meal round their heads. Sikya'ustiwa intones under his breath. This six times. All then take their prayer-sticks and carry them to various cliffs and shrines. About 2 P.M., the Au'halani. Su'pelä preceded them with a tray of meal, cast some upon the hatchway of Chief kiva, then came up. Male: mask (Fig. 32), large bunch of turkey feathers at back; wildcat skin as collar; white kilt; white embroidered cotton blanket; foxskin; broad girdle woven in colour; netted leggings (po'ero ho'kya na'bna)\ porcupine anklets (hon'hokyashmi) and blue stained moccasins. He holds as on the first night the kachina staff which is now further decorated with two eagle feathers at top and a long fringe tuft of red hair. This in right hand, in left, foxskin pouch and chief stick (see p. 35, Fig. 21). The two maidens are in the usual kachina girl (kachinma'na) costume. To one was given the tu'ini of black corn ear, with sprigs of spruce thrust in at the base of the ears, the interior space filled with cotton ; to the other, the white ear tü'ini. Men as usual personate the maidens: hair in discs, maskettes yellow with red fringe over the face surface and clipped feather fringe round base of maskette, white embroidered blanket (tüi'qi), dark blue gown and large belt and woman's moccasins. The male comes up first followed by the two maidens. They stand one on each side, the male close by the hatchway ; the discs of corn, cotton and spruce are handed up to Su'pelä who gives them to the maidens. He gives a bundle of corn ears tied with yucca strips to the male who carries it under his arm. He then casts a little meal 1 2

4*

Cp. Parsons 21:213. " I n this way anything bad in the kiva he blows away." (Parsons 17:121).

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Fig. 32. Mask of Au'halani Face green ; stripe black with narrow stripe of white above and below. Horn, black and green; piece of red stained rabbit fur at base of horn and of fen. Button of fan, white; leaf, white spots on black, lower part, red. Wildcat skin collar.

upon them and, facing east, they begin the same simple, rather disagreeable, song of the first night, moving a pace at a time forward after the close of each repetition. This for six times. They then walk to the main court, and repeat, and to the space in front of the house of Wikya'tïwa; 1 returning, they repeat the same songs at the same places and when at Chief kiva hatch, Su'pela takes from the male the bundle of ears he had carried under his arm and gives it to Kwüma'wünsi; the black corn disc he takes from the maiden and gives to Koch'nümsi ; the white corn disc one he takes from the other maiden and gives to his daughter Nii'msi, wife of Tisu'qiya.2 These women will give the ears to their husbands, sons, or other male members of their family when planting time comes. The chiefs of Chief kiva then bring up all the corn ear bundles that were corded up at the west end of the kiva, bring them up in blankets and spread them in Chief kiva court and the women select the bundles they had brought [collected from them] on the previous A t the northeast end of Walpi. See Map 10. These women are Patki clanswomen and chiefs in Lalakon. Koch'nümsi is the sister of Anawi'ta who is the Agave society chief. See p. 62. 1

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day, take them home, to be planted next season.1 I t is a consecration of the seed corn. The chiefs, Ha'ni and others, also bring up the altar sand in large trays and each woman secures a few handfuls. This sand was brought from Sheep spring to be spread on the kiva floor, and the women get these small quantities to scatter on their corded-up supply to make the store last. The corn when corded up in the house is called Woyi. On this morning early all the prayer-sticks were distributed. The prayer-sticks are all alike, i. e. the standard blue-green prayersticks are alike in all the societies, except in Agave the butts are painted black. This morning the Snake-Antelope standard was set on Chief kiva hatch,2 just in front (toward the hatchway) of the horn helmet, real mountain sheep horns. Monday, December 19, VI day The same double standard is still on Chief kiva hatch. On the fourth evening Su'pela gathered all the woodpecker standards from all the kivas and set them on the ledge in Chief kiva. There is nothing ceremonial in any of the kivas, since the fifth morning, except in Chief kiva, nor was there anything ceremonial in it this morning. Anawi'ta, Su'pelä, Kwa'a, Sikya'X 01 I · (à ustiwa and Kwa'chakwa and one or two others, ate CD their breakfast here and I ! 1 Kwa'chakwa went up. I stayed here a while talking and then Anawi'ta Fig. 33. Sun chief house said, "Let us all go to Ta'- I.—6. participators. 7. old jar containing wa moñki'hü, Sun chief fetich objects (not exposed). 8. prayer-meal basket (hom'ñumni po'ota), β. rude stone house," and there we effigy of Frog (Pa'kwa). 10. meal trail. found Kwa'chakwa mak- II. fire. 12. mealing stones. 13. door coming prayer-sticks and municating inward. setting them in a large 1

These ears are kept on the top of the house stack and supply the first seed corn. "Because the corn has stayed on the altar in the kiva all night, it helps the crops." — Ed. 2 Presumably in connection with the prayer-stick making by the SnakeAntelope societies which is to take place on January 6. See p. 71. — Ed.

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KoTionino 1 tray in front of him. There are present in Sun chief houee, a chamber in the house of Kwüma'wünsi : 1. Kwa'chakwa, chief, 2. Su'pelä, 3. Kwa'a, 4. Sikya'ustiwa, 5. Sakwi'stiwa, 6. Anawi'ta, all of the Patki clan. See Fig. 33. Kwa'chakwa is making Sun prayer-sticks; these have no facets and are of willow, centre of palm to tip of middle finger, and an inch wide. Two of these, flat willow stems, laid together with a circle and crook ( ñwelü'kpi) lying beside each pair, still unfinished. (Fig. 34.) The crook is to guide upon the straight road. The circle prayer-stick is the Sun house, ta'waki. The circle and crook are made of very slender twigs of the shrub moñpürhtbi or „ chüJcü'bikeo'na. Kwa'cha\ / kwa also makes a set of \ I (I prayer-sticks, unpeeled, of W " this same shrub (Fig. 35), Fig. 34. Sun prayer-stick ( Ta'wa paho) with circle and crook also Straight stick: butt, black; above, blue; laid beside it. He also facet, brown (da'ehkyabi) ; crook stick;circle makes a rude effigy of a stick (Sun house). corn ear of cottonwood root, smearing it white with kwecha'chka, then blue, then lines in black. (Fig. 36). From willow wands all the others (Kwa'a also) make one set of blue-green prayer-sticks and single stem, unpeeled, from the moñpürhíbí shrub, also one set of flat willow. (Fig. 37). All the fetiches used here are very old, brought from Pala'tkwabï. 2 "These are the true. There is nothing worthless here, nothing that 1

Hopi name for Havaeupai. — Ed. Red land in the South. On the altar the nadir is represented in the south. Inferably Pala'tkwabï is the Underworld i. e. the world before the Emergence. Red is the colour of the south at Zuñí. Most of the references to Pala'tkwabï, as the home of Cloud and of Water serpent as well as of the Patki clan appear to have a mythological character. Seo p. 838 and App. 5. — Ed. 2

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Fig. 36. Chocho'Icpi (perched) prayer-stick Very elender twig, 20 in. long, blue ; yellow bird tail feather (aikya'chi shiirü'ata). Addressed to Cloud (O'mauwû).

lies. They are strong and our use of them brings, insures us, of the bounteous yield of corn, melons, all vegetation." The prayer-sticks will be offered, set in places, Fig.36. Corn prayer-stick tomorrow morning. The jar (Fig. 38) is (ka'ü paho) also from Pala'tkwabi. I t is of red ware ( ? ), very discoloured and dirty. Kwa'chakwa grinds the blue pigment; Kwa'a, the black and brown ochre. Prayer-sticks all made, that is the wood stems, crook prayer-sticks, etc. They begin to paint them with the brush of yucca strip chewed at the end. Feathers: hvapd'hil (eagledowny feather), pi'bhü (downy eagle feather from tinder the wing), red shaft woodpecker, turkey downy feather fkoyo'ñpühü), chaparral cock fho'ahboa), yellow bird, bluebird, tufts of pine needles (lütikü). Pigments : yellow, a brown ochre ; blue, fragments of blue and green malachite ; red, iron, partial conchoidal fracture, glistering, to'kpela o'wa, sky stone, they call it, and it may be a fragment of meteoric stone, metallic sheen, close clusters of bubbles; black, shale. The blue-green prayer-sticks are painted of thin colour i. e. from pale green of the light copper carbonate through turquoise blue, to the dark blue of the blue malachites, because this is the colour of vegetation, because this is the colour of the clouds at the Southwest (Te'vyüña).

Fig. 37. Prayer-sticks at Sun prayei-stick making a, crook, black. 6, blue-green Sun prayer-stick, butts, black, facet, brown, c, for Sun and Tai'owa — flat willow, butts and circle stick, black, facets, brown, turkey and hawk feathers, sprigs of sage and bam navi, d, Warrior prayer-stick (kale'taka paho or huzrü'paho), red, eagle wing feather. e, Sun house, black.

Prayer-feather: downy feather from under wing of eagle, sprig of pine needle and a small yellow bird wing feather bound together with a short cotton string depending about a finger's length from butt of feather stems. To this prayer-feather is attached a small food packet (nil'shita), a small strip of corn husk twisted into a taper conical package in which is placed a small pinch of prayer-meal and a drop or two of honey. No sand in these.1 Another prayer-feather is made for the warrior prayer-stick of two wing feathers of bluebird and a sprig of pine needle, and to this is fastened a food packet consisting of strip of corn husk twisted in ordinary conical shape and in it is placed a pinch of pulverized 1

In the packets of other Winter solstice Sun sticks sand is added.

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specular iron (yala'ha), and this prayer-feather is fastened to the warrior prayer-stick. A Sun chief prayer-stick is made by Kwa'chakwa of unpeeled shrub (moñpü'hibi) painted blue, four small feathers from wing of ta'wamana (sun maiden) attached by short cotton strings. (Fig. 39).

/ y Fig. 38. Jar containing fetiches

Fig. 39. Sun chief prayer-stick

( Ta'tea moñwi pahoj

The prayer-sticks being all finished are placed in the same tray and set in the northeast corner of the chamber and Kwa'a sweeps the floor, carrying the litter out in a corner of his blanket. Kwa'chakwa adds a pinch of tobacco and Kwa'a a pinch of prayer-meal on the litter and then deposits it on the edge of the cliff below the house of ï n 'tiwa. Kwa'chakwa made a long string road prayer-feather and this he now draws out from the tray, stretching the feathers toward the ladder. He then takes a handful of prayer-meal, sprinkles it along the string and feather and on to the ladder, and up it he goes. Standing on a rung half way up, he sprinkles a little in front of the hatchway and the remainder he prays briefly and silently upon and casts toward the sun. He sits down beside the tray of prayersticks. The others are tying up their feather-boxes. Kwa'a is lighting the pipe. Kwa'chakwa takes a pinch of pollen from his pouch, prays upon it, and passes up the ladder and sprinkles it on the meal before the hatchway. He then prays on another handfui of prayer-meal and sprinkles it as before.

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Kwa'a then passes him the pipe. "Itüp'ko," my younger brother, eaye Kwa'chakwa. "I'vwavwa," my older brother, replies Kwa'a. While Kwa'a smokes, Anawi'ta takes a pinch of specular iron, prays briefly and silently on it and sprinkles it on the meal path from the tray and up the ladder and toward the sun, this is the warrior's offering ; on coming down the ladder (he takes a mouthful of water before he goes up), he spurts on the head of each person. The pipe is passed around. Kwa'chakwa prays briefly, also Kwa'a and Anawi'ta. Sikya'ustiwa during the prayers takes a pinch of meal and sprinkles it on the wing feather of a buzzard, prays under his breath, beating time with the feather, and sweeps the air over the prayer-stick tray and along the line of meal and then casts, tossing the meal off the feather up the hatchway, seven times. Navo'chiwa (cleansing) this act is called. This finished, Kwa'chakwa and Su'pelä sit close together, their heads touching, beside the prayer-stick tray. Kwa'chakwa takes the small rattle and they whistle a prayer, just so that by listening attentively you may hear the sound. Kwa'chakwa meanwhile shakes a very gentle accompaniment with the rattle. Át the second stanza of this odd whistling prayer, Kwa'chakwa takes a pinch of pollen from his pouch, sprinkles the tray of prayersticks, then along the meal trail and casts the remainder toward the sun. Kwa'a keeps his seat by the fire, the other three as indicated, making prayer-feathers. (None of them has taken his clothes off, although they all washed their heads at their own houses this morning, and their hair is hanging.) Át the third stanza Kwa'chakwa takes a handful of meal, sprinkles the prayer-sticks on the tray and along the meal trail and to the sun as with the pollen. The prayer-feathers the three are making for themselves, they say, that is for their own use to be attached to poultry houses, sheep corrals, horees, etc. etc. At one of the whistling prayers, Su'pelä calls all to come and pray (ho'moyâ) (i. e. with prayer-meal), and all go up and take up a pinch of meal to the mouth and pray on it silently and cast it upon the prayer-stick tray and resume their seats. While the two continue their whispering whistle, the other three elders talk on ordinary secular subjects and laugh occasionally. This whistling prayer is thus called üshü'shüta ta'walauwû, whistling song, and they tell me the prayers are made thus secretly that the women and other profane, especially women, may not hear, wu'qti katawita. At another stanza Sikya'ustiwa is called by Su'pelä and he, Sikya'ustiwa, takes a handful of prayer-meal and with his left hand

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cube the left cheek of all in the room, himself last. I ask how many songs have been song. They don't know. Su'peli counts nine. Kwa'chakwa is now praying silently with the tray of prayersticks in his hands. He finishes and Bete it down. He then resumes his seat and prays aloud, asking for all material blessings to be sent the Hopi, and all Jcaho'pi (not Hopi) and kcdo'lomai (not good) to be held from them. Next Su'pelá prays in the same strain — to open people's eyee and let them see straight, may they travel a straight road. Then Kwa'a asks blessings from Huzrü'íñwuqti 1 ; then Anawi'ta, blessings from the Below, from Niiva'tikyau (San Francisco Mountains), for jangles and squabbles to close. Each on concluding his prayer takes a pinch of meal, prays eilently on it and casts on the tray. Sakwi'stiwa next prays for blessings from Te'vyúña (the Southwest) ; next Sikya'ustiwa, for blessings on all the assemblages (yüñyo'meni) i. e. ceremonies. I do not pretend to follow, only these phrases I catch. Anawi'ta then sets a pinch of ashes before each one, of which each takes a pinch in the left hand. Sikya'ustiwa then takes the tvi'ehokwiki (buzzard feather held in hand), placés some ashes on it, and beginning with Kwa'a, passes the feather across the feet of every person. All take their moccasins off for this, and Sikya'ustiwa tosses the ashes off his feather up the hatchway. He then sprinkles a little ashes on the feet and as he passes each person waves his left hand with a pinch of ashes round his head with appropriate circular motion and tosses the pinch toward the hatchway. He next passes round, sprinkling knees, then breast, then head, same motion at each. This finishes. Anawi'ta sets the jar of fetiches back in the back room. A feast was then brought by the women and passed down into the chamber. Ceremonies lasted from 10 A. M. to 3.30 P. M. and are called tawa'pahola'lauwa, Sun prayer-stick making. Chief kiva: the male Au'balani mask, the staff, the pouch and chief stick are on the ledge and wall at the west end, nothing else. Old Cha'sra holds the kiva since the rest of us went to the Sun house. Nothing in any of the other kivas. No decision is yet arrived at as to Si'mo's successor2, and a very considerable amount of factional feeling is present. Pü'chi 3 has been buttonholing me several times. He would like very much to have me pronounce for him, but, in fact, I am so chary of mixing up in the contest that I have refrained from making inquiry as to the 1 2 3

Hard Being Woman. Her blessings are shells, corals, turquoise. — Ed. As Kikmoñwí, chief of the houses, i. e. Town chief. See p. 203. — Ed. Horn clan (Deer). See p. 839 n. 2.

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rights of succession. I am glad to have them talk about it at their own option, but I never introduce the subject. The Sun prayer-sticks are deposited in Sun house which is a shrine on the mesa east from Pii'pshe near Sa'vwüvee. If the Sun accepts all the prayer-sticks they remain standing as placed. If any of the prayer-stick makers have evil in their hearts, their prayer-sticks will be found on the following day 1 cast down. The prayer-sticks are all set facing the sunrise. Kwa'chakwa's prayer-sticks, in the centre, the others in prescribed positions on the right and left, but I can not follow the scheme. One would need to see it and I may get over there when the weather moderates. Tuesday, December 20, V I I day Shortly after dawn Tala'hoñsi's father died. When she came to prepare my breakfast, about 8 o'clock, weeping she told me that her father had just been buried. In other words, as soon as they are sure that life has left the body, that its breath is gone, as they say, they bury it just as soon as it can be prepared. At early dawn Kwa'chakwa brought the tray of prayer-sticks from the Sim house to Chief kiva, and the same six as noted yesterday assembled. The tray was set on the floor back of the si'papü; five of them took no active part ; the ceremony of consecration was completed yesterday. Sa'mi 2 (who was not present yesterday) took off his clothes and was then instructed by Kwa'chakwa as to the setting of the prayer-sticks and (with honey) he was then anointed by Kwa'chakwa, but as it was very cold he then put on his clothes and wrapped himself in a blanket. The prayer-sticks were then rolled up in a white blanket by Kwa'chakwa and slung over Sa'mi's shoulder and he set out across the valley eastward to the Sun shrine in the foothill breaks east from Pii'pshe, distant about four miles. He made the deposits and returned to the kiva about 9 o'clock. The members then went home, all except Kwa'chakwa, who stays in the kiva. He says the ceremony will not really be closed till the tenth day, but the rest say pa'sha, finished, so far as they are concerned.3 There is in the kiva the Au'halani mask, staff, chief stick and six gourd rattles hanging on the wall. Members of the kiva come and 1 Probably the same day, as the bearer has to return to the kiva to report on his trip. See below, also Parsons 17:95. — Ed. 2 Nephew of Si'mo, Town chief, and a Flute (Millet, see p. 769) clansman; but it is as "child"of thePatki clan that he deposits the prayer-sticks. But see p. 82 for depositing by a Patki clansman. — Ed. 3 The rule, that the chief of the ceremony continue in kiva four days after the ceremony has closed for the others, is being observed. — Ed.

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go, but Kwa'chakwa remains steadily here and eats and sleeps here. Yesterday he and Su'pelà sang six songs together and he sang (silently) two songs while he held the tray in his hands and beat time by moving it up and down. The three antelope skulls that lay at the foot of the ladder were yesterday morning taken to the cache at Chü'aki (Snake house) at the butte beyond Boli'ki (Butterfly house) (Maps 1, 4, 6) and concealed there. The Pü'ükoña still sits here in the same place. It is in the keeping of ïn'tiwa1 and will be taken by him to his house in two days. The antelope skulls of Goat kiva were yesterday taken to the Snake house in the cliffs below Dawn cape and there cached. Kwa'chakwa is making many more prayer-feathers for his new house, for his ladder, stove, doors, and domestic appurtenances. His successor (añ'kwinü or pa'kauinaj — Kwa'zrii( ?)2 — comes in and he goes to place his prayer-feathers, leaving the successor here who begins spinning. Kwa'chakwa says that the sun now stays permanently in the same house for four days, then he will begin to travel northward, i. e. on the 24th3. The new moon now showing is Pa'mü'iyawú, moisture moon (January, August). Wednesday, December 21, VIII day The double standard that has been noted remained on Chief kiva, and Kwa'chakwa, his successor, and two or three others remained in kiva through the day and took their food there, but aside from the informal making of prayer-feathers, nothing of a ceremonial nature occurred. The rude Pü'ükoñhoya remained at the foot of the ladder between the fireplace and the upraise where it was first set. I visited the kiva repeatedly and am quite sure that all ceremonies are finished and all the men declare the same thing. No initiation, hence a curtailed ceremony. Thursday, December 22, IX day ïn'tiwa removed the stone figurine, Pü'ükoñhoya, to his own house this morning, and I go over to the Cañón to spend Christmas. 1 2 3

See p. 83 n. 1. Sihtaime succeeded Kwa'chakwa. See p. 1 n. 2. See p. 63 for the phrase, sun turns back.

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JOURNAL 1893 December 6 Kwa'chakwa, Sun chief, sometimes accompanied by Sakwi'stiwa who is also Sun chief, began constant observation of sunset. As at this time last year, the place where they sat to look at the sunset is the roof of the Hoñwüñwü, Bear person's house group 1 , from whence one has a clear view of the San Francisco Mountains (Map 4). December 10 This evening about an hour after sunset the following named met in the Sun house or shrine in the house of Vensi in Walpi : Kwa'chakwa, Sun chief ; Sakwi'stiwa, Sun chief ; Anawi'ta, Hii'mi moñwí2, Corn kernel chief (of the Agaves, of the Below) ; Kwa'a, Corn kernel chief; Su'pelä, chief of the Winter solstice ceremony. This is the cho'choñyüñya, emoke assemblage. The pipe was filled with tobacco and all smoked. Kwa'chakwa had prepared two road prayer-feathers and of the others each had prepared two or more ordinary prayer-feathers. These were placed in a basket tray, smoked over3 and carried by Kwa'chakwa to Ho'ñi. December 11 Ho'ñi placed the road prayer-feather and sprinkled prayermeal on the northeast road (ho'pole pühü) at the entrance (hü'chtwa) at the northeast end of Walpi. He then went to the house of his mother (i. e. maternal family house, house of Sha'llko) and just as the sun appeared, placed the prayer-feathers at the four directions and the road prayer-feather towards the sun and made the ti'yü'nava (ceremony announcement), announcing the Winter solstice ceremony for the fourth day from now. December \5ahoya'lúña yil'ñya „ 16 shüehta'la, first day „ 17 komo'ktolorkya, wood gathering (carrying) day (sleeps) „ 18 toto'lcya, sleeps „ 19 ti'hü, impersonation 1

See pp. 30, 38 n. 2. * This term for the Agave chieftaincy Stephen does not use again. This chieftaincy is held in the Patki clan. Possibly it is to be identified with the Patki chief referred to as yui'aeita (rain, ritual hair wash). See Parsons 17:87 n. 136. • For a fuller account, Doraey & Voth 1:16.

Hopi

December 20 o'vebiiwa. first day „

Journal

Sun prayer-stick making,

63 ehüshta'la,

21 lüeh'tala, second d a y

22 paieh'tala, third day 23 na'lüshta'la, fourth day December 15, yü'ñya, I day The kiva chiefs went in to their kivas this morning at sunrise. No others assemble in kiva till tomorrow. Te'me went into his kiva (Mo'nete) last evening (the fourteenth) ceremonially. I can not make out why he goes down ahead of the Hopi chiefs. Au'halani is a man, is the Shoya'l kachina. He is accompanied by two maidens and these are hie sisters (shi'wamatü). This trio pertains to the Patki clan. 1 Ta'wa a'hoyi, Sun turns back. 1 In Chief kiva the posh chiefs meet on the fifteenth, but in the rest of the kivas it is the kiva chiefs who assemble therein. Chief kiva: Tii'Inoa, Kikmoñwí (Town chief); Su'pelä, Shoya'l moñwi, Winter solstice ceremony chief ; Kwa'a, Hü'mi moñwi, Corn kernel chief. Wikwa'lobi : Sü'yiikü, kiva chief Nasha'bki : Ü'üwa and Mo'mi, kiva chiefs Horn kiva: Shü'himü, kiva chief Goat kiva : Pi'ba and Pauwati'wa, kiva chiefs Pavüñchomo (Young corn mound) : Choshoñ'níwa, kiva chief Kwiñyapchomo (Oak mound): Nüva'tí, kiva chief Mo'nete : Te'me, toyo'ñ8 i. e. Kikmoñwí Pen'dete: Wë'hë, túñ'tai4 to'ñyo i. e. Ta'waki moñwi and Shoya'l moñwi Although they speak of only the kiva chiefs "assembling", this of course is meant ceremonially, for in each kiva are numerous members, mostly engaged in carding and spinning cotton, getting ready for prayer-feathers. In Chief kiva the tied (eomi) prayer-stick was made as last year, a little earlier in the forenoon and was placed by Kwa'a, in Sun 1 This ie the form of reference to the solstice common in the Eastern towns. — Ed. * Sure, very, i. e. high chief. 3 Chief, the complete term is posptoyo, probably meaning water run chief; in the East, chief of the Summer People or moiety. See p. 393 n. 1. (Parsons 21:210.) — Ed. 4 Or tan'tai, meaning in Tewa Sun ( ?) rests or walks. — Ed.

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spring. I t is placed in the deepest part of the spring-pool. Kwa'a was about hip deep as he thrust it in the mud in the bottom of the pool. This explains why I could not find it last year. All the kivas have the same standard, two woodpecker tail feathers bound to the end of a black long prayer-stick, except in Tewa where the Mo'nete has a standard of two hawk feathers with yellow warbler feather attached. (Fig. 40). December 18, toto'kya, IV day This morning between sunrise and seven or eight o'clock all the men washed their heads with yucca suds at their own houses and returning to their kivas began the prayerstick and prayer-feather making. Each man brings down his own feather-box or other receptacle. The bunches of bam'navi, white sage, and tufts of pine needles are, like the pigments, used in comFig. 40. Standard in Mo'nete, Winter solstice

ceremony

mon

>

i· e ·

passed

from

hand to hand. Feathers also are offered occasionally from those who have a good supply to others who may want them. In Chief kiva are about forty men all thus busy. As a ride all are naked save for breech cloth with their hair hanging loose. In this kiva I note the following prayer-sticks: the ordinary blue-green prayer-stick, turkey feather wrapper and prayer-feather of hawk feather, — it is specially distinguished as Shoya'l (Winter solstice) prayer-stick by the triple pine needle invariably tied to all prayer-feathers; Sun prayer-stick, the ordinary blue-green prayer-stick, but with facet cut on the "left" stem, which facet is painted yellow and in most instances dotted for eyes and mouth (Fig. 41); corn (ka'il) prayer-stick, two slender willow stems unpeeled and whitened with white clay and water;

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field prayer-etick, same as above; cattle prayer-stick, a stem of peeled willow, the length of the forearm inside from elbow to wrist, smeared with copper ore water (ahakwa' hû'yij, with hoto'mni prayer-feathers, three or four fastened equidistant (Fig. 42); also

Fig. 41. Sun prayerstick, Winter solstice ceremony

Fig. 42. Cattle prayerstick, in Chief kiva

ki'hüt hoto'mni prayer-stick, a slender rod of willow, sometimes measured upon the forearm, some of them not so measured, most of them from six to eight inches long and with four prayer-feathers fastened equidistant. These ki'hü (house) prayer-sticks are to be placed in the roof of the house of the maker this evening. The Pyü' ükoñ stone fetich sits at the foot of the ladder as last year. The members of the Agaves in this kiva, as Anawi'ta, In'tiwa, etc. make the ordinary Sun and blue-green prayer-sticks, but invariably with black legs (ho'kya lcwii'mbi) i. e. the butt of the prayer-stick blackened with shale pigment for say one and one-half inches. In preparing the food packet for the prayer-feathers a pinch of prayer-meal is placed in a strip of husk, the maker then dips his finger in honey and puts it in his mouth. He then spurts on the feathers, bam'navi, white sage, etc. and rubs a drop or two of honey among the meal, spurts on his hands and rubs his body.

ββ

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Μ.

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The road prayer-feather's length of string is thus determined: one takee the free end of the string between forefinger and thumb of left hand and extends the left arm, measures with right hand to centre of breast, then laying bight at this length around the knee, winds the length twice, between knee and left hand, this gives a string of four strands, the length from middle of breast to forefinger and thumb of left hand, the left arm stretched out. Several members of this kiva also make the eagle egg prayer-stick of dry cottonwood root, about two inches long and one inch or one and one-half inches in diameter, carved into a rude oval, whitened with clay, spotted with the black shale pigment, and prayer-feather tied around the middle. (Fig. 43). The fire prayer-sticks will be placed this afternoon. In Wikwa'lobi are fourteen members, naked, as usual, all making prayer-sticks and prayerfeathers. The curious mask of Cha'kwainä, their grandmother, with bandoleer and hair frame, is fastened to the north leg of the ladder as last year. All the members fasten, each of them, a prayer-feather to the string by which this mask is fastened to the ladder. The prayer-sticks and prayer-feathers are jciR. -.o. about the same as those being made in Chief kiva. prayer-stick, Winter I notice a Calvary cross prayer-stick of peeled solstice ceremony willow but not whitened, and with six prayerfeathers fastened hoto'mni (equidistant down the stick) ; this, the maker tells me, is his sheep prayer-stick. Ha'yi in Chief kiva, and here Süñoítí'wa, each gave me a prayerfeather with hopes that the kachina tomorrow will bring me relief and cure my throat. 1 1 receive several prayer-feathers here with the same good wishes. It is now about noon and several of the men here have the prayer-feathers fastened in their hair, which they have already received from their friends. At the southwest end of the kiva, about in the middle, and close against the wall, is a little mound of sand in which is set a crook prayer-etick with a few ears of corn lying beside it, and a trail of meal from the mound toward the ladder. A turkey feather is set at the base of the crook, to which is fastened a long road prayer1 This is a significant reference to the curing function of the kachina which has been generally overlooked. See pp. 124, 155, 361.

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feather. This prayer-feather is stretched along the meal trail (Fig.44). In Sichomovi the crook prayer-stick is set in a clay sphere (Fig. 45). The crook is a prayer-stick with turkey feather wrapper and food packet, bam'navi and white sage. The crook prayer-stick is the staff of the "old men."

Thrust in the kiva roof, just over the north side of the upraise is the hi'kei, a moñpühübi shrub to the stem of which is fastened a long strip of corn husk, the shrub quite untrimmed. At the stem where the husk is fastened are numerous prayer-feathers, and the four "nights" are marked by four blackened spaces. One long road prayer-feather, eagle underwing, hangs down from the stem. (Fig. 46). In Nasha'bki it is about the same as in Wikwa'lobi, same crook prayer-stick and hi'lesi. In Horn kiva are twenty-two prayer-stick makers, same crook prayer-stick and hi'ksi. 5*

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Alexander M. Stephen,

>

Fig. 46.

4\

Hi'kei

prayer-atick

Stick, black; longest pendant feathers hawk and woodpecker.

On the north leg of the ladder they tied just now a string and fastened a prayer-feather to it, all the rest of the kiva members at intervals each fastened a prayer-feather to the same string. This prayer-feather fastening to ladder is called sak'paho, ladder prayerstick, and is common to all the kivas, with the variation in Wikwa'lobi as noted. I noted in Horn kiva preparation of Sun prayer-sticks in which the stems are unpeeled, but the butt ends painted with copper ore water. I inquired as to this and they explained that this prayer-stick is made from blue willow (shakwa' kaha'bï), and hence the bark is left on and requires no pigment... Cattle (Fig. 47) and antelope prayer-stick. (Fig. 48). As in other kivas those who belong to the Agaves paint black legs on their prayer-sticks.

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Nearly everyone ae he completes his prayer-stick, holds it before and close to his mouth and inaudibly mutters his prayer upon it, and then lays it down in his basket tray. He repeats this with each prayer-stick he makes. In the afternoon the fire prayer-stick was placed at the northwest corner at each fireplace — a slender sprig of sumac with four or more prayer-feathers fastened equidistant down the stem.

Fig. 47. Cattle prayer-stick, in Horn kiva Of willow, the cross piece split. Peeled and, from pointed tip to cross piece, green fthakwa' hii'yi), the cross piece and butt end above it white. About six inches long. Note teeth in white on tip. The stick will be bound with turkey feather wrapper, bam'navi and white sage, and nü'shi.

As last year, men arrayed themselves and wrapped in blanket mantle passed from house to house and village to village distributing prayer-feathers just at sunset. In Mo'nete: Cattle prayer-stick (Fig. 49); sheep prayer-stick (Fig. 50) ; moisture (pa'hil) prayer-stick, long, black with prayerfeathers equidistant; house prayer-stick, un painted and unpeeled willow with prayer-feathers equidistant. Prayer-feathers for peaches

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consisting of one breast feather of owl and one or two email breast feathers of yellow bird. The road prayer-feather inMo'nete is first laid with prayermeal and on this a line of pollen. The same altar as last year. On the upraise in Mo'nete, a number of firearms lean over the group of war figurines which are dingy and discoloured. (Fig. 61). As last year, these are brought out this evening a little before sunset. The figures on the up« Fig. 48. Antelope prayer-stick, in Horn kiva raise at Pen'dete (Fig. 52) Of Cottonwood root painted white, three inches are painted this evening, long and about one and one-quarter inches wide. Clouds, eikya' o mau, yellow cloud, in red from base to neck; each corner; black border. The chevron marks heads black with white are antelope footprints; on reverse are six lines. 1 The mountain lion footprints, and two on handle. The foot(pokadta, his pet) is paintprints in black. ed red. In Goat kiva are the same three old antelope skulls, lying on the north side of the upraise, as last year. The same altar in Chief kiva, in fact, as near as may be, the ceremony is exactly the same as that of last year. The same prayerfeather making and distribution. As last year, Su'pelä gathered up all the woodpecker prayersticks (standards) at sunset. This night nearly all the principal men were assembled in Chief kiva and Ha'yi delivered the ti'poni of the Flute (the ti'poni formerly carried by Si'mo) to Tü'inoa 2 . This ti'poni is kept in the house of Talas'vensi, the Lenwüñwü yü'amü 3 , the Len ki'hü (Flute house). All ti'poni are kept in the house of the chief's mother. 1

Cp. the war god images of San Juan. (Hodge, 396, Fig. 146.) * This refers to the installation of the new Town chief. The chief of the Flute society serves as Town chief. See p. 951. — Ed. * Flute clan their mother, Stephen would translate; but it should be, I think, Millet persons or lineage their mother. See p. 769 n. 1. — Ed.

Hopi Journal

Fig. 49. Cattle prayer-stick in Mo'nete Tip and notch, green; other parts, black.

71

Fig. 50. Sheep prayer-stick (kane'lpaho), in Mo'nete Tip peeled, but uncoloured ; stem black.

December 19, ti'hü, V day Placing of prayer-sticks this morning. Placing of fire prayersticks on roof of kiva, etc. No standard on any kiva hatch today except at Chief kiva where (instead of the Antelope standard of last year) is placed the Flute standard and horn helmet (Fig. 53) announcing to the Directions1 (na'nanivo) that the Flute assemblage (Len' yü'ñya). or ceremony occurs this coming year. December 20, VI day Sun prayer-stick making (Uiwa'pahola'lalauwu). No standard on any kiva this day except at Chief kiva where, in the straw mat, is 1

Chiefs of the Directions, rain chiefs or spirits. — Ed.

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placed the Flute standard prayer-stick, that is the staff and foxskin, and the mountain sheep horn helmet, the watchman (til'vxda). At about 10 A. M. the two or three who were in Chief kiva went with paint mullere, etc. to the Sun shrine in the house of Vensi (as last year), to make the Sun prayer-sticks. There are present in this Sim shrine, Kwa'chakwa, Sakwi'stiwa, Anawi'ta, Kwa'a, Sikya'ustiwa, Su'pelä.

Fig. 51. War god figurines in Mo'nete, Winter solstice ceremony a, Buzzard (Wi'shoko). 6, Pyü'ükañ. c, Spider woman (Ko'kyañ wu'hti). d, Pa'lüñahoya.

Moñpü'hibi or chükü'bikso'na, two names for the shrub of which the hi'kei is made, and of which also are made the circle "Sun house" stick and the crook prayer-stick. The stems used are very slender, about the size of a knitting needle. The Sim prayer-sticks are made of willow.

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Anawi'ta and Sakwi'stiwa each made one warrior prayer-stick (one stem) of manzanita. HUxrU' prayer-stick or hüzrü' kola' prayerstick, are the names applied to the warrior prayer-stick. The flat Sun prayer-sticks are not called broad ( püch ) prayer-sticks generally, still they do describe them by the term ta'wa püchpaho.

Fig. 52. War god figurines in Pen'dete, Winter solstice ceremony a, Pyü'ükañ. b, Pa'lüñahoya. (Note horn, broken off some years ago), c, mountain lion.

Alexander M. Stephen

Fig. 53. Flute standard (Len na'chi) and horn helmet on Chief kiva, to announce the Flute ceremony for 1894 Stick, black; pendent of red hair.

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Each of the five here makes the offerings shown in Fig. 54. The prayer-sticks have the length from center of palm to tip of middle finger. Kwa'chakwa makes a corn prayer-stick of cottonwood root of about the same length as other prayer-sticks and one and one-half

a, Sun flat prayer-stick (ta'wa püchpaho), blue with yellow facets, black butts. 6, Sun prayer-stick, blue with yellow facet, black butts, c, crook, one under wing (eagle) feather (pi'bhü), one yellow bird wing feather, d, "Sun house."

inches in diameter. (Fig. 55). He also makes a cigarette fchoño'tkya) prayer-stick, a stalk of cane, not quite so thick as a pencil and about the length from wrist to tip of middle finger. (Fig. 56). He lays some of the small feathers of the yellow bird upon its outside in small tufts, from one end toward the other, and wraps the reed, irregularly, with cotton string to hold the feathers in place, then daubs with yucca brush the outside of the reed in places here and there with copper ore and water. This cigarette prayer-stick is filled with tobacco, the ends stuffed with the small yellow bird feathers, and will be smoked tomorrow morning by Kwa'chakwa. Kwa'chakwa also makes one slender crook prayer-stick the same as the rest, the length of the middle finger ; one "sun house" and three prayer-stick stems without facets. These he places in the Ko'honino tray before

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him. He makes one very long road prayer-feather. He makes of one of the stems (painted blue) a Sun chief prayer-stick to which are fastened equidistant four feathers (yellow) of the "sun maiden." (Fig. 57b). Also of slender stem of moñpühübi stem about twelve inches long, he makes the perched prayer-stick (Fig. 57 a), the rain prayer-stick, fastening \ V L at its tip one wing feather \ »I of "sun maiden". Of the other two seems he makes a Sun prayer-stick, no facet, fastening a crook prayer-stick to it Fig. 56. and to this crook is fastened Cigarette the very long road prayerprayer-stick feather — this is Sun his road (ta'wa pühü'adta). (Fig. 57 c). To all the prayerFig. 55. Corn prayer-stick feathers used by all the six Blue with black lines ; the triple pine needle is under wing eagle feathers. attached. All the food packets are made of prayer-meal and a drop of honey, wrapped in husk as usual. All prayer-sticks have turkey feather wrappers and bam'navi and sage a« usual. The honey is in a little old black-line honey jar, momo'ebala 8%'bvu. It is really a handled little water jar (kü'yisibhoya). (Fig. 58). When used for honey it is called as above, honey-jar. Anawi'ta and Sakwi'stiwa make each one warrior prayer-stick, a single stem of manzanita unpeeled. (Fig. 59). It is painted with "skystone" rubbed down in water over the bark and at the ends, and on this is sprinkled specular iron. The "wrapper" is an eagle wing primary (kale'nsa). The food packet is a pinch of specular iron, no honey, no herbs, but a prayer-feather of hawk feather. Each member, as he finishes a prayer-stick, prays silently upon it, holding it close to his mouth, then lays it in the Ko'honino tray. All the prayer-sticks are now about noon placed in the same tray by their makers, the points toward the centre, the feathers resting on the tray edge, the whole radiating around the inside of the tray. The

4 Ψ

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^yyf^

Fig. 57. Sun prayer-sticks a, perched, b, Sun chief prayer-stick, c, Sun prayer-stick, with road prayerfeather.

Fig. 58. Honey jar, used in prayer-stick making

Fig. 59. Warrior prayer-stick

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cigarette prayer-stick is also in the same tray. Each one also makes several additional prayer-feathers for horses, sheep, burros, etc., also owl feather prayer-feather for peaches.1 The owl feather is used for this purpose because the owl feather is used at Powa'mû. No pine needles are fastened to the owl prayer-feathers because the pine brings cold.* Instead of the pine needle a sprig of bam'navi is fastened. About 1 P. M. Kwa'chakwa places the tray containing all the prayer-sticks in the northwest corner. He then sets a tray of prayermeal near it. He takes a handful of meal and prays on it held close to his mouth and sprinkles the meal on the prayer-stick. He then stretches out the road prayer-feather about in the centre of the room, then eprinkles meal along the string and on the feather but not beyond the feather. He takes another handful of meal and after praying on it sprinkles on the prayer-sticks, and along the prayerfeathers and across the floor to the ladder and up the ladder and casts the remainder toward the sunrise place. He does this three times. With the first partial sprinkling this makes four meal sprinklings. Su'pelä takes a handful of meal, sprinkles on the prayer-sticks and across the floor and up the ladder, once. Anawi'ta does this also once, then takes a pinch of honey in his mouth and a very little water from a cup and spurts upon everyone and all around the chamber. Meanwhile Kwa'a has brought out pipes and tobacco and filling and lighting one he passes it to Kwa'chakwa who after a puff or two says, "My younger brother," and Kwa'a responds, "My elder brother." Kwa'chakwa squats by the tray as per diagram (Fig. 60) and Su'pelà sits by him. After smoking a little while, Kwa'chakwa passes the pipe to Su'pelä. Su'pelà says, "Younger brother," and Kwa'chakwa responds by "Elder brother." Su'pelä, after smoking a little while, passes the pipe to Anawi'ta who says, "Younger brother," and Su'pelä responds by "Elder brother." Anawi'ta then smokes a little and passes the pipe to Sakwi'stiwa who says, "Elder brother," and Anawi'ta responds by "Younger brother." Sakwi'stiwa passes the pipe to Sikya'ustiwa who after smoking says, "Iti'waiya" (my sister's son), and Sakwi'stiwa responds, "Ita'a (my mother's brother). Sikya'ustiwa then passes the pipe to Kwa'a who says, "My mother's brother," and Sikya'ustiwa responds, "My sister's son." Kwa'chakwa prays briefly, the others respond; then each of the following in order prays, the others responding, Su'pela, Kwa'a Anawi'ta, Sakwi'stiwa, Sikya'ustiwa. The pipe having gone round to Kwa'a, Kwa'chakwa and Su'pelä begin to sing in very low tones, 1 1

Cp. Dorsey & Voth 1:37 n. Spring frost damages the peach crops. — Ed.

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Fig. 60. Diagram of positions of Sun prayer-stick makers of Patki clan 1. Kwa'chakwa. 2. Su'pelà. 3. Anawi'ta 4. Kwa'a. 5. Sikya'ustiwa. 6. Sakwi'stiwa. a, fireplace, b, niche, c, ladder, d, mealing stones, e, vulture feather, f, eagle feather, g, jar. h, meal.

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scarcely audible, and at the same time Sikya'ustiwa, stripping save for breech cloth, takes an eagle wing feather and places on it a pinch of meal, feather in left hand, meal held in right. Á t certain phrases of the song the old man waves the feather over the heads of everyone and tosses the meal from the feather up the trap door, this six times. He then lays down the feather and resumes his seat. The eagle feather is used at this navo'chiwa because it is to purify the prayer-sticks, but the vulture wing feather is to be used at the final purification. The eagle feather is stuck back in the roof. Kwa'chakwa takes up the very small gourd rattle and he and Su'pelä begin a quite silent song, only marked by the very faint clicking of the rattle, these two faintly whistle, the others take no part in the songs but continue their prayer-feather making and quite frequently talk to each other of secular affairs and occasionally laugh. The two cease the rattle and whistling song and pray quite silently, their heads close together. It is a silent chant, its measure marked by the movement of Kwa'chakwa's head and his sprinkling meal upon the prayer-sticks at intervals. The end of one of these silent measures is marked by Su'pelä motioning as if to cast meal and Kwa'chakwa presently taking a little pollen from his pouch lying before him and sprinkling the prayer-sticks and along the meal trail and tossing the remainder up the ladder. They resume the silent measures, Kwa'chakwa this time sprinkling at intervals with meal upon the prayer-sticks and towards the meal trail. He sprinkles meal on the prayer-sticks and along the trail and tosses the remainder up the ladder, this marks the end of another silent measure. He then takes up the miniature gourd prayer-stick and shakes it softly to a lively measure, still silent, not quite, I can hear the whisper. A t one of the measures Su'pelä says, "Taai"' (i.e. begin) and all go up to the tray and take a pinch of meal with the right hand, pray upon it and cast it on the prayer-stick tray and along the meal trail. Sakwi'stiwa and Sikya'ustiwa each fill a pipe with tobacco and smoke, talking informally as they do so, but the silent measures still continue, Kwa'chakwa softly beating time with the rattle. I hear the two softly whistling again, the other four talk informally. At a certain measure, Su'pelä again warns, and Sikya'ustiwa goes up to the tray and takes a handful of meal in his right hand, then pouring a little of it into his left hand, he with the left hand makes a meal streak upon the left cheek of Kwa'chakwa and successively upon the left cheek of everyone in the chamber, rubs his own cheek last of all.

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The silent measure changes into fast time as marked by the soft rattle clicks. After a long period of this, Kwa'chakwa lays down the rattle and takes up the tray, holding it with both hands a few inches above the place where it had been resting and continuing a silent measure, beats time to it by moving the tray gently up and down, Su'pelä sitting by in silence. The only one naked is Sikya'ustiwa, but all are barefoot and have their hair hanging loose. Kwa'chakwa sets down the tray and after a short interval of silence he prays aloud, the others responding. He sprinkles prayer-sticks at the end of his prayer. Su'pelä takes a handful of meal and prays; the others respond. At the close of his prayer he sprinkles the meal upon the prayer-sticks and along the meal trail, Kwa'a prays (no meal), the others respond. He takes a handful of meal and prays on it, at the end of his prayer he sprinkles the prayer-sticks and on the meal trail. Anawi'ta takes a handful of meal and prays. Sakwi'stiwa then prays, takes a pinch of meal afterward and prays on it and caste it on the prayer-sticks. Sikya'ustiwa then prays without meal. Kwa'a fills and lights the pipe and passes it to Kwa'chakwa. The pipe is passed around as before. After the pipe had passed, Sikya'ustiwa took up the vulture wing feather in his left hand and a pinch of ashes from the fireplace in his right hand, and then placed a little of the ashes on the vulture feather. All in the chamber took a little ashes from the fireplace and laid them in a small heap in front of themselves. Sikya'ustiwa, praying inaudibly and marking time with the feather, then began at Kwa'chakwa (all were squatted facing toward the middle of the chamber) and drew the feather across his feet from left to right and thus passed across the feet of each one in the chamber and tossed the ashes from the feather up through the trap. All at the same time taking a pinch of ashes in the left hand and passing this left hand around and above the head in sinistral circuit tossed the ashes toward the trap door. Sikya'ustiwa then in similar manner drew the feather across the knees of everyone, then across the breast, then across the mouth, then over the top of the head. At each of these movements the same ceremony was observed. All then gathered up any ashes left on the floor and quickly mounted the trap door, casting the ashes away and spitting violently, and most of them took a mouthful of water and spurted on the hands, partly washing them. The ceremonies ended about 4 P. M. Food in great abundance1 1 Contributed by all the townswomen. The prayer-stick makers eat first, then all the women and children are invited to eat. — Ed.

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was then brought peaches, etc.

to the

kiva,

wafer-bread, meat etew,

December 21, VII day Mau'wa1, son of the sister of Sikya'ustiwa, was at early dawn anointed by Kwa'chakwa, as usual, with honey on soles of feet, breast, hands and on tongue, etc. The Sun prayer-sticks as last year were wrapped up in a cotton blanket, and he carried them on his back (i'kwiyuta) to the Sun shrine, Ta'waki, east of Pü'pshe2. The white woolen blanket with its coloured border may not be used to wrap these prayer-sticks, nor may any fabric which has dyed yarn in it. The smell of the urine used in the dye is offensive to the Sun. December 23, IX day Today is called the fourth day, na'lüshta'la, they also say yû'kû, finished. This morning early In'tiwa carried off the War god image to his house, i. e. the house of his mother, of the Kachina clan. Today is also called moñ'mowitü kü'küyiva (chiefs emerge). In dhief kiva are assembled Kwa'chakwa, Su'pelä, Kwa'a, Tii'inoa, Sakwi'stiwa, Wë'hë, Cha'sra, Anawi'ta, Sikya'ustiwa, ïn 'tiwa. In Wikwa'lobi, Tala'hoya (Mustard) : Nasha'bki, Nüvau'wíni ; Horn kiva, Ka'kaptI (Lizard); Goat kiva, Ü'üwa (Snake); Young corn mound kiva, A'pa; Oak mound kiva, Silau'tiwa (Badger). 1

To be identified, presumably, with Mawa, Patki clansman and Sunwatcher or chief in 1920. (Parsons 17:87 n. 136.) — Ed. * For the summer solstice there is a like depositing of prayer-sticks. (Parsons 17:94—95.) I t is strange that Stephen makes no reference to the summer ritual which is held in the Sun house, June 20—21. — Ed.

WARRIOR PRAYER-STICK MAKING (KALE'TAK PA'HOLA'LAUWÚ) INTRODUCTORY NOTE Four days after the removal of the war god image that has stood guard during the Winter solstice ceremony in Chief kiva,1 is performed the War chief ceremony or annual prayer-stick making,2 in the maternal house of the chief of the War society. He is a Reed clansman. The ceremony belongs to this clan. Stephen lists nineteen members of the society ; he does not give their clan affiliations, but I was told that they belonged to the Reed (Sun) clan or were children of the clan i. e. their fathers were Reed-Sun clansmen.3 I was also told that "the Crier chief had to be with them." In connection with the ceremony Stephen mentions a stickswallowing group. Whether or not the group or organization still exists I do not know. Elsewhere also the stick-swallowing performance has war associations.4 The supernatural referred to are the Twins, Pü'ükoñhoya and Pa'lüñahoya, and their grandmother, Spider woman, Wind, and Masau'wû, the ubiquitous war and death spirit of First Mesa. It is interesting to find that Masau'wû is prayed to against sickness, in accordance with the general Pueblo theory that the disease sender is also the curer of disease. A like ideological pattern is expressed in the non-participation of the War society members in the War dance. Should they dance, windy or inclement weather would result. Having the power to check the winds, they can also produce them5 by dancing, just as the kachina impersonators produce rain. 1 This is in charge of In'tiwa, Powa'mû chief, and chief of the Kachina clan, and, is distinct from the images of Pauwati'wa, War chief, and chief of the Reed clan which have been on his altar in Goat kiva in the Winter solstice ceremony. ' At Oraibi the war ceremony of the Momchitu is introduced into the Winter solstice ceremony, on the fourth day. (Dorsey and Voth 1: 18ff.). — Ed. 3 Cp. Parsons 17 : 14—15. * The Big Firebrand society of Zuñí has both warrior and stick-swallowing functions. At Jemez (Parsons 18: 66) andAcoma (White 1: 115—116) stickswallowing is associated with the Fire and Flint (Jemez) curing societies. — Ed. 5 In the East, wind is caused by witches, but there is also a Wind spirit. — Ed.

6*

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According to the same circle of ideas, on the day of the war ceremony, states Crow-wing, kachina songs are forbidden, also grinding meal, for the ceremony is not for rain or crops, but to make the ground freeze. Frost and keeping away disastrous storm and epidemic are, then, the objects of the ceremony. Besides, there is ritual to strengthen houses and walls and to give courage to the young. According to Crow-wing, any woman who wants a son will bring food to the assemblage at the close of the day.1 The public or general war dance is of the circle dance type, as elsewhere.2 I t was danced in 1893 for the first time in thirty years. I heard nothing of this war dance in my visits to First Mesa ; but no doubt it may be danced again, any year, just as the scalp dance was revived at Zuñí after a lapse of years and the assurance that it was forever extinct. With the lapse of war, war ritual tends of course in all the pueblos to be forgotten, and this I found particularly so among the Hopi, so that our Journalist's account of ancient war practices is peculiarly valuable. His reference to the function of the beetle in obscuring tracks may explain why beetles are used in the medicine of the Snake society, a some time war society. Impersonation of Bear at the Snake initiation, the bear skin on the warriors' altar, bear herb or root in the pellets of the warrior's bandoleer, together with bear hairs point to the association of the bear with war which occurs in other pueblos.3 Sho'tukünúñwa, the Sky or Star god, was prayed to in the old war ritual. We recall that the War chief has a star effigy on his altar and a design of the Milky Way on his house wall. The association of the stars with war occurs in other pueblos.4 War medicine-water is still given to little boys to make them brave.6 Is this a derivation from the ritual cannibalism Stephen describes, the eating of shreds from the scalps ? Beyond stating that the scalps were deposited in a rock crevice, called Scalp house,® Stephen records nothing about their custody, and nothing is known about that matter today. May future students investigate ! Cp. Parsons 24: 116. Zuñi, Parsons 16: 17; Tewa, Parsons 24: 138; Taos, Parsons 31. s Hallowell, 77; Parsons 31. Bear is associated also with warrior kachinas, seep. 117; also for Zuñi, Parsons 3 : 213; Parsons 12: 187. * Jemez,Parsons 18 : 125—6; Laguna, Parsons 7 : 91, 95 ; Taos, Parsons 31. * Parsons 17: 16; also Dorsey and Voth 1 : 25—26. It is curious that Stephen makes no mention of the distribution of the medicine by the impersonators of the war gods. Possibly this is an innovation, if not a revival. — Ed. * Pp. 99, 1006. 1

1

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Monday, December 26. I returned to Walpi today, arriving shortly after noon, and went immediately to a room in the house of Nii ' wensi, Pauwati' wa's mother. This is a small, low ceiled (5 ft.) chamber, kale'tak kihü, War chief house, entered by a hatchway in the floor of the front (east) living room. I found there the Kaletakwimkya (War society) assembled (of which Pauwati'wa is chief) for the purpose of observing their

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Fig. 62. War society altar

annual prayer-stick making called kale'talc pa'hola'lauwû, also hiizriï (hard) pa'hola'lauwû. In piiehü'myüká, the corner between northwest and northeast, here sits the War society altar, Pü'ükoñhoya to the northwest, then the ti'poni on a meal mound, then Pa'lüñahoya. At the right of Pü'ükoñhoya sit some twelve or fifteen stone effigies of the mountain lion. Two long notched sticks (wuko, big, zrükü'npi) ending in bifurcation; the leg bones of bear are used to rub upon them. Two long narrow stones.1 (Before going upon a foray, the War chief invoked the anger of Pü'ükoñhoya against the enemy, using these weapons at the altar. This brought fear upon the enemy.) Four trays of prayer-sticks, twenty by three by two inches. Sun prayer-sticks, two sets made by Pauwati'wa, one set small willow, female not distinguished, one set female marked by flat facet. Both Called kiâkù'Uapî < kih'po, war cry; küiyañwú, to cut down an enemy. — A. M. S. Compare the ritual stones of one of the war chiefs of Isleta. (Parsons 26: 279). — Ed. 1

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of these Sun blue-green prayer-sticks have turkey feather wrapper; the primary wing feathers of eagle trim all the rest. The stems of the war prayer-sticks are painted with specular iron, — the piece is now a cube of about two inches. In front of each figurine is the lightning stick frame (ta'lawi'piki, lightning house), about six sticks crossing or twelve in all, sticks one-half inch in diameter and six to seven inches long. Also a nodule club (pü'vunilshoñni). Very rude altar. (Figs. 61, 62). Over the altar are suspended three "clouds" covered with raw cotton. From their lower edge hang prayer-feathers depicting falling rain. On the northeast side of the cloud Fig. 63. Milky Way (Soñwuka) symbol is the sky symbol of two sticks crossed at right angles (to'kpela, sky). (Fig. 62). Design of Milky Way (Soñwuka) (Kg. 63)1 on south wall. 2 Bundle of five old Ute arrow shafts and one crook prayer-stick, Fig. 65.

Rays

Fig. 65. Crook prayer-stick on War society altar

(tala'añüh) of manzanita (tüwa'bi), green. At butt, old food packets (nil shiadta) ; turkey feathers and ritual herbs.

1 Indicating the usual association between the stars and war. The Tewa have a Milky Way kachina, E'öwi, who whips at the ceremonial which is their equivalent for Powamu. On his mask E'öwi has a design of the Milky Way and on his head he wears the warrior feather bundle. (Parsons 21 : 219—220; Parsons 17 : Fig. 23). On installation and retirement the War chiefs of Acoma are whipped much as are the kachina initiates. (White 1 : 48—49). — Ed. 1 I n 1887 Stephen noted other designs on the walls of this chamber (Fig. 64). Pueblo wall designs are ever impermanent. — Ed.

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Fig. 64a. Wall designs in chamber of War chief, 1887 1. Star. Inner disc, β in. Southeast wall. 2. Wildcat, 2 ft., 4 in. long; in yellow with dark spots, black border line, white spot over heart; feather fastened over heart. Southeast wall. 3. Sun. Disc, 9 in. Northeast wall. 4. White wolf. Snout to rump, 3 ft., tail, 1—% f t . ; in white, black border line. Northeast wall.

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Fig. 64b. Wall designs in chamber of War chief, 1887 5. Mountain lion, 3 ft. long; in yellow with white smears along under side, black border line. He is exhaling the rainbow. 6. Bear, 28 in. long; in dark brown, surrounded with blotchy lines in black, legs daubed with white, line from mouth to heart in red, as are the heart lines in all. Southwest wall.

The following list comprises all the members of the society: Pauwati'wa (chief), Nas'yüñaweva, Sakwi'stiwa, Ka'nii, Sikya'uwistiwa, Nü'üña, Tawai'yauma, Chii'a, Tüwas'mi, Na'i, Po'tsa, Ho'ñi, Wi'sti, Ya'kwa, Nami'ñha, Kwa'zrii, Ko'tka, Kwa'chakwa, Pi'bva1 —19. 1 From information given elsewhere, the following clan and society affiliations may be noted: Pauwati'wa, Reed clan (Eagle lineage), chief of War society; Nas'yüñawevá, chief of Coyote orCedarwood clan (Masau'wû lineage), Antelope medicine chief ; Sakwi'stiwa, Patki clan chief, Sun society and Winter solstice ceremony chief; Ka'nii, Reed (Eagle), member Snake society; Sikya'ustiwa, Patki clan chief, Sun society and Winter solstice ceremony chief, member Snake society; Nü'üña, ( Î) ; Tawai'yauma, Cottonwood clan (Tewa); Chü'a, Cedarwood clan, son of Pauwati'wa; Tüwas'mi, Reed clan, Horn society chief; Na'I, Reed clan, (? Sun lineage) (in 1920.

