De occulta philosophia libri tres 9004094210

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CORNELIUS AGRIPPA DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA LIBRI TRES

STUDIES IN THE HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN THOUGHT EDITED BY

HEIKO A. OBERMAN, Tucson, Arizona IN COOPERATION WITH

HENRY CHADWICK, Cambridge JAROSLAV PELIKAN, New Haven, Conn. BRIAN TIERNEY, Ithaca, N.Y. A.J. VANDERJAGT, Groningen

VOLUME XLVIII V. PERRONE COMPAGNI CORNELIUS AGRIPPA

DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA LIBRI TRES

' 1 6 8 V

CORNELIUS AGRIPPA

DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA LIBRI TRES EDITED BY

V. PERRONE COMPAGNI

/ 6 8

’

E.J. BRILL LEIDEN · NEW YORK · KOLN 1992

This book has been published with financial support from the Consiglio Nazionale delle Ricerche (C.N.R.). The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Agrippa von Nettesheim, Heinrich Cornelius, 1486-1535?. [De occulta philosophia] De occulta philosophia libri tres / Cornelius Agrippa; edited by V. Perrone Compagni. p. cm. — (Studies in the history of Christian thought, ISSN 0081-8607; v. 48) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 9004094210 1. Magic—Early works to 1800. 2. Occultism—Early works to 1900. I. Perrone Compagni, V. (Vittoria) II. Title. III. Series. BF1600.A36 1991 133—dc20 91-31186 CIP

ISSN 0081-8607 ISBN 90 04 09421 0

© Copyright 1992 by E.J. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission of the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by E.J. Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to Copyright Clearance Center, 27 Congress Street, SALEM MA 01970, USA. Fees are subject to change. PRINTED IN THE NETHERLANDS

CONTENTS

Preface ....................

vn

Introduction ............................................................................

1

Table of comparison..............................................................

54

DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA Privilegium ........................................................................ Epistolae.............................................................................. Capitulorum elenchus........................................................

63 65 76

LIBER PRIMUS ..............................................................

85

Epistola................................................................................ LIBER SECUNDUS ........................................................

247 249

Epistola................................................................................ LIBER TERTIUS ............................................................

399 402

................................................................................

603

List of sources ........................................................................

613

Index nominum ......................................................................

633

Index rerum ............................................................................

645

Index of modern authors ......................................................

659

Appendix

PREFACE I would like to express my gratitude to Prof. Paola Zambelli, who some years ago suggested that I take on the job of preparing this edition. Her numerous critical studies on Agrippa and her valuable advice have helped me to identify a number of issues and shades of interpretation which might otherwise have escaped me. Her friendly encouragement has been a great support to me throughout this lengthy and difficult enterprise. I would also like to express my debt to Prof. Heiko A. Oberman, who has consented to publish my work in the series of which he is editorial director. Prof. Francois Secret and Dr. Fabrizio Lelli kindly furnished me with some clarifications in the thorny field of Agrippa’s Kabbalistic readings. A Frances Yates Fellowship enabled me to spend a fruitful period of research at the Warburg Institute, London; I would like to record my gratitude to Prof. J.B. Trapp, the Director of the Warburg Institute, and to his knowledgeable and ever-helpful staff. My colleagues and friends, Drs Michela Pereira, Stefano Caroti, Germana Ernst, Adriana Chiariotti often helped me with their comments and suggestions. Dr. Angus Clarke translated my Introduction from Italian. The librarians at the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, Florence, and at the Biblioteca della Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia, University of Florence, have been unfailingly patient and helpful. The engravings are reproduced by courtesy of the Universitatsbibliothek, Wien.

I dedicate this work to my mother and father.

INTRODUCTION 1. Agrippa’s life and writings In the winter of 1509- 10 Cornelius Agrippa went to the monastery of St Jakob at Wurzburg to meet Johannes Trithemius. Per paucissi­ mos dies, the already famous abbot and his young visitor discussed a topic of intense mutual interest: magic, its status as a branch of knowledge, and its role in the culture of the day. Trithemius used the occasion to reaffirm views and expectations that he had formu­ lated several years earlier in a celebrated letter he addressed to Joachim von Brandenburg: his enthusiastic espousal of the concept of natural magic (“pura . . ., solida, stabilis et licita . . . nec un­ quam ab Ecclesia prohibita nec etiam jure prohibenda”); his ex­ tremely harsh opinion of the current state of the discipline (now be­ come ‘‘confusa, deturpata et infecta, . . . et non tam invisa quam impenetrabilis”); and his plans for the restoration of the discipline, seeking perhaps to involve his powerful correspondent by pointing out the political and social benefits of such a restoration (‘‘quod si magia ipsa naturalis ad primam puritatem reduceretur, fieret cunc­ tis denuo amabilis et maxime utilis Principibus”).1 The meeting was to prove decisive for Agrippa whose activities to date bore the stamp of a precocious curiosity about ‘‘mirabilium ef­ fectuum et plenas mysteriorum operationes”.2 As a student at the Faculty of Arts of the university of Cologne—he graduated in 1502—Agrippa had come into contact with the still very vital tradi­ tion of Albertism and its marked interest in natural philosophy. At 1 Ad ill. mum dominum Joachimum marchionem Brandenburgensem de rebus convenientibus vero mago, dated 26/6/1503 in J. Trithemii Cronologia mystica de septem secundeis . . . Adiectae sunt aliquot epistulae, Coloniae 1567, pp. 101, 108-9. 2 Henricus Cornelius Agrippa, De Occulta Philosophia libri tres, Wiirzburg, Universitatsbibliothek, ms. M.ch.q.50 (henceforth referred to as: W), f. lr and p. 70 in this edition. Bom at Cologne in 1486 into the lesser nobility or the gentry, Agrippa was steered by his family towards an interest in, and perhaps the study of, astrology. He enrolled at the Arts Faculty of Cologne university in July 1499. For more details see the two chief biographies of Agrippa: A. Prost, Les sciences et les arts occultes au xvl· siecle·. Corneille Agrippa. Sa vie et ses oeuvres, Paris 1881-82, 1, pp. 120-26, 2, App. 1 -2, pp. 431 -36; C.G. jr. Nauert, Agrippa and the Crisis of Renaissance Thought, Urbana (Ill.) 1965, pp. 8-34.

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INTRODUCTION

Cologne, Agrippa is likely to have first encountered the works of Pliny the Elder and, probably, those of Lull under the guidance of Andreas Canter.3 While mystery still surrounds the circumstances of a journey to Spain between 1508 and 1509, after a short period of study in Paris,4 there is evidence that Agrippa’s interest in an­ cient wisdom and occult learning of all kinds was shared by a num­ ber of friends who organised themselves into a sort of secret circle or self-help society.5 Agrippa would seem to have played a relative­ ly important part in this circle. However, there is no doubt that it was an introductory course into Reuchlin’s De Verbo Mirifico, at Dole in 1509, which, for the first time in clearly defined terms, suggested to Agrippa the notion of a radical restoration of magic.6 3 Regarding Agrippa’s education at Cologne and his contacts with the new German humanistic culture, see P. Zambelli, “Comelio Agrippa nelle fonti e negli studi recenti”, Rinascimento, vm(1968), pp. 173-76. Regarding the trustworthiness of Agrippa’s remarks about his other doctorates, see Prost, 2, pp. 67-74, App. 6, pp. 444-48 (who rules out the claimed degree in medicine and raises serious doubts about the doctorates ‘‘in utroque iure”) and Nauert, pp. 10-11 (who thinks that the triple doctorate is not impossible and might have been obtained during the two periods about which we know little, 1502-7 and 1511-18. Nauert further suggests that the triple doctorate corresponds to posts which Agrippa was later to hold). 4 The composition of the Commentaria in Artem Breoem Raymundi Lulli would seem to date to the Paris period (1507-8). The commentaries were probably printed at Lyon or Cologne in 1531, certainly they were printed by Johannes Soter at Cologne in 1533. See Agrippa von Nettesheim, Opera, Lugduni, per Beringos fratres s.d. [Argentorati, Zetzner 1600?], Nachdruck Hildesheim-New York 1970, 2, pp. 315-451. Regarding the editions of individual texts and the corpus of Agrippa’s works, see J. Ferguson, ‘‘Bibliographical Notes on the Treatises De Occulta Philosophia and De Incertitudine et Vanitate Scientiarum of Cornelius Agrippa”, Proceedings of the Edinburgh Bibliographical Society, xii (1924), pp. 1-21. Regarding the mission to Spain, see Agrippa, Epistularum libri oii, (Opera, 2, pp. 593-1073), 1: 4-10 (henceforth Ep.). Regarding Agrippa’s correspondence, see Zambelli, ‘‘Agrippa nelle fonti”, pp. 181-83. 5 On the “sodalitium”, cf. Ep. 1: 1-12 of 1508-9 which, apart from some not otherwise known members, mentions several who may be identifiable: Bovillus (Charles de Bouelles?), Clarocampensis (Symphorien Champier?), and Brixianus (Germain de Brie?). Regarding Agrippa’s contribution, cf. for instance Ep. 1:11 from the Italian Landolfo, a personage who occurs several times but is not further identifiable. Regarding the existence and persistence of a network of relationships whose characteristics bear a close resemblance to those of an initiatory brother­ hood, see Zambelli, “Umanesimo magico-astrologico e raggruppamenti segreti nei platonici della Preriforma’ ’, in Umanesimo e Esoterismo. A tti del V Congresso Internazionale di Studi Umanistici, Padova 1960, pp. 152-58. 6 The course of lectures on the De Verbo Mirifico, warmly supported by Arch­ bishop Antoine de Vergy, the chancellor of Dole university, immediately kindled intense interest among the members of the faculty and of the parliament, and enabled Agrippa to have regular access to the teaching staff. However, during a

INTRODUCTION

3

When he left Trithemius, Agrippa, the 23-year-old enthusiast for occult philosophy, was sure he possessed the key which would unlock all the problems arisen from their short, but no doubt intense, exchange of views. For some time he had been working—and he had probably made considerable progress—on a long cherished project: he was in a position to finish, at short notice, a compendium de magia which would shake off all the moral and intellectual discredit which seemed to have accrued to the art over the centuries. Entitled De Occulta Philosophia, the threepart work was dedicated to Trithemius, who was the mentor and inspiration of the enterprise. The dedica­ tory letter invited the abbot’s authoritative approved of an under­ taking which while ambitious, nevertheless reflected Agrippa’s long­ standing interests, curiosities and intentions. Trithemius received a copy of De Occulta Philosophia shortly before 8 April 1510; his response was prompt, and he was generous with his praise. Between the lines, however, he appears to have suggested that Agrippa should examine certain topics more deeply and, above all, take great care in how he had his work divulged.7 These remarks, albeit veiled, may have been the reason why the De Occulta Philosophia remained for a while among Agrippa’s papers in manuscript form. It was not forgotten, however; the evidence from Agrippa’s correspondence shows that the work did circulate in manuscript and also that Agrippa was continuing to assemble litera­ ture and other material with a view to revising his first draft.8 sermon in Ghent, before the court of Margareth of Austria, the Franciscan Jean Catilinet, provincial superior for Burgundy, accused Agrippa ofjudaicising heresy. This put a stop to Agrippa’s teaching career and dashed his hopes of obtaining the favour of the Ruler, to whom he had dedicated, but not yet presented, a declama­ tion entitled De Nobilitate et Praecellentia Foeminei Sexus (Opera, 2, pp. 502-535). Agrippa replied to Catilinet’s attack in 1510 from London, where he had gone to carry out an “occultissimum negotium”, probably in the service of the Emperor Maximilian. In his Expostulatio super Expositione sua in librum De verbo mirifico (Opera, 2, pp. 492-98) Agrippa replies to the accusations of Kabbalisitic propaganda by utilising above all his recently acquired familiarity with St Paul. He was in fact studying the Pauline epistles under the guidance of John Colet; at the same time Agrippa began to draft his Commentariola in Epistolam Pauli ad Romanos which were lost in Italy after the battle of Marignano (Ep. 2: 14) and recovered in 1523, but which are only known to us from references in Agrippa’s correspondence (Ep. 2: 15, 3: 40-42). 7 Agrippa, De Occulta Philosophia, I. Tritemius . . suo Agrippae ab Nettesheim, dated 8/4/1510, pp. 72-73. 1 Cf. Agrippa, Ep. 3: 56, dated 22/1/1524 and addressed to one of his former pupils: “Indicem librorum meorum De Occulta Philosophia, quem librum quondam

4

INTRODUCTION

Twenty years were to pass before this ambition was realised— twenty busy years of intellectual coritact, of journeying, of in­ creasing dissatisfaction which were crucial in shaping Agrippa and the development of his ideas. Between 1511 and 1518 the quest for fame and fortune took Agrippa to Italy, first in the service of the Emperor Maximilian and then in the circles of William ix Paleologus. Here he came into con­ tact with Agostino Ricci and, perhaps, Paolo Ricci; he acquired a deeper knowledge of Ficino’s commentaries and the writings of Giovanni Pico; he sharpened his acquaintance with Kabbalistic texts; he exchanged books and news with a web of friends and cor­ respondents, known and unknown. The inaugural lecture on Plato’s Convivium and on the Pimander (fragments surviving from two courses held in Pavia in 1512 and 1515),* 9 the unfinished Dialogus de Homine (1515/16)10 and the De Triplici Ratione Cognoscendi Deum11 adhuc adolescens edidi, postea multis capitibus auxi, proximis his diebus ad te misi­ mus; sed est adhuc aliquid quod additurus sum”. However, in September 1527 the revision was still not complete, given that Agrippa {Ep. 5: 14) was writing to Aurelius ab Aquapendente: “Qui vero penes vos circumferuntur libri adolescen­ dae meae, De Occulta Philosophia intitulati, horum priores duo in multis deficiunt, tertius totus mancus est, nec nisi scriptorum meorum epitoma quoddam continet. Sed ego totum opus, favente Domino, integrum recognitumque aliquando in lucem dabo”. Cf. also the introductory epistle to the De Occulta Philosophia, p. 66;'re­ garding the unauthorised circulation of the work, and the dedication to Wied, p. 75, regarding the lengthy task of correction and enlargement. 9 Agrippa was taken on “ad lecturam philosophiae” at the Faculty of Arts of Pavia university in 1512; the Oratio in praelectionem Convivii Platonis, amoris laudem con­ tinens (attributed in the index to Agrippa’s Opera to the Pavia teaching, but see Prost, 1, pp. 262-63) and the Oratio habita Papiae in praelectionem Hermetis Trismegisti De Potestate et Sapientia Dei anno mdxv are to be found in Opera, 2, pp. 1074-88 and pp. 1089-1101. The latter has been edited and annotated by Zambelli: Comelio Agrippa, “Testi scelti”, a c. di P. Zambelli, in Testi umanisticisu I'ermetismo, ed. E. Garin et al., Roma 1954, pp. 119-36. 10 The Dialogus, regarded as lost by Prost (1, pp. 21, 275-76) and later by H. Bullotta Barracco, “Saggio bio-bibliografico su Comelio Agrippa di Nettesheim”, Rassegna di Filosofia, vi (1957), pp. 223-48, was rediscovered in a 16thcentury Lyon ms.: Agrippa di Nettesheim, “Dialogus de Homine”, I ed. a c. di P. Zambelli, Rivista Critica di Storia della Filosofia, xm(1958), pp. 47-71; also edited in Comelio Agrippa, “Scritti inediti e dispersi”, ed. P. Zambelli, Rinascimento, v (1965), pp. 294-312. Dedicated to William Paleologus, the marquis of Monferrato, the dialogue between Agrippa and Cristophorus (Schylling, his pupil at Pavia) breaks off abruptly, suggesting that it was a provisional draft and was never finished, but was later cannibalized for fragmentary use in other works. 11 See Opera, 2, pp. 452-81, and also in partially edited and annotated form in Zambelli, “Testi scelti”, pp. 147-62. For the Italian period, see Prost 1, pp. 205-85, Nauert, pp. 35-54.

INTRODUCTION

5

testify to the importance of this contact with early sixteenth-century Italian culture. The next period was no less crucial: from 1518 to 1520 Agrippa was in Metz as the city orator and advocatus·, thence to Geneva from 1521 to 1523, and finally to Freiburg until 1524 as the city physician. Throughout the period Agrippa cultivated his “occult philosopher’’ interests and friendships. He also came into contact with pre-Reform circles and a number of individuals who, in their various ways, were busy with the new religious doctrines.12 At the same time he gradually became more closely involved with certain peripheral but not necessarily unobjectionable issues in the general movement against tradition and the power of theologians. His De Originali Peccato of 1519,13 his legal defence of a woman accused of being a witch,14 and his support for Lefevre d’Etaples in the debate about St Anne’s marital status15—these won him the esteem of numerous scholars (of whom some would go on to support the Reformation) while at the same time drawing him to the by no means benevolent attention of the religious authorities. Departing for Lyon in the spring of 1524, Agrippa thought his 12 For details of Agrippa’s life, writings and friendships in this period, see Prost, 1, pp. 287-398, 2, pp. 1-86 and Nauert, pp. 55-82. 13 The treatise (Opera, 2, pp. 550-65—regarding its date, see Prost, 1, p. 23; Zambelli, “Testi scelti’’, p. 115; and Nauert, pp. 49 and 58-59) caused some per­ plexity with its interpretation of the sin of Adam as the sexual act—as notion which Agrippa proposed as his own but which was in fact certainly influenced by his re­ cent reading of Philo of Alexandria. Cf. the comments by the dedicatee, Dietrich Wichwael, the bishop of Cyrene, by Claude Dieudonne, and Agrippa’s replies (Ep. 2: 18-19, 21-22). 14 The episode is summarised by Agrippa in Ep. 2: 38-39, and discussed with the jurist Chansonnet and the parish priest Jehan Rogier (Brennonius), in Ep. 2: 40, 46, 53, 59. The defence, which was based on arguments of a procedural nature, saved the woman of Woippy from the inquisitor Nicolaus Savini, whose implacable tenacity Agrippa describes in chapter 96 of the De vanitate (Opera, 2, pp. 281-82). Cf. Zambelli, “Comelio Agrippa, Sisto da Siena e gli Inquisitori”, Memorie Domenicane, 3 n.s. (1972), pp. 146-64 (who proposes a hypothetical reconstruction of a lost work of Agrippa, Adversus lamiarum inquisitores, Nearly be connected with Agrippa’s role in this affair) and “Scholastic andJJumanist Views of Hermeticism and Witchcraft”, in Hermeticism and the Renaissance, ed. I’. Merkel-A.G. Debus, Washington 1988, pp. 125-53. 15 Agrippa defended Lefevre’s De tribus et una first verbally, then in writing, with his De beatissimae Annae monogamia ac unico puerperio—in answer to the accusa­ tions of heresy levelled at him by the Franciscan Dominicus Delphinus, by the Minorite Nicolaus Orici and by the Dominican Claudius Salini. Regarding this treatise, printed sine loco [Coloniae] in 1534 but not included in the edition of the Opera used here, see Zambelli, “Comelio Agrippa, Erasmo e la teologia umanistica”, Rinascimento, x (1970), pp. 31-88.

6

INTRODUCTION

career had at last taken a turn for the better, but his expectations of a prestigious and well-paid position' at the court of the queen mother, Louise de Savoy, came to naught. After trying, without much success, to win the favour of the king’s sister, Marguerite d'Alen^on, by dedicating his De Sacramento Matrimonii in 1526,16 Agrippa’s personal circumstances sank to rock bottom—the queen was openly hostile to him, his political loyalties were called in ques­ tion, he was stripped of his pension and he was forbidden to leave France.17 In desperate straits, Agrippa dedicated his Dehortatio 16 The declamation {Opera, 2, pp. 536-49) presented to Marguerite in parallel Latin and French versions, possibly even printed ones {Ep. 4:3-4), was lukewarm­ ly received by its dedicatee and aroused perplexity and criticism among the more traditional members of the court. This was partly because of the inappropriateness of the dedication to Marguerite, who had recently been widowed, and more impor­ tantly because of the theological issues which Agrippa tackled, and resolved in an Erasmian spirit, and with reference to works by Erasmus which, censured by the ecclesiastical authorities, were already extraneous to the positions adopted by the princess and Meaux circles. Agrippa’s philogamy was rendered even more suspect by having been influenced by De sacro coniugio (1524), by his friend and protege Frangois Lambert, a Reformed Franciscan who had sought asylum in Strasbourg (on Lambert, see Pour retrouver Francois Lambert. Bio-bibliographie et etudes, id. P. Fraenkel, Baden & Bouxwiller 1987). Agrippa attempted a defence of the problematic knots of the De sacramento when writing to Michel d’Arande, an inti­ mate of Marguerite {Ep. 4: 7). There is a close connection between the subject mat­ ter of the De sacramento and the probable revision of the De nobilitate, which Agrippa had composed in 1509 for Margareth of Austria, but which he had kept in his drawer because of the unforeseen consequences of the course of lessons on the De verbo mirifico. The juvenile draft was modelled, with remarkable fidelity, on the Triunfo de las donas by Juan Rodriguez de la Camara (or del Patron), published in a French translation and in its original language at Brussels in 1460. The new edition of the De Nobilitate revealed—alongside its original courtierly intentions—the new and in­ teresting connections between Agrippa’s philogyny and the subject of philogamy and the very strong influence of the works of Erasmus and his followers. These fea­ tures are not taken into consideration either by J. Wirth, “Libertins et Epicuriens: aspects de l’irreligion au xvie siecle”, BHR, 39 (1977), pp. 609-13, who ap­ proaches the text as one of the earliest examples of “libertine” writing, or by R. Antonioli and C. Bene in their critical edition of De Nobilitate, Geneve 1990. 17 The socio-political background of these years is well caught by Nauert, pp. 82-103. Agrippa’s disgrace at court is to be explained in part as a consequence of his religious views, his sympathy for the humanistic reform, and his friendships; in part it should also be seen as a consequence of his refusal to furnish an astrologi­ cal prognostication for Francois I and his subsequent, incautious remarks about the Queen Mother’s astrological superstition, made to a friend who passed them on to Louise; see for instance Ep. 4: 29, 36-37, 40, 51. The incident fuelled suspicions that Agrippa was involved in a plot with the Duke of Bourbon, with whom Agrippa had been in correspondence {Ep. 4: 65, 5: 4, 6; cf. Prost 2, pp. 152-74, and App. 25, pp. 498-500), and from whom Agrippa had had attractive offers which, according to him, he had turned down {Ep. 4: 49).