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In making the prayer-feather for Pü'ükoñ, eagle underwing feathers are used, but only the stiffest — "strongest" as they say, and the feather and string are both stained with specular iron rubbed down in water. As Pauwati'wa says, I must hasten and acquire full Hopi speech before he can explain these prayer-sticks and songs. Luckily, in one sense, the ceremonies were curtailed this year. Tuesday, December 27 Kale'tak wai'nima, the warriors walk about. 1 JOURNAL 1893 December 27 Twenty aside from Pauwati'wa assembled about 10 o'clock in the forenoon. Pauwati'wa hangs up bow and quiver, etc. over the doorway of his mother's house, at early sunrise; produces fetiches from the niche in the War chief house (kale'takki) and brings down a tray of meal and makes the altar where it was last year in the corner püshü'myükä. After making his prayer-sticks in the northwest corner, Pauwati'wa takes a seat in the southeast corner and sits there smoking some tobacco I brought him. All sit around the sides of the little chamber making prayer-sticks and prayer-feathers. Each makes two war (hiizrü' ) prayer-sticks of unpeeled manzanita (Fig. 66) and three prayer-feathers (one for each of the Twins and one for their grandmother, Ko'kyañ wu'hti, Spider woman). Each also makes two prayer-feathers for Masau'wû (one for each Masau'ki or shrine at northwest and southeast). 2 chief of the War society) ; Po'tsa, ( !) ; Ho'ñi, Snake clan, child of Reed, Crier chief, member Antelope society; Wi'sti, (Rabbit clan); Ya'kwa, Badger clan; Nami'ñha, Reed (Sun) clan; Kwa'zrü, Patki clan, child of Snake clan; Ko'tka, Bear clan, prospective chief of Horn society; Kwa'chakwa, Patki clan chief, Sun chief, a Winter solstice chief, a Snake; Pi'bva, Reed clan, member Antelope society. Of these nineteen members only six of those whose clan affiliations are known are Reed clansmen, with one child of Reed. Other clans represented are Patki, Coyote, Snake, Bear, Badger. The warrior affiliations of the members are somewhat notable — three Antelopee, three Snakes, ten Horns. Sakwi'stiwa belongs to the war cult of Masau'wû. 1 Distributing prayer-sticks (see p. 94) and possibly medicine-water. (See p. 84 n. 5). — Ed. 1 These two shrines are referred to here and elsewhere in terms which suggest there are no other Masau' shrines, Masau'ki or Maski. On the other hand the shrine near Red Cape which would seem to be the southeast shrine is called the southwest shrine. See App. 5.

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The prayer-etick feathers and the prayer-feathers for the altar have the pine needles of the Winter solstice ceremony, so also have those for Masau'wû. I note some say when handing their prayer-feathers to Pauwati'wa, "This for Masau'wû, and this for Hala'kabû (Wind)." Pauwati'wa sits at the southeast corner and those Masau' prayer-feathers are put in a tray sitting before him. Pauwati'wa makes two blue-green prayer-sticks with turkey feather wrapping. These, one for Sun and one for Tai'owa — so Pauwati'wa and Sakwi'stiwa say, but just before that Wi'sti told me one for each of the Twins. The set marked with facet is the Sun set. The set unmarked is for Sun spring. They are made in typical fashion and have each both sage and bam'navi attached and also of course the food packet and prayer-feathers with triple pine needle. The facet of Sun's set is painted yellow with eyes and mouth suggested by dots of black shale. Several boys of from seven to nine years old are brought down by their fathers and two or three of them are given their father's prayer-feathers to lay before the Twins. The prayer-feathers are laid upon the lightning sticks and a pinch of Fig. 66. War prayer-stick Food packet of prayermeal is sprinkled. Numbers of Winter solstice prayer- meal ; erect feather, eagle primary wing (kwa'hüt feathers are made and presented among kale'nsa) ; pendant, eagle the members here with the customary breast feather, wing or greetings. other feather of bluebird (cho'ro). Peach prayer-feathers are made in considerable numbers here. All of owl, except one which is of turkey breast feather with sprig of bam'navi attached. Pauwati'wa says either of these is good. They have now (about 1 P. M.) about finished prayer-stick making. The prayer-sticks are laid in four Ko'honino trays irregularly set on the floor. Aside from these four in front of Pauwati'wa sits a Ko'honino tray in which are his two blue-green prayer-sticks, several war prayer-sticks, the Masau'wû prayer-feathers and numerous Winter solstice prayer-feathers.

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The Ko'honino tray in which the stone fetiches are, Pauwati'wa calls ch&kiipo'ota (clay basket tray), but there seems no special sacredness attached to it. Chii'a is now told to grind the specular iron on a muller slab, which is the door (ü'chpi) of the Pyü'ükoñkiadta (Pü'ükoñ his house), the niche in the northwest corner of this chamber. The slab is laid on the floor about in front of the ladder and Chii'a brings down a cup of water and taps off some fragments of the specular iron and rubs with the fragment upon the muller, making a deep red pigment. When the meteoric pigment (pahokü'küyi, prayer-stick water) is brought to proper consistency, about that of milk, by Chü'a, Pauwati'wa calls those present to begin to paint their prayer-sticks, and at the same time he, still sitting in the southeast corner, begins a series of songs called paho chüJcüa'shta'ioi, prayer-stick mud wash songs, and these he continues singing alone during the operation of prayer-stick painting, 1 which occupies about fifteen minutes. Instead of a brush, only the forefinger of the right hand is used. Only the stem is thus painted or stained red, all over and on ends ; the prayerfeather string is not painted. The prayer-sticks having been painted by all the members, (Pauwati'wa's song ceased sometime before the finish of painting), the prayer-sticks are laid back in the trays by their makers, and Pauwati'wa then (after everybody else) paints the four war prayersticks which he has made. At the placing of the altar called momckpoñ'ya or kale'taka poñ'ya (warrior altar), Fig. 67, there was no set ceremony, no song nor audible prayer, but as usual when Pauwati'wa placed the meal in little mounds for the Twins, etc. and the ti'poni to sit in, he took a pinch of meal, prayed on it silently, and sprinkled it across the floor toward the ladder, then up the ladder and cast the remainder toward the sim. No prayer-feathers are laid on the trail. There are seven toho'poko (fetich animals), big and little. Two crook prayer-sticks (Fig. 65) are laid by Pauwati'wa in the tray with his prayer-sticks and prayer-feathers. The War chief standard which hangs on a peg above the door of the house of the mother of Pauwati'wa, on the south front of the wall, is composed of : bow in bow case ; arrows in quiver ; two bandoleers (four cords) ; lemo'vita na'kchi (hail headdress), skin skull cap with beadwork; two poero'ptana'kchi, the netted skull cap. No food is brought to the War chief. This morning Anawi'ta 2 1 1

Cp. Isleta (Parsons 26: 292). Probably as chief of the Agave society. See Anawi'ta, App. 3. — Ed.

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Fig. 67. Warrior altar Pü'ükoñhoya, black; head piece of clay. Pa'lüñahoya, greenish drab (aikya'ñpü) and white face with black lines; two celts; Spider woman (amorphous lump) ; next to it, celt; behind ti'poni, tray of stone fetiches; bear leg bones ; two aspergills (makwa'npi ) ; lightning frames ; nodule club; meal tray and prayer-sticks.

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announced to the women and maids to prepare plenty of food to serve in all the houses.1 Tomorrow morning the War prayer-sticks made by Pauwati'wa will be placed by a youth, whom Pauwati'wa will designate tomorrow, at the northwest, southwest, southeast and northeast of Walpi, close up to the cliffs next the summit. The youth casts meal and prays (as Pauwati'wa already has done) that the houses stand fast, no walls fall, and that food and happiness may be abundant. The player-feathers to Masau'wû are to send plenty of çarthly blessings, that sickness may not come. The prayer-feathers to Hala'kabû, for evil winds to stay away. The other prayer-sticks made by the rest of the warriors are to be given by them tomorrow morning to the women. The women "place" the prayer-sticks in the ceilings of their houses with prayer that the house stand fast. 2 Songs in chamber tonight [invoking Sho'tokünúñwa and lightning (1888)]. 3 On this night also, in — kiva the Nasosotan performed their feats of swallowing sticks. The chief of the Nasosotan is Tala'hoya, the other members are Ü'üwa, Sikya'ventiwa and Wikya'tïwa. 4 There are Stick-swallowers at Oraibi and they exhibit. They have the ceremony (wi'mi) at Zuñi. December 28. The stone fetich Pyü'ükoñhoya, in keeping of In'tiwa, is the kaie'takmoñwi (war chief)'of theKachina clan (Kachinnyümü) ; the stone fetiches of the Twins, in keeping of Wë'hë, are the war chiefs of theTewaKachina clan ; the stone fetiches of the Twins, in keeping of Pauwati'wa, are the war chiefs of the Reed clan (Paka'b nyümü) v and are pasha'ni,6 — very precious (pashhi'hkyaita) are the war chiefs of all the clans upon the East Mesa. They are considered quite distinct from the fetiches of the other mesas, i. e. no reference is made to those on the other mesas. ^Inferably because the following day there-is to be no grinding. See p. 84. — Ed. 1 Inan earlier note Stephen refers to prayer-sticks for "feeding the house" which are thrust over the beam in the centre of the roof. These prayer-sticks are of willow, with four or six feathers. 3 This is a very cursory reference to the all night ceremonial of songs " t o be brave" and "to make the ground freeze." (Parsons 17 : 16). 4 We may note that none of these is a member of the War society. For relations to the Po'boshwlmkya, see Glossary, Naso'tan. — Ed. 1 Authentio. — Ed.

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WAR DANCE1 Between 2 and 3 o'clock this afternoon a party of ten men, Pü'chi most active, issued from Horn kiva, Sikya'ustiwa beating the drum,, and went to the court (kisombi). They are in holiday mongrel costume but each with a fine, large white buckskin worn as a mantle, but bandoleer fashion, i. e. the forelegs of the skin are knotted over the right shoulder, the upper part of the skin passing under the left arm. They are all fine choice skins, so large that, as they hang over the back, the tail drags upon the ground. Each carries a loaded, repeating rifle in his hands which he frequently fires in the air, throwing all the women in the surrounding houses into great consternation. The rifles are all of modern pattern, in good condition, and I am astonished to see the number they produce. Formerly the display of weapons was bow (au'ita) and arrow, spear (lan'sha), nodule club, stone axe (kola'pxkyai'ñwú), oak (hardwood) club (müzri'ko). Faces rubbed with red, and under the eyes, i. e. over the cheek bones, with specular iron; two vertical finger streaks of white clay on each cheek; these white marks are called Icele'kma'ata (ke'lé, hawk; ma'a, arm; ato, his).

Sha'wi (Sichomovi Dummy) instead of Λ rifle carries a long slender pole on the end of which is impaled a raven. This pole, they say, should be a lance; this display Was formerly made during war time and implied that the Hopi were roused to anger and that the raven would feed upon the enemies to be slain. The drummer squats, drumming, in the middle of the court, and beside him sits Pa'hakola who knows the songs and leads the singing. Choshoñ'níwa and one or two other old men also sit beside the drummer. The ten formed a segment of a circle, facing.the drummer, and moved around sideways with a light stamping motion, sinistral, and singing as they moved. No members of the Warrior society take part in this dance. The warriors never dance in public.2 It would cause gales of cold wind and evil disturbance in the air. The young men of the different villages on the mesa appear in the court from time to time, all equipped as the ten who issued from the kiva, and these the warriors escort into the circle. The warriors are not costumed, merely wearing ordinary apparel. They take no 1 Ka'kaletakpa'ho la'lauwa ti'va (wax society prayer-stick-making dance) ; kale'tak ti'va (war dance) : osh'nana ti'va. 2 The drummer, Sikya'ustiwa, is a warrior, but he beats the drum, perforce, as few know the measure.

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active part in the dance, other than this escorting of the young men as they appear. It is not considered good manners for a young man to join in this dance unless escorted by a warrior. These also impress a girl whenever they can lay hands on one and in the course of half an hour the court scarce affords space for the great number of young men and women. The dance contained no movement, other than moving in sinistral circuit to the time of the songs and an almost constant discharging of the rifles. The dance continued until about sunset. This war dance has not been observed before, on the East Mesa, for twenty-five or thirty years. Only a few of the old men know the osh'nana songs. WAR PRACTICES Before going on the war trail the warriors made prayer-sticks addressed to Sho'tokünuñwa,1 but they especially prayed for the beetle called hoho'yaiih2 to come out and crawl over and obscure their trail, so that any enemy coming in their rear and seeing their trail would think it an old one.3 The beetle hoho'yaiih is kale'taka po'komatü (warrior's tame animal); there is one bound up in the ti'poni of Pauwati'wa. Sho'tokünúñwa is associated with the Reed and Patki clans. When the warriors appeared from their chamber they at once took the trail, the bow and arrow held in left hand advanced, the axe in right hand carried at'right hip. On returning from a war expedition, one was chosen as announcer (tüau'nüma) and sent on ahead to the village which he approached shouting the tü'yükma. After watching him approach, all the people assembled at Chief kiva. He came up on the run and going to the 1 It has been handed down from uncle to nephew from earliest times, that in addressing prayers to any of the spirits the great ruling spirit, the god of the Above (Shotukinúñwa, ? heart of the Stars) from whom we derive our existence, must never be forgotten. — A. M. S. This sentiment has a missionary flavor, and it may be inferred that in the early days Dios was identified with Shotukinuñwa. Otherwise, as a warrior star god (compare Dark star man of the Northern Tewa) who is represented as a kachina wielding the lightning and is associated with particular clans (Patki and Reed) and societies (War society, Flute, and Lalakon), Sho 'tokünúñwa has considerable distinction in the pantheon but not the pre-eminence of a high god. See Stephen 2:51, 53—55, 61 ¡also Index. — E. C. P. 2 See Glossary. This beetle is used in the medicine of the Snake society. The regenerate dead turn into this beetle, p. 827. — Ed. 3 Elsewhere ants have this function, and at Zuñi the Ant society has an important role in war ceremonial. (Parsons 16: 8, 11—12, 19, 27, 28—29). — Ed.

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kiva divested himself of hie weapons, giving them to the Town chief, and all the people thanked him. If no enemy had been slain, no weapons were given to the Town chief, because in that event the weapons were deemed to have proved themselves worthless. If one or more of the Hopi had been slain or badly wounded, the announcer wore his headdress scrogged over on one side of his head. Then all the women wailed. If none had suffered, he wore his headdress straight and all were glad. The runner then told the story of the expedition. I t was also the custom when returning from a successful foray for this runner to bear to the women messages from their friends in the returning column. These had charged him to tell the sister, niece, or some other female relative to prepare themselves and come out to meet them and form part of the triumph procession. This accomplished, the courier sped back to the returning column. The chiefs, in procession, followed by all the people went down the designated trail and just beyond the foot hills met the returning warriors. The appointed female relatives then went up to the column and each warrior gave his relative an arrow, ^ ^ and cast the scalps they had taken in a pile on the ground. Γ Í0 The Town chief then made a cloud mark (o'mauve'eta) (Fig. 68) on the trail a little rig. 68. Cloud mark way from the pile of scalps and toward the made on trail village. The women then, in turn, took up a scalp and cast it upon the mark and all the warriors raised the war cry and yelled. The warriors covered their heads with their blankets and the procession advanced. The cloud mark made on reaching the summit at Dawn cape was the same as before. Again on entering the village ; then the women picked up the scalps on the points of the arrows and the procession passed through the village to Chief kiva, reaching which the women cast the scalps down its hatchway. The warriors then went down and hung their weapons around the kiva walls. A bear's skin was spread on the floor and they sat around it ; the six kinds of corn and the scalps1 were laid before them, and they ate food. The ceremonies continued twenty-five days. On the fifth day the warriors washed their heads; prayers and songs in warrior's kiva; also songs and dance in court, chob'nani. 1 The Zuñí Scalp chief refers to the scalp as a water being and seed being. (Bunzel 1:679).

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In Chief kiva on the fifth day they assembled and the garments of the slain enemies were laid on the floor. The breech cloth (pit Icüna) was the specified garment to be taken from the slain enemy ; if the enemy wore no buckskin breech cloth, then they took his buckskin shirt (na'bna). The breech cloth was cut up into eight strips by the War chief with a stone point (yo'ishivwa), and these twisted into four strings of two strands each. If a buckskin shirt, these strips were cut off from it. The blood made the strips hard. Every enemy slain afforded his slayer a new bandoleer, so that some famous warriors had a bandoleer as thick as one's arm. Some had two bandoleers worn cross belt fashion. A warrior with one, wears it across his right shoulder. The ends of the bandoleer are not fastened together, the ends just meet, and are loosely wrapped around; thus it forms a snare for the enemy who tries to seize a Hopi warrior; gripping the bandoleer, the enemy would give it a tug expecting to pull the wearer toward him but, instead, the bandoleer gives away in his hands and it comes apart and the enemy falls over or loses his balance ; then the Hopi warrior would close with him and split his head with the axe. The bandoleer prevents a warrior from having any fear of an enemy. The pellets attached to the bandoleer were of white clay but were not marked with zigzag like those of the Snake bandoleer. These pellets were used in laying on the white smear decoration of the warrior. There was also attached a pellet of specular iron for face decoration. Other pellets attached to it also contain the following herbs, or their roots in powder, each in a separate pellet: momo'ña (? bee root), to'hoiih (mountain lion)1, bee; hü'yaña, toko'chi (wildcat), wasp; hon'ñapi ( ? bear root), ho'nauüh (bear); kweumña, wolf root ; hoho'yauh (beetle) ; hairs from the mouth of wildcat, mountain lion and bear, also miniature bow and arrow a span long, are tied beeide the pellets. These herbs are used for making the medicine-water at the altar. It is both aspersed and drunk. All in the warrior society drink it. Meal is rubbed with a striped hard stone (a'ivilau'htiyiika). This meal is taken into the mouth and spurted around on the ground, ( ?) to cause vegetation. When a warrior slew a Yo'ta (Ute), Pa'yoche (Pah Ute), or Yo'che (Apaehe), he scalped him, but he never scalped a Ta'shabû (Navajo) (nor took his breech cloth or shirt). They are worthless. The scalp was taken from the crown of the head, about the size of the palm, no actual prescribed size ; they cut round it with a knife and, setting 1 This notation is somewhat obscure ; but I recall that at Zuñí certain medicine roots are identified with the animals. — Ed.

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the foot againet the head, seized it by the hair and plucked it off, ka'püktna. If the enemy had fought well before falling, all the dead found were scalped. If they had been no'cha (slow, shunning), the slain were not scalped. Yovo'ta, the dry scalp. During the twenty-five days of the ceremony the women took the scalps and scraped off, with their finger nails, shreds of the adhering flesh and gave these shreds to their male children to eat ; they put the shreds in the mouths of the children; this to make them brave-hearted. On the tenth day, the warriors again washed their heads, and there were songs and dance in the court. On the twenty-fifth day the warriors with prayer placed the scalps in the crevice (Yovo'tki, Scalp house, Maps 2, 6) at Süvwi'ptüyiika, the fourth terrace of the southwest point of Walpi mesa. (Map 1). Old Kûïchvë was a child when the last important fight occurred between Hopi and Apache. His father was not a chief but a famous warrior, and he and many men from all three villages on East mesa went against the Apache who were on a foray. The Apache camped among the buttes in the south and southeast. There are four springs there not very far apart, Kaha'tniopi(Kaibítho), Pakabtüpka (Lukadîkai), Wuko'kwan tü'kwi, Palattiipka. For three nights before starting the Hopi warriors prayed and prepared prayer-sticks ; on the fourth morning they started afoot for these waters. They were armed with spear, bow and arrow, and fiichkóhü (broad stick) (Fig. 69), a weapon that can be thrown so as readily to break an arm or a leg and to kill if it strikes an enemy in the forehead. (But it is most efficient to be thrown at an enemy drawing his bow or aiming ; it is hurled so as to strike the bow, and the Hopi rush in and spear the enemy before he can recover.) The Hopi were entirely successful in their attack; the number of Apache they killed was marked by scoring upon the rock at the

Fig. 69. Broad stick The designs are rabbit ears (ta'bo na'kabü) and "hiβ eyes" (bo'ahiadta). Specified as ears are the marks at the point and near the handle; the short parallels are "his eyes". 7«

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side of the trail leading to Moñ'wiva, Chief spring.1 (Map 3). They scalped the bravest men (a!ni tataktü), and brought these scalps to the villages and deposited them in the crevice [Scalp house] at Süvwi'ptüyiika. Külchve's father killed a famous Apache. Only three Hopi were killed, one from each village, and not a great number were wounded. This occurred during Toho'osh müriya'wú, Basket-carrying moon (October), because the Hopi warriors, when they went out, provided themselves with food by plucking the corn ears as they passed through the fields. More as to the boomerang stick (püchko'hü): Kih'sha 2 (Cooper's hawk or sparrow hawk) was the first possessor of a püchko'hü. He carried it under his wing and hunted rabbits with it. He plucked a feather from each of his wings and fastened them at the marks towards the point. I find much reluctance to tell anything concerning this weapon. I t is modelled after the wing of Kih'sha, and referred to as his wing (masha'adta). Long ago the Hopi had bow and arrow but no püchko'hü; a Hopi youth went to Kih'sha and from him got the first püchko'hü. Kih'sha is the great hunter. Eagle (Kwa'hii) and Kwa'yo (unidentified hawk) are not very good hunters. Eagle, Kwa'yo, Lion, Wolf, Bear: all the preying animals have bow and arrow ; so also has Kih'sha, but he alone devised the püchko'hü. 1

See p. 131, Fig. 84.

1

Navaho, gii'ni.

WINTER PRAYER-STICK MAKING OF THE SNAKE-ANTELOPE SOCIETIES OR OF THE FLUTE SOCIETY INTRODUCTORY NOTE On the First Mesa the Snake-Antelope societies and the Flute society alternate annually in performing their mid-summer ceremony, the Snake-Antelope societies performing in the odd years, the Flute society in the even years. In January, the society whose turn it is to hold their ceremony in summer has a day of prayerstick ritual. Stephen records the winter meeting of the Snake-Antelope societies in 1893; for the winter meeting of the Flute eociety the previous year, although he refers to having been present, I find no notes; but there are notes of the Flute meeting in 1894. For the Flute meeting in 1900, on January 15, Fewkes gives an account in "Hopi Katcinas." 1 The ritual is quite similar to that of the SnakeAntelope societies. Voth describes the winter (and summer2) prayerstick making of the Oraibi Flute societies.3 Discussion of the character or functions of the societies is postponed to the accounts of their full summer ceremonies which should be read in connection with the following notes on the winter meetings. JOURNAL 1893 SNAKE-ANTELOPE P R A Y E R - S T I C K DOING (MAKING)

la'lalauwû )

(Chü'chübtl JXl'ho

Friday, January 6 4 At early sunrise Sa'miwi'ki, chief of the Antelopes, swept Chief kiva and placed on the hatchway the same standard as was displayed at the first four days of the Snake ceremony. Nothing of a ceremonial nature in Wikwa'lobi,5 nor any of the Snake society in that kiva. Fewkes 17 : 29—30. June 12,13,1901. To a like day of prayer-stick ritual I find no reference in First Mesa records. — Ed. 3 Voth 6 : 121—136. 4 January 2, the full moon of Pa'mû r iyawû. 5 Kiva for the summer assemblage of the Snakes. 1 2

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In the morning and early forenoon the members of both Antelope and Snake societies assemble in Chief kiva, but Wiki, Ko'peli, chief of the Snakes, and Nashüñ'weve, Antelope medicine-water chief, began making prayer-feathers and prayer-sticks quite early. There was no preliminary prayer, or if there was I missed it, but I will make further inquiry about this. (There was none.) It is now a little after noon and I see the plug of the si'papii is withdrawn, I did not notice when. Wiki makes a shallow ridge of valley sand brought to the kiva by the Sand chief, Ka'kapti, and after unwrapping his ti'poni, takes a handful of meal, lays it on the ridge and imbeds his ti'poni in it. Ko'peli does the same with his ti'poni.

Fig. 70. Altar and members of Snake-Antelope societies, Winter prayer-stick making 9 Antelope: l . S a ' m i w i t i (chief). 3. Ho'ñi. 4. Wikya'tlwa. 5. Nasyüñ'weve, (ini yi moñwí, medicine-water chief). 6. Ha'hawT (acting as medicine-water chief). 7. Ka'chi. 8. Kwa'a (medicine water chief). 9. Ka'kapti (tü'wa moñwí. Sand chief). 10. Ta'wa. 18. Snake: 2. Ko'peli (chief). 11. Sikya'uwistiwa. 14 to 29. Snake members. (15. Niiva'oyi). 12. Antelope ti'poni (Wiki). 13. Snake ti'poni (Ko'peli). 30. trays of prayer-sticks. 31. trays of prayer-meal. 32. medicine bowl (ña'küyipi). 33. road marker and prayer-feathers. 34. chama'hia (fetich stone).

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Fig. 71. Antelope blue-green prayer-stick (Chiib ehakwa' paho) Butt, black; the rest, blue-green. Erect feather, black turkey feather; pendent feathers, red, ( s h u t a ) stained. Sage and bam'navi.

Under the base of his ti'poni Wiki places the end of the long cotton string of the road prayer-feather, he sprinkles a long line of meal from the ti'poni diagonally toward the upraise and on this meal trail lays this prayer-feather. From the house of Sa'liko1 he brings down five of the stone fetiches, (the large mountain lion and four smaller ones), and places them beside the ti'poni. See Fig. 70. 1 Sa'liko ie the mother of Ko'pell and mother's sister of Ho'ñi, the Crier chief. Her house is the Cactus maternal family house of the Snake clan. Wiki also belongs to the Snake clan (Dove lineage).

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Fig. 72. Snake hoto'mni prayer-stick (Chu a hoto'mni paho)

Turkey feather wrapper and, corn husk (shüa'kabü) and sage. Bam'navi, at first pendant. Hawk feathers in pendants. Pendants and stick red stained.

As usual, all in the kiva, after making their prayer-feathers, began making their prayer-sticks, all of standard length, from line in centre of palm to tip of middle finger. The Antelope men made blue-green prayer-sticks (Fig. 71) same as at the biennial ceremony. The Snake made hoto'mni prayer-sticks, a single stem of willow red stained, to which four red stained prayer-feathers were attached at equal intervals. (Fig. 72). Wiki and Nashüñ'weve made long prayer-sticks, length of forearm, from inside of elbow to tip of middle finger. Each made two. (Fig. 73). Wiki was to deposit at Kwañwa'ba, Sweet spring, which is two miles and a half southeast of the Gap; Ko'pell, at the boulder shrine Tüwa'nashabí, to the southwest.1 The prayer-stick and prayer-feather making was finished about 1 P. M. Each man smoked from the tobacco pipe over his prayersticks and prayer-feathers before placing one in the tray. There were separate trays for Antelope and for Snake. Wiki called on all to gather round, yüñyüai', and then each man helped himself to his own prayer-stick. Wiki and Ko'peli have the large discoid Antelope rattle, no others among the other members. Wiki sends Marau'taka after one of the ritual stones called chama'hia,2 and he returns with a stone that does not suit Wiki, so he goes after another and brings it down himself, one about ten inches long. Ha'hawï filled and lit two pipes of tobacco, passing one to Wiki, the next one to Ko'peli. And the smoke having about gone around, Wiki and Ko'peli take up their rattles in right hand, and at Wiki's signal rattle-shake, the Antelope begin their group of 1

See pp. 316, 1014.

» See Glossary.

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Fig. 73. Antelope big prayerstick (Chüb vm pa paho) Willow, blackened with shale, and rubbed to a blunt point. Erect feather, turkey tail feather with sage and corn husk; pendants of eagle under-wing feathers and yellow bird feathers; bam'navi and white sage at white cotton string binding.

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sixteen songs called Antelope songs. They are the very songs of the biennial ceremony and sound quite familiar. Ko'peli and two or three other Snakes join in these songs, but, except Ko'peli, they merely hum. A t appropriate passages, Wiki and Ko'peli pass their rattles to the left hand to permit them to cast meal with the right hand. The other Antelope and Snake members beat time in the air with their prayer-sticks held in the right hand. A t the end of the first group of eight songs, Wiki sends a young Snake above for a lit corn cob and when the youth returns with it, Wiki charges his pear shaped pipe (wuko' cho' ño, big pipe) with tobacco and places fragments of the burning cob embers on the tobacco in the widest end of the pipe. He then stoops down and points the smaller end of the pipe between the ti'ponis and, covering the wide end of the pipe with his lips, he blows through it and thus produces four separate dense clouds of tobacco smoke, each cloud, one exhalation. He has great success in cloud making (o'mau la'lauwû) and fills the kiva with dense and rather fragrant smoke. Immediately after this, Ha'hawi passes two pipes as before to Wiki and Ko'pelï, and after they have about gone round, the chiefs resume their rattles and the others their prayer-sticks and the second group of eight songs begins. As at the biennial ceremony, Ha'hawi takes the two whizzers and whizzes in the northeast corner of the main floor, also changing the whizzer he goes on the hatch and there whizzes. A t the next stanza the ritual stone is used to tap the floor, but not by Ka'kapti, one of the Snake members uses it. A t the next stanza of the solemn measure, where they wave rattle and prayer-stick round head above and below, the whizzer is used. A t the succeeding stanza, the good "march" — shi'hiivana, bo'liwana, etc. — the stone is tapped on the floor. The songs finished, Wiki and Ko'pelï lay down their rattles ; no prayer. Tala'hoya calls Ha'ni (who had been sitting with me at the edge of the upraise) to come over and sit with him and they take the two rattles from Ko'peli and Wiki and sit in position marked on diagram Fig. 70 as 16 and 17 ; and, at a signal rattle-shake, the Snake men burst forth in their thrilling song, Haiyiwe, hai-ye-we-e-ee-e. Ha'hawi asperses and casts meal for this song just as he did for the Antelope and without changing his position. About the same number of Antelopes join in this song (with modulated voices) as Snakes in the Antelope songs. The first stanza is mild and soft; the second, wild and fierce. Ko'pelï, whose position is about opposite Ha'hawi, sprinkles meal when Ha'hawi does and when he asperses. A t the end of the Snake song, Wiki prays, then Ko'pelï, — "i'ich

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yo'kavani, mû'invani, hasten rain, flowing water, come," and then for all vegetation, specifying each kind, to be plenty. The meal tray is then passed round from hand to hand and all take a pinch of meal and lay their prayer-sticks back in the traye, then, resuming their seats, cast meal toward the ti'ponis. Then the two chiefs rose up and stood behind the ti'ponis, Wiki behind the Snake (Fig. 70 [13]) and Ko'peli behind the Antelope (Fig. 70 [12]). Then they stooped down and each, reaching for his own ti'poni, stood erect with it in his hands. Wiki prays long and solemnly and, finishing, waves his ti'poni before him in horizontal circles ; both do this together. Then Ko'peli prays and both wave their ti'poni and then lay them down in places formerly occupied, but they are now laid horizontal. Both prayers are for abundance of food, for health, and for unison. 1 Ko'peli then takes all thè Snake prayer-sticks and makes four groups of them. Wiki takes all the Antelope and lays them in equal portions beside the Snake groups, and makes a fifth group of Antelope prayer-sticks, the large ones. Maxau'taka and Niiva'oyi, Sha'na, Ho'ñi and Ka'kapti, without anointing, but naked save for breech cloth (as all have been in the kiva throughout the ceremony) are instructed by Ko'peli where to take the prayer-sticks, and set off to: northwest, Snake shrine near Masau'ki; southwest, near Butterfly shrine; southeast, near Wikiki (Wiki's house); northeast, near Polakaki. Ka'chi and Mo'mi have also a few. (Where do they go?) — Mo'mi deposited the prayer-stick given him, at Masau'ki near Pala'tiyiika, Red cape, the highest terrace at the southwest point of Walpi. Ka'chi went to the northwest Snake shrine. Wiki and Ko'peli then wrap up their ti'ponis and tell me, "ehilau'ti, nothing, pa'sha, finished, etc." It is now 4.20 P. M. The day is called toto'kya and as soon as the couriers left with the prayer-sticks, numerous women came to the kiva, bringing lavish quantities of food, meat stew (nûjcwibi), peaches and waferbread. I stood coffee and some tinned stuff. JOURNAL 1894 FLUTE PRAYER-STICK MAKING (Leien pa'hola'lauwû) January 16 Half moon of Pa'mii r iyawu. Of the Flute societj' members the following met in Flute house (Le'nki) and smoked this evening to 1 Social harmony, a peaceful spirit within the pueblo — a frequent expression in Pueblo prayer. — Ed.

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set the time for prayer-stick making: Tii'ïnoa (chief), Ha'yi, Sikya'uwistiwa, Sikyaven'tiwa, also for Ko'tka, the youthful Bear clan chief, Wi'nüta. There are only Blue Flutes (Shakwa' Le'lentü) in Walpi. Not very long ago there were All Colour1 Flutes (Ma'shi Le'lentü, Masi'lena). They are now extinct, at least there is no chief. They belonged to the Tü'bishwüñwu.2 January 21 Full moon of Pa'müriyawú. Flute society prayer-stick making. Also the Kachina Return. See p. 115. In Chief kiva: There is no altar, no ceremony. The Flute water rattle (Len pa'aya3) and the four ti'ponis, also the six direction corn, and numerous gourd rattles, are hanging on the south end wall. There are here making Flute prayer-sticks the following: Tii'ïnoa, Ha'yi, Wi'nüta (for Ko'tka), Kwa'a, Ha'ni, Ho'ñi, Sa'miwi'ki, Su'pelä, Sikya'uwistiwa, Sü'yükü, Sikyabo'htïma, Ho'nyamtiwa, Nüva'tí, Sikyaven'tiwa, Kwa'chakwa, Sa'mi. Mo'mi (warrior, but uncostumed) sits by the east side of ladder foot, but also takes part in the prayer-stick making. He makes hoto'mni prayer-sticks only. The blue-green Flute prayer-stick is made as usual of willow, the male stem peeled, the female stem unpeeled, but both painted blue-green except at butts which are painted black with shale. The copper ore pigment (shakwa'tni) is mixed with a white bean meal and water. Tü'ínoa and Ho'ñi each make one set Flute prayer-sticks of flat willow like those made by the Sun society, but no circle stick is attached to them. Tü'ínoa makes, aside from the flat set, three other sets of bluegreen; in one of these sets the female stem displays the flat facet. Ho'ñi also makes three sets of blue-green, aside from the flat set, but none of them shows the flat facet. Wi'nüta makes four sets of blue-green Flute prayer-sticks; so does Sikya'uwistiwa, but as far as I can distinguish all the others make but one set. Yes, that is the scheme, it is just explained to me. These four, Tü'ínoa, Ho'ñi, Wi'nüta, Sikya'uwistiwa, each make four sets of blue-green Flute 1 Elsewhere Stephen translates ma'si as drab, off colour, gray. A t Oraibi there were Blue Flutes and Drab Flutes. — Ed. 2 ? Sorrow-making lineage of the extinct Squash clan. A good illustration of how a society m a y lapse with the passing of the maternal family in charge. — E d . 3 See Fig. 414.

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prayer-sticks; all the others make one set; anyone of them who feels inclined may make hoto'mni prayer-sticks. The prayer-sticks are furnished as usual with turkey feather wrapper, bam'navi, sage, food packet, and prayer-feathers which are hawk and yellow bird. The reclaimed vagrant from the Mexicans also strips (he has a wealth of necklaces) and takes part in making two hoto'mni prayersticks. He is very awkward at it. He makes no blue-green prayersticks. There are two young men prayer-stick making also whose names I do not know. As usual there is nothing specially formal in connection with the prayer-stick making, but I see that at the south end of the kiva sit Tû'ïnoa in the centre, Ha'yi and Wi'nüta on his left, and Ho'ñi and Sa'miwi'ki on his right; 1 the others sit along either wall and across the kiva just south from the fireplace. Most of those here are stripped, a few keep on their shirts, all are barefooted and their hair (recently washed) is hanging down. As usual, each man after finishing his prayer-stick holds it or them in a basket tray before his mouth and prays silently upon them and then fills a pipe with tobacco and smokes upon them. So'ehibvû nalcwa' ìcwoshiadta, cups their prayer-feather : a young man takes these four wooden cups 2 from the ledge, inverts them, bores a hole in the bottom with an awl, and inserts in each a prayerfeather which he has just made and smoked over, and puts them back on the ledge. After all the prayer-sticks have been made and smoked over they are placed by their makers in a Ko'honino basket of which there are three around the si'papii, which is closed as it has been during the day. It is now about 3 P. M. A'pa comes in late from Müsho'ñínovi and proceeds to make a prayer-stick with all speed. Kiiya'waina also comes in late and makes a prayer-stick. These two do not make blue-green prayer-sticks, but hoto'mni. A'pa says hie owl feather prayer-feather carries (bears) his prayers for his peach orchard. Mo'mi makes a half dozen or more prayer-feathers, then goes out with them. Some he places at the Masau'ki (at Red cape) and one he takes to each Walpi kiva for the kachina who will assemble in the kivas this evening. These kachina before exhibiting will go to their prescribed shrine (paho'ki or tü'tüshkya) and place these prayer-feathers of Mo'mi with their other prayer-feathers. 1 I. e., in the centre, the Flute society chief; on his right, the Crier chief and the Antelope society chief; on his left, his uncle who belongs to the Town chieftaincy, and the representative of the Bear clan chief. — Ed. s They are used in the play of the clowns. See p. 169, Fig. 101. — Ed.

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Ha'ni produced the big German pipe T. V. Κ. had given him, unwraps it gravely and seems to have much veneration for it. All of the old fellows handle it and greatly admire it, and indeed it is a very handsome pipe. The floor is swept clear of all prayer-stick débris which is carried up by one in the corner of his blanket with a pinch of tobacco and a handful of prayer-meal and laid with prayer (ho'moyá) on the southeast cliff edge near the down trail, the stair trail, Püchi' hawi'wa. (Map 10). All sit around doing nothing, chatting. They are waiting for the sand chief1, Sikyabo'htima, to return with sand from the valley. About 3.30 he returns m - s r with about a peck of sand A) in his blanket which he lays 10 down in front of Tü'ínoa who spreads it on the floor beI, tween the si'papii and the il south end wall. c After Tü'ínoa spread the d sand, he unwrapped his ti'poni and, taking a handful of meal, sitting on the northwest side, he made the directions (na'nanivo) with meal θ and set his ti'poni firmly and made a road (pühü) leading from his ti'poni toward the Fig. 74. Flute society altar east (Fig. 74) and laid on 1. ti'poni of Tü'ínoa. 2. ti'poni of Ho'ñi. it the road prayer-feather. 3. ti'poni of Wi'nüta. 4, 5, β. trays of prayer-sticks. 7. Flute water rattle (Len Ho' ñi then did the same with pa'aya).8. prayer-meal. 9.medicine-water his ti'poni ; Wi'nüta then did bowl. 10. gourd rattles and shell rattle (nw'eilili)· 11. buzzard wing feather. the same with his ti'poni; and all then squatted with 12. whizzers (two sets). 13. Tü'ínoa. back toward the northwest 14. Ho'ñi. 15. Wi'nüta. 16. Sikya'ustiwa. 17. Ha'yi. 18. A'pa. 19. Sikyabo'htima. or thereabout. 20. Kwa'a. 21. Sa'miwi'ki. 22. Su'pelà. The other objects were 23. Ho'nyamtiwa. 24. Nüva'ti. 25. Mo'mi. then produced from the 26. Sü'yükü. 27. Ha'ni. 28. eight Flutes. walls and ledge and laid in 29. Sikyaven'tiwa. 30. Sa'mi.

Θ i®®

®& 0

O &

1 So referred to because as a member of the Sand or Lizard lineage (Snake clan) it is considered proper conceptually for him to fetch the ritual sand. Similarly a Tobacco-Rabbit clansman would be a smoke chief or a CoyoteFirewood clansman, a fire chief. Cp. Parsons 17 : 1 1 0 η . 170; Parsons 27 : 234.

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place aa in Fig. 74, mostly by Tü'ínoa, but other chiefs assisted. The flutes were brought by a young lad from the Flute house. The lad was sent for them by Ha'ni. # (1) ti'poni (Tü'ínoa) is the Flute ti'poni, of the Flute [society] and Horn clan ; # (2) ti'poni (Ho'ñi) is called Crier chief (Chaa'kmoñ) ti'poni at this ceremony, but at the summer assembly it is called the Snake clan ti'poni (?); # (3) ti'poni is that of the Bear clan. (The Patki clan ti'poni held by Sikya'uwistiwa is only displayed at the summer ceremony.) The objects being placed, Ha'ni 1 filled the T. V. K. pipe with tobacco and lit it and passed it on to Tü'ínoa, he smoking and passing it to Ho'ñi, etc. Ha'ni filled and Ut other pipes and they passed from hand to hand. Talk of secular matters and good natured laughing prevail during the smoke. Tü'ínoa prays, then Ho'ñi, Wi'nüta, and Sikya'uwistiwa, all very brief. Sikya'uwistiwa then takes up the buzzard wing feather in left hand and pinch of meal in right. He stands erect in the place where he was sitting and all sing in solemn tune "O'mauwúüh, cloud" in quite low tone. At a certain measure Sikya'uwistiwa makes the exorcism (navo' chiwa, powa'ta), tossing the meal toward the ladder from his feather. He stands in his first place. His exorcism is thus: first, he sprinkles a little meal on the feather in his left hand, then in sinistral circuit he horizontally waves it in a circle first round the ti'pOnis, second round the prayer-stick trays, third and fourth in widening rounds over the heads of the assembled circle, he remaining always in his place. After the fourth circle he tosses the meal toward the ladder. This for six times at different portions of the song ; the song then ends, and rattles are distributed. Tü'ínoa takes the water rattle, others the shell crooks (mo'silUi ñidü'kpi), others gourd rattles. Sikya'uwistiwa having now resumed his seat, the Flute songs (Len ta'wi) begin^those I heard two years ago. Sikya'ustiwa seems to lead the songs. Pipe just got back to Ha'ni (the T. V. K . pipe) and he smokes it. I t gives much trouble, he is so careful of it. Wi'nüta asperses. F L U T E SONGS

I. So'-ho-te-he II. So-wo-ho-wo-te-he-te-he ah r -ah r -ah r Se-ne-he-te-he Wi'nüta asperses throughout. I I I . So-ho-ho-o-ho-te-he-te-he So-we so-we so-we-we-ta 1

Tobacco clansman.

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Ha'ni begins to play his flute, producing as usual with him a not unpleasant sound, but also as usual quite out of key, by an octave or so. But alas, Sikyabo'htïma now also tries his flute and he produces most diabolic ear piercing and heart breaking flatulencies. IV. So-o-ho-te-he-te-he-te-he A'pa and the renegade miscreant also get each a flute. Damn 'em, they make vile screeching noises. No one remarks the vile sounds but myself. A young Walpi came down a bit ago, but was told to get out at once, did he not see the Flute society here, they asked him. The boy scurried up the ladder without a word. This is the first instance I have seen of a mistake like this. Ko'tka comes down and sits on the upraise, but takes no part in the ceremony. V. So-ho-te-he-so-ho-o-ho-ho-te-he-te-he Tawa VI. No-wa-ha he-no he-no No-wa he-e-no VII. Si-hi wu-no VIII. Nüva'ti gets out the whizzers, two sets. They are tangled in a snarl so that they can not be loosened. They finally effect it, then Nüva'ti whizzes on the main floor with one pair, and Mo'mi goes up on the hatchway and whizzes with the other pair. Nüva'ti first, then Mo'mi, four times each of them. IX, Χ, XI, XII. How many songs ? During the twelfth song Ha'ni takes a handful of prayer-meal in his left hand, casts some on the ti'ponis, then rubs the left cheek of each person in the kiva. The flutes are laid back in the pile, and the rattles. Tü'inoa, Ho'ñi, Wi'nüta, Sikya'ustiwa pray briefly. Ha'ni again fills the T. V. K. pipe and passes to Tü'inoa, other pipes to others. Kwa'a and Ko'tka strip but without being anointed, no kilt, no mantle, only breech cloth; they take the prayer-sticks in their hands and make off to place them. The chiefs, Tü'inoa, Ho'ñi and Wi'nüta, now take up each his ti'poni and stand in the place where they have been sitting. Each prays in turn, then waves the ti'poni horizontally. Then all three wave simultaneously and put the ti'ponis back in the wrappings. Pa'sha, it is finished. Women bring food to the hatchway in great abundance. All sit down to the food. It is now about 4.20 P. M.

KACHINA RETURN INTRODUCTORY NOTE The night of the Snake-Antelope or Flute society prayer-stick making there is mask or kachina dancing on First Mesa, the several kivas sending out different kachina groups. These groups circulate from kiva to kiva, repeating their respective performance in each kiva. The women, girls, and very little böys form in each kiva a permanent audience, the males, older boys or old men or any men who are not dancing, may visit about. Stephen gives notes for the Kachina Return, in 1893, after the Snake-Antelope assemblage, and in 1894, after the Flute assemblage. I find no notes for 1892.1 In 1890 Stephen notes that Aña'kchina was performed on January 3, in the house of Wikya'tlwa instead of in kiva.2 On January 1 Aña'kchina was danced at Oraibi. The two great kachina ceremonies of First Mesa are Powa'mû in February and Nima'n, the Farewell kachina ceremony of July; but from January to July there are many kachina appearances or dances. These are organized sporadically by the kiva chiefs and vary greatly from year to year. A dance or presentation may be suggested by some kiva member who has had sickness in his family* or proposed as a visitation to one of the other mesas, often in return for a dancing visitation paid by one of their kiva groups.4 Then there is a more systematized spring series — Angkwa — in charge of the kiva whose turn it is to function for Nima'n and Powa'mû.5 1 For 1900, see Fewkes 3 : 30. On January 22, 1921, the Snake-Antelope societies of First Mesa made their prayer-sticke and there was dancing in every kiva, including two presentations from Tewa. (Parsons 17: 35—37). The Kachina Return is observed on the other mesas. On January 20, 1898, the Flute societies of Oraibi held their meeting and that night there was a kachina dance. (Voth β : 128). In 1921 the Snake-Antelope society in one of the towns of Second Mesa made their prayer-sticks on January 11. That night men from First Mesa visited Second Mesa to dance Comanche. (Parsons 17 : 26—28). * Probably this was dance practice. See p. 388. — Ed. 3 See Parsons 17 : 65, 71. In 1921 Tsulu of Tewa had sore eyes, "that is why he said he was going to have a dance." The men of Chief kiva danced Hokya' Aña'kchina for him in Tewa. A few days later another Tewa asked forakachinadance for his daughterwho had been sick. Again Chief kiva men were invited. They danced Aña'kchina. The clowns came from the Tewa kiva used by the Walpi dancers. « See Parsons 17 : 49, 64, 69, 79—81, 84, 85. 5 See Parsons 17 : 53 n. 88.

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In the Angkwa series as in this celebration of the Kachina Return the initial night performance in the kivas is followed by a succession of outdoor afternoon performances. This is the general order for kachina performances at Zuñi and elsewhere. JOURNAL 1893

January 6 This same evening is mo'hti kachinûm, yü'ñyoima (yü'ñya), the first assemblage of kachina (mo'hti, first; yü'ñyoima, assemblage). Also called kachinûm üki'ne, kachina return. Soon after sunset I noticed masks being prepared in Chief kiva, Nasha'bki, and Horn kiva. I went down to Horn kiva. These are not societies which meet tonight. At this season the men spend nearly all their time in the kiva, and tonight they go to their customary kiva as usual. There are no specially prescribed kachina for this evening's exhibition. The kiva elders recommend an appropriate kachina for the younger and more vigorous members to personate. In Chief kiva they prepare the Nüva'kchina, which term seems to be (in this relation) used as a synonym for either Snow kachina or Nüva'tikyauobi (San Francisco Mountain) kachina, as his house is there. Tonight is the first time masks have been worn since what is also referred to as the Kachina Return in the Winter solstice ceremony, and at that celebration only the Au'halani and the two accompanying maidens wore masks.1 There are ten and a drummer, masks grotesque, bright feather plumage on head, bodies whitened, as are also the masks. They wear the big belt and the foxskin, moccasins mostly blue-green, rattle in right hand and sprig of spruce in left, and also in left hand several ears of corn (ho' yiani or hoiya'nkwibi), strung ears of corn, hoto'mni, freshly boiled, and slices of watermelon strung on yucca shred. They sing the kachina songs (kachinta'wi). They are preceded by a grotesque old woman figure and a grotesque old man who carries a staff and pouch containing seeds, and strung ears of corn. He makes occasional calls of hoot, hoot. They visit all the Walpi kivas and give some of the food stuffs and seeds to each kiva chief on leaving. They sing in each kiva about ten minutes and then return to Chief kiva and disrobe. In the Nasha'bki they prepared the Yii'che kachina, grotesque false face masks, white with zigzag lines at side in colour, feather 1

Also Tüñ'wüb in the initiatory performance of 1891. — Ed.

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plumage on crown of head, bodies naked, red stained, and white streaks on breast, legs, and arms, barefoot. Rattle in right hand. Like the Nüva'kchina, they go to the other kivas, to Horn, Goat, Wikwa'lobi and Chief kiva, then return to their own kiva and unmask. In Horn kiva seven young men prepare as Wo'he kachina. They wear a white mask with red chevron across cheeks and nose. They are preceded by the grotesque old woman personage, called Kachinwuhti, Kachina woman; the old man personage is Wuhtakkachina, Old man kachina. I can not elicit whom these personages are meant to represent. They say it has been always thus. It is thus in nature. All are not handsome, some are always dilapidated (nükü'sh). As they talk, it would seem to typify the opposites, the contrasts, dearth and plenty, beauty and ugliness. By and by I may find out, direct inquiry elicits nothing. — Oo'kiwa, dearth, poverty; kya'shta, plenty, and this after all, is perhaps adequate. A Sichomovi group visited the Walpi kivas, representing the Pawi'kkachina, Duck kachina, in white grotesque masks, most of which had mouth pieces, but scarcely suggesting a duck's bill. JOURNAL 1894 January 21, Sunday This evening there will be Kachina Return, or assemblages (yüñini) in all the Walpi kivas. Chief kiva : Kücha' Aña'kchina ; also Ta'chûktï, clowns,1 many Wikwa' 1 obi : Shoyo' him (All kinds) kachina ; also 0' mauüh wuhti, Cloud woman, Nükü'sh kachina wuhti, Dilapidated kachina woman Nasha'bki: Cha'chakwainamû Horn kiva: Po'pkotü, Dogs: Pokkachina, 2 Pokwuhti, Dog women Goat kiva : Müshai'zrü kachina, Buffalo kachina (4 men) Oak mound kiva : Ava'chhoya (male or female personifications ; male in usual convention, female in dark dress with hair whorled) Young corn Hü'iki kachina (Growling dog kachina mound kiva : > hiiïJcita, to growl); also Hehe'ya Mo'nete: Ta'shab kachina (Navajo kachina) Pen'dete: Hüm'is kachina 1

See pp. 157 — 158.

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In Goat kiva: No altar, no ceremonies. Pauwati'wa and two or three others here renovating the masks of Buffalo kachina. (Fig. 75). There are four quite similar. Green in face with multi-colour stripes on cheeks, black stripe on eye holes. Globular eyes above. Hole for mouth breathing. Mouth of gourd. On upper part of face is a porcupine anklet. Two are like this, green face and stripes. Two are pink face with circular spot of vermillion on each cheek. The

anklet (hon'hokyashmi) is called by this same name when used as above, each of the four has one. These maskettes are all being painted black (shale). In Horn kiva : Shü'himü, Pü'chi, and a dozen others are preparing Po'pkotü maskettes (tüvi'kü). Hühüwa kachina is Po'pkotü ta'haamü (their uncle)1 ; Sun chief (Ta'wa moñwi) is na'amü (their father); Hahai'yi wuhti is yü'amii (their mother). Two or three of the masks are the pot helmet (kü'ítü)2, but the others are the pouchlike caps of buckskin or of anoldfelthat. These are of the different typical colours. Fastened to each maskette are two globular eyes; and a dog snout carved of cottonwood or gourd. 1 Hopi k ach in as often appear in a group to the members of which kinship terms eure applied. See App. 2. At Zuñí, a distinctive kachina with a group is sometimes called their grandfather. The application of such terms appears to be uncommon in the E a s t . — Ed. 2 Hereafter the face masks will be referred to as maskette, and the face and head type, the pot helmet or mask. — Ed.

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The snouts of most are very well carved, suggesting the coyote-like curs so common in the villages. Many dogs have been killed this morning and the skins of their heads are used to cover these maskette snouts. I note the making of the globular eyes, — seeds of melons and squash with some wool and cotton are rolled up tight in a bit of buckskin and sewed. In Nasha'bki: Ü'üwa, Nasyüñ'weve, Ho'nauiih, Cha'li and a dozen others are preparing maskettes of Cha'chakwainümú. These are the ordinary maskette blackened with shale, black beard depending, mouth of grinning teeth and lolling tongue. (Fig. 76). All wear warrior feather bundle (hiizrü'nkwa) (Fig. 77) on crown;

Fig. 76. Masks of Cha'chakwainümú

(hüzrü'nkwa)

worn on crown of

ChaTcwainá mask

and bandoleer. Buckskin girt round loins, another over shoulders; bow and arrows. "Their grandmother" (sho'amû) leads the procession. She wears the mask and bandoleer, and carries the rattle I sketched last year m Wikwa'lobi. (Fig. 29, p. 44). Ho'nauiih (Bear) is their watchman (tü'wala). He has pieces of sheepskin fastened over his feet to look like bear's feet, they say. His forearms and shins are spotted white, otherwise he is costumed like the rest. He dances outside the lines. On each side of the breast and under each shoulder blade is the na'sompi in white, thus the headdress, of "their grandmother." She told them to paint this convention 1 and they would not be hit by the enemy's arrow upon the part covered by the device. In Wikwa'lobi: Sakwi'stiwa, Ka'kaptï, Ho'la, Mashakwa'ptiwa, and eight or ten others, are preparing Shoyo'hïm kachina maskettes and also eight or more maskettes for women in the Kücha' Aña'kchina. Wuti' (woman) kachina grotesque with horns. Aña'kchina ta'hamü (their uncle), a pot helmet mask. ( See this tonight. ) All the masks, etc. 1 This design is painted on the Navaho war gods and interpreted by Matthews as a bow. — Ed.

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(except those of Aña'kchina) are Shoyo'hïm kachina momo'yamû, All kinds kachina matrons. Most of these have horns, but I can get no names other than that they are women of the Shoyo'hïm; none finished. They are preparing Aña'kchina maskettes here, because in Chief kiva, where they belong, the Flute prayer-sticks are now being made. Ka'kaptï is with the Aña'kchina maskettes. These Shoyo'hïm momo'yamû are Cloud women (O'mauüh wuhti). They are also called the Dilapidated women, Nükü'sh wuhti. There are no male Shoyo'hïm to be presented, all female, but owing to my voiceless condition, I am unable to make inquiries as to the scheme of this curious personation. KIVA CHIEFS

Chief kiva Wikwa'lobi Nasha'bki Horn kiva Goat kiva Young corn mound kiva Oak mound kiva Mo'nete Pen'dete

Cha'sra and In'tiwa Sü'yükü Sïleau'htiwa Shü'himü Pauwati'wa Choshoñ'níwa Nûva'tï Te'me Tisyu'hiya

As occurred last year, the group of kachina personators from each W alpi kiva visits all the other kivas in Walpi; some go to Sichomovi and Tewa, but not all the Walpi personators go to the other villages, only some of them. The Tewa personators visit Sichomovi and Walpi. The Sichomovi personators visit Walpi but not Tewa. The passing from one kiva to another, exhibiting, is called kü'küyiva'ñwú. There is a general interchange of visiting exhibitions and the women and children are assembled sitting on the upraise in the various kivas. The exhibitions continue from about 10 P. M. to 2 A. M. Before beginning the exhibitions this evening, about 9 A. M. the kachina personators of the following kivas: Chief kiva, Wikwa'lobi. and Nasha'bki, went in procession to Red cape and made prayer (ho'moyá) toward* San Francisco Mountains; those of Horn kiva and Goat kiva went to Hiichi'ovi, the narrow neck on the northeast end of the village1, and made prayer toward Kishyu'ba. The Sichomovi personators went to the shrine (paho'ki) on the northeast of their village and at the tü'tüshkya (shrine with spiral stone 1

See Map 5. Hereafter referred to as the Break.

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concretions1) there made prayer toward Kishyu'ba. The Tewa personators went to the shrine on the mesa summit just northeast from the high house (Map 3) and made prayer toward Kishyu'ba. The prayer in all these instances was prayer for moisture, that vegetation might be abundant and gladden the people. Monday, January 22 Exhibitions in Walpi court by Dog kachina and the clowns from Chief kiva. Ka'kapti was leader of the Ta'chûktû, the clowns. Wednesday, January 24 Ñü'itüya'ni kachina at Sichomovi. (Ñü'itani, a descriptive verb referring to the maidens pursuing the kachina personator, struggling with him, and forcibly taking from him the objects he carries in his hands.) About ten of the Sichomovi men: whitened body, grotesque maskette, and an old kilt or other strip of old shabby stuff for breech cloth. One wears mask of Hehe'ya and with red decorates legs and body with vulva designs. This Hehe'ya, as usual, after the women have seized the basin or tray or other object which he brought in, pretends to copulate with as many of them as he can overtake. All the Sichomovi women and maids are in the court and a great number of the women from Tewa also. Friday, January 26 In Tewa court, Mo'nete exhibits the Cha'chakwainamû. Eagle under wing feather and warrior feather bundle on crown. Hair hanging loose. Black maskette, grinning teeth and lolling tongue, black beard. Most of the bodies blackened with soot, some with red, 1 To'zrUütü'ehkya. The sacred stonee in the shrines are not always spiral. They may be nodules of iron ore and other concretionary forms, pieces of fossil wood, and small boulders of sandstone and harder rock. The stones, Si'mo says, are placed to designate some of the powers, Sun or Cloud as the case may be, and when prayer-sticks "are made and smoked over and bear our petitions they are taken to the paho'ki containing the special stone marking the place for addressing the power or deity for whom the prayer-stick is made." See Glossary, To'zri. Ko'chve says that kachinas who came from the North brought these stones with them and placed them in the enclosures. It is a very common belief that should these stones be carried away great disaster would fall upon the villages. The kachina from the North, from Kishyu'ba, first went to Oraibi. The people there would not allow them to enter, so they went on to San Francisco Mountains. There they met other kachina with whom they danced. They had brought a spruce tree with them, which they set up atSan Francisco Mountains and they went up and danced among its branches. They tossed up a white cotton blanket and it fell on the tree top.

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shoulders of all yellow, armlets mostly blue, a few with spruce twigs. The na'aompi convention on breast and neck. Gourd rattle in right hand, bows and arrow in left. Most have bandoleer over right shoulder. Buckskin girt as a skirt with coloured girdle, foxskin depending at loins. Legs yellow ; blue moccasins mostly, some red ; tortoise rattle girt at right knee. Ho'nauüh (Bear) wears sheepskin cowl and long wooly pieces of sheepskin over feet, claws imitated with white clay. Forearms and shins blackened and spotted with white; body, red; shoulders, yellow ; eagle under wing feather and warrior feather bundle on top of sheepskin cowl; black maskette same as the other personators. Gourd rattle in right hand, yucca in left. Snake kilt with coloured girdle, foxskin behind. Tortoise rattle girt behind right knee. Cha'kwainä sho'adta (his grandmother) has a na'sompi on the left side of her head. (Fig. 78). This convention (see p. 117) is painted on bodies in white, yellow, or with wetted finger. She has quiver of arrows Fig. 78. Cha'kwainä grandmother

s

lung

a

t her back.

T h e old-

old rattle in right hand and bow in left. The maskette, rattle, and bandoleer are said to be those I saw in Wikwa'lobi, but the mouthpiece is different. She wears an old dark dress and big belt, whitened legs and ordinary men's moccasins. She utters a weird falsetto cry occasionally. The Cha'kwainä dance in line, most of the time facing in single file column, their song spirited and the gestures lively, stooping, turning around, etc. There are twenty, all told, in line. "Their grandmother" is about in the middle, the Bear watcher is third from the rear, but he occasionally makes by-play out of the ranks, prowls like a bear, but keeps on his feet. Three Chiiku wimkya clowns and three Pi'ptü ta ka (male) grotesques came from Chief kiva in the afternoon to Tewa. They indulged in the usual horse play and buffoonery, but nothing very immodest nor indecent. At sunset as customary the kachina were given prayer-feathers which they placed in the shrine at the Gap (Fig. 79) and unmasked and made their exorcism (navo'chiwa)1. 1

See pp. 371, 386.

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s· o s ® 5 I •>* -s cm. high; across shoulders and base of kilt, 5 c m . ; top end of mask, 5 x 3 cm.

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too busy a time to press inquiries. No sign of the Sa'lako masks. In'tiwa comes in and he tells me they are at Sichomovi. It is the Sio Sa'lako that is to be exhibited, of which there are four personages. In the Hopi Sa'lako there are but two, a man and a maid. Ta'shab kachinti'hü (Pl. IV) : The figurine is made of Cottonwood root (fa lco). The kachina carries a willow and shouts huhu' ! Ma'lo kachinti'hü (Fig. 131): Made of cottonwood root. After being

9

Fig. 131. Ma'lo kachinti'hü

1. ear: ei'hüadta, hie flower,

squash blossom (patá'ñehi). 2. O'mauwû (Cloud). 3. two eagle tail feathers (kwazrü's-

zri'hkokina).

4. feathers

from under tail and thighs of eagle (Icwabii'hü), his head plume (na'kwaadta). 5. Gya'rzñyüna, Parrot comes up Î

β. his snout (mocho'boadia). 7. red hair (pala'hümi).

carved the figurine is painted entirely with white clay. The colours on the body are as those on the actual personator, the cloud colours of the cardinal points. 1. The ear is a convention of squash blossom. This may have reference, although I have found no distinct mention, to the squash having been obtained fromMasau'wû. A convention of coloured yarns wound around stems radiating from a solid stamen. 2. The eyebrow conventionalized in simple form of realistic cloud. The eye of the kachina (any kachina ?) is the seed of all plants, hence the seed of any plant is its eye (bo'shi), and appropriately the eyebrow becomes a cloud over the seed, in position ready to pour down rain and start germination. The eye is not seed of squash, and

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there are other limitations. It is specifically spoken of as seed of cotton, beans, muskmelon. (This must be further elicited.) To generate saliva for mixing black pigment, muskmelon seed is chewed. The eye is black, hence the propriety of chewing the seeds it typifies for mixing black pigment. This is not quite clear yet. 3. Two eagle tail feathers, vertical, and typifying the black of the Above, perhaps specifically the Heya'pauwû (Heya'pau o'mauwû), the storm clpud (deities), cumulo-nimbus, yoya'nwïna (?). 4. Kwabü'hü, downy eagle feathers, na'kwaadta, his head plume (prayer-feather, nakiva' kwoshi, fastened on the scalp ?). 5. Parroquet comes up ( ?), (gya'rzñüna), typifying the Below, the region of all colour, Küya'omauwú. 6. His mouth : An ear of corn, partly perforated and with open slits through which the personator emits his song-prayer. The common convention of a corn ear is nearly a fac-simile of the natural object, but in this kachina it is modified so that only its cylindric form is retained to indicate its prototype. Because, Sü'yükü says, with the customary logical iteration, through the mouth come prayers, not only for corn, but for all other essentials, hence the corn ear should not be too specially manifest. 7. Pala'hümi, red hair, taiva'hona, the red rays of the light of sunrise. Before the Hopi had horses, yucca fibre and fine spun cotton string was used for this fringe. Now it is always dyed horsehair. The kachina is a paho [prayer messenger], so is the ti'hü, the figurine. Aside from the conventional significance of its details, the costume is also distinctly of a decorative intent, because the deities are naturally attracted by beautiful objects. When the deities see elaborate and brilliantly decorated kachina personators, they say, "Aha, what beautiful objects are those, they must be the admirable kachina of the Hopi !" The staff (ñatyü'ñpi) carried by the Ma'lo kachina is, I think, of the same significance whenever carried, (see Figs. 20, 98), but this is rather obscure. The feathers at the butt of the staff are eagle tail (always?), denoting prayer for the Black storm cloud, and the lower (black) half of the staff has the same significance. The greenblue half of the staff seems to have both the significance of the southwest cloud region and also that of the green of vegetation. The feathers at the tip of the staff are eagle wing feathers, to waft or carry the prayer, any, all, prayers. The red hair is tawa'hona, red rays of sunrise, also often spoken of as the red clouds of the southeast. The crook attached to the middle of the staff is the "old men's prayer" (wu'htakaho'moyá). The staff (ñatyü'ñpi) signifies the men in vigor, who walk erect, the crook (ñwelü'kpi), the bent old men who walk with their heads bending over and looking down

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toward the Below from whence people first came and where all must return. Some say Ma'lo kachina is merely a transposition of the word lo loma, good, or in this instance, admirable. The term ma'a akñü'ita Idioma is used frequently, which may be rendered "with extended arm he grasps it (his staff), admirable." Pauwati'wa suggests that as the derivation. The Ma'lo song prayer seems to be addressed to Cloud deities directly: Sikya' O'mauwútü ü'yi son ale yo'ki nai-a-ni-à-à-à, Yellow Clouds vegetation ( ?) and rain ( ?). In Wikwa'lobi, 7 P.M., Kai'yonsi and two other girls are just mixing up mud in large basins preparing to wash the walls. There are about five or six men here. No figurines visible. No masks. This is a mysterious occult place, this Wikwa'lobi. Yes, I notice when they take down a tortoise rattle from the wall there is a figurine of a Tâchûktï with a child on his back. These girls are mighty shy of approaching the Childbirth water shrine ; one starts there to begin her wash, but she carries a lighted brand and looking close at it shrieks and runs back to the fire. They go in a group, but with no better success. The men laugh and drag them back to the corner, but I have to go up and bring down a candle so that they may have light to work in that awful corner. Ai'veni, rattle (a'ya) decoration: I am led to think from a hint of Pauwati'wa that the r ^

is a development of the

nakwach

symbol . The broad arrow decoration on rattles is called bird foot print, chi'ro kükü. Figurines in Goat kiva are Ta'túñaiya (Fig. 130b), Pesru'm (Fig. 132) which is made by Wiki (see about this), Spruce owl (Salab'moñ) (Fig. 133), Flute kachina (Fig. 134). It is dark as pitch tonight, cloudy and the wind howling dismally. I t is difficult to make one's way from kiva to kiva. At 9 o'clock the same little preliminary was enacted at Horn kiva hatchway as on the evening of the 29th — dialogue between the kiva chief andHahai'wuqti. She wants to go among the children now. He tells her it is very dark and all the children are abed and finally prevails on her to wait till morning. At 10 P.M. a Sichomovi group of twenty visited all the Walpi kivas, no masks, hair hanging, no plumes, the ten male personators have each a narrow green tablet with sun convention painted in colours and fringe of long red hair (pavaiyikashi, moisture (sign) in frame), gourd rattle in right hand, and stick about two feet long to

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Alexander M. Stephen

F i g . 133. Spruce owl figurine Eagle down over head ; face, white,

Fig. 134. Le'na (Flute) kachina figurine

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the end of which is a half gourd painted as effigy of squash blossom, in colours inside, the outside white, as also is the stick, imitation of flute, I fancy. All the males wear white kilts, coloured girdle, tortoise rattle or bells below knee. Bare legged, some barefoot, some with moccasins. Female personators not costumed, some naked, some with shirt, nothing in hands. The leader carries a large Oraibi tray with a broad wicker vertical handle in bright colours in which is a capital bright painted effigy of a macaw or parroquet, gya'zro. The leader sets the-tray at the fireplace and after the kiva chief has sprinkled them with meal the centre couple from west end advance toward the fireplace. The male picks up the basket on the tip of his stick and presents it to the female who holds it in both hands and dances with him a few moments, the ordinary kachina stamping step. Of course all are singing. Then she lays down the tray by the fireplace and passes to her own side (north), the male to the south side. Next couple follow and this proceeds at a rapid gait. The whole number pass to the tray, I think four times, then they go out. I t is the Kawai'ka (Laguna) kachina. Immediately following them came the Tewa, twenty-eight of them, Powa'mii*i kachina. The male personators were as usual on the south side. They had white kilts, girdles and foxskins, white clay streaks on legs, tortoise rattles, yucca strip fillet on head, gourd rattle in right hand, nothing in left. Females uncostumed, hold in left hand a bunch of straw held well up, about opposite the face, nothing in right hand. After being sprinkled they begin to sing and the couple in the centre on the west end join hands : female, palm of right hand up ; male, palm of left down, fingers imbricated. They advance close to the fireplace, raise the hands higher than the head before unjoining, female to her own side, male to his. The whole number executed the figure four times and went out. Following them closely came the Chief kiva people, led by one wearing a grotesque false face, all the rest unmasked and naked, save for breech cloth. White clay stripes on body, no uniformity in this decoration, one has a gourd rudely depicted in white on his breast and his hand imprint on each thigh, others have a zigzag, and one or two have close horizontal bars in white down the front and back and on legs and arms; the males have gourd rattles in the right hand, nothing in the left; no fillet or plume, their hair hangs loose. The females hold a bunch of straw and sprig of spruce in the left hand, held, as the Tewa did, well up to the face. There are twenty four of them and they sing the same song and execute the same figure as the Tewa did. These visiting groups finished between 11 and 12 o'clock.

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Sunday, February 5, toto'kya, sleeps At early cock-crow or a little before 5 o'clock the kiva chief or some of the elders roused all in the kiva; each man then took his own vessel and set it where he could see, spreading his blanket beside it. He then pulled the plants up by the roots, plant by plant, taking great care not to bruise the plant, and taking up the entire plant and root. The plants he lays down in the blanket in an orderly pile, leaves together and roots together. He then takes up the vessel of sand and carries it to the neck of the village (from Goat kiva) or to any convenient place in the village needing filling up or repair, and there the sand is spread. Some carry the sand home, if their house needs repair, but lay it aside where the children may not see it. The vessels, if boxes, are put away in the house out of sight of prying young eyes, and, if basins, they are taken to the kiva fireplace and dried after emptying, all trace of sand is rubbed away, and the veeeele are carried home. About all of the piante are done up in neat bundles and tied up with yucca shred and a sprig of spruce, the yucca tied round each end and a loose bight left for carrying it, or their handler makes them up in two or more bundles and to these fastens the figurines he has made or the children's moccasins or other presents, or the presents may be separate, but to each bundle of plants is fastened the kachina symbol of a sprig of spruce. All traces of the method of growing the plants has been quite obliterated before the cocks are done crowing and, of course, long before daylight. Some then lie down to take a snooze, others continue arranging their presents, etc. and putting on the finishing touches of pigment. Throughout the whole ceremony children have been cautioned to keep away from the kivas, but it is natural for them to avoid looking down the kivas. Children never look down or go near the kivas unless it is at the merest informal gatherings. Still in Horn kiva there have been three very junior members present throughout, boys of ages from eight to twelve, and one or two of such ages in Goat kiva. But I suppose these youngsters axe as loyal as the oldest members. In Goat kiva one arrayed as Duck kachina receives all the presents and goes round to the houses and distributes them. The members tell him where to take the articles and to whom to give them, and he has to make several trips before all the kiva presents are distributed. AtNasha'b there were two costumed as Snow kachina. At Horn kiva were two very odd characters (one from Horn kiva and one from Chief kiva), the Choshü^hüwa (Bluebird snare) kachina. They had gray hair (this a capital imitation), grotesque false face,

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old ragged blanket and dilapidated leggings, and wobbled at a very lively gait but with their legs crossed, stepping or skipping on the side of the foot. Except when carrying a large object they kept their arms also crossed on the breast. While all the other kachina preserved the typical silence of these personages, these two cross-legged fellows maintained a continual chatter between themselves in quite a loud tone. They are most singular looking creatures. Also two Snow kachina from Chief kiva. All these, except the cross-legged pair, had their bodies whitened and wore the typical kachina costume of white kilt and girdle, tortoise rattle and blue moccasins.

Green face, black eye slits, yellow ears (squash bud., pa'túñatiei'hoya), yellow snout 1 ; feather plume from top; foxskin around base. 22 X 18 c. 1 This curved snout is the Zuñi form according to Pauwati'wa who brings from his house the Hopi form. (Fig. 136).

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wears hie own mask, but there is little or no difference in costume, and all wore the white woolen blanket with red and black border (always excepting the shabby cross-legged pair). The distributing kachinas bustled around the village very nimbly and two Laguna kachina from Sichomovi also made some presents, but all the distribution was finished a few minutes after

Fig. 136. Hopi form of snout of Duck kachina Cottonwood, 11.5 c. long, 5 c. wide. This mouth piece typifies the various kinds of corn.

sunrise. The kachina went to the foot of ladders and called by a hoot, but did not speak nor go into any house, nor did the chattering Cross-Legs talk or speak to any one but each other. About half an hour after sunrise-So'yok wu'qti (woman) passed around the kivas, holding a dialogue with the kiva chief at the hatchway but not entering. She has a black cone mask, red mouth and white teeth. She is costumed as a dilapidated old woman with a crook seven feet long, whitened and at the crook end many shell rattles (mo'sïlîli). In the right hand a knife, hands and arms and knife all smeared with rabbit blood. She speaks in a wailing falsetto, emitting occasional long wailing hoots, this is the hoot that gives her her name, soyoko'-u-u-u (long drawn wail). The Cross-legged hold some dialogue with the kiva chiefs at the hatchway, but very little. They make gifts finally of watermelons and squashes. The watermelons (little spherical kind) are very eatable, also the muskmelons. I notice one quite sound. They come up again from Horn kiva and do a little comic business and a very simple comedy. One of them is carrying a large squash. When they reach the middle of the court he lays it down, the two then select a little girl and leading her out to the middle of the court, they two separate a few paces, facing each other. They tell the little girl to choose which of them she likes best and to signify it

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by coming to his outspread arms. She naturally chooses the one who carried the squash and he gives it to her, the other pretends to be piqued at this and cries "C/kiwa! Alas!" but they go off wobbling cross-legged together and chattering. Their masks are not alike, one has a large nose, the other has not, but both are whitened and have a thin red bar across the face and black around eyes. I will try and get a sketch of them. (Fig. 137). In Horn kiva at 9 A.M. they are eating wafer-bread and mutton stew. A Navajo, 1 a quiet old fellow, eats with the members.

1 By this time, we recall, t h e beans h a d been pulled u p . I n 1888 there were N a v a j o visitors earlier in t h e ceremony. " F o u r of t h e Ye, maskers from t h e Ye'blchai now in progress a t E i p û n l buhran, came over to t h e mesa, t r o t t i n g afoot, three of t h e m quite naked, barring a fancy breech cloth, a red b a n d a and silver belt. They were invited down into Mo'nete a t Tewa b y Cha'kwaina (whose mother is Navajo) where t h e y smoked a n d h a d food. Now it seems Cha'kwaina did wrong in introducing N a v a j o Ye into t h e kiva during this Powa'mû ceremony. Some of t h e old men doubt their having a successful harvest this coming season in consequence. They say t h a t their beans growing in boxes around t h e k i v a have been exposed to t h e influence of foreign a n d malign gods ; t h e y fear t h e cut worms will be allowed to ravage t h e fields a n d t h a t m a n y other disasters m a y happen t o t h e crops."

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This morning the prescribed presents are, for boys, tortoise shell rattle, and gourd rattle gaudily painted, and a pair of moccasins generally stained bright blue with malachite; for girls, figurine and wrapped moccasins and a bundle of plants. The mothers take the plants early in the forenoon, chop them up and mix them in the mutton stew which they carry to the kiva. In Nasha'bki three youths are making some elaborate wall frescoes. As usual the elders prompt them as to appropriate colours, etc., but the young men seem to choose their own subject. All are frescoing Chief kiva wall. At 11.30 A.M. the So'yok woman group appeared up from Horn kiva. They go to all the houses as on the other day, Hahai'wuqti going up the ladder two or three rungs and calling for flesh food in her piping wail. So'yok woman comes behind her, her wailing hoot constant. "Their father" with bow and arrow in hand keeps close to Hahai'wuqti; Nata'shka (So'yok maid) has a deep burden basket (hoa'pü) on her back and follows "their father." Two Hehe'ya follow with bags and pouches and carry the food received. Then follow three Black Fathers and two White Fathers. These five keep together, and continually joggle step forward and back, never still. Costumes: Hahai'iwuqti, foxskin round base of mask, black dress and white woolen blanket with red and black border, coloured girdle and woolen belt (Icane'lkwe'wa), whitened gourd containing water in left hand and nothing in right. (It comes on a cold rain.) So'yok woman, in her hideous black mask (Fig. 138) and dilapidated old woman's duds, large belt, large knife in left hand, and crook in right. "Their father": turkey tail feathers closely radiating, vertical at back — a complete turkey tail; a red prayer-feather on tip of lowest tail feather at right and left ; cloth shirt and trousers ; silver belt; buckskin leggings; foxskin round base of mask; two large buckskins as mantles over right shoulder, under left arm ; bow and arrows in left hand, with his right hand lie assists in reaching food; bandoleer slung over the right shoulder. So'yok maid: a black dress, and buckskin as mantle. A boy of twelve personates and wears man's moccasins; red prayer-feather on scalp; nothing in hands. The Nata'shka are all about the same, print shirts and trousers, silver belts and buckskin leggings, coloured girdle, quiver of arrows and bow and arrow in left hand, a hand saw in right hand. The three Hehe'ya in the masks sketched in Horn kiva (Fig. 139); no foxskin, old shabby duds. One of them with a lariat tries to

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a. Hair black, sprinkled with raw cotton, a red stained tuft over forehead; face black, yellow annulet eyes, mouth red streak, white zigzag; hawk prayer-feather from mouth ; black horsehair beard, b. crook whitened, many divella shells.

lasso the girls. When a girl appears they act as if in a paroxysm of amorous passion, but it is all decent. When food is at first refused or poor quality is offered, lights and such offal, "their father" sets up a hoot like an owl, long drawn, and at the same time So'yok maid whistles. They leave no house till proper food is given them. A mother brings out a child who has not been qualified and covers its eyes with her hand while it offers food. 15

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ï'7

Fig. 139. Hehe'ya masks a. white face, red, black, yellow streaks, black sheepskin surrounding. b. same, side face. c. white face, red, yellow, blue, black lines, white sheepskin. d. white face, red, black, yellow, blue stripes, white sheepskin.

They begin at the house opposite Horn kiva and proceed to the northeast to Sichomovi and then return and down back street, out and around the village thus. (Too rainy to use a notebook, very cold too.) Hehe'ya have an old sheepskin girt round them with wool rope and a bunch of ox hoofs as a rattle tied to the girdle. They carry all

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the wafer-bread, meal and such food. So'yok maid carries all the flesh in her basket. The hands of Hahai'yiwuqti are whitened, as are also the hands of "their father" but the hands of So'yok woman1, her arms, and her knife are smeared with blood, so are the hands of all the Nata'shka, blood smeared. The Nata'shka also have a bandoleer over right shoulder and tortoise rattle on right leg. All the Hehe'ya have a lariat, their hands whitened. Their leggings are old frayed blankets. So'yok maid's hands and arms are also blood smeared, with rabbit blood. They collected a blanket full of jerked mutton and cottontails in the houses between Horn kiva and the northeast end of the village and about two one-bushel bags full of meal and wafer-bread. These things were carried to Horn kiva by one of its members and then the group went on to Sichomovi. They were three-fourths of an hour in getting from their kiva to the northeast end of the village. Between 12 and 1 In'tiwa finished making twelve sets of bluegreen Pa'mü r iya prayer-sticks. Ho'ñi and Le'taiyo were with him. I think they made four sets each, only one set showed the flat facet for the female. Turkey feather wrapper, food packet, sprig of white sage and bam'navi, all of the regular order and manner. They also made twelve prayer-sticks with feathers equidistant, a slender sumac twig, two feet or a little more long, from which four prayer-feathers (hawk) depended, and twelve prayer-feathers single. These finished, In'tiwa set them in a tray of prayer-meal beside the si'papü. In'tiwa then brought out from the kachina shrine his corn of the directions, his old six ears, his ti'poni, two medicine-water bowls and aspergills, two or more round gourd rattles, and a multitude of bundles. The others, eighteen or twenty here, axe making moccasins or are otherwise occupied in secular affairs. They make a fire hot enough to roast the devil. In Chief kiva, In'tiwa at 1.30 P.M. made the altar, sifted valley sand as indicated (Fig. 140), then some a little back of the si'papü, then set his ti'poni in a handful of meal, then made the directions with meal lines as indicated (Fig. 140) and set the empty medicinewater bowl, then ears of corn and other fetiches. Le'taiyo without stripping sits back of the fire and fills and passes the pipe to In'tiwa who passes it a round. The five are stripped. The pipe having gone round, In'tiwa takes a pinch of meal and prays on it, then sprinkles on the corn ears from butt to tip and in the crenellate, the prayer very short. Sikya'ustiwa also sprinkles the 1

Nata'shka sho'amii, their grandmother.

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^ 1Θ Ti

Fig. 140. Altar in Chief kiva, Powa'mû 1. North, yellow corn ear, two crystals and aspergili. 2. 3. 4. cardinal points in usual sequence. 5. above (black). 6. below (sweet). All have two crystals except No. 6 which has (as usual with In'tiwa) only one, nor any aspergili. 7. road prayer-feather. 8. In'tiwa's ti'poni (should be a little further back). 9. si'papii closed. (1) In'tiwa. (2) Sikya'ustiwa. (3) Ho'ñi. (4) Cha'sra. (5) Su'pelâ.

ears as In'tiwa did, but did not pray aloud. They all do this, but the only spoken prayer is that of In'tiwa. In'tiwa tries to withdraw the si'papii plug and fails, then Su'pelä digs at it with a knife, no go, then he gets a billet of wood and taps it out easily, laying the plug down just back of the plank. In'tiwa and Sikya'ustiwa each take a rattle and they begin to sing, all join, i. e. all the five, at certain passages. In'tiwa pours water in the crenellate bowl from a gourd. Beginning with the yellow ear he pours water so as to wash off the meal, inclining the tip of the ear in the bowl, then lays the ear back in place. He thus proceeds at passages a minute or two apart with all the ears in their cardinal sequence. The song began at 1.35 P.M. The song like so many of this class, begins doleful and monotonous. There are in the

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kiva besides the five, Le'taiyo, Küya'waina and Kw&'ch&kwa, the latter two sitting on the upraise, Kwa'chakwa making moccasins. Second stanza, a lively measure, during which In'tiwa shakes the meal of the aspergili into the bowl, beginning as usual at No. 1 (Fig. 140) and going around after the appropriate intervals of singing. As the sweet corn has no aspergili beside it, he takes up that ear and dips the tip of it in the bowl water and lays it back. Third β tanza, also a quick measure, but droning and tuneless. Fourth stanza. Only In'tiwa and Sikya'ustiwa seem familiar with these songs, only those two now singing. Fifth stanza. Sixth stanza. Le'taiyo, son of In'tiwa, is1 given the turkey wing bone whistle with which he bubbles four times in the water of the crenellate bowl. After interval of song, again he bubbles and again, aspersing with the whistle when he withdraws it. Again, aspersing each time, six times in all. Seventh stanza. In'tiwa takes a pinch of meal and casts a little in the crenellate bowl, on the piayer-stick tray and on the ti'poni, beginning with the yellow ear as usual and at intervale sprinkling all the ears in sequence, and also the prayer-stick tray and ti'poni with each eax. The method is corn ear, ti'poni, prayer-stick tray, si'papü, crenellate bowl. Eighth stanza. In'tiwa takes from his pouch a pinch of pollen and proceeds exactly as in preceding stanza. All this sprinkling with the right hand. While Le'taiyo fills the pipe, In'tiwa takes a pinch of meal and prays. He and Sikya'ustiwa sprinkle all the corn ears and in the bowl, so do the others. They also pray, but silently, In'tiwa alone prays aloud. He smokes down upon the water in the bowl. Le'taiyo fills two pipes, gives the second one to Su'pela. The rank and file now come back to their occupations in the kiva. Hahai'yiwuqti and the Nata'shka group come to the hatch and have a comic dialogue. She demands meat, etc. The kiva elders go up and stand in the hatchway on the ladder and refuse her. "Their father" hoots and So'yok maid gives a whistling howl. Then the Hehe'ya throw down their lariat. The kiva folks fasten a goat's horn and a piece of sheepskin on it and hang to it, giving the impression that it is a sheep they are hauling up, etc. etc. In'tiwa calls Küya'waina and another youth, and, without anointing, gives Küya'waina four prayer-feathers and four prayersticks, telling him to distribute them from a radius he described to the youth, from Sun spring; the other youth makes a distribution in the vicinity of Ko'kyañba, Spider spring under Tewa on the west

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side, then at Tüve'skyabí, another spring on the west side. Two sets of prayer-sticks are left (one of them with facet), these to be distributed tonight over on the southwest point of the mesa with prayerfeathers. In'tiwa then puts in the plug and ties up his ti'poni, etc., finishing at 2.15. There will be no songs of ceremony tonight, so In'tiwa says. The Nata'shka group go to Wikwa'lobi and there Sü'yükü gives each of them, also the Hehe'ya, a prayer-feather and a handful of meal and Tala'hoya smokes over them. Sü'yükü also gave them meat before I came up from Chief kiva. The meal offerings made by the kiva chief are first to Hahai'yiwuqti, "their father" and So'yok maid, then to the other Nata'shka. The Nata'shka group, having made the rounds of the houses in the court while In'tiwa's prayers were in progress, goes through the passage way to the houses along the dance court and halts at Nasha' bki where, after some comic business, they receive meat and are sprinkled with meal, a t t h e hands of Mo'mi,and receive prayer-feathers and are smoked upon as at Wikwa'lobi. They then proceed along the houses fronting the court, collecting food, Hahai'yiwuqti not going higher than two or three rungs. Then on to Goat kiva where Pauwati'wa held a comic dialogue with them. They were sprinkled by him and received from him each a prayer-feather just as at the other kivas. They then go to Horn kiva. Same incidents there as at the other kivas with the kiva chief. After Sü'himü has given each a prayer-feather and some meal and sprinkled them just as the other kiva chiefs had done, he retired to the kiva and while the Nata'shka still stood around the hatchway up came six of the men of that kiva arrayed in imitation of the Mamzrauti impersonations called Cha'tümakaa. The imitation was quite close in costume and decoration. The blue woven jacket, coloured girdle as short kilt, decoration in colours on legs, barefoot, bright feather plume on head, but no artificial bang and nothing in the hands. 1 The six went to the danoe court and stood close to the edge of the cliff, facing the houses and singing the Mamzrau song. The Nata'shka group accompanied them and the two grown men personating Hehe'ya went into assumed erotic paroxysm. They lay down on the ground on their backs close to the feet of the disguised Mamzrau, endeavoring to look up between their legs and lifting up the edge of the girdle kilt, then rolling on the ground in fits and again resuming their erotic prying and feeling, the Nata'shka as usual maintaining their prancing step around them and occasionally 1

See pp. 908, 909.

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So'yok woman thumping t h e Hehe'ya over the head with t h e b u t t end of her crook. After about five minutes of this erotic exhibition t h e Hehe'ya seize t h e Mamzrau and tumbling them into an indiscrimate heap fall on t o p of t h e m and imitate the act of copulation. A f t e r this the Mamzrau strip t h e Hehe'ya of their sheepskins and ragged duds, leaving t h e m only the breech cloth and take with assumed force t h e buckskins from all the Nata'shka group and carry these things down into the kiva. The group then follow t h e m into the kiva and the public exhibition of the Nata'shka group is concluded. They unmask in the kiva, divest themselves of all costume, and resume their ordinary attire and occupation in kiva. Some time during t h e late afternoon some forty or fifty Oraibi came over, paying a return visit made by the East Mesa men two years ago. I did not see them arrive, but there was no formal reception. About half of t h e m went down into Wikwa'lobi and the other half into Goat kiva. Lalo'lamai, the Town chief, did not accompany them, his brother, [the Winter solstice chief], is among them, however, and several other of their principal men. During the evening there is some preparation of pigments for use in decorating the person tonight, also as on former evenings some singing. A good many are stretched out drowsing and sleeping. Between 12 and 1 o'clock the Oraibi in Goat kiva stripped and danced as Powa'mü 1 ! kachina informally, the same figure as the Chief kiva group danced last night, and then pigments were after a while brought out in basins and the Oraibi began leisurely to decorate their persons for Powa'mü r i kachina. I visit all the other kivas and find t h e m similarly engaged. They are all slow and desultory in their operations and not till between 3 and 4 in the morning were the kiva members all decorated. Each kiva upon the mesa had the same personages represented, i. e. male and female of Powa'mü r i kachina. Monday, February 6, pi'gûmnove, porridge feast About 3.30 A.M. the members of the various kivas began interchange of visits. Each kiva of Walpi visited each other kiva in Walpi, but did not go to any other village. Those of Sichomovi visited both Tewa and Walpi and those of Tewa visited both Sichomovi and Walpi. Dancing ceased and all the members were asleep before s u n r i s e . . . No drums ? Costume of Powa'mü r i kachina (Fig. 141) : No masks, hair hanging loose and on crown of head the well made effigy of squash blossom called sirikwa. (Fig. 142). I t is fastened to the head, not with string,

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but with two small locks of hair.1 There are slight differences in the designs, enough to distinguish the different kiva groups. All of each kiva are alike. Face uncoloured. On right shoulder and curving down over the breast a solid mass of the bluegreen clay called wi'vavî. (I note in nearly every kiva the innovation of mixing this pigment with a little aniline blue or green.) In Wikwa'lobi instead of using this wi'vavî, I think they used shaIcwa'piki, which is the preparation of malachite or other copper ore roasted and ground with piñón gum; at least Tala'hoya, when I Fig. 141. Powa'mü r i kachina asked him to show me the green pigment they were to use, showed me a piece of shakwa'piki. On

Fig. 142. Squash blossom effigy

(eln'kwa)

1 Each flower is made of three corn husks, the stems reinforced with additional strips of husk and wrapped with yucca shreds. The petal is formed by bending back the husks to any desired length and binding them at the bend with yucca shred to form a torus.

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the left shoulder and over the breast the bright yellow pigment called sikya'piki, and on the body, from neck down the centre of breast, over front and back of body, the pinkish bright red called shü'pnala. This red is obtained by crushing the berries (ai'vtvipsi) of aromatic sumac in the hands and with this liquid is mixed a quantity of the salty clay called potato clay (tümi'nchü'Tka or tiim'na chü'rka), as it is used as a seasoning for eating wild potatoes. Koko'miyükpi (black corn stalk, i. e. the stalk of the plant of the variety they call koku'mka'ü, black corn) is chewed by one or more engaged in the process of making the pigment and the saliva thus generated is spat into the vessel containing the berry liquid and clay until the mass is brought to the prôper consistency, about thick cream. The water in which the black corn has been boiled is sometimes used as a substitute for the ealiva. The salty clay is found in seams near Müsho'ñinovi and at Hostho'ditho (Hocho'koba), the spring in the East valley north of Sikya'chki. The upper part of the right arm is yellow, the forearm green; upper part of left arm, green, forearm, yellow ; and on each shoulder are two spirally curving lines stippled with the tips of the fingers defining the colour zones of the shoulder and upper arm. Right leg, from about mid-thigh, yellow; left leg, green with two contrasting bands above the knee. Hands whitened with white clay as also are

Fig. 143. Chief kiva wall designs a. Orion (WutomTiamü) on south side wall. Three upper stars, 24 c. X 24 c. b. Pleiades (Chavau'watakamü) on west end wall, about 22 c. X 22 c. c. Moon (Mü r iya'wü) near northwest corner on southwest end wall. 50 c. dia. d. Morning star (Tala'shohü), 42 c. χ 42 c. All stars in white with black surrounding line.

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\ô

31.

1

-

Fig. 144. Designs, north side wall, Chief kiva a. Streak of lightning marked with cross is carried along the roof beam half way across t h e roof. Lightning red on white ground; bolts are blue. b. Sunflower 37 c. dia.; inner disc, 20 c.; stalk, 130 c. high, 4 c. wide. Yellow petals outlined in black; seed disc, black ; yellow stipple in centre. Stalk a n d leaves solid blue.

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waist, hips and upper part of thighs. White kilt girded with big belt and woolen belt, gray foxskin depending from loins. Tortoise rattle on right leg and very generally a garter of small sleigh bells round the left leg. Moccasins blue-green. In right hand blue-green gourd rattle, in left hand sprig of spruce. Those personating the female character had no foxskins nor anything in the right hand. Feasts of pi'gûtni and mutton stew (in which the bean plants plucked from the kiva vessels and afterward given to the children were chopped up and cooked) were carried to all the kivas yesterday morning, and all the houses had much food displayed. Perhaps fifteen Navajo lounged round from house to house and of course the Oraibi visitors were attentively entertained at the different houses. The kiva chiefs and other elders went with them and saw that they were properly billeted. They returned home today, nothing formal. No dancing, singing or other ceremony today... (See as to the disposition of the prayer-feathers given Nata'shka. — They are deposited in the shrine of the respective villages where received). In Chief kiva mural decorations (Figs. 143, 144) were made today by the young men of the kiva, the elder members prompting as to appropriate colouring. Tuesday, February 7 Nothing ceremonial in sight in any except Horn kiva and there the Nata'shka group of masks are still hanging and about all who personated that group still frequent that kiva. I arranged with them to be photographed by Mr. James Mooney of the Bureau of Ethnology,1 and a little after noon they came up to my quarters. Mooney made them the customary presents of sweet corn meal and meat and then they stood still in the court, submitting to any posture he desired. He photographed them in group and singly. After the picturing was done, Sü'yükü who had prepared the necessary prayer-feathers gave one to each and a handful of meal—just the same form as on the 5th. When they were retiring to kiva and while standing round the hatchway, the Hehe'ya group of three engaged in that curious ball play called süñiüu'wiñpa, in which the ball is attached to a looped string, the player lies down on his back and passes the loop over his great toe and slings ball and loop high over his head. The kiva chief and two others also engaged in this, as a separate group, playing against the Hehe'ya . These latter played to the northeast, the kiva group to the southwest and back to the kiva, and won the game as against the Hehe'ya. 1 See Fewkes 4: PI. CV, CVI.

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Wednesday, February 8 The squash blossom effigies worn as headdress will be deposited in the fields by those who wore them eight days ( ?) after the culmination of the ceremony in which they were worn. (They axe deposited at any convenient time of day.) The feast culminated on the 6th, hence this deposit will be made on the 14th. They tell me the person who wore this ornamental prayer emblem takes it to the portion of his field or garden in which he purposes to plant squashes or vegetables of that kind, there lays it down, casts meal upon it and prays (to whom?) for abundant harvest, rain, etc. They are planted informally. (I must try to witness this.) The squash blossom headdresses are deposited in the squash garden, but on no specified day. When the owner begins to prepare that portion of his field for squash planting, then he lays the effigy in the ground in

Fig. 145. Design on north side wall, Nasha'bki Snipe (Pa'tsro), white with black outline and streaks. Lightnings extend several feet further than sketch suggests: red with black outline. Sho'toküniiñwa: white with black outline; kilt with green border; red ears, blue ear drops; blue moccasins.

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that portion, caste meal on it, praying for abundant yield, and covers the effigy with sand. He plants it. In Naeha'bki the elaborate designs painted on the walls (Figs. 145, 146) were only finished on the 6th and today they are almost

¡Β®! F i g . 146. Designs o n s o u t h side wall, Naeha'bki, 72 X 37 c. a. O ' m a u p o ñ ' y a , Cloud a l t a r . T o p tree, black w i t h w h i t e k n o b s . Birds, left, w o o d p e c k e r (ho'pyüña), yellow, blue, r e d in s t r e a k s ; right, sikoma, r e d ; below, pavau'kyaya, black, a n d between t h e m B u t t e r f l y (hoko'na). Lightnings, white, extending 3 or 4 f t . f u r t h e r a n d ending in cross as indicated. Centre tree, blue w i t h black k n o b s ; birds, lüküchkana; black a n d blue checkers; lower tree, black, b. girl a n d snipe-cloud group is 2 or 3 f t . t o left of cloud altar. 30 c. X 20 c. Snipe-cloud design should be a b o v e girl-cloud design.

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entirely quite obliterated by rubbing and scraping. Inquiring as to this, Ü'üwa and the other elders tell me that these are cloud altars (o'mau pon'ya) (most of them say boñ'ya), and of the same intent and virtue as any other altar made on the kiva floor as elsewhere, during any ceremony. They particularly call my attention that it is raining now (which is the fact), hence their prayers conveyed upon these emblems have been answered. But, I query, why rub them out, why not let the pictures remain as they are, beautiful, etc. ? They say, it is a prescriptive matter of course that an altar having served its ceremonial purpose should be at once effaced. I think, however, that the fact of the birds being depicted on this altar is one reason, if not the main, for its defacement, but this I can not elicit, or at least can not comprehend if they do suggest it. For designs on walls of Oak mound kiva, see Pis. V, VI, VII. Na'tioantota, the omen of the coming season indicated by height attained by the bean plants. Yo'hoo powa'nta or yo'hoo navo'chitva, either term is used, exorcising the cold, analagous to the purification ceremony. What malign influence is it that is exorcised ? The cold winds, etc. —this, at the first vessel planted1 by In'tiwa. Botanomancy, it seems to be, for they distinctly say the coming season's harvest may be estimated to this extent, if the plants in the kivas grow high, the next harvest will be abundant; if they do not, it will be stinted. But I can not see just how they can apply this as a rule, for some kivas are much warmer than others and the plants vary accordingly, and they know it. The Wü/rwiyomo kachina bless the plants, and, I should infer, also the seeds, in the hands of theHopi. Consecration ? In'tiwa knows this lore, but not Kwa'chakwa or Ka'lashai, so some have told me, but this must be taken with reserve. They probably mean that In'tiwa knows it best. In'tiwa exorcises the cold. The other main feature of the ceremony is the primary initiation of the children, at least their flogging by Tüñwüb kachina. JOURNAL 1894 January 21 Full moon of Pa'müriyawú: In'tiwa müzri ü'yilawwú, In'tiwa beans plants, one vessel in Chief kiva. Also on this same day Pa'hakola, the father of Kwiima'lechi, daughter of the eldest sister 1 Again it is tempting to compare Mexican (Oaxaqueño) usage. Corn or chia is planted α few weeks before Esister in bowls or animal figurines at home and later taken to the church altars. — Ed.

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P L A T E VI

Design on north side wall, Oak mound k i v a G4 cm. high ; clouds, 32 cm. across base; Tükwí'núñü, lightning in right hand rims out GO cm. or more; in left hand, a netted gourd.

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239

of In'tiwa (hence she is Kachin nyümü yü'amü, mother of the Kachina clan), Pa'hakola plants for Kwüma'lechi one vessel of corn in her own house. On the morning after Powa'kachi,1 In'tiwa plucks the beans he had planted, and Pa'hakola plucks part of the corn he planted, and carries it to Chief kiva and gives it to In'tiwa who gives it to Ahü'l for distribution this same morning when In'tiwa leads Ahü'l on his rounds through the villages. A stalk or two is taken from the hands of Ahü'l by each housewife and these are chopped up and boiled with corn ears and eaten by the family. In'tiwa plucks the largest bean stalk from his vessel and rubs it up with copper ore water and paints the four prayer-sticks for the directions and other prayer-sticks prepared in Chief kiva before the advent of Ahü'l. When this next moon, Powa'müriyawü goes, it takes the great cold (alni yo'hoo) with it; then comes in Ü'shü (March). Powa'müriyawü yo'hoo powa'to, Powa'mü'iyawü cold exorcism. Pyü'ükañhoya, his breath is ice cold, he understands the cold, hence appeals to him in the cold moons2 of kya and pa (December and January). During these two moons it is especially desirable to have plenty of rain or snow to permeate the land, then cold to make plenty of ice. If there has been little winter moisture and ice, when summer comes the fields get dry too soon and little or no harvest is yielded. There is no preliminary smoke in connection with Powa'mû.3 When Powa'mûriyawû shines in the Above, its counterpart, Nasha'nmûriya'wû, is shining in the Below, at the house of Müriyiñwú. Summer is yonder, winter is here. All vegetation is mature, fruits all ripe in the Below. When the Nasha'n shining now in the Below comes to the Above, next September, it will bring just the same harvest as that it is now shining on in the Below. All plants come from Müriymwú; prayer-sticks are made and "placed" for Müriyíñwú and in exchange for these prayer-sticks he sends us vegetation. Na'twawta (na'twantota), to discover the future harvest. February 8 Kachina in all the kivas as last year. Buffalo dance in the kivas tonight also. ,, 9 Ahü'l led by In'tiwa at sunrise. Ü'yila'lauwú, planting, begins in kivas. Buffalo dance in the court at Walpi. Powa crescent moon horizontal. See p. 389. Corresponding, no doubt, to the two winter months assigned to the 3 But see pp. 136, 160. — E d . Le'wekwe society of Zuñi. — Ed. 1

2

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Alexander M. Stephen

Fig. 147. Mask of Broad face kachina a. Wicker work 1 covered with cotton cloth painted black with shale a n d sprinkled with pulverized selenite giving it a glittering effect; lightning, green ; chevrons a t eyes, white ; beard, black horsehair, 30 c. long. b. obverse, black with green stripes ; reverse, vermillion; 40 c. long. c. mouthpiece of leather ; teeth of neatly twisted corn h u s k ; 5 c. wide in all, teeth 2 c. wide.

Ίι Λ ν η ί ί ί ι * »

1

As in all this class of large mask t h e wicker frame is woven in the same m a n n e r as the wicker t r a y (pi'kiñpi).

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d. reverse; topped by corn husk wrapped with yucca shreds, in which the radiating eagle tail feathers are thrust when the mask is to be used.

February 10, 11, 12 Planting. ,, 16 Four Nata'shka and Soyo'k woman led by Hahai'yi woman pass around to all the kiva hatches tonight between 9 and 10 o'clock. ,, 17 yü'ñya, assembly. Hahai'yi woman escorted by one Nata'shka passes round giving traps to the children. This is in the afternoon ending about sunset. Wu'yak kii'ïta (Broad head) kachina, Wu'yak taiowa (Broad face) (Fig. 147), led around with a rope, roaring through the village tonight, also other of the angry kachina, as last year. ,, 18 shüshta'la, first day; passing around (kükü'tniya) between 10 and 11 P. M. ,, 19 liish'tala, second day; passing around by Samo'a old man (wu'htaka), Wo'he, etc. ,, 20 paîsh'tala, third day; passing around. ,, 21 na'lüshta'la, fourth day; passing around; kiva mud washing (ba'lawi) (Mo'nete). ,, 22 shüshta'la yüñyo'mani, first day they will assemble. Interchanged visits of uncostumed kachina.

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Alexander M. Stephen

February 23 lüsh'tala, homo' ktoto' kya, second day, wood carrying sleepe. ,, 24 patsh'tala toto'kya, third day sleeps. Distribute dolls. Wo'he kachina dance in court. Hahai'yi woman collects food. ,, 25 pi'gûmnove, porridge feast. Many Navajo visitors. The Wo'he of Mo'nete go to Sichomovi and Walpi. They came up masked from the kiva. They returned at sunset and went down into kiva carrying the prayerfeathers which they deposited with prayer in the kiva si'papü. No other kachina today. February 22 Wupa'mo kachina, in the afternoon. An abalone shell hung around the neck. Right shoulder, yellow; left shoulder, blue; body, red; left leg, yellow to knee, white round loins and down to knee; right leg, blue to knee, white round loins and down to knee; kilt, the narrow belt (to'nikwewa), and the coloured girdle; foxskin at loins, cow bell at girdle ; turtle shell rattle behind right knee, yarn anklets and blue moccasins. Bow and two or three arrows in left hand. Several yupca blades in right hand (carried tip in front), a rope fastened round his waist, the loose end in hands of Ta'chûktï. He is led around to the hatchway of the kivas by a Ta'chûktï. The Ta'chûktï holds dialogue at the kiva. The kachina merely growls and makes occasional wild dashes as if trying to escape from the ladder. The dialogue mainly consists of the Ta'chûktï telling that the kachina will come (kachinûm üki'ne), tonight, kachina in costume will make reciprocal visits in all the kivas, but no women and children are admitted as spectators. These must not look upon the growing sacred plants. February 24 As to the Hahai'yi woman's collecting procession in different villages: At Mo'nete when she calls for flesh offering, kiva inmates mock her with offering the horns of a fresh slain ox. Nata'shka disdains taking them; they then offer her a scrawny bit of mutton wrapped in a wildcat skin. This also refused and Nata'shka hoots and growls indignant. Then they bring up a generous meat offering of mutton and ox flesh and the group take it and pass on. At Pen'dete, however, the kiva chief makes her mock offerings two or three times (strips of sinew and scraggy little bits of ill looking meat) and, intimating that they have nothing else to offer her, he descends again into the kiva amid tfye growling of the

P L A T E VIII

Mask of Ahü'l kachina (The black side should be bronze.)

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Nata'ehka and the hooting of So'yok maid. The two Hehe'ya, each as usual with a lariat in hand, then go down into the kiva, followed by all the Nata'ehka, but the Hahai'yi woman and So'yok maid remain on the kiva roof, near the hatchway. Presently the two Hehe'ya come back up the ladder, each of them dragging up a man belonging to this kiva. Getting them out on the hatchway, the Hehe'ya cast their ropes about their victims, get them on their backs and cany them out of sight down the trail leading to the Gap. All the Nata'ehka directly come back up the ladder, each dragging a victim, and these they cast down on the kiva roof, the heads of the victims just projecting over the edge of the roof. The Nata'ehka place a foot upon the neck of the victim and with much fierce gesticulation pretend to make ready to cut off the heads of the victims with the hand saw which each Nata'ehka carries. The roofs are crowded with spectators and the children make loud lamentations as they recognize a relative among the victime. The dramatic action of the Nata'ehka and Hehe'ya is very intense, and it is but natural that the children should believe this rough play to be in earnest. After a few minutes of these demonstrations the kiva chief comes up with generous offerings of meat, meal, wafer-bread and a great deal of other food in bags and bundlee, and tendering these to Hahai'yi woman, intercedes for his fellow kiva members. JOURNAL 1892 February 2 Ahü'l paeeed through all the villagee. Yellow foxskin round neck. In left hand a foxskin (le'iaiyo pu'kya, gray foxskin) containing prayer-meal and a tuft of bean plants from kiva. In right hand a staff, turkey feathere at top and near bottom. Staff half green, half black, with eagle or turkey plume at tip. Round waiet common girdle and woven decorated girdle. Over right ehoulder a email white mantle. Open meeh cotton stockings with small shells attached down outside of legs. Ordinary moccasine. Turkey feathere radiate from mask all around. The mask is of ekin, cone ehaped. A green gourd snout (mo'chobüh) projects from base of white outlined design. The serrated inner circle is called shtla'kabüveata, husk (plait) design (common on tablets for the back, etc.); the outer eerrate, hva'jrü veata, eagle tail feather design. But these feathers when displayed on mask or shield always typify sun rays. The cross is sho'veata, star picture. (Pl. VIH). 16*

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Alexander M. Stephen

February 17 T. V. Κ. and I are to witness Powa'mû. In Nasha'bki —Ü'üwa, chief, Naehm'weve, Ko'ïchevë. Ladder washed with yellowish clay. No altar. Boxes and jars of corn are still on the ledge at the west end. The beans were taken up this morning. The corn is from eight inches to a foot high. Nata'shka masks (Fig. 148) hanging on the wall. They

Fig. 148. Mask of So'yokmana 7 in. long; raw hide; yellow annular eyes; red. detachable mouthpiece; notch teeth, white; white chin; white beard.

just disrobed before I got to the kiva. The women and maid characters are personated by men and youth. I have asked a dozen who are to personate kachina tomorrow, but they all tell me the same, that

HOJÁ

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they do not know, cannot tell till tomorrow what kachina they will personate. Goat kiva: Pauwati'wa is chief tonight. Adam (Ka'nü) is also here, but I do not recognize any others here tonight who were here at the Winter solstice ceremony. A dozen or fifteen jars of corn are growing on the west end ledge, and also one large basin of beans. The corn is a foot high ; beans four inches. Walls and ladder were washed with the yellowish clay (chü'Tka) yesterday by a girl. All the kivas were washed yesterday with this clay and every ladder also, from base up as high as a man can reach. Every kiva on the mesa is occupied and all very similarly occupied, that is, the same ceremony, Pa'mii'iya, 1 is being celebrated throughout. The Middle Mesa ended their celebration three days ago. Vessels of urine are in all the kivas ; these not for ceremonial use, they are set here partially to decompose in the heat of the kiva for future use as a mordant in dyeing. Tonight, long after midnight, the members of each kiva arrayed themselves as Pa'mü'iya 2 kachina ; no masks ; bodies decorated green on right shoulder, yellow on left, body pinkish red, arms and legs in contrasted yellow and green (or green blue) ; white kilt and tortoise rattle on right leg ; all carried in left hand a small bough of spruce. Each kiva group visited every other kiva and in it danced to the accompaniment of their song. The song and dance movement are the same throughout. After they array themselves on three sides of the kiva main floor, the kiva chief sprinkles them with meal and gives the signal for beginning. The centre couple at the southwest end of the kiva join hands, fingers imbricated, and advance to the fireplace. They raise the hands upwards and separate. Those on the northwest side of the floor represent females. This is continued for perhaps two hours. Then they disrobed and lay down in the kivas to sleep. February 18 Exchange mart in dance court. Five trays of dried peaches, two trays of salt, one tray of white beans, and a half dozen trays —Oraibi, Middle Mesa, and Ko'honino. In the little house with the door opening just behind the court si'papü, about half as much of similar. No one remains specially with the stuff. Later : A clear sky and mild air. Eight, sometimes a dozen or more women are seated in an 1 This term for the January moon is mistakenly used for Powa'mû and once for Horned water serpent ceremony. A similar moon reference is made in Tusayan Katcinas and other publications to the confusion of the student. 2 See Glossary. — Ed.

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irregular circle at the west end of Anawi'ta's house; before them numerous small basket trays of kwipdosi (corn meal specially prepared) 1 ; sipa'ldosi (peach); agave; larger basket tray of blue meal; mealing stones; baking powder, a few spoonfuls in slips of corn husk. Exchanges are effected among those seated in the circle. Some women come from their houses and make exchanges for articles displayed, without sitting down. Generally, when a woman brings any article to be exchanged for something else, she first sits down and enters into the conversation which is constantly and volubly maintained. News, gossip and scandal are exchanged as well as commodities. Two or three women at the passage leading into Chief kiva court have beans, jerked mutton, and chili before them. They seem to enjoy each other's society, but talk very little and that very quietly. I noted yesterday a basin of beans and a handful of salt in a rag in the middle of the dance court. The woman who owned these things set them down and told Koch'nümsi what she wished to barter for and went on to In'tiwa's house. The exchange was made during the owner's absence, some jerked mutton and baking powder were laid on her tray. She came back after an hour's absence and took up these exchanges and went home. In connection with inquiry of market concerns, the Hu'hiyan (Barter) kachina must be exploited. This, I suppose, must be deferred till occasion offers, when this whimsical kachina is presented. This kachina, however, is not at all an innovation, but is said to be very ancient (paihi'shato). In Goat kiva, long prayer-stick (also called mochpaho) (Fig. 149) made by Wikya'tïwa assisted by Tom Pola'ka; two wiping [ ?] sticks, one eagle feather, three turkey feathers. Their pendent prayer-feather (hi'ksiata) is composed of an eight ply cotton string, two feet long ; one eagle downy feather (hwapü'hü) ; one turkey downy feather; one sparrow hawk ( k é l i ) downy feather; one hawk (kwa'yo) downy feather (baldhead, pipi). Also masks (Figs. 150, 151) and the corn husk effigies of squash blossom called sin'Long prayer-Stick

(uru pa paho) or mochpaho, Powa'mû

^

( F i

1

1 5 2 )

See Glossary.

T h e

f e m a l e m a s k ( F i g . 151) is

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a. Sio kachina mask (ti'buku); pink clay on face, blue at eyes, red hair. b. mask of Hi'shab kachina: green face, red crooks, below snout, blue with white spots, on either side red hair plume, on one side eagle and parroquet feathers, on other side squash at ear, white with blue spots, white.

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Alexander M. Stephen

of rawhide, cloth and feathers. The leather 5 in. high, the cloth 1—y 2 in. and the feathers 2 — s / 4 in. The mask is 7 to 8 in. across, large enough to cover the face. The feathers, bluebird tail feathers (chi'zro chü'zrü), are dark brown edged with white. Fifteen to twenty of these tied in bunch at quills and fastened to the cloth along the lower edge of the mask, about forty of these bunches in a hanging row. The two long pendent ( ?) hawk feathers are called "his b r e a t h " (hi'ksiata) or nakwa' kwoshi or pibpiihü. The effigies of squash blossom are made of husks from corn ears. They stripped the husks from the ears last night. The upper surface of t h e leaf is stained red and blue. There are artificial flowers: he'si (Calochortus Nuttalli, tulip), of yellow paper, green yarn; man si (rose campion), of red yarn; larkspur (choro'si) of blue calico. The supporting stems are painted green. This flower spray is worn as decoration on the kachina headdress — hümi'üyi soyo'hïmsi, corn stalk all kinds of flowers. In Horn kiva. This evening [ ?] the growing corn is cut and fastened in plumes to stems of greasewood and set around the baskets of corn, the tii ini (Fig. 153), which is then called

pa' viinini

( pa' vüni,

corn just up). Each kiva has one. Decorating personator of Wupa'mo kachina (Fig. 154) with sü'pnala, bright pink (rose pink almost), and bright yel-

low (sikya'piki)

Fig. 153. Tii'Ini 22 blue-black corn ears on coarse wythe tray. In centre, bundle of avachi shrub, with wythe support inside.

and a

pale pink (pala'chka), also the blue-green (sha-

kwa'piki). (Fig. 155).

I sketched masks of Tü'mash kachina (Fig. 156), the mother of all kachina, 1 and of Navajo (Ta'shab) kachina (Fig. 157) ; also in Nasha'bki, headdress of Kwa'hü (Eagle) kachina (Fig. 158). His mask is a long buckskin affair. This is first put on, then the skull cap. 1 In Tewa, O'lopau'ki, Crow wing. (Pl. IX). She is the mother of Tüñwüb kachina.

PLATE

Figurine of O'lopauTd Half size.