INTRODUCTION

7

Gentilis Theologiae to Symphorien Bouilloud, the bishop of Bazas,18 and wrote his De Incertitudine et Vanitate Scientiarum, deploying his immense knowledge in a biting critique of human science and in a ferocious and radical attack on the moral and social assumptions of his day.19 The De Vanitate includes a seemingly explicit recantatio of his passion for occult sciences and his juvenile work on magic. Nevertheless, Agrippa’s correspondence continues to reveal both his interest in these topics and the high esteem of his contemporaries for his learning in them.20 Eventually he managed to go to Antwerp and there accepted, from among the various offers he received, the post of archivist and imperial historian at the court of Margareth of Austria. Now Agrippa was finally able to dedicate himself to publishing his writings which had so far circulated only in manuscript. In 1529 the collection of seven short treatises was published by the Antwerp printer Michael Hillenius.21 Having obtained the imperial privi18 The Dehortatio (Opera, 2, pp. 482-91) is ■ reworking of an earlier draft addressed, in the form of an oration or a letter, to a number of unknown interlocu­ tors whom Agrippa criticised for their excessive curiosity about hermetic theology and for their lack of interest in Christian education. This stem indictment closes, however, with more balanced views (pp. 489-90: “Si . . . Ethnicorum literas repurgatas ad Christianam eruditionem transtuleritis . . . iliorumque opibus ditati Ecclesiam Dei locupletaveritis, iam non modum dissuadeo, sed consulo vobis Ethnicam literaturam”), thus anticipating in numerous respects the central motif of the so-called scepticism of the De Vanitate. 19 The De Vanitate (Opera, 2, pp. 1-314) was also subjected to later revisions and enlargements, right up to the moment of publication, as is shown by the veiled reference (cap. 63, “De arte meretricia’’, p. 157) to the repudiation of Catharine of Aragon by Henry vm. 20 The retraction comes in chapter 48 of the De Vanitate, p. 104: “Verum de magicis scripsi ego iuvenis adhuc libros tres, amplo satis volumine, quos De Occulta Philosophia nuncupavi: in quibus quicquid tunc per curiosam adolescentiam erra­ tum est, nunc cautior hac palinodia recantatum volo” (see Note 112 below). See, however, the letter dated 17/3/1528, addressed to Agostino Fornari (Ep. 5: 28): “Inveni praeterea istic veteres amicos et conquisivi novos etiam, viros arcanarum literarum eruditissimos, didicique et vidi permulta, quae hactenus ignoravi”. In 1531-32 (Ep. 6: 34, 37; 7: 2, 7, 22) Agrippa was still looking for the Cabala Samuelis, the Hebraic alphabet of Esdra and some other “rarae disciplinae libellus”. In 1531 Erasmus sent to Agrippa (Ep. 6: 31) a student who wished to go more deeply into certain topics of occult philosophy and alchemy. Disappointed by answers given by Erasmus, who derided magic “quasi fumum aut verba sola’ ’ and regarded alchemy as serious but too complex, the scholar in question appealed to Agrippa (Ep. 6: 32) to reveal the “aenigmata et occulta Picatricis” and show him “illam Occultam Philosophiam quam . . . dare protinus promisit”. 21 The collection included De Nobilitate, Expostulatio cum Joanne Catilineti, De Sacra­ mento Matrimonii, De Triplici Ratione cognoscendi Deum, Dehortatio Gentilis Theologiae,

8

INTRODUCTION

legium for his longer works, Agrippa superintended the publication of his De Vanitate Scientiarum, which came off the press of Johannes Graphaeus in September 1530. At the same time he was busy re­ vising and expanding the De Occulta Philosophia, and Graphaeus pro­ duced an edition of it in 1531 consisting of only Book i (including tables of contents for Books π and hi). It was dedicated to the arch­ bishop of Cologne, Hermann von Wied.22 Other editions of these two books appeared in Antwerp, Paris and Cologne,23 and once more Agrippa found himself having to deal with the religious authorities. Questioned by Margareth herself, the theologians of Louvain condemned the De Vanitate as scandalous, impious and her­ etical; this judgment was confirmed by the Sorbonne in respect of the 1531 Paris edition.24 The deliberations of the Louvain profes­ sors were communicated to the parliament at Malines, and Agrippa was required to answer their accusations. This he did in his own way; instead of submitting and retracting, as he had been advised to, he refuted the criticisms, point by point, in his Apologia and, in turn, in his Querela counterattacked the “theosophists” who had accused him.25 Inevitably he lost favour at court, and his job. De Originali Peccato, Regimen adversus Pestilentiam, all subsequently reprinted in 1532 (Coloniae, Melchior Novesianus, according to Ferguson, p. 14), with the addition of two sermons: De Vita Monastica and De Inventione Reliquiarum b. Antonii Heremitae (Opera, 2, pp. 565-81). 22 A notice to the reader, sig. V3v, ascribed the incompleteness of the edition to the sudden death of Margareth of Austria. However, the Tables of Contents of Books ii and in, attached to this edition, do not show some chapters, which do appear in the 1533 edition; this suggests that in 1531 Agrippa had not completed his revision. 23 The De Vanitate had a second edition, possibly at Antwerp, a third at Cologne by Eucarius Cervicomus, and a fourth at Paris by Johannes Petrus. The partial edi­ tion of the De Occulta Philosophia was reprinted at Paris by Christianus Wechelus. 24 Archives Departim. du Nord, Lille, reg.B.2357, f. 220 (11 Sept. 1530): De Vanitate ‘Ton disoit contenir plusieurs choses derongans a l’estat de l’Eglise et aussi aucuns points sentant heresie’ ’; C. Duplessis D’Argentre, Collectio iudiciorum de novis erroribus, Lutetiae 1728-36, 2, pp. 85, 88-9: De Vanitate “Lutheranae doctrinae plurimum favet, multa habens contra cultum imaginum, templorum, festorum et ceremoniarum Ecclesiae, necnon in Scriptores Sacri Canonis blasphemus est et ideo publice exurendus”. Concerning this affair see Prost 2, pp. 287-89, App. 29, pp. 507 — 10; Zambelli “Humanae litterae, verbum divinum, docta ignorantia negli ultimi scritti di Enrico Cornelio Agrippa”, Giornale Critico della Filosofia italiana, 20 (1965), pp. 101-3; Nauert, pp. 104—10. 25 Regarding the contents of the two polemical works and the awkward circum­ stances which surrounded their publication (entrusted first to Cratander, and then finished, anonymously, by Soter in 1533), see Prost 2, App. 31, pp. 515-16, Nauert, pp. 108-9; Zambelli “Humanae litterae”, pp. 101-31.

INTRODUCTION

9

Agrippa still managed to work on his De Occulta Philosophia, even during these storms, adding extra material culled from his latest reading, as well as re-ordering, reviewing and expanding the first Book which he had already published.26 In the wake of his Flemish misadventures, Agrippa was offered protection by Hermann von Wied, the dedicatee of the partial edi­ tion oiDe Occulta Philosophia. Agrippa accepted and installed himself in the archbishop’s household in June 1532.27 The complete, final version of the three Books of the De Occulta Philosophia was ready, dedicated in its entirety to Agrippa’s new patron, and in November the Cologne printer Johannes Soter had already begun typesetting, when shortly before Christmas the Dominican inquisitor Conrad Kollin of Ulm denounced the book as “doctrina haereticus et lec­ tione nefarius”. The city’s senate ordered the printing to be sus­ pended. Agrippa sent the senate a long, impassioned and—as usual—controversial letter insisting on the worth of his work (“meus autem liber Ethnicorum philosophorum placita atque illa antiquitatis antiquissima tractat, paucis etiam eruditissimis viris hactenus cognita, ab illorum autem sophistarum nullo adhuc in­ tellecta neque visa”). He also indicated the ideal precedents for his 26 To this period dates back the brief exchange of letters between Agrippa and Erasmus: Ep. 6: 31, 7: 11, 19, 40 (Erasmus to Agrippa) and Ep. 6: 36, 7: 6, 17-18, 38 (Agrippa to Erasmus). To this latter group should be added the only known holograph of Agrippa, a letter to Erasmus dated 17/3/1532 not included in Agrippa’s Epistolae·. Wroclaw University Library, ms. Rehdigeriana 254.4, lost during World War ii and preserved in a photographic reproduction. The cor­ respondence was initiated in October 1531 by Erasmus, for an entirely common­ place motive: Erasmus wrote to introduce to Agrippa a fervent enthusiast of magic (cf. Note 19, above). He referred to the mixed reactions which had greeted the De Vanitate and promised to read it in due course. This epistolary relationship lasted until 1533—conducted from Agrippa’s side with great enthusiasm and persever­ ance, as he emphasised the Erasmian character of his own position in the battle against the theologians of Louvain. Erasmus, on the other hand, displayed only a lukewarm commitment and courteous condescension. It was not until 1533 that he gave his judgement of the De Vanitate, praising its aims and its “deinosis et copia”, but counselling prudence and, above all, taking good care not to be drawn into things. Very similar judgements were expressed in letters from Erasmus to other correspondents (Opus Epistolarum Desiderii Erasmi, ed. P.S. Allen, Oxonii 1906-1958, 9: 2529, dated 1531, and 19: 2800, dated 1533). Cf. the introductory notes by Zambelli in Agrippa, “Scritti inediti”, pp. 198-213. 27 Regarding the humanistic and “evangelical” court which had gathered about the person of the archbishop, see C. Varrentrapp, Hermann von Wied und seine Reformationsversuch in Kiln, Leipzig 1878; Prost, 2, pp. 381 -91; Zambelli, “Scritti inediti”, pp. 208-13.

10

INTRODUCTION

views (“qui, cum me, accusare et damnare praetendunt Ioannem Picum Mirandulanum, Marsilium Ficinum Florentinum, Ioannem Capnionem Phorcensem, Petrum Galatinum Romanum, Paulum Ricium Papiensem, Franciscum de Georgiis Venetum et minoritanum, nostra aetate commendatissimae doctrinae viros”). However, Agrippa’s defence of his book became a fierce attack against certain aspects of the culture of his day, against the arrogance and stupidity of the censors and even against the excessive compliance of the senate, which he accused of allowing itself to be swayed by the reli­ gious powers.28 In the end it took a forceful intervention by arch­ bishop Hermann to resolve the impasse, and De Occulta Philosophia finally appeared in its entirety in July 1533, though without any in­ dication of the printer’s name and the place of publication, and ac­ companied by an appendix including some chapters of De Vanitate which attacked magic.29 The latter years of Agrippa’s life are shrouded in obscurity. He was perhaps the author of the Dialogus de Vanitate Scientiarum et Ruina Christianae Religionis, published, in all probability, by J. Soter in 1534 and fictitiously attributed to the Cistercian monk Godoschalcus Moncordius.30 For the rest Agrippa’s life remains a mystery, because his correspondence, with its wealth of information, stops in July 1533. According to his pupil Johannes Wier, Agrippa stayed in Bonn until 1535 and then, on his return to France, was arrested on the orders of Francois I; shortly after his release he died at Grenoble in 1535 or, at the latest, in 1536.31 28 Agrippa, Ep. 7: 26, concerning which see Zambelli, “Humanae litterae”, pp. 109- 10. Cf. also Ep. 7: 24-25, 27-28, 30-34, for details of the difficulties and delays in publication and for Agrippa’s appeals to Wied for help. 29 Cf. Prost, 2, pp. 359-81, App. 30, pp. 510—15. The 1533 edition (printed at Koln by Johannes Soter, though place and date of publication are not given) is accessible in an anastatic reproduction published and illustrated by K.A. Nowotny, Graz 1967. Nowotny provides a circumstantial “Einleitung” (pp. 387-413), an useful “Erlauterung” (pp. 415-58), arich “Bibliographic” (pp. 460-66) and var­ ious “Appendices” (pp. 519-914), arranged according to a sociological point of view. 30 See Zambelli, “Scritti inediti”, pp. 195-294 (especially pp. 246-48). The text proper occupies pp. 249-94. Here and in “Agrippa nelle fonti”, pp. 178-81, Zambelli has clearly brought out the arguments which in the Dialogus “link the defence of magic . . . and of the kabbala ... to the methodological critique of the sciences and the arts, which are futile and presumptuous if they are divorced from the religious awareness of self and from docta ignorantia.” 31 Joannis Wieri De praestigiis daemonum . . . libri sex [i ed.: 1583], in Opera, Amstelodami 1660, pp. 110—11. In the Liber Apologeticus, Wier denies Agrippa the

INTRODUCTION

11

So there was an interval of more than 20 years between the first, youthful, manuscript draft of the De Occulta Philosophia and the publi­ cation of the definitive version. During this period Agrippa read widely, followed new interests and reacted to new demands—but he never forgot, much less retracted, his treatise on magic. Within the space of only a few months the same printer published both his declamation against all sciences and his review of occult philosophy. The need to defend the former work compelled him briefly to sus­ pend his revision of the latter, the work on magic, but he returned to it immediately afterwards. The defences of both his major works against the attacks of the censors are equally fervent. Nevertheless, the coexistence of two such different works in the oeuvre of a single author continues to provoke a degree of unease in the reader. What one scholar recently called “Agrippa’s dilemma” is the ambivalent and paradoxical nature of a person whose religious and cultural choices are so difficult to classify.32 The plan to produce an edition of the De Occulta Philosophia arose some years ago at the suggestion of Paola Zambelli, who has dedicat­ ed her dissertation and many important studies to Agrippa. Com­ parison of the manuscript of the first draft (ms. Wurzburg M.ch.q.50, that is, the dedication copy which Agrippa sent to Trithemius) with the printed version of De Occulta Philosophia reveals beyond a shadow of doubt that between 1510 and 1531-33 Agrippa subjected the initial draft to a careful and thorough revision and en­ largement. In the process he doubled the length of the book and enormously enriched it with the addition of fresh ideas and refer­ ences. On the basis of such a comparison Zambelli has proposed an interpretation of Agrippa’s thought in which his two chief works authorship of the Liber Quartus de Occulta Philosophia seu de caeremoniis magicis, first edited Marpurgi 1559, then in 1565 and 1567, and finally included in Agrippa’s Opera, l,pp. 527-61. The legends about the life and death of Agrippa were numer­ ous and fantastic. They probably arose from Paolo Giovio’s Elogia doctorum virorum, Basileae s.d. (1560?), pp. 236-37. 32 M.H. Keefer, “Agrippa’s Dilemma: Hermetic Rebirth and the Ambiva­ lences of De Vanitate and De Occulta Philosophia”, Renaissance Quarterly, 41 (1988), pp. 614-53. This article, co-winner of the 1987 Nelson Prize, is the most recent contribution which proposes a comprehensive interpretation of the relationship between Agrippa’s two major works; its peculiar explanation of the inner dynamic of Agrippa’s thought will be discussed below. For a comprehensive bibliography see Nauert, pp. 335-55, and Zambelli, “Agrippa nelle fonti”, who updates Nauert and discusses the various interpretations of Agrippa’s thought. For contri­ butions published after 1969, see the notes to this introduction, passim.

12

INTRODUCTION

represent different aspects of a philosophy which, while not unam­ biguous, is not necessarily self-contradictory and which, above all, reveals an acute awareness of contemporary cultural issues.3·* My first aim in preparing this edition is to try to clarify a number of controversies about the interpretation of the De Occulta Philosophia. Such an exercise in clarification involves also a general understand­ ing of Agrippa’s thought. From the textual point of view it is a matter of ascertaining whether the increase in length and the qualitative modifications to the text reflect a straightforward erudite, encyclopedic concern on Agrippa’s part. If this is the case, it can support two contradictory hypotheses: first, that the mature Agrippa grew out of his youthful opinions and his De Vanitate was a retraction of them; second, that there was an uninterrupted continuity between the beliefs expressed in 1510 and those in the 1533 edition.33 34 If, on the other hand, it 33 See particularly Zambelli, “A proposito del De Vanitate Scientiarum et Artium di Comelio Agrippa”, Rioista critica di Storia della Filosofia, xv (1960), pp. 167-81 e “Agrippa nelle fonti”, pp. 185-99. The Wurzburg manuscript is recorded by J. Bielmann, “Zu einer Handschrift der Occulta Philosophia", AKG, xxvii (1973), pp. 318-24 and is reproduced in facsimile in the appendix to the anastatic reprint edited by Nowotny (see Note 116 below). H. Meyer of the Warburg Institute made a transcription of it, and identified some of its sources (Ficino and a number of Clas­ sical sources), though without comparing it with the printed version. This research, which was interrupted by its editor’s death, is preserved in the form of galley proofs at the Warburg Institute. 34 The absence of a thorough analysis of the textual relationship between the two versions of the De Occulta Philosophia complicates our understanding of the theo­ retical and chronological links between it and the De Vanitate·, the paradox which seems to arise from this situation has often been resolved by the drastic expedient of eliminating one element of the dichotomy. On the one hand there has been a ten­ dency to stress the substantial affinities of the two drafts, in order to reaffirm the centrality and conceptual continuity of the magical themes in Agrippa’s thought and to minimise the scope of the De Vanitate, which is reduced to the status of a tran­ sitory outpouring in a moment of ill-humour (A. Lefranc, “Rabelais et Cornelius Agrippa”, in Melanges ojferts a Emile Picot, Paris 1913, 2, pp. 477-86) or a “Fastnachtsspiel” based inabucolic ideal (Nowotny, “Einleitung”, p. 404), or an astute precautionary measure and a shield against the censors (F.A. Yates, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition, London 1964, p. 131). On the other hand, it has also been asserted that the De Vanitate represents a concentration of Agrippa’s most mature and deeply thought views (Prost, 2, p. 283), his profound disillusion with man’s capacity to know God and the world (R. Popkin, The History of Scepticism from Erasmus to Descartes, New York 1964, pp. 24-25 and his “Introduction” to Agrippa, Opera, pp. in and xiv), or a generalised expression of scepticism (E. Cassirer, Das Erkenntnisproblem in der Philosophic und Wissenschaft der Neuzeit, 1, Berlin 1911, p. 134; H. Haydn, The Counter-Renaissance, New York 1950, p. 90) which also involves and criticizes magic. From this latter interpretative viewpoint,

INTRODUCTION

13

transpires that the additions to the text represent a substantial con­ ceptual enrichment, it is then necessary to establish to what extent Agrippa’s reworking reflected a shift in the overall conception of magic, its role and its functions. My second objective is to trace, where possible, Agrippa’s sources. On the one hand I have tried to identify the models whom Agrippa refers to, even where he is not explicit; on the other hand, I have sought to distinguish precisely between primary sources and those which Agrippa knew at second hand, through other writers and texts. Simply identifying explicit sources is not enough to give a clear picture of the models and texts which Agrippa was measuring himself against, nor is it enough if we are to assess the special sig­ nificance of a work which was deliberately compilatory. The only way we can trace the evolution of Agrippa’s thought between 1510 and 1533 is by identifying all the quotations in De Occulta Philosophia and considering them in the contexts of the two editions of the work35. Distinguishing between direct and indirect sources and identifying the channels of transmission for the second-hand quota­ tions allow us to consider Agrippa’s erudition and cultural assump­ tions with a much more informed eye, as well as providing occa­ sional surprises. For instance, the fact that Agrippa knew of the magical alphabet of Honorius Thebanus through the mediation of Trithemius is predictable—but the fact that Gianfrancesco Pico’s De Rerum Praenotione is the source for the quotations from Almadel is hardly to be anticipated. It is unthinkable that Agrippa would not know Cicero’s De Divinatione and the works of Origen—but the fact is, in the De Occulta Philosophia these authors only appear through the agency of other sources whose interpretations of them Agrippa ac­ cepts. In fact, de-stratifying the text and identifying the sources the additions to the first draft of the De Occulta Philosophia consist simply of an accumulation of material, of charlatanry bereft of theoretical novelty. 35 R. Klibansky-E. Panofsky-F. Saxi, Satum and Melancholy, London 1964, pp. 351-65 had already insisted on the importance assumed by the method of com­ bining sources adopted by Agrippa in his definition of the “furor melancholicus”. Zambelli, “Testi scelti”, pp. 105-8, and “Agrippa nelle fonti”, pp. 185-99, has documented the presence, in the texts of both versions, of 15th-century and Hermetic sources. W.D. Muller-Jahncke, Magie als ' Wissenschafi im friihen 16. Jahrhundert. Die Beziehung zwischen Magie, Medizin und Pharmazie im Werk des Agrippa von Nettesheim, Inaug. Dissert., Mahrburg/Lahn 1973, had specifically compared certain passages of a medical-pharmaceutical character with Ficino’s De Vita and with some chapters of Francesco Giorgio Veneto’s De Harmonia Mundi.