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249

Journal

! y

rd

Fig. 154. Mask of Wupa'mo kachina .Around top whitened corn husk braid, eagle tail feathers, short feathers in heavy cluster around edges and back; eyes black with white annular stripe ; stripes in black and white blocks; snout black, red lips, white teeth ; red buckskin tongue.

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Fig. 165. Body pigmentation of Wupa'mo kachina

Fig. 157. Navajo kachina

Fig. 156. Tü'mash kachina Raven wing (ûhwush homasha). On top parroquet feathers. Twisted black and red cord over forehead and hanging down at cheeks (na'luñ mü'zrükpü) ; gray foxskin (le'taipukya) collar.

Fig. 158. Head piece of Eagle kachina Eagle wing-(ktva'hii homa'shata) surrounding skull cap of whitened buckskin, primates pointing forward, two complete wings.

250

Alexander

M. Stephen

Two small boys decorated in Horn kiva — as Ta'chûktî clowns. These are to restrain Wupa'mo kachina, holding him by a rope round his waist. At 12.30 P.M. I visited Kowa'waimovi, the ledge shelf on the south (east) side of the mesa under Dawn cape. At the shrine (paho'ki) on top, the group of old long prayer-sticks ; a tray of prayer-meal, the tray Ko'honino ; a long prayer-feather from the shrine toward the northwest, lying on the trail of meal ; the prayerfeather three feet long, the trail thirty feet. Beside the trail and close to the shrine are three corn ears, black, red and white, tied to some twigs of spruce with yucca. These are called cho chimïnwû. At Kowa'waimovi are In'tiwa, Nashiñ'weve and the personator of He'ewuqti kachina. 1 In'tiwa who is chief of "V V " • 7 thewhole,Powa'mû chief, is not in costume. Nashiñ'weve representing Fig. 159. Chief's stick Eo'toto wears black moccasins, the white network woven long cotton stocking, anklets wound in pattern of bright colours, the brownish cotton shirt with sleeves, white mantle doubled and worn as a short tunic reaching from shoulders to mid-thigh, legs whitened, woven pattern girdle, foxskin round neck, and bag-shaped buckskin mask, scapulae of deer and antelope as a rattle in right hand (these very old), also chief's stick, old and dingy, without decoration {Fig. 159); foxskin bag of prayermeal in left hand. He'ewuqti is arrayed in a way to suggest the ancient female costume : frayed white buckskin leggings ; red buckskin anklets; blue tunic gown; blue woman's mantle ; the big belt ; bow in left hand; quiver of arrows, slung; black round gourd rattle, with white spots, in right hand·

ζ

Fig. 160. Mask of He'ewuqti and gourd rattle

1 Probably Le'taiyo, son of In'tiwa. (See Steward, 74).

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bow and long willow wand, in left. Glittering black (yala'ha) false face mask with red lips ; detached mouth (the zigzag cut through), long black beard attached; eyes, yellow projecting discs; crow feathers. (Fig. 160). She lifts the mask up to get the meal close to her mouth in praying. She was a famous old war chief. A t the base of the old willow prayer-stick at the shrine on the northwest side are four sets of blue-green prayer-sticks, Powa'mû prayer-sticks, set this morning by In'tiwa. Close to the shrine is the altar. (Fig. 161). In the crenellate bowl are six pieces of crystal,one piece of black spar, one piece of dogtooth spar.

Fig. 161. Shrine and altar at Kowa'waimovi At 1. yellow corn ear, aspergili, piece of white toothspar, piece of crystalline quartz. 2. dark blue com ear, aspergili, piece of crystalline quartz, piece of blue-green agate, 1—1/2 in. long. 3. red corn ear, aspergili, cylindric piece red, looks like coal, 3/4 in. long χ 1/2 in., piece of crystal. 4. white corn ear, aspergili, piece of white shell, 1/2 in. square. 5. black corn ear, aspergili, piece black spar, thick as pencil, 1—1/2 in. long, piece of crystal. 6. sweet corn ear, (no aspergili), three disc spar (?) beads, white, piece of crystal. 7. In'tiwa's seat. 8. old prayer-sticks. 9. new prayer-sticks (4). 10. ti'poni.

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Eo'toto and He'ewuqti sprinkled meal and first Eo'toto went off up to the mesa, to the shrine near the Break; then He'ewuqti, by herself, prayed and sprinkled and, with her rattle going, sang a yelling song and went off. They returned in ten minutes. In'tiwa then set his ti'poni up before his prayer-sticks and close to them, then set the crenellate bowl as in Fig. 161, laid down the corn ears, with aspergills at all, except the sweet corn ear, crystals, etc., then sprinkled the aspergills with pollen and then from a small cavity in the cliff (ko'zru) poured the bowl nearly full of water. He then stripped off and took a small round rattle and squatted opposite the black ear which points north. He then faced about due south and sang a long song or series, probably sixteen. The two characters go out again at 12.45, In'tiwa still singing. He'ewuqti as before prays on meal and sprinkles east, then rattles and sings her yells, standing close to In'tiwa who continues his song without interruption. The coming and going of these personages is with absolute indifference to In'tiwa and his ceremony. At a certain stanza, In'tiwa sprinkles along the yellow ear and into the bowl with prayer-meal; another stanza, and he does the same to the blue ear; then red, and ti'poni and bowl; then white, the prayer-sticks and bowl; black, and ti'poni and bowl; then sweet corn ear, ti'poni and bowl; next, sprinkles as before with pollen. His bundles of properties he lays beside him. At the end of the first group of songs, In'tiwa prays in silence. At 12.55 an old man brings him down a lot of young growing corn stalks just cut and tied up in little bundles. These In'tiwa lays flat just behind his prayer-sticks and covers them and the old prayersticks with a white mantle. I ask Nashm'weve why, and he says because it is good to mark the presence of the good corn. In'tiwa continues his song, next asperses, using aspergili lying at the black ear, asperses the cut corn and cardinal points. Finishing aspersing, he prays in silence, and again begins song. Eo'toto and He'ewuqti come and go, He'ewuqti every time singing her yells. Eo'toto merely prays and sprinkles meal. He'ewuqti carries off a bundle of willows two or three times. In'tiwa sprinkles with prayermeal as at first. Finishing at 1.15, he remains here all day. Between 2 and 3 P.M. all the corn growing in all the kivas is cut in each kiva by the kiva chief (I think) and carried down in a bundle in the hand to the ledge and laid on the shrine where In'tiwa still sits. He covers the corn with a white mantle. In each kiva the corn basket tü'ini is dressed with sprigs and short branches of spruce, the longest not more than a foot, the

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stems thrust between the ears, etc., longest branches at the base, shorter sprays at the top, giving the appearance of a symmetrical conical tree, and these are carried down to the ledge, all the men of the kiva accompanying. I did not see what took place at the ledge, but they again receive the corn from In'tiwa and fasten it in small bundles to the straight stems of greasewood, and these they thrust through the spruce and firmly into the interior cylindric fascicle of the shrub avachi. The com fastened to the other end of the greasewood projects through the spruce. This unconformable foliage of pale green corn leaves against the dark green of the spruce gives an almost supernatural effect to the miniature tree, a realistic representation of kachina vegetation. There are seven of these trees on the ledge placed at convenient intervals along its whole length ; five from Walpi ; one from Sichomovi and one from Tewa. Each tree is surrounded by its own group of kiva members. Near each tree there are also two maidens and these the elders are arraying in the typical maiden costume; ceremonial mantle, etc. yellow and green pigments on hands and feet, etc. There are also two or more novices1 at each tree. Two novices and two maidens carry each tree in procession to the dance court at Walpi, a youth in front, a maiden behind, and a youth and maiden at the side handles. As the procession passed through the villages, women helped themselves to sprigs of spruce and corn ; men also. The women put these in their houses. The men place them in their fields. The black corn ears of the tu'ini are called woman's corn and are planted on this coming season and are supposed to yield very abundantly. JOURNAL 1888

January 31 This morning beans were plucked and gathered from the boxes and prepared in a stew and served to the men in the kivas, they also brought me some plants to stew. Tonight they dance, etc. The Nata'shka emerged from the Corner kiva of Tewa. They came to my door and demanded flesh, saying that at the Return kachina, Kachinûm e'kine, I had been given a trap to go hunting. Where was my game ? They must have some, they would stay all day before my door else. I offered them mutton, but they would not take it, it must be game. So I got them a jack rabbit and from Kwa'lakwai a leg of 1 Of the preceding Wü'wüchlm. See Steward,, 77—79 for a fuller account of the procession up from Kowa'waimovi. — Ed.

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antelope. They were pleased. One of the clown Chüchkü'tü who had the vulva mark painted in red on either arm, said he would bring me the finely formed fat djos of a maid. They went to every house, took nothing but wafer-bread and game, as deer, antelope, rabbit. This was in the early afternoon. Crowds of Navajo were trooping by. Late in the afternoon the kachina again emerged from Corner kiva and went over to Court kiva, standing around the hatch. Old woman Hahai'yiwuqti kept up a continual prattle in curious falsetto, and the kiva chiefs came out after some long talk with the old woman and sprinkled meal upon each kachina, placing some meal also in the hand of each. One of the chiefs gave each a prayerfeather. The kachinas then returned to their own kiva and the old woman went up to the hatchway and chattered. A man came up the kiva ladder and offered the hunter1 Nata'shka (Fig. 162b) a little wafer-bread and mutton. The Nata'shka rejected them. The man pretended to take offense and said if they would not take his offer they could go without. Hahai'yiwuqti continued to scold. All the men of the Nata'shka group, the two Chükü last, descended into kiva. Scuffle was heard and directly emerged the two Hehe'ya, each dragging a small boy. They had their lariats around the boys' necks. They dragged them out and threw them on the edge of the kiva roof, each placing his foot upon hie boy's neck. The Nata'shka then came up, each dragging a man by the hair of the head. They threw them all in a pile, the Nata'shka making as if to saw their heads off with ordinary hand saws, each of the three carries a saw. (Fig. 162a). The hunter Nata'shka threw his man down, the man who had proffered the food, and drew his bow, as if to fire an arrow in him. The Nata'shka had his foot on the victim's neck. Women and children on the housetops were screaming and shouting, the children crying as they recognized their fathers and brothers in the victims. The old kiva chief now came up and begged for the lives of his men and succeeded in releasing them. The men now all went down in kiva again and presently brought up all the provisions that had been collected during the day and placed them in a pile before the kachinas, on the kiva roof. This pacified matters, but the old woman's tongue never ceased. To the pile of provisions were added several blankets, then in a jocose manner the men of the kivas proposed that they would have two boys run a race with the two Hehe'ya and to the victor's party should belong the whole. To this the kachina acquiesced and the two small boys who had been dragged out of the kiva ran against the 1 1,

e. "their father," as it is he who carries b o w and arrows. — Ed.

Hopi Journal

Fig. 162. Nata'shka of Tewa a. Hotu'qtu b. Nata'shka Sho'yoko.

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two Hehe'ya. They ran from the further end of the village and the Hehe'ya permitted the young lads to win. I noticed that in this race a signal was given for a start by a man dropping a folded blanket — this is the only instance in an Indian race I ever saw a signal given for a start. The race over, the provisions were distributed among the houses of the men belonging to the kiva. The kachina were relieved of the wildcat skins around their necks and their other paraphernalia, but retained their masks. The Hehe'ya had only a sheepskin and this was taken off, leaving them entirely naked and exposing the phallic marks done with rabbit blood ( ?) (also it is said they use iron ochre fshü'ta) for this purpose). The Nata'shka group had a puff of smoke blown in their faces by one from the kiva and another sprinkled them with meal and placed a little meal in the hand of each. The two Hehe'ya were meal sprinkled on the penis and a prayer-feather was given to each. They then went down into kiva. The Nata'shka carries in his hand a modern hand saw representing the ancient black stone called shiar'ra. In old times the Nata'shka (male and female) lived in caves in the mountains. They sallied forth to prey upon children. They carried a large basket (hoa'pü) on their back ; finding a child, they cut its throat with the shiar'ra and dropped the body over their shoulder into the bag. Returning to their caves, they would halt near some pool, drink it dry and then eat up the children they had slain. (Horace and Nashíñ, informants.) The dances were general in every kiva and the men of each kiva visited all the others. They began dancing about 2 A.M. and continued it till daylight when they separated and went to their own houses to feast on pi'gûmi, stews, mutton, game, etc. February 1 At Sichomovi the close of the ceremony was not till the succeeding day.1 A similar band of kachina went through the village lecturing children, collecting food, etc. When they had gone to all the houses and returned to the kiva, the men of the kiva set two pf their boys against the Hehe'ya to race. The kiva boys won, but the kachina claimed their Hehe'ya won, giving rise to much jocose quarreling, etc. The kiva men proposed that they play the game called so shiitûkalauwû, game of nodule under cup. The kiva men had four maids2 (men disguised) who should play against the kachina. These assented, then all the kiva men and kachina formed in irregular procession 1 2

The final day in 1889 was February 4. The game is frequently played by men against women. See Parsons 11.

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and went from kiva to court, drum beating and men singing. A blanket was spread in the centre of the court upon which the maids knelt, they set four cylindrical wooden cups (four or five inches long, one and one half inches diameter) before them, close together ; under one of these cups a nodule, a small stone, was concealed. The maids held a blanket before them while doing this. Dropping the blanket, they challenged one of the kachina to play. It consists of turning over three of the cups without uncovering the ball, and to uncover it on the third cup being removed. If the nodule is so discovered, the kachina wins a count and takes the cups and ball over to his side. When they hold up a blanket to prevent the opposite side seeing them conceal it, the concealing side sing. As soon as a side get possession of the articles they begin to sing and continue their songs until the opposite side wins. They cease as the winners take up their songs. Of course the kachinas did not sing in this instance. The songs sung by the maids' side were Navajo and the game played by the Navajo called ke'sdje1 is the same as this, only the nodule is concealed in one of four moccasins. A certain number of counts, the side who makes them soonest wins the stakes. The maids won this game and they all retired to the kiva shouting. 1

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KICK-BALL RACES, HUNTING, AND OTHER MATTERS INTRODUCTORY NOTE The Pueblos have two characteristic types of race — the relay race of the Tanoans including the Tewa, and the kick-stick or kick-ball race of the Keres, Zuñi, and Hopi. AtZuñi and Keresan towns the kick-stick is used ; by the Hopi, the kick-ball or, as our Journalist calls it, the stone nodule. The races begin after Powa'mû,1 as an event of the FebruaryMarch (Ü'shü) moon. In 1893 Powa'mû closed February 6, race practice started February 8 and the first race was on February 12. In 1921 Powa'mû closed February 24 and racing began or was first noted, on March 13 — a comparatively late date, but 1921 was not a year for the full or systematic race program which went through in 1893, when the racing is by kiva, and there are ten races, the ox hoofs which are worn by the kiva announcer being passed to each of the nine kivas and then back to the first. 2 The kiva chief keeps the kick-balls or nodules in his house and the kiva chief himself announces the race or sends out a representative, probably a kinsman. Stephen was told that the prayers of the fast runners had special weight with the Cloud spirits. The water they will send will be as swift as the runners and like them will impel forward nodules of clay, the nodules found in water courses during freshets. The interpretation I got was that the Cloud spirits or kachina themselves are racing when they flood arroyos3 and to make the spirits race, men race. Ritual is performed over the stone nodules, but there is no mention in the Journal of ritual for the racers, such as is observed at Zuñi 1 At Oraibi too the "races begin soon after the Powa'mû ceremony and run through a number of weeks." (Voth 1 : 154 n. 1). 2 Parsons 17 : 60. Stephen, too, \eas told that each kiva would send forth an announcer. He fails to note announcers for Oak mound kiva and Mo'nete, and although Nasha'bki does not start the series he gives two announcers for that kiva. 3 The etymology given by Stephen for the term for runners, — whether in the kick-ball races or to Sun spring in the early morning or to look on at a kachina dance in other villages, — substantiates this conception : nana'rnü'nawa, mu'ina, a water course flowing with water, especially after a rain; na'wakina, desire. Zuñi racers deposit their kick-sticks in arroyos. — Ed.

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and, inferably, at Oraibi. Voth has published two racing songs which appear to be songs to give power to the kick-racers. In one of these songs four swift flying birds are mentioned — hawk, Cooper's hawk and two unidentified "birds of prey." 1 Zuñí racers come to their starting place with their arms tightly clasped across their chest ; they are holding in the powers of two hawks and of two unidentified swift fliers, powers received during the night of their retreat before the race. The Water eerpent dance began in 1893 on the day of the first race, — this day there was corn planting in the kiva. In 1921 the start of the Water serpent performance preceded the start of the racing period. There is probably no specifio time connection between the incidences of dance and race. Accounts of marriages and other matters besides racing are included in the Journal for this period, but the Water serpent dance, excepting references to figurine making, is described separately. Of special value is Ha'ni's account of the antelope drive when he was a boy. Ha'ni died in 1923, a very old man. In Stephen's day the antelope were disappearing and only rabbits and smaller rodents were the trophies of the communal hunt. The rabbit hunt is described in a later section of the Journal. JOURNAL 1893

Wednesday, February 8 This morning between dawn and sunrise for the first time this year, the first time since last fall, several naked youths, each with cow bell at his girdle. They ran at top speed to Sun spring and washed their bodies, casting meal and praying for strength and vigour, nana' müiníwañ'tm ( ? waterin arroyo desiring) ; kü'y i vauwusa; tawa'pushayikyakyaño. They run each from his own house, not from kiva. They return up the mesa and home on a run. They bring back nothing. Thursday, February 9 body wash: Same as yesterday morning. Before sunrise a group of youths, but also as yesterday all running separately, went to Sun spring. A woman named Pe'be died at sunrise this morning. She leaves two children, a boy and a girl. (See Ka'nii.) On the 5th it rained in showers in the forenoon and was very cold. On the 8th it rained, showery afternoon, and last night it was showery. This morning very heavy fogs filled all the valleys and Na'vahoma,

1 Voth 1 : 152—153. 17*

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mounted high above the mesas obscuring the sky, but clearing away about 9 o'clock in the morning. Ho'kwabï, a Walpi girl (now at the house of To'chï) is to be married to La'si (son of Ü'üwa). Ho'kwabï went to the house of the wife of Ü'üwa (To'chï house) this morning about 10 o'clock accompanied by six or eight matrons, her relatives. They were received kindly, even courteously by the bridegroom's mother and six or eight matron relatives. But it was ominous that they all wore their shabbiest gowns and so also did the bride and her relatives. The groom's people had the bride and her people come inside the house and the meal gifts brought by them were received by the groom's people and laid away at the back end of the house, while the bride's people stood or sat in jocose apprehension, nor were they kept long in suspense. A peck or two of sand had been mixed into mud in a corner near the door and the groom's people filling their hands with it fell upon the bride, plucking her hair discs loose and rubbing her head full of mud, poured jars of water over her, laid her on the floor and daubed her from head to foot amid uproarious laughter. Her people fell foul of old Ü'üwa who chanced to be in the house at the time and they had him on the floor in a twinkling and served him exactly as his women were serving the bride. The old man laughed and floundered without making much effort to escape, and after a little they allowed him to go, when he went to his kiva with all the mud adhering. I asked him why he did not remove it. Kai'mú, no, said the old man, it is a very effective rain prayer. The women pelted one another with mud and rolled one another on the muddy floor. The front part of the house was a veritable swamp by this time. It was a good humoured battle between the women of the families of bride and groom, mud smearing and water dousing. No men took part (except the sacrifice made of Ü'üwa), but a large crowd of men and youngsters stood round the door watching the fun which continued for full two hours. Friday, February 10 This morning Ko'tka and one or two other youths ran naked from Nasha'bki, before sunrise, bells on girdle. They ran, as have the other youths, as fast as possible to Sun spring, washed themselves, cast meal (no prayer-feathers), and prayed for sickness (tü'tüya) to be withheld, and for strength. The youths of Sichomovi, fifteen or twenty, raced from the village to Sun spring, washed there, cast meal and prayed for strength, and returned racing. This about 10 o'clock in the forenoon. They got the prayer-meal from the kiva.

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Sunday, February 12 Nana'müxnáwa urüñ'paya: five stone nodules (kü'yüñü or leüyü'ñowa) from one and one-half to two inches in diameter were brought this morning about 9 o'clock from his house by Pauwati'wa to his kiva — Goat. He laid them in a row, across the west end of the fireplace, touching one another, and from hie pouch sprinkled them with prayer meal, casting the remainder of the pinch toward the southeast corner of the main floor. This for nana'müxnáwáni, the runners who go to the springs to pray for health and vigour, men, youths, boys, who feel disposed. This is practiced now in every kiva on the mesa. One of these nodules was fished out of the kiva si'papy. In Horn kiva are two nodules, west of the fireplace, one of them stained blue; meal on them, and a line to the upraise. Sü'hima keeps these in his house. In Nasha'bki are four, three of them stained blue and one white. There is not only the meal trail here, but also a road prayer-feather. Noticing that this prayer-feather had the triple pine leaf, I asked Ü'üwa, and he tells me he made this prayer-feather and laid it beside these nodules in his house at the Winter solstice ceremony. They tell me this racing is a very old Hopi custom at this moon. In Wikwa'lobi are three nodules, in the same relative position as in the other kivas ; and also meal is sprinkled ; also a road marker, but no prayer-feathers, though they say there should be one. A man is now making one. Tih'küyiki (Childbirth water house) or Tüwa'boñtümsiki, the phallic niche-cache in thiskiva, is called cho va na'walcina, it generates desire( ? ). I note now it is an oblong rectangle, say six by eight inches. It contains one object, an image. The cavity is about fifteen inches deep. Tüwa'boñtümsi, Sand altar woman, is the wife of Masau'wû, and the sister of Müriyiñwú. She gave birth to all kachina. She is also called Müríyiñmana, also called Tih'küyi, Childbirth water.1 1 Images of Iyatiku, the Earth Mother, are not made by the Keree, the dressed c o m ear is her representative. Otherwise it were easy to equate Tih'küyi-Tüwa'boñtümsi with Iyatiku. At Laguna, Iyatiku is accounted the mother of Masewi. In Keresan myth she creates the kachina. Possibly Wikwa'lobi was once a centre of Keresan affiliations. The Mustard (Asa) clan is the lee clan of the Western Keree. Chakwena is a Keresan as well as a Zuñi kachina. (Cp. Parsons 17: 77—78). The Snake and the Wü'wüchim societies which meet in Wikwa'lobi sing in Keresan. The Butterfly dance, the eastern Saint's day dance, centres in Wikwa'lobi. The Wii'wüchlmtü of Wikwa'lobi (with the Singers) function as clowns in the eastern mode ; their chiefs make a summer pilgrimage for rain at the same time the Tewa make one — but I must not overpress the suggestion. — Ed.

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and discoloured.

The figurine (Fig. 163), Tüwa'boñtümsi tiadta (her image), is quite surrounded with great masses of Winter solstice ceremony prayer-feathers, the whole being wrapped in a large fragment of what looks like black felt, but which is really a fragment of an old pouch (ta'ktipü) made of elkskin. I told Syüñoítí'wa I was very anxious to see the objects in the niche, and he at once took the bundle out and laid it beside the fireplace, at the same time calling upon all who were in the kiva (a half dozen) to come and smoke over it. They smoked tobacco in pipes, but did not pray, at least not audibly. As the nodule race was afoot I had no time to discuss it. In Chief kiva there is but one nodule and it is sprinkled same as the others. Ha'ni says there should be many (vm'haka) stretching in a line across the front of the fire place.

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Ko'peli girds himself with a cord to which is fastened a large cluster of ox hoofs and without decoration of any kind, bare legged and barefoot, but wearing an old shirt, he trots to all the kivas on the mesa and tells them where to assemble and when. He is called in this capacity, na'müiníwa tüau'nüma (announcer). He does this at the prompting of Ha'ni and others of the elders in Chief kiva. For this race the kivas have prescribed decoration, as follows: Chief kiva, tü'ma (white clay) sho'hü (star) naho'ilech (cross) ve'ita (mark), star or cross design (Fig. 164) in white clay across face, on breast, back and upper arm, front of thighs and calves. (On the 18th they used blue, as the clay was shilau'tï, no good, scanty.) Wikwa'lobi, yellow pigment (they did not put on this today), a broad streak across upper chest, leg from ankle to knee and band above knee, all of forearm and three finger marks on upper arm, same finger marks on each side body and band round waist. Nasha'bki, bluegreen pigment and two eagle tail feathers (hm'zrü) Fig. 164. worn by the chief only. This blue is a double stripe Marks on down the outside of the leg. Blue over the entire body runners from with finger tip intaglio down outside of the leg. Horn ^ ^ kiva, tü'ma (white clay) wilcwi'lyiyo'siyüñwa, annular broad stripes or horizontal broad stripes surrounding body and limbs. Goat kiva, red ochre pigment over the entire body. Sichomovi kivas, chü' Tka (valley sand and water) over the entire body. Hanoki (Tewa kivas), yellow-brown pigment, by all, solid over all, face, limbs, and body. At 1.45 P.M. Ko'peli with prescribed Chief kiva decoration, naked save for breech cloth, passes round to all the kivas with final warning of assembly, etc. Directly after this, Chief kiva chiefs, In'tiwa, Ha'ni, Su'pela, Kwa'chakwa, came through to dance court and out through northwest passage and by west street to the trail on the northwest end of the village and down and out to the valley, past the Masau'wû shrine, each one casting meal on the sage brush piled there and praying for strength to win, and out across the foothills until just quite clear of them. Then all scattered and squatted, beside a bush, individually. From Wikwa'lobi, only Süñoítí'wa and Honyû'mtiwa and one or two afterward, not decorated. From Chief kiva, 25; Horn kiva, 15; Nasha'b kiva, 15; Goat, 8; Sichomovi, 3 or 4. Several stragglers not counted. Kick-off at 2.20 due west. The leading group of runners got to

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Sun spring at 2.57. They walked from there the greater part of the way, reaching the top of the southeast stair at 3.05. About half way between the Masau'wû shrine and the main drainage arroyo, at the prompting of Ko'peli, the kiva chiefs or some one representing them and as many of each kiva as there axe nodules belonging to it, arrange themselves in a line facing the main arroyo, about west, each having laid the nodule on the ground, just at their right toe. Ko'peli stands on their right flank and a little in front, then at his signal all about simultaneously, kick the nodule as far in front of them as possible. They insert the toes under it and give it a good lifting toss. The younger men of each kiva have been gathered around in irregular clusters behind the nodules belonging to their kivas and as the nodules are kicked, all rush forward, each striving to keep the nodules of his kiva in the advance, kicking the nodule and running after it, no scuffling. The elder men run around on a somewhat shorter radius, cutting off corners, so to speak. The younger and more active kiva members keep with the nodules. They kicked them and followed running west about as far as the main drainage arroyo, then southwest to about the Middle Mesa trail, then southeast to about half way between the new Su'pelä house group1 and the main drainage arroyo in the East valley, thence up past Sun spring. There was no actual race, no keen struggle, each kiva or village group held pretty well together and the groups were never very far apart. When Sun spring was reached, the Walpi people diverged to the trail leading to the southeast stair (no halt was made at Sun spring), the Sichomovi people took the trail toward Dawn cape, and the Tewa people held on toward the Gap. After passing Sun spring a little way the nodules were picked up and the men's pace fell to a moderately swift gait. The kiva chief or whoever first kicks off the nodule, casts meal upon the nodule and prays before he kicks it. He or another of the group carries a second nodule in case the first one should get lost in the greaeewood or roll into a mole or prairie dog hole. No time is spent looking for a lost ball, the second one is at once brought into play, there is no halt from the first start, and at a little distance unless one has seen the start it would be almost impossible to think that they are kicking a nodule along, so evenly do they maintain the pace. The chief prays the nodule to keep away from cactus and yucca, not to lose itself among the sage brush or greasewood and 1 This mention of the new house of Sa'lako, the wife of Su'pelà, in the valley, is interesting as showing that Sa'lako came down from the mesa top before, not after, she became a Christian convert and withdrew from her ceremony, Mamsrau. —Ed.

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not to roll into any rat hole, but to keep on the sand and roll smooth and direct. Monday, February 13 Clouds gathered yesterday afternoon again, and about midnight it came on snowy squalls. This morning at sunrise there was drifting fog in the valleys and some snow continued falling, but about 10 in the forenoon we had clear sky and warm sun and shortly after noon all trace of snow had disappeared. Some of the young lads this forenoon did a good deed in the main in getting rid of one of the vicious gang of curs that infest the house of In'tiwa, but instead of dispatching him with stones as they usually do, they caught him on the housetop, 1 lassoed him and, tossing him over the wall, held on to the rope and hanged him. Last evening corn was planted in Nasha'bki in preparation for the Horned water serpent dance, Pa'lülükoñti, to be celebrated next moon. Pa'lülükoñtí, is it ever called Ûfi'kwatï ? I t is younger brother of follower of Powa'mü'ití, from úñ'ki, second or follower. This term Ûfi'kwatï is the proper term for the assemblages in the kiva, for the March moon ceremonies, 2 so says Pauwati'wa. Wednesday, February 15 Young men, always singly, run from one or other of the kivas almost every morning. The Mexican who went up to the gold fields on the San Juan 3 returned to this village on Sunday and as he had some acquaintance with the people of this house he stopped here. That evening they told me he was sick and, as I saw nothing of him, I supposed he had gone on to the Cañón, but this evening the housekeeper told me the Mexican was still in the house sick, so I went down stairs and saw him. I think he has pneumonia, but they have huddled him up well 1 In 1888 at Oraibi Stephen notes that bushes of greasewood, sage, or other thorny shrubs are laid in close tier and held in place with stones, along the edges of the roofs and house terraces, this to prevent dogs from prowling over the roofs, etc. Brush is laid along the edge of cliffs to warn travellers in snowy weather. 2 I. e. dances, of which the Horned water serpent dance is merely one of a series which runs, according to Crow-wing, from two to four. The series is in charge of the kiva chief who is in charge of the year's Nima'n and of the Sii'yükü kachina group in Powa'mû. — Ed. 3 These reported placers are said to be on the San Juan at the mouth of East Cañón, that is, below the northeast flank of Navajo Mountain. When I was at Ream's Canon at Christmas (1892) I met two young men connected with some newspapers of El Paso who outfitted at the trading post and started for the gold discovery on Christmas morning.

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with sheepkins and the old granny is doping him with some hot herb infusions and I suppose he is, as they say of a woman in the family way, doing as well as could be expected. I have sent over to the Cañón for some medicine for him. He tells me that nearly every one has left the San Juan region, that he only found a very little very fine gold, and that no one had found it in pay quantity. To add to this poor devil's misfortunes, the mare he rode here died this afternoon. She was with foal and died in the foaling. The Walpi people at once skinned her and carved her up. Old In'tiwa got the foal and I found him dressing it. He said it was posh kwa'ñwa, truly sweet. In front of my quarters this afternoon a Walpi man knocked a big yellow dog on the head with a stone, dragged it to the edge of the cliff and holding its head over the cliff cut its throat and carefully skinned it. The younger women deprecated this dog preparation, but the old women sat around it and picked up the pluck, intestines, etc. declaring them to be kwa'ñwa, sweet, the dog itself was cut up and eaten. Thursday, February 16 Today soon after noon a group of eight in the Nasha'bki and twelve in Chief kiva stripped, barring breech cloth, and decorated themselves, the Nasha'bki with broad white horizontal bands round body and limbs with some vertical stripes in blue-green on the breast. I noticed no blue hues on the legs today. Chief kiva as on last Sunday, a cross of white on face, breast, upper and fore arms, on front of thighs, and on the calf of the leg. Each group was composed mainly of young men and was led by its kiva chief who carried the stone nodule in his left band which he first filled with prayer-meal from the tray in the kiva. Each member also had some of this meal in his left hand. They went down the same trail as on Sunday on the northwest side of Walpi and when they came to the Masau'wû shrine among the west foothills each one cast meal on the fuel pile, as on Sunday, and muttered a brief prayer. These groups arranged themselves in Une facing west, as on Sunday, and kicked the nodule and ran with it about in the same radius as on Sunday, running past Sun spring without halt and on up to the terrace on which are the sheep corrals. (Map 10). There the leading runners halted, resting until all the stragglers joined them. Then they walked up to the village and to their kivas, shortly afterward taking some water in the mouth, spurting it on the hands and washing off their decorations. No ritual. The race is called the same as on Sunday.

H api

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Saturday, February 18 The racing and running have been observed in some form every day since the 12th. Today at 11 o'clock a man from the Tewa Pen'dete, wearing ordinary costume, but barefoot, girt a bunch of ox hoofs at his girdle and ran from that kiva to all the other kivas on the mesa, announcing or, after a manner, challenging the others to run this evening before sunset. He was called, as was Ko'pell on the 12th, the announcer. He made other rounds at 12.30, at 1.10 and at 1.30. Chief kiva decorated as on the 12th, but using blue as they had no white. Wikwa'lobi as noted on p. 263. Nasha'bki, blue over the entire body except the face, with finger tip intaglio down legs, arms and on body, and nearly all had two eagle tail feathers vertical, one on each side of the head. Horn kiva as noted on p. 263. Goat kiva not decorated, but should be. They had no red pigment. They start at 2.24, west, deflecting slightly south to the main water course down which they ran southwest. At Sun spring, 2.58. First man on the sheep terrace at 3.01. They did not run in the water course, but along its side on the drainage course till they got close to the Müsho'ñínovi trail, then circled around the yellow sand foot hills, did not go beyond, but through about the heart of them, where the good beaten trail is, then outside, that is east of the modern hut at the southeast point and along the trail past the Su'pelä new house group and following that till almost east of Sun spring, then up to and past that spring without stopping (Fig. 165), and up the rocky sand foothills to the sheep terrace, the Tewa holding on to the Gap. The distance run is, at least I should say, four miles and through soft sand all the way.

Fig. 165. Kick-ball race course

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Sunday, February 19 Mo'mi is the announcer today apparently. At least I notice him in his ordinary duds with bundle of ox hoofs at his girdle beginning to run to the different kivas at 6 o'clock in the morning. He ¿s the announcer, it was thus arranged last night among the old men. I ask who will be the announcer tomorrow, but several old men of whom I make inquiry tell me they do not know yet. It will be arranged tonight. The nodules are still by the fireplaces in the kivas ; in Horn kiva they were absent and, when I inquired about them, an old man at once told a youngster to produce them, which he did from the niche at the west end of the kiva, and laid them in a row as formerly at the fireplace. Today only the Nasha'bki members ran with the nodules, and their costume of pigment was different from yesterday. Today they had no feathers on the head, a breech cloth the only article of clothing, the blue laid on in stripes mostly, although one or two had the upper part of the body solidly painted, and five or six wore the white star pigment decoration pertaining to Chief kiva. The race today is called nana'vuya. On the 16th, Ko'peli of Chief kiva (southwest) was announcer and the announcements (challenges) proceeded from him (them). On the 18th, they proceeded from the Hano kivas (northeast); today the Nasha'bki members alone run, marking the half way, the separation between these two points. It is very vague yet to me, and I can not follow the explanation. They ran the same course as the others and in about the same time, from say three and one half to four miles. Ha'ni pointed out to me the course they used to run on these kick-ball races when he was a young man, the course that he and several others told me they had run. They began by running west right across to the foothills of the Middle Mesa, then down the valley till about opposite Müsho'ñínovi, thence southeast across the plain including about the area of all the fields in that direction, skirting easterly by the small spring where the furthest modern cabins axe built, and on to the mouth of Ream's Cañón, thence back toward East Mesa, coming up by Coyote spring and the Gap. I don't think this is an old man's exaggeration, for I asked several of them at different times and they all agreed on the general radius as here mentioned. In Chief kiva Sakwi'stiwa and Kwa'chakwa are each weaving a black dress, and another man is plaiting the big belt for Ho'kwabï. For loom see Fig. 166. In the Nasha'bki they are weaving the embroidered white blanket and the belt also for her.

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In Goat kiva Ha'yi and Sikya'honau are each weaving a black dress. No others in kiva, 10 Á.M. In Horn kiva, Wi'nüta and another man are also weaving. Wi'nüta is weaving a blanket of the ordinary material and pattern of the large embroidered cotton blanket ; the other man is weaving a dress. T. V. K. came over on Saturday evening and went home today. Mr. Mooney of the Bureau is stopping at the Cañón. He has been studying Navajo weaving at the hogan of Nutlehï (Thoteoni).

Fig. 166. Loom for the big belt, in Chief kiva The warp is 19 c. wide, each strand a little less than 2 m. thick, the finished girdle 15.5 c. wide. The strands are divided into 68 groups of three strande in each group, alternately passing over and under the slender sivwa'pi rods, 5 to 9 m. dia.

To'chi was the artist who best understood the making of the large mechanical images, such as the two maidens grinding meal at the Water serpent ceremony 1 (Pa'lülükoñtí, Üñ'kwatí). His sons* are said to have inherited his skill, and Ha'yi is also said to understand their construction. Ha'yi is making a large image now in Goat kiva. In Nasha'bki the corn is about twelve centimeters high, and the beans in about the same number of vessels that were planted on the 13th in this kiva are through the soil about an inch. 1 8

See p. 335—336. Figs. 195, 196. Charlie and Ña'moki.

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The fourth day of the Water serpent ceremony (Úñ'kwati toto'kya) this day at Müsho'ñínovi and Shipau'lovi. Shüño'povi to follow later. Monday, February 20 Sü'yükü, who went over to Müsho'ñínovi yesterday to attend the Water serpent ceremony, came back this morning and brought me two corn plants (twenty centimeters high) in their moist clay pedestals, which were used a t the feast there last night, the night of t h e fourth day (toto'kya). In Nasha'bki, the father and other relatives of La'si are making the embroidered white cotton blanket and müchabñwün kiva'chlcyabû, the all white cotton blanket, and other relatives of his in Chief kiva are making the big belt for the bride, Ho'kwabï. In Chief kiva several of the old men work at its plaiting, singly, relieving each other occasionally, In'tiwa, Siky'austiwa and one or two others. Today the white toga and mantle were completed in Nasha'bki and while they were still in the loom they were washed down with a thin liquid of the white clay used in personal decoration and all in the kiva whitened their hands and faces with the pigment. The family of Ho'kwabï in the afternoon invited all the men in all the kivas in Walpi to come to the family house and partake of a feast, and they must have entertained at least fifty men. Wafer-bread, meat stew, pi'gûmî, and dried peaches were the foods served, in basins. This feast is called to' ntotanüsh' wiska, spinners'feast, or hon'tonnu'va la'lauwû (hon> Ho'nkwabi; ton> to'ni, thread; nii'shi food; la'lauum, making), Ho'kwabi's fabric food-making. Tuesday, February 21 A marriage has been some days in progress at the house of In'tiwa, accompanied •with the usual mud daubing and face blackening of the bride. In'tiwa, Ha'ni and three or four other men were liberally daubed by the women, but on these occasions the women are not using the ordinary valley sand mud entirely, but mostly a thin mixture of white clay. The bride is a Walpi girl named Hümi'ta; her father and mother are both dead ; she belongs to the Flute clan (Lenwiñwü). They speak of her as Ki'kyama'na, 1 House maid, in connection with the Flute house of Si'mo's people. I do not very well make out the reference. 2 1

Kiknyömö, House clan. It is to the maternal family holding the Houses or Town chieftaincy which is associated with the Flute ceremony. (Seep. 373n. 2.) Unfortunately, whether this is the Grass (Millet) lineage or the Deer lineage of the Horn clan is obscure. — Ed. 2

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The bridegroom is son of In'tiwa and is called Tiiifi'abi and is of the Tobacco clan. Ha'ni (of the Tobacco clan) began carding cotton for the making of a big belt for Hümi'ta in Chief kiva on the 19th. Today Sü'yükii, chief of Wikwa'lobi, is announcer. He sends for me to come down to his kiva at 10.30 Á.M. to see him make the yellow pigment sikya'piki. Shi'üña (alunogen) and tüwakta, a whitish arenaceous gypsiferous deposit, these are obtained in the mesa cliffs in this region, about one or two ounces of these at a time are put in an earthen cooking pot of about 2% gallon capacity and a little water, about two quarts poured upon them and, as the water comes to a boil, the contents are constantly stirred ; as much sivwa'pei (flower of Bigelovia) is added as can be crowded down in the vessel. Water enough is added to about cover the blossoms, and stirred as much as possible. Áfter boiling about half an hour, the contents of the vessel are strained through a yucca saucer shaped sieve (tüchai'ya) into a large basin, the blossoms squeezed dry in the hands and thrown away, the liquid obtained at this first straining being of a dull yellow. About two quarts obtained after straining. The above process is repeated and about three quarts of liquid are obtained in the large basin. These three quarts are then poured back into the pot and, as the liquid begins to boil, small quantities at a time are added of both tüwakf ta and shi'üña; the liquid foams violently and is skimmed off with a gourd, the skimmed froth thrown away. I t is constantly stirred with the gourd and the thickening process, by adding very small quantities of the tüwak'ta and shiüña, is continued from time to time. The tint of the liquid is tried on the skin occasionally. Should it be too pale, a second pot is used in which the first process is repeated with the sivwa'psi, obtaining more of the yellow infusion. Should it be too dark, more of the tüwak'ta and a very small quantity of shiüña are added. By one o'clock the infusion had boiled away to but little more than a pint, which on cooling was of a creamy, pasty consistency. And with this the men of the Wikwa'lobi decorated their bodies for the kick-ball race, not reducing it with either water or saliva. Tüwak'ta, they say, makes fine mortar for laying in a house wall and I should think it would ; lime and sand, even if the lime is sulphate, should make a close approach to lime mortar, but I have not noticed that much of it has been used, as these old fellows say it has been. The theory of the kick-ball race as they were telling me in Goat

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kiva: Thus the Hopi did in the long ago, only the race used to occupy a whole day. Our young men are lazy and foolish. It has always been well for the Hopi to be able to run swift and far, and in these races the Cloud gods rejoice to see the Hopi youth run, and he who is fastest wins. His prayers for rain will have special virtue. The cloud deities will have seen him run and will be glad to listen to him. Four nodules, meal sprinkled, he as usual just west of the fireplace. They are still carving the image for the Water serpent ceremony in Goat kiva. In Horn kiva Tüwas'mi is weaving a boy's mantle. I got some interesting fragments concerning fabrics from him, Ha'hawî, and Sikyaven'tiwa. (See App. 8). Two nodules lying meal-sprinkled at the fireplace. Sü'yükü as announcer came in and made his announcement, passing down the right hand side of the ladder to the main floor and around the fireplace to the left of the ladder and up. He, as all the others did, goes on a swift trot from kiva to kiva. In Naeha'bki the finished white cotton blanket and a larger one, same style, called big blanket (wuko kwa'chkyabü) are in the looms yet, drying from a final soaking of white clay they got this morning. The beans planted here are not of ceremonial significance, at least they speak of them as having been planted for food merely. The bridal gifts, preemptively recognized, are: kwa'chkyabü white cotton blanket; wuko kwa'chkyabü, big white cotton blanket; kwa'sha, dark dress; kane'lmü'chapü, woman's blue woolen blanket; wuko' kwe'wa, big belt; kane'lkwe'wa, wool belt; atü'ü, white woolen blanket, bordered blue and red; to'chi, moccasins. Ten or a dozen are spinning here and others are laying on their blue pigment for the race. They ask me to bring down some tobacco ; they say they are barred from salt, flesh, and lü'wa (vulva, i.e. sexual intercourse) and would like a smoke of American tobacco. In Wikwa'lobi three meal-sprinkled nodules at the fireplace, three men putting on their yellow paint decoration. It is now 1 P.M. The preparation of the yellow pigment occupied two and one-half hours. There is not much over a pint of it, perhaps not quite a pint. Old Ta'wa is smoking a pipe of tobacco and another old fellow is spinning cotton. The decoration is as I noted it the other day. In Chief kiva not decorating yet, spinning and weaving and plaiting the big b e l t . . . Four sprinkled nodules. The decoration of Chief kiva is the white star, with a plume at the back of the head, consisting of an entire red hawk tail fastened vertical in the hair belt (hümsomi) and extending from front to rear, tips upward; they are preparing some of these hawk tails today.

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The red of Goat kiva is shii'pna; their plome, two turkey tail feathers. tied solid over entire body except the face which is ondecorated. Sichomovi, Tewa, and all the Walpi kivas assembled at the usual starting place and got off at 2.16. After seeing them start, I go down to Sun spring. In'tiwa as awa'tabushi1 gets to Sun spring at 2.45, but he did not follow the full course and took short cuts and brought through no nodule. He has a white kilt rolled up and slung at his back. They took a good deal wider sweep today on coming in to Sim spring, coming into the trail leading past at quite three hundred yards from the spring. The head of the running line reached Sun spring at 2.50. The leaders were Ho'ñi, Ho'nau, and a group of Nasha'bki, some eight or ten, all at one another's heels. Then came a mixed lot, but Goat kiva was next to last, none of them getting to the spring till 2.52, and the last group was Sichomovi, passing with their ball at 2.53. I note the best runners are also the best kickers, lifting the ball with the front of the foot from quite twenty to twenty-five yards. They strive to lift the ball as high as possible. Ha'ni was a famous runner in his day, and even yet he was well up after the first group of best runners. It is quite permissible to move the nodule with the hand to clear it from any obstruction and place it on an open space to kick at. In Pen'dete on the west end are two large cloud, rain and lightning designs, and a smaller one between them. On the south side is a capital full size reproduction of a blanket with red and blue border. On the east end is a frieze, a breech cloth painted across, and on the north side, at upraise end, is a large sun. They have seven nodules at the fireplace here. The Pen'dete people complain against the Hopi who, they say, do not kick the nodule according to rule. The feet of the runners are sore where they have been kicking the nodule. The instep of the foot gets sore and swollen, and small wonder ! In making the rabbit blanket (tabvwü'pü) at least five or six of the elder women engage. When one of these rugs gets worn and very dirty, it is hung up and as many women as can work upon it squat around and untwist and take the plaited strands apart. Before this the rabbit skins have been softened in water and cut in long narrow strips, the old warp and weft of loosely spun wool is used over and over again, but the warp is spun a little more closely than the weft. Around the warp strands the rabbitskin strips are 1

18

Starter. — E d .

Awa'tabuehya means fitting arrow to bowstring.

—A.M.S.

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wound, close and in spiral, and as they dry they shrink close and adhere firmly to the warp. The weft is a double strand of loose spun wool, one strand white, the other black (undyed, natural colour). The warp is fastened to a long stout string, from which each skin covered strand hangs vertical and close together as possible. This is suspended at a height convenient for the women to work at, as many give a hand at the process as can find room. I have not seen the entire process, but some of the women promise to warn me when they make the next rug. Wednesday, February 22 Cloudy today for the first time in a long while. Quite cold this morning. In Goat kiva, the flat figurine (piichi ti'hü), devoid of relief carving; piichi' ti'hü taiowata, the flat figurine with the face (tai'owa) or mask, in more or less relief carving; wuko ti'hü, large figurine; chako' ti'hü, small figurine. The term ti'hü is applied to all figurines carved in more or less approach to an effigy. The name must be from tihoya, child little. Posh ti'hü nihlciota, many figurines in a line, laid on the ledge along the north side of Goat kiva, for the Water serpent dance. Chai'hoya ti'hü ho'ya, children's figurines. About twenty-five to thirty of the flat figurines and thirty to thirty-five of the effigy figurines are under process of construction, among these latter are five or six animal forms, bird kachina, owl and eagle ; but they say wait till they are painted, then we will know which they are intended to represent. Some of the special forms are of course specially carved, as the eagle and owl kachina, and the clown or other whimsical kinds, but for the conventional figurine of kachina in mask and kilt the makers have not yet decided what kachina decoration they will paint on them. The Hu'hiyan (Barter) kachinas of the very long ago (paihi'shato) bartered such figurines to the women and maids and the women and maids are fond of them. They desire figurines from these kachina of today1 because the figurines will bring them fine children.2 Wu'qti ti'nawakána, women desire children. The nodules of this kiva were laid back in the sipapûnï yesterday after the runners returned, and they are still there (9 A.M.). Pauwati'wa says after a while he will bring them out and set them by the fire and cast meal and pray over the nodules (kii'yüñü See p. 388. Compare Parsons 17 : 51 n. 84; Voth 1: 121, Pl. L X X I I I . A widespread belief of the Kachina cult (Parsons 6 : 281—282; Parsons 24 : 166; Parsons 18 : 28 n. 1). Possibly it is the Catholic votive offering for offspring combined with an Indian rite for increase. (Parsons 22 : 590). 1 2

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ho'moiya) as he lays them at the fireplace, praying that the nodule will keep its road (kü'yüñii pü'h'tabi adta). Adam's little boy of five or six years is here playing in the kiva. I ask how they reconcile this with the prescriptive secrecy attaching to the making of these figurines. They say the figurines are now meaningless as none of them has yet the appropriate decoration. "When we begin to decorate and attach meaning to the figurines, then I will leave the boy at home." No children must see the figurine processes. They have the little fellow sing a song or two for me, úñwu'si tawalau kalcaka (crow singing kakalca), another one of liilü'koña momo ya (house snake matrons), and another of lü'wa (vulva), lcwashi (penis), and chova (sex desire). He also told a little story of Pü'ükoñhoya. The wife of Adam knows many of these songs, children's songs (chai'hoya ta'wi). In Horn kiva nodules were in the niche at the west end, but when I inquired where they were an elder brought them out, two (one green, one yellow) and laid them by the fire informally. Spinning and weaving. One weaving a blanket (piisa'la), the ordinary tiyvgi ( ? youth's blanket), like the Navajo. Ha'hawi says before the time of sheep they made these blankets of loose spun cotton. Ha'hawi gives me the clearest and most concise theory of the kick-ball races of any I have tried. He says : Long ago when the Hopi had no sheep, no horses, no burros, they had to depend for game-capturing on their legs. They then had to cultivate their legs, think much and pray much how could they make them swift. Men strove in earnest then to rival one another in fast running. That is why the races were run, and it is well for us to do as the old people did. It is still well for us to learn to run fast and far. We do not take the wide circuits of long ago for we have plenty of horses now, we do not need to be such far runners as the forefathers. In Nasha'bki ten to twelve members at food (noon). Tosh'küyi, a whitish liquid in large basin, com meal kwipdosi and water, its composition. Wafer-bread, two large stacks, stewed peaches, tütü'kya (parched corn kernels). These constitute all the food, as they remind me they are abstaining from flesh food, etc. Corn and beans in vessels have attained a good height and yet there is no announcement of the coming feast. No weaving under way here, but nearly all are spinning cotton. The nodules (six) are lying on the ledge on the north side. In Wikwa'lobi three are spinning, no fabric in loom. Inquiring why there will be no race today, they say it is because it is too cold, they run only on warm days and thus insure plenty of sweat, plenty of moisture on the body. 18*

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In Chief kiva they have already cut out the big belt which has been plaiting here for Ho'kwabï. They are now finishing the fringes on it, after which it will be well saturated with white clay. Kwa'chakwa finished his dress this forenoon, so there is only Sakwi'stiwa working on a dress. Nearly all the others are spinning cotton. They are eating here roast goat (very pungent), wafer-bread and tosh'kiiyi. The nodules are lying on the ledge at the west end of the kiva. In'tiwa says the races will be run until each kiva has furnished an announcer. The mail this evening brought the gratifying news that Lieutenant Plummer of the 10th Infantry has been appointed Navajo agent, relieving the wretched imbecile of a civilian agent now at Fort Defiance. Thursday, February 23 In Chief kiva at 8 A.M. a dozen or more, all spinning cotton, i. e. spinning and carding. Ha'ni, In'tiwa, Sakwi'stiwa, perhaps four or five all told, are spinning cotton for the making of a big belt for Hiimi'ta who is now in process of being married to Tiün abi, the son of In'tiwa. The others are carding and spinning for some other fabrics and for different purposes. Two Oraibi are now at Shüño'poví, they tell that soldiers from Fort Wingate have taken Wë'we, To'maka and four other Zuñi to prison at the Fort. To'maka and his wife are said to be both witches — po'waka (po'wak talca, witch man; po'wakwu'qti, witch woman), called by the Zuñi, ha'shlilewi — they caused illness and death among the Zuñi children. Wë'wë and others proposed hanging1 or destroying the witches; a general hubbub prevailed in the village for days and the soldiers interfered. Wë'wë is a man, but of the abominable sort known to the Hopi as ho'va, to the Navajo as nû'tlehi, to the Zuñi as lah'ma i. e. hermaphrodite.2 The four nodules were brought from the ledge at the west end and laid by the fireplace and sprinkled before I came down. The nodules were placed by the fire and sprinkled with meal by Moh'tii. This is not specially pertaining to the chief, anyone does this. Sii'hima, chief of Horn kiva, is announcer today and, as other race chiefs did, he began making his rounds of all the kivas on the mesa today about 7 A.M., carrying the bundle of ox hoofs as a bell. A little before 2 P.M. the different kiva groups trotted down to the west valley. 1 Zuñi witches (halikwe) were hung by the thumbs to extort confession. For other versions of this affair, see Parsons 3 : 270 n. 2; Buozel 3:44—52. 2 See Stevenson, 37, 310—313, 374; Parsons, 2.

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There were not so many as on Tuesday nor were they so typically decorated with pigments, none had feathers. They assembled in the valley about two hundred fifty yards northeast from the arroyo near which they met on Tuesday, i. e. they were that much closer toward the modern cabins. They made a wider circuit than I supposed. Today I went out on Boli'ki and watched the course. They ran down the edge of the main water course in the west valley, following it entirely around the sand dunes on the southwest point of mesa to where it debouches in the main water course of East valley, thence up East valley along the west edge of the main water course, deflecting toward Sun spring, but still quite east of it till they struck the trail which leads to Walpi past the edge of Sun spring. When Ha'ni was a young lad, his uncle (a dumb man) and a Tewa went to hunt deer. There were no horses then. They went afoot, carrying a pilgrim bottle of water slung over the shoulder, their bow and arrows in their hands. They got on a deer's track and ran following the track all day and slept on the trail. Next morning they followed the track and killed the deer at sunrise. Immediately after this they got on the track of another deer and ran following it all day and killed that one at sunset. In those days men could run. Jack rabbit (so'ivi) and deer (sowi'iñwa) are related closely. They both have the same traits; when the rabbit is coursed and grows tired he doubles back a way and then bounds off at right angle s and sits concealed. The deer does the same. Neither rabbit nor hare make holes. They press down some tufts of grass to form a soft place to lie on and select such places as have some shrubs or stout herbs standing for wind breaks and to conceal them from hawks, coyotes, and hunters. The rabbit and hare frequently run down prairie dog holes for safety when pursued by men or hawks, then the snakes get them. The rattlesnake, the house snake (lidükañüh), the constrictor (ta'ho), all snakes frequent the dog hole; they lie there in ambush for rabbit and hare. The snakes also prey upon the young prairie dogs (tü'kya) and owls. The burrowing owl (ko'ko) lays its eggs and hatches its young in the prairie dog house (tii'kyaH), hatches four or five young ones. Marautaka and Jack have each seen these numbers of young, on digging up a dog hole. They say that covering up the prairie dog's hole with earth and stones does not kill the dog but it frightens him, and he digs out to the surface and runs away from the region of his stopped burrow. Ma'kaboño,1 the old style of hunting afoot when all the men of the 1

Ma'kto to hunt (sing.).

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village took part. They divided in two long deployed lines surrounding a wide scope of country and gradually converging. This method was employed as against deer, antelope, and rabbits. They also formerly made long tinchels or fences for the capture of antelope. The whole structure was very extensive and was called antelope house fchübki). A suitable large mesa nook or other practicable site was chosen and of an area say 600 by 300 feet. This was enclosed with a strong high stockade of tree boles and limbs, close, compact, and slightly overhanging inward, to prevent the antelope from jumping out. This stockade structure was usually in the form of an ellipse and at one end was left open, fifteen or twenty feet wide. This elliptic construction was called sheep house (kane'lkiadta). From each side of this opening a brush fence, limbs in foliage piled close together, was built, gradually diverging in width as it extended from the sheep house. These two fences were called its wings (masha'adta) and were carried along for a good distance, 800 t o 1000 yards. Beyond this distance, also gradually diverging, were laid piles of brush at short intervals and boughs and limbs were set in the ground here and there, and this open structure was extended several miles, ten or twelve or even more, usually, however, not more t h a n four or five miles long. A person spying a band of antelope grazing in the region of an antelope house would be careful not to alarm them, but hastening to the village would tell what he had seen. Eight young lads were then sent toward the antelope, the other villagers hastening to the antelope house. The eight approaching t h e band would seek for cover, striving to arrange so t h a t four would crawl down an arroyo on either side of the band, deploying so as to leave three on either flank at a distance apart from one another, and the two in advance of the two lines having passed the antelope would approach each other, thus surrounding the band on three sides. All were provided with cedar bark and the fire-making board (pilanko), and the two at the far end of the antelope would start two smokes and imitate the cry of the wolf, starting the antelope from them. As soon as the antelope approached the other youths, they in turn started each a smoke and, yelping like wolves, tried to head the antelope in the direction of the wide spread antelope house wings. A few men were stationed at intervals far apart on the outside of the wings and kept the antelope in the desired course. The antelope running through the stockade, two men who had been stationed a t t h e gate with piles of heavy brush wood, all ready, would instantly close the gate. The chief of the hunt and the other men were stationed outside the

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stockade and shot the antelope down. Of course they were not always successful. Some men with bad hearts might be a t the stockade, or t h e H u n t chief may have been remise in some of the h u n t ceremonials. 1 Then the antelope would refuse to go near the "house" or approaching it, if they smelled those evil persons, they would break away. Next moon another series of races will occur, one in which no nodule is used. These races are called hoho'chikyani (zigzag?) and have a curious zigzag convoluted course, somewhere near Sun spring, from there u p toward this mesa, then back toward the spring, occasionally circling around upon this course, t h e n toward the Tewa trail, then southwest and northeast, zigzag across the foothills. The whole course if direct, they say, would stretch for t e n or twelve miles, or as far as from here to Keam's Cañón school. I gather a few hints in this kiva (Chief kiva) as to t h e religious significance of the kick-ball race : They say of course its practical purpose is to train men as good long distance runners, b u t its deeper significance is t h a t each devout Hopi who engages in it is relieved of all heaviness of heart, all sadness is dispelled, his flesh is made good, his health is renewed. All devout men also pray t h a t the Cloud deities will look upon the runners kicking the nodule before them, and will send the rain in quantity to fill the water courses brimming full and rushing as swift as these runners, and the water like them strong and swift running and kicking the mü'inkü'yüñü before it, the nodules of clay large and small which are formed in the water courses during rain freshets. Friday, February 24 I n Goat kiva a t 9 A.M. About a dozen men are all busy working at figurine making. Pauwati'wa, the kiva chief, has been about the most industrious since they began this ceremonial manufacture. Of tools, the pocket and hunting knives are used by all. They have also a hand saw and a small Mexican hand adze, one or two pieces of hoop iron with notched edges for use as saws, a wood rasp and numerous files of all sizes and numerous awls. Fragments of sand stone are used to obtain a finished surface on the figurines after carving. The projecting design on the cloud angles of the Sa'lako figurine is not a floral emblem, but the hoko'na (the black butterfly). (Fig. 167). 1

See p. 1006.