14

INTRODUCTION

had to be carried out together. Comparison of the different editions reveals how very closely the reworking of the De Occulta Philosophia is linked to what Agrippa was reading at the time. Comparison of the sources allows us to identify, with a reasonable degree of cer­ tainty, the material added to the first draft. The additions to the 1531-33 edition all arise from Agrippa’s contact with sources which he read, or contemplated using, after 1510. While this updating process was mostly carried out with works related to and consistent with the sources used in preparing the initial manuscript, a compari­ son of the texts shows that it was precisely the new readings—and not a rereading of youthful models—which prompted Agrippa to rework subjects he had already written about and to insert new material. The sources have a significant influence over the differing physiognomies of the two editions: not only does the 1533 edition reveal an increase in the quantity of quotations, it also reveals a qualitative shift in Agrippa’s interests and the insertion of new and less traditional sources and themes.36 A comparison of the manuscript, the partial edition of Book i and the 1533 edition reveals Agrippa’s still very lively interest in the problem of how to rebuild the foundations of magic, while the mas­ sive extensions to the text, inspired by new readings, reflect the emergence of broad new issues. It seems, therefore, that there is no radical change in Agrippa’s magia renovata project. Certainly there is no retraction of or going beyond his youthful positions. Instead, a profoundly altered cultural situation suggests to Agrippa a different 36 While Nauert’s monograph is useful enough were bio-bibliographical mat­ ters are concerned, it is disappointing on the matter of sources. Although aware of the Wurzburg manuscript, Nauert fails to mount any careful comparison of the two editions, and his references are extremely vague (cf. the review by Yates in The New York Review of Books, 3/3/1966 and L. Spitz, “Renaissance Occultism and Despair of Faith”, JHI, 2Ί (1966), p. 466 n. 4). In his chapter 6 (“Agrippa’s Readings”, pp. 116-56) Nauert mentions a number of possible sources and speculates in a general way about second-hand quotations and unaccountable borrowings. But he then makes some statements (on pages 117-18, 121, for example) about which I have strong reservations. These and other conclusions are consistent with a general interpretation which minimises the young Agrippa’s adherence to humanism, detects an anti-rationalist and anti-humanistic tendency in the De Vanitate, and identifies in the second edition of the De Occulta Philosophia the desperate attempt by Agrippa to overcome the pessimism and deep-rooted doubts which had been with him since 1526. Cf. Zambelli, “Agrippa nelle fonti”, passim; V. Perrone Compagni, “Il De Occulta Philosophia di Cornelio Agrippa”, in Le edizioni dei testi filosofici e scientifici del ’500 e del ’600, ed. G. Canziani-G. Paganini, Milano 1986, pp. 99-111.

INTRODUCTION

15

orientation for his expectations of reform in occult philosophy; in­ stead of denying his original intention and the way it was expressed, he enriched it with new ideas and new possibilities. 2. The first version o/De Occulta Philosophia In submitting his review of occult philosophy to the judgment of Trithemius, the young Agrippa was making it clear that he shared an aspiration common to his time and its culture. It meant rejecting the current forms of a magic corrupted by having been detached from its theoretical context and by being practised with anti-natural intentions. It was an expression of the desire to renew the discipline, to uncover its original, antique forms of expression. Reviewing the various stages of magic’s progressive decay, Agrippa adopts hu­ manistic sentiments already comprehensively expressed by Trithemius and Reuchlin: corrupted texts and inadequate critical and philological awareness had led directly to a total perversion of magic which had become an incomprehensible jumble of errors and obscurities, despised by the learned, mistrusted by the church, and practised with feckless irresponsibility by superstitious old witches. The rehabilitation of magic—a body of knowledge which Agrippa unhesitatingly defined as “sublimis sacraque facultas’’—was direct­ ed at the faulty transmission of its principles and at the superstitious application of its operative techniques. Restoration meant above all to distinguish precisely between “multa bona, multa vera, multa li­ cita” and “multa mala, falsa nephariaque”, between true and false magic, between science and pseudo-philosophy, between sacred and sacrilege.37 However, while re-establishing magic meant presenting the doctrines of the founders of the discipline in their original and uncorrupt forms, Agrippa could certainly not ignore the theories of those who, for several decades, had already embarked upon the work of restoration and reintroduction. It is for this reason that the De Occulta Philosophia is structured as a survey which owes much to the positions already articulated by the champions of magic in the debates of the period: the spiritual magic described by Ficino in his De Vita Coelitus Comparanda and some topics treated in his Theologia 37 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: Ep. loaned Tritemio, ms. W, f. lr; cf. the elaboration, with changes and additions, of the original dedication in K, pp. 68-71 of the present edition. Passages of the manuscript draft which remained unaltered in the 1533 revision are indicated by reference to the relevant pages in the present edition.

16

INTRODUCTION

Platonica—in particular those sections in Book xm which consider problems relating to the De vita; the exaltation of magic as the absoluta consummatio of philosophy and the genealogy of the sages which figure in the pages of Giovanni Pico’s Oratio de Dignitate Hominis and Apologia; and the interest in numerology and the first steps towards a religious and kabbalistic magic, worked out by Reuchlin in his De Verbo Mirifico. The massive presence of textual borrowings from these works makes it clear that the young Agrippa was aligning him­ self with a programme to reform magic which had already passed into the cultural mainstream. Nevertheless, beyond this mainly compilatory approach—which is immediately obvious and in any case clearly acknowledged by Agrippa himself—the De Occulta Philosophia, when subjected to a careful textual analysis, also reveals a significant number of ideas and attitudes which militate against the simple notion that Agrippa was slavishly attached to his models.38 Unlike its predecessors, the De Occulta Philosophia proposes a total reorganisation of magic as an umbrella science which, by gathering under a single roof all the cognitive data collected in the various fields of scientific research, would guarantee the effectiveness of each branch of research and make explicit its potential for acting upon reality: Magica facultas, potestatis plurimae compos, altissimis plena mys­ teriis, profundissimam rerum secretissimarum contemplationem . . .

38 The most fertile and significant aspect of Agrippa’s contribution to the de­ bate about magic lies precisely in its compilatory structure, which assembles and juxtaposes different and sometimes heterogenous passages, and uses, impartially, less topical and predictable material too. To overlook this aspect of how Agrippa exploits his sources is just as misleading as to overlook his dependence on them. The latter attitude inspires the debatable opinions of S. Cigliana, “Enrico Cornelio Agrippa e la dignita dell’intelletto. Riflessioni quabbalistiche [!] sulla virtu magica delle parole e dei segni”, in IlMago, it Cosmo, it Teatro degli astri, ed.G. Formichetti, Roma 1985, p. 155, about the “evident originality” of Agrippa’s magic. The former attitude—neglecting to ascertain whether and how Agrippa manipulates his sources—leads to the restrictive assessment voiced by L. Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science, New York 1923-58, 5, pp. 127-38, and by I.P. Couliano, Eros et magie a la Renaissance. 1484, Paris 1984, App. ix, pp. 355-56, ac­ cording to which Agrippa’s occult philosophy adds nothing genuinely new to the evolution of Renaissance magic after Ficino and Trithemius. And yet Couliano complains about “l’insuffisance de ce genre de Quellenforschung qui recherche . . . l’emprunt litteral effectue par une oeuvre a une autre oeuvre anterieure”, but is not able 1 ‘d’etablir la difference de style et de fonction entre ces deux ouvrages . . . puisque . . . elle est incapable de percevoir les deux en leur unite” (pp. 165-68).

INTRODUCTION

17

totiusque naturae cognitionem complectitur . . . Nam, cum omnis philosophia regulativa divisa sit in physicam, mathematicam et theo­ logiam, . . . has tres imperiosissimas facultates magia ipsa complec­ titur, unit atque actuat.39

On the basis of this subdivision of science, drawn literally from Albi­ nus’ Ysagoge and placed as a prelude to the Plinian topos (“has tres imperiosissimas facultates . . Agrippa distinguishes three differ­ ent operative areas of magic and characterises them as the three forms of magic: elementary, celestial and religious. This tripartite division seems to be inspired by an analogous division proposed by Reuchlin in his De Verbo Mirifico'. Miraculorum omnis ars—si qua vere nominari queat . . . —in tres partes divisa , quarum unaquaeque per se specialis et propria facultas sit: videlicet in physicam, astrologiam, magicam (quae tam goetiam in se quam theurgiam continet) coniungunturque omnes ita invicem suntque cognatae, ut qui astrologiam sine physica polliceatur nihil agat et qui magiam sine astrologia et physica profiteri audeat a vera ratione multum aberret.40

The similarities are emphasised by the use of the same passages from Virgil to illustrate the contents of the individual disciplines. But there is a difference in the assessment of their roles in the context of a renewal of magic. For Reuchlin, magic (both the ‘goetic’ and theurgic kinds) is one of the three operative faculties which make up the ars miraculorum·, it is closely linked to the other two and, like them, is susceptible of being applied to useless or superstitious ends. Magic based on physica cannot be checked and is therefore limited in its powers; that based on astrology is often false and confused; goetic magic, which is clearly superstitious, relies on malign demons (this is the magic of the Middle Ages); and theurgic magic, which at­ tempts to establish contact with benign demons, while practicable in theory, is complicated and dangerous in practice. The intention of the De Verbo Mirifico is to contribute a new solution, a more reliable and efficacious alternative, as is to be found in that fourth way, pointed out by Capnion/Reuchlin, “quae soliloquia possumus appellare ubi quodcumque propositum ad commoda petentium vota succedit”. Reuchlin expressly limits Pico’s brand of magic to the 39 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 2 ( = W, 1: 2), pp. 86-88. 40 Johannis Reuchlin Capnion seu De Verbo Mirifico, s.l.a.t. J. Amerbach 1494], sig.c3r-v.

[Basileae,

18

INTRODUCTION

operative area of the vis verborum and in so doing indirectly refutes, or at least marginalises, the astrological magic of the De Vita Coelitus Comparanda. Reuchlin’s magic, which disassociates itself from the other current kinds of magic, is thus articulated as purification and interior elevation and as the outward expression of miraculous ac­ tivities relying on the use of the name of Christ.41 There is no doubt that it was his reading of De Verbo Mirifico which pointed Agrippa towards the enterprise of rehabilitating magic by means of religion. However, he also unreservedly accepted the magic of Pico and Ficino, and proposed to recover and reestablish the whole discipline in its entirety. So, while sharing Reuchlin’s enthusiasm for the ars soliloquia, Agrippa tended to reappraise its ex­ clusive role. In theZte Occulta Philosophia “ceremonial” magic, which constitutes the operative part of theology, functions as a safeguard and reinforcement of elementary and celestial magic. It is not, however, the only magic and, moreover, includes, on equal terms, both thaumaturgical philosophy as formulated by Reuchlin and the theurgy which has its theoretic exposition in the Hermetic and Neo­ platonic texts. Indeed, magic can only repropose itself in its original function as the “totius nobilissimae philosophiae absoluta consum­ matio” if it embraces, within an overall structure, the specific find­ ings of all the individual fields of human enquiry, and if it trans­ forms them from theoretical knowledge into practical, operative activity. Agrippa’s recasting of Pico’s definition of magic as “totius naturalis philosophiae absoluta consummatio” was to become even more meaningful when, later on, Agrippa came to read the magi­ cal and kabbalistic Conclusiones.42 In the meantime, however, Agrippa’s recasting of Pico is a perceptible signal of the specific

41 De Verbo Mirifico, sig. c2r-c3v. Cf. C. Zika, “Reuchlin’s De Verbo Mirifico and the magic Debate of the late fifteenth Century”, JWCI, xxxix (1976), pp. 105-38 which refutes the earlier interpretations of the work and considers it, instead, to be an “attempt to give range of occult ideas connected with the prisca theologia and magia contemporary religious significance” (p. 137). This interpreta­ tion allows Zika to consider the relationship between Reuchlin and Agrippa in a non-reductive fashion. The influence of the De oerbo mirifico consists not of a simple transfer of material but, according to Zika, represented “the driving force behind Agrippa’s formulation ... of a sacralized magic which would enable other forms of magic to be viewed in correct perspective and ultimately to be purified and restored to their former place of honour” (p. 138). 42 Cf. Note 107 below. On the Conclusiones, see C. Wirszubsky, Pico della Mirandola’s Encounter with Jewish Mysticism, Jerusalem 1989.

INTRODUCTION

19

approach of the De Occulta Philosophia which broadens the ideas found in his sources to forge a much more generalised conception of magic’s potentials. Quicunque igitur nunc in hac facultate studere affectat, si non fuerit eruditus in physica, in qua declarantur qualitates rerum et in qua aperiuntur proprietates occultae cuiuslibet entis; et si non fuerit opifex mathematicae et in aspectibus et figuris stellarum, ex quibus cuius­ libet rei sublimis virtus et proprietas dependet; et si non fuerit doctus in theologia, ubi manifestantur substantiae immateriales, quae dis­ pensant et administrant omnia, non poterit intelligere magiae ratio­ nabilitatem: nullum enim opus ab ipsa magia perfectum extat, nec est aliquod opus vere magicum quod has tres facultates non com­ plectatur.43

This lengthy passage which Agrippa places at the close of the discus­ sion of the structure and role of magic clearly characterises his per­ sonal view of the all-inclusiveness of his proposed restoration. It also represents a first, significant instance of his by no means unambigu­ ous attitude towards that medieval tradition which the opening pages of the De Occulta Philosophia seemed to have condemned en bloc. The passage actually comes from a widely circulated work, the De Mirabilibus Mundi, attributed to Albertus Magnus. Like so many other medieval recipes for the cursus studiorum necessary for the magi­ cian, that which is outlined by pseudo-Albertus—and attributed to Plato—seemed to Agrippa to be perfectly consistent with the tripar­ tite neoplatonic organisation of the studies which had been his initial inspiration. Adopting it with a handful of small revisions and the ad­ dition of another passage which establishes the rational comprehen­ sibility of occult phenomena (“rationabilitas mirabilium”),44 43 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 2 ( - W, 1: 2), p. 89. 44 Alberti Magni De Mirabilibus Mundi, Venetiis s.a. [1500?], sig. glr-g2r: “Plato vero dixit in libro Tegimenti quod qui non fuerit opifex dyalectice, ex qua fit pronus et elevatur intellectus agilis et expeditus; et qui non est eruditus in sciencia naturali, in qua declarantur mirabilia calida et frigida et in qua aperiuntur proprietates cuiuslibet entis in se; et qui non fuerit doctus in sciencia astrologie et in aspectibus et figuris stellarum, ex quibus est unicuique eorum que sunt sublimis [ed. : sublima] virtus et proprietas; et qui non fuerit doctus in sciencia nigromancie, qua manifestantur substancie immateriales, que disperisant et administrant omne quod est in rebus ex bono et malo, non poterit intelligere nec verificare omnia que philosophi scripserunt, nec poterit certificare omnia que apparebunt sensibus hominum et evadet cum tristicia animi, quoniam in illis rebus est mirabilitas omni­ um que videntur . . . Merito ergo Plato dixit quod qui non fuerit valde solers in

20

INTRODUCTION

Agrippa is able to confirm the close connection between the philosophical disciplines and magic. The former furnish the institu­ tional basis for the latter which, in turn, represents the privileged sphere within which the former realise themselves and perfect them­ selves. To be sure, the need to make philosophy operative had al­ ready been expressed in De Verbo Mirifico', but shortly afterwards Reuchlin bent his efforts to disassociating himself from the current forms of the ars miraculorum while supplying in their stead a thaumaturgical practice which had been made safe by having an alliance with religion—to be precise, the ars soliloquia, based on the use of holy names. Rather more explicitly than Reuchlin, Agrippa be­ lieved that a religious magic thus conceived could be used to good advantage to purify and revivify the other forms of magic as well. However, once this perspective is adopted it also would seem to make it possible to set about recovering the medieval tradition. Of course, the recovery of this medieval material is tantamount to reformulating it, and the legacy of medieval magic is substantiated and justified with a conceptual frame of reference drawn from con­ temporaries. However, the medieval tradition is only apparently re­ jected. It does in fact play an important role in the young Agrippa’s De Occulta Philosophia. By way of an example, I would like to dwell briefly on the use made of Albertus Magnus, whose role in Agrippa’s thought is not always given the emphasis that it deserves. The influence of the Speculum Astronomiae in the earliest stages of his interest in matters occult is clearly expressed by Agrippa himself in his letters.45 Fur­ thermore, two works—the successful, and genuine, De Mineralibus and the spurious but equally successful De Mirabilibus Mundi— provide a wealth of hints. They represent an effective illustration of Agrippa’s intentions and methods at a time when he was trying to resolve the problem of the relationship between medieval theory and

dialectica et doctus in virtutibus rerum naturalium, similiter in signis stellarum et nigromanticarum virtutum non videbit [ed.: videbunt] rationabilitatem mirabili­ um, nec ipse sciet ea et non communicabit thesaurum philosophorum”. Agrippa leaves out the reference to Plato, suppresses the dialectic and replaces the term “necromancy” with the less ambiguous “theology”. 45 Ep. 2: 19 addressed to Dietrich, the bishop of Cyrene: “En tute, in parte nosti quemadmodum . . . totam caelorum militiam perlustrarim ducibus duabus illis magnis Magni Alberti sapientiis, quas in Speculo suo, opuscolo non admodum laudato, describit”.

INTRODUCTION

21

more recent formulations of natural magic. In part it is the substan­ tial number of quotations from Albertus which enables us to place him squarely in the medieval mainstream present alongside the Quattrocento tradition.46 At the same time, the different criteria which Agrippa applies to the two works demonstrate that he is well aware of how they differ in conceptual compatibility with respect to the general interpretative model he inserts them in. As far as the quantity and importance of textual borrowings are concerned, De Mirabilibus Mundi is indisputably a most rewarding source, even though its success relied chiefly on its recipes and “ex­ perimental” observations. Pseudo-Albertus attempts in passing to articulate systematically the existing relationships between the vari­ ous levels of causation, but there is scarcely any attempt to account for magical phenomena within a general cosmological framework. The short introductory discussion of theory establishes a congruence between the laws of nature and the basic principles of magical activi­ ty and points out that these common mechanisms must be inves­ tigated so that they can be exploited in practice. These general laws, which represent the key to understanding nature (“facere cessare mirabilia”) and which can only be investigated through experimen­ tal research, may be summarised under the notion of “similars” and the principle of “sympathies”.47 Upon these axioms all the 46 See Zambelli, “Agrippa nelle fonti”, p. 195 (which, however, identifies the medieval nucleus in the Picatrix, the use of which is, in my opinion, fairly modest) and V. Perrone Compagni, “Il De Occulta Philosophia", p. 108. Nauert minimises the influence of Albertus Magnus (“quite superficial” p. 120), possibly because he restricted himself to examining only the explicit quotations. The presence of Alber­ tus, and indeed that of William of Auvergne, certainly cannot be reduced to points of detail; on the contrary, it is fundamental to our understanding of the structure of Book i of the manuscript version. 47 Alberti Magni De Mirabilibus, sig. f3r-v, g2v, g3r. The notion of “similitu­ do” recognises in each individual a tendency to attract and modify, in conformity of its own specific characteristics, other individuals; this conversion process may in­ volve only the elementary virtues or extend to the entire substance. The principle of sympathy, which in its simplest form underlies a large proportion of the recipes, individuates in nature certain relationships of attraction or repulsion between different species or between individuals of the same species. The most commonly advanced example of this principle is the animal instinct, which drives all the in­ dividuals of a given species to love or fear, in the entirety of their being, the representatives of another species. However, this simple scheme implies a series of often fantastic corollaries, and can be extended to explain all such natural phenomena which may be defined as miraculous, whether within an entire species, or in a given category of individuals, or indeed in a single individual. Regarding the De Mirabilibus, see Thorndike, 2, pp. 730-38.

22

INTRODUCTION

operations of magic are based (“grandia mirabilia et secreta operabilia”); not simply those operations which exploit the natural dis­ positions of things and their natural relationships of attraction and repulsion, but also the rather more complex activities which manifest themselves as “ligationes, incantantiones et promotiones ad iram, odium, amiciciam, detrimentum et gaudium’’. Regarding these phenomena of change in people, which artificially institute a relationship identical to that existing in nature, pseudo-Albertus does advance, as a probable explanation, the existence in the human soul of a “virtus quaedam immutandi res’’. However, Avicenna’s conception of the vis imaginativa, like the notion of occult virtue, is not developed beyond a blanket reference to the variety of probable causes. The existence of an active force such as this in the human soul and its reflection in perceptible reality as a ligatio of the human faculties would seem to be a special, even though sensational, in­ stance of the general laws which govern nature. The axioms of simi­ lars and the principle of sympathies and antipathies are, in the final analysis, the cornerstones of all of humanity’s magical activities. It should be pointed out that the basic nucleus of several chapters of the De Occulta Philosophia relies closely on the text of De Mirabilibus, which provided Agrippa not only with his overall approach to the problem of the occult virtues and how to divide them into sub­ sections, but also supplied him with numerous practical exam­ ples.48 The material used in the De Occulta Philosophia, if gathered together, represents almost the entire theoretical introduction to the De Mirabilibus Mundi, and such variations as Agrippa does introduce do not add anything significant to its content. It is rather the posi­ tioning of these borrowings which reveals why they were reclaimed for a renewed magic. By dismantling and scattering them through­ out the treatise as he shuffles them into a new and different composi­ tion, Agrippa incorporates the defective and unsystematic exposi­ tion of the De Mirabilibus into an overall scheme which develops it and gives it substance. For example, Agrippa recognises the 48 See the apparatus to the De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 10, 12, 16, 19-21 ( = W, 1: 14, 6, 9, 12-15), regarding the occult virtues common to a species or characteristic of the single individual, diffused throughout the substance or localised in a single part of the body, active for a determined period of time or permanently efficacious; see 1: 15, 17- 18 ( = W, 1:8, 10- 11) on the experimental character of the inquiry “per viam sumptam a similitudine” or “per litem et amicitiam”; see 1: 40 and 67-68 ( = W, 1: 51, 44 and 43) on “ligationes”.

INTRODUCTION

23

prevailingly experimental nature of research into occult causes, but by inserting it into the context of Ficino’s conception of the “ra­ tiones rerum seminales” he is able to sketch out a rational explana­ tion for it. Linking an extract from the Theologia Platonica to a celebrated passage from De Vita Coelitus Comparanda, Agrippa identi­ fies the relationship of correspondence which causally connects the eternal exemplars, the ideas, to the world of creatures; and with a neat piece of synthesis, he adds a quotation from De Mirabilibus which in turn becomes crucial to the whole argument.49 It is also possible to deal with the problem of a given individual’s occult vir­ tues in this context, by recourse to the horoscope, that is, by refer­ ring to the configuration of the stars at the moment when the in­ dividual was born. Ficino did precisely this as an example in order to better explain the relationship of correspondence between the three levels of the cosmos, and in so doing quite unambiguously linked it to his belief in an animate universe. This meant it was pos­ sible to identify the overall celestial influence as the factor dominat­ ing the characteristics not only of a species in general but also of an individual in particular.50 So the neoplatonic notions from the De Vita organise and coordinate motifs drawn from the De Mirabilibus, and the topic of occult virtues is transformed from occasional practi­ cal observation into a systematic investigation of the principles which regulate and legitimate change in reality. These principles are precisely those concepts which Ficino’s work as a translator and a commentator had already made the common currency of early sixteenth-century culture: the harmonious unity of all things, the animateness of the cosmos, the mediatory role of the stars and so on. The formulation of the spiritus mundi and of its universal functions were the foundations of a magical activity based chiefly on attraction “ex vita mundana” through similarity: Per hunc itaque spiritum omnis occulta proprietas propagatur . . . Hae siquidem res, in quibus spiritus ille minus immergitur corpori ac minus cohibetur materia, potentius perfectiusque agunt, tum etiam promptius generant sibi simile: est enim omnis gerierativa et seminar­ ia virtus in eo.51

49 De 50 De 51 De

OccultaPhilosophia, 1:11 (= W, 1: 5), pp. 107-8. OccultaPhilosophia, 1: 12 (-W, 1: 6), pp. 108-9. OccultaPhilosophia, 1: 14 ( = W, 1: 7), p. 113.

24

INTRODUCTION

So similitudo is only a special case of the relationship which arises between the parts of an animate universe via the mediation of the omnipresent spiritus. Equally, the axiom cognatio rerum finds its justification in the link which connects the configuration of the stars to sublunar forms. The relationship, however, is not clearly ex­ pressed in the early manuscript of De Occulta Philosophia, and only in an addition—of a markedly astrological character—to the 1533 edi­ tion is it spelled out that the relationships between things “per litem et amicitiam” are the reflection of celestial relationships, so that “cuiusmodi sunt amicitiae et inimicitiae superiorum, tales sunt in­ clinationes rerum illis subditarum in istis inferioribus”.52 So, an inquiry which attempts to trace the reciprocal relationships between things is in fact tantamount to recognising the respective realms of influence of the astrological series. De Mirabilibus Mundi was the only strictly and explicitly magical work attributed to Albertus. Thanks to its (broadly speaking) Avicennean approach, it lent itself perfectly to being re-interpretated in the light of a neoplatonic, Ficinian cosmology which not only did not contradict its presuppositions but in fact explained them, systemised them and gave them substance. A very different treatment awaited the authentic De Mineralibus, one of the most widely circulated, known and consulted of Albertus Magnus’s writings—not simply on the strength of the theoretical rigour with which he founds the science of minerals, but also because of the wealth of experimental data and curious information which accompanies the description of each individual stone.53 The second book, which deals with precious stones, opens with an interesting theoretical discussion of causes of the extraordinary proprieties “sicut curare antraces, fugare venena, conciliare corda hominum”. Before expounding his own belief in the substantial form as the cause of occult virtues, Albertus provides a critical review of the explana­ tions proffered by the ancient philosophers. The position of those who attribute particular effects to some alleged “soul” in the stone, and who, like Democritus and Orpheus, “omnia plena diis esse dog­ matizant”, strikes Albertus as quasi derisoria because it involves a 52 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 17 (addition to W, 1: 10), p. 118. 53 Alberti Magni De Mineralibus, in Opera, ed. P. Jammy, Lyon 1651, 2, pp. 210-72; cf. also Albertus Magnus, The Book ofMinerals, transl. by D. Wyckoff, Oxford 1967.

INTRODUCTION

25

divine principle in the passage from the potentiality to the act, from not-being to being. Having recourse to component elements and mixtures thereof, which was how Alexander of Aphrodisias account­ ed for the occult virtues of stones, does not seem to Albertus to be adequate because they ‘ ‘ nec in genere nec in specie conveniunt cum simplicium operatione”. Against Platonic theory—which Albertus says he derives “ab Apulegio et quibusdam aliis”, and which presupposes a link between matter and the separate principle—the De Mineralibus argues that virtus is closely connected with the subject in which it manifests itself, and lies in matter. Albertus also rejects Avicenna’s hypothesis—which assumes arbitrarily that the souls of the heavenly bodies can conceive terrestrial forms through the imaginatio—because it links the production of prodigious virtues to the obedience of matter to this non-existent “imaginatio superiorum motuum”. The Hermetic tradition and its “Indian” disciples in­ terest Albertus much more. The stars and the heavenly imagines transmit virtues to matter which receives them differently according to how far it matches the stellar influence “in lumine et perspi­ cuitate”—and gems are of a substance which most closely resembles the heavens, so much so that they may fairly be described as stellae elementales. This last explanation seems to Albertus to be the most likely one. His reservations about the Hermetic doctrine concern in­ stead its field of application; while valid in astronomicis et magicis, it is inadequate in physicis where we define a “cause” what operates in­ side matter, when in fact the transmission of stellar influences to lower orders of existence occurs “per aliud et per accidens”.54 It should be noted that this lengthy introductory discussion emphasises above all the distinction between an investigation, like that of the De Mineralibus, which is based on physical principles, and investigations of a magical/astrologi cal character—explanations valid for the latter can turn out to be inadequate for the former. Given this dichotomy, would it be justified to describe the discussion about occult virtues in the De Mirabilibus Mundi as Albertus’ magical approach, inspired by the Hermetic and “Indian” school of thought? Lynn Thorndike certainly does not reject the hypothesis out of hand, and it may well have seemed sufficiently plausible to Agrippa, seeing that it is pos­ sible to identify certain similarities of approach'and method between the two books. 54 De Mineralibus, 2: 1, 1—4, pp. 223-27.

26

INTRODUCTION

While the extensive borrowings from De Mineralibus testify to Agrippa’s interest in the work, the way in which he handles the bor­ rowed material indicates that he disagrees with Albertus on the sub­ ject of occult virtues. Instead of adopting Albertus’ introductory dis­ cussion lock, stock and barrel, Agrippa dismembers it and scatters the pieces among several chapters as a survey of the sources. Agrip­ pa accepts doctrines which Albertus had criticised, but he fails to mention differences of opinion among the auctores and to investigate the relationships between them.55 This requirement, unfulfilled in the 1510 manuscript, is met in the 1533 edition by the insertion and juxtaposition of some passages from the De Harmonia Mundi where Francesco Giorgio Veneto (Zorzi) offers his own interpretation of the introduction to De Mineralibus. The question of more general principles, which, via Zorzi, Agrippa goes into more deeply in the 1533 edition, is just hinted in the 1510 draft, where it is buttressed by some of Ficino’s most beautiful imagery: Ea enim est naturae colligantia et continuitas, ut omnis virtus superior per singula inferiora longa et continua serie radios suos dispertiendo usque ad ultima fluat . . . Sic enim inferiora ad superiora invicem con­ nexa sunt, ut influxus ab eorum capite prima causa tanquam chorda quaedam tensa usque ad infima procedat, cuius si unum extremum tangatur, tota subito tremat.56

Inserting passages from Albertus into Ficino’s cosmology allows Agrippa to retrieve the mythical wisdom of the ancients whose thoughts Albertus Magnus had refused to grant the dignity of philosophical status. For Agrippa, the Orphic/Pythagorean notion of an animate universe—which Albertus rejected—in its fantastic way foreshadows the doctrine of the spiritus mundi as mediator be­ tween heavenly souls and earthly bodies and as that which diffuses the life of the universe. Naturally occurring virtues, which the prisci magi called variously gods and souls, are the “magicae illecebrae” upon which the prac­ tice of Neoplatonic magic rests—those magical decoys which by representing elements of congruence between seminal reasons and

55 Cf. De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 10, 11, 12, 14, 21 (= W, 1: 4, 5, 6, 7, 15) with De Mineralibus, 2: 1, 1-4, pp. 223-27. Cf. also 2: 36 ( = W, 2: 5), pp. 352-53 with De Mineralibus, 2: 5, pp. 241-42 on the sculptures of the astrological triplicities, which Albertus thought were derived from Tetel. 56 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 37 ( = W, 1: 29), p. 155.

INTRODUCTION

27

inferior forms allow sympathetic exchange between different levels of the ontological hierarchy.57 Within this framework of correspon­ dences and coded signs, natural magic tends increasingly to be regarded as the initial level of a theurgic activity whose colossal potential Ficino had cautiously hinted at. Within the compilatory structure of the De Occulta Philosophia, by contrast, the interrelation­ ship between the various models displays evenhandedly all the pos­ sible theoretical consequences of the Ficinian conception of natural magic: Tradunt magi per inferiora superioribus conformia posse . . . coelestes daemones, quatenus stellarum pedissequos, nobis conciliari et in­ sinuari. Quare certis quibusdam materiis naturalem vim divinitatis habentibus, . . . rite collectis, partim phisice, partim astronomice, . . . dona non solum coelestia aut vitalia, verumetiam intellectualia quaedam, daemoniaca et divina desuper suscipi posse Iamblichus, Proclus atque Synesius . . . confirmant.58

Throughout his sources Agrippa found a repeated stress on the con­ nection between natural magic and astrology: it is his knowledge of the laws which govern how celestial influences flow down to the earth which enables the magus to intervene in phenomenic processes and to collaborate actively with nature. It is no accident that the second book of the De Occulta Philosophia originally opened with several institutional chapters (moved elsewhere in the second edi­ tion) which condensed the meaning of magical activity into the celebrated image of the magus as the gobetween who works here and there subjecting “inferiora coelestibus, tanquam proprias foeminas suis maribus foecundandas”.59 At the same time, however, the young Agrippa’s interest in technical detail is still rather limited and is based on only a handful of texts. While more space is devoted to chapters about the images which, apart from the De Vita, harken 57 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 14 ( = W, 1: 7), p. 112, which, however, still lacks an explicit formulation of the concept of the magical lures, which represented a cor­ nerstone of the spiritual magic of the De Vita Coelitus Comparanda (cf. M. Ficini Opera, Basileae 1576, 1, p. 531: “Congruitates igitur eiusmodi formarum ad ra­ tiones animae mundi Zoroaster divinas illices appellavit, quas et Synesius magicas esse illecebras confirmavit”). The interpretation of the occult virtues as “divinae illices” and “symbolicae illecebrae” was expressed more clearly by Agrippa in 1533, probably under the influence of Francesco Giorgio Veneto’s De Harmonia Mundi, 3: 1, 8, f. 9r where the notion of the “symbolum” is fundamental. 58 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 38 (= W, 1: 30), pp. 155-56. 59 De Occulta Philosophia, 2: 29 (= W, 2: 1), p. 341.

28

INTRODUCTION

back to the medieval tradition of the Picatrix, of Hermes and Thabit, there is still no sign of a systematic treatment of the fundamentals of astrology and of a number of significant astrological notions, such as the subdivision of the decans and the lunar mansions—topics which even Ficino had given a cautious mention.60 Clearly the young Agrippa found it difficult to strike a balance in first version of De Occulta Philosophia between the spiritual magic, founded on astrology, of De Vita and Reuchlin’s reservations on the subject— Reuchlin found it confused and prone to error. Above all, it is the fact that the book is a compilation of erudition, which gives the first version its literary, rather than technical, character. Books i and n oudine the first stages of a possible transformation of knowledge into action. The magic described in Book hi instead constitutes the culmination of the potentials rediscovered in the philosophical discourse which finds in religion the guarantee for the practice of a rigorously nonsuperstitious magic immune to demonic deceptions: “religionis igitur vires physicis ac mathematicis virtuti­ bus superaddere tantum abest a culpa, ut non adiungere sit impium scelus”.61 So, religion offers the savant a model of moral improve­ ment which makes his knowledge true and gives his actions a foun­ dation, thus allowing him to realise the Hermetic ideal of the “per­ fect philosopher” endowed with exceptional and supernatural powers. The path towards this deification can only take on concrete form through faith, “virtus omnium superior”, because faith rests exclusively on divine revelation and is therefore infinitely truer and more reliable than knowledge which man has acquired by his own independent efforts—faith represents a privileged access to God, to the knowledge and acquisition of divine powers. Agrippa’s exaltation of faith, which through the fact that it arises from the First Principle “longe est nobilior atque excellentior quam scientiae et artes et credulitates a rebus inferioribus”,62 is made in untroubled times and it refers literally to an author (William of Auvergne) whom the future supporters of the sola fides made little, if any, reference to. This youthful confidence is an interesting an­ tecedent, and one that should be borne in mind when we assess 60 Ficino, De Vita, 3: 1, p. 558. 61 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 4 ( = W, 3: 3), p. 409. 62 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 5 ( - W, 3: 3), pp. 412-13. Cf. De Triplici Ratione 5, p. 468.

INTRODUCTION

29

Agrippa’s approach to the topic of illumination in later years, when such issues had become the criteria for distinguishing between one religious persuasion and another. Nor should we underestimate the distinction which Agrippa made, on the basis of William of Auvergne, between faith which “a primo lumine descend^” and the sciences, “per reflexionem a primo lumine acceptam ad intellec­ tum nostrum accedentes”. Indeed, this distinction may be fruitfully compared with a number of passages from the De Vanitate which rev­ eal striking formal and conceptual affinities. By positing God as the only source of truth, the De Vanitate formulates a condemnation of science along the lines that it must be unreliable and futile if it is based only on human efforts and ignores revelation altogether. And in De Occulta Philosophia too we find that science without the divine lumen cannot be guaranteed to be error-free. In the tripartite division of the faculties of the soul—which at this stage Agrippa took from the De Verbo Mirifico but whose Plotinian origins were to be made ex­ plicit in the 1533 edition—the Mens constitutes the highest element, the privileged seat of the relationship between man and God. Such illumination as God offers to the mind, through faith, is transmitted by the mind to man’s reason. In its turn, “ratio, nisi per mentem illuminetur, ab errore non est immunis”, and may not therefore attain certain knowledge, even of the lower orders of reality—“nisi lucescente Deo”.63 This issue is worked out more fully in the De Vanitate—a work springing from a quite different set of cultural and personal circumstances—which actually embarks on a discussion of the possibilities of human knowledge. None the less, the similarities would seem to be significant and, making allowances for the period when it was written and the assumptions it makes, the youthful posi­ tions adopted in De Occulta Philosophia should not be neglected. In Agrippa’s treatise on magic, however, there is only an initial ap­ proach, and the primacy of faith functions chiefly as a basis for a powerful and reliable operative practice: “Est enim fides omnium miraculorum radix, qua sola (ut Platonici testantur) ad Deum ac­ cedimus divinamque adsequimur protectionem virtutemque” and, in the final analysis, these divine powers are the magical powers of men deified by faith.64 The religious magic outlined by Agrippa in the youthful edition 63 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 43 (- W, 3: 25), p. 538. 64 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 5, p. 413. Cf. De Triplici Ratione, 5, p. 468.

30

INTRODUCTION

of De Occulta Philosophia is inspired mainly by the Hermetic notion of the magician/philosopher/priest. Nor could it be otherwise, seeing as Agrippa’s principal source on the subject of the alliance of magic and religion, the De Verbo Mirifico, itself owed a certain amount to Hermeticism. In Agrippa’s compilation the De Verbo Mirifico is flanked by Ficino’s theories about the pia philosophia which stress the striking affinities between Christianity and a pagan tradi­ tion, holding out the hope of a possible integration. In this preChristian tradition, Hermeticism came to represent for Ficino and so many other Renaissance humanists the philosophical and reli­ gious model which was most compatible with Christianity. The in­ fluence of Ficino’s model is most apparent in the original structure of Book hi which opens with the most narrowly theological chapters (God, the Trinity, angels, demons, the soul, super-terrestrial desti­ ny and ascetic disciplines) and tends to emphasise the literary and paganising features of Platonic theology rather than analysing these topics in any great depth. At this early stage Agrippa had not yet read the kabbalistic writings which, in his later edition, were to exer­ cise a determining influence on the analysis of theological topics; so far his only source of information in this field was the initial ap­ proach to Hebrew culture which Reuchlin sketched out in his De Verbo Mirifico. Reuchlin’s religious magic, which is related to the kabbalistic magic of Giovanni Pico, bases its thaumaturgical activity principally upon those names which were instituted by God as the vehicles of His power and as a guarantee of His union with man. The art of God’s names, the correct and devout pronunciation of which renders human deification possible, makes use of the supreme repository of this power—the Hebrew language. De Verbo Mirifico thus belittled the tradition of the prisci theologi, acknowledging only they may be credited with having inserted powerful Hebrew words into their arcane prayers. Having shown that God delegated to man His own divine, miracle-working power through the ineffable Tetragrammaton, rendered pronouncable in the name of Jesus (the Pentagrammaton), Reuchlin takes sides with Pico and his kabbalis­ tic magic against the Determinationes of Garsias.65 Since the courses at Dole, Agrippa had realised the importance of this subject, whose broad outlines he provides in the De Occulta 65 Zika, “Reuchlin’s De Verbo Mirifico”, pp. 135-36.

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Philosophia, but his reliance on the De Verbo Mirifico is strongly af­ fected by his theoretical aim for globality. The influence of Ficino’s model meant that Agrippa adopted a rather vaguer position within the contemporary debate about barbarian names, and played down Reuchlin’s raptures about Hebrew, reducing them not just to the level of the tradition of the prisca theologia and neoplatonic theurgy, but even down to that of the medieval tradition.66 Indeed, the or­ dering of the chapters and the type of sources used in the youthful draft show that Reuchlin’s model of the ars soliloquia did not consti­ tute an alternative to theurgy for Agrippa but rather a reinforcement of it in the manifestation of miraculous activity and a guarantee against meddling demons: Sed et divinitatis consortium cum mente humana efficit quod ipsi boni spiritus nobis libenter adsistunt ac potentiam virtutemque suam nobis communicant, quotidie . . . nostras animas . . . suis influxibus for­ mando sibique simillimas efficiendo usque adeo, quod anima nostra saepe tam ferme mirabilia operetur, quam coelestes soleant dae­ mones. Mali vero daemones a nobis convincuntur auxilio bonorum, praesertim quando obtestator erga Deum sanctimonia pollet verbaque sacra sermonemque horribilem incantet . . . Quae quidem coniurationes sive exorcismata quatenus nomine religionis et divinae virtutis fiunt, propter hoc timent ea maligni daemones.67

The first draft of De Occulta Philosophia contained neither a general theoretical exposition nor a systematic manual of magic, but was rather an encyclopedic and, above all, literary review of the subject from antiquity onwards. Identifying the sources, to which this enter­ prise in compilation is indebted, reveals all the typical features of a humanistic approach: the profusion of documentary sources, the erudite curiosity and the exotic, even bizarre, allusions. The authorities and writings which provide the load-bearing structure for the De Occulta Philosophia are Ficino’s pioneering works, his commentary on the Symposium and his versions of the Corpus Hermeticum, Pico’s Oratio and his Apologia, and Reuchlin’s De Verbo Mirifico. In addition, and not necessarily of secondary importance, we find Filippo Beroaldo’s commentary on Apuleius and Pietro Crinito’s De Honesta Disciplina. Apart from Apuleius, the most sig­ nificant Classical contribution to the first version of the De Occulta 66 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 11 ( = W, 3: 49), p. 434. 67 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 32 (-W, 3: 55), pp. 498-99.

32

INTRODUCTION

Philosophia is that of Pliny’s Historia Naturalis, from which Agrippa was to continue to mine material for inclusion in his extended 1533 edition. There are numerous quotations from Greek and Roman poets, though these more often than not came to Agrippa at second­ hand, via his principal sources; also generally second-hand are the quotations from the Church Fathers. Even when Agrippa is refer­ ring to the Corpus Hermeticum, as he frequently does, it is difficult to ascertain to what extent he was acting independently; not simply be­ cause he was obliged to use Ficino’s translation, but also because where he does so it is in theoretical contexts which closely resemble those of his principal models (Ficino, Pico, Reuchlin). Nevertheless, this youthful compilation does contain the occa­ sional element of originality which distinguishes it from its immedi­ ate ancestors. The use Agrippa makes of Albertus Magnus and William of Auvergne, for example, is revealing: not only does he use individual details, he also adopts basic premisses which are then sub­ ject to a theoretical re-shaping within the context of a systematic cos­ mology. Magical texts like Picatrix and manuals of astrology, by con­ trast, are used extremely sparingly—and are limited to operative contexts.68 They do reappear in the second edition, however, thus exploding the hypothesis that the mature Agrippa had grown out of his youthful passion for occult philosophy.