Fig. 167. Butterfly design on

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They say in Goat kiva that Ho'ñi will announce this evening concerning the celebration, but I can elicit no details here now. Women come close to the hatchway and call their people in the kiva to come to breakfast, nüsh'wiehai. At Chief kiva a woman came to the hatchway for the same purpose and called nüsh'wisaai, come and eat (pl.) I1 No nodules at any of the fireplaces this morning. In Nasha'bki the corn plants are about a foot high and this morning there were brought down from the house of Sa'lako all the paraphernalia of the Horned water serpent dance, the drop curtain rolled up, the mechanical serpents and various masks all lying beside the corn plants at the west end of the kiva on the main floor. In Chief kiva Aña'kchina masks are lying on the ledge at the west end, to be repainted in two days. Hokya' Aña'kchina, Leg Aña'kchina, Anawi'ta and some of them here say, is the proper term for these kachina, in allusion to their bounding hop or movement in their public exhibitions. Sakü'na, an animal that frequents the tall pine, it is gray, squirrel gray, on the back and sides, with a streak of brown down middle of back, almost white on belly, a long bushy tail ; it is some species of squirrel. Its skin is greatly prized for use as tobacco pouch, two skins laid flesh side together and sewed all round except at the heads. Several of the young men of Chief kiva and from Wikwa'lobi, I did not notice any from the other kivas, ran a race early this afternoon without nodule. Saturday, February 25 Snow squalls. I went down to Tewa, but there is nothing ceremonial in either of the kivas there nor at Sichomovi. February 24, 25, 26, 27 These four days were the culmination of the Horned water serpent dance, the 28th being the day of the public exhibitions. Tuesday, February 28 Public exhibitions. Wednesday, March 1 Between 1 and 2 P.M. the Chief kiva members stripped and put on the clay pigment decoration, some white, others blue, but all with the same significance of design, being the large star as noted 1

Compare Persone 19: 196.

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on former days. Only the members of that kiva, and all these about 2 P.M. went down in straggling procession to the west valley, taking the nodules with them. They made the kicking race around the point of mesa to Sun spring, but they did not take quite so wide a radius as on some of the days when all the kivas were engaged. None of the races is run over exactly the same course, always the same general course, but varying in the radius, so that the difference is a mile or more in distance run. Thursday, March 2 Pi'ba of Goat kiva is announcer today and began going the kiva rounds with hoof bell about 7 A.M. The nodules are displayed at the fireplaces about noon in all the kivas except Wikwa'lobi (here — tells me he forgot to bring them down from his house). Ât 1.20 P.M. all of the kivas send some members to the race, most of them with typical pigment decoration, no feathers except on one or two. They ran over the usual course with the nodules. Monday, March β These intervening days have been chilly and cloudy, and today is quite cold and the sky is overcast, with occasional gusts of snow and hail, but the sun in the afternoon peeps out occasionally and has warmth enough to melt quickly the slight snowfall. Today Sho'wi of Young corn mound kiva and Sichomovi is announcer and began his round with his jingling of ox hoof cluster or bell, called tana' chiniikû'lni [hoof bunch]. About 2 P. M. during a snowy squall all the kivas sent each a half dozen or more members to run over the customary course with nodules. Few had any pigment decoration and all wore at least their shirt. See Pigs. 460, 461, 462, 463 (p. 857) for drawings of Po'shwïmkya un'mi or ritual objects. This membership or society (toimkya) as a society is now wholly extinct, although there are still two old survivors, Kwecha'koyoño of Müsho'ñínovi and Patii'bha of Oraibi, this latter the venomous old wretch who was one of the prisoners taken to Wingate.1 Po'shwïmkya in Zuñi, they have the ceremony (wi'mi), is Posh'aiankya.2 When people first came up from the Below, this 1 See Cushing, Fewkes, Parsons, 277—282. For Patii'pha from another point of view, see p. 723. * A very interesting identification since it indicates that the Po'shwïmkya were a curing society of the Zuñi-Keresan type. Posh'aiankya (Poshaiyanki) is a patron of the Zuñi curing societies. He is addressed at the Winter solstice ceremony. (Parsons 5: 261—263). See pp. 27 n. 1, 857 n. 1, Fig. 4 6 1 . — E d .

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term Posh'aiankya was the term applied to the northeast, it is of the language of the Below (atkya lavai' yi). On Saturday, March 4, Wi'niita told me that in four days the men of Oak mound kiva of Sichomovi would hold a Hu'hiyan (Barter) kachina celebration in their kiva. In going to that kiva today, the sixth, I learned that yesterday and today several of the members went down in the valleys gathering yucca (mo hü) with which to make sieve or winnowing trays (tiichai' ya). Several are here making these and carving figurines. Tuesday, March 7 In Oak mound kiva six or eight are making winnowing trays, and by stripping the outside skin of the yucca, thus exposing its inner white texture, they obtain two colours of strips, green and white, and introduce some excellent simple designs in the wattled trays. Wednesday, March 8 This evening the women and maids assembled in Oak mound kiva and the men of that kiva distributed their figurines and winnowing trays. All the men were costumed as Ta'chûktï clowns except the two distributors who were costumed as Parrot (Gyarz)

Fig. 168. Parrot kachina mask Red wool over forehead.

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kachina. (Fig. 168). These two wore plumes on the crown of the head, the masks painted green with the parroquet depicted on each side, white kilt and typical pigments on bodies. The proceedings at this Barter kachina were similar to those in Chief kiva on February 27.1 Monday, March 20 James Mooney of the Ethnologic Bureau, after making an ethnographic collection, returned on Friday the 17th to the railway and the East. I came back yesterday from a three days visit at Keam's Cañón and have returned to my former quarters in Pola'ka house in Tewa. Ho'ñi of Nasha'bki is kick-ball race announcer today, and about 8 A.M. he came down to Tewa, announcing to the kivas there as usual. He is uncostumed, as all the announcers have been, but wears the cluster of ox hoofs at his girdle. A cold, cloudy, blustery day and not many went kick-ball racing, still there were a few from each kiva. They ran at the usual time and place. Tuesday, March 21 Last night was rainy and today is cloudy, foggy and showery. The decorations of the different kivas engaged in kick-ball racing, I should think must have been, originally, of ceremonial significance, but I do not find anyone who can enlighten me on t h a t side. As the racers run through the valley, the women watch them from the housetops and the different decorations permit the women to watch the varying positions of the men of different kivas. When the men are clustered together, kicking the nodules, others, on the outside of the huddle, can watch their legs and thus distinguish the nodules as kicked. But I can get no hint of the reason why the different kivas came to adopt their distinguishing decorations. 2 Sunday, March 26 The melting snows of the last two days have left large puddles of water on the mesa, but not enough to flow in the valley drainages. The wall on the old house on the west end of Walpi at the outer or west side of the passage under the In'tiwa house group has been affected by the melting snow and a large mass of the wall fell out. This in the house of Ña'pwainüma. They are pulling out some of the loose stones and it is astonishing to see how thin the wall is, 1 During the Horned, water serpent ceremony. See pp. 280, 322, but Chief kiva is not specifically referred to. — Ed. 2 Cp. Parsons 17 : 61, Fig. 8.

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merely one thickness of stone, some not more than four or five inches thick. Sü'himü and three other men are repairing the breach and about six old women are carrying up clay, sand, and water, and mixing the mud for the masons. Ka'kapti is working on the roof of a new, large chamber that he has built, that is, he has rebuilt the old enclosing wall, and is putting on a new roof on the large nook space on the east side of his wife's house in Walpi, restoring the typical flat roof constituting the first or lowest terrace of the house group. Ka'nü (Adam) and about four other men and a host of his mother's women relatives are plastering the outside of the modern iron roofed cabin of his mother in the West valley, close beside his own modern cabin. The women are really doing the plastering, the men assisting them to mix and carry the mud. The men do the heavy lugging... The pump beside Adam's house yields plenty of water... Wë'hë (Toby) is blasting rock close to the summit on the Tewa end of the mesa and is getting out stone to repair the dilapidated portions of his wife's house group. Wë'hë says Re has plenty of stone (owanih' tiota)... Ka'lashai and some of his friends are rebuilding the broken down wall on the front and side of his house in Tewa.1

añ

Wednesday, March 19 Püü Ï tamü Üñvm'sba

at pipo

i'tarn

wai'nima

Today

below it

we together

walked

we (us two)

i'tarn

Raven spring

ni'ma

Ka'laehai

shïpa'layat

did we together return homeward, (at) Ka'lashai peaches his (orchard)

ep ita pi'tü, nü'ü ki'lauwû (or pañ'lcalauwú) pülü'ad

there we came,

I

said

(told you)

peach buds

kya'shta. many.

"Today we two walked together below Raven [Crow] spring. Returning homeward we came to Ka'lashai's orchard,2 and there I said are many peach buds." 1 Note, 1888: Man is mason; woman, plasterer. Man gets stones, dresses and lays them, gets timber, etc. and forms roof; woman brings earth, water, and mixes mud, chinks wall, makes it emooth as possible, knocks off projecting edges of stone, plasters it, makes floor of mud, rubs over cracks (as mud floor dries it begins to crack) with a smooth stone, bringing edges together again, covers the willow and grass of the roof with mud and the mud, when dry, with earth. Under each end of each beam is placed a prayer-stick. Sprinkled on a new house are meal, crumbs, and tobacco. : Choshoñ'nlwa's orchard of about a hundred peach trees lies just below his outlook house at the extremity of Sikya'tkibi. He stays here constantly or some of his family, from the time the fruit gets large enough to eat till

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Some of the peach buds are just beginning to open and show their colour...Wë'hë and I were looking for the red earthy ochre called pala'chka. We didn't find any, but on returning we found a boy who knew the place of deposit and we sent him out and he brought me in some. I received a letter this evening from Dr. Fewkes announcing his return from Europe. I told several of the men and women, and they all expressed thanks and pleasure. Wë'hë said he would like to say something to Fewkes and I told him to tell me, I would write it down and send it with my letter. Follows Wë'hë's effusion, which I duly sent. Ña'kwipi shu'kpatoa

Fewkes (is)

genial

hi'hkyaita ta'ka;

kaünúñwawüüh

talca; Idioma ta'ka;

(not stingy) is a generous man; admirable man;

ina'a;

ikwa'chi; shüchep kaíü'ni.

invaluable man; my father; my friend; blessinge

while seated, blessed meditations). (welcome).

Patü' bha

yauìcau'tani

may strength sit with you

hi'hta

upon the other side of

Kü'yi

see there Τ

Fewkes

yüpkoivee

The ocean

(auyozríkni)?

Ña'kwipi

(Ocean) water

akpa'hotani

yo'kvani

alive (manythoughts

what did

Toby

üm

yu'zri

you

maka'ni

Toby

(put in hand) wants

ka'ü

añnyühtini,

¡cavato

to make prayer-sticks that rain may fall com may grow abundant, horses

añnyühtini,

may grow abundant,

tini.

melo'n melons

Pa'ntani.

añnyühtini,

may grow abundant,

Küyü'kiyüwü

abundant. Thus may it be. Small conch shell

so'shüi all

añnyüh-

may grow

na'nalü nü'ü na'wakïna. eight

I

desire.

Thursday, March 30 For the past four or five days the men of Oak mound kiva in Sichomovi have been decorating masks in a desultory way, for Duck kachina, but no prayer-sticks were made, although many prayer-feathers, for the personators to wear on their heads, etc. the crop is gathered, to guard against Navajo and other depredators. They dry the fruit on the terrace round, the outlook and on its flat roof and on the flat surface of rock boulders on the knoll slope, and then move back to their house in the village. About one-half mile toward the Gap, Pauwati'wa's mother has an orchard on a sloping sand terrace about half way up the mesa, that is some three hundred feet above the valley. Right on the edge of the orchard (fifty trees or so on one side, a greater number on the slope below) she has built an outlook.

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Alexander M. Stephen

Several of the Walpi youths, also, decorated masks here — anyone is welcome to take part. Last night about midnight, after singing for a while in the kiva, they went up into the Sichomovi court and sang there, uncostumed. Today they have given several exhibitions in Sichomovi and Walpi, but they did not go to Tewa as the court there contains a great puddle of water and is very muddy. The Tewa women, however, furnish a good quota of pi'gûmï and other typical food. There are sixteen male and — female personators, towards evening only two female personators; and two Chürkü'wímkya who jest rudely, but act very modestly. The Tewa of Pen'dete have been practising the song and dance of Navajo kachina for several nights in their kiva. They propose going over by and by to give an exhibition of the kachina at Müsho'ñiñovi. The men of Chief kiva have been similarly engaged in practice, in an informal way, upon the Aña'kchina, but I do not gather that they intend exhibiting it elsewhere than in the villages upon East Mesa. Saturday, April 1 The young men went out on a rabbit hunt today, mostly afoot, and a good number went from each village. Sowi'makwisa or ma'kwishai or som'makto indifferently applied to a rabbit hunt. There has been no foot racing since the 20th, but I see the stone nodules lying in some of the kivas 1 yet. Ha'ni says, however, that the kick-ball racing is really maintained only during the Ü'shü müriya'wú, that is, it is a specially marked feature of that moon. This moon came in on February 16, but the first race was held on the 12th, andKwiya'o moon came in on March 17, but there was a fairly formal race on the 20th. 1

Oak mound kiva and Mo'nete have still to send out announcers. — E d .

HORNED WATER SERPENT DANCE (PA'LÜLÜKOÑTÍ)1 INTRODUCTORY NOTE For this dance there is a preliminary planting of corn in the kiva or kivas participating. In 1892 corn was planted in Wikwa'lobi kiva and in Pen'dete; in 1893, in Nasha'bki, on February 12. On February 23, the kiva retreat began, the next evening announcement of the dance was made from kiva to kiva by masks from Nasha'bki, among them the Crier chief, and in Nasha'bki there was a rehearsal with the serpent figures and the mask of Hahai'wuqti, mother of the kachinas. The following night, another rehearsal or rather ritualistic performance, in which Hahai'wuqti dramatizes the suckling of the serpents. February 26, repetition. February 27, a group of clowns (Ta'chûktï) from Nasha'bki distributed the beans that had been planted there also, to the little girls. Prayer-stick making in the kiva, also prayer-feathers are made. The serpent effigies have been repainted . . . . Chief kiva sends out a mask impersonation of Masau'wû who descends into Nasha'bki. Before sunset from Nasha'bki a group of Shoyo'him (All kinds) kachina visit all the kivas, aspersing the hatchway and shooting into it their lightning frames . . . . This evening the serpent effigies were carried down to Sun spring where ritual was performed. Thence the party went to Chief kiva and to all the other kivas to perform their "screen drama". The corn plants were given away to the women. Â11 the other kivas presented in turn a kachina dance or burlesque. The following day dances were performed outside. Each man in the serpent group who had made a blue-green prayer-stick deposited it in his field. This is a summary of the celebration in 1893, which was observed and recorded by Stephen. 2 His notes on the performance in 1892 are less full. The notes for the performance in 1894 are very brief. In 1900 Fewkee saw the public dances — the night kiva dance on March 2, and the outside dancing the next day. 3 In 1921 the celebration was in Mo'nete, from March 7 to March 12, the corn and beans having been planted on February 25. Crow-wing, the keeper 1 2 3

Also called Û n ' k w a t ï . See below, a n d p p . 269.J333. Fewkee a n d Stephen 3. Fewkee 17 : 40—55.

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Alexander M. Stephen

of the Journal of 1920—21, had asked to have this dance "for his family", and he himself acted as chief of the ceremony, the retreat being in his own Tewa kiva, whither the images were brought by him and his associates from their permanent house the first night of the kiva retreat. Crow-wing also led the procession down to the spring where omens were listened for. Other ritual at the spring was not described — in keeping with Crow-wing's usual reserve.1 From Crow-wing's account one could infer that Pa'lülükoñtí was a dance which might be asked for by any man, as in the case of the simple kachina dances. It is a matter of individual, not kiva, initiative. Without ti'poni or other than a meal altar,2 it is a dance, not a ceremony (ivi'mi). Its ritual objects or paraphernalia are referred to, however, as loi'mi, and, according to Crow-wing, they are kept in certain houses3 apparently as hereditary property, as are altar properties in general. Moreover, the performance, as described by Stephen, appears to have a fixed place in the calendar and is even affected by whether it is a year for the long form of the ceremonies or for the short. It is a celebration ultimately determined, like kachina celebrations, by the kivas, presumably by the kiva chiefs, and again like kachina exhibitions it is not publicly announced — a combination ceremonial, part kachina, part wi'mi or ceremony in the Hopi sense. Neither Stephen nor I was told that any curing feature attached to the ceremonial; but from data given in the Journal it seems very probable that curing for swellings was a feature. The black paint used on the serpent effigies was taboo to the touch of young men, lest it cause a fatal swelling.4 Crow-wing told me that during pregnancy neither a woman nor her husband should even look at the serpent images lest the infant not come out or after his birth swell up."5 In connection with the Antelope-Snake ceremony we shall learn that swollen navel in infants is associated with snakes. Presumably any swelling is so associated, because snake bite results in swelling. Swelling is thought of not as a symptom, but as the disease itself. In accordance with the usual Pueblo conception that the causer of disease is also its curer, we are warranted in surmising that the Pa'lülükoñtí may be in part a curing ceremonial, possibly for venereal disease in men. 1

1 Parsons 17 : 53, 55—59. See p. 335, Fig. 193. Parsons 17: 56; Fewkes 17: 40—42, 46—47, 51; Fewkes 10: 77—78. There appears to be more than one set of images, but nobody has been clear about their custody. 4 See pp. 309, 311. 5 At Isleta, women and youths do not go to the Horned snake ceremony. (Parsons 2 6 : 301). 3

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At Zuñí the Horned water serpent appears in the kachina initiation ceremony1 which corresponds to the Hopi Powa'mû. There is Horned water serpent ritual at Isleta, 1 at Jemez* and probably among the Northern Tewa. JOURNAL 1893

Sunday, February 12 About 7 o'clock this evening, as I had been forewarned, I went down into the Nasha'bki and saw the initial preliminaries of the Pa'lülükoñti, or the Ûn'kwatî, as the kiva assemblages for this ceremony are more properly called. Ûn'kwatî, the second or following dance, from úñ'ki, second or follower (of Powa'lalauwû, Powa'(mû)making) and ti'kive, ceremonial dance.4 Today it just lacks four days when we will have the new moon,5 Ü'shü mür iya'wû (whistling moon), but I can not distinctly elicit whether this four days before the new moon is the prescribed time for this corn planting. But I suppose it is prescribed, at least it is in direct contrast with the preceding or Powa'mû ceremony in which they began planting four days after the new moon. Another contrast is that in the Powa'mû they continued planting additional vessels of beans for four days ; in this, they only plant on two days, this evening and tomorrow. The kiva chiefs, (Ü'üwa and Mo'mi), and fifteen or more of the members came down to the kiva after having eaten their suppers at their own houses. They brought basins, boxes, and other vessels in their hands, but usually concealed under their mantles or blankets, and several also brought down gourds and earthen bottles full of water. This evening about sunset two or three of the younger members brought up quantities of sand in their blankets, from the mounds or foothills at the northwest side of the village, this also brought with secrecy. I was keeping an eye on the kiva and I did not observe when it was brought. It was carried down into the kiva and laid in a heap at the southwest end of the main floor. The bringing of the sand from the northwest is also another contrast with the preceding ceremony, during which all the sand 1 Parsone 3: 156; and see p. 310. Note the relationship between Corn Mothers and serpents among the Cora and Huichol. — Ed. 2 Parsons 26 : 301—302. 3 Parsons 18 : 78. 1 Another interpretation is given in Pueblo Indian Journal. (Parsons 17 : 53 n. 88). 5 New moon, February 16. First quarter, February 23. 19

290

Alexander M. Stephen

for bean planting was brought from the foothills to the southeast. Note that the plants themselves are also contrasted, beans and corn. Each man also brought down two or three ears of corn, of the same kind, but among the different members they brought down the typical eight different kinds of Hopi corn : sikya'ch lca'ii, yellow corn ; ehakwa', blue; pala', deep red; küécha', white; koko'm, black; tawa'kchi, sweet; ava'cha, speckled, all colours; wiukti, pink or lake. Each man shelled his own corn in the corner of his blanket, or other convenient receptacle, and then filled his box, or other vessel, with sand to within an inch or so of its top. He then wetted the boxful of sand, and sprinkled its surface as thick as possible with corn kernels. He then took from a heap of sand that had been moistened in the corner, enough to quite fill the box, covering the kernels, pressing the sand down firmly, and smoothing the surface. This planting has no apparent element of solemnity, men jest and laugh from beginning to end. The boxes and vessels of all varieties being planted and well watered, they are placed at the west end of the kiva, on floor and ledge, just as the beans were for the preceding feast. After all was finished everyone smoked tobacco in the clay pipes, and then had a secular smoke with American tobacco in paper cigarettes. No song, prayer, nor aught else of a ceremonial nature, although some of the elders say the pouring of water upon the planted corn really expresses a prayer, "thus we hope rain will come copiously after our corn is planted in the fields." This corn now planted furnishes the plants set in the little clay pedestals before the Pa'lülükoña altar on the culminating night of the ceremony. All this planting was finished about 8.30 P.M. Nothing of a ceremonial nature in any other Walpi kiva, nor in Sichomovi nor in Tewa. Last year there were two exhibitions of Pa'lülükoña, one by the Tewa of the Pen'detee, the other by Walpi; this year only one, because there are no novices [initiated into Wü'wüchím], at least that is the only reason I have thus far been able to elicit. Thursday, February 16 The corn is just peeping through in the vessels in Nasha'bki this morning. In four days more it is presumed the corn will have grown as high as the width of the hand, then the Crier chief will announce, but not publicly, the assemblage (yüñyo mani, will come in). Four days after that, or until afternoon of the fourth day, the members of this kiva will observe the usual fast, abstaining from salt, flesh food, and copulation.

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Half a dozen or more members of this kiva, relatives of a Walpi bridegroom, are working on the marriage mantle of the bride. A feast was served them this morning coming from the bride's people. I think there is also some ceremonial in connection with receiving this gift of food, or in beginning to set the warp in place for the mantle, but if there is, I lost it. Friday, February 17 The Goat kiva members have decided to exhibit during this ceremony, on some night yet undetermined, the Hu'hiyan kachina, during which they barter the figurines they have made, to the women spectators, for wafer-bread, kwtpdosi, etc. Today they began carving the figurines in the kiva. All the figurines are made from the root of the cottonwood. Saturday, February 18 The Goat kiva people, half a dozen or more, are carving figurines, Ha'yi weaving a dress. Friday, February 24 The calendar for the celebration is as follows : February 24 shüshia'la, first day February 25 lüah'tala, second day February 26 pai'tok toto'Jcya, third sleeps (pl.), komo'ktoto'kya February 27 toto'kya, sleeps February 28, ti'hü, personation; ti'hive, dance; pi'gûmnovi, porridge feast. This is the first day, but nothing of a ceremonial nature has occurred in any of the kivas except such as connected with the kick-ball races (see p. 280) and the figurine making in Goat kiva. Of the Pa'lülükoñtí paraphernalia for which there seems to be no comprehensive term, the "drop curtain" is called pa'lülükoñki, Horned water serpent house ; mechanical serpents, pa'lülükoña, etc. — names for details only, but there must be some more comprehensive term which will probably develop later. The image (Fig. 169) is 44 inches long, composed of ten hoops tapering from 12 inches in diameter at the base to 4 inches; the one next to the serpent head (which is of gourd) is six inches long, elliptic and 4—1/2 inches in diameter. Cotton cloth is drawn over the hoops which are secured to the cloth, with the cloth cut in a tapering fashion to fit snugly around the hoops. Cloth is painted black above, red and green longitudinal stripes, and white underneath. Notched 19»

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Hopi Journal

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teeth are cut in the tip of the gourd stem about half way between the eyes and a little back from them. A loop is fastened at the large hoop at the base, which loop is passed over the head of the man who operates, — the serpent is thus supported from the back of his neck, — his right arm thrust in the tubular body. The two small Pa'lülükoña (Figs. 170,171) are 24 in. long, the largest hoop, at butt, 6 in. in diameter. Decorated with his marks Pa'lülükoña appeared in the ocean of the west. 1 There were many Pa'lülükoña, of different colours. I n Chief kiva are fourteen or fifteen carding and spinning cotton ; on the ledge at the west end of the kiva are ten Hokya' Aña'kchina masks, one Snow kachina, one pot helmet mask, with its former decoration scraped off, and they tell me to wait till they are decorated, in two days, then talk about them. Damn these tantalizing whelps, to the devil with all of them ! I have been bamboozled from pillar to post all day, have received no scrap of information. Nor will they give me a glimpse of the "drop curtain" in Nasha'bki, they tell me to wait till it is shown at night. I note certain medicint bowls and gourds (Fig. 172). At 8 P.M. I again come down to Nasha'bki; they tell me the pa'lülükoñki should not be displayed in the day time lest some of the curious peeping children might chance to see it. They say, wait a while longer until we are sure all the children are abed, then we will hang up the screen and continue its redecoration which was begun last night. We are anxious that you should see it. About eight men go around the village uncostumed but carrying bells and ox hoof bundles in hand, also most of them wear grotesque masks. 2 Returning to the kiva in about half an hour, they halt and growl and jangle their bells. The kiva chief goes up the ladder, standing on it, his body half above the hatchway. He interviews them. They talk of their long, journey here, etc. and tell him they will be back again tomorrow night, etc. They thus go around to all the kivas. I t is called, as Ut the last ceremony, kiiku iniya, going around or, in the plural form, kükíi iniwishai. There is no ceremony in kiva, either before they start or after they return. Before these went out, Nashüñ'weve was sitting talking with me. He says all kachina do this, meaning this is done at all set ceremonies, but it isn't. He says it is a prayer, and I suppose it may be, but it seems to me rather a form of announcement of when the ceremony will culminate. They all speak in loud tones so that the women and children in the surrounding houses can hear them. 1 2

Cp. Parsons 4a : 241. According to Crow-wing, Koyl'msi (Ta'chûktl) masks. — Ed.

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Fig. 171. Palülükoña, showing mammae Black, white belly, red stripe next black, green next white ; red spots and green spots alternate (pe'ata, design); mammae (bihüadta), white with red tips; eight mammae, four on each side, of skin stuffed with all seeds.

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Fig. 172. Whistle water bowle (tütyü'lcpi kü'yi si'bvu) and whistle gourds a) orange ware (3), 12—14 in. dia. ; 8—10 in. high, b) mushroom form, 14 in. dia. ; 7—8 in. high, c) d) gourds (16 or 18) ; black on upper half, duck tracks a n d parallels (frog tracks) white, under side white; 6—20 in. long; hole a t large end a n d a t neck.

PLATE Χ

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There is no housetop announcement by the Crier chief of this ceremony, nor of any kachina assemblage! I try to elicit the distinction between announced and unannounced ceremonies. Kachina announce themselves by their presence. (Not very clear.) Naehüñ'weve informally said, "Come, lads, let us go around, taai' kükü'initoishai," and about a dozen began to put on their mantles, and Mo'mi and another elder passed them out grotesque masks from among the plant vessels. I note, however, that Ho'ñi goes masked and I think it was he who announced to the kiva chief standing in the hatch. After returning, some one proposes a song and after a while they all sing the Navajo kachina song, tasha'bkachinta'vxUau. It is rather monotonous, has little melody and is interminably long. There are twenty-nine in kiva tonight. After a bit, all except two strip, fasten tortoise rattle to right leg, a few get gourd rattles in right hand, and standing round three sides of the main floor, dance and sing Navajo kachina. This quite informally. Several of the youngsters in the ranks occasionally laugh and chaff. It is a rehearsal to secure uniformity of time in the step which is not a complicated one, mainly the monotonous beat of the right foot, with at one measure four staccato beats, at other strains, two; in turning, the right hand is lifted high as the head, the arm half extended. As they stand in file, they lift the arm so as to overarch the head of the companion in front. Those who are to personate women form a second or rear rank across the west end. After this dance they rest a while; then, while seated, some of the elders around the fire sing Pa'lülükoñüh ta'wiadta (his song). "Sikya' o'mau pe küküyiayi sonaka etc." —"To all the colour clouds in succession, send, bring, assemble, with rain on the plants, come the lightning, etc." After this song all smoked, partly informal, then Mo'mi said, "Taai', come, let us set pa'liiiükoñki wünüp'chiná (upright)!" (Pl. Χ). Several got tütyü'kpi (whistle, but the term is applied to the gourds which are really a sort of trumpet, see Fig. 172 c, d); others unrolled the ki'hü, house, and set it upright at the west end. Others got the serpent effigies and got behind the curtain; trumpeters also were behind the curtain trumpeting; one assumed the mask of Hahai'wuqti (Fig. 173) with tray of meal, and one elung the mechanic effigy of the serpent round his neck and stood in front. All except the trumpeters sang Pa'lülükoñ's song. The serpents were thrust through the openings, and Hahai'wuqti cast meal upon them (no'bna, food offering). They are all her children. She feeds

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them with meal as a mother suckles a child — Hahai'wuqti no'bna yu am yo yoñwina. This lasted but a few minutes and I was striving to make a sketch of the elaborate decoration on the "house" (Pl. XI) and could only note the actions with the tail of my eye. I will have another opportunity tomorrow night.

Fig. 173. Hahai'wuqti Face, white; eyee and mouth, black; red ears and red spots on face. Headpiece and wound plaited yarn, black. Buckskin collar.

P L A T E ΧΙ

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Pa'lülükoñkí, house of Pa'lülükoñüh. In the central panel the centre disc is Sun (Ta'wa), but the small disc on each side of it is Moon (Müriya'wú). The other thtee discs are Sun and each disc is called Pa'lülükoñkí. The serpent effigy which is projected through the central large disc is Pa'lülükoñüh yü'amü, their mother. The two smaller effigies projected through the moon discs are Pa'lülükoñho'ya, young ones. The other three are called Pa'lülükoñüh. The braided husk surrounding the discs is called shüa'kabú külcüchiota; the radiating rays of the sun, ta'wa^cülcüchxota, from, I think, chüküita, a sharp point (Jcüküchlalauum, braiding the husk, i. e. making sharp points). The effigy manipulated in the performer's arms, before the curtain, is called a'müma na'yaivi (following up, to struggle). Each year the Pa'lülükoñkí is prepared in a different kiva; the same lines and figures and colours are supposed to be closely followed and in a general way they are, still it is plain to be seen that considerable modification and variations occur. The trumpeting is the speech (voice) of the water, pa'hü lavai'yita, water talk. Po'oyüña; the serpent effigies were all brought to the fireplace, laid on the west side, the heads toward the fire and quite close to the fire. (Fig. 174). The elders all sat around and smoked and two or three of them prayed for rain. This is referred to as :

Fig. 174. Serpent effigies with heads to fireplace 'Their mother" in the centre, a little one (ho'ya) each side, the struggler third from "their mother" to her left.

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Alexander M. Stephen po'oyúñ

kamü

Pa'lülükoñüh

chocho'ña smoke po'ota kamü chocho'ña basket emoke tray

chocho'ña na'wakina smoke desire

anyoñvñni

The effigies were then laid back carefully on the rolled up "house" and the men made ready to sleep. The ceremonies finished between 10 and 11 o'clock. Shortly after 11 o'clock the Chief kiva people sang a practice song and dance of the Hokya' Aña'kchina ; and while the ceremony was in progress at Nasha'bki the Horn kiva people sang and danced in practice for the Navajo kachina, and the Goat kiva people rehearsed Hu'hiyan kachina. There are but few members in theWikwa'lobi and nothing occurred there. They will sing in the public ceremonies with Chief kiva. Saturday, February 25 This morning in Nasha'bki they are renovating masks, Sho'tokwinúñüh (Fig. 175, Pl. XII), Honkachina (Bear kachina), Pawi'kkachina (Duck kachina), Hehe'ya kachina, Hahai'wuqti, and Wupa'mo kachina1 (Fig. 176), one of each of the above, and three Hano mana, female masks. (Fig. 177). Cotton, melon, watermelon, gourd, sweet corn, seed of all these and corn kernels (hümi'tata) are in the paps of the effigy of the mother Pa'lülükoñüh. There are four wüyayak (broad) Fig. 175. Sho'tokwinúñüh Pa'lülükoña, two children (chai' Segment of Ko'honino tray (wi'Kkya) hoya), and one Pa'lülükoñüh over brow. Above this yucca, which a'müm na'yawi or struggler, is surrounded with raw cotton before wéaring. Cap white, cloud outline in black. Collar, spruce boughs.

1

The chief of all kachina.

P L A T E XH 1

I

it

1 )

Figurine of Sho'tokünúñwa Four-fifths natural size.

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Fig. 176. Wupa'mo kachina Eyes black, globular with white band.

which is the mechanical effigy moved in front ot the "house." (Figs. 178, 179). The covering of "their mother" and one of the little ones, Pa'lülükoñho'ya, is of deer skin (sowi'iñ pu'kya). They were all originally deerskin, but since deer became scarce the covering is now renewed," i. e. it was some years ago, on the others, with cotton cloth of their own weaving. The "house" i. e. curtain is called Pa'lülükoñ cotton cloth (paliüühoñkiua'chkyabü); a'kawûh, the turquoise coloured horns of the effigy; two of the horns are of gourd (tawi'ala). The globular eyes Fig. 177. Hano mana are stuffed with seeds. The globular

Green, black eyes and mouth.

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I

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tü'kwi, mountain, tükya'u for tü'kwi for the sake of euphony apparently ; o'mau, cloud ; cho'ki, perched. See Glossary. Curious instance of prenatal influence : A young Tewa woman was with child (her first) during the Powa'mû, and her husband gave her a present of a figurine, a Ko'kopelï 1 ti'hü, and soon afterwards her child was born, a boy, who almost as soon as born began to play with his penis. The child is now a little over a year old and he still 1

He is represented with a large penis. — Ed.

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constantly toys with the penis, the glands of which begin to look somewhat like distended rubber, the parents consider this a good omen of coming vigour. When an amorous youth meets the vivid hued lizard called mana'naya he addresses it as his friend and asks it to help him secure a favorable interview with his sweetheart. This lizard has occult powers in this connection. 1 Monday, May 15 New moon today, but as it will not be visible till the 17th, these two days are called lü'tok kama'chiwuta, two days not named; they also say müriya'toú shiilau'ti, moon none; also lü'tok kama'taka, two days not; and when the moon's thin crescent is first seen, ma'takti is said. When the crescent is on its back it is called horizontal (Ica'chi), and is not good (kalo'lalamai) ; when vertical (wii'nü), it is good (lo'lomai), and it will be moist. 1 Ü'üsa* miMya'wû, Planting moon, will not be reckoned until the evening on which it is seen, and this is logical enough. The scheme of planting: During the April moon .(Kwiya'o mii r iya'wu), the kwiya'o or wind breaks of herbaceous shrubs, principally sivwa'pi, are set out in lines in the localities where they cultivate plants other than corn. This partly to protect the young plants, but mainly to prevent the strong gales from blowing the sand away from the seeds after planting. Ploughing renders the sandy soil too light in this dry climate ; the heavy winds blow it away from the roots. In the waxing May moon the sweet corn is planted in secluded nooks around the mesa, as noted on page 373. In the latter half of the May moon (Haki'ton mû r iya'wû, Waiting mooni all seeds other than corn are planted, and this planting of these seeds is continued on into Planting moon.4 At half moon, muskmelons are planted; squashes, watermelons, etc., in wane of moon. Corn is planted in the new June moon. (Zuñi plants a month earlier.) Beans are planted at the same time as corn. In a new field in ideal condition when moisture is plenty six grains are planted in a hill; when dry, worms abounding, etc., a handful. The localities furthest away from the mesa are the first to be planted, as Wi'pho and Sheep spring (Ka'nëlba) 5 (Map 7) in the West valley, 1 Cp. Stephen 2 : 28—30. Were a man to marry into his father's clan, this lizard, he is told, would dart at him. Cp. Parsons 13: 196—197. 1 Is this European moon lore Τ — Ed.

3 4

Ü'üsa is a syncopation of ü'yiwiahai, let us plant.

See App. 1. 5 This spring belongs to the Patki clan who are, according to Crow-wing, the first to plant corn. (Parsons 17 : 87).

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five miles and two and a half miles north of Walpi, Boñsikya in Keam's Cañón, ten or twelve miles to the eastward, etc.1 Ka'lashai (Tewa Sun chief) and Kwa'chakwa (Hopi Sun chief) announce when the sun has reached the appropriate position for corn planting,2 but there is no announcement from the house top. (Map 12). 1 Stephen made no study of land holding. In 1888 he notes the use of certain field marks and of a boundary stone between Shüño'povI and Oraibi lands, a figure of Ma'sauüh. (Fig. 220). Two brothers lived, one at Shüño'povI and one at Oraibi. (See App. 8). The latter placed the monument here and it was agreed when Shüño'povI increased sufficiently to need more farming land this monument would be moved towards Oraibi. This was erected many years ago. The eyes and nose marks are merely round shallow holes with a black brim painted around them. The stone is pecked on the eides but the head and front have been rubbed quite smooth. It is of close-textured brown sandstone. Honani says it has no other significance than as above stated. He thinks the head was carved and the face holes painted to keep the young people from removing it. To keep Navajos also from destroying it. The name of Masau' attached to it for m/· ikfi' : ( ' same reason also. He also says the Oraibi have j encroached upon the Shüño'povI planting Fig. 220. Boundary stone g ^ u f e and taken up several choice spots. But 2 ft. high; width, head, within the past few years the Shüño'povI are 7 in., shoulders, 8 y2 in., beginning to reassert their claims to these base, 7 in. ; length of head places. Honani accompanied us to a spot of 8l/2 in.; thickness, 7 in. drainage in the valley within four miles of Oraibi for the purpose of planting and repossessing himself of such a planting place. (Cp. Forde, 367). The stone monuments on the upper mesa close to the village were built to warn the young lads and others herding sheep that peaches are planted there. The same meaning attaches to numerous other monuments throughout the valleys, to warn off the shepherds from bringing their herds upon planted places. This applies to the places before the crops have grown sufficiently high to be plainly discerned at a distance. [Stone monuments as boundaries of sheep walks are noted specifically between Oraibi and Shüño'povI.] Cairns are piled up around a field to scare away prairie dogs, and, at sheep pens to scare off wildcats, etc. They are called tütü'kamola. A scarecrow (tüwa'loñ sho'ñíni) is used. (Fig. 220 A). 2 In 1921 the first day of corn planting was May 21. Specific families, the chiefly families, within specific clans, planted in set turn, as directed by the Sun-watcher ; other people were free to plant on the planting day of the group they liked. (Parsons 17: 87—89, 91, 93). The Sun-watcher or Sun chief observes sunrise points which are named. (Cp. Fewkes 4 : 259 ; Parsons 29 : 60 ; Forde, 386).

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Fig. 220 A. Scarecrow Skin mask painted red. Wool on top of head, horsehair wig. Government coat.

Sunday, May 21 Preston went to the mountains for eagles, north, this side of Kishyu'ba.

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Monday, May 22 Preston returned with one eagle, a young one standing about fifteen inches high, fuzzy head, white throat, but mainly black or very dark brown, perhaps the bald eagle. Thursday, May 25 Ho'ñi went after eagles today, a day's ride north. He returned without any. Before leaving here he knew that two young eagles were in the nest, but on reaching the locality he discovered that the Navajo had "stolen" them both. I asked him for what purpose he wanted the eagles and he said, "To get their feathers, to make plumes for masks and to make prayer-sticks and prayer-feathers." Saturday, May 27 At Shüño'poví was celebrated the Wüwükoktüma kachina, called also the Wüko'ktyükkachina, a variety of Duck kachina. The name is onomatopoetic and is from the phrase of their song imitating the quacking of a duck. The masks resemble the Duck, but are distinguished by a larger, downward curving beak and by the bang being red. Each holds a staff (ñatyü'ñpi), a long untrimmed willow wand, in left hand, and a gourd rattle in right hand. T E W A PLANT PRAYER-STICK

MAKING 1

Sunday, May 28 Ü'yi paho la'lauwû in Bear chief house (Ho'naumoñwiki) in Tewa, the house of Po'bi, wife of Wë'hë, daughter of Kwa'lakwai. (Sally's daughter's husband is also his son.) Present: Ka'lashai; Djasjïnï (Ta n 'yemo), chief of Paiyetemo [Pai'akyamû clowns]; Kwa'lakwai; Hacho (his name as a boy) or Sate'lï 2 (his Tewa name, meaning good tobacco) ; Te'me. 8 They began making prayer-sticks about ten o'clock in the morning. Te'me is chief. (He is Town chief and chief of Mo'nete.) He set a crenellate bowl on the west side of the floor, poured a little water in it, then praying, he took a little meal from a small basket sitting beside him, sprinkled the three 1 For like ritual at the seasonal transfer ceremony in March compare Parsons 21 : 220—221. 2 In 1920, Sate'lï was still Bear clan chief. — Ed. 3 Of these, chiefs are Po'bi of the Bear clan (Ge to'wa), Te'me of the Tobacco clan (Sato'wa), Ka'lashai of the Sun clan (Tan to'wa), Kwa'lakwai of the Cloud clan (Ö'kuwa to'wa), Ta n 'yemo of the Kachina clan (Kachinto'wa), Sate'lï of the Bear clan.

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intersecting linee and set the bowl upon the intersection, then cast a line of meal to the doorway, made a road prayer-feather and laid it upon the prayer-meal road (hom'nûmni pühü). The others assembled one at a time, taking a pinch of meal and praying upon it and casting upon the bowl and toward the doorway. Then each squatted around and began making prayer-sticks. Each made four sets except Sate'li who made six. Winter solstice song (ehoy'alta'wi, Hopi; tan'taikau, Tewa) is the song they sang. It is the song of the early si'papii far in the east where the water is always in commotion.1 It is the same song as was sung in Mo'nete at last Winter solstice ceremony, at every Winter solstice ceremony. Four days after Nima'n kachina they will make prayer-sticks in this chamber, yo'kivani na'waktna pasha pa'ho φα'mi (rain come desire surely prayer-sticks that is it). (They did not until July 31)2. The prayer-sticks from center of palm to tip of the middle finger average twelve centimeters long and one centimeter in diameter. The "wrapper" projects seven centi- Fig. 221. Prayer-stick made in meters beyond the prayer-stick. The Bear chief house, Tewa "wrapper" is turkey feather, black Black; neck of one stick, face or speckled. (Fig. 221). Kwa'Iakwai of the other, blue-green. Turkey made two sets of plant (ü'yi) prayer- feather at rear ; erect feather in front, ( Î) eagle; pendant of sticks and two hoto'mni prayer-sticks. feathers, downy turkey, eagle These latter, a twig of willow the under wing, downy duck, yellow bird under wing. same length as the ordinary sets to which four prayer-feathers are attached at equal distances apart. Ka'lashai made another road prayer-feather which he will place on the road near the Gap shrine 1 Poaeka, water run sings, is a ritual song referred to by the Northern Tewa whose Summer moiety chief is calledPosetoyo. (Parsone24:144,174). 2 See p. 576.

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tomorrow morning at yellow light of dawn (sikya' ñanüptü). They finished making prayer-sticks at 3 P.M. and about that time Djasjïnï's wife and other women brought food to the house door. The prayer-sticks being finished, each man placed his own prayerstick and prayer-feather in his own tray and smoked upon them, setting the tray on the floor in front of himself. The smoking of course was all done in pipes and of native tobacco. All partook of food and tied up their feather-boxes and put away their effects in their houses, leaving the prayer-stick trays where they were. They sat around the chamber smoking and talking until shortly before sunset, then each took up the prayer-sticks he had prepared and carried them to the springs for which they were designed. There was no formality as to this deposit, i.e. nothing in the nature of a procession, each moved individually. The different members prepared prayer-sticks for such springs as he desired, and carried them concealed in the corner of his blanket. All five went to Coyote spring, but not together, although all about at the same time, and at the west side of the spring where the water oozes out from the steep bank they set their prayer-sticks at the four or five different oozes, set them in just at the margin of the water, thrusting them in so that the water covered them about half way up, except one man who thrust his prayer-stick in a cavity a few inches above the surface of the water. Before leaving the chamber they attached the prayer-feather to sprigs of sumac and behind each prayer-stick was thrust one of these sprigs with prayer-feather attached. May 29, Monday On returning from Tükí'novi this day, about noon, I found that I had missed a funeral. A Tewa infant died this morning, but unless one is actually in the house when the death occurs it seems impossible to see anything of the mortuary rites. The father marks four short parallel lines with charcoal on the trail to the burial ground, half way to the Gap and again just opposite the shrine in the Gap, but I can get no one to speak about these customs nor explain them. There were four groups of monsters slain by the Twins : Kwa'toko 1 , Nata'shka, Cha'veyo and Wukochai'srisa. Cha'veyo seems to have had some such form as Nata'shka, no wings, great bulging eyes, a beak, and a bag or pouch of some kind on his back in which he carried his victims. Of Wukochai'srisa I have no details except that 1 At Tükí'novi, where Stephen had just been, there is a rock graving (Figs. 502, 503) of this "monster eagle who used to devour children when Hopi people lived at San Francisco Mountain."

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offered by the name itself, great elk. All four were slain by the Twins, in similar manner, with the resilient lightnings.1 June 2 This evening, about half an hour after sunset, one of the elders in each village announced from the house top that all the men who were so inclined should go to the kivas, but no kachina names were mentioned. As already noted, the men of Nasha'bki have long been practising for the Aña'kachina, and tomorrow is toto'kya, the day for prayerstick making. Ü'üwa, kiva chief, and Cha'sra, as the Kachina father, will make prayer-sticks, as also will Mo'mi and Ho'ñi who were chosen some time ago to be chiefs for these kachina. In Horn kiva there is practice for Nima'n kachina, perhaps the Navajo. Shii'himü, the kiva chief, is chief, as the kiva chief is chief of his kiva Nima'n. In Goat kiva are they to practice the Hehe'ya or the Laguna Ì (See as to this.) Nothing in the other Walpi kivas. In Young corn mound kiva they practice the Pa'shiwawash kachina of which Tala'hoya of Walpi, who proposed this kachina, is one chief, and Ya'kwa of Sichomovi is the other. Nothing in the Tewa kivas. The spruce boughs gathered for kachina purposes in the spring of the year, if of glossy green, betoken absence of bad winds and that rains will prevail in the summer. If the spruce is dull (ma'ax), it is an evil prognostication. June 3 This is the first calm morning for several days and promises to be the first really warm summer day. In Nasha'bki are about twenty-five men; six or eight of the elder ones are squatted (chükü'kiyvia) around the fireplace smoking tobacco in pipes. Most have come in since I have been sitting here. Every man brings down his own mask concealed under his blanket and lays it on the floor near the southwest end. The first process of mask decoration is to remove, by scraping, the pigments laid on its surface when it was last used. Ho'ñi (one of the Kachina [Powa'mû] chiefs) scrapes all of them with a knife, first spurting water on the painted surface, scrapes the pigment, which is quite easily removed, from the leather surface, into a fragment of a basin placed at the foot of the ladder. He scrapes nearly all the masks, a few he sees scraped by their owners. The scraped pigment is afterwards carried up and placed in a shrine. Ho'ñi sets Ho'nauwû to 1

See Stephen 2 : 14—20.

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work grinding the copper ore pigment (shakwa'pikiJ with water, in a large muller. With a fragment of corn husk Ho'nauwû dips up a little of his pigment and spurts it upon the mask which is left to dry. Ho'ñi brings down some tiïma and, mixing it with a little water, makes a white clay pigment with which he, assisted by others, paints the convex surf tice of the female masks. (Fig. 222). Meanwhile Ho'nauwû has brought his blue-green pigment to a proper consistency and covers the surface of the male masks by spurting. One or two elders rub down shale (kioüma'p o'wa, black stone) with saliva generated by muskmelon seeds, and then, with chewed strip of yucca for paint brush, paint the eyes and margins. The beard and bang are not removed from the mask during its renovation.

Fig. 222. Aña'kchina masks (unfinished) a) face, blue-green. b) face, white.

Nothing ceremonial aside from this mask renovation. Men converse on secular topics. One of the visiting Ko'honino came down by invitation and smoked and expressed his wish for rain. Everyone on first entering is welcomed by all the chiefs I have named and invited to "sit and smoke with us." These welcome-invitations are also joined in by the other inmates. Ho'ñi seems to oversee the mask renovation. Mo'mi looks after the tobacco and corn husk (shila' Jcabü) supply and about 10.30 A.M. brings down some peeled willow wands and a feather-box, and soon afterwards he and Ho'ñi sit down in the northwest corner, and each with a bit of sandstone rubs willow wands smooth. They are joined by Ü'üwa (kiva chief) and continue the prayer-stick making. By and by Sü'yükii (Kachina father) also joins the prayer-stick makers. Taking the peeled wand in the left hand, he points the butt end with an ordinary hunting knife. Then laying this point in the palm

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at the base of the thumb, he cuts off the wand exactly even with the tip of the middle finger. He again sharpens the butt, and proceeds as before, cutting off as many prayer-stick stems as he requires. He next rubs these cut-off stems smooth on sandstone, rubbing the point smooth and even, and also the cut-off flush end. Mo'mi goes up to his house and brings down some young bam'navi which he gathered a day or two ago, and which is not yet in flower. The white sage used is in fruit, however, and was gathered last year. The usual care is taken of shavings, sand rubbed from the stones, and all débris, which are carefully kept together, to be gathered up and deposited later in the shrine or on the edge of the mesa, with meal and prayer. "Blue-green stone", separate from that used to paint the masks, is ground and mixed in a small shallow muller by Ho'ñi. Nothing in this "blue-green water" but water, except a small pinch of corn pollen. Irrespective of length, the string of the prayer-feather is always of four strands. Sü'yükü makes no prayer-stick as yet, but from his own feather-box proceeds to make prayer-feathers. On the four strand string he lays a hawk breast feather, and on this lays a very small feather from under the wing of a duck, and these he wraps with a single strand four times, securing the end of the string by slipping it under the last turn and then drawing it tight and breaking off the string; no knots. The ordinary short prayer-feather string (ho'kyaadta, "its leg," as it is called) is formed by winding the cotton string twice around the tips of the four fingers of the left hand held slightly apart. This, being slipped off the fingers, forms, of course, a short four strand string. The single string from which it is formed is still unbroken, and then, after the feathers are laid on the four strand part, the single string wraps them four times. A slip loop is made and is then broken off. Sü'yükü makes a great number of these; enough for all who are to personate tomorrow. Ü'üwa makes food packets for the prayersticks by mixing beeswax and prayer-meal, using only of course a very small quantity of each, and also a pinch of corn pollen. The three named have each made stems for two sets of prayer-sticks, all of the same length. Ü'üwa makes prayer-sticks similar to those of Sü'yükü, but of eagle and duck feathers. Ho'ñi and Mo'mi paint the prayer-stick stems, each painting enough for three sets. Tosh'küyi (corn meal Jcwipdosi in balls swimming in basin of sweetened water) is brought to the hatch by women, promptly at noon.

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Ka'chi takes a band in prayer-feather making. Ho'ñi makes two prayer-feathers of one under wing eagle feather and one under wing feather of the yellowbird (this very tiny). These two are the road prayer-feathers. The four strand string to which they are attached he forms by winding four times round the great toe and up to the knee. As customary the women began preparing food last evening, and today by noon all the five pits were heated and during the afternoon all the women who were to prepare pi'gûmï had their vessels filled and in the pits to bake, covering them up as usual with ashes and a heap of smouldering sheep dung, the pi'gûmï baking overnight. June 4 No wind, balmy, and a radiant sky. The pi'gûmï pits opened at sunrise, the women carrying an ample supply to their houses. Then after the first exhibition of the kachina, the women and maids carried ample supplies of pi'gûmï and other festive dainties to Kowa'waimü, the kachina house (kachinki) ledge about under the house of Anawi'ta, where all the kachina feasted and smoked. Throughout the day there was no variation with the kachina, excepting that after assuming their masks and apparel at Kowa'waimü, just about sunrise, and returning there to eat their feast breakfast, they did not go again to that ledge till after the last exhibition. Then they went down to that kachina shrine and deposited there the prayer-feathers they received in the court from the elders and the Chürkü'wímkya. At their periodic retirement during the day, they withdrew to the kachina shrine at break of mesa just north from the end of Walpi. Marching in from the kachina shrine in a procession of single file, thirty-two males and three "maidens", Sü'yükü leads and Cha'era closes. At other times Cha'sra leads, and Sü'yükü closes. The file column marches in direct to Pillar court, the file leader halting when he gets quite close to the pillar, and still facing toward the pillar in file column they begin to stamp with the right foot, which they continue for two or three minutes until all the procession is. close up and the three maidens have moved up on the right hand of the file column. The maidens are also in file and halt about the centre of the column and begin to stamp in time with the male personators. Sü'yükü then cries taai'! begin! and the stamping column faces to the left, i.e. east, and begins to sing. Sü'yükü and Cha'sra first pass down the line from southwest to northeast, coming back up the right hand side, sprinkling the male personators with meal (ho'moyá), as they pass to the northeast

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and the female personatore as they return up the right hand side of the column. Then Sü'yükü shouted hie signal, Begin ! Both he and Cha'sra move up and down in front of the line of singing kachina, at occasions, say twice or thrice during the song, passing down the line and sprinkling a little meal on the shoulder of each, the male personators first, then the maiden personatore, always in this order. At rhythmic intervals during the song, the kachina make about a half face to the left, then a complete face to the right, bringing the line into single file column, and then face back again in line, facing the east. The half face to the left is little more than a suggested movement ; the face to the right is held during the singing of a bar or two. The song occupies about eight minutes and, immediately at its close, the line abruptly faces to the right, bringing them as they were at first in column of single file facing southwest toward the pillar. Sü'yükü then leads them in left countermarch, occupying the same position in the court, but the column now faces the northeast. The kachina resume their stamping with right foot, while Sü'yükü and Cha'sra sprinkle them again with meal. Then at the signal of Begin! they begin their song with the same movements as before, only now the line faces west. During the rhythmic occurrences referred to they make a suggested half face to the left, then face quite to the right, and at the close of the song, as before, they face abruptly to the right, standing in column facing the northeast. Sü'yükü or Cha'sra then leads them out to their retiring place at the Break. In the forenoon there were five exhibitions, perhaps six, but, as I have noted in other kachina exhibitions, there is nothing prescriptive as to the number of these exhibitions, these depending entirely upon th° length of the songs which the kachina sing. η the dance movement, the left fpot is held in place; the right fot't stamped in time with the song measure. The chief distinction between Hopi Aña'kchina and other Aña'kchina is that in the Hopi the personator is barefoot, wearing spreading anklets of spruce twigs. The head plume (na'lcwa) is of dyed pigeon, hen or other feathers, dyed by themselves with aniline in imitation of parroquet or macaw (gya'rzñünanakwa, parroquet headdress). This dyed feather plume, a marked innovation, is now common. In fact no parroquet feathers are any longer to be seen. The head plume is fastened to a lock of hair, at the very crown of the head, and to this same lock of hair is fastened the long cotton string called aña'haiihpi (hair, suspending cord). This string hangs down

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the back and fastened to it at intervals equidistant are from three to five downy feathers from the under wing of the eagle, and at the loose end of the string is always fastened some small object to keep it pendant, a bit of stone, bone, shell, fossil wood, a small bell, metal ornament, buckle, and I have seen a bit of American candy. (This sinker attachment is called atkyakabiadta.) About the centre of the upper brim of the mask, a cotton string is fastened, and that string is also tied to this same lock of hair at crown of head, and this string supports the light mask in place, hanging over the face. The mask is painted blue-green, the eye slits being surrounded with black, and a black band, with three small panels painted blue-green, encircling the base. (Fig. 223). The black beard (sowi'chmi) has three pendant player-feathers. At the side of the mask are beads of turquoise fastened to a loop, called cho'svwiimnaka. Several have a sunflower fastened to the left side of the mask. The hair is all loose and smoothly brushed with the grass brush and hangs over the shoulders and down the back, the ends squarely trimmed, as is also the bang of black hair over the forehead, the ends being cut off squarely and in a line Fig. 223. with the eyebrows. In one case this Mask of Aña'kchina bang was of white hair. To the bottom of the mask, on the inside of the lower brim, is attached a long black beard of horsehair, which hangs down to the middle of the breast, and the ends, like the hair of the personator, are cut off square. I can not elicit the meaning of this beard, nor that human hair was ever used to make these beards, yet it must have been in pre-equestrian days, and it is quite common now to find the bang made from the hair of the person who owns the mask. As lavish a display of necklaces is made as is possible, the personators borrowing from their friends for this purpose. Many have a large abalone shell hanging on the breast as a gorget. (This shell is called kala'haiñüñünpi.) Also round the neck is worn the typical hank of blue yarn (shakwa'tni), the bight which rests on the breast being wrapped with manta ; some have ribbons fastened to it. This yarn necklace (shakwa'tni ñwünadta) is thus wrapped with white cotton cloth for beauty (shü'himü).