3. The second version ofOe Occulta Philosophia

The fact is, Agrippa really began to enrich his knowledge of the tech­ niques of magic and astrology in the years after 1510 and it is clear from the sheer quantity of “operative” passages and the number of new sources introduced into the second edition that Agrippa’s in­ terest in these topics was profound and lasting. The broadening and deepening of his knowledge of them must have begun very early, and it relied to a large extent on those exchanges of texts and ideas which the correspondence testifies to.69 His learning was clearly 68 Regarding the presence of the Picatrix in the 1510 version, see Nowotny, “Erlau terung”, pp. 418-19; Muller-Jahncke, pp. 34-35; Perrone Compagni, “La magia cerimoniale del Picatrix nel Rinascimento”, Atti dell’Accademia di Scienze Morali e Politiche, lxxxviii (1977), pp. 325-26. 69 In the light of this issue, there is a particular significance in the exchange of letters between Agrippa and his friend Brennonius in 1520-21 (Ep. 2: 47, 49-50, 53-55, 57, 59, 61 and 3: 6). In these letters there are frequent allusions to Marcus Damascenus’ De Vanis Admirandisque Animae Humanae Naturis—a “liber totus

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influenced by a corpus of magical manuscripts which had belonged to Trithemius and which came into Agrippa’s possession in 1520;70 and in all probability it lasted until 1533—as may be inferred from the decision to include in Book π evidently operative material (such as the talismans for the mansions of the moon) which is not even mentioned in the tables of contents of the 1531 edition.71 It was, however, the beginning and maturing of his new theologi­ cal interests which really determined the direction that Agrippa was to impose on his reading after 1510. An acute and far from superfi­ cial witness to a deep and radical religious, cultural and social crisis, Agrippa became ever more closely involved with the burning issues of his time and he did so at both the personal and intellectual levels, whether through direct or epistolary contact with the chief actors in these events, or through his own written contributions. The re­ worked version of De Occulta Philosophia reflects both the crisis which Agrippa took part in and his own impassioned contributions to it. The material which he assembled for the initial draft of his work on magic is subsumed, in its entirety, in the new version. However, once correctly organised and reworked within a new conceptual framework, it is subjected to a thorough-going rethink which brings a new depth to his approach towards magic, though without inagicus”, as Agrippa calls it in Ep. 3: 56. Damascenus’ text had been discovered by Brennonius, in a state of extremely poor preservation, and Agrippa only managed to see it after repeated and pressing requests. Some passages from this work were inserted into the second edition of the De Occulta Philosophia (1: 58, p. 209, 1: 65, p. 226 and perhaps 1: 64, p. 223). From here they were picked up by Montaigne, Essais, 1:21 (ed. A. Thibaudet, Paris 1950, p. 132), and even occur in a 17th-century work on the powers of the imagination (Thomas Fienus, De Viri­ bus Imaginationis, Lovanii 1608, p. 115, quoted by Thorndike, 6, p. 236). The pas­ sages utilised by Agrippa seem to constitute the only surviving evidence of the work, npw apparently lost, of this otherwise unknown author, whom Prost (2, p. 4) supposed to have been a Gnostic, but who must have been writing after 1355 be­ cause he records the episode of the hairy girl of Pietrasanta (De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 65, p. 226), who was presented to Charles, king of Bohemia (from 1347) and emperor—as Charles iv—from 1355. 70 Ep. 2: 57 to Brennonius. 71 De Occulta Philosophia, 2: 46 (not in W), pp. 363-65; cf. Antwerp ed., sig. A2r. Agrippa probably revised and enlarged also his discussion of the planetary “mensulae” between 1531 and 1533; in fact, this topic becomes an independent chapter (2: 22) only in the 1533 edition, while the index'of the 1531 edition still in­ cludes it in the preceding chapter. Regarding these planetary “mensulae”, see Nowotny, “Erlauterung”, p. 419; I.R.F. Calder, “A Note on magic Squares in the Philosophy of Agrippa of Nettesheim”, JWCI, xn (1949), pp. 196 — 99; G. Scholem, “Alchemie und Kabbala”, Erjb, 46 (1977), pp. 69-73.

34

INTRODUCTION

repudiating the compilatory structure and encyclopedic ambition of the original. Between 1510 and 1531 - 33, Agrippa studied a num­ ber of fundamental texts which he had earlier neglected. Ficino’s commentaries on Plato and Plotinus, Pico’s Conclusiones, Heptaplus and Disputationes, the writings of Trithemius, Lazzarelli’s Crater Hermetis, Gianfrancesco Pico’s De Rerum Praenotione, the writings of Erasmus and Paolo Ricci’s commentaries on kabbala, Reuchlin’s De arte cabbalistica, and Francesco Giorgio Veneto’s De harmonia mundi—these works, alongside a renewed interest in the Scriptures and the Fathers of the Church, are the principal, though not the only, landmarks in a colossal and wide-ranging exploration of the realm of books, the fruits of which can be identified, with unmis­ takable clarity, in the revision of the De Occulta Philosophia. In the new edition, just as with the 1510 version, it is the sources which substantiate the slightly different orientation of the original project: “magiam ab iniuria vindicare’’. The preliminary rejection of magic in its contemporary guises is no longer directed exclusively at popular superstition, but now ex­ plicitly includes the legacy of medieval magic. The condemnation of the ‘modern’ tradition had been formulated with great clarity by Pico in his first magical thesis and it had been enriched with detailed specifics in the De Verbo Mirifico.12 Reuchlin’s genealogy of evil magicians is repeated by Agrippa in an expanded form which in­ volves the most important figures in medieval magical thinking. The inclusion of Albertus Magnus among these medieval corrupters of the art is a personal decision of Agrippa’s and reflects a negative judgement already expressed—and expressed with considerable vehemence—elsewhere. What is problematic is how this is to be reconciled with the fact that the quotations from Albertus used in the earlier version of the De Occulta Philosophia are still present in the later edition.72 73 In fact, Agrippa’s debt to Albertus for formulations 72 G. Pico della Mirandola, Conclusiones sive Theses dcccc, ed. B. Kieszkowsky, Geneve 1973, p. 78: “Tota magia, que in usu est apud modernos et quam merito exterminat Ecclesia, nullam habet firmitatem, nullum fundamentum, nullam veritatem, quia pendet ex manu hostium Prime Veritatis”. Reuchlin, De Verbo Mirifico, sig. clr: ‘‘Si quae ipsi suis voluminibus ex priscorum actionibus indide­ runt ad artem commode se habentibus, tamen qua sunt ruditate literarum nihil in­ fractum observare queunt, non verba ipsa, nec numeros, nec figuras . . . Nihil igitur et Robertus [Anglicus] et Bacon et Picatrix ... vel maxime ob linguarum ignorantiam ad amussim ut oportet tenere atque docere . . . potuerunt”. 73 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: Ep. Tritemio (additions to W, 1: 1), p. 70. Cf. De Vanitate, chapters 42 and 45, pp. 91 and 95.

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which he now defines “nulla ratione subnixa”, are explained away, as in the 1510 edition, on the grounds that they are included within a broader and fully developed conceptual framework. The De Occulta Philosophia of 1533 opens with the formulation of a new cosmological structure: Cum triplex sit mundus, elementalis, coelestis et intellectualis, et quisque inferior a superiori regatur . . . non irrationabile putant magi nos per eosdem gradus ... ad eundem ipsum archetypum mundum, omnium opificem et primam causam . . . posse conscendere.74

The explicit reference to Pico’s Heptaplus, combined with a quota­ tion from Reuchlin’s De Arte Cabalistica, supplies a metaphysical structure which coordinates the original material with new subjects and definitively justifies the enterprise of a total re-establishment of magic. This reformation should be able to guarantee not only the dominion of nature and the attraction of celestial and angelic vir­ tues, but also the ascent per singulos mundos right up to the First Prin­ ciple: this is the doctrinal bedrock of the ancient philosophers and priests which had been lost in the passage of time and which has to be traced and restored to its full religious and cognitive scope. So, it is true that “magic . . . strove to fulfil Agrippa’s religious de­ mands ... in search of a new and more intimate spirituality which, by contrast with the emptiness of the practices and doctrines of the church of Rome, seemed to be more accessible in ancient mystery manuals”.75 Even more than these ancient relics, however, the texts which he had read and pondered since 1510 seemed to meet and match Agrippa’s personal expectations. So, while the whole compendium was subjected to a careful revision in the light of this new metaphysical structure, the techniques and rites of magic came to acquire an ever greater worth and religious effectiveness. I should like to focus briefly on what, in terms of both the quantity and the quality of its textual borrowings, is probably the most im­ portant source for the second edition of the De Occulta Philosophia: Francesco Giorgio Veneto’s De Harmonia Mundi—a massive and 74 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 1 (not in W), p. 85. Cf. G. Pico della Mirandola, Heptaplus, ed. E. Garin, Firenze 1942, pp. 184 and 380-82; Agrippa, “Dialogus de Homine”, pp. 60-61. On Pico’s doctrine of the three worlds, where “Jewish mysticism and Neoplatonic theology dwell peacefully side by side”, see Wirszubsky, App. 17, pp. 245-51. 75 Zambelli, “A proposito del De Vanitate”, p. 178.

36

INTRODUCTION

complex work which must have left a profound impression on Agrippa, at least if we may judge by its ubiquitous presence in the De Occulta Philosophia as well as, let it not be forgotten, in the De Vanitate.76 In the De Harmonia Agrippa found a conception open to a number of different influences but at the same time coherently related to those models which had inspired the initial draft of his survey of magic. In it Agrippa found a concrete realisation of the attempt to organise so many different doctrinal threads into a single common philosophical and religious sapientia which partook of the true, necessary Wisdom that is ever inaccessible to unaided reason because it transcends reason’s limits and power. In it Agrippa read a description of the process from the One to the many, and of the return of His creations to God.77 The influence of Francesco Giorgio Veneto lies behind much of the material inserted into the 1533 edition, and his influence seems to have been the greater precisely because, in the final analysis, he had only a marginal interest in magic. Nevertheless, Agrippa sought in Zorzi the bases for an eschatological perspective which would 76 Francisci Georgii Veneti De Harmonia Mundi totius cantica tria, Venetiis 1525. As well as in Agrippa’s letter to the Senate of Koln (Ep. Ί: 26), Francesco Giorgio Veneto (Zorzi) is mentioned one other time in Agrippa’s correspondence: in a letter written in 1532 (Ep. 7: 22), Bernardo Paltrinieri tells Agrippa about a conversation he has had with Zorzi and Zorzi’s undertaking to supply bibliographical material for their Kabbalistic studies. Regarding Zorzi’s fundamental influence on Agrippa, see Perrone Compagni, “Una fonte di Comelio Agrippa: il De Harmonia Mundi di Francesco Zorzi”, Annali dell’Istituto di Filosofia dell’Universita di Firenze, tv (1982), pp. 45-74, and “Il De Occulta Philosophia”, pp. 109-11. The connection had al­ ready been pointed out in a general fashion by J.F. Maillard, “Le De Harmonia Mundi de Georges de Venise”, RHR, 179 (1971), p. 202. The subject has been con­ sidered more recently by F. Secret, “L’originalite du De Occulta Philosophia”, Charis. Archives de I’Unicome, 2 (1990), pp. 57-87, who stresses the open-minded process of cutting and pasting which enabled Agrippa to transfuse such a large quantity of material from Zorzi into his revised edition. The comparisons made by Secret (whose findings, with regard to the passages he examined, are consistent with the findings made during the preparation of the present edition) are especially interesting where the De Triplici Ratione is concerned (pp. 80-84): it includes at least one long passage taken from Zorzi’s De Harmonia—yet more evidence of how Agrippa continued to rework and add to his writings, and of how indispensable an identification of his sources is for any meaningful account of how his writings devel­ oped through time. 77 Cf. C. Vasoli, Profezia e Ragione, Napoli 1974, pp. 129-403, who traces Zor­ zi’s biographical circumstances and examines his two principal works, supplying an exhaustive bibliography. Cf. also Yates, The Occult Philosophy in the Elizabethan Age, London-Boston-Henley 1979, pp. 29-36 and Vasoli, La cultura delle corti, Bologna 1980, pp. 219-48.

INTRODUCTION

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justify the possibility of a return to the One and signpost the way of health. If it is true that this way consists of asceticism, of the renunci­ ation of material things, of the struggle against the bonds of the flesh, it is equally true that the new, more intimate spirituality at­ tained by the savant will allow him to contemplate nature in a new light—no longer as the source of evil and sin, but as a receptacle of the divine, a created symbol which testifies to its Creator. From Zorzi’s vision of the cosmos as an epiphany of the divine, Agrippa derives, for example, a fresh analysis of the problem of occult virtues which settles the differences between the auctores—partial but not contradictory aspects of an overall explanation founded on the con­ nection of terrestrial forms to the First Cause through the chain of higher intermediaries.78 This notion, so dear to Zorzi, of the cor­ respondence of the various levels of the cosmos, now appears in Book i of the De Occulta Philosophia and serves to found the conception of occult philosophy on a cosmological premiss wherein is achieved a coincidence of the Platonic philosophers, of Hermes and of the Hebrew Mecubales.79 So, the use of the De Harmonia allows Agrippa to adopt, in his 1533 edition, a radically new approach to natural magic which, instead again of looking at the more traditional and scholastic questions of physica, will rather retrace in the reality of the senses the mystery of that “progressus ad supremam unita­ tem” which, with complex numerological speculations, Trithemius had adumbrated to one of his correspondents.80 Agrippa now in­ serts chapters on the four elements and their mirabilia. The antece­ dents for these are not, as Nowotny would have it, texts of the twelfth century, but in fact the works of Francesco Giorgio Veneto, Trithemius and the scholars and popularisers of the early sixteenth century;81 and Agrippa’s non-scholastic approch to the theory of the elements often suggests—or at least makes one suspect—a 78 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 13 (not in W), which assembles numerous passages from the De Harmonia where Zorzi summarised the review of the sources of De Mineralibus, demonstrating the substantial agreement between them, and proposed his own interpretation of the problem of occult virtues. 79 Cf. for example, De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 37 (additions to W, 1: 28), pp. 153-54, which uses De Harmonia, 1: 4, 20, f. 76v. 80 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 4 (not in W), pp. 90-91, which starts by quoting from Trithemius’ letter to Johannes Westenburgh, pp. 82-87, 92-97. 81 Nowotny, “Erlauterung”, pp. 423-24. Cf. W. Newman, “Thomas Vaughan as an Interpreter of Agrippa von Nettesheim”, Ambix, xxix (1982), pp. 125-40.

38

INTRODUCTION

cautious and ambiguous standpoint on topics of a quite different character. In the chapter entitled “De admirandis aquae’’, for instance, Agrippa presents, one after another, the marvellous springs listed by Pausanias, the evangelical piscina probatica, and the river Sabbateus ofJosephus Flavius; and he also notes the special significance of this particular element in religious purification rites, mentioning baptis­ mal water. In order to assemble this chapter Agrippa draws on a host of historical and learned sources, but he also leans heavily on the chapter in De Harmonia where Zorzi advanced an allegorical in­ terpretation (which was condemned in the Index) of the words which Christ said on the occasion that the rite of baptism was initiated: “Neque etiam, Zorzi suggested, spiritualis genitura fit sine aqua, quae Deifilius est, ut ipsemet Nicodemo dixit”.82 Concerning this in­ terpretation ofjohn 3: 5, Agrippa—who has just repeated all Zorzi’s previous observations about biblical notion of water—limits himself to: “Tanta eius elementi potestas est ut nec spiritualis regeneratio fiat sine aqua, sicut ipse Christus ad Nicodemum testatus est”.83 By omitting the identification of the aqua mundificans with the Son of God as aqua supramundana, is Agrippa trying to come into line— whether out of conviction or opportunism—with the more tradi­ tional conception of baptism? I think it is rather the need for struc­ tural coherence which suggests Agrippa the omission—seeing that, in this chapter, he is in fact discussing “de mirabilibus aquae elementaris”. However, the more aware readers might have recognised all the same the source of Agrippa’s evangelical appeal and linked his vague allusion to Zorzi’s explicit opinion about baptismal water. This hypothesis has a certain attraction, especially if we compare this passage with the additions to chapter 66 of Book i about the role of faith. The 1510 manuscript restricts itself to expounding the tradi­ tional view: that the patient’s faith in the physician and in medicine is indispensable for the success of the therapy—a very obvious view,

82 De Harmonia, 1: 7, 4, f. 182v. The Index librorum expurgandorum per fr. Io. Mariam Brasichellensem, Romae 1607, required the passage to be expunged, not­ ing: “Quae de aqua elementari sunt dicta a domino Iesu in institutione sacramenti Baptismi, ipse ad aquam allegoricam, quae dicitur Filius Dei, transtulit”. Indeed, in the second cantica, f. 268r, Zorzi stressed the identification of the water with Christ as “principium regenerationis”. Cf. Vasoli, Profezia, pp. 304-5. 83 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 6 (not in W), p. 94.

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explained by Avicenna, Pietro d’ Abano and Ficino through the psy­ chosomatic effects of the imaginatio. In the later edition Agrippa adds a quotation from the De Harmonia: Multa enim mens nostra per fidem operatur, quae est firma adhaesio, fixa intentio et vehemens applicatio operantis aut suscipientis, in qua­ cunque re ad ipsum cooperantem et dantem vim ad opus quod facere intendimus.84

May we deduce from this that the firma adhaesio also has to do with access to the sacraments, as Agrippa’s source unhesitatingly declares? In fact Francesco Giorgio did not expressly question infant baptism (the faith of the godparents substitutes for that of the infant which is being baptised), but inserted the reference into a symbolic interpretation of the sacrament: if faith is indispensable because it gives “vim ad opus quod facere aut suscipere intendimus’ ’ (in a word, cooperates), the elemental water which the priest uses cannot be considered the efficient cause of the vis regenerativa of baptism, but is instead only the external sign of the operation of the divine in man.85 Should we, therefore, conclude that Agrippa either dis­ regards or does not understand the theoretical and interpretative nexus linking the passages he has borrowed from Francesco Giorgio—passages which all proposed the same symbolic interpreta­ tion of the Baptism? In my opinion, we are in the presence, once again, of deliberate ambiguity, of that dispersa intentio which the epi­ logue of the De Occulta Philosophia invites us to guess at when reproposing the typical formulas of medieval magic.86 And it is 84 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 66 (additions to W, 1: 42), p. 228, which uses a pas­ sage from De Harmonia, 2: 5, 3, f. 269v, inserted by Zorzi in a much more thorny context: “Exquiritur tanta diligentia a baptizando fides per ministrum ut firma ad­ haesione. intenti ad ea quae peraguntur in nobis ex forti imaginatione per illam regenerationem melius assimilemur generanti; multum enim operatur fides, quae est firma adhaesio et fixa intentio cooperantis, in quacunque re . . . Nec aliud est fides firma et certa quam a nobis exigit parens noster Christus—non solum in bap­ tismate sed in quocunque opere quod perpetramus—quam stabilis adhaesio et vehemens applicatio”. 85 De Harmonia, 3: 6, 10, f. 62r; 2: 5, 3, f. 270v: “Datum est sacramentum Bap­ tismi in quo [homo] abluitur et temperatur cum Deo, non tantum virtute et effica­ cia ipsius sacramenti, sed favore instituentis, dummodo suscipiens sit bene disposi­ tus . . . Homo non renascitur per aquam et verbum sacerdotis, quae sunt sacramenta et exteriora signa eorum quae Deus in internis operatur, sed per semen illud divinum ... Si autem quis fide non adhaeret, suscipit quidem sacramentum, sed non rem aut virtutem ipsius”. 86 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 65 (additions to W, Epilogue), pp. 599-600.

40

INTRODUCTION

precisely to this network of allusions and internal references that we must look when assessing the consistency of the De Occulta Philosophia. Agrippa is certainly not unaware of the serious conse­ quences implicit in the additions which he is making to chapter 66 from Zorzi; I would further suggest that Agrippa does present the spiritualistic interpretation of the sacraments which the De Harmonia had openly pointed out. The declaration that faith is indispensable in quacunque re is immediately followed by a significant quotation from Trithemius which states that among the prerequisites of a true magus is the possession of a “firma et pertinax credulitas’’, because this guarantees success “etiam nonnunquam in operibus falsis’’— just as mistrust, doubt and hesitation are obstacles to the achieve­ ment of the desired effects because they destroy the virtus inherent in the soul of man.87 In a number of places in the De Occulta Philosophia Agrippa sets up a constant parallelism between the rituals of religion and the operations of magic. This similarity alone allows us to apply even to religious practices considerations about the ef­ fects of the disposition of the subject; but it is the text itself which explicitly formulates this nexus in Book III, repeating, with the necessary modifications, the same quotation from Trithemius: Tanta siquidem potest constans credulitas, ut etiam miracula operetur in opinionibus et operationibus falsis . . . Haesitatio autem creduli­ tatis et diffidentia omne opus non modo in superstitione, sed etiam in vera religione infirmant et effectum quaesitum, licet fortissimorum ex­ perimentorum, enervant.88

87 De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 66 (additions to W, 1: 42), p. 228, which uses the already cited letter from Trithemius to Joachim von Brandenburg. The letter is repeated again by Agrippa at 3: 3 (not in W), p. 407, to illustrate the natural characteristics of the perfect magus and the practical rituals to reach an artificial “dignificatio”. Trithemius was probably inspired by the hermetic doctrine of the “Natura Perfecta”, as it is described in Picatrix, 2: 6 (Picatrix. The Latin Version of the Ghdyat al-Hakim, ed. D. Pingree, London 1986, pp. 108-12). Alongside the need for a complete scientific culture, Picatrix emphasised the importance of in­ tellectual concentration and spiritual purification as pre-requisites for the magus­ philosopher. Regarding the notion of “dignificatio” in Agrippa, cf. Zambelli, ‘Testi scelti”, pp. 110—11; A. Rotondd, Studi e ricerche di storia ereticale italiana del Cinquecento, Torino 1974, p. 359; Perrone Compagni, “La magia cerimoniale”, pp. 318-28. 88 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 4 (additions to W, 3: 57), p. 411. The concept of “credulitas”, abasic element of “superstitio”, is clarified in chapter 3: 5 (addition to W, 3: 28) which inserts the Conclusio secundum Proclum no 44 into the pre-existing discussion of faith based on William of Auvergne.