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A white kilt (tüih' pitkúina or kachinpü'küina) is girt with a broad girdle (wukai kwe'wa), and twigs and branchlets of spruce are thrust in tjy their stems between the kilt and the girdle, quite surrounding the waist with their spruce foliage. These are called eala'bshi'chyûnwû. Just at the small of the back, the head end of the skin of a gray fox (called pukya ha'Uni) is thrust in between kilt and girdle, the tail of the fox dangling back of the legs.· A tortoise shell rattle is fastened with any convenient kind of string around the right leg below the knee, the rattle being at the back of the leg, resting on the upper part of the calf. A hank of blue yarn (shakwa'tni) is gartered round the left leg below the knee (shalcwa'ton hokya'shmi, blue yarn leg ?) and also at the same place most of the personators had fastened around the leg a string to which several small sleigh bells were attached. The feet are bare, and around the ankles spruce twigs and branches are fastened by their stems to a string which was tied round the ankles, these foliage anklets (sola'bho'kyaso'mi, spruce leg tied) quite concealing the feet. A hank of blue yarn (shakwa'ton ma'poni, blue yarn wrist guard) is tied round the right wrist with a simple knot ; and an ornamented wrist guard (ma'poni) is on the left wrist. A gourd rattle, not specially decorated, is held in the right hand, and spruce twigs, in left hand (sala'b ya'wi, spruce held in hand vertical). Red, pala'chka, is over the body and limbs, except around the loins and mid-thighs, which is covered with white, tii'ma. No finger nail intaglio (hochi'chitota), or other markings on body or limbs. Threaded discs of turquoise are worn as ear pendants and silver earrings are quite common, but no ribbons or fancy cloth innovations are apparent. As usual, faces were rubbed with red (shii'ia) before donning the maekette. The costume of the maidens is as follows: Hair in discs na'sompi; on one of the maskettes, the bang is white. The male personator does not undress before assuming his costume, but puts it on over his ordinary clothes. I have seen some of them put the typical maiden's ear pendant in their ears, but on this occasion there was nothing in the ears of the personators. They had on the ordinary blue-black woman's gown. Two wore the white woolen mantle with red and blue border and one, the large ceremonial embroidered cotton mantle. On their legs were blue yarn leggings (shakwa'toni ho'kya na'bna), their feet were bare. A hank of blue yarn was at each wrist; and their hands and feet were stained with yellow pigment (sikya'pikkükü'nta), and in each hand a bunch of spruce twigs, held by the stems upright. 26

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As arranged several days before the exhibition, the only Chükü'wimkya who appeared were from Shüño'povi, as also were the grotesques, and all masks and other objects used by them they brought themselves from Shüño'povi. The Chükü'wimkya face markings were as in Fig. 224 and their hair was tied (hum' sompi), but it was wrapped closely round the head and covered with a cloth, in the folds of which were fastened three plumes of corn husk. As is customary with the Walpi Chükü'wimkya, those from Shüño'povi used Chief kiva to array themselves. There were five of them, bodies and limbs covered with yellow (sikya'chka) as also was the face, with the curved marks done with charcoal rubbed down with water, under the mouth and each eye. Fig. 224. Head of Chükü'wimkya They each wore a strip Plumes referred to as "his horn". of cloth rag round the neck as a necklace, and round each arm as an armlet, and round each leg below the knee. They wore the ordinary breech cloth, but no rolled blanket round the loins. All wore moccasins. Around the neck each one also wore the customary prayer-meal and journey food bandoleer. The latter, as usual, they hung up on the branches of the miniature spruce. They came in from Chief kiva shortly after noon and gave a rather lively burlesque of Wa'wash (Running) kachina. One held a few yucca blades in each hand, prancing up and down in place and calling hoot ! hoot ! The others arrange as for a race across the court, and the hooting one overtakes and flogs them with the yucca. They interchange parts, each in turn assuming the yucca whip. One gets a good stout stick and uses it upon the others. Two of them climb to the top of the pillar and squat there, chükü'kiota. At 3.55 enter two grotesques from Chief kiva in female costume, wearing white masks and old ragged gowns. They represent a woman and a maiden. Their hands and feet are white with the clay

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kücha'chica; the maiden wears the white woolen mantle with blue a n d red border a n d the woman a piece of m a n t a a s a mantle. The five clowns squat in the middle of the court and the two grotesques sit down beside them. The clowns ask whence they come and where they are going, t o which the woman makes suitable replies. The maiden then takes a little cloth bundle from her girdle and lays it in front of her. The clowns ask what is in it. The woman s a y s it is their journey food (nil thya). The clowns ask what the food consists of, naming over all the list of such Hopi comestibles, b u t the woman shakes her head and, after they give u p guessing, she picks up the rag and cries out it is house snakes and shakes out one of the snakes, about three feet long. Á t this the clowns pretend great fear, tumbling over one another, and rolling themselves away from the vicinity of the snake. The woman picks u p the snake and a s k s ea«h clown in turn, " D o you want it ? " or something to t h a t effect, and the clowns finally all s a y they do. The woman a n d maiden then take the strings that wind the legs and a r m s of the clowns and tie their feet together and, putting their hands under their knees, tie their wrists together ; then lay them on their backs and pull off their breech cloths. Then the woman thrusts the snake upon the penis of one and leaves it there. The clown, pretending great fear, rolls over and over, and the maiden picks u p the s n a k e and applies it similarly to another clown, thrusting the snake in t h e mouth and upon the arms and penis. Finally the clowns, in their alarm, break their bonds and proceed to imitate copulation with woman and girl. These two grotesques then retire to Chief kiva, taking the snake with them. The kachina have been singing in the court during the greater part of this mummery. A s customary, the women m a k e generous gifts of food to the clowns, and a great heap of wafer-bread is stacked on a blanket near the tree. The kachina also, as usual, make gifts of fancy food ; bright coloured wafer-bread, effigy bread, dyed eggs (the blown shells), etc. ; the women bring these t o the kachina, and they present them to the children. A t 4.35 while the kachina are singing, from Chief kiva enters one of the male grotesques, with white m a s k but ordinary clothes. H e shouts the war cry as he rushes in and makes a brief announcement to the clowns and runs out again. A t 4.40 enters another, naked save breech cloth, whitened body and white mask, bough of cottonwood in right hand. He rushes in, yelling the war cry, and rushes out again. The clowns talk among themselves and await developments. At 4.45 the kachina enter again, with no other occurrence in the interval other than those noted above. They distribute very •26*

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considerable quantities of flour bread, a good deal of it made up like baker's loaves, large and small, rolls, bannocks, etc. A t 4.55 enter two more grotesques, naked save breech cloth, whitened bodies, whitened mask, cottonwood bough in right hand, yell the war cry as the others had done, make short but energetic announcement, and run out again. All the announcing grotesques are the war cry speakers fkihpii lavai' yi), and they have been announcing the coming of the Shoyo'hïm kachina, who are coming in anger to punish the clowns for copulating with the female grotesques. At 5, enter a group of fourteen grotesques arrayed in the various costumes of the Shoyo'hïm kachina, but dingy and dilapidated. Each carries a bough of cottonwood and most of them have also a sheaf of yucca in hand. They pretend to lash the clowns with great severity, and do in fact give them a flogging much too earnest to be called play. This is dealt while chasing them around the court. Presently the Shoyo'hïm seize the clowns and bind them hand and foot, with the strings which the clowns wore round their necks and limbs for that purpose, and, carrying them beside the tree, throw the five clowns in a pile. There they are again lashed, very little make believe in this castigation, and then from numerous vessels which the grotesques brought in, water is poured over the clowns until they are thoroughly drenched. The punishment occupied five minutes. Then the Shoyo'hïm retire to Chief kiva, and the clowns extricate themselves and shake off the water and denounce their chastisers in vehement mockery. The kachina were singing during the correction of the clowns, and retired at 5.10. A t 5.25, the kachina reentered and at the same time entered the grotesques from Chief kiva, this time in very gracious mood, making friendly overtures to the clowns, and, after some display of resentment, the clowns and the Shoyo'hïm shook hands with great show of cordiality. The Shoyo'hïm then spread two or three blankets, at the base of the pillar, and made five piles of the wafer-bread and other food presents, and a clown squatted on the edge of the blanket, facing each pile. Thirteen of the Shoyo'hïm arrange themselves in two irregular lines, facing each other and extending from the piles of wafer-bread across the court northward ; the other Shoyo' him then leads the clowns, one at a time, to the north end of this double line. He must then tell a droll story in ransom for the pile of food assigned him by the grotesques, and this he proceeds to do, holding his hands up to his breast and making some sidelong hops with feet close together, toward the food piles. As he hops thus, he shouts out: "Ahaï ! Ahaï! Pasha'nihïnta! Attend to this true

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story ! " And then he tells it, and it is usually very gross. (I suppose, however, these are of value and must be collected.) This is called wûni'ma chûlciïwimkya, referring to his movement. The etories done, the grotesques all retire to Chief kiva where they unmask and resume their ordinary clothes and afterwards mingle with the spectators. The clowns take their bandoleers from the tree and, unwrapping them, takeout their prayer-feathers which are folded up in corn husks, and, before the grotesques retired, the clowns gave each one of them a prayer-feather. Shortly after six, the kachina again return and at the close of their last song, while they were standing in file column facing northeast, the clowns gave to each kachina a pinch of meal and a prayer-feather. This, in the left hand of the kachina. Three of the clowns gave the kachina prayer-feathers and meal; the other two clowns gave only meal. The kachina then retire to Kowa'waimü where they deposit the prayer-feathers, and unmask at the kachina house there with the customary purification rite. Sü'yükü takes up the spruce tree and prayer-stick, carrying them to his own house, and will plant them tomorrow in his own field. The clowns retire to Chief kiva where, after a scanty wash of hands and face, they put on their ordinary clothes and tie up all the paraphernalia they brought in bundles to be carried back to Shüño'poví tomorrow. The ceremony ended at 6.45. Sü'yükü made the prayer-stick which he set in at the base of the spruce tree. Cha'era and Sü'yükü are the Kachina fathers of Walpi, because they understand all the details well, especially Cha'sra. I t is a great tax on these two. Old Cha'sra says he loses many a night's sleep, but he seems to like it. Cha'sra made the prayer-sticks which were set, one, at the northwest end of Goat kiva, and the other on the east side of Chief kiva ; those, he says, he set there before daylight to invite the attendance of Cloud, that the Hopi were praying for rain. This prayerstick that he set there is a prayer to Cloud to come with rain. These prayer-sticks are also placed there that the kachina may see them when they come, may see the prayers. All the other prayer-sticks made by Ho'ñi and Mo'mi were placed at Sun spring and at the kachina shrine on the ledge. I can not elicit that there is any religious significance attached to the mummeries of the grotesques other than the water pouring being rain prayer. The rest of the play is only to make the spectators laugh.

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The grotesques are improvised; that is there are no prescribed characters. They are distinctly mummers, but their mummeries are always arranged, without rehearsal, a night or two preceding the ceremony in which they are to appear. June 22 Wikya'tiwa came down to Tewa to arrange with the Pai'yakyamû for their appearance at the exhibition of the Laguna kachina of which Wikya'tiwa was chosen the chief. He saw this kachina several years ago at Zuñi, and there they told him that they had seen it at Laguna, and Wikya'tiwa learned the Laguna song at Zuñi and introduced this kachina here. They have been practising the song for three weeks or more. I t is wholly in the Laguna or Keres tongue, and they speak of this kachina not specially as of Laguna, but of the Keres people. June 23, 24, 25 Numbers were in Goat kiva renovating masks and other portions of kachina costumes, augmenting, until on the 25th the kiva was so full of men one could scarcely find room to sit down. On the forenoon of the 25th, prayer-sticks, I think one set each, were made by Cha'sra, Sü'yiikü, and Wikya'tiwa. They also made numerous prayerfeathers as, indeed, did several others. Anyone makes prayerfeathers who wishes to give this expression to his rain prayer, by fastening these prayer-feathers to the branch of the miniature spruce. The finishing touches to the mask renovation are also given today, and in these masks there is considerable variety in the details of carving and painted decoration on the head piece. June 25 There are to be five Pai'yakyamû, of whom Wë'hë is chosen to be chief for this occasion. In the evening he announced from house top, summoning the Pai'yakyamû to meet in his wife's house to discuss the mummeries for tomorrow and talk over the final arrangement for the burlesque, the final plan of the drama and mumming. The grotesques will all be from Walpi, except one man from Tewa, and there will be no Chükü'wímkya. June 26 The miniature spruce tree with customary prayer-feathers looped at the ends of its branches, a blue-green prayer-stick and road marker prayer-feather set at its base, on the side toward the sunrise, were set in customary holes in Pillar court by the "Fathers" just

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about dawn, before the kachina went down to Kowa'waimii. At sunrise the kachina are about finishing their costumes on that ledge. The women and most of the men have washed their heads in yucca root (moabi) suds by sunrise, and the women at sunrise tap their pi'gûmi jars in the cooking pits, carry a supply to their houses and, after the first exhibition, a generous quantity, with other food, to the kachina at the Kowa'waimii ledge. When the sun was about half an hour high, just 5.10, the kachina with loud characteristic whoops came climbing up the trail leading to Dawn cape. They came up that stairway (Map 5) and, reaching the summit, passed between the shrine at that point and the edge of the cliff and on out to Walpi, Cha'sra leading. At the north end of the village they halted to let the straggling rear end of the column come up, and, the column of single file being again in close order, they marched in procession, led by Cha'sra, and, just before reaching the court, halted in the broad path lying between the east front of the village and the cliff edge. The five maiden personators passed up from the rear of the column, and upon its right hand side, and halted about in the centre of the column. They were then sprinkled with meal by Cha'sra, and then both men and maiden personators faced west, toward the house lines, and sang for about eight or ten minutes. They then faced into column again and, led by Cha'sra, marched into Pillar court, the maidens holding their position until the end of the column passed them, then following in the rear. Facing west, they sang as before in Pillar court and then were led out to Chief kiva court, where they sang in similar fashion. From Chief kiva court they were led by left countermarch back to Pillar court, where this time they faced to the east and, after singing, were led back along the summit to Dawn cape and down to the Kowa'waimii ledge, where they unmasked and feasted. There was but a single song, and it, in Keresan. There were twenty-five male and five maiden personators, and during the rest of the day they made their exhibitions only in Pillar court. Each maiden carried in her hands the kachina gourd fiddle, (rna'iuizrükü'npiadta), but instead of the gourd vessel (tawi'sibvu) i. e. the decorated gourd, she had a small box as a substitute. (The five cent indigo box seems to be a favorite.) The other typical implements are still retained, viz: the notched stick (zrükü'npiadta) and the sheep shoulder blade (shükya'chi). In procession, as has been always described, the maidens march at the rear and, on halting in the court, they pass up on the right side, halting about in the centre. After having been sprinkled with meal, the kachina and maidens

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face west, and some sheepskins and rabbit skin rugs are thrown down from some neighboring houses and are spread on the ground for the maidens to kneel upon. Each places the small box in front of her on which she rests the end of the notched stick, the other end held in her left hand about as high as the breast, and, with the edge of the scapula held in her right hand, she scrapes downward on the sloping notched stick, producing with quick strokes a succession of abrupt, hollow, rasping sounds, in time with the measure of the sOng. At certain cadences of the song, the downward stroke of the scapula is interrupted by drawing it back more slowly and upward upon the notched stick. The rugs and sheepskins are spread either by the Fathers, or, in the afternoon, by the Chükti'wimkya or Pai'yakyamû. At the first exhibition in the early morning, not only the Fathers, but nearly all the principal elders of the village and several of the women sprinkled meal upon the kachina. At the close of the morning song, the Fathers and two or three other elders thanked the kachina for coming and hoped that rain soon would follow. A stiff skin or leather false face mask (Fig. 225), coloured with the blue-green copper ore pigment, is worn; the headdress (na'kchi) at the sides are of wood, most of them also coloured with the blue pigment, but others are white, yellow, red, and parti-coloured. The designs painted upon them are diverse; rosette, single cloud, triangular clouds, and the butterfly is very common. Most of the headpieces aie in the form shown (Fig. 225), but they are also diverse, several showing the clouds and butterflies carved in open work. The bang across the top of the mask is made of willow twigs, Fig. 225. peeled and bound close Mask of Kawai'ka (Laguna, i. e. Keresan) r kachina, specifically Tü wi kachina, Santo together with cotton string and painted the same as Domingo kachina.

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the mask. The stripes on the cheeks fmala'chve'aia), the heat stripes, are red, yellow and blue. The beak projects about three inches; the eyes are black. There is the usual bunch of hawk feathers at the back of the head (kwa'chakwa) ; the plume on top of the head are dyed feathers in imitation of parroquet. The side pieces are fastened on each side of the mask with cotton or other string, through holes bored through the edges of the mask and side pieces. The kachina maidens wear the customary maskettes whitened. Three of them have black bangs and beards, and two are white. The bodies of male personators are rubbed with the hands dipped in red (pala'chka) ; the shoulders, front and rear and the upper part of the breast rubbed with yellow (sikya'pilei); with red to waist; white (tü'ma) round loins and to mid-thigh ; red from mid-thigh to and covering the knee; from below knee to ankle, yellow; from shoulder to elbow, red, and from elbow to wrist, yellow; hands whitened; faces as usual rubbed with red before donning the mask. The hair is smoothly brushed and hanging down the back. Many necklaces are worn. Blue armlets of skins are on each arm, and spruce twigs inserted by the stems between armlet and arm. A white kilt is girded with the yarn belt and coloured belt, but the big belt is not worn; foxskin at loins; spruce twigs inserted by stems between girdle and kilt around waist; blue yarn garters; tortoise shell rattle at right garter; string of small sleigh bells at left garter ; broad skin anklets and moccasins, stained with blue (shakwa' piki). A whitened gourd rattle in right hand and sprigs of spruce in left; a sash of red flannel or red cloth from store over right shoulder, and a profusion of ribbons around the mask. Blue yarn is knotted on right wrist and there is an ornamented wrist guard on the left. The yellow and blue pigments were prepared in the prescriptive custom, but a little aniline dye was added to each, which of course changes the tint. The kachina maidens are in customary woman's gown and white woolen mantle with blue and red border. They carried sprigs of spruce and the scapula in right hand, the notched stick and box in left. Accompanying the Laguna kachina were two other personages, Hehe'ya and Kachina ta'hamú (maternal uncle), the former the {amiliar Hopi personage, but "their uncle" pertains to the Laguna, ífe was costumed the same as the other kachina, but in his right hand carried a short crook, about eighteen inches long, at the crook end of which was fastened a cluster of the small univalve shells called mo'silïli. This was the mo'silili rattle. In the procession he

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marched in the rear and, on retiring to the kachina shrine, sat apart from the others, as is customary for "their grandfather" in certain of the Hopi kachina. Instead of remaining in line during the song however, he constantly moved with prancing steps from right to left in front of the line. When these kachina face in line they begin their dance movement which is really a short stepping. Then "their uncle" dances swiftly back and forth before and facing them, and at the same time chanting in curious high pitched monotone (strongly suggesting a Catholic priest drawling a Latin chant at the altar). Maintaining his chant, he halts in front of the central kachina maiden and, still facing the line, ends his chant with a long falsetto whoop, at the end of which the kachina at once begin their song. "Their uncle" continuing to prance before them, at the end of the verse the kachina remain silent, but continue their dance step, and "their uncle" repeats his chant and whoop, and again the kachina resume their song. The chant and whoop of "their uncle" occupy about two minutes. "Their uncle" is costumed the same as the other kachina, except that he wears a pair of fringed leggings. Hehe'ya also marches at the rear of the column in procession, and dances back and forth in front of the Une when song is in progress. He wears the typical grotesque mask with twisted nose and mouth and blue and red zigzag stripes down the side, the same as noted before. A sheepskin, wool side out, is bound round him as a tunic, over right shoulder, under left arm, and girt at waist with string, and fastened to this string at the loins is a cluster of ox hoofs and a large tortoise shell. He wears the blue breech cloth (shalcwa' pUfküina)1; arms and legs whitened; blue knit leggings and red moccasins. On upper arms and on outside of thighs are several vulva designs in red; blue yarn is knotted on right wrist, and a wrist guard is on the left. His dancing movement, back and forth along the front of the line, is accompanied by constant pantomimic gesture appropriate to the theme of the song. Hehe'ya carries nothing in his hands. The dance movement of the kachina is a short stepping in place. At certain cadences the right foot is twice in succession considerably elevated. There is also a very effective movement with the rattle, 1 This old style of breech cloth is woven of blue cotton yarn in the diagonal pattern still displayed in the woman's dark dress (kwa'sha). Nor is it much wider. In early days no other breech cloth was worn. This shakwa pit'kiiina was the breech cloth, nor did it pass between the legs. It was worn over the genitals and round the hips. They say that a man's penis was barely covered, and if he had a long one, it hung dangling below. The style of breech cloth passing between the legs is of comparatively recent introduction.

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at intervals, or end of stanzas, say every two bars, a vigorous shake downward, then up abruptly, then once to right and left. The kachina exhibited ten or twelve times during the day, and as usual brought in many food gifts for the children, which had been privily carried to them by the women. In the forenoon I went down in Pen'dete and noted the preparations of the Pai'yakyamû. The four or five who have been designated to take part in the public ceremony meet in Pen'dete about 9 o'clock A.M. to get ready, for like the Chükü'wímkya, they never appear in public till afternoon. They first get their old headgear into pliable condition by wetting it, and where it is ripped, they sew it up with strips of yucca, and mould the skull cap part to fit the head. After drying, they paint it, the white stripes with tü'ma mixed with water, and the black stripes with charcoal mixed with water (tüvwü'msikwü'mbi, charcoal black). They use no brush, merely rubbing it on with the forefinger. I noted that they use the yucca brush afterwards when putting on the black, defining the edges of the black stripes with tolerable straightness. In Tewa, the headgear is called koya'lasheñ. (Fig. 226). I t is made of sheepskin basted together with yucca, the skins not prepared otherwise than by close shearing. The horns (aladta, his horn) are stiffened with the tall heavy grass called kwa'kwi. The tufts (na'kwaadta, his head plume) at the tips of the horns are of corn husk as are also those at the ears (na'kabüadta). The chin strap is a bit of any string. The part covering the head is called kütiadta, ( ?) his head. Corn smut is preferably used for the black, and Fig. 226. Headdress of Pai'yakyamû

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Wë'hë, who is chief today, blames himself for being without a supply. Failing in this corn smut, charcoal or soot is used. The hair is tied up in the ordinary cue. A black oval was drawn around the eyes with the finger, and a black line from outer corner of the eye across the temple. Another black oval surrounds the mouth, with a straight line drawn from each corner of the mouth back across the jaws. The face, neck, shoulders and breast are whitened with tü'ma; then a streak of black not very regular, about as wide as the four fingers is drawn around the lower part of the breast. Below this the body is white to mid-thigh where there is another broad encircling band of black. The leg is white to and over the knee, then a broad black band, with the calf white, and a black band around the ankle. The arms and hands were whitened, with a black band around upper and forearm. All wore discoloured moccasins, an old worn breech clout and an old blanket rolled up and wrapped around the loins. Around the neck is the meal pouch, and slung over the right shoulder the journey food bandoleer. There is nothing ceremonial, nothing prepared in the kiva in the nature of an altar, but of course both native and American tobacco are laid by the fireplace and smoked informally. Each man brings down his own pouch of prayer-meal prepared by some of the women of his own house. They told me, "Long ago, before we had sheep, when we lived at the Northeast at Tewa yonder, we used no skins of any kind as a headdress. We set a stick on each side of the head upright, and round them we lashed our long hair with cotton string wound round and round it. We (Koya'la) are the fathers of all kachina." At 12.45 they came up their ladder and emerged from their kiva with wild shouts as usual, and then moved with jocose speech and gesture, walking leisurely toward Walpi, occasionally looking in a house and stopping to bandy some merry jests. Reaching Walpi, they went up the first house ladder and along the roof, shouting ; then descended into Pillar court. There are five of them, and, as I have already noted, Wë'hë was leader. They were in the customary costume, but no mud hen (chüT}cü'mana) was carried today; 1 one had a cluster of four female mountain sheep ( ?) horns tied round the right leg below the knee, jangling as a rattle. As usual, liberal gifts of food were brought to them by the women, which they placed beside the tree and ate from time to time, and, as usual, they took off their journey food bandoleers on coming into the court and 1

See p. 489, Fig. 251.

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hong them on the branches of the tree. Throughout all their mummery and frolics they speak only Hopi, no Tewa. At 4 P. M. enter five grotesques over the house tops from Chief kiva. They carry gourds and numerous other vessels of all kinds filled with clean water, with which they liberally sprinkle and douse the spectators on the house roof terraces. The Pai'yakyamû huddle squatted around the spruce tree. The five grotesques wear the customary white false faces, and most of them have on the scalloped cloud headdress. One carries a large hollow Cottonwood drum which he constantly thumps, ümümü, thunder, and they represent the Cloud deities. They pour all the water left in their vessels on the Pai'yakyamû, drenching them, and two of the grotesques who carry long rods with wooden effigies of lightning fastened to the end, thrust with these at the Pai'yakyamû, and when one of these is touched by it, he falls over as if dead. The grotesques had also rude symbols of cloud and rain drawn on back and breast with mud. Their water being all poured out, they withdrew. They did not descend into the court, only as low as the lower terraces. When the grotesques withdrew the Pai'yakyamû recovered. At 4.10 the five grotesques again enter, on the ground this time, each playing a ceremonial flute. They propose to initiate the Pai'yakyamû (as these grotesques are supposed to be Flute society members), and, the Pai'yakyamû being willing, the grotesques sprinkle them with ashes and perform a crude imitation of purification over the heads of the squatting 'Pai'yakyamû. The grotesques then take all the wafer-bread and other food given to the Pai'yakyamû and distribute it among the spectators. They then retire, and this ends the mummery. As usual, the last kachina exhibition ended about sunset, and after their last song was sung, they received prayer-feathers from the Fathers and the Pai'yakyamû with which they retired to Kowa'waimü and deposited them in the shrine there, performed the customary purification there and, resuming their ordinary clothes, returned to their houses. July 1 After much consultation, in view of the long continued drouth, it was decided that the clan chiefs meet today to make prayersticks as a special supplication for rain. Su'pelä, Anawi'ta, Kwa'a, Sakwi'stiwaandSikya'ustiwa, the chiefs of thePatki clan (nyümü), assembled in the Winter solstice house (Shoya'lki). In'tiwa of the Kachina clan, Cha'sra, Sü'yükü, Süñoíti'wa, and, in fact, all the

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chiefs, met in the various kivas in Walpi, and the chiefs of Sichomovi met in their kivas, and all made blue-green prayer-sticks which are to be carried for offerings to Kishyu'ba tomorrow. There were no songs, no altars, but the customary smoking and silent prayers. No prayer-sticks were made at Tewa, but all the Tewa men not otherwise specially engaged, went down to A'miiba, and with a good deal of hard labor cleaned out that spring, which had not been used for the last six or seven years. They cut out and dug away with hoes all the vegetation, leaving one small tuft of rushes, baled out all the water and scraped out all the mud. As the spring is at the bottom of a conical depression, about 25 feet deep, and is about an area of 100 square feet at bottom, the task was no play, although much frolic accompanied it. They brought down all kinds of vessels and, stretching out in a double file from bottom to brim, dipped the vessels full and passed them up from hand to hand and emptied them on the brink of the excavation. After all the mud was scraped out, the elders went down and, standing in the centre of the cavity, where the water was oozing in, in a very good flood from every direction, they deposited numerous prayer-feathers with prayer for the water to continue to flow and for the clouds to hasten with rain. Most of the Tewa maidens donned their white mantles, and with smoothly brushed hair went down to the spring in the afternoon and sat around its brink, watching the men at work. Walpi and other women go to Chief spring for water, and some spend half the night waiting at Coyote spring for water to flow sufficiently to fill their water bottles. Spider spring and Tiive'skyabi have been dry for ten days past. In seven days Pa'shiwawash kachina will be exhibited at Sichomovi during which will also be exhibited the Sio (Zuñi) Sha'lako, which has not been observed on the East mesa for thirty years or more. July 2 Today the Aña'kchina exhibited at Müsho'ñínovi. Early this morning Pauwati'wa, Sikya'tala, A'ña, A'mi and Sikyaven'tiwa, carrying the large bundles of blue-green prayersticks made at Walpi and Sichomovi, went afoot to Kishyu'ba, where they deposited them at the spring with the customary meal sprinkling. Pauwati'wa, Warrior chief, carried the whizzer and marched in the rear, whirling the booming whizzer from time to time. The War chief always in peaceful times marches in the rear, so that he can watch and see that the Peace chiefs keep the straight,

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true road. Should they swerve, then it is his duty to advance in front and compel them to the true road again. They returned about ten at night, Pauwati' wa whirling his thunder stick from time to time. Pauwati'wa's prayer-stick party brought back loads of spruce boughs and gourds of water from Kishyu'ba; likewise some white clay from there. July 6 In the house of Kü'yükaamü of the Badger clan, sister of Moñ'wú and Ya'kwa(kwa), at Sichomovi, are assembled all the chiefs of clans (nyümü) of Walpi and Sichomovi making prayer-sticks. This is the prayer-stick making of Pa'shiwawash kachina and also for Sha'lako kachina. All the prayer-sticks are bluegreen prayer-sticks but, as different mullere are used and different fragments, the prayer-sticks differ in colour from dark blue to pale green. All make at least two sets of the standard blue-green prayerstick and, aside from these, are perched (chocho' k p i j , hoto'mni, a n d

others showing one female facet on left of the male stem, and one set made by Tala'hoya with two facets. (Fig. 227). To save me I can not comprehend the explanFig. 227. Prayer-stick made at ation offered other than that they clan prayer-stick making are made to be deposited tomorrow Black, with yellow facets. at Kishyu'ba. There are many fervent prayers, but no altar or song. Several of thegroups of clan prayer-sticks (nyümü paho) are now, 4 P.M., being distributed. The courier is not anointed, but he strips naked save for breech cloth and lets down his hair and starts to distribute on the run. This house is large and roomy, and, as Moñ'wú mainly lives in the new house group in the valley at Sweet spring, it is used for con-

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venience. There are about forty men here. All the principal men are here, and they overflow from this large ground floor room into the smaller one opening on an upper floor into the older house group on the south end of this house. All the prayer-sticks are not to be distributed this evening. It is to distribute the petitions. I can't very well make out this explanation, but it seems that as there are so many prayer-sticks they wish to have their distribution extend over two days. By consultation they arrange with each other to make prayer-sticks to deposit at all the springs and other water courses in the neighborhood, and for a prayer-stick supply for Kishyu'ba. The Tala'hoya prayer-stick (Fig. 227) and about twenty more made by different chiefs are done up in packages in corn husks to be carried by a party of four or five tomorrow to Kishyu'ba, and all agree in declaring that these prayer-sticks have their supplications for the Clouds to come with rain. Likewise that the Winds will stay at home. The netted gourds of which each group of two or three prayerstick makers has one or two sitting in their baskets, contain a little drop of the water from Kishyu'ba brought by the Pauwati'wa party four days ago, and this was the only water used in rubbing down the pigment for painting the· prayer-sticks. As usual, the débris of the prayer-stick material was carefully swept up and carried out to the edge of the cliff with small offerings of food fragments and tobacco. These prayer-sticks now being made include many that are to be offered to the four Sha'lako kachina and placed, ta'bi, in field shrines during the coming ceremony. I have never Been any approach to the number of these prayer-sticks at any one time before. There must be at least 250, perhaps more. In the house of Moñ'wú1 are four masks of Wü'*wü'ryomo. In 1 Kü'yükamü of the Badger clan (sister of Moñ'wú and Ya'kwa and wife of Ka'chi) owns this house group. The Wü'rwü'rwiyomo kachina pertain to the Badger clan, whose si'papii is at Kishyu'ba, and their masks are kept in the cellar (ki'hülí) of this house. So are the Nata'shka and the Sha'lako (Sa'lako). But I have been baffled to find out why they are kept in this house. — A. M. S. At Oraibi, Badger clan is in charge of the kachina from the start of the kachina season through Powa'mû. The chief of the Powa'mû society is a Badger. (Titiev). At Zuñi and Laguna the Badger clan have had a peculiarly close relationship to the kachina cult. The second office in the Zuñi kachina organization belongs to the Badgers, also the impersonation of Shulawitsi (Hopi, Ava'chhoya), and one Sha'lako mask is kept in a Badger house. At Laguna, Badger clan people, an immigrant Zuñi family, were in charge of the kachina organization and in particular of the Koyemshi masks. (Parsons 13: 219-221). Something of the kind may have been the history of the association between the aforesaid masks and the Badger house at Sichomovi. — E. G. P.

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front of these the Hah&i'yiwuhti mask, "their mother", and the dingy cloat-Iike Hopi cotton cloth mask of Eo'toto, "their father". Eo'toto and Hahai'yiwuhti are the father and mother of all kachina, in particular of the Sha'lako. There are also four netted gourde filled with water from Kishyu'ba. The Wü /r wü' r yomo masks lean against the wall, and thrust back of them are four sheafs of broad leaf yucca (samo'a). The masks do not rest upon the wall, but upon some spruce boughs. In the room back of this one are the four masks of Sha'lako and the crinoline ribs (Fig. 228) and, hanging up on the rafters, but without connection with the current ceremony, are the masks of the Sichomovi Nata'ahka. The Sha'lako crinoline ribs (Sha'lako chuñadla or chüñyu'atUa, Sha'lako, his ribs) are of willow, old and discoloured, the hoops being fastened with old strings of cotton and buckskin. The crinolines will be carried, concealed, tomorrow to Sweet spring and there the feathers of eagle tail and wing and hawk feathers will be fastened to t h e m . . . Here too are the masks of the Ta'chûktï clowns. July 7 About twenty men, of all three villages, went over to the modern house of Moñ'wú at Sweet spring before daylight this morning, carrying with them the crinoline ribs of Sha'lako, the masks and drum, feathers, netted gourds, sheafs of yucca, and all the other necessary material. The crinoline ribs are surrounded with five circles of eagle wing feathers, at the bottom circle the feathers curve outward ; all the others curve inward ; i.e. the upper circles display the outside or upper side of the feathers, the lower circle the under side. Around the upper part of the crinoline are several rows of hawk feathers, different kinds, but always the same kind in the same circle. The feathers are fastened by boring a hole near the tip of the quill and through this hole the feathers are strung in a circular row, and further secured by tying at the middle on another long string. The feathers having all been fastened to the willow crinoline, the personator gets inside, crawling under, as the crinolines are fastened to the house rafters, and squatting; the Sha'lako mask on the staff is passed i.e. the staff is passed down to him through the small upper hoop, which is just the diameter of the mask. The personator holds the staff (ho'tyükaadta, his backbone), which is three feet, eight inches long, below the mask, so as to bring the mask level with the upper hoop. Fastened to the staff where the personator holds it is a ritual ear of corn and prayer-feather. Then two or more upon the outside drape around the crinoline a new white embroidered 27

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Fig. 241. Spruce in Sichomovi court and Sha'lako positions a) Patki clan house, b) Badger clan house, c) KoyI'mse. 1.—4. Sha'lako positions. I—VI changes of position.

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Journal

saMbkü'icüli, spruce forest) is, generally, that wherever the spruce grows in abundance, there kachina are; it is their house. Specifically this grove and the profuse prayer-feathers are for the purpose of more effectively inviting the attention of Cloud. The songs continue to the first blink of sunrise. Then all, or nearly all, go to their houses and wash their heads. Women alao wash their infants' hair and their own, girls, everyone in fact, washes the head. Just as the sun rises women tap the pi'gûmi pots and carry a portion to their houses. As all or nearly all the men are taking some part in this ceremony none of the men eats just yet. Before daylight the Wü,rwü'ryomo group go to the kachina shrine ledge and don masks, etc. Just as the sun had cleared the horizon this group came up from the kachina shrine ledge, Kowa'waimii, and passed slowly northward along the east front of Sichomovi, halting to sing at each of the improvised shrines. At each of these slabs the chief of the clan to whose care one of the Sha'lako had been assigned, placed another prayer-stick some time about dawn, so now at each slab there are two prayer-sticks. The group forms in the following order, see Fig. 242 : Tala'hoya (1) and Ya'kwa (2), four Wü,rwü'ryomo (3), two Kwabii'hkwiya kachina (4), Nakya'cho warrior (5). Led by Tala'hoya and Ya'kwa who sprinkle meal in an almost continCD CD uous trail, the group passes along slowly. At each improvised shrine the Wü,rwü'ryomo sing, sprinkle meal and jangle the scapulae in time CU) with their monotonous chant. They jangle the scapulae from about the

northeast entrance of the court, just as the Sha'lako are being brought Fig. 242.

t

out of t h e houses a n d t o w a r d t h e

Kachina group formation

same entrance, where all halt together in an irregular group, while In'tiwa and Eo'toto renew the meal circles and intersecting lines. But before noting further movements I must note costumes of the Wü'rwü'ryomo group. Tala'hoya and Ya'kwa are naked, save for white kilt, girt with string. Their hair hangs loose with a prayerfeather on scalp. They carry each a basket tray with meal, sprinkling

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as they go. The four Wü,rwü'ryomo are alike. The circular mask, backed with buckskin, is drawn over the head, (the circular face, of course, covering the personator's face vertically). At the base of the mask, i.e. around the personator's neck, a heavy wreath of spruce ; all white cotton blanket over right shoulder, under left arm as a mantle ; a hank of blue yarn as a sash over right shoulder, next the body; white kilt girt with ñwünkwe' wa; small sleigh bells gartered below each knee, and hank of blue yarn also as garter on each leg; gray fox at loins ; blue moccasins ; chief's stick ; meal pouch ; eagle wing or hawk wing feathers and sprigs of spruce in left hand, the clanking scapulae only in right hand. Bodies in typical kachina colours. The twoKwabü'hkwiya, one wears as mantle over both shoulders, the embroidered white cotton blanket ; the other, the white woolen blanket with red and blue border; blue-green mask, no beak, black streak at eyes, no designs on face ; heavy eagle under wing plumes on its crown, and spruce wreath around base ; necklaces ; whitened body and limbs ; white kilt girt with ñwünlcwe'wa; gray fox at loins ; blue moccasins ; long willow bough foliage in right hand as a staff ; spruce twigs in left hand. Nakya'cho wears a helmet (see Fig. 236) with a gray foxekin round its base ; many necklaces ; white kilt girt with ñwünlcwe'wa; body and limbs entirely blue-green ; foliage willow in left hand as staff, also bow and arrows; in right hand the whizzer which he whizzes occasionally. He continually makes doleful falsetto wails, and yet he is called silent. At 5.20 A.M. the two groups of Sha'lako and Koyi'mse come in from east front of village, the Sha'lako led in by the same clan groups as led them out last night, and the two Sha'lako with their accompanying Koyi'mse groups are led out from the two houses that face the court, by the same clan groups that led them into the houses, last night. They all stand at the northeast corner. In'tiwa and Eo'toto renew the four circles on the north side of the court. The four Na'wisa bound around as fresh as ever. The four drums strike up and the four groups of Koyi'mse, huddled together, start each a different song and in different measures, yet each group seems to have no difficulty in following its own song and measure. The two Hopi warriors say nothing and move quietly at the rear of the four Sha'lako. As yesterday Hahai'iwuhti beckons, with corn ear, the Sha'lako to their places, one at a time. (Fig. 241). And the Sha'lako act just as yesterday. Women and men sprinkle them. On the south side of the court are the chiefs in line, and as the Sha'lako skim past them and come to place, the chiefs sprihkle

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them with meal. The Sha'lako do not imitate the motion of bird or other animal, they set a model for the clouds. " I t is thus with rushing speed we wish the rain clouds to come." About β A.M. the Sha'lako are ready to depart. The elders and chiefs thank them for coming and pray that rain clouds may speedily come. And the chiefs give the Sha'lako the prayer-sticks which remained in the prayer-stick trays. The Wü,rwü'ryomo, grouped around each Sha'lako in turn, sprinkled them with meal and clanked their scapulae before them, just as they had done a while before at the improvised prayer-stick house. The Wü/rwü'ryomo then retired into the Badger clan house and unmasked in the back room, setting the shieldlike masks against the wall. (See Fig. 238.) An irregular group of chiefs and elders then led out the Sha'lako through the northeast entrance and back down the east front of the village to the stairway near the house of Anawi'ta. On the kachina shrine ledge a little way below his house, the Sha'lako deposited the prayer-sticks and prayer-feathers they had received, performed purification, and unmasked and dismantled the effigies, carrying them back, concealed, to the back room of the Badger house. The Ta'chûktï, or Koyï'mse rather, the Na'wisa and warriors also went down and unmasked at the same ledge. And this concluded the Sha'lako exhibition. I was at first confused as to the estimate of the time since the Sio Sha'lako was last exhibited here, because the elders, men like Anawi'ta, told me they were quite young when it was last exhibited here, but many of the younger men likeWë'hë told me that they remembered seeing it. Today they explain. These younger fellows have seen it at Zuñi, but never here before, in other words, it i& between thirty and forty years ago since last the Hopi rendered an exhibition of Sio Sha'lako.1 See App. 4, Sio Sha'lako. After the all night performances every one was tired, but they soon got to work in the kivas preparing for the Pa'shiwawash 1 There were Sha'lako performances in 1912 and 1914 and then none for at least ten years, according to Crow-wing whose account indicated changes in the presentation, approximating the ceremonial at Zuñi: Shulawitsi appears, also Sayatasha and Hututo — Hahai'yiwuhti has dropped out, also the Wü' r wü' r yomo. Prayer-sticks are placed in the centre of floor and of rafters of the houses of entertainment, new or renovated houses. The walls are marked with meal and the marks switched with yucca. G'awehtima, Lizard-Snake clansman and Wü'wüchlm chief, was Sha'lako chief. Had the house of Crow-wing's wife (Mustard clan) not been one of the houses of entertainment and had I not slept under the Sha'lako prayersticks in the rafters, I would have thought that Crow-wing was merely describing Sha'lako at Zuñi. And perhaps he was. — Ed.

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kachina (pashíñpü, wet). The Sha'lako was really but an incidental feature of the occasion as last winter the exhibition was spoken of as the Wet-running kachina. The general scheme is that certain designated men, irrespective of village or kiva, will represent the Shoyo'hïm kachi'namû, and each kiva, beginning at Chief kiva, Walpi, will send to the Sichomovi court a group of Chükü'wímkya. The forenoon was quiet, but about 2.30 entered four Chiikii', over the house tops — they all come in that fashion — from Chief kiva. After a while they descend to the court, hang up their journey food bandoleers on the spruce near the shrine, and women bring them food as usual. At 3 P.M. enter from the kachina shrine below Anawi'ta's house, coming in through the northeast entrance, the Shoyo'hïm kachi'namû. Among these is Loi'sa kachina, so named from the refrain of his song: He sings to Yellow (Cloud) and Blue (Cloud) to hasten hither with rain, but does not make mention of the term cloud, o'mau, nor does he petition to the other clouds or colours, only to Yellow and Blue. A Kishyu'ba kachina.1 He wears a nabii'ahtüvi'kü, dilapidated mask (whitened grotesque false face); hair in cue, grizzled and slovenly; old, ragged odds and ends for clothes; gourd rattle in right hand; sheaf of willows in foliage in left hand. — A long while ago a maiden wearing hair whorls went to the fields, she passed down a beautiful white cliff, on a stairway, and the fields were covered with a profusion of squash in bloom. It was at yellow dawn light, and while she was plucking the squash blossoms and putting them in her basket she heard a plaintive song. She looked all around but could see no one. So she returned home with her blossoms and told her younger sister, who went on the following morning and had the same experience. On the third morning both went together and this time the song was heard as if the singer were close at hand, and as it grew toward sunrise they could see a masked kachina of very splendid appearance moving about, and presently he came toward them. He asked them many 1 The Shoyo'hïm kachina dwell at four terrestrial places in the directions of the four world quarters: Toward the Northwest, at Kishyu'ba; Southwest, a t Niiva'tikyauobi (San Francisco Mountains) ; Southeast at We'nima (Zuñi, Koçlawalaiye [Koluwala]) ; Northeast, at Niiva'tikyauobi (San Mateo Mountain or Mt. Taylor). — A. M. S. Thus the Shoyo'hïm are associated with the cardinal directions. Like their verbal homologues, the Watempla of Zuñi and the G'aiya of Acoma and Laguna, they have no colour associations. Their quarrel with the clowns vaguely suggests Acoma's ceremonial fight with the kachina. — E . C. P. "The Shoyo'hïm as the sun rises become kachina and as it sets they become Hopi men and women." — A. M. S. A fancy unusually individual! — E . C. P .

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questions, where they lived, what they were in the fields for and so on, and then said, "My home is over there, quite close by, come and see!" And they both went with him. Arriving at the house, he had them sit down, and as he sat down beside them he took off his mask and was discovered to be a hideous old man. But he spoke kindly and made them promise to come to the fields on the following morning. The girls thought long and talked much between themselves and on the fourth morning went to the fields at dawn as they had agreed. The kachina again appeared, sang the same song to the Yellow and Blue and took the girls to his house. As they sat down, he unmasked and this time he was a very handsome youth. He gave them ripe melons, squash, etc. with which they returned home; they told their father everything and that they had agreed to return to the kachina on the following morning. The father thought long and said, " I t may be Cloud, perhaps you had better go." During the fourth day the girls prepared a great abundance of wafer-bread, sweet corn meal, etc. and on the fifth morning carried these food gifts down to the fields where they were met by the handsome kachina who conveyed them to his house. There they found an altar erected on each of its four sides, in its interior. On the northwest side a yellow cloud hung before the altar and before the cloud many yellow butterflies fluttered. On the southwest side, a blue cloud and blue butterflies ; on the southeast, a red cloud and red butterflies ; and on the northeast side a white cloud and white butterflies. He gave the girls, each of them, a complete set of marriage gifts : all white cotton blanket, woolen blanket, big belt, moccasins, etc. ; and he kept them both as his wives, and there they still dwell in the house at the base of the mountain at Kishyu'ba. Aside from Loi'sa, there were also two Shüya'ñevü (Left-handed) kachina (Fig. 243), one Cho'sbushi (Ear pendant) kachina (Fig. 244) who is a warrior, four Wupa'mo kachina, these wearing the circular (tühpoota) mask and typical cosFig. 243. tume of this kachina ; one Nakya'Mask of Left-handed kachina cho; one Naho'ile'chiwa Kopa'choki (cross crown perched) kachina On top, prayer-feathers and black (Fig. 245); one Ava'chhoya; two sheepskin ; eagle feathers in ears ; ears, red; eye mark, white, face Si'toto (Fig. 246); one Bluebird and mouth piece black, red zigSnare kachina; one Cloud. zag ; gray foxskin collar.

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Fig. 244. Cho'abuahi (Ear pendant) kachina Bowstring (awa'tabu&hi) of sinew; bow (au'Ua) of eagle wing feathers; turkey feathers cut off short on top; eagle wing in ear; wooden piece, red, with pendant, green bit of leather in imitation of turquoise; snout, red; side face of the brown-black ochre, lcwüma'pto'ho, middle face, blue; long black hair at back of mask, looped; gray foxskin collar.

Of Naho'íle'chiwa it is told that a youth wandering upon the Niiva'tikyauobi of the Northeast (Mt. Taylor) saw a kachina who had just laid his mask upon the ground, disencumbering himself, for he was digging or planting. The kachina moved off some distance from his mask and the youth walked to it and picked it up. The kachina seeing this ran off and the youth, carrying the mask in his hands, ran after him. The kachina jumped into the middle of a pool of water and the youth jumped in after him. They came to a large chamber in which were many kachina. There the youth learned many things and returned and told them to his people. — This kachina had yellow on left shoulder, blue-green on right, red on body, white kilt and foxskin, typical kachina costume. Wupa'mo kachina: customary circular mask; left shoulder yellow, right shoulder blue; body, red (shii'pnala) ; upper right arm red, forearm, yellow; upper left arm red, forearm blue; waist and thigh, white; mid-thigh to and over knee, red; right leg, blue; left leg. yellow; braid anklets; blue moccasins; white kilt girt with ñioünkwe'tva; foxskin at loins; yarn garters; willow in foliage, also bow and arrows, in hands. The Si'toto, although their masks differed slightly, were costumed alike. Body and limbs in same pigment decoration as Wupa'mo;

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Fig. 245. Naho'ïle'chiwa kopa'choki (croes perched) kachina Top piece represents cross of the directions, N. E., indicated; globular eyes with white bands; spruce collar.

kilt, garters, foxskin, moccasins, the same as above; but at each knee small sleigh bells gartered ; over the shoulders a woolen white blanket with red and blue border and a long spruce bough in right hand as staff. Cho'sbushi: Body and limbs blackened and round left arm and right leg three broad white bands, i.e. three white bands on left arm and three white bands on right leg. No kilt, only a narrow breech cloth ; a sheepskin fastened on front of the body and another sheepskin on the back ; bow and arrows and willow wands in hands. A silver belt and red moccasins.

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Fig. 246. Masks of Si'toto a) Buckskin; on top, spruce twig and hawk feather; parroquet feather bunch behind (the ktoa chakwa) indicated by broken line; red ear of wood ; yellow gourd snout with red-stained rabbit tuft at base ; spruce collar, b) on top, eagle downy feathers, plume of dyed ostrich, parroquet feather bunch indicated by broken linee; corn leaves at base, and spruce.

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Cloud: smears with white (kücha'chlea) on back and arms, designs of clouds and rain in same clay^ (Fig. 247). The personator wears the chaplet of the "all colours." (Fig. 248). Legs and arms

'

Fig. 248. Chaplet of Cloud Willow hoop covered with cloth or skin.

Fig. 260. Lightning effigy carried by Cloud

b) 20 X 15 in. ; 20 in. high. Covered with sheepskin.

[Horsehide also used.]

and greater part of body whitened. Wears lionskin mantle fashion. Lionskin quiver full of arrows, bow in left hand, in right hand whizzer which he occasionally whizzes. Perhaps his most distinct "emblem" in this display is the hollow section of cottonwood drum (piishü'kpi) (Fig. 249) which he carries slung before him, and on which he beats from time to time, imitating thunder. In left hand he also carries the lightning effigies carved from wood and attached

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to wands. (Fig. 250). These lightnings are of this general form, and four of them display the prescriptive cardinal point colours i.e. these are not found displayed by this personator, but in the grotesques' exhibitions I have seen two, three, or four displayed with these colours. This Cloud carries only one, but at thekachina shrine ledge are lying perhaps half a dozen of these lightnings. In dramatic action in the court this Cloud's feats may be summarized thus: After entering with the other members of the Olympian group, he unslings his drum and lays it on the ground, runs to a house, any house, and procures a large bottle of water. He pours it on the Chiikii'wïmkya, over their heads, and the bottle, being emptied, he smashes on the ground. Now and again during the ceremonial libation he thrusts his lightning rod at the Chükü'wïmkya and any of those he touches falls to the ground as if dead. Samo'a wu'htaka (Yucca old man) wears a grotesque false face, but instead of being whitened it is smeared over ite entire surface with the sweet, treacly juice of the fruit of the yucca. A wig of light coloured hair is drawn back over his head from the edges of the mask ; his costume is nondescript, in fact the costume this personator wore was merely old, shabby overalls and jumper. They tell me that formerly he wore old kwa'sha, dilapidated gown and mantles, in other words no significance attaches to òther portion of his costume aside from the mask. He spoke in Tewa, broken Hopi and Navajo. Some say he is of Tewa origin. He pertains to the Owa'kûlhiwïmkya.1 He lives in the broad leaf yucca plant. He induced maidens (ma'mantü and boli'ïnta) to come to his house in the heart of the yucca. The maids after entering among the leaves of this plant saw the ends of a ladder projecting through a small square window in the walls of a kiva. They passed down by this ladder and through the window and came into a large kiva in which were many men and women and beautiful maidens, and Yucca old man, a white haired, bent old man. He was chief and he sat in the middle. During the forenoon of this day no exhibition occurred, for to a great extent the exhibitors of yesterday and last night were tired. The Chief kiva group were preparing, and shortly after noon four Chiikü' wïmkya with hair ιla'sompi came in over the house tops to the court at Sichomovi. For some time after their entry their movements were quite subdued, even quiet. The women as usual brought them the customary food offerings in the usual profusion, and these they laid around the court shrine and ate with the usual jests and some approach to gluttony. 1

See p. 950.

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While the clowns were eating and making some amusing by-play, at 2 P.M. entered (rom the northeast corner of the court a group of Shoyo'him kachina. At some of these entries all the personages I have mentioned appeared. At other times two or three would remain at the kachina shrine ledge, but there were never fewer than a dozen appearing together. They came in no regular order, other than that the Hopi warrior, one or two, always followed last. Cloud was also a constant attendant, beating his drum (thunder), and darting his lightning, and the other prescribed personages whizzing their bull-roarers. And as I have already noted, all these personages carried either willow wands in foliage or one or two leaves of the broad leafed yucca, or both willow and yucca. The members of this group sing their characteristic songs, i.e. many of them sing a song but quite independent of any one else, with no chorus and no song sung in common. They strolled through the trees and when they had approached quite close to the clowns, these feasting squatters sprang to their feet and promptly each of them took from a tree a long string or old frayed lariat, at the end of which was fastened the stuffed skin of a prairie dog, and this stuffed skin they cast toward the group of kachina who showed great fear, i.e., made ostentatious pretense of fear and drew back in alarm and finally fled in panic before the clowns, who launched their strange weapon against the kachina with great hilarity. Although I have not elicited the statement direct, this seemed to me a burlesque of the resilient lightninge launched from the hands of Cloud.1 Four times the kachina group wander through the grove, and four times the scoffing hand of a clown drives them back, but upon the fifth entry of the kachina group they come in assumed anger, seize the clowns, tie them hand and foot, fling them in a huddle, lash them with the willow and yucca, and drench them with water from bottles, jars and basine procured from the neighboring houses. Before the clowns were flung in a huddle, several of them were tied up to trees, individually, by some of the kachina, and lashed and drenched. At 2.30 the kachina group reenters, but this time in gracious mood, anxious for reconciliation and bearing food gifts in their hands. These food gifts were generally blue wafer-bread, and 1 Crow-wing gave a different interpretation in describing this performance, now extinct. TheKossa threw prairie-dogs at the kachina to scare them and to have them tell their old ones at home about it. Their grandfathers and uncles were expected to become angry and send flooding rain to drown the prairie-dogs. (Parsons 21: 216). 29

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freshly boiled dried corn ears. These gifts the kachina held before them and thrust upon the clowns. The clowns, as was natural, held aloof from the kachina at first and showed much distrust, but were finally won over, and then the kachina got blankets from the bystanders and spread them on the ground, side by side, and on these laid their food gifts in piles, one pile for each clown, and the clowns sat down, i.e. squatted typically, each clown behind the gift pile assigned to him. At 3 P.M. enter a group of seven clowns, over the house tops as usual, from Wikwa'lobi, and their exhibition is very similar to that described in connection with the Chief kiva clown group. On the entry of this group, the Chief kiva group retire. At 4 P.M. enter a group over house tops of seven clowns from Nasha'bki, and on their descent into the court the Wikwa'lobi group retire. Before the Wikwa'lobi group retired, the Nasha'bki seven made some light by-play of pretending to rob the Wikwa'lobi group of their food gifts. Food is brought to the seven, and they go off to the houses to collect more, leaving the four from Chief kiva to take care of the food previously given them. When the seven get out of sight, the four devour all the food in reach, and on being accused of this by the seven, they blame the poultry. The seven on their return advance in line with sidelong movement singing the typical songs of the clowns. They ultimately discover the tracks of the pretended thieves and compel them to disgorge the food they had concealed. The Wikwa'lobi then put on their journey food bandoleers, take up their bundles of wafer-bread and retire up the mesa to Wikwa'lobi. Of the seven, one has the clown mud hen at his loins, and two have live prairie dogs. Yucca old man, who, as noted, is said to be a Tewa kachina, sings in Tewa and pretends to be able to speak only broken Hopi. He calls the attention of the clowns to his sweet-covered mask, and the clowns get an old basin and scrape off some of the yucca fruit juice into it, pour in a little water and drink it, declaring how sweet a drink was thus made, etc. The clowns put Ho'ñi forward as their interpreter, and he converses with Yucca old man in broken Tewa. Yucca old man assures them that he knows the song which will compel the Rain Clouds, and Ho'ñi pretends to try and learn the song. Yucca old man says the clowns must lie down at the foot of the tree, and this the seven do, sprawling on the ground around the tree, their heads close up to the trunk. Yucca old man gets a pilgrim bottle full of water which he slings over his shoulder, and climbs the tree. He perches among the branches and sings four verses, presenting his bottle to the four cardinal points at the

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appropriate strains, and at the end of the fourth verse he receives their thanks. While singing the four songs Yucca old man imitates thunder with his voice, making a rumbling sound of "üm-mümü." On descending, he pours a little water in the mouth of each. He then arranges the clowns in couples, one clown carrying another on his back, and thus they pass around the court in regular sequence, backing up to the houses, on the terraces of which stand the women with water vessels. The clowns sing the A'noshküyi, and in response the women pour clean water upon them (inümihii' yi, to me water, etc.). At 5.25 enter the Shoyo'hïm group, and, as at former exhibitions, the clowns drive them out through the grove, pell meli, chasing them with the stuffed prairie dogs tied to the ends of long strings and ropes. The clowns seized one of the Pi'ptü ; holding him by the feet and hands outspread, face up, they bumped his buttocks on the ground. Afterwards they put him in a blanket and tossed him. 1 On thç fifth entry of the Shoyo'hïm as usual they came in anger, and the clowns tried to escape by climbing the trees, but the Shoyo'hïm capture all of the clowns and tie them hand and foot and fling them in a pile on the ground. The Shoyo'hïm flog them with willow and broad leaf yucca, and at the end of every castigation the Shoyo'hïm fling their willows upon the clowns, almost covering them. After the clowns freed themselves, one of their number made "purification" with the willows, and these were then all gathered up and laid in a pile in one of the roofless houses on the west side of the court. This was observed, practically the same, by each group of clowns throughout the whole celebration. There was a considerable severity in the flogging, which, in consonance with the common theory of culmination, seems to increase in severity with each group of clowns exhibited. Yucca old man has willow in one hand and broad leaf yucca, in the other. He at first makes mere pretense of flogging with the willow, then suddenly cuts in with the yucca and lays on tremendously. There is no pretense in this. At 5.30 reenter the Shoyo'hïm in gracious mood, bearing gifts. The clowns exhibit every sign of fear and again endeaver to escape by climbing the trees, but are persuaded by the Shoyo'hïm to meet them amicably and receive the gifts. On the reconciliation of the Shoyo'hïm and clowns it is common for one kachina and one clown to stand about twenty yards apart, facing each other with extended arms. As they advance together, at first quite slowly, each moves 1 So this is an old sport ! Crow-win g told me that on one of the other mesas they had tossed a Christian missionary. — Ed.