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41

In another new chapter, structured mainly as a juxtaposition of pas­ sages from the De Harmonia, Agrippa returns once more to these themes when discussing Christ’s name—a motif of Reuchlin’s which Agrippa had overlooked in 1510 but which Zorzi had en­ larged and enriched within his own Christological perspective: Non autem putemus quod nominando Iesum polluto ore ... in virtute illius facere possumus miracula, sed oportet illud invocare in Spiritu Sancto, mente expurgata et animo ferventi ut adsequamur ea, quae nobis in ipso promissa sunt.89

To this significant reorientation of the De Occulta Philosophia, which dominates the whole 1533 revision and is obviously crucial for Book hi, Francesco Giorgio contributes in yet another fundamental way by acting as the intermediary through whom Agrippa came into contact with the kabbalistic tradition of the “Mecubales”.90 Agrippa’s first, youthful outline of kabbalistic magic, a somewhat superficial carbon-copy of Reuchlin, is then reworked in the light of the quotations from, and compendia and interpretations of Hebrew wisdom which Francesco Giorgio and a number of other pioneers had rendered accessible to Latin culture. The structure of Book hi was profoundly altered by this contact which induced Agrippa to shift the “Reuchlinian” chapters of the first draft to the opening, to insert important new chapters (on the Sephiroth and the ten Names of God, on angels and demons) and to extend the existing chapters in a kabbalistic direction. To be sure, these borrowings from kabbalism and from Hebrew literature in general are almost always second-hand. Agrippa, whose knowledge of Hebrew was limited to the rudiments of the language, had collected his quotations with his usual punctilious patience from Latin translations or from the texts of Christian kabbalists; so naturally his knowledge was conditioned by them, and as far as interpretation and techniques were con­ cerned, he was obliged to follow his sources without being able to contribute anything original of his own. Nevertheless, there are

89 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 12 (not in W), p. 436. The Index condemned this passage in De Harmonia, 2: 3, 7, f. 231 r, “nam videtur asserere existentes in peccato mortali non posse facere miracula”. 90 The reliance of certain passages of the De Occulta Philosophia on Zorzi’s Christian Kabbala was already recorded by Secret, Le ‘Zohar' chez les Kabbalistes chretiens de la Renaissance, Paris 1958 and Les Kabbalistes chretiens de la Renaissance, Paris 1964, passim.

42

INTRODUCTION

places where this compilation, apparently so flat, does offer sur­ prises. Apart from the fact that Agrippa makes use of certain ele­ ments of practical kabbala which were disregarded by his models (Reuchlin, Ricci and Zorzi), it is interesting that he attributes the Liber Razielis to a Hermeticising origin.91 Also notable is the fact that Agrippa inserts a number of passages from Moses Maimonides and discovers a conceptual affinity with Maimonides’ theory of prophecy in Pico’s 45th thesis secundum Platonem.92 Traces of this new openness to the Hebrew tradition are to be de­ tected in Agrippa’s more mature approach to a number of essential issues which were either skimmed over or even ignored altogether in the first version of De Occulta Philosophia. For example, chapter 3: 22 of the manuscript De Occulta Philosophia limits itself to a handful of brief notes on the topic of man’s being created in the image of God. In the printed version this becomes a much lengthier and more developed treatise on man-the-microcosm (chapter 3: 36). The main component of it is a nucleus from Agrippa’s Dialogus de Homine—that probably unfinished and certainly never published work in which, for the first time, he tackled the anthropological conceptions of the Heptaplus.93 However, the later development of the chapter consists entirely of a juxtaposition of passages selected from the De Harmonia. In one Francesco Giorgio reconsiders the conception of the dignitas hominis (based on man’s symbolum and conversatio with all levels of being) in the light of the Zoharic doctrine of the three degrees of the soul. “Nephesch, Ruah, Neshama” represent the three parts of the soul which the Platonists, Plotinus and Hermes called “Infimum, Medium, Supremum”. However, Francesco Giorgio, who gives the meanings ‘soul’, ‘spirit’ and “portio superior” or “spiraculum” to the three Hebrew categories, also detects in them the Pauline oppo­ sition between carnal man and spiritual man regenerated by the Ver­ bum. This Zoharic notion has a considerable influence, and not only on the conception of man-the-microcosm and the HermeticChristian idea of spiritual regeneration. It also involves interpreting the destiny of the soul after death. “Nephesch, Ruah, Neshama”,

91 Cf. De Occulta Philosophia, 1: 43 (additions to W, 1: 32), p. 167. Cf. Secret, “Sur quelques traductions du Sefer Razi'el”, REJ, 128 (1969), pp. 223-45. 92 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 43 (additions to W, 3: 25), p. 539. 93 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 36 (additions to W, 3: 22), p. 508. Cf. G. Pico, Heptaplus, p. 304 and Agrippa, “Dialogus de Homine”, pp. 59-60.

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eventually identified with the concepts of “Mens, Ratio, Idolum”, have different destinies to match their different origins and natures. Since the human Mind is a divinum quoddam, that is to say, the breath of God, and as such is immune from sin, it returns immediately to its abode where it is reunited with its Beginning. The rational soul, by contrast, standing between two opposite extremes and free to choose its path, must undergo judgment and receive a sentence ap­ propriate to the choices it has made in life: freedom and participa­ tion in the beatific vision if it has followed the way of the Mens·, dam­ nation and reduction to the status of an evil demon if it is made itself a slave to the animal soul.94 The doctrine expounded by Francesco Giorgio is adopted in its entirety by Agrippa who found in it the in­ spiration for the more deeply thought-out analysis which he presents in chapter 41 of Book hi. Already sketched out in 1510, the discus­ sion about triple, differing destinies of the parts of the soul is renewed and more fully developed thanks to the Zoharic doctrine which Agrippa knew through Francesco Giorgio, and thanks to quo­ tations from the Talmud, which Agrippa knew in Paolo Ricci’s par­ tial translation. It is interesting to observe how these themes from Hebrew culture are inserted into a context rich with potential and open to development in a multitude of different directions: the sug­ gestion that there may be salvation for the just pagans connects quite naturally with (Ficinian) hints about religious tolerance inserted by Agrippa in chapter 4;95 the interpretation of the torments of hell as species phantasticae relies on the initially ignored Book xvm of the Theologia Platonica and Reuchlin’s exposition of Pythagoreanism;96 and the presentation of a group of Patristic texts on the receptacula 94 De Harmonia, 3:5,3, f. 53r. Cf. G. Scholem, Les grandes courants de la mystique juive, Paris 1960, pp. 256-60. 95 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 41 (additions to W, 3: 24), p. 525 and 3: 4 (additions to W, 3: 3), p. 410. The compilation of passages from Ficino’s De Christiana religione, from Lactantius and from Gianfrancesco Pico carries to an extreme consequence the original distinction between religion, founded on faith, and superstition, found­ ed on “credulitas”. The first is the patrimony of those few whom God has wished to enlighten and who know how to cherish and cultivate the privilege. The second corresponds both to non-Christian religions and to any cult which is insufficiently conscious and not truly spiritual; but superstition also complies with man’s supreme duty, which is to adore God. 96 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 41, pp. 523-29. Cf. R. Klein, “L’Enferde Ficin”, in Umanesimo e Esoterismo, pp. 47-84; “L’imagination comme vetement de Fame chez Marsile Ficin et Giordano Bruno”, Revue de metaphysique et de morale, 61 (1956), pp. 18-39; “Spirito peregrino”, Revue d’etudes ilaltennes, xi (1965), pp. 197-236.

44

INTRODUCTION

animarum would appear to form a regular doctrinal corpus on the subject of psychopannichism.97 Each of these topics lifts the lid off matters which were still very controversial at the time, and so re­ quires Agrippa to take up very carefully defined positions—though they are not clearly expressed in the De Occulta Philosophia which, in fact, disguises them thanks to its compilatory structure and un­ predictable connections. Agrippa’s deliberate strategy to use allu­ sions is an attempt, sometimes successfull, to get themes of a com­ plex and potentially embarassing nature pass unobserved: Quod occultatum est a nobis in uno loco, manifestum fecimus illud in alio, ut sapientibus vobis patefiat. Vobis enim solis scripsimus, quo­ rum animus incorruptus, ad rectum vivendi ordinem institutus . . . Vos enim soli servatam vobis doctrinam invenietis et arcana multis aenigmatibus abscondita, quae non eliciuntur nisi intelligentia abscondita . . . Vos autem malevoli calumniatores, pravae ignoran­ tiae et insipientis nequitiae filii, haec nostra fugite: nam inimica vobis sunt et posita in praecipitium, ut erretis et incidatis in miseriam.98

Some modern interpreters show that they are aware of these internal relationships and veiled references, whose hidden intentions have been nevertheless differently explained.99 But Agrippa’s “dispersa intentio” did not escape neither Jean Calvin nor the Inquisitor Sixtus of Siena. Calvin labelled the author of the De Vanitate as a “barking dog”, a “lucianicus”, a libertin.100 Sixtus, who did not split hairs, condemned Agrippa as a heretic, a Lutheran, a follower of the Anabaptists.101 Nevertheless, I am not persuaded that 97 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 41, pp. 532-34. Regarding psycopannichism (that is the belief in the death or sleep of the souls after the death of the body, pending the resurrection of the dead or of the elect alone), cf. G.H. Williams, The Radical Reformation, Philadelphia 1962, pp. 104-7. But cf. Zambelli, “Magic and Radical Reformation in Agrippa of Nettesheim”, JWCI, xxxix (1976), pp. 91-94, ac­ cording to whom earlier statements of psycopannichism are to be found in Neo­ platonic Renaissance, rather than in Italian Averroists and Alexandrines. 98 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 65 (additions to W: Epilogue), p. 599. 99 Cf. Zambelli, “Magic”, pp. 69-103 (particularly pp. 71-75), who stresses Agrippa’s role among Radical Reformers, his Nicodemism and his possible adhe­ sion to Anabaptism. Wirth, “Libertins”, pp. 609-13 and 620, discusses the hypothesis of Agrippa’s libertinism in De Nobilitate. 100 J. Calvin, De Scandalis, in Trois Traites, ed. A.-M. Schmidt, Paris-Geneve 1934, p. 221; cf. G. Schneider, Der Libertin, Stuttgart 1970, p. 97. >01 Sixtus Senensis, Bibliotheca Sancta, Lugduni 1593 [i ed.: Venetiis 1566], denounces Agrippa’s errors quoting from the lost Adversus Lamiarum Inquisitores (5: 73 and 276, pp. 350-51, 535), fromZ)< Vanitate (5: 125, p. 471) and from De Occulta Philosophia (see Note 102 below). Cf. Zambelli, “Magic”, pp. 88-89.

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Sixtus’ judgements are fully reliable, though I recognize that they attest a typical reading of Agrippa’s unorthodox opinions.102 So, I am not quite sure that the list of authorities for the receptacles of the souls is really the dangerous smuggling of psychopannichism and Anabaptist texts denounced by Sixtus. I would prefer to see it as the pleasure of a spiritualist who intentionally collects obscure and often contradictory texts (the chapter is entitled: “Quid de homine post mortem opiniones variae”) precisely because he wishes to demon­ strate their “incomprehensibilis obscuritas’’. This attitude would seem to me to be confirmed by the subsequent discussion, about the value of intercession for the dead, which deploys different and con­ trasting theological opinions. The discussion is entirely founded on a group of articles from the Supplementum to the Summa Theologiae by St Thomas;103 however, Agrippa seems to align himself finally with 102 Sixtus, Bibliotheca, 6: 264, pp. 528-29 (“Cornelius Agrippa, Anabaptista­ rum assecla, libro De Occulta Philosophia tertio astruere conatur pias defunctorum animas usque ad diem iudicii divinitatis visionem carere”) and 345, pp. 555-61. Adnotatio 345 compells us to consider more closely to what extent Sixtus’ references are accurate and complete. Discussing the Anabaptist view, according to which “animas sanctorum ante resurrectionem divinae visionis gloria frui non posse”, Sixtus lists a large number of Fathers who seemed to share this error. For the most part, the Patristic authorities are the same as in chapter 41 of De Occulta Philosophia—and we are therefore allowed to suppose that Sixtus is just using this chapter as a source. Shortly after, in fact, he admits that he has quoted the opinion of Clemens Romanus [!] “in Ypotiposeos secundo, ex sententia Petri” drawing it second-hand “ex libro tertio De Occulta Philosophia Cornelii Agrippae, hominis heretici et in hoc praesertim articulo perperam sentientis”. Sixtus is not persuaded that the passage (“Quemadmodum magister noster Christus non statim evolans abiit [. . .] hoc honore dignos habuerint. Animas usque ad diem iudicii extra coelum futuram gloriam expectare”) is to be found in Clemens; instead, he hints that Agrippa “descripsit haec ex libro v [of the Adversus Haereses] Irenaei, in cuius libro sententia haec ad verbum habetur, excepta postuma illa clausola: ‘animas usque ad diem iudicii [. . . ] expectare’—quam quidem verisimile est Cornelium Agrippam de suo adiecisse ut pote dogmati suo faventem”. But, in fact, chapter 41 of the De Occulta Philosophia neither mistakes Clemens Alexandrinus for Clemens Romanus, nor quotes the Ypotiposeos at all. On the other hand, the only passage from Clemens Romanus, which describes the opinion of the Apostle Peter on the ‘psycopannichist’ topic, is quite different. Moreover, Agrippa actually uses the pas­ sage from Irenaeus’ Adversus Haereses which Sixtus refers to, but he explicitly recog­ nizes the authorship of this borrowing; above all, Agrippa faithfully quotes Irenaeus and does not add the final “clausola” which—according to Sixtus—is very closely bound up with Agrippa’s heretical attitude. 103 In my opinion, these ‘thomist’ quotations represent just an excursus in which Agrippa’s personal conviction is not involved, but which he artfully introduces to stress the futility of theological arguments in contrast to “fidei simplicitas”. Cf. con­ tra Zambelli, “Magic”, pp. 101-2.

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INTRODUCTION

the views of Augustine, who discussed precisely that parable which is most often cited in justification of psychopannichism: Itaque accedentes Augustini sententiae, sicut ille In Genesim libro decimo ait, dicamus: “Melius est dubitare de occultis quam litigare de incertis . . . Sed quomodo intelligenda illa flamma inferni, ille sinus Abrahae, illa divitis lingua, ille digitus pauperis . . . vix a man­ suete quaerentibus, a contentiose autem certantibus nunquam in­ venitur”.104

So, through Augustine, Agrippa is reaffirming the fertility of man­ sueta research and the Erasmian notion of evangelical simplicitas. The way to truth lies not in the rifts between different schools of thought or in philosophical distinctions, but in self-knowledge and selfawareness. The Pauline “Templum Dei estis vos” means recognis­ ing the spark or presence of God in each human being, that Mens which characterises the peculiar dignity of man-the-microcosm as he conforms to the “dignitas divinae imaginis”. If reason recognises Neshama, “divinum illud quod est in nobis’ ’, it will not choose to fol­ low the animal soul (Nephesch, the idol) into sin, but will know how to subject itself consciously and constantly to the portio superior which shows it the way to salvation. If this is so, reason, by its ambiguous nature, will be able to aspire to immortality and beatification. The dualism, which pits matter and spirit against each other at the begin­ ning of this path to perfection, can be resolved and man will become a child of God, uniting himself with Him, transforming himself “in eandem imaginem quae est Deus”, and thus discovering himself to be a worker of miracles “in virtute Dei”.105 Interiority becomes a fundamental of a religious life which stays substantially indifferent to the outward manifestations of itself in acts of worship, often interpretated as metaphors and perceptible signs of the “mysterium” 104 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 41, p. 534. Cf. De Triplici Ratione, 5, p. 474: “Vera enim sapientia non in clamosis disputationibus consistit, sed occulitur in silentio et religione per fidem in dominum Iesum Christum”. 105 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 36 (additions), p. 509. Pico’s presupposition about “dignitas hominis”, by now an explicit affirmation of the almost substantial presence of God in man, plays a determining role in pointing out the path to salva­ tion. The analogy with the Creator, which fully gratified the first man and was then obscured by sin, is not entirely extinct and may be restored if man co-operates in his salvation and adapts himself to the plan of universal justice. Cf. De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 39-40 and 44 (not in W), pp. 517-20 and 543-44, which are in­ debted to the re-evaluation of the works proposed by the De Harmonia Mundi, in open opposition to the “sola fides” of Luther.

INTRODUCTION

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which God works in us. This intimate experience is in fact facilitated by certain practices and rules for living which can contribute to the redemption of sin and ignorance.106 This is the precise objective of all Agrippa’s discussion, use and reinterpretation of kabbalistic themes in his reworking of the De Occulta Philosophia. Magic, “altior sanctiorque philosophia”, bases its claim to perfection and sacredness not on the cultural baggage, however rich, of the natural philosopher, the astrologer or the the­ ologian, but on man’s knowledge of himself, on his awareness of the tripartite orientation of his own psychological nature, and on the practices which allow him to govern the flesh and to exalt his spiritu­ al conformity with God. Quae igitur menti unita est anima, haec dicitur anima stans et non cadens; verum non omnes hominis mentem adepti sunt quoniam, ut inquit Hermes, voluit illam Deus pater tanquam certamen praemium­ que animarum proponere . . . Forma igitur totius magicae virtutis est ab anima hominis stante et non cadente.107

Far from involving the demonic magic or Simon Magus, as has recently been suggested,108 this passage develops four Pico’s 106 Cf. De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 53-59 (additions to W, 3: 39-46), pp. 56282. 107 De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 44 (not in W), pp. 542-44, which adopts, with some personal modifications, four theses by Pico: the Conclusiones secundum opinionem propriam in doctrina Abucaten qui dicitur auctor De Causis no. 2 (“Cum dicit Abucaten omnis anima nobilis tres habet operaciones, divinam, intellectualem et animalem, ita est intelligendum quod primam habet per imaginem proporcionalitatis, secun­ dam per formalitatem participationis, tertiam per proprietatem essencialitatis’’— Agrippa adds a fourth, the “naturalis”, “per communionem ad corpus”) and no. 9 (“Ex antepenultima proposicione Abucaten colligi potest quod declinare plus ad sensum quam ad intellectum non est anime ut anima est, sed ut cadens est”), the first Conclusio secundum Adelandum Arabem (“Intellectus agens nihil aliud est quam pars animae quae sursum manet et non cadit”) and the Conclusio Magica secundum opinionem propriam no. 12 (“Forma totius magicae virtutis est ab anima hominis stante et non cadente”). 10B Keefer, pp. 650-52, bases on these passages his suggestive—but in my opinion, arbitrary—interpretation of Agrippa’s thought and of the relationship be­ tween his two chief works. Though fully cognisant of the fact that Agrippa used the 12th magical thesis, Keefer is not aware of the other three conclusions which are organically connected to it, both in Pico and in Agrippa. Keefer is therefore forced to have recourse to other sources in order to identify the “Magi” who support the notion of an “anima stans et non cadens” and he associates it with Gnosticism and Simon Magus. In his view such a connection is justified by a passage in the De Vani­ tate (chap. 48, pp. 104-5) Where Agrippa dates the birth of demonic magic to the diffusion of Simonian doctrines and, shortly after, pronounces a recantatio for his

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Conclusiones and finally reveals the theoretical foundations of a magic restored at last: Nullum opus est in tota mundi serie tam admirabile, tam excellens, tam miraculosum quod anima humana, suam divinitatis imaginem complexa, quam vocant magi animam stantem et non cadentem, sua propria virtute absque omni externo adminiculo non queat ef­ ficere.109

The tone in which Agrippa describes the process of spiritual regener­ ation and its subsequent application in the world, is reminiscent in places of the Corpus Hermeticum, which was so strongly present in the early draft of the De Occulta Philosophia. In the revision of 1533, however, other important authorities are brought in alongside it to develop and partially modify his conception of the role and functions own youthful faith in magic (on this subject see Note 112 below). Keefer also gives considerable weight to the circumstance that in De Occulta Philosophia, 3: 41 (p. 532), “only three chapters earlier, he quotes at length both from the Recognitiones and from Irenaeus”, which were indeed the principal sources for the legend of Simon Magus. But this kind of argument a fortiori justifies having recourse to Pico’s con­ clusions which Agrippa did in fact use in the course of the same chapter. Keefer supplies, as a specific reference, Clement’s Recognitiones, 2: 7 (S. Clementis Romani Recognitiones, Rufino . . . interprete in Patrologia Graeca, ed. J.P. Migne, Paris 1857, col. 1251: Simon Magus “excelsam virtutem, quae supra creatorem Deum est, credi se vult et Christum putari atque Stantem nominari. Hac autem appellatione utitur quasi qui neget se posse aliquando dissolvi, asserens carnem suam ita divini­ tatis suae virtutem compactam ut possit in aeternum durare. Hinc ergo Stans appellatur tanquam qui non possit ulla corruptione decidere”). Keefer’s resort to this explanation of the concept of the stans is entirely unfounded, in my opinion; it seems to me that Pico’s conclusions, overlooked by Keefer, furnish a much more detailed reference, which clearly explains the relationship between the Kabbalistic doctrine of the three parts of the soul and the conception of magic. 109 Cf. the letter (Ep. 5: 14) of 1527 addressed to Aurelius ab Aquapendente, which is basic to any understanding of the non-contradictory relationship between the critique of the occult sciences in the De Vanitate and the following resumption of the magical material in the De Occulta Philosophia·. “O quanta leguntur scripta de inexpugnabili magicae artis potentia, de prodigiosis imaginibus, de monstrifica alchimistarum metamorphosi . . . quae omnia comperiuntur vana, ficta, falsa quoties ad literam practicantur. Atque tamen traduntur ista scribunturque a ma­ gnis gravissimisque philosophis et sanctis viris, quorum traditiones quis audebit di­ cere falsas? . . . Alius est ergo sensus quam literis traditur, isque variis obductus mysteriis . . . quem nescio si quis . . . sola librorum lectione possit assequi nisi fuerit divino lumine illustratus, quod datur paucissimis. Ideoque in vanum currunt multi, qui haec secretissima naturae arcana persequuntur ad nudam lectionis seriem referentes animum ... In nobis ipsis est omnium mirabilium effectuum operator, qui quicquid portentosi mathematici, quicquid prodigiosi magi, quicquid ... alchimistae, quicquid . . . malefici necromantes promittere audent, ipse novit discer­ nere et efficere idque sine omni crimine, sine Dei offensa, sine religionis iniuria”.

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of magic. One recent study has identified the Hermetic doctrine of regeneration as the single source necessary to understand the inter­ nal dynamics of Agrippa’s thought. According to M.H. Keefer, ‘ ‘ Hermetic rebirth provided him with a theory for the understand­ ing of the divine; it set out the means by which God is to be ap­ proached and outlined the consequent rewards”. Therefore this gnoseological and soteriological doctrine constitutes for Keefer ‘‘the basic unity” of Agrippa’s two works; the delicate relationship be­ tween reason and faith, between paganism and Christianity, is brought to a crisis—Keefer tells us—when Agrippa realizes that Hermetic doctrines coincide with the ideas of Simon Magus.110 I find little I can agree with in these statements. Rather than seeking the path of knowledge of God tout court, Agrippa’s abiding concern was to sketch out a broad foundation for human knowledge and then to establish its scope, its limits and its function in the achievement of the religious sapientia. Agrippa returned to this goal at different times and approached it from different angles.111 It is true that as far as the Agrippa of the early draft of the De Occulta Philosophia is concerned, christianised Hermeticism was the best and most fruitful answer. But by the 1533 edition the Hermetic influence had been definitively absorbed into a much broader conceptual framework which owed a very great deal to Christian-kabbalist syncretism, to neoplatonism and, of course, to fresh Hermetic notions he derived from his later readings. Some of these sources satisfied demands which Agrippa had already articulated in all their urgency. Others suggested new lines of enquiry and meditation. All this research and, simultaneously, a return to the study of religious texts, con­ tributed to Agrippa’s intellectual reorientation and inspired both the revision of the De Occulta Philosophia and the composition of the De Vanitate. For all its hyperbole and polemical ferocity, the latter work exalts the verbum Dei above, but not against, a reformulated concep­ tion of magic.112 In the De Vanitate, as in the De Occulta Philosophia,

110 Keefer, pp. 650-51. 111 Cf. I. Backus, “Agrippa on Human Knowledge of God and Human Knowledge of the External World”, AKG, 65 (1983), pp. 147-59. 112 Zambelli, “A proposito del De Vanitate”, pp. 178-79. The “recantatio” which Agrippa formulates in the De Vanitate and which Keefer (pp. 644-45, n. 78) cites as proof of the disturbing presence of Simon Magus, is by no means so radical and generalised (cf. Note 20 above). Keefer himself has to admit that “nowhere in this passage does Agrippa deny the possibility of a legitimate and non-demonic

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Agrippa bases the validity of human knowledge on an awareness of the relationship which binds man to God, and on man’s trusting and voluntary acceptance of the illumination which comes from God and which is guaranteed to him by his very essence. The specific inten­ tions of the two books, their literary genres, the historical and per­ sonal background to their composition are all very different, and may to some extent explain certain inconsistencies between them.113 Without trying to flatten out every contrast, ambiguity and paradox which an impetuous, polemical and very often fool­ hardy personality like Agrippa presents, I submit that the analysis of Agrippa’s textual sources allows us to detect an internal consisten­ cy in his works. Agrippa’s dilemma was most certainly not to know “whether he was moving towards transfiguration and a godlike knowledge and power or whether he was destined, with . . . Simon Magus, to the torments of eternal fire’’.114 Rather, and more simply, Agrippa was proposing to supply an answer to questions which so many thinking people of his time were also asking: the hoped-for reform of knowledge and religious life also includes magic. TEXTUAL CRITERIA

This edition is based on the text printed in Cologne by Johannes Soter in July 1533 (K)—and, more precisely, on the edition identi­ fied as “a” by Nowotny, which may have been the earliest among the slightly different editions bearing the same date 1533. Some peculiarities in “a’’ also suggest that it could be exactly the edition, the publication of which was overseen by Agrippa personally.115 divination, prophesying and miracle-working”, providing that such activity is car­ ried out “in veritate” and “in virtute Dei”, and not “secundum operationem malorum spirituum”. 113 While being careful not to reduce the De Vanitate to the level of a mere rhetorical exercise, it is indispensable to bear in mind Erasmus’s example regarding the use of “declamatio” as an expository technique, at times intentionally para­ doxical, at others seriously polemical. Cf. B.C. Bowen, “Cornelius Agrippa’s De Vanitate: Polemic or Paradox?”, BHR, 34 (1972), pp. 249-56; E. Korkowsky, “Agrippa as Ironist”, Neophilologus, 60 (1976), pp. 594-607. 114 Keefer, p. 652; cf. p. 650: Agrippa’s “violent oscillations back and forth, his praise and condemnation of magic, his boasts, his threats and his recantations” begin to make sense—according to Keefer—if Agrippa “is seen as a man whose ideology led him a hopeless entanglement of the sacred and the demonic”. 115 Wien, Universitatsbibliothek 11.222.477. Nowotny, “Einleitung”,

INTRODUCTION

51

Orthography follows K, its particularities (for example, the use of “n” instead of “m” before labials) and its occasional inconsisten­ cies (for example, the irregular use of “cum/quum”, “t/th” “f/ph”, or “ae/e”). However, I have always substituted “i” for “j”, “ae/oe” for “ς” and I have systematically distinguished between “u” and “v”. I have also modernized punctuation and use of capital letters. 0bvious printing mistakes have been tacitly cor­ rected and errata have been tacidy incorporated into the text, unless the original reading coincided with the reading in the ms. or in the partial edition. The marginal notes, marked by an asterisk, are presented in the list of variant readings. The K text is here compared with the first juvenile draft, ms. Wurzburg, Universitatsbibliothek M.ch.q.50 (W). The W ms. is the dedication copy which Agrippa sent to Trithemius, and this fact allows us to assume that it is the most likely text to be correct and that it most accurately reflects Agrippa’s intentions in 1510.116 Book i is also compared with the partial edition printed at Antwerp by Johannes Graphaeus in 1531 (A).117 pp. 409- 11, identifies five subsequent editions bearing the same date 1533. They show small differences from one another—in the typographical layout, misprints, pagination and engravings. In the “a” edition, engravings are of better quality; at sig. aaii v, the Errata list 204 misprints, which do not appear in the other four editions; watermarks and qualities of paper differ—a peculiarity this which could be linked to the vicissitudes of the first printing, which was already under way in November, was interrupted by the Inquisitor in December and was finally resumed in 1533. The “a” edition consists of 17 terniones + 1 quaternio + 13 temiones. The text of the De Occulta Philosophia ends at sig. Fiii v; it is followed by some texts which should act as a palinode: at sig. Fiii r-v, Epistula Aurelio ab Aquapendente, dated24Sept. 1527 (cf.E/>. 5: 14); at sig. Fiiii r-v, another letter Ad Eundem, dated 29 Nov. 1527 (cf. Ep. 5: 19); at sig. Fiiii v-Fv v, Epistula cuidam amico in aula regia, dated 13 Febr. 1528 (cf. Ep. 5: 26); at sig. Fv v-Gv v, Censura sive Retractatio de magia ex sua declamatione De Vanitate Scientiarum et Excellentia Verbi Dei, that is, chapters 41-48 (cf. Opera, pp. 89- 105). Cf. D. Clement, Bibliotheque curieuse historique et cri­ tique, Gottingen 1750-60, 1, p. 91, no. 91, p. 92 no. 91; G.W. Panzer, Annales typographici, Niimberg 1793-1803, 6, p. 426, no. 725, 11, p. 404, no. 725b. 1,6 Wurzburg, Universitatsbibliothek, ms. M.ch.q.50; on paper; 20,5 x 14 cm.; 137 leaves numbered by a modern hand (correctly up to c. 123; 123 is repeated and all successive numbers should be raised by one); binding dating to the time when Trithemius was directing the Schottenkloster St Jacob at Wiirzburg (1506-1516); atc.lr: “Mon. S. Jacobi”; humanistic hand with few abbreviations; very few errors, some interlinear corrections by the copyst and some few marginal corrections by a different hand; titles of chapters are listed at the end, cc. 129r135v (see Appendix). The ms. is reproduced by Nowotny, App. i, pp. 519-86. Cf. Handwerker, “Zur Geschichte der Handschriftensammlung der Wiirzburger Universitatsbibliothek”, Zentralblatt fir Bibliothekwesen, 26 (1909), pp. 504-6. 117 Cf. Clement, 1, p. 93, nos. 91-92; Panzer, 6, p. 17, no. 143.

52

INTRODUCTION

Collation of the different editions points out the significance of the operation of expansion by which Agrippa transformed the juvenile version W into the edition K which he delivered to the printer. Com­ pared with W, the complete version K shows both formal changes—where passages already present in W are reworked from the stylistic point of view—and insertions of additional material. An examination of the sources proves that almost all the passages absent in W are not to be considered omissions by the copyst; instead, these passages are additions resulting from the author’s further research and reading after 1510. In this careful and thorough job of enlarge­ ment, the partied edition A represents an intermediate stage, where most—but no all—additions to Book i of W were already in­ serted.118 In order to make the expansion of the text immediately apparent, I have inserted angle brackets directly into the text to indicate material not in the 1510 text but which constitutes a substantial ad­ dition to it. Passages still absent from the 1531 edition, but which do appear in the 1533 edition, are listed among the variants. In order to give a quick, overall picture, I have collected in a Table of Comparison the results of the comparison between the definitive structuring of K, with all its expansions and transfers, and the origi­ nal ordering of the chapters in W. Variants are keyed as follows:

a) original readings of W to which Agrippa made corrections or stylistic changes b) passages in W which Agrippa left out from A or K c) transfers of entire chapters, parts of chapters or individual phrases d) passages or words still absent from A e) mistakes in A f) mistakes in K g) mistakes in K corrected by the errata, if the original reading coincided with the reading in W or A h) marginalia in K 118 Cf. G. Aquilecchia, “Trilemma of Textual Criticism (Author’s Alterations, Different Versions, Autonomous Works). An Italian View”, in Book Production and Letters in the Western European Renaissance. Essays in honour of Conor Fahy, ed. A.L. Lepschy-J. Took-D.E. Rhodes, London 1986, pp. 1-6.

INTRODUCTION

53

Not indicated are: cancellations or corrections to W made by the copyst; the most common orthographical variations (t/c, e/ae, y/i, ch/c and so on); immediately obvious typographical mistakes (such as, for example, the frequent reversing of letters in A: n/u, p/q). On the other hand, variations of common nouns and proper names (rabarbarum/reubarbafum, Zoroaster/Zoroastes, etc.) are in­ dicated. The list of sources is intended to supply detailed identities of: a) the direct or primary sources—that is, those which Agrippa actually used, sometimes quoting at considerable length, sometimes only for a very short quotation b) the indirect or secundary sources, namely, the ones that Agrippa found already quoted by his models and which he copied from them. This distinction was made possible by comparing the text of the De Occulta Philosophia, the source cited and, where pertinent, any in­ termediate source. I mainly took account of verbal similarities, theo­ retical affinities and, above all, peculiar connections among several authorities or different topics. References are made, where possible, to the critical editions, or to the most widely available ones, instead of referring to the editions which Agrippa probably had to hand and which can often be identi­ fied with certainty. In the case of Greek and Hebrew works, which Agrippa knew thanks to Latin translations, the reference to the original includes, in square brackets, reference to the Latin transla­ tion which Agrippa used, if it can be identified, or to a translation contemporary to him.

TABLE OF COMPARISON Edition (1533)

Manuscript (1510)

Epist. omnibus lectoribus Epist. J. Tritemio

new W, Ep. J. Tritemio + W, 1: 1 (except for closing passage, transferred to K, 1: 1) + many changes and some additions new new new, except for closing passage from VV, 1: 1 W, 1: 2 + two short additions new new new new (one passage still absent from A) new new W, 1: 3 + two short additions W, 1:4 + two additions W, 1: 5 W, 1: 6 + a substantial addition at the end new W, 1:7 + two short additions W, 1:8 + two short additions (the second still absent from A) W, 1 9 W, 1 10 + additions W, 1 11 + additions (one still absent from A) w, 1 12 + a short addition w, 1 13 + additions (one still absent from A) w, 1 14 + W, 1:15 + two short additions w, 1 16 + many short additions w, 1 17 + many short additions w, 1 18 + many short additions w, 1 19 + many short additions w, 1 20 + many short additions w, 1 21 + many short additions w, 1 22 + many short additions w, 1 23 + many short additions w, 1 24 + a substantial addition at the end new w, 1 25 + two substantial additions new w, 1 26 w, 1: 27 + two additions (one still absent from A) w, 1 28 + an addition at mid-text

Epist. J. Tritemii Epist. Hermanno ab Wyda 1: 1 1: 2 1: 3 1: 4 1: 5 1: 6 1: 7 1: 8 1: 9 1: 10 1: 11 1: 12 1: 13 1: 14 1: 15 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36

TABLE OF COMPARISON

1: 37 1: 38

1: 1: 1: 1:

39 40 41 42

1: 43 1: 44 1: 1: 1: 1:

45 46 47 48

1: 49 1: 50 1: 51 1: 52

1: 53 1: 54 1: 55 1: 56

1: 57 1: 58 1: 59 1: 60 1: 1: 1: 1:

61 62 63 64

1: 1: 1: 1: 1: 1:

65 66 67 68 69 70

55

W, 1: 29 + additions W, 1: 30 (except for a substantial passage, trans­ ferred to K, 1: 58) + three short additions W, 1: 31 + a very short addition W, 1: 51 W, 1: 47 + a very short addition at the end W, 1: 48 + W, 1: 49 + two additions (one still absent from A) W, 1: 32 + many additions W, 1: 33 (except for closing passage, left out from A and K) + two additions W, 1: 35 + two additions (one still absent from A) W, 1: 36 + an addition at mid-text W, 1: 37 + two additions W, 1: 46 (with two modifications in the sequence of passages) + short additions W, 2: 49 + many additions W, 1: 34 + an addition W, 1: 50 + a passage from W, 1: 45 + two ad­ ditions W, 1: 45 (except for a passage, transferred to K, 1: 51) + a short passage from W, 2: 50 + two ad­ ditions W, 2:51 + a short addition at the beginning and a very substantial one at the end (closing passage still absent from A) new (some passages still absent from A) W, 2: 52 + short additions and a substantial one at the end (some passages still absent from A) W, 2: 53 + W, 2: 54 (with a modification in the se­ quence of passages) + some additions W, 2: 56 (with a modification in the sequence of passages) + a passage from W, 2: 50 + some addi­ tions (one still absent from A) new, except for a passage from W, 1: 30 W, 2: 58 + some very short additions (one still ab­ sent from A) W, 3:31 (except for a passage, transferred to K, 3: 46) + W, 3: 32 + a short addition at the beginning and a very substantial one at the end new W, 1: 38 W, 1: 39 + a short addition at the end W, 1: 40 + a very substantial addition at mid-text and a short one at the end (some passages still ab­ sent from A) W, 1:41 + some additions (one still absent from A) W, 1: 42 + two additions W, 1: 44 + a short addition at the end W, 1: 43 new (a passage still absent from A) W, 2: 46 + a substantial addition at mid-text and summarizing W, 2: 47

56

TABLE OF COMPARISON

1: 72 1: 73 1: 74

W, 2: 36 + W, 2: 44 + W, 2: 35 + three additions (a passage still absent from A) W, 2: 34 + two very short additions W, 2: 48 + an addition at mid-text new (two passages still absent from A)

Epist. Hermanno ab Wyda

new

2: 1 2: 2 2: 3

new W, 2: 17 + three additions W, 2: 29 + some short additions and a very sub­ stantial one at the end W, 2: 18 (except for a passage transferred to K, 2: 23) + three additions and insertion of “Scala Unitatis” W, 2: 19 + three additions and insertion of “Scala Binarii” W, 2: 20 + two short additions at the beginning, a very substantial one at the end and insertion of “Scala Temarii” W, 2:21 + a substantial addition at the beginning, three short ones at mid-text and insertion of “Scala Quaternarii” W, 2: 22 + four additions and insertion of “Scala Quinarii” W, 2: 23 + a short addition at the beginning, a substantial one at the end and insertion of “Scala Senarii” W, 2: 24 + many substantial additions and inser­ tion of “Scala Septenarii” W, 2: 25 + a substantial addition and insertion of “Scala Octonarii” W, 2: 26 + a substantial addition and insertion of “Scala Novenarii” W, 2: 27 + three additions and insertion of “Scala Denarii” new, except for a short passage from W, 2: 28 W, 2: 28 (except for a passage, transferred to K, 2: 14) + many additions new new new new new new new (still recorded as part of 2: 21 in the Tables of Contents attached to A; henceforth numbering of all following chapters in A differs from K by one) W, 2: 30 + a passage from W, 2: 18 + additions W, 2: 32 + many additions W, 2: 33 (first half) + a substantial addition at the end W, 2: 33 (second half) + a substantial addition at the end

1: 71

2: 4 2: 5 2: 6

2: 7 2: 8 2: 9

2: 10 2: 11 2: 12 2: 13 2: 14 2: 15 2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2:

16 17 18 19 20 21 22

2: 23 2: 24 2: 25 2: 26

TABLE OF COMPARISON

2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2:

27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36

2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2: 2:

37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46

2: 2: 2: 2: 2:

47 48 49 50 51

,

2: 52 2: 53

2: 54 2: 55 2: 56 2: 57 2: 58 2: 59 2: 60

Epist. Hermanno ab Wyda 3: 3: 3: 3: 3: 3: 3:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

57

new new W, 2: 1 W, 2: 2 + a short addition at the end W, 2: 3 + short additions new new new W, 2: 4 W, 2: 5 (except for closing passage, transferred to K, 2: 37) new, except for a passage from W, 2: 5 W, 2: 6 + a short addition at the end W, 2: 7 W, 2: 8 W, 2: 9 W, 2: 10 W, 2: 11 W, 2: 12 W, 2: 13 + an addition at the end new (title not recorded in the Tables of Contents at­ tached to A; henceforth numbering of following chapters in A differs from K by two) W, 2: 14 new W, 2: 15 W, 2: 16 + a substantial addition at the end W, 2:31 (first half) + an addition at the end and insertion of “Characteres Planetarum” new, but reworking the second half of W, 2: 31 W, 2: 50 (except for two passages, transferred to K, 1: 52 and K, 1: 57) + W, 2: 55 (except for two short passages, transferred to K, 2: 54) + three additions new, except for two short passages from W, 2: 55 W, 3:18 (except for a short passage, transferred to K, 3: 15) + an addition at the beginning W, 3: 19 + an addition W, 3: 20-21 + three additions W, 3: 17 + a short addition at the beginning and a substantial one at the end W, 2: 37-38-39-40-41-42-43 + W, 2: 45 (end; the first half was left out) + many additions new (title not recorded in the Tables of Contents at­ tached to A)

new W, 3: 1 W, 3: 2 + a substantial addition at the end new W, 3: 3 + W, 3: 57 + many additions W, 3: 28 + two short additions W, 3: 29 + additions W, 3:4 + two additions

58

TABLE OF COMPARISON

3: 8 3: 9 3: 10 3: 3: 3: 3:

11 12 13 14

3: 15 3: 16 3: 17 3: 18 3: 19 3: 20 3: 3: 3: 3:

21 22 23 24

3: 3: 3: 3: 3: 3: 3: 3:

25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

3: 33 3: 34 3: 35

3: 3: 3: 3: 3: 3: 3: 3: 3:

36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44

3: 45 3: 46 3: 47

W, 3:5 + many additions W, 3: 6 new, except for two short passages from W, 3: 16 and the list of ten Names of God from W, 3: 50 W, 3: 49 + four substantial additions new new W, 3:16 (except for two passages, transferred to K, 3: 10) + a very substantial addition at the end new, except for a short passage from W, 3: 18 W, 3: 7-8-9-10-11 (except four passages, trans­ ferred to K, 3: 20 and K, 3: 24) + many additions W, 3: 12 + two additions new (title not recorded in the Tables of Contents at­ tached to A; henceforth numbering of following chapters in A differs from K by one) new W, 3: 13 + closing passages of W, 3: 7 and W, 3: 8 + many additions new W, 3: 14 + many additions new new, except for three passages from W, 3: 50, W, 3: 9 and W, 3: 11 new W, 3: 15 + two substantial additions new new new new new W, 3: 54 + W, 3: 55 (with a modification in the se­ quence of passages) + many additions new new new (title not recorded in the Tables of Contents at­ tached to A; henceforth numbering of following chapters in A differs from K by two) W, 3: 22 + many very substantial additions W, 3: 23 + an addition at mid-text new new new W, 3: 24 + many substantial additions W, 2: 57 + many substantial additions W, 3: 25-26-27 + additions new (title not recorded in the Tables of Contents at­ tached to A; henceforth numbering of following chapters in A differs from K by three) W, 3: 30 + an addition at mid-text W, 3: 33 + W, 3:31 (first passage) + many ad­ ditions W, 3: 34 + two additions

TABLE OF COMPARISON

3: 3: 3: 3: 3:

48 49 50 51 52

3: 3: 3: 3:

53 54 55 56

3: 3: 3: 3: 3: 3: 3: 3:

57 58 59 60 61 62 63 64

3: 65

59

W, 3: 35 + two substantial additions W, 3: 36 + a short addition W, 3: 37 + three additions W, 3: 38 + many additions new (title not recorded in the Tables of Contents at­ tached to A; henceforth numbering of following chapters in A differs from K by four) W, 3: 39 + W, 3: 40 + three additions W, 3: 41 + an addition at the end W, 3: 42 + four additions W, 3: 43 + a short addition at the beginning and a very substantial one at the end W, 3: 44 + an addition W, 3: 45 + many additions W, 3: 46 + W, 3: 47 + three additions W, 3: 48 new new W, 3: 51-52-50-53 + many additions W, 3: 56 + some additions at the beginning and a very substantial one at the end W, Epilog. + a substantial addition at the end (title not recorded in the Tables of Contents attached to A)

DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA

s*>HENRICI«e CORNELII AGRIPPAE A· NETTESHEYM A' CONSILIJS

SArchiuisIndinariiiacrzC ΛΕ* S A R £ AE Maieftati$:Dc

OCCVLTA PHI1OSOPHIA LibriTrcs*

5*

HENRICVS CORNELIVS AGRIPPA»

& Nihil e/l opertum quodnon reueletur,

& occultum quodnm jcittur· Mittrxei X.