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his arme up and down like a semaphore and when they come close they run into each other's arms and embrace, the head of one over the right shoulder of the other. This embrace occurs at all these exhibitions. Also, before each clown group retires, they give prayer-feathers and a pinch of prayer-meal to each of the Shoyo'him. These kachina on retiring to the kachina shrine ledge, deposit the pinch of meal and prayer-feathers on the south edge of the ledge. A t 6 P.M. seven clowns came in over the house tops from Horn kiva. Two of these seven are small boys, say from four to six years old. At 6.05 the Nasha'bki clowns retire. The same triumphs of the clowns over the Shoyo'him are succeeded by the same disaster and castigation as in the preceding exhibitions. During the by-play of this group, there entered from the northeast corner of the court the Tab (Rabbit) kachina. He wore the ordinary grotesque whitened false face and a few dilapidated duds, but carried a short stick in his hands, and on this he leaned and made bounding leaj)s, imitating the movement of a cottontail and squatting close under the trees. At his girdle was a small bit of rabbitskin. His simulated motion identified him as the Rabbit kachina. At the sides of his mask also were the long rabbit ears made of corn husk. Presently the clowns obtained throwing sticks and boomerangs (püchko'hü, broad stick) and gave vigorous chase to Rabbit. Rabbit kachina held concealed in his hands or elsewhere some fine wool or cotton stained with red and while the clowns were hunting him and throwing at him, although they took care not to hit him, yet he pretended to be hit and tossed some of these red stained tufts on his shoulders and loins, a very realistic appearance of bloody wounds. He finally pretended to have been killed, and while the clowns are involved in a violent quarrel as to possession of the game, Rabbit sneaks off, going to the kachina shrine ledge. After Rabbit came Dog, Po'ko kachina, wearing an old shirt daubed with every colour. He imitated the actions of a dog and was set on by the clowns to worry a real dog, a big mongrel mastiff who was glad to sneak away from his human antagonist. Women as customary bring food gifts to the clowns of their own clan or kin.1 At 6.45, the Shoyo'him reenter in reconciliation and the clowns give them prayer-feathers and meal, gather up their food, and return to Horn kiva. The Shoyo'him return to the kachina shrine, make purification and unmask. 1 Customary also at Zuñí and Isleta, on the part of the women of your father's clan or on the part of your paternal aunts. — Ed.

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There was a fast observed by the principal participators in these ceremonies from the evening of the 6th until after the firet exhibition of Sha'lako this morning. The Sio Sha'lako were presumed to have come yesterday from their house (lciaäta) which is a lake about southwest of Zuñi, called at Zuñi Ha'tikyaiya, and by the Hopi We'nima, and it is of course further presumed that they departed this morning for their house at Ha'tikyaiya. The Hopi Sha'lako live at Kishyu'ba. The Sio Sha'lako consist of four brothers. The Hopi Sha'lako consist of two, a man and a girl who are brother and sister Na'wisa. July 9 Nothing occurred of significance last night. Men as usual assembled for a while in the kivas and smoked, but all were feeling tired, I suppose, at any rate, all went to sleep. Early this forenoon they resumed the Chükü'wimkya exhibitions, the group being from Goat kiva, and this exhibition I missed. They told me, however, that the drama was the same as those of yesterday, in the main, and that a Pi'ptii man and Pi'ptü woman had pretended to copulate under one of the trees, and that the woman afterwards gave birth to a child. This "child" was one of the young Pi'ptü men. The woman lay under a tree and was covered or screened with a blanket. There was no distinctive kachina attached to this episode, merely Pi'ptü man and woman. As usual in Sichomovi, both kivas combined, concentrated at Young corn mound kiva, and about one o'clock six Chükü'wimkya came up leaping and shouting from that kiva, one of them being the venerable kiva chief Choshoñ'níwa. They tell me, however, that the Oak mound kiva will also send out their own Chükü'wimkya. A group comes out from the Badger house, but the members, I notice, are from both the Sichomovi kiva« — six Koyï'mse, one of them beating a drum, and the Na'wisa of yesterday who precedes the Koyï'mse. The whole processional group is led by Ya'kwa who bears a tray of meal. He is attired as yesterday morning, i.e. naked save for kilt girt with a string. He sprinkles meal upon the ground. Following him comes the leader of the Koyï'mse, then Na'wisa, then five Koyï'mse, singing to drum accompaniment. They go out to about the middle of the court, just southeast from the shrine. The Koyï'mse and clowns stand in a group about the drum singing, and upon the north side of the group Na'wisa dances out and in among the trees and in the open space, to the measure of the song. Na'wisa, who is costumed as on the seventh, wears a black helmet mask; corn smut on body; many necklaces; bandoleer of warrior

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over right shoulder; an embroidered white cotton blanket, folded and girt as a kilt with ñumnlcwewa; bare feet and anklets of spruce twigs; a hoto'mni prayer-stick or, as it is called, a chief's stick in left hand; a yucca blade in right hand, butt in front. One of the Koyî'mse stands a little in the rear of the group, whirling a whizzer. The dance is really a repetition of those on the night of the seventh. After this dance ended, the warrior Nakya'cho kachina comes in from the northeast, costumed as formerly, and the clowns waylay him and despoil him of everything except his mask ; they pluck off his breech cloth and expose him spread on the ground. They tie his hands and feet together with a long rope and fasten him to a tree. Two old women interfere to save him, and gather up his costume to save it from being spoiled. The clowns bundle the old women with the Nakya'cho, and tie all three snug to the tree and douch them plentifully with water, with loud shouts of triumph. Enters abruptly from northeast Cloud in anger, whirling his whizzer. He releases the old women who scamper off, and after freeing Nakya'cho asks him who assaulted him. Nakya'cho points out one of the clowns who denies it, and in turn all blame one another. Cloud threatens them, but does not punish them, and goes out, followed by Nakya'cho. The temporary Sha'lako shrines were all removed early this morning, but the prayer-sticks were left where they were first deposited. At 2 P.M. enter the Shoyo'him kachina, about as yesterday, but two or three more Pi'ptii personages, among whom are Ute and Apache personations. One Choshü' r hü ,r wa also waddles among them, cross-legged as usual. As yesterday, the clowns drive them out four times with prairie dogs fastened to long string. Choshü' r hü /r wa wears a grotesque false face; body and limbs whitened, and a red blanket as a mantle. Cloud beats a drum continually. As yesterday, the Shoyo'him on their fifth entry seize the clowns and fling them in a pile and lash them severely with willow and yucca and pour water upon them. Sometimes the kachina made deferential motions before lashing them, explaining that they lash and drench them that rain may come. Usually the clowns on recovering their freedom thank the kachina for the lashing. The lashing is increasing in severity, the whole action of the drama is more intense than yesterday, carrying out the idea of culmination. Choshü' r hü' r wa makes no special performance, he rocks around the court singing in falsetto. At 2.20 enter the Shoyo'him with gifts, boiled eggs strung on yucca shred, wafer-bread, etc. They embrace the clowns, who spread blankets, and on these the kachina

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make seven piles, behind each of which one of the clowns squats. Just then enter over house tops six whitened clowns from Oak mound kiva, and the other clowns gather up their food and retire. All the clowns except these were decorated with the clown flower (chiikii'shiadta) and all wear their hair in side cues. When theKoyï'mse retired, they were given prayer-feathers by the clowns and went to the kachina shrine ledge (under Anawi'ta's house) and made purification and unmasked. One of the Oak mound kiva Chükü', Úñ'wüsi, carried a rude effigy at his loin, calling it mud hen. (Fig. 251). Another one carried a stuffed lamb spread on his back and fastened round his neck. At 2.40 enters Picho'ti (Pig) kachina, with whitened grotesque false face, and Fig. 251. pig ears of skin fastened to side of head. Chükü'mana effigy His body was covered with stuffed coarse About 18 in. high. Sheepsacking, giving the wearer enormous di- skin on head ; face of mensions. He carries a short stick and wood, yellow ; red chevron, comes in waddling and grovelling, imitat- blctck mouth, black round ing the motions of a fat hog, and lies eyes; rudimentary arms down under a tree, lays his head flat on and legs; body of cloth. the ground, a faithful imitation of a wallowing swine. The six clowns stand around Pig, discussing him, wondering where he came from and so on. Pig talks in a low voice, Üñ'wüsi listens and interrogates. This I cannot follow, for Pig merely murmurs, and the clowns are shouting, but I make out he tells them that he has many good things for them and that all must sit down and make purification in the manner he will direct. So they all squat around him, Pig is lying close to the ground. Pig scrapes up a little dust with his left hand, and puts this dust in the nostrils of the clown sitting opposite his head, and sprinkles the dust in regular circuit round the head of the clown with his left hand. The clown, at the prompting of Pig, gets up and walks around the group in regular circuit four times, sneezing and blowing his nose. Pig then tells him to take the stout stick and strike him, Pig, on the back, telling him to hit hard, and when the clown strikes Pig's back, Pig pretends to emit something from his mouth, but really extracts the objects from the edge of the sacking at his neck. First a pair of silver earrings, then, in response to other

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blows, he brings oat a silk scarf, moccasins, leggings, silver bell, several pieces of prints, two large Navajo blankets, a great profusion of necklaces, bridle and lariat, two large buckskins, a yarn belt, and a suit of White man's clothes. Pig has now shrunk to a very small compass and he crawls unobserved to the food pile, pretending to be famished and making believe to devour everything, and then the clowns discover him and drive him off, and he makes to the kachina shrine. One of the clowns dons the White man's duds and struts around a while with the wealth, but presently undresses and the wealth is given to the care of some women at a neighboring house. This performance evokes great laughter and applause from the spectators, the episode occupying about fifteen minutes, and nothing else occurring in the court at that time. Shortly after, the Shoyo'hïm come in and are driven out by the clowns, and in one of the intervals appears on top of Masha's house the Tala'vaiya (Dawn) kachina, shaking his rattle and einging a typical stamping kachina song. He wears a blue-green mask and typical kachina costume; in his right hand a gourd rattle ; in his left hand, a butterfly made from stiff paper fastened to a stick. He also carries in his left hand several ears of boiled corn strung on yucca. The clowns invite this kachina to come down, and, after singing a few staves on the house top, he comes down into the court and dances and sings before the clowns for about five minutes. This at 3.25 P.M. He then breaks the corn ears; and gives each of the clowns a piece, laying the remainder of the ears on the ground, and by pantomime tells the clowns they must race for them. The clowns go up to the northeast entrance and run toward the corn ears. One of their number, Üñ'wüsi, being lame, does not run with them, but stands near the corn ears, and, just before the racers reach them, he picks them up and makes off with them. This causes great uproar among the clowns and they seize Dawn kachina and strip him entirely naked, except that they do not touch hie mask. Dawn kachina struggles and breaks away from them, and breaks off a cottonwood limb and beats them. They again seize him and this time tear off his breech cloth and drench him with water and carry him, belly up, by hands and feet around the court in triumph. He finally gets clear of them and gets some willow wands with which he flogs them, chasing them among the trees amid great uproar. While this triumph is in progress, enter a dilapidated old Apache with an old Harper Ferry musket and an old horse pistol, red and blue chevrons on face, red on body, old white hat, old pair of overalls, and torn moccasins. He speaks in Apache and sings an Apache song.

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Úñ'wüsi and the Apache talk to each other in the screaming tones of excited Apache, Úñ'wüsi denouncing the Apache, saying they wanted nothing to do with him, etc., and ultimately the Apache knocks Úñ'wüsi through a spruce tree and gets into a general row with all the clowns. These find that the Apache has a lariat at his waist and with this they tie him to a tree and dance in triumph around him. Spectators yell. There is a great excitement. The whole of this drama is excellent. Little Piila'wuhti interferes and tries to save the Apache, but she only shares his fate. Apache appeals to Cha'kwaina who tries to help him, but he, too, receives the same fate, and all three are tied up and the clowns dance and scream in ecstacy. But just at the height of their triumph, enter the Shoyo'him in anger, who lash the clowns with willow, tie them up, and flog them very severely. Yucca old man comes in with the Shoyo'him and goes tumbling around the court heels over head, but is always in most excellent humor, and sings some very droll songs. Yucca old man lives in the narrow leaf yucca (mo'hü) and in the broad leaf yucca (samo'a). Sili'yomo and agave (Icwa'ni), all sweet fruits of this nature, are his. The samo'a fruit juice (sa'hü) is on his mask. He id a Tewa kachina, but the Hopi have also adopted him. The song he sang in the trees was : The Chükü'wímkya are thirsty, hasten clouds from si'popeni. He pours water down their throats to hasten the coming of r a i n . . . Si'toto sings in croaking falsetto like Hahai'yiwuhti. The refrain of his song is Si'toto, to'to. As usual the Shoyo'him fling their willows on the pile of clowns after they have well thrashed them, and when the clowns get free one of them makes purification with a willow wand and carries it out to the willow pile. At 4.10 the Shoyo'him come back with food gifts and effect reconciliation with the clowns, and at 4.15 enter over house tops eight Pai'akyamû from Mo'nete. Shortly after their entrance the Chükü' gather up their food and, after giving prayer-feathers and a pinch of meal to each of the Shoyo'him, they retire. The leader of the Mo'nete Pai'akyamû is old Ka'nö; two of them wear the typical "horn" skull cap headdress ; the others, only rude skull caps with corn husk tufts ; all of course are decorated with the customary horizontal bands of black and white. Almost simultaneously with their descent into the court appears at the southeast entrance into the court for the first time during the exhibition, the much talked of Pa'shiwawash kachina. There are ten of them, and they stand about in a double line, a few paces beyond the narrow southeast entrance. But although this group is now called distinctively Pa'shiwawash kachina, some of them have already figured

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among the Shoyo'hïm kachina. The new characters of whom I can get any present information are Le'totobi kachina with a black pot helmet mask with red (shuta) streak over eyes and mouth (Fig. 252); body blackened; a narrow breech cloth and silver belt about all the rest of his costume. A black insect, apparently some kind of a dragon fly, is called le'totobi. I t darts and hums over squash blossoms, its movements being very swift, hence, I suppose, this kachina specially typifies speed. He carries a yucca blade in his hand. When he overtakes a runner, he pretends to gouge out the eyes of the person overtaken. Fig. 252. Mask of Le'totobi Hüm'somp (Cue) kachina wears a pot helmet mask (Fig. 253), with blue, yellow and red pigmente on body and limbs; white kilt and girdle and foxskin, the typical kachina costume. When he overtakes a runner, he cuts off the runner's cue.1 The hair is said to grow with greater luxuriance after this sacrifice. The group of Pa'shiwawash stood at the southeast corner of the court and ran races not only with the Pai'akyamû, but with any other person who challenged them. They ran against all comers. They were picked runners and overtook nearly every one whom they challenged, although they as a rule gave the challFig. 253. Mask of Hüm'somp kachina enger the start of from On top, parroquet and horizontal turkey five to ten feet, and in a feathers ; globular eyes with white band. little over the length of the court, say 120 feet, they nearly always overtook the challengers .These challengers being overtaken were always well flogged by the kachina ; and, as I have said, if overtaken by the Hüm'somp kachina, the challenger's hair was sacrificed. It is also considered powerfully 1

Cp. Parsons 19: 225—226; Parsons 17 : 89—90.

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invigorating to be flogged by these kachina, and many elderly men and others who did not care to run went up to these kachina and asked to be beaten, and the kachina lashed them generously. The general scheme of this racing was this: A person disposed to run intimated by gesture or otherwise the kachina whom he wished to have pursue him. The challenger then started off in a swift spurt across the court, from the southeast to the northeast corner, or beyond. When the challenger was overtaken he was thrashed with yucca, and the kachina returned to the southeast corner to race some other aspirant. The races continued for about half an hour or until 4.40, and most of the running was very speedy. The Chükü' of both Sichomovi kivas took part in the running, and at the time I have noted, 4.40, they retired to their kiva. The elders then thanked the Wawash and sprinkled them with meal, and the Wawash retired to the kaohina shrine ledge. Women bring lavish amounts of food to the eight Pai'akyamû and as they are about to eat, the Pai'akyamû pretend to discover the trees for the first time and run among them, clasping their arms around them crying itü'chhva, my land, etc. At 4.45 enter a grotesque called Ñüi'tiwa (the Thrower) accompanied by a "woman" grotesque. Thrower carries a new basin, and for this the "woman" offers to copulate. The offer is accepted, and the act is pretended to be performed under a tree. The Thrower then goes to several houses in succession and brings from them, one at a time, an assortment of new pottery: water bottles, jars, meal jars, food basins, etc., and for these, women (not women personators but women from the neighboring houses and villages) rush around him, striving to seize them. He holds the vessel aloft as long as possible, and whenever a woman succeeds in getting hold of one, he surrenders it to her and pretends to copulate with her from behind. This was invariable and was greeted with great shouts of approving laughter in not fewer than two score instances. He also distributed in the same way agave, onions, sieves, baskets, Tewa water bottles, and two or three hens, the pretended copulation always following. Thrower kachina always pretend to copulate with a woman when she secures a pottery vessel. The copulation never was real, always pretended, and is designed to amuse the spectators. The Pai'akyamû also obtain newly made pottery from neighboring houses, and distribute it in the same way. During this distribution some of the Pai'akyamû would deliberately run to their food spread and, holding aloft the new basin, would invite the women to come and struggle for it, thus trampling in the food basins and over waferbread piles which the Pai'akyamû afterwards ate with much gusto.

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During this rude distribution many vessels were of course broken. Soon after it was done, the Pai'akyamû sat down by the court shrine to eat their trampled food, and while they were thus engaged, enters a "man" grotesque identified as Paihi'shato (very ancient) Hopi. He has a white grotesque mask; a whitened body and narrow breech cloth; a lionskin quiver and bow case slung on his shoulder; a shield on his back, circular, with a large red star on a blue ground ; and the old Harper's Ferry musket. Accompanying him is a young man personating a "woman" grotesque. She sits down with the Pai'akyamû, one of whom receives a large basin of corn meal porridge from one of the women. The Pai'akyamû pretends to find fault with it, declaring that it smells bad, and so forth, and, in frolic, breaks the basin over the "woman's" head, and the porridge runs down "her" neck and shoulders. But the basin had been but a moment before filled with porridge still boiling on the fire, and the pereonator was quite seriously scalded, although of course the Pai'akyamû had no idea how hot the porridge was. Choshoñ'niwa, who is one of the surviving members of the Ya'yatü and also is of the Po'shwimkya, was sitting beside me in the court, and to him the Pai'akyamû brought the scalded man for treatment. The patient knelt before Choshoñ'niwa and laid his head on the lap of Choshoñ'niwa who called to some bystanders to bring him some cedar and fire, and at once began to pick off with his finger nails all the scalded skin, laying quite bare of skin three or four places on the neck and shoulders, each say three inches long by half that in width. Receiving a bit of cedar wood about ten inches long, he split it with his fingers into a dozen or more slender splinters and, blowing the coal, brought it to a blaze ; these splinters he allowed to burn for about two or three inches and then thrust the blazing ends of the bundle of splinters into his mouth, biting the charred ends off and chewing them for perhaps half a minute. He then bent over the man's head lying on his lap, and sucked each wounded place lightly and then spat out the saliva and charcoal upon them and again picked carefully all around the edges of the wound, picking off every possible fragment of scalded skin, and again bit off an inch or two of the blazing, charred bundle of cedar splinters and spat out the saliva and charcoal upon the wounds. The pereonator retired, his proposed act frustrated. This is the only accident approaching to seriousness that I have ever seen among all the mad pranks of the Pai'akyamû and Chükü'wímkya. At 5.15 the Shoyo'bim enter, and as usual are driven out pell meli four times by the Pai'akyamû. Two of the Pai'akyamû have live puppies instead of prairie dogs fastened to their long strings, and

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these wretched pups survive a long while until by merciful accident some of the Shoyo'him stamp their livee out. The Wupa'mo and some of the other kachina, on being driven out, strip the foliage from their willows and cast it toward the Pai'akyamû, suggesting to the Pai'akyamû that when they return in anger they will lash them well with the bare willow branches. On the fifth entrance the kachina tie the Pai'akyamû neck and heels and fling them in a huddle and lash them without mercy. As the Chükü' did, the Pai'akyamû also pretend tô fling away their prairie dogs and pups in disgust at their failing to protect them. Ava'chhoya is Ava'chkaü, Speckled corn kachina, the younger brother of Hüm'is kachina. His dance motion is amusingly simple, the silly action of a boy, typified.1 His song is a low chant of one, two, three, four, keeping time with feet and hands. His hands are closed, but his forefingers are extended and pointing downward, and with right and left hand alternately, he thrusts his finger downward at each count. Thus at one, he casts down his left forefinger, and elevates his right foot, lifting the foot backward; at two, he casts down his right forefinger and lifts left foot; at three he casts down left forefinger and lifts left foot ; at four, he casts his right forefinger behind his right ear, lifting left foot, and bo on. He carries a yucca blade folded up and concealed in his girdle and as he approaches the huddle of beaten Pai'akyamû they say, "O! here comes the gentle Ava'chhoya, how admirable and kindly he is, he carries no whip, he is never angry, how glad we are athis coming, etc." He continues his silly song and when quite close to them he draws out his folded whip and while he counts three he merely pretends to flog the Pai'akyamû, but at four he slashes them without mercy, and the Pai'akyamû soon change their notes into screams of unaffected pain. The backs and limbs of the Pai'akyamû are covered with welts. The lashing is very severe. Just before the last entrance of the Shoyo'him, one of the Mo'nete Pai'akyamû was carrying an empty food vessel in his hand to return it to a neighboring house. He halted a few paces from where I was sitting, and, facing the spectators on the house tops, he urinated copiously in the food basin and immediately drank the urine, rubbing his belly and declaring it was pash kwa'ñwa, very sweet. After heavy rains everyone not otherwise engaged goes out to the fields and drums out prairie dogs, capturing them for food. The 1 But perhaps his gesture has other significance. See Boas, 299—300, for Pueblo dance gestures. — Ed.

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Shoyo'hïm pretend fear of the prairie dogs for the amusement of the young spectators. Yucca old man tumbles around the court because he is glad, and his actions express his strangeness to the surroundings of houses, etc. One of his songs is obscene, but very comic. The kachina, before leaving the Pai'akyamû and Chiikü', say, "You are our fathers, now we must lash you that rain clouds may come." Four times they (the kachina) run away (na'lüshwaiya). This is to intensify the spectators' enjoyment. At 5.35 enter across the house tops five Pai'akyamû from Pen'dete ; the other clowns are eating near the shrine ; nothing else is occurring in the court. Three of these clowns have typical "horns", one is bareheaded, with hair done in cues. The bareheaded one carries a stuffed lambskin on his back, but presently takes if off and sets it near the shrine. Wë'hë joins them in the court. At 5.40 the Shoyo'hïm enter and make the usual peace offerings to the Mo'nete clowns. After giving them piles of food upon spread blankets, the kachina divest themselves of all weapons, whizzers, etc. and lay these also upon the food. The semaphore embrace as previously noticed. The Mo'nete clowns then give each of the kachina a prayer-feather and pinch of meal, and the Shoyo'hïm retire in swift run to the kachina shrine ledge and deposit there. At 5.50 the Mo'nete clowns gather up their food gifts and retire to their own kiva. The journey food bandoleer of the Pai'akyamû are of willow instead of spruce today. The Pen'dete Pai'akyamû embrace the spruce trees, and taking out meal from their pouches, they pray on it and cast it upon the trees, throwing it high among the branches close to the bole. The Pai'akyamû speak of the court shrine as si'pajmnï. They carry each other on their backs, i'kwiyuta. Enter at 6.20 a grotesque who personates an oldHopi. He asserts that he is "very hard", a'ni hüzrü'. The clowns test this boy, whirling him round, bumping him and almost tearing him apart. They destroy all his effects, and he thanks them and, running out, he comes back with the old musket and horse pistol and asks the clowns to break those, which they do, smashing them to bits. This they say will cause rain clouds to come. He again thanks them and runs off. At 6.30 enter the Shoyo'hïm who are driven out four times and on their fifth return they slash the clowns with tremendous severity. Several of the clowns are bloody on face, breast, back and limbs; this is the severest punishment of the whole celebration, as it is

P L A T E XIV

U t e shields (Yu'ta tiibo'ota) a. Big star fwuko' sho'hü). b., c. Moon's house (Mü'iya Hala), d. Rainbow (ta'ñaka). The nalcwach ^ in blue. e. Crescent. Black disc with red border, to'kpela, sky. f. Rainbow and Cloud. White margin, inner narrow fringe of buckskin with tin jingles, g. Crescent, Big star. h. Design of snipe (pa'tsro) eating at a sunflower (akau'oshi), on shield.

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the culmination. On being released, the clowns gather up the willow and make purification and then pile up the willow. At 6.50 the kachina return and make peace and give the clowns food, etc. The clowns feel the kachinae' hearts with their hands to assure themselves t h a t the kachina are really come with good intent. I note two or three Laguna kachina among the Shoyo'him. The clowns give each kachina a prayer-feather and pinch of meal and sprinkle meal upon the kachina, as also do many of the elders among the spectators, then gather up their food and retire to their kiva at 7 P. M. The Sichomovi elders at once take up the spruce trees. These will be broken up and distributed among the different field shrines tomorrow. The Shoyo'him retire to the kachina shrine ledge, deposit prayerfeathers, make final purification and unmask, and all go home. JOURNAL 1892 MARCH 1 2

COMANCHE DANCE, BUTTALO A N D UTE GROUPS

MAY 2 8

MALO KACHINA

JUNE 28

DUCK KACHINA

March 12 Performance referred to as Koma'nchi tiva'ni, Comanche dance, two alternating dance groups — one dancing Ute, the other Buffalo. Enclosures of boughs (ñü'yakini)1 were used by the dancers. Ute was danced by two couples, man and girl, and two lines of male dancers. The girls, Kii'yimana and Kwüma'letsi, wore a black hair fringe fastened over the forehead just as the bang of men appears. The bang is fastened to the hair at the back of the head. Their faces are dusted with fine powdered white meal, then the decoration is laid on. (Fig. 254). Next they attach plumes, etc., the two girls wearing a net headdress. They wear red skirts and pink shirts and parroquet plumes. Their hair is in cues wound with black and scarlet yarn and with silver ornaments, they are evidently Ute maidens. Üñ'wüsi, Kwüma'letsi's father, was drumming. At the enclosure furthest up the bight, about thirty men stood in a huddle and sang a while, after they were ready with shields (Fig. 255, Pl. XIV) 2 and rifles. The shields are of rawhide and cloth, sixteen 1

Entrance, hü'ehivoa; the posts, kochwiimlni; one post, kochkúküni; the limbs, c.hükü'küiya; branch of piñón, na'shü; branch of juniper, ñüma'pi. 1 In 1888 a similar shield was got by Stephen from Ka'nii, a member of the War society. — Ed.

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to eighteen inches in diameter, except the one belonging to T. V. K . which is about twenty-four inches in diameter, and this is the only one concave-convex — all the rest are flat discs, the cloth kind stretched over a twig bent in a circle. (Fig. 256). Two as Snake men with Koma'nchi plumes (Fig. 257) emerged from the enclosure, drum beating and dancing, dancing as Yotamu. There are many evolutions by all, the two couples and the line dancers. (Fig. 258). The maids lift their feet in this dance, pass out in huddle and deploy, then file. The other band, the Buffalo, soon entered from the lower enclosure, all with wands etc. held vertical. The Yu'ta band retired as the Buffalo advanced. (Fig. 259). The Buffalo girls have each on the back a sun disc surrounded with turkey tail feathers ; they wear a white ceremonial mantle and big belt, parroquet plumes and hair fringe maskette, and hold a flat prayer-stick in each hand. The youths, the male Buff aloe, hold rattle in right hand and lightning stick in left hand. They wear a sheepskin splashed with white and short curved goat horns, this to imitate a buffalo head and called müshai'zrü kopa'choki (buffalo, crown of head, perched); fanshaped hawk tail depending behind, same as Snake men wear them ; cloth shirts; short white kilt with scarlet border; big belt; white cloth breeches. Each party dances about fifteen minutes, then retires to give way to the other. Thus they alternate from about a quarter past two till about dark. Dance of the men at night. March 21 Corn is growing in jars in Nasha'b kiva. The girls' Tablet dance, Pa'lihi'ktipko, is celebrated today.1 (See if any connection is recognized between it and the spring equinox.) Saturday, May 28 Ma'lokachina.2 Thirty-two male dancers, seven female impersonations, six Chüchkü'tü clowns. Saturday, June 25 T. V. K . drove Fewkes and me over to East Mesa this evening and we took up our quarters in a very old abode at Tewa. 1 For further account see pp. 931—932. The headdresses in this dance (Fewkes 4 : Fig. 39) and in the Butterfly dance (Fig. 90 A) are much the aame, but the dance figure varies. — Ed. 2 Fewkes 2 : 57—59.

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Fig. 254 (cont.)

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Fig. 254 (cont.) 30*

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Fig. 255. Details of Ute shield a) showing draping of shield with red flannel or bayeta (pala'mchapü) and attachment of eagle tail feathers. Tin jinglers (ehila'lato'ka), tin discs, small mirrors, hawk wing feathers.*^ b) Surface, yellow with black disc called to'kpela, sky. Red flannel with downy crow feathers (úñwu'si pit hü) attached. Feathers cut off at quill end to length of about two inches, tied as a thick close fringe. Eagle feathers with stripe of blue stained buckskin, on face, referred to as tvibo'ota yo'wüshiata. Pendant of red cloth with red (tailed) hawk tail feathers (pala'kwa'yo shurii) attached. Wheel of a watch attached to central disc.

Fig. 256. Frame of Ute shield (hwa'tüpacha?) Annulet of willow (tvi'pho), with a dozen eagle feathers upright in front, red cloth hanging behind with pendent eagle feathers.

Fig. 257. Comanche dance coronet (kopa'choki) Black wool smeared with splashes of white clay; eagle tail feathers; anklets of wound yarn.

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Fig. 259. Diagram of Buffalo dance a) Chorus with drum, b) Buffalo maid, c) Buffalo youth.

Pola'ka tells me that the stone cairns (nana'shúñpi) near Coyote spring are started, a new one every eight years. The cairn next the mesa is the oldest one. The others, he says, have been started at intervals of eight years. Sunday, June 26 There are some ten or a dozen in Young corn mound kiva redecorating masks, getting ready for the Duck kachina.

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Two or three are painting the masks green, i. e. the front half section of the cylindric helmet mask; the crown and rear portion not repainted. Some in those parts show coloured decorations on white ground, as used in former ceremonies. One youth is laying on the black surrounding line over the eye slits. I note a young man grinding copper ore pigment. He first chews squash seeds and the saliva thus generated, he spits into the copper ore which he has just pulverized on a flat rubbing stone, and then reduces the paste to a thin liquid by pouring in sufficient water. The shakwa'piki is carbonate of copper (fragments of which ore they gather on the Ko'honino plateau) pulverized and boiled and then, while still boiling, piñón gum is added to make a paste. The cooking is continued until the mixture becomes brittle. It is then made into little round cakes, five or six inches in diameter and one-half to three-fourths inches thick, hence the term piki applied to the shaicwa' (and to the yellow pigment, sikya'). The kwüma'bchüTka, so the black pigment is called, is a coal shale or a shaly coal. The pieces used here today are coal. This is said by Ma'si to be a stone which was burned long ago. The coal fragment is rubbed down in a shallow metate and the young man chews muskmelon seed and spits upon it. No water is added to the black, should they do so it would not adhere well to the mask. The brushes used are the ordinary strip of yucca chewed at the end. They take a little blue-green pigment in mouth, from a husk, as dipper, and then spurt upon anklets and wristlets instead of using the brush. Kwecha'mana, Bëteji, Shiwa'ata, Pa'wikachina, Miiishiwa'ata, there should be six of these sisters of the Duck group of kachina, Ma'si says. Duck is the uncle (ta' ), ancestor, of all the kachina1 and also of the Hopi. He will listen to our song, see our acts, and go direct to Cloud and ask him to send clouds and rain to the Hopi. Our waters are scant now and the sun is very hot. The songs sung by the Duck kachina are: O'mauwû da'walau (Cloud singing), Pa'wikya (Duck), Pa'kwa (Frog), Yo'ivikya (Swift or Night hawk, Navajo, bi'ji) and Pa'tsro ( Quail). — The dressed corn basket (tii'ini) I saw last winter is called pabvüñchomo. Pabvüñ is the early sprouting corn with yellowish leaves. The corn basket was made last winter to insure the corn sprouting up to the height it was when cut in the boxes in the various kivas. The corn in the fields is now at the height of the stalks cut then, hence they know that the corn basket ceremony was effectual. These kachina of thiskiva will go over this evening to Shipau'lovi 1 Children and young women are told at Zuñi that after a kachina dance the kachina spirits turn to ducks and fly back to their lake home. — Ed.

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and dance there and in two days they will return with those of Shipau'lovi; or the Shipau'lovi kachina may come over here alone before those of this kiva return. The three leaders who are to go over with this group came down to the kiva in the forenoon, bringing willow wands, bottle of honey and feather-box. Stripping off, they sat down in the northwest corner of the kiva and began to prepare prayer-sticks. Shortly afterward a woman came to the kiva roof and placed on it a tray of wafer-bread and a large basin of stewed peqches, calling out that she had done so. One of the men went up and brought them down. He then broke off a fragment of wafer-bread on which he laid two or three bits of the peaches and laid this food offering on the north side of the fireplace, with no ceremony. The men then sat up to the food and began eating. A young man then brought down a basin of kwa'nkani (mo'ñnakwa), a dilute preparation of mescal (kwa'ni), and another large stack of wafer-bread. A portion of the wafer-bread was broken off by the young man who brought it down and on the wafer-bread he sprinkled a little of the mescal, and laid it beside the other food offering. The leaders prepared four sets of standard blue-green prayersticks, measured from line next wrist in centre of palm to tip of middle finger, and one long prayer-stick, measured from wrist line to tip of the same finger. The long one, painted entirely green; the four sets, green to within one and one-half inches of the tip. They then began on prayer-feathers : one hawk breast feather and a very minute duck breast feather fastened on the end of the usual cotton string. There are only two sets of blue-green prayer-sticks and four single, and the long stick. The elder maker made twenty-three prayer-feathers, one for each male mask; and then five more, one for each female mask. These prayer-feathers are only one small breast feather of h a w k . . . There are two Navajo visitors sitting in the kiva on the main floor... They place the prayer-sticks on a tray in front of them, as usual, and when finished, one goes up to his house for a coal and lights a small pipe of tobacco and goes to his corner and smokes over the tray, then passes to the man sitting on his left, or east from him. After the prayer-sticks were smoked over, the tray containing them was set up on the twig shelf in the northwest corner. Two of the masks have beards of black hair. All the others have them of red. Pala'hümi (red hair) is a long red hair tuft hanging down from its fastening near the top of the mask on the left hand side, with two eagle feathers inserted erect at the red hair fastening.

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a

Fig. 260. Mask of Duck kachina

Fig. 261.

Mask of White maid, Duck kachina White hair beard.

On top, imitation parroquet feathers. On the right side is a squash emblem, sihü'ata (his flower), surrounded with a fringe of red hair. Others have an oval wooden knob called tisi'hoya. (Fig. 260). There is a considerable variation in the squash emblem, as to form, size and colour decoration. Snout yellow, slit black, red teeth surround slit, black around red, white spots on the black. The Kwecha'mana, White maid, mask is white. (Fig. 261). Six with beard, one with spruce needles.

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About 1 P.M., when all the food had been brought in, from each supply there lay an offering at the fire. Hooker gathered all these offerings and was given a prayer-stick and six prayer-feathers and a pinch of tobacco. He went up to a crevice in the cliff on the west side, about opposite the house of Oliver's father, and there dropped in the prayer-sticks, part of the food, and a small pinch of the yellow, blue and black pigments, then one prayer-feather, then a strip of corn husk, and then all the rest of the food offering. He then prayed silently for two or three minutes and, then dropped in one more prayer-feather. This is the food offering to the long ago and the far away, to the si'papü in the Colorado Grand Cañón, near the salt deposits. He then went across to the east side of the mesa and dropped the remaining four prayer-feathers in a crevice as an offering to Masau'wû. Yesterday evening just after sunset the Sichomovi Duck kachina all went across to Shipau'lovi. They wore their ordinary clothes or merely a shirt. Some went on horseback or on burro, carrying their masks and paraphernalia in a blanket with considerable care ; some carried the mask in the hand. The prayer-sticks prepared in the kiva this day were also carried with them. They go to celebrate their dance in Shipau'lovi and will return here in three days. No ceremony is observed by them before their departure, nor did they go in a body, each member suiting his own convenience, although all left about the same time. In two days the Shipau'lovi Duck kachina will come over here to celebrate their dance at Sichomovi. We have agreed to provide our Sichomovi friends with a blow-out of coffee and bread on their return. Tuesday, June 28 About 4 P.M. our Duck kachina returned from Shipau'lovi with wreaths of spruce round the base of the masks. Coming to the foot of the trail, they halted about twenty feet below the surface summit of the cliffs. Sikya'ustiwa was sitting on a rock at the head of the trail waiting for them. He went down to the foot of the stairs and said, "Ümpiti, You have arrived." He had a bag of meal round his neck. The leader said, "Auwi piti, Yes, arrived." The leader then laid down a bough of spruce on the ledge, the butt pointing toward the point of mesa and the tip toward the stairway. He then laid down an ear of black corn at the tip of the bough and in line with it. A boy had meanwhile brought down a coal of fire from Sichomovi. The leader filled a small pipe of tobacco and lit it and as he began

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to smoke he took a handful of meal from his bag and, beginning at the butt of the bough, cast a line of meal upon it and onward toward the stairway. Sikya'ustiwa followed him, sprinkling on top of the first meal line with meal from hie own bag. No one was allowed to pass up to the mesa until after this was done ; then several passed up after laying their masks on the ledge in a line with the corn ear and bough. (Fig. 262). Some nine or ten sat in a circle and smoked the small pipe, in fact, five small pipes were used. Most of our returned friends ciarried also boughs of willow and cottonwood like

- a . fì

s

^

fi £ (

Aciaf.

Fig. 262. Diagram of ritual on return of Duck kachina

foliaged palmer's staves. The circle smoked in an informal manner for fifteen or twenty minutes. Most of them wore their masks, but pushed well back on the head, the spruce chaplet affording some protection. They also wear their ordinary duds, but after the smoke has held some time several cast off their clothes and don the kilt and other kachina toggery : spruce collar; bead necklaces; blue skin armlet on each arm, sprig of willow and spruce under armlet ; sash (bandoleer) of red flannel ; gray foxskin from loins; white kilt (pitkiinkwe'wa) with embroidered ends at right side ; big belt ; blue anklets ; moccasins blue or red or black. (Fig. 263). Some I ask say the Shipau'lovi will be over tomorrow, but it is useless to attach much import to anything told us, for, in fact, not one single incident of these ceremonies has thus far transpired according to the time or manner in which we had been told.1 About a half hour was spent on the ledge and then they decorated in full and came up to the court in Sichomovi and danced in the coutt. (Fig. 264). They then went to dance in Walpi and about half an hour before sunset returned to the Sichomovi court where they passed in by the narrow west alley, arranging in line on the 1

Others can testify to like effect. — Ed.

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south side of the court; twenty-three in line and the five female impersonators in line in rear of centre. They sang but one song, .stamping their feet in accompaniment, lasting perhaps five minutes.

Fig. 263. Duck kachina

Sikya'ustiwa led them, the leader of the kachina being also un«ostumed and carrying a bundle on his back in a blanket. After the song, Sikya'ustiwa spoke S.£. some congratulations to them to which the leader replied in a few words, #I .· and one cfr two of the S.w. kachina acknowledged by IM. E , V· a sharp shaking of their rattles. They then filed down fv/.W. to their kiva about a half hour before sunset, Fig. 264. Dance positions of Duck kachina

Some empty them in kiva after descending. All are careful to get out every particle of their former d contents. In Antelope kiva, Wiki Fig. 335. Positions in Antelope kiva, brought the tray with 10.30 Α. Μ., Π Ι day prayer-sticks already de- 1. Wiki. 2. Ko'peU. 3. Ka'chi. 4. Nashíñ. scribed and set it just west 5. Ha'hawi. a) pipes, b) tray, c) fireplace, d) ladder. of the fireplace. Ha'hawi filled and lit three of the smaller pipes in succession, passing the first to Wiki, the second to Nashíñ, the third he smoked himself Λ (Fig. 335). Wiki smoked over the tray, puffing numerous puffs, and, the pipe finished, laid it down in the bag. Nashíñ puffed numerous timqp over the tray and passed the pipe to Ka'chi. He puffed and smoked a little and passed to Ko'peU. The terms for relationship used as yesterday. Ha'hawi, while others were smoking, lifted up the tray, held it in his left hand at his mouth, puffed four times over it, then laid the tray down and kept on smoking. Ko'pell smoked and puffed several times and passed the pipe back to Ka'chi who smoked without puffing. Wiki, after laying the pipe down, gathered up all the prayersticks and prayer-feathers from the tray except one bunch of prayerfeathers and, holding them in his left hand, bent his head over them and said a prayer, others saying thanks, etc. He prayed three or four minutes (kmni'tsoi, northwest, pa'lampiih, red, tdavxdau, singing — I heard no other cardinal point mentioned), then passed the prayer-sticks, etc. to Ko'peli who received them in his left hand, holding them there while Nashíñ prayed, a short prayer. Ha'hawi then prayed, piping broken tones almost suggesting tears. Ha'hawi

•

1 Ha'hawi is filling the place ofasperserforaman who is dead and whose boy is not old enough to perform the duties. — A. M. S. Probably the boy is Nahai'püma. — Ed. 39

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holds his pipe in his left hand while he prays. After finishing the prayer, he resumes smoking. Ko'pelï now prays to him, others respond emphatically, "Pa'ni, etc. etc." He does not change position. Now he gets up and goes up the ladder. Ha'hawi picks out his pipe and lays it down. Ka'chi laid his pipe in the bag some time ago. Wiki takes up the tray and carries it over to its former place (nothing in it now but the four prayer-feathers) close by his altar position, convenient to where he now sits, and resumes his prayer-stick making. Nashíñ and Ka'chi now smoke a sociable American cigarette and Ha'hawi resumes his kilt embroidery. Ko'pelï has set his prayer-sticks and prayer-feathers in the meal basket in his own kiva. Members here are still busying themselves rubbing ochre, etc. and selecting their Snake whips, most of them have these in hand. They also have snake pouches which are red buckskin bags from eight to ten inches long; not all have snake bags, nor are all these of buckskin, some are of cloth. Two of the Snake men took some meal from the tray and sprinkled the whips and snake bags, the first one sprinkled the house snakes. Si'skyaumau did this. 'They wet the scalp lock feather with the perspiration of their forehead and then rub the red on it. Some rub their reddened cheeks with the feather. They do not spit on the feather. The red spot on the cheek is of specular iron. There are chevron marks on the cheeks from the bridge of nose down, one on each cheek. There are no marks on some. There were four novices about fifteen to seventeen years old. Ko'peli took up the prayer-sticks and prayerfeathers and, squatting at the fireplace, said a prayer, the rest responding, "An!chai." Ko'pelï went up the ladder first. Su'pelä with a bundle of grub and another man with a bundle of fruit also went up. They informally passed up from the kiva and, without forming line, halted till all got together around the outside of the kiva, picked up their tools, and then Ko'pelï led them off in a single file. They took off in single file down the trail near the north end of Walpi, not the furthest, and down the arroyo toward the Masau' cairn on the trail. They halted at the Snake shrine in the arroyo not far from the Masau' cairn where they also halted. The house snakes are left in Snake kiva. They were put back in bags by the four novices before the members started. Thirty-one went out this morning. The bags holding the four snakes lie on the floor at the west end of the kiva. In Antelope kiva: "My elder brother," says Ha'hawi as he hands the pipe. "My younger brother," says Wiki in response. Ha'hawi lays down the gate crook after he hands the pipe to Wiki. (As he hands it to Ka'kaptï does he say the same?) Wiki, after all have

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smoked, takes a pinch of meal from a small heap he laid beside himself from the principal basket, holds the pinch in hie right hand, rattle in left, holds the pinch rf almost at his mouth as he prays ; finishing, he sprinkles

sing and keep the snakes from biting the Snake men during the day's hunt. Dr. Fewkes gave Wiki a bit of flotsam wood which he had picked out of the ocean at Boston harbour, and Wiki was grateful Fig. 370. Positions at altar, in for the present and placed it with Antelope kiva, I I I day 1. Wiki. 2. Ho'ñi. 3. Nasyüñ'weve. reverence at the southwest side 4. Kwa'a. 5. Hove'ni 1 . 6. Sikyaboh'- of the altar beside his ti'ponis. tiiima. 7. Ha'hawï. 8. Ka'kaptl. When Ka'kapti finished smoking he passed the pipe to Ha'hawï who smoked it a while and knocked out the ashes, laying down the pipe beside the fireplace. When the pipe passed round on Wiki's side to Sikyaboh'tiiima, he passed it to Ha'hawï who smoked a few puffs and knocked out the ashes, cleaned the stem and laid it down. At 12.57 Wiki prayed on a pinch of meal half a minute and cast the pinch on the altar. Nasyüñ'weve next did the same, next Ha'hawï did the same. At 12.59 Wiki takes the rattle and gives a brief preliminary shake. All the others take up each a long prayerstick from the pedestals, except Ha'hawï who takes up his aspergili, with these the members seated at the altar beat time, in time with Wiki's rattle beats. The aspersing motion of Ha'hawï: first casts a pinch of meal to the northwest, then with four separate dips asperses each lightning once, beginning with the yellow and ending with the white. He again dips in the medicine bowl once and asperses to the six directions in the usual sequence. I, Stanza, 4 min. (1.03); II, (1.05) 2 min.; I I I , (1.06) 1 min.; IV, (1.091/2) 31/2 min.; V, (1.12i/2) 3 min.; VI, (1.23) 914 min.; VII, (1.26) 3 min. ; V i l i , (1.28i/2) 2i/2 min. The first group of songs ends at 1.28%, and Wiki tells Sikyaboh'tiiima to take up the corn-

0

1 Hove'ni (Tle'e) functioned as asperser at the ceremony of 1891, not appearing in kiva till the culminating days of the ceremony.

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cob and bring it up alight. Wiki caste a pinch of meal to northwest and southwest. He dips and asperses yellow and blue lightning. He casts a pinch to the northwest only. He asperses four lightnings in sequence from the yellow, then asperses in six directions. He casts a pinch to the southeast only. There is a regular sequence of aspersing today. I think old Ha'hawi has lost his usual sense of precision. Sikyaboh'tüima brings down the cob on fire. Wiki breaks off a small bit of lit ember and lays it on the large end of the pipe. He then fans it with his breath until he gets the tobacco afire, then as usual he puts his lips against the large end of the pipe and, stooping over on knees and elbows, places the small end of the pipe just above the big lion and blows four dense clouds out upon the altar. He finishes the smoke clouds at 1.36, and Ha'hawi fills and lights the ordinary pipe and passes it to Wiki. Then he fills and lights another pipe and passes it to Ka'kaptï. Before the pipe had proceeded on its round Wiki signalled for the second group of eight songs which began at 1.42. I, at 1.42; II, at 1.46, 4 min.; III, at 1.49, 3 min.; IV, at 1.53, 4 min. (Wiki takes the crook and hooks the clouds toward the altar, whirls the whizzer on the floor and at the hatchway); V, at 2.03%, 10% η " η · (Ka'kaptï beats time with the stone chama'hia); VI, at 2.07%, 3y 2 min.; VII, at 2.10, 3 min.; VIII, at 2.13, 3 min. Ending at 2.13, Wiki prays on a pinch of meal one minute and casts on the altar ; then Nasyüñ'weve prays half a minute, and Ha'hawi, half a minute. Ha'hawi then fills the pipe, lights it and passes it to Wiki. After about all have smoked at 2.26, Wiki proceeds to lay the four prayer-sticks separately on a piece of cloth and the members breathe a prayer on their prayer-feathers and lay them down at any prayer-stick optionally. Some lay one at each prayer-stick, some lay all they have made at once, etc. Wiki then rolls them up, the last one to be taken out, as usual, rolled up first. Wiki anoints with honey the courier and puts the cloth in a rolled blanket, and the courier fastens on the prayer-feather and puts prayer-meal in his pouch. Wiki gives him the blanket with prayer, and off he starts at 2.30. About 6 P.M. the snake hunters returned with twelve snakes. They go down into their own kiva and, as usual, transferred the snakes from the pouches in which they were carried into one of the three large jars, which one of the novices covered with a piece of cloth and tied round the rim with a string. During the operation of transferring the snakes from the pouches to the jar, Wiki came into the kiva and sprinkled the snakes with pollen. This is called no'bna,

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feeding, really food offering, praying that rain may hasten, that the snakes (addressing them as my sons, my fathers) may not be angry and bite, expressing thanks at their arrival. If there are many he expresses gladness ; if but few, expresses regret and hopes that more will be found next day, etc. Each member of the society also casts a little pollen upon the snakes, with prayers to the same intent. This "feeding" by the Snake members is made each day toward sunset, but Wiki only makes a food offering on the evening of the first hunt day. Ha'hawi every morning fills the medicine bowl with water from Tüve'skyabí. August 9, IV day This morning Wiki brought down the painted tile called hokonmano'wa (butterfly maid stone) or, more usually, butterfly maid (ho'konmana), setting it on an edge against the ledge opposite the southeast corner of the altar. Against it, on its west side, he set the small dark orange jar called pa'tni. There were also brought down the following netted gourds by their owners and placed at the altar as follows — all empty: at northwest corner, gourd of Kwa'a, Patki clan ; southwest corner, gourd of Wiki, Snake clan ; east gate (north side), gourd of Ha'hawi, Horn clan. Hokonmano'wa, the hoko'na is depicted because that large dark butterfly is the largest butterfly known to the Hopi. It is a pictorial prayer for rain. Butterflies and tadpoles depicted because these pertain to moisture. They are abundant only in rainy seasons. All the butterflies are typified by the hoko'na. Wiki made, as yesterday, two prayer-sticks to be placed by Ko'peli, and he and other members made numerous red prayerfeathers to be placed with the prayer-sticks and one prayer-feather to be placed at the point w^ere all the first four snakes were discovered on today's hunt. Prayers at the fireplace and smoking to consecrate the prayer-sticks and prayer-feathers, as yesterday. Ko'peli this morning early also makes four red prayer-feathers in his kiva and the Antelope society make eight in their kiva, as yesterday. Of these eight prayer-feathers Ko'peli places four at Tûwa'nashabï and four at a prayer-stick shrine on the site of the early Snake clan shrine, a little southwest from the field of Wikya'tiwa. Also he places prayer-sticks and prayer-feathers at the Snake shrine beyond Butterfly shrine. The four prayer-feathers he made himself Ko'peli places before the first four snakes captured. At 9.30 Ko'peli passed up with prayer-sticks and feathers in his left hand and very soon after, all the Snake members (twenty-six

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today) passed out, led by Ko'pell, through the passageway to the southwest point and in the direction of the Müsho'ñinovi trail. They passed by the large rock at the southwest point called Snake shrine where one prayer-stick was placed by Ko'peli , and the other prayersticks were "placed" farther southwest, probably on the water course which curves around the sand dunes. Ka'chi and Wikya'tlwa make two additional prayer-sticks in Antelope kiva today, and now at 10.15 all are busy making prayersticks and prayer-feathers. The bit of flotsam given them yesterday seems to attract a good deal of attention, and today Wiki prepared prayer-feathers for it. When he was about to fasten them on it, Nasyüñ'weve and Ha'hawi told him to wait before fastening, I think meaning to wait till day after tomorrow when the northeast prayer and hunt occurs. Wiki and Nasyüñ'weve each prepare four sets of blue-green prayer-sticks of the length from the centre of the knuckle joint to the tip of the middle finger. These two also made, each, two long prayer-sticks. Kwa'a made two sets of blue-green prayer-sticks as above and two long prayer-sticks. Ka'chi made four sets of bluegreen prayer-sticks as above, no long prayer-sticks. Kwa'a made two sets of blue-green prayer-sticks as above, assigning as the reason why he did not make four, because he had not the necessary turkey feathers. Ha'hawi made two long prayer-sticks, no blue-green. He also makes numerous prayer-feathers composed of one short feather from the outer surface of eagle wing with one small feather called kütüb'hüadta (his head vertebra) from where the head and back bone of the duck join. Tie'e makes numerous prayer-feathers of small feathers from eagle wing and one small duck kütüb'hüadta. Sikyaboh'tüima makes four prayer-feathers, same as Hove'ni. Wiki, Nasyüñ'weve and Kwa'a make prayer-feathers of somewhat longer feathers of eagle wing (no primates), then prayer-feathers like Hove'ni's, also. In other words all those men mentioned have made groups of prayer-feathers practically the same, in addition to which prayerfeathers have been made by Ha'hawi of eagle breast and underwing feathers, for long prayer-sticks and netted gourds, also Cloud prayerfeathers. The prayer-feather is made here in the manner common to all prayer-feather making. A small ball of cotton string of the maker's own spinning is taken in the right hand, and the end of the string held between the finger and thumb of the left hand, the fingers of which are slightly extended , and around them he passes the string

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twice; slipping it off the fingers it takes a ply of four strands. Without breaking the string, he places the tips of the two feathers composing the prayer-feathers between the finger and thumb of the left hand, and the four strand string lies against the feather tip about the width of the finger. With the unbroken string he winds around the four strand part and the feather quills four times tightly. The fifth turn he makes loose and passes the ball of string under it, drawing the loose turn tight. He untwists and breaks off the string attached to the ball. All prayer-feathers and prayerstick fastenings are made in this way and always without knots. The pigments are liquified wholly by medicine-water from the medicine bowl. No seeds are used to generate saliva, no saliva is used. Numerous prayer-feathers are made by the Antelope men here to be placed (ta bi) today by courier ; all these red stained prayerfeathers are by themselves in the prayer-meal basket. The long prayer-sticks are as usual painted black and at the upper end as usual are turkey feather, corn husk strips, journey food packet, pam'navi and sage. All the long prayer-sticks are marked on the string wrappings s w . e*. with four black bands between each pendant, these bands are called toki'lhadta, its nights. Each of the four men noted lay their two long prayer-sticks beside the netted gourds. Dr. Fewkes brought out this morning a horseshoe crab. Wfc'wë and his father at our house called it Spider woman, and the old man Cha'sra brought in Wë'we's boy Mai'hpi (the lad who is to succeed as chief), and he and the old man cast meal upon it and prayed Fig. 371. Positions at altar, in for rain. Fewkes brought the Antelope kiva, IV day 1.—4. netted gourds. 5. medicine crab up to Antelope kiva, and bowl. 6. whizzer. 7. prayer-meal this forenoon Ha'hawi and and prayer-sticks with red feathers. some of the others discussed it 8.—9. prayer-sticks in tray. 10. water and called it wuko' pava'tiyà, jar. 11. tile. 12. Wiki. 13. Naeyüñ'great tadpole. No Hopi has weve. 14. Ka'chi. 15. Kwa'a. 16. Ho. ve'ni. 17. Sikyaboh'tülma. 18. Ha'hawl. 19. Ka'kaptl.

8een suclx an animai before, but they were sure that

ever

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it was the "great" of the ordinary tadpoles that are found in this region. We told them that we could not give it to them at present, but they earnestly besought us to leave it with them during the ceremony that they might pray to it to send rain. Pala'tkwabï ìb the land of Pa'lülükoña! 1 Ho'ñi is absent today herding sheep. The long prayer-sticks are placed inside the crooks lying upon the celts (chama'hia), shells are also placed there. At 12.49 Wiki takes his usual seat and gives the usual signal for the other members to take theirs, which, with much leisureliness, they do (Fig. 371), and Ha'hawï prepares pipes as yesterday and passes a pipe to Wiki at 12.58. Wiki prays at 1.16 on a pinch of meal held in the right hand, then Nasyüñ'weve, then Ha'hawï. Songs begin at 1.18. Ha'hawï asperses thus: (After casting to the cardinal directions he also casts the remainder of the pinch on the altar.) Caste pinch of I meal to NW Y» G Dips aspergili R and asperses 6D

II SW Y G R Xs 6D

III SE Y W G

IV V VI NE NW NW G Y Y R Y G Y YxG R X R Y X W 6D 6D 6D 6D

V i a VII V i l i I X X SW SE N E N W SW Y Y Y Y G G X Y X X R X W X X W W W W X 6D 6D 6D 6D 6D

XI XII SE N E G Y Y R W W Y 6D X 6D

It is quite evident4 that the routine of aspersing is thus : part of a pinch of meal to the northwest ; the remainder of the same pinch upon the altar; with a separate dip for each, the four lightnings are aspersed in the natural sequence yellow, blue-green, red, white; next with one dip of the aspergili he asperses northwest, southwest, southeast, northeast, Above, Below, with sweeping upward motions. The first group of VIII songs ended at 1.47, lasting twenty-nine minutes. Ha'hawï says that the altar "house" embraces all the Hopi region, and his aspersions are the rains falling from the rain clouds; he asperses everything by these motions. 1 A discovery that must have aroused in our Journalist, if not in others suspicion of the reality of this place. — Ed. 2 Letters refer to colours of snakes in altar painting (Pl. XVII), 6 D meaning six directions. 3 X means that the aspersion was not directed to any special lightning, falling on the altar promiscuously, so to speak. 4 Not from the table above which is not self-explanatory. — Ed.

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The usual smoke and prayer formulas. The second group of VIII songs begins at 1.59. I A ha hai hai y e e Ye ha a hau Ye he he Ai ye he he ye ha ha hai ai yi he ye he he Ai ye he a E'-E' Aha hau ai-e-ye Ye-a-ha-hau Ai-ye-ye hai ye he a Ye-ha-a-hau Ye he he ai ye he È-È

Sipapühünima Ye-ha-a-to-ma Si-wa-na Ye he he Boliwa Ye-haha-a-hau Ai ye he ai ye he ai ye he he È-È

Sipapühünima ye ha a to to me siwane Ye e he Boliwa Ye ha ha hau ai e ye hai e he Ai-e-ye he he Ai e ye he È-È A a hau ai e he he a ayhau ai-e ye-ha Ye-he-he ai-ye-he Ye ha ha hau Ye-ha-wa-na A ha-ha-yi-i-he hai-i-ye A-ha'-yi-i-i yé-he I I Wa ha yi he-me we he Sipa pu ni Wa ho ne Wa ha yi he (Whirls one whizzer on the northeast corner of the main floor, goes on the hatch and whirls the two, facing the east) Wa ha yi he A ha yi i he Wa ha yo-i Sipapunima Wa-ho-ne (All touching the altar with tips of the long prayerstick) A he yi i he Wa-ha-yi-o-me-o Sipapunima I I I A-ha-ha-hau-ha-yi-ye A ha hau ye a ha ha ha ha yi ye Si-hi-wa-na Bo-li-wa-na (Ka'kapti beats with chama'hia) Si-hi-wa-na Bo-li-wa-na Po ho ma A ha ha hau tehemë IV Ho-ho-we ya ho ho we ho ho wa ho we me-yo Ha'i-ya ye-ho'-li wa-wa-ko-mi-ge wa-wa-hû-ni-he Wa-wa-hû-ni-ge ho we ho ho wa Wa-wa-hû-mi-he wa-wa-ko-ma-ge

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V Au-au-ha-yi-ye a ha ha hau hi yi ye Mai ye wa nai ya he Si'papüni Ko-wai'-ya Si'papiini ko wai ya Sihiwana Boliwana (Rapid vibration of rattle and prayersticks) Sihiwana Boli-wa-na Ko-we-ya Au-ha-ha-hau ha-yi-ye au-ha-yi-ne VI A ha ha ha yi ye a-ha-hay-ha-yi-ye (a lilting song) Ye ha hau ha-yi-ye mai-yi-we-na-ya Ma-si-pa-pü-ni na-kwa-ma-so-li-mo-li Mo-li-so-lai-ma-li Mo-li-so-lai te-ya-te-ya Bo-li-so-lai-ma-lai-te-ya a-we-a-we-a-we ai-a-we-ne-nai-ya VII Aha-aha ha yi ye hau ha yi ye Ye-ha Ya-ha-a-ha-a-ha au-hai-yi-ye Yaha-hau-ha-yi-ye mai-yi-we-na Ma sipa pii ni Si-ye-he wa he wa na Ma-ha-si-hi-ha-ha-ha-pü-hü-ni Bo-ho-li-hi-wa-ha-na Si hi wa na Boliwana Si-hi-wa-na Bo li wa na VIII Au ha yi ye Eha yi ye E ha a a au Au hayi ya E-ha-yi-ye E-ha-a-a-a-à (the lilting song) Wa-wi-o-me ma si pa pu ni mo-tsa-lai Ma-sipa pü nï mo-tsa-la-ye Ma-so-la-we bo-tai-yo-a Au hai i ye. End songs at 2.30; prayers and smoke as usual. All the other members today who did not pray audibly at the end of Ha'hawî's prayer, took a pinch of meal, prayed upon it and, stooping over on hands and knees, cast the meal pinch upon the altar. Wiki, Nasyüñ'weve and Ha'hawi pray on their meal pinches and cast them on the altar ; then Ha'hawi, as usual, fills and lights the pipe and passes it to Wiki ; fills and lights another and passes it to Ka'kaptï. After nearly all had smoked, Wiki lays his four sets of prayersticks upon the piece of cloth in a row at a short distance aparta Nasyüñ'weve lays his four by the side of those of Wiki. Ka'chi similarly lays down his four and Kwa'a lays down his two. I inquired whether he was laying them at Northwest and Southwest 44

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or at the other two points, but he did not know. This elicited the fact that there is no peculiarity attaching to any of these prayersticks as distinguishing them for placing at the different cardinal points. The points at which they will be ta'bi, i.e. placed or offered, are determined by the sequence in which they are folded up in the cloth or mantle, the last or upper prayer-stick wrapped up is the first to be placed, i. e. at the Northwest. The members then placed the prayer-feathers they had made beside the prayer-sticks and Wiki rolled up the cloth and folded it in the blanket, diagonally, tying the two corners. He then tied the cloud prayer-feathers on the scalp lock of Sikyaboh'tüima, anointed him with honey, and then Sikyaboh'tüima slung the blanket or thrust his left arm through the loop formed by tying the two corners, and started off on a run down the same trail as on former days, down the west side of Walpi and out on the trail to the Snake shrine, where he stopped for a while, thence along the trail past the modern house (on its southwest side) and on out to the water course, leaving the trail a little way beyond the modern house. His route on this day is much more circumscribed, but includes all the fields around the mesa. He was also instructed to go to certain convenient fields and pluck two or three stalks of corn and some vines of squash, melon and beans and bring them to the kiva, which he did, laying them at the back of the altar on his return from his prayer circuit. The Snake men returned, the first party of about twelve or fourteen at 3.30, the others in one or two groups, about sunset. Wiki brought down his bow standard this afternoon which he renovated and prepared for placing tomorrow. August 10, Thursday, V day As on preceding days Ko'peli made four prayer-feathers early this morning in his kiva and the Antelope made eight in theirs. Of these eight prayer-feathers Ko'peli places four at the Snake shrine in the rocky mound near the modern house of Wiki, and four at Sun spring. The four he made himself Ko'peli places before the first four snakes captured. The bow standard has attached to it the following skins: weasel for the Northwest, skunk for the Above, racoon for the Below. These are all evil smellers. They are placed over the hatchway to keep away evil influences (sen ha'kûm kalo'lomai) in the air,1 to keep them from looking down into the kiva upon the Cloud altar. 1

I am reminded of the mal aire one hears about so much in Mexico. Aire is also brought to mind by the evil wind spirits of the Hopi. — Ed.

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691

This morning at sunrise, as usual, instead of placing the Snake whip standard, the bow standard was suspended high up on the end of each ladder at Antelope kiva and at Snake kiva, and Wiki sifted valley sand over the hatchway at Antelope kiva, and Ko'peli over the hatchway at Snake kiva. This is called tüwa'mkya. At the si'papü beside the water in the west, after four days they came up and reached the surface of this world ; the sand on the kiva roofs is tüwa'mkya, i.e. reached this earth, tüwa'nugûka. At 9 A.M. the following four seated themselves at the fireplace in Antelope kiva: Wiki, Ko'peli, Nasyüñ'weve, and Ka'chi. (Fig. 372).

—O Fig. 372. Positions at fireplace, in Antelope kiva, V day

As on former days the red prayer-feathers for offering at the places of snake capture and this day's three sets of standard blue-green prayer-sticks, i.e. measured from the center of the palm to the tip of the middle finger, were brought in the prayer-meal basket by Wiki and laid in front of him at the side of the fireplace. Ka'chi filled and lit the pipe and passed it (to Wiki ?), and the pipe passed around. Wiki then took up the three prayer-sticks and all of the prayer-feathers in his left hand and prayed over them and passed them to Ko'peli who received them and held them in his left hand. Nasyüñ'weve then prayed, and then Ko'peli who, after praying, passed up the ladder and across to his own kiva, descending which, he, as usual, squatted on the southwest side of the fireplace and prayed briefly and, taking up his meal pouch and snake pouch, passed up the ladder, all in silence. The rest of the Snakes followed him and, selecting their implements, they formed in irregular line on the southwest side of the kiva, waiting till all came up. Then, led by Ko'peli, all silently filed out of the court at 44*

692

Alexander M. Stephen

9.30 and down the Southeast stair and across the sheep corral terrace, halted at the Snake shrine (the great mass of rock boulder on the west side of the modern house of Wiki), placed one set of prayer-sticks there and prayer-feathers, thence to Sun spring, where they did the same, then deploying, they spread southeast toward the modern house group in the valley, which they went beyond to the spring called Üsh'tüikabi where the third set of prayer-sticks are placed. All or nearly all of the Antelope have red rubbed on their face today and a touch of specular iron on each cheek, and all in the early morning tied a red prayer-feather on their scalp. This morning by 11, old Wiki has made two sets of standard prayer-sticks for Ko'peli to deposit tomorrow at Sheep spring at the Northeast. Also four sets of prayer-sticks of prescribed length for deposit on today's prayer circuit. As yesterday other members make prayer-sticks and prayer-feathers which willbe noted after completion. Ha'hawi is making parrot prayer-feathers (gya'rzñüna, parrot tied ?). At each end of a rather thick four ply cotton string about three inches long he fastened two or three small parroquet feathers, red, yellow, and blue, the feathers fastened at the butt of the quill by sinew wrapping. He makes eight of these. Prayer-sticks made: by Wiki, two standard blue-green prayersticks for Ko'peli to offer tomorrow at the Northeast, four sets of blue-green prayer-sticks of prescribed size for offering on today's prayer circuit; by Nasyüñ'weve, four sets of blue-green prayersticks of prescribed size for offering on today's prayer circuit, one set of blue-green prayer-sticks of prescribed size for Masau'wû, one unpainted hoto'mni prayer-stick (it is anointed with honey instead of pigment) — these two to be offered at the Masau' shrine (to the southeast) today; by Kwa'a and Ka'chi each four sets of blue-green prayer-sticks of prescribed size for offering on today's prayer circuit. As usual numerous prayer-feathers are made by all. All prayer-feathers on prayer-sticks as well as detached are today stained with red. This morning early the corn stalks and plant vines brought in yesterday by the courier were set up behind the butterfly maid tile, and two stalks were set in the jar (pa'tni). These remain where they were placed yesterday against the ledge at the southwest end of the kiva. (Fewkes makes a blue-green prayer-stick and sets it in the tray of Wiki.) About noon all the prayer-stick and prayer-feather work is done and there is a lull during which we exhibit the coloured sketch of the "Mexican Rain Ceremony after Sahagun," but little can be

Ηοφχ Journal

693

elicited in explanation. They all seem to agree, however, that the woman weaving is a personage with lightning. At 12.28 Wiki signifies that it is time to begin the songs, and with customary deliberation the other ψ members shake themselves together, fold their blankCD CD ets for seats, and gradually take their places (Fig. 373), and at 12.36 Ha'hawï fills the pipe, lights it and passes it to Wiki. Yo'wimana (Sha'lako's daughter) comes down into the kiva uncoetumed, barefooted Fig. 373. Positions at altar, in Antelope kiva, V day and with hair hanging 1. Wiki. 2. Ho'ñi. 3. Wikya'tlwa. loose. 4. Nasyüñ'weve. 5. Ka'chi. β. Kwa'a. As usual Ha'hawï fills 7. Sikyaboh'tülma. 8. Ta'wa. 9. Ha'hawï. and lights another pipe 10. Ka'kaptï. 11. Yo'wimana. and passes to Ka'kaptï. Ka'kaptï, on smoking the pipe out, passes it back to Ha'hawï who cleans it out and lays it by the fireplace. At 12.46 Wiki prays on a meal pinch. Nasyüñ'weve next, then Ha'hawï. At 12.48 Wiki gives the preliminary prayer-stick to the maid to beat time with. She passed it back at the end of the second group of songs. The first group of VIII songs begins at 12.49. I Ye ha hau ye Ha-hau-hai-ye Ye-ha-hau ye Ha-hau-hai-yi-ye ye-si-pa-pû-hi-ni-yi-i-hi-i-yï Emo he mo a-lo-we-mo Emo-o-mûa-la-we-mo we-mo-le E-mo-le We-mo-wemo-le II I-i-e-ya-a-wa-he-e-he (Repeated four times) I-i-e-ya-a-wa-he-ye hi-ye-ha-a-wa Pa-ha-ne-ai-a-wa-a pa-nï-ye-a-wa E-na-me e-ma-nï-ta-to ko'-la-so-lo

694

Alexander M. Stephen I I I I-e-ya wa a ha i-e-ya-wa-ye-ha-a-wa Me-e-ya-wa-he-a-wa Si'pa pii ni pa ha ho la pa ha ho Pa-ha-lo pûnï-to-ï mi-ye-e Pa-ha-ho pû-nï-to-ï pa-ha Ma-ha-he-na ma-he-ne Ma ha he ye IV I-e-ya he a wa i-hi-ya-wa wa-hi-ya-wa Si'pa pü ni pa-ha-ho la pa-ha ho Pa-ha-nakwe-pu-nï to ï pa-ha yo'-o-ho Me-e-ya-wa-ye-ha-a-wa me-ya-wa V (V and VI without break) A-hau-ha-yi-ye a-ha-ha-hau-yi ye mai-yi-we-ma Si-pa-pü-lí-ni ko-la-so-lo-la Ha-ya-we-ni e-lo-ho-ma pa-ya-we-ma VI Ya-ha-hau ha-yi-ye ye-he-he (Slow chant) Au ha yi ye aha ha ya-ha-lo-we-no we-no VII Kwinehemo Kwi nehema A yi hi a yi he masolaikwi V i l i A-ha-hauhayihe A ha hahau Si'pa-pü-ni Ko-a-wa-ha weha wa ta-we Si'papüni Ko-wa-wa we-ya-wa-he to-me (Pollen sprinkling song. They sprinkle when Si'papüni is sung.)

Ha'haw! fills the pipes, but does not light them. The courier goes up and brings down a lit corncob and passes it to Wiki who makes his six or more cloud exhalations. He blows through the big smoke pipe until the cloud "tobacco" (o'mauwuvwiva) is consumed. Ha'hawi lights one pipe and passes to Wiki; lights the other and passes to Ka'kapti. While smoke is yet in progress Wiki shakes his rattle and begins the second group of songs at 1.30. I, finishes at 1.35; II, 1.41; III, 1.44; IV, 1.47; V, 1.51; VI, 1.54; VII, 1.57; VIII, 2.00. Wiki prayed on a pinch of meal; then Nasyüñ'weve; then Ha'hawi. The others took a pinch of meal and cast on the altar after praying upon it. The maid goes out and home. Ha'hawi fills and lights the pipe as before and passes it to Wiki, fills and lights another and passes it to Ka'kapti who after smoking awhile passes

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695

it back to Ha'hawï. The other pipe continues its round from Wiki down on his side of the altar. But practically the ceremony is ended, some resuming their lounging on the upraise. They finish smoking at 2.15 and, as yesterday, Wiki arranges the prayer-sticks, others lay in theirs and the prayer-feathers, and the courier starts on the former trail, but in a more circumscribed circuit. The Snake return is very scattering, Ko'peli coming in alone up the trail by the Gap at 4 P.M. Two or three others follow him half an hour afterwards, but most of the Society come up in straggling groups by the Southeast stair down which they went this morning. Friday, August 11, VI day Same as on preceding days. Ko'peli made four red prayerfeathers in his kiva early and the Antelopes made eight in their kiva. Of these eight prayer-feathers, Ko'peli places four in the Snake shrine just northeast from Coyote spring in the high yellow broken foot hills there, and the other four at Sheep spring. His own four prayer-feathers Ko'peli places as on former days before the first four snakes found. As at the last observance, the prayer-sticks for Ko'peli and the prayer-feathers were prayed over this morning at early sunrise, and Ko'peli led the Snake society up the mesa toward Sheep spring, passing through the villages at 5.20. The snake hunt is so arranged as to bring them to Sheep spring shortly after noon, and there a great plenty of food has been brought by the members. All then go to the spring and sprinkle meal with prayer (ho'moyá), no prayer-feathers are placed. They are thankful for success in their hunt, may rain speedily follow and flowing water. Then all eat of the feast, after which they return homeward, hunting for snakes on the way. In Antelope kiva Nasyüñ'weve renovated the altar this morning. In the forenoon, red prayer-feathers were made by all present and four sets of blue-green prayer-sticks of prescribed size were made by Wiki, Nasyüñ'weve, Ka'chi, and Kwa'a. These are set in two Ko'honino trays at the southwest corner of the altar. At 1.15 Ha'hawi fills and lights the pipe and passes it to Wiki, fills and lights another and passes it to Ka'kapti. Just after the smoke begins, Yo'wimana comes down as yesterday, uncostumed, wearing schoolgirl's gown and shawl, barefoot, and hair hanging loose. At 1.24 Wiki prays on a meal pinch, then Nasyüñ'weve, then Ha'hawï. At 1.26 the song begins. (Fig. 374). First group ends at 1.55. Sikya brings down a Ut corncob and Wiki, having filled

Alexander M. Stephen

696

374.

Positions at altar, in Antelope kiva, VI day 1. Wiki. 2. Nasyüñ'weve. 3. Ka'chi. 4. Kwa'a. 5. Sikyabuh'tiilma. 6. Ta'wa. 7. Mashayû'mtiwa. 8. Ha'hawï. 9. Ka'kaptï. 10. Yo'wimana. 11. prayerstick trays.

the big smoke pipe, blows through it as usual and produces the clouds. At 2.03 Ha'hawï fills and lights the pipe and passes it to Wiki, fills and lights the other and passes it to Ka'kapti. At 2.07 begins the second group of songs, ending at 2.35. Wiki prays, then Nasyüñ'weve, then Ha'hawï, the prayers all made on a meal pinch which is cast on the altar. Prayers end at 2.37. Ha'hawï fille and lights the pipe and passes it to Wiki, fills and lights the other and passes it to Ka'kaptï. Scott and Lungren are initiated. The courier is anointed and goes out with the prayersticks at 2.53.

Saturday, August 12, VII day At yellow light of dawn I went to Antelope kiva. Scott and Lungren are also in the kiva sketching. Nasyüñ'weve and Ka'chi renew the altar, laying down all the uprights for the convenience of pouring new sands. They began this work just at daylight. I asked them when the culminating day of the Snake ceremony occurred at Müsho'ñínovi. They are very well aware that the ceremony is now in progress, but they could not hit upon the precise day. As two years ago, they have been regretting the scarcity of turkey feathers. Fewkes sent to T. V. K. yesterday and got some for them, for which they are very grateful. Wiki says that yesterday was the concluding day of his immediate care of the altar. He had renewed it daily till then. Now, his brother and Nasyüñ'weve care for its renovation. At sunrise Wiki sets up his ordinary snake whip standard, casting meal toward the sunrise, but at Snake kiva the mat is removed from the hatchway and the snake whip standard is set with a stone. The bow standard on the ladder at each kiva remains day and night in place, it is not removed till the eighth day.

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f Fig. 444.

Soma'koli altar, 1893

After the prayer-sticks are all in the four piles, prayers are said by Ka'lashai, and by all the others, but not in sequence of position, rather as if praying when prompted. They finish prayers a t 3.45, andfour young men strip save for breech cloth (for though all who are in the chamber are barefooted with hair loose, only Ka'lashai and two or three others are stripped). To each of these four, Ka'lashai gives one of the four piles of prayer-sticks and they all set off in hot haste, not quite together, a few minutes apart, but all set off in the same Tewa circuit, to the northeast first, and deposit prayersticks a t different places and arroyos, etc., then to the northwest, southwest, and southeast. As soon as prayers were over at 3.45, women brought in food in great profusion. JOURNAL 1892 Friday, July 29 What a very archaic, old, old world surroundings are these! Three old men sitting on a newly made floor, smoking tobacco, each with 52*

820

Alexander M. Stephen

his own small pipe. These three men are Tawai', Wë' wë, and Te'me, Tewa Town chief. Also, after say five minutes, Kwa'lakwai and Ka'lashai come in. It is about 9 A. M. when Wë'hë calls me. For some previous days he has warned me of this approaching ceremony. I pass to the room on the second story above the rooms which his own family occupies. He (Wë'hë) takes no part in the affair, but goes off to work in his field after he has introduced me to these chiefs. I/W

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Fig. 445. Soma'koli altar, 1892 1. Te'me. 2. Tawai'. 3. Kwa'lakwai. 4. Ka'lashai. 5. Wë'wë. 6. Ta'hyiim (not on diagram). 7. Po'che (not on diagram), a) ti'poni with feathers, b) ti'poni without feathers. (Both ti'poni are closely wrapped with cotton, all old looking.) c) whizzers, very old. d) small coil tray (coloured) full of prayer-meal. e) fine old square (orange) crenellate bowl, no handle, f) skunk ( ?) skin full of tobacco, g) Ko'honino tray, h) bundle of fetiches( ?). i) wicker bottle of honey, k) bundle of willow rods tied. 1) stout rod of spruce, m) Ko'honino tray brought up by Te'me.

Wë'hë has always told me his wife, Po'be, is chief and these men meet in his [her] house. Po'be, however, continues with her household duties. These three men are shortly after joined by another, several others. (Fig. 445). They all smoke. Then Wë'wë goes in the other room and brings out a pigment mortar with double compartments, one blue, the other black. He makes a yucca paint brush. Tawai' takes off his shirt. Te'me goes down to Po'be and brings up a Ko'honino tray. The square crenellate bowl has in it a little water; no handle. All the movements of these men are slow and deliberate. Wë'wë spits on the spruce (Tewa, che'li) stick and

Hopi

Journal

821

also on the reed (Tewa, yúñ), and rubs them with his hande up and down. Following the general plan of the Hopi prayer-stick making, all engage in preparing prayer-feathers, rubbing pigment, whittling and rubbing the prayer-stick stems. They make each four sets ( ?), certain prayer-sticks of willow, others of spruce. These toward sunset are deposited in two prayer-stick shrines on mesa summits in cavernous places, another deposit is made out in the East valley and another deposit in the West valley. Tuesday, August 2 About 10 A.M. Kwa'lakwai came in to my room and told me that today was the appointed time for the completion of the prayer-stick making for the Sumai'kolï shields (evi'tiye). (Fig. 446). When the Hopi begged the Tewa to come to their relief, after long discussion it was decided that the Tewa should go. First in line, that is leading the column of file, were seven chiefs, each carrying a shield, in the following order; 1. Cha a aii, Blue, chief, 2. Púñwei Chañaii,( ?) Blue, chief, 3.Te'megei, All colours, 4. Pi'i, Red, 5. Aye' piigi, Red Cloud ( ?), 6. Che'yi, Yellow, 7. Che' a i, White. Each also carried a gourd of water and a crook. They thus brought their corn, vegetation, and moisture. The shield and gourd, in left hand. The ceremonies are practically the same as described by Fewkes last year. A bundle of willows from two to four feet long, wands trimmed off of all foliage. These were lying in front of Kwa'lakwai who sat on the north side of the door. From these all the members helped themselves except Ka'lashai who had two pieces of trimmed spruce bough, about eight inches long by % °f an inch in diameter. Ka'lashai dipped a little honey from an old glass preserve jar, with a pointed stick, and sucked it. He then prayed shortly, all responding thanks. All the others dipped from the honey jar also, spat on their hands, after absorbing the honey; rubbed their bodies, some entirely, others the breast or legs, etc. They chose wands and spat on them and rubbed them. All this time one or two pipes of tobacco were in constant circuit, exchanged from hand to hand with usual formalities. I note two of the younger men, who do not undress in making their prayer-sticks, content with removing their moccasins, cast their prayer-meal, etc. in a perfunctory way, as Fewkes noted. All the others, however, undressed and did not resume their clothes till after all their prayer-sticks were made and smoked over. Each man made two blue (entire) prayer-sticks (o'tope chañ'aii)

Fig. 446. Sumai'kolï shields No. 7 has no handle, a) eye in shield.

Hopi Journal

823

and two black (entire) (o'tope pe'ñgi), measuring from wrist to tip of the middle finger. The bark not removed from these except about an inch at the sharpened tip. The maker attaches four breast feathers of hawk (Tewa, mavxi'bepa) equidistant. Ka'lashai made one spruce prayer-stick, also a small cylinder from spruce, this painted black and the ends, blue-green, a small hawk feather attached to the centre. The spruce prayer-stick also is black, except the blunt end and a small space about an inch below which were painted blue. I t was trimmed with turkey feather wrapper and hawk feathers with a turkey prayer-feather attached. Ka'lashai also made four sets of black willow prayer-sticks, male and female, the blunt ends and facets blue. Tawai' made four of the single prayer-sticks of willow, but entirely unpainted, nor was the bark disturbed except at the butts which are black. Each man attaches a hawk feather to one of the rods on each shield; if he begins on the left side, he so continues and mutters an almost inaudible singsong while so doing. Á11 of Ka'lashai's prayer-sticks are trimmed with turkey feathers and hawk feathers. The finished prayer-sticks are arranged in three trays which are set around the medicine bowl, about in front of Ka'lashai. He fills the pipe with tobacco and smokes over them, stooping over and sending great puffs down upon and through their contents. After much desultory talk by the members, Ka'lashai prays, then all become sober and respond. Nearly all smoke tobacco and shucks during these final prayers, but all seem very devout and respond fervently and often during every prajrer. All then helped themselves to their own prayer-sticks, the trays being passed around. Ka'lashai then gave me a prayer-stick for Fewkes,1 saying, "Tell Fewkes to send rain soon, our plants will soon begin to perish, etc." They prayed over their sticks separately and again returned them, this time all to one tray, each sprinkling meal on each of his prayer-sticks, then on the shields, then on the trail out of the doorway. Ka'lashai then appointed twelve to thirteen men to distribute the prayer-sticks, and they at once stripped. Also Avai'yo and the young lad with him. They go to Sun spring, Coyote spring, Spider spring, Po'pewidi. Ka'yite, the final offering of food and tobacco and disposal of whittlings in the prayer-stick shrine on the southeast front of Tewa, about 5 P.M. 1 A significant incident, making it quite plain that the prayer-stick is thought of as carrying a message or prayer. — Ed.

824

Alexander M. Stephen D E A T H AND B U R I A L 1

August 2, 1893 This evening Djasjinï died suddenly in his field. He had not been complaining; he went out this morning in his usual health, carrying a pilgrim bottle of water slung over his shoulder. His son went out to look up some horses and, returning by the east side of the valley, saw his father lying on the bank near his own corn field, as the son supposed, asleep. Going up to his father, he put his hand on his shoulder, inquiring why he slept there, and discovered his father to be quite dead. Returning to Tewa, he burst out in loud wailing and told the mournful tidings to his relatives. All the women of his kin wailed on throughout the evening. About two hours after sunset, the son and four other men, kin, rode over to the distant field and brought the body to the Tewa burying ground on the east side of the Gap. I could not discover their plan of burial and hence did not see it, but about 3 A.M. one of the wailing women came into my room and got some matches with which she set fire to some cedar bark and cedar twigs. With the lighted cedar four or five of the women kin went down to the burial place, constantly wailing, and accompanied by one or two men. I could not follow their movements as none of them could talk to me intelligibly. Shortly after that they returned and continued to wail till after sunrise. After that there was no more loud mourning. I note that on the trail leading to the burial place are the customary four parallel marks = made across it, at intervals, with cedar charcoal. These marks are called Masau'wû üh'ta (close the door) and are intended to close the door against Masau'wû. They are repeated four times between the dwelling and the grave. As soon as assured that a person is dead, that the breath has left his body, the body is stripped, and the hair is washed and dressed by his paternal aunt (lcya'adta) i. e. the elder sister of the father of the dead person. She is assisted by other female relatives, and the dead body is also washed, but this is done in a rather perfunctory way. The washing of the hair and its dressing is the main preparation. The liquid with which the washing is done is suds of yucca root and water. The body is then rubbed lightly with prayer-meal. This is said to be drying it, la'kñwú. The face is also rubbed with the meal, and the hair neatly dressed. The father then blackens the chin with shale, "black stone", rubbed down in a little water. This typifies not only black cloud (kwüma'p o'maûiih), but the clouds of all colours. Several prayer-feathers have been prepared by the male relatives. These are fastened to a string 1

Cp. Voth 6: 99—103; Parsons 17 : 75—77.

Hapi

Journal

825

at intervals apart (hoto'mni) and the string is fastened round the head like a fillet. A mask called Icücha' o'mau tüvi'kü (white cloud mask) is made of raw cotton, teased out into a mat about large enough to cover the face, and in this mat, holes are made with the fingers for the eyes and mouth. This mask is laid on the face without fastening, and the prayer-feathers lie outside of it. The mask is placed on the face of the corpse with the idea of making the body (breath body) light, not heavy, kapii'tü.1 The prayer-feathers also, though bearing the prayers is their primary object, have a secondary motive of also making the body light, that it may speed fast on its journey from the grave to the si'papü. A long string prayer-feather is laid on the region of the heart, and the string brought up over the mouth. The fillet prayer-feather string keeps the mask in place. Generally the best wearing apparel the dead person had is put on his body, and also generally these clothes are rendered valueless by cutting and slashing to prevent grave desecration. A string or two of beads is put around the neck. Two or three rolls of wafer-bread and some flesh, cooked or dried, are laid on the belly. This is journey food. The body is then placed in a sitting posture, hands in the lap, and wrapped in a blanket (püsa'la), and this again enveloped in a rabbit rug, but there is no prescriptive number of envelopes or wrappings, there may only be one, or there may be two or three. The blanket or mantle that envelops the body leaves the face exposed, i. e. the mask is exposed. The wrapper is stitched with yucca shreds. A woman is also clothed in her black dress and moccasins. These also are slashed and rendered unserviceable. The woman's body is wrapped in her mantle (kwa'chkyabû), with an outer envelope of blanket or rabbitskin rug. A woman or girl also has her necklaces and eardrops put on her. These also are rendered worthless, usually. The ceremony is practically the same for men, women, and children. The vessels used in washing the corpse are laid on the grave, generally broken or "killed", probably suggesting earlier sacrifice. A planting stick, sho'ya, is thrust in a grave, typifying the projecting end of the ladder leading down to the house of Masau'wûh. A long prayer-stick, a black willow stem to which is fastened a chip of corn husk, is prepared by a relative, husband, uncle, father, and thrust in the grave. At the Winter solstice ceremony following the burial, a blue-green prayer-stick is also prepared and thrust in the grave. 1 But it also plainly identifies the dead with the kachina, a usual identification at Zuñi, but unusual among the Hopi. I would point out that throughout Mexico the dead are arrayed as saints. — Ed.

Alexander M . Stephen

826

EARLIER NOTES

The body is carried to the burying place on the backs of the male relatives who relieve each other of the burden occasionally. The women relatives also go to the grave. Basins and water are carried there by the women. A gourd dipper or cup ( k i i y a ' p i ) containing food is set at the grave. ITie grave is dug circularly, the body set in the typical squat, facing sunrise ( t a ' w a t a h t a i t a , looks toward the sun). The grave is roofed with sticks and flat stones to keep the earth off the body, the flat stones, covered with earth dug from the grave, forming a mound. All who are at the grave, men and women, wash themselves with yucca suds and water, leaving the vessel there in which they have washed. Exorcism is then made by t a ' f i a a d t a , the mother's brother, or by p a ' v a i a d t a , an elderly male relative, the wing feather of the raven being used. The procession then returns to the village, and the last man in the procession makes, four times between the grave and the summit of the mesa, three "fat «

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Λτ o

Diagram of journey after death

or four parallel marks across the trail with a bit of charred juniper. This is called Ma'sauiih ü h ' c h i i i t a , closing the doorway of Ma'sauüh. After the body is buried, the women who have prepared food in food basins place these upon or at the side of the grave. They say or imply, '"You are no longer a Hopi, you are changed f n i h ' t i , grown into) a kachina, you are Cloud (O'mauüh). You will eat once of this food, i. e. accept this food offering and, when you get yonder, you will tell the chiefs to hasten the rain clouds here." After death, the breath body, h i k s i a h ' p a a , goes from the grave along the trail to the si'papii in the west. (Fig. 447). At the forks of the trail sits Toko'naka. He examines each. If he is satisfied with the travelling one, he allows him to pass on to the si'papii. If he is not satisfied, that is the travelling one is not good, is an evil person, the Toko'naka causes him to go up the trail leading to the fire pits. The breath body is met by another Toko'naka who takes him to the first pit, and puts him into it. When the breath body

Hopi Journal

827

emerges, it is examined by Toko'naka, and if it seems good, it is allowed to pass back to the main trail and on to the si'papü. That is, if the breath body is only hi'hin kalo'lomai, a little bad, it is only burned in the first pit. If, however, on emerging from that pit, it seems still evil, then Toko'naka takes it on the next or second pit and casts it there. If on emerging it seems good, then it is at once nih'ti, changed, into the beetle called hoho'yaiih1 and remains forever in this condition ( ?). If on emerging from the second pit, the breath body should seem still evil, it is taken on to the third pit and there cast in the fire, and on its coming out, if it seems to be good, it is changed into one of several species of ant, a'nü. If on emerging from the third pit, it still seems on examination to be evil, Toko'naka takes it on to the fourth pit and casts it in and it is utterly consumed, the only residuum being black soot. In 1885, Wiki, the Antelope chief, gave the following account: When a person dies, the elder sister of the father is sent for. A white ear of corn, a bowl of water and yucca root suds are prepared. She washes the dead man's head, face and chest and passes the ear of corn downward, from head down as far as the heart, four times. She gives the corpse a new name. "Now you have left us, set us aside. We give you a new name that we may know you when we follow you. What is it you are now, where have you gone, we know not. You have left us. We will look for you." The father then prepares a prayer-stick and breath-feather, and what is called "breath leg", a cotton string about three feet long with a feather at the end. The string is carried from above the heart along the neck to the mouth and is there dropped on the body. Around the forehead is tied a string with pendent feathers. The upper portion of the face is covered with cotton ; from the upper lip down to the throat, it is painted black, the same as the Antelope men, only with no white streaks. Each hand and foot is painted black, from wrist or ankle. Sacred meal, and another breath-feather, wafer-bread crumbs and crust of pi'gûmî and mescal cake are placed over the stomach. The body is then wrapped up in a blanket and carried away immediately after death. The black on the face symbolizes the mystery of the clouds. The face and hands are painted black so that the Clouds may not recognize him, for should he be recognized he would go (to place of evil spirits?). Women keen. The body, wrapped in an ordinary blanket, a white blanket, or in buckskin, is carried on the back of a person to the grave. The grave is dug as deep as a man can reach, standing erect with arms extended. The body 1

See Index, Beetle.

828

Alexander M. Stephen

is placed in a sitting posture, and then yucca is taken to draw edges of the blanket together and secure them. The face is placed towards the rising sun. A vessel of water is always placed between the feet. Around the edge of the cyst a wall is built above the head of the corpse. Across this sticks are laid, and the upper space filled with sand and rock. The vessel of water is to be given to Cloud that he may send rain. When the grave is filled the oldest person present says, "Well, stop, we have now placed you here. You have left us. Where is it you have gone ? What is it you intend to do ? We know not. Your breath is left, but the place of your sitting is with us. May it prove a blessing to us. We leave you here. (Good bye). You go home." All relatives should be present before death, as it is customary that a man before dying makes a farewell speech. Often lies are told then, and family feuds ensue. There is an uncertain division of property after death. There are no signs of mourning. Burials only take place in the afternoon. A red ear of corn is allowed to lie in the place where the person died, for four days, when it is stuck in the ceiling immediately over the place where it had been lying. If it is still there till next planting season, he who has the bravest heart takes it out and plants it. The day after the burial, the water that the corpse was washed in is preserved, and the father or uncle who prepared the prayer-stick bathes his head with it, slightly, laving his crown with his hand four times and letting the ends of his hair hang in the water. All who assisted at the funeral do the same. After this they take waferbread, boiled meat, hominy, and coarse meal, a breath-feather, and blood of sheep from which meat was obtained, all of which are placed in the water, and it is carried to the grave and placed on the surface. For four days afterwards a little of the food of the family is carried to the grave. In the wash water are placed wing coverts, and a dark red ear of corn is used to exorcise evil from all who take part. These are also placed in vessels. In answer to my question, "Where do the spirits of the dead go ?" Wiki answered, " I know not. The Ancients have told us of Ti'yo, the Youth, etc., but no one has ever returned to tell us." Burials are the same for men, women, and children. If one dreams of a departed friend, they think the spirit has returned, and mourn for four days afresh. Women marry sometimes within two days after the funeral.

Hapi Journal

829

NOTE ON ZUÑI BURIAL PRACTICES 1

When a Zuñi chief dies, one prayer-feather is fastened to his scalp lock; his chin is blackened with shale ( kwüma pchiirka ). He is arrayed with blue jacket (shakwa' na'bna) (of yarn woven by the Zuñi), kilt, belt, etc., the typical costume of a Zuñi kachina. When an ordinary Zuñi dies, one prayer-feather is fastened to the scalp lock ; his face and body are rubbed with prayer-meal ; the chin is not blackened; he is clothed with his ordinary costume. Both ordinary Zuñi and Zuñi chief are wrapped in blankets. All dead Zuñi are presumed to change into kachina. The breath body of the dead Zuñi goes to We'nima (called by the Zuñi Koplawalaiye)2 where it changes into any kachina, and then goes on to descend into the si'papü and tell the Cloud chiefs to send rain, etc. to the Zuñi land. There are lagoons near or at We'nima in which are many mud-turtles, which are held in sacred regard by both Zuñi and Hopi. 1

2

Informant, To'chI who lives at Zuñi.

Koluwala. — Ed.

LALAKON CEREMONY INTRODUCTORY

NOTE

The La'lakontü society, so named, according to our Journalist, from a word in their song, is one of the three women's societies — Lalakon, Mamzrau and Owa'kültü. Like the Mamzrau, the Lalakon is a curing society for disease, possibly venereal, caused by the creature called kaai'chokï, now only found fossilized in rocks. 1 This creature is referred to as their pet — Lalakon pokadta. Men are cured, too, and are taken into the membership for " f o u r years". 2 But males and females alike appear to be eligible for membership without cure. The ceremony is as usual t o control the weather. The ceremony is "handed" within the Patki clan, probably in the Corn lineage. 3 The ceremony was observed at length by Stephen in 1892 when he was initiated and given the name, Kaiitii'ksi, Ripe corn. H e has also some notes on the public dance in the years 1889 and 1893. T h e dance in 1891 was described bv Fewkes and Owens.

JOURNAL 1892 Friday, August 26, I day I returned from Shipau'lovi about noon today and hence did not see the initial ceremony, 4 but I observe the standard in the hatchw a y mat of Goat kiva. They tell me Koch'nümsi. the chief priestess, set it there this morning at sunrise. They had swept the floor and See p. 868 n. 2. Parsons 17: 107. One man at least, Kwaeha'kwa, appears to have a permanent status. 3 In their maternal house, formerly that of the Bear clan, was held the dedication of the ti'ponis of the Lalakon and Mamzrau societies, on February 2, 1892 (C'p. p. 1081 n. 3). This is now the house of Kwüma'wensi. 4 Stephen is referring to the setting up of the standard. Sixteen days earlier, according to Crow-wing, after being notified by the Sun watcher, the Patki clanswoman who is Lalakon chief summons her "uncles" i. e. the senior men of her lineage (they may or may not be members of the ceremony) to come to her house. She also summons Crier chief and the other women chiefs of the ceremony. There is the usual smoke talk and the announcement the following morning. Crier chief adds in his call that during the sixteen days the boys m a y practice running. — Ed. Smoke talk in house of Koch'nümsi. — A . M. S. 1

2

Hapi Journal

831

VPHs^· Fig. 448.

Lalakon ti'poni

between the si'papü and the kachina shrine sprinkled a small area with valley sand, quite thinly, and upon the sand laid three large bundles of prayer-sticks and an ear of corn and a ritual ear fcho'chiminwû) on the north side. In each bundle was tied a canister shaped basket (pota!shibvu , basket container). There were five women in the kiva and they all prayed on pinches of meal and cast on the bundles which are the ti'poni. (Fig. 448). For positions at the altar, see Fig. 449. Each of the five chiefs1 made one set of blue-green prayer-sticks 1 Koch'niimsi, Patki clan (Corn), Anawi'ta's sister. Holds ti'poni. Nasy'üñai'nüma, Patki clan (Corn), Sakwi'stiwa's sister. Holds ti'poni. Koya'nümka, Patki clan (Corn), sister of Su'pelä, Kwa'chakwa, Cha'sra. Holds ti'poni. Kwüma'wensi, Patki clan (Corn), Cha'sra's sister, (medicine chief). Siwí'ñaiya, Horn clan.

Alexander M. Stephen

832

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Fig. 449. Positions at altar I. Koch'nümsi, a Corn clan person, Mo'hti moñwl, First chief, in charge of ti'poni, third elder in t h e society. 2. Kwüma'wünsi, a Corn clan person, t h e eldest chief, medicine chief (kü'yi moñwi). 3. N a s y ' ü ñ a i ' n ü m a , a Corn clan person, in charge of ti'poni, second elder. 4. Siwl'ñüya, a Deer clan person, medicine chief. 5. K o y a ' n ü m k a , a Corn clan person, in charge of ti'poni. 6. long prayer-sticks i. e. ti'poni. 7. prayer-meal. 8. blue-green prayer-sticks (shakwa paho'ta). 9. muller (paho'mta). 10. si'papü. I I . Kachina shrine (kachinki). 12. rattle. 13. large ritual corn ears to be carried in two days by t h e maids who distribute the blue-green prayersticks.

from the centre of the palm to the tip of the middle finger, but very slender, not thicker than a pencil ; all willow. Turkey feather wrapper and journey food packet as usual; also three large separate packets of journey food, the folded husks tied with yucca. (Contents?) After making prayer-sticks, they smoked as noted below and then ate their dinner on the south side of the main floor. It is now

Uopi Journal

833

about 1 P.M. Koch'nümsi fills and lights the pipe, smokes on the prayer-sticks and passes it to Kwüma'wünsi. Kwüma'wünsi says "I'ki" and passes the pipe to Nasy'üñai'nüma. Nasy'üñai'nüma says "Γ ma"1 and Kwüma'wünsi responds, "I'ki". Nasy'üñai'nüma passes the pipe to Siwi'ñüya who smokes on the prayer-sticks and meal tray and toward the prayer-stick bundles as the others had done. No salutations except as here noted, but there is a careful lowering of the pipe when passing. After smoking, all spit on their hands repeatedly and rub their legs, arms and bodies with their moistened palms. Saturday, August 27, I I day The standard is set up at sunrise, as usual. The morning was passed by the five in loitering; no one else have I seen down here. I missed the maiden couriers yesterday. There was none. This forenoon they made five sets of blue-green prayer-sticks, as yesterday, finishing about noon. All, except one, carefully unfastened and shook their hair down before beginning to make the prayer-sticks. Two or three of them washed their feet and legs on the upraise before beginning the prayer-stick making. Prayer-sticks finished, they laid them in the tray, smoked over them and placed the meal and prayer-stick trays and feather-box in line close in front of the long prayerstick bundles. Koch'nümsi says, "Wait till tomorrow and I will tell you about these things when I make the sky." They eat dinner, just those five. The Lalakon standard consists of the white corn ear (mo'tima), sumac, and dove feathers. (Fig. 450). There is no pedestal. The F'g· 450· new standard on the fifth Lalakon standard day is the same as this with the addition of two eagle tail feathers, and the whole is set in a hemispheric clay pedestal rudely made by Koch'nümsi.

ilk

1 These terms I do not recognize among the kinship terms unless as syncopations of father's sister and its reciprocal imii'yl. Stephen suggests that i'ki and i'ma are syncopations, but in his note he translates iky'a as my sister and i'miihii as my brother. — Ed.

53

834

Alexander M. Stephen

They tell me the maidens did not distribute prayer-sticks yesterday, nor will they today, but tomorrow I will see them. Sunday, August 28, I I I day About half an hour after sunrise, the two maidens were anointed, etc. and set forth to distribute the prayer-sticks made yesterday. They deposit prayer-sticks in the shrines far to the northwest and southwest. After returning to the kiva and praying on a meal pinch and sprinkling the altar, they ate breakfast with the five chiefs. These five women have eaten and slept in this kiva from the first morning. They asked me to bring Baxter down in kiva to measure them there, which he did. About 9 A.M. Kwa'chakwa (Sun chief) came down and ate breakfast here. About 10 A.M. they began to prepare prayer-sticks, first smoothing the peeled willow wand with a piece of sandstone. They bring down their own willow wands from their houses, usually in a basket tray containing corn kernels, melon seeds, cotton twine, and feathers. Each made a set of blue-green prayer-sticks as yesterday and laid them in the basket. Kwüma'wünsi and Nasy'üñai'nüma made each a long prayer-stick called water prayer-stick (kü'yi paho) and an annulet (yo yoñvla), and these (after being smoked over) were set beside a netted gourd between the three bundles. (Fig. 451). One gourd is for Sun spring, the other for Spider spring.

Fig. 451. Ti'poni, prayer-sticks, annulets, netted gourds a) for Sun spring. b) for Spider spring.

These long prayer-sticks (Fig. 452) were measured on the forearm and are of willow blackened with shale. At the blunt end are fastened a turkey feather, a strip of corn husk, sprigs of bam!navi and sage, and the journey food packet. They call them tvu pa, long; kii'yi, water; and chocho'kpi, perched, prayer-stick. Any one of these names is applicable, but they seem to give preference to water prayer-stick.

Hopi

Journal

835

Monday, August 29, IV day The usual standard was set up this morning; then a meal trail was sprinkled by Koch'nümsi from the foot of the ladder along the upraise for three feet on the north or right hand side of the ladder; then along the north side of the main floor up to the ti'poni bundles. Koch'nümsi also brought down the All directions corn (na! vanivo' ka'ii), six ears tied in sling loops, depending horizontally below each other. There were also brought down two medicine bowls and four more gourd rattles. All these things are set beside the ti'poni bundles. Kü'yimana (for the southwest) and Hokwa'bmana (for the northwest), there are only these two maids, and they ate their breakfast and were anointed, but not costumed, and given the blue-green prayer-sticks made yesterday for distribution; three to Hokwa'bmana, who went (as yesterday) to the northwest, but not to so great a distance; and two sets to Kü'yimana who went (as yesterday) to the southwest, but also to a shorter distance than before. It is the same typical scheme as in the Snake-Antelope, Flute, etc.: the first distribution is made to the furthest point each day, circumscribing the limit till the fourth Fig. 452. day, when the distribution is made Long or water prayer-stick 9—1/2 in. close to the kiva, the culminating sacrificial offering when it is desired that the clouds will be overhead and pour down r a i n . . . Hokwa'bmana is named after the ho'kwabi, a plant. The prayer-meal road (hom'ñümni pü'htabi) was made by Koch'nümsi so that Kwüma'wensi might pass over it when she returned at sunrise with the two small netted gourds, one filled :.3*

836

Alexander M. Stephen

1. Müíyl'ñwa. 2. Lako'nmana. 3. "Their m o t h e r " (yüamü). 4. Lalakon kale taka (warrior), Sho'tokünúñwa ("their uncle" to Mülyl'ñwa'and Lako'nmana). 5.·—6. altar prayer-sticks (lightnings). 7. corn mountains. 8. water jar. 9.—10.—11. ti'poni designated by woman's n a m e owning it. 9— loom block. 12. basket with feathers, etc. 13. medicine bowl. 14. gourd rattles. 15. two baskets, prayer-sticks, etc. 16. meal tray. 17. —18.—19.— 20. white meal mountains. 21. Lalakon standard, new clay pedestal m a d e by First chief ; this s t a n d a r d to be set on hai 'hway tomorrow.

with water from Sun spring, the other with water from Spider spring, which she brought at the prescribed time and placed as in Fig. 453. She and Koch'nümsi sprinkled them with meal. Kwa'chakwa came down about 10 P.M. He did not eat, but sat by the fireplace, smoking and conversing with the women. Koya'nümka calls him father, but she also says Su'pela is her father. 1 She and these two men 2 all belong to the same ña'toila, the Patki nyiimii. 1

Inferably ritual terms. — E d . * Su'pelà, Kwa'chakwa, Cha'sra, and Koya'niimka are brothers a n d sisters, same father a n d mother.

Hopi Journal

837

When the sun gets past the meridian, Kwa'chakwa says we will make the altar. Shortly after noon, Kwa'chakwa brought down about threefourths of a bushel of valley sand in a blanket, emptied it in the northwest corner, and then went out again. Koch'nümsi took a small yucca tray (tüchai'hoya) and sifted the sand over an area of about three feet square in front of and including the si'papii. She first removed all the objects that have been previously lying there, placing them on the south side of the ledge. All the women took a hand in sweeping the floor and then Koch'nümsi sprinkled the sand as stated. Ni'mka (Koya'nümka) then opened several old cloth packets containing sand, i. e. pulverized sandstone, of different colours. Koch'nümsi then sifted white sand so as almost to cover completely the valley sand; next she sifted a brown-yellow sand (da'shkyabi tü'wa) and a dirty green sand (shakwa' tü'wa) in two equal portions, covering the greater part of the white, and then poured border Unes, etc. as shown in Fig. 454 (black lines bound the colours) ; then she made the figures, and lastly the clouds. The black male figure is Müíyí'ñwa; he holds lightning in his right hand and a netted gourd in his left. The female figure is Lako'nmana. She wears a white blanket and holds a basket with a yellow cross upon it, which Koch'nümsi says is the decoration of the tray and is called tüve'vota. The triangular objects between the clouds, they all agree in calling turkey feathers. Koch'nümsi made the mosaic sand altar without assistance and with a very considerable skill. She poured the line and body colours out between finger and thumb steady and straight, and completed the curious mosaic in about an hour and a half. While Koch'nümsi was still making the mosaic altar, the other chiefs dressed the hair of the two maids carefully, brushing it down over their shoulders and binding it with a lock of hair above the nape of the neck. The maids were barefooted, wearing their white woolen mantle and blue tunic gown. To Hokwa'b was given the prayer-feather hoto'mni, four eagle breast feathers equidistant on a stem of sumac; this, to be planted in the margin of Sun spring. To Kü'yimana was given a handful of meal which both will pray upon and both cast upon the prayer-feathers. A prayer-feather was also fastened on top of the head of each. Kwa'chakwa says they (the maids) will pray upon the meal (ho'moyâ) that the clouds from the four corners will come overhead and rain fall (yo'kova) upon the corn fields in the east valley where they go to gather corn, beans, and melons to decorate the altar. During the mosaic making, Kwüma'wensi brought down the

838

Alexander M. Stephen

altar slabs (pon'ya ko'hü). Shesays, 'These belong to me and I keep them in my house." Koch'niimsi went out after she had finished the mosaic, then Kwüma'wensi and Nï'mka began to erect the upright altar. Nï'mka laid a loom block (yawi'opi) on the floor on each side of the kachina shrine and, between them and the ledge, set up a stout pole of peach wood (sipa'lkohii), a hard wood, vertical, and fastened the upper ends to the roof beam with yucca. Nï'mka and Nasy'üñai'nüma then placed the painted slabs against the poles, fastening them with yucca. Koch'niimsi comes back directly, carrying several fetich bags, etc. in which are the wooden figurines1, altar prayer-sticks, etc. and all these, she says, are hers, and are kept in her house. Kwüma'wensi is only the keeper of the four large painted slabs. Koch'niimsi sets Nasy'üñai'nüma at work mixing up the sand heap in the northwest corner. She pours water on it and makes it quite moist, and then Nï'mka lays it in a ridge about six inches high, extending between the stone seat, and then sets the altar prayer-sticks in place vertically in the sand ridge. (Fig. 453). The four meal mountains (17, 18, 19, 20) were made by Koch'nümsi squeezing tight in her right hand a handful of finely ground white meal and setting the little mass carefully down. The pressure gives it sufficient cohesion to form an irregular cone. They are called white mountains, küécha' tü'kwi, and are the prayers of the society for the white clouds that usually precede the black rain cloud. They are material, realistic emblems of the object desired and contain the prayer. They are the medium for displaying the inaudible prayers in material form. All the Five agree in stating that thePatki clan women carried these altar slabs, figurines, etc. on their backs from Pala'tkwabï from far at the southwest. After being gone about three hours, the two maids return, each with a good load of vegetation from the fields, corn stalks and ears attached, melons on their vines, and beans, and these Koch'nümsi and Nï'mka place around the upright altar 2 . The two maids lay their prayer-feathers upon the figures in the sand altar. All these details are finished just about sunset, andthev began, sav. at 12. 30 P.M. I go down about 9 P.M. There are only the Five here. They chide me for forgetting to pray and cast meal on the altar. I ask them to prompt me, and they tell me to pray the Cloud chiefs at the six directions to hasten here and pour rain down. Soon other women come down, most of them bring down a pinch 1 2

Cp. Fewkes and Owens, 114. See Fewkes and Owens, Pl. II.

Hopi Journal

3

839

Í

Fig. 454. Sand altar of Lalakon Inside measure, 2 ft. χ 2 ft. 6 in. (The figures are too large, i. e. the panels should be larger and should give much more margin.)

of prayer-meal from their own houses. Kwa'chakwa comes in and Sa'lako and Su'pelä. Enters Tala'hoya 1 ; enters Cha'sra. These men sit round the fireplace smoking pipes. Enter Pii'chi2 and his wife. Koch'niimsi welcomes all who come. Enters Sü'yükü. (Koch'nümsi whispers to me, "He is the good singer and knows the song.") Enters Ü'üwa3. Between 9 and 10, Koch'niimsi says to Kwa'chakwa, "Let us sing," and he comes over to the south side of the main floor and, 1 2 a

Mustard clan, husband of Nasy'üñai'nüma. Horn clan, brother of Siwí'ñaiya. Snake clansman, child of Patki, i. e. his father was Patki.

840

Alexander M. Stephen

squatting, begins a tuneless song in which all the women join. Kwa'chakwa leads. I Yo-o-no-a-â-â-â-â-awo-yo-ta-nï Ü-ma-ma-tü-wi-i të-ma-nï Ha-ka-mï pa-tii-wï-lï Ki-lau-nï-e-e Pa-vû-në ma-na Ha-pe mün-na-sha He-e-ê ha-a-a-a He-te-mü O-kï-wa-sha-nï Hoi-yoï-yo He-m-m I I He-e-e-e he-we-we e-we-e-he-lo-wa Wa-nï-wa-ha ai-ya pa-tau'-wa-lï- nau-yi Pa-vün ma-na Na-na-ni-vo E-ta'-mii-ï e-ta-hii-yi He-m-m A tray of yellow pollen and a smaller basket-basin of white meal is passed around, and all the women rub a little of the white meal on their hands, then on their face. Then the same is done with the pollen. This, Koch'niimsi says, is to beautify1. I l l (Tala'hoya leads, shocking discord). Ü-ü-ü ye-he-e-we Pe-e-he i-nü-mi kü-yi O'mau Yo-o-ho-o-o-ho-tai-a-a Hoi-yo-yo Mür mürmür ti-ma-ni pe-e-e-yo-o-o Ha-a-a-ya-a-ha ya-ni-wa-wai He-lo-la he-m-m Tai-ya-a-te-ma-m ni-per -wi Hai-a-ya-ha-ha ya-a-ha te-mo-nï Ye-ai-ho-lo-lo ya-ni-wai E-e-he we-lo-wa he-m-m Ha-te-mï ha-te-mi 0-mau He-e- he-e-we la-na-wü Pe-e-he-wí-nü kü-kü-yi-va-ni The women are mostly seated on the ledges, but a number are also squatting on the floor. Old Tala'hoya makes such frightful discord it is just impossible to follow the words or tune. They 1 Zuñí girls rub meal on their face, on non-ritualistic occasions, for the same purpose. — Ed.

Hopi

841

Journal

realize this themselves and laugh good humoredly. But he is determined to have them learn this song and he keeps at it, repeating many times. This way madness lies. At Su'pela's prompting, old Kwüma'wensi brings down two headdresses (pita! nakchi) and sets them on the two loom blocks. After a long interval of desultory singing, Sü'yükü leads the women in a very pleasant strain — Shakwa' o'mau ma'na, Blue cloud maid.

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