Cum vrttu &priuilegio Cefare Iam his exemplis videmus quomodo certis quarundam rerum alligationibus vel sus­ pensionibus et quodam simplici contactu aut per alicuius fili con­ tinuationem quasdam virtutes inde suscipere possumus. Oportet autem nosse certam alligandi et suspendendi legem et modum huic artificio congruentem, ut scilicet fiant sub certa constellatione et consona fiantque dictae alligationes et suspensiones cum filis metal­ licis vel sericeis vel ex capillis vel nervis vel pilis vel setis certorum animalium factis; involutiones vero fiant in foliis herbarum vel pelliculis animalium vel certis panniculis et similibus, quatenus res inter se consentiant—ut, si solarem alicuius rei virtutem tibi con­ ciliaturus fueris, hanc involutam lauri folio vel pelle leonis, filo aureo vel sericeo crocei coloris collo suspendas, Sole in figura coeli regnante: sic enim solaris virtutis illius rei poteris evadere compos; quod, si saturnalis rei alicuius virtutem optas, hanc simili modo, Saturno dominante, involvas pelle asini vel panniculo funerali, praesertim si ad tristitiam operaris, et filo nigro suspendas; simili modo de reliquis aestimandum est. 4-5 7-12 22-25

torpedo . . . tangentis] Ficin, ib. 16, p. 554 similiter. . . habuerit] Plin. 32: 5 § 44; Ponzett. 1: 5, 2, f. 31r ut si ... regnante] cf. Ficin, ib. 15, p. 5514

4 * Torpedo stuporem inducit K 13 post quomodo] vel homo vel aliud quid­ dam add. W 13 quarundam rerum alligationibus] quibusdam alligationibus W 14 simplici contactu] modo W·, aut] om. W 15 possumus] possit W 16 alligandi et] om. W\ et2] ac W 17 ’ Alligationes et involutiones quomodo fieri debeant K 18 et fiant W\ metallinis W 24 suspendas collo W 25 huius W 26 quod] om. W 28 et] om. W', post suspendas] et add. W 29 existimandum W

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174

DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA

De annulis et eorum compositionibus. Cap.

xlvii

Annuli etiam, quos semper magnifecit antiquitas, quando oppor­ tune fabricantur, simili modo suam in nobis promunt virtutem, quatenus gestantem eiusque spiritum afficiunt laetum vel tristem, mansuetum vel terribilem, audacem vel timidum, amabilem vel odiosum; etiam quatenus muniunt nos contra aegritudines, venena, hostes, cacodaemones et contra quaevis alia noxia, vel nos obligant eisdem. Modus autem construendi annulos eiusmodi talis est: quan­ do videlicet stella aliqua ascendit fortunata et a Luna foeliciter aspecta vel sibi coniuncta, debemus lapidem herbamque huic stellae subditam accipere atque annulum ex metallo huic stellae conformi fabricare et in eo lapillum infigere, herba vel radice subiecta; de­ nique inscriptiones imaginum, nominum, characterum, praeterea suffumigationes non praetermittere: sed haec alibi discutiemus, ubi de imaginibus et characteribus tractandum erit. Sic legimus apud Philostratum Iarcham, sapientum Indorum principem, septem an­ nulos hac lege confectos et septem planetarum virtutibus ac nomini­ bus insignitos tradidisse Apollonio, quos ille singulis diebus singulos gestaverit iuxta dierum nomina distinguens; ( quorum beneficio ipse supra annum centesimum ac tricesimum vixerit, insuper et iuventae nitorem semper retinens.) Simili modo Moses, Hebraeorum legis­ lator ac princeps, in Aegypto magia imbutus, annulos amoris et ob­ livionis confecisse legitur (apud Iosephum. Erat etiam, narrante Aristotele, apud Cireneos annulus Batti, gratitudinis atque honoris habens argumentum. Legimus insuper Eudamum quendam philosophum annulos contra serpentum morsus, fascinationes atque

2-12 15-21

21-23

23-p.175,1

Annuli . . . subiecta] Ficin. Vita 3: 8, p. 541 Sic legimus . . . retinens] Ficin, ib. apud. quem·. Philostr. 3: 41, pp. 320-22; sedaddict. K: Rhodig. 3: 26, pp. 142 — 43; cf. Philostr. 3: 30, p. 296 Moses ... Iosephum] Albert. Miner. 2: 3, 4, p. 241; ‘‘apud Iosephum”: Bac. Maius 4, p. 392 Erat . . . confecisse] Rhodig. ib. apud quem: Arist. Fragm. 528

1 Capitulum 37m W 4 eiusque spiritum] spiritumque vehementer W 5 timidum vel audacem W 8 * Annulorum compositio K 9 scilicet W 13 post praeterea] etiam add. W 15 erit] est W 17 et] om. W 18 post ille] postea add. W 22 princeps . . . imbutus] princeps qui in Egypto magia imbutus fuit W; Aegyto A

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LIBER PRIMUS

175

daemonios confecisse; idem de Salomone narrat Iosephus. Quin et apud Platonem legimus Gygi, Lydorum regi, annulum fuisse mirandae ac inusitatae virtutis, cuius sigillum cum ille in palmam convertisset, a nullo videbatur, ipse omnia videns; qua annuli op­ portunitate fretus, reginae stuprum intulit, regem dominum occidit et quoscunque sibi obstare arbitrabatur interemit atque in his eum facinoribus nullus videre poterat; tandem eo annuli beneficio rex Lydiae factus est.)

De locorum virtutibus et quae loca cuique stellarum correspondeant. Cap. xlviii Sunt et locorum mirandae virtutes, (aut a rebus locatis aut ab influxibus stellarum illa comitantes, aut alio quovis modo adven­ titiae.) Nam, ut refert Plinius de cuculo, quo quis loco primum audiat alitem illam, si dexter pes circumscribatur ac vestigium id effodiatur, non gigni pulices ubicunque spargatur. Sic ferunt pulverem e vestigio anguium collectum, si cum eo respergantur apes, in alveare reverti; similiter pulverem, in quo se mula volutaverit, in­ spersum corpori, mitigare ardores amoris; pulverem autem, in quo se accipiter volutaverit, si alligetur linteolo rutilo, ferunt ipsum quar­ tanis remedio esse; sic et e nido hirundinum lapillus collectus recreare confestim dicitur comitiales et adalligatus perpetuo tueri, potissime si sanguini vel cordi hirundinum fuerit involutus; et fertur, si quis incisa vena et ieiunus transierit super locum, ubi recenter ceciderit corruens morbo comitiali, in eum transire morbum. Et narrat Plinius quod clavum ferreum defigere in quo loco primum caput defixerit corruens morbo comitiali, absolutorium eius mali idem . . . Iosephus] FI. Ios. Antiq. 8: 2 § 5, pp. 286-87; cf. Bac. ib.; J. F. Pic. 7: 7, p. 663 2-8 apud Platonem . . . factus est] Rhodig. 3: 25, p. 141 apudquem: Piat. Rep. 2, 359d-360b 13 —p.176,5 Plin. 30: 10 § 85, 16 § 148, 11 §98, 10 §91; 28: 6 § 63; 24: 19 § 170 praeter: “fertur . . . transire morbum” 1

9-10 Capitulum 46™ W 12 adventicias A 14'illum W 15 defodiatur W 17 alveari W 18 amores IF; pulverem autem] item pulverem W 21-22 recreare . . . involutus] saltem si imponatur sanguini vel cordi hirundinum recreare confestim dicitur comiciales et adalligatus perpetuo tueri W 23 incisa vena] sanguine minutus W; ante ieiunus] adhuc add. W\ recenter] om. W 26 eius] eiusmodi W

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fore. Sic herbam in capite statuae natam collectamque, alicuius in vestis panno adalligatam lino ruffo, capitis dolorem confestim se­ dare tradunt; et herbam quamcunque e rivis aut fluminibus collec­ tam ante Solis ortum, ut nemo colligentem videat, tertianam arcere alligatam levo brachio, ita ut aeger quid sit illud ignoret. Ex locis vero, quae stellis appropriata sunt, Saturno correspon­ dent loca quaevis foetida, tenebrosa, subterranea, religiosa et fune­ sta, ut coemiteria, busta et hominibus deserta habitacula et vetu­ state caduca, (loca obscura et horrenda et solitaria antra, cavernae, putei; praeterea piscinae, stagna, paludes) et eiusmodi. Iovi adscribuntur loca quaevis privilegiata, purpuratorum consistoria, tribu­ nalia, (cathedrae) gymnasia, scholae (et omnia loca nitida, mun­ da, variis suavibus odoramentis respersa). Mars tenet (loca ignea et sanguinolenta, fornaces, pistrinas, macella), cruces, patibula (et loca in quibus bellorum strages cedesque factae sunt) et carnificinas et eiusmodi. Ad Solem pertinent loca lucida, aer serenus, palacia re­ gum et principum aulae, (pulpita, theatra, throni et omnia regia et magnifica quaeque). Venus autem incolit fontes amoenos, viridan­ tia prata, floridos hortulos, ornata cubilia et lupanaria et ( ut Orpheo placet caerulea, littora et balnea, chorearum palaestras et muliebria cuncta). Mercurius obtinet (officinas, scholas) tabernas, mercato­ rum foros et consimilia. Luna habitat deserta, sylvas, rupes et im­ mania saxa, montes, nemora, fontes, aquas, flumina, maria, littora, naves; dicitur quoque varios lucos inerrans possidetque vias publi­ cas et reconditoria frugum et similia. Hac ratione ad amorem operaturi solent suae artis instrumenta, sive annulos, sive imagines, sive 6-25 Exlocis . . . similia]addict. K: Georgius 1: 4, 24-30, ff. 78r-81vapudquem: Orph. Hymn. 55: 19 - 23, p. 87; “varios lucos inerrans”: Apul. Met. 11:2 4-5 arcere alligatam] om. K 5 post ignoret] Sic ad amorem . . . efficitur fetida scrips. W quae AK transtul. infra 11.25 —p. 177,4 5 * Loca planetis respondentia K 6-7 quae . . . quaevis] que Saturno correspondent sunt quevis loca W 7-9 reli­ giosa . . . caduca] cimiteria et loca religiosa et hominibus deserta habitacula et vetustate corrupta W 11-31 purpuratorum consistoria tribunalia] consistoria civilis iudicii W 13 post tenet] deserta, silvas, rupes et immania saxa scrips. W quae AK transtul. infra i. 22 14 cruces patibula] item loca in quibus fit executio criminalis iudicii W 15 et'] item W 16 loca] om. K\ post lucida] item add. W 17 port aulae] et ambitus et eiusmodi add. W 19 post et2] eiusmodi add. W 21-22 foros mercimoniales tabernas W 22 habitat] possidet W7; deserta . . . saxa] hicom. Wsed cf. supra app. ad 1.13 23 montes . . . naves] maria, aquas, fontes, flumina, littora, naves, item montes, nemora, silvas W 24-25 possidetque . . . frugum] item reconditoria frugum et vias publicas W 25-p.l77,4Hac... foetidae] hic om. W sed cf. supra app. 1.5 25 Hac ratione] Sic W 26 artis] operationis W 26 —p. 177,1 sive annulos . . . alia] ut annulos, imagines, specula et similia W

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specula, seu alia, per aliquod certum tempus sepelire aut abscondere in lupanari, quo ex loco illo venerea quadam facultate adficiantur: quod non secus fieri putant, quam res quae stant in loco foetido effi­ ciuntur foetidae (et quae in loco aromatico fiunt aromaticae et redolentes. Ipsi etiam mundi situs huc pertinent:) hinc collecturos herbam Saturnalem vel martialem vel ioviam iubent ad Orientem spectare vel ad Meridiem—primum quia gaudent esse orientales a Sole, alterum quia principalia eorum domicilia, scilicet Aquarius, Scorpius, Sagittarius, signa sunt meridionalia; similiter Capricor­ nus et Pisces. Collecturos vero rem veneream, mercurialem vel lunarem spectare iubent versus Occidentem, quia gaudent esse oc­ cidentales, vel contra Septentrionem, quia domicilia eorum prin­ cipalia, quae sunt Taurus, Gemini, Cancer, Virgo, signa sunt sep­ tentrionalia. Sic in opere solari spectandum est contra Orientem vel Meridiem, quin potius semper ad ipsum solare corpus atque lumen.

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De lumine et coloribus, de lychnis et lampadibus et qui colores quibus stellis, domibus et elementis distribuantur. Cap. xlix

Lumen etiam, qualitas multum formalis et simplex actus intelligentiae et imago, (primo a divina mente in omnia diffusa—sed in ipso Deo patre, qui est pater luminum, est prima vera lux; deinde in Filio illius illustrans splendor et exuberans; in Spiritu Sancto ardens ful­ gor superans omnem intelligentiam etiam, ut inquit Dionysius, Seraphinorum. In angelis itaque diffusa fit splendens intelligentia 18- 19 19- p.178,15 ,

Lumen . . . imago] Ficin. Vita 3: 17, p. 555 in ipso ... persentiunt] Georgius 3: 8, 6, 4, ff. 102r-v apud quem·. Dionys. Div. Nom. 1, 5, coi. 593 A; 1 Cor. 12: 11; cf. Ficin. Lu­ mine 14, p. 983

1-4 sepelire aut . . . foetidae] sepelire in lupanaribus ut ex hoc loco iam venerea quadam facultate afficiatur, non secus ac res que stat in loco fetido efficitur fe­ tida W 5 * Mundi plagae planetis subiectae K\ hinc collecturos] denique ubi colligemus W 6 ioviam iubent] iovialem iubent nos W 8-9 prin­ cipalia . . . meridionalia] domicilia eorum principalia signa sunt meridionalia scilicet Aquarius, Scorpio, Sagittarius W 10 Colletturos] Ubi vero colligemus W 12 contra] versus PK 12-14 domicilia . . . septentrionalia] principalia eorum domicilia sunt signa septentrionalia scilicet Taurus, Gemini, Cancer et Virgo W 14 Sic in opere] In opere vero PF; spectandum est contra] semper versus W 15 quin . . . ad] immo potius versus W 16-17 Capitulum 49m libri secundi W 16 liciniis A 17 distribuant K

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profusumque gaudium supra omnis rationis terminos, diversis tamen gradibus secundum suscipientis intelligentiae naturam sus­ cepta. Descendit deinceps in coelestia, ubi fit copia vitae et efficax propagatio, etiam visibilis splendor; in igne vero naturalis quidam vigor a coelestibus insitus. In hominibus denique fit lucidus rationis discursus et rerum divinarum cognitio totaque rationalis: sed et haec multiplex aut dispositione corporis, ut volunt Peripatetici, aut, quod verius est, pro libito causae largientis, “qui dividit singulis prout vult”; transit inde ad phantasiam, supra sensum tamen, sed solum imaginabilis, tandem ad sensum, maxime vero oculorum. In eo fit visibilis claritas porrigiturque alternis perspicuis corporibus, in qui­ bus fit color et pulchritudo renitens, in opacis autem virtus quaedam benefica et generans penetratque usque ad centrum ubi, radiis eius in angustum collectis, fit caliginosus calor crucians et exaestuans. Adeo omnia lucis vigorem pro eorum capacitate persentiunt, quae) cuncta ad se vivifico calore connectens, tum cuncta permeans entia, eorum qualitates virtutesque conducit per omnia. Iccirco vetant ma­ gi umbra cuiusque infirmi aspergi vel infirmi alicuius urinam contra Solem Lunamve nudari, quia radii luminis penetrantes subito mor­ bosum corpus, noxias qualitates secum ferentes traiiciunt in adver­ sum atque illud eiusmodi qualitate male afficiunt. Haec ratio est cur fascinantes observant ut umbra sua fascinatum contegant: sic hyae­ na umbrae suae contactu facit obmutescere canes. Fiunt etiam arti­ ficialiter lumina quaedam per lampades, lychnos, candelas et eius­ modi ex certis quibusdam rebus et liquoribus, ad stellarum normam opportune electis et ad eorundem congruitatem inter se compositis; quae, quando accenduntur atque solae lucent, solent nonnullos mirabiles et coelestes producere effectus, quos saepe homines admi­ rantur, quemadmodum ex Anaxilao narrat Plinius equarum virus a coitu in lychnis accensum equinorum capitum visum monstrifice 17-19 22-23 29-p. 179,1

Iccirco . . . nudari] Plin. 28: 6 § 69 hyaena . . . canes] Plin. 8: 30 § 106 Plin. 28: 11 § 181

5 rationis] rarionis K 16 connectens] convertens W earum WAK 18 umbraque W 22 — 23 fascinantes . . . canes] hiena umbre sue contactu facit obmutescere canes, iccirco fascinantes observant ut umbra sua fascinatum conte­ gant W 24 post quaedam] ut add. W·, licinia WA 27 quae] om. W 29 ex Anaxilao narrat Plinius] narrat Anaxilaus teste Plinio W·, virus] virum A 30 visum] usum W

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repraesentare; simile fieri etiam ex asinis. (Et musciliones cum cera distemperatae et accensae faciunt videre muscas et corium serpentis accensum in lampade facit apparere serpentes. Et dicunt: “Quando uvae sunt in flore, si quis circumligant illis phialam plenam oleo et dimiserit ita donec fuerint maturae, illuminato illo postea in lampade, facit videre uvas”; idem valere etiam in caeteris fructibus. Quod si centaurea permisceatur cum meile et sanguine upupae et ponatur in lucerna, circunstantes apparebunt solito maiores; et si per noctem illuminetur in sereno, videtur quod stellae discurrant adinvicem. Piscis sepiae atramento etiam ea vis est ut, in lucerna addito, Aethiopes videre faciat.) Fertur quoque quod candela ex quibusdam Saturnalibus rebus confecta, si accensa extinguatur in ore hominis recenter mortui, postea quoties sola luceat, inferre circunstantibus tristitiam maximam atque timorem. Huiusmodi plures consimiles lychnos et lampades narrant (Hermes et Plato et Chyrannides et ex posterioribus) Albertus in quodam tractatu de hoc singulari. Colores etiam lumina quaedam sunt, qui rebus im­ mixti solent eas stellis ac coelestibus corporibus, quibus ipsi con­ gruunt, exponere. (Et nos in posterioribus dicemus quorum colo­ rum sint planetarum lumina, secundum quos etiam fixarum stellarum naturae deprehendantur, quae etiam ad lampadum et lucernarum flammas huc adhibere licebit. Sed hoc loco quomodo rerum inferiorum mixtorumque colores variis planetis distribu­ antur referemus.) Sunt enim colores omnes nigri, (lucidi,) terrei, plumbei, fusci Saturnum referentes; colores vero sapphirei, aerei, perpetuo virides, (clari,) purpurei, obscuriores, aureique argen­ teo mixti pertinent ad Iovem; colores autem rubei, ardentes, ignei, (flammei, violacei, purpurei, sanguinei) et ferrei referunt Martem; colores autem aurei, crocei et purpurei, lucidiores referunt 2-3 7-10

10-11 17 24-p.180,3

corium . . . serpentes] ps. Albert. Mirab. sig. i 4v-l lr si centaurea . . . adinvicem] Ponzett. 2: 1,8, f. 48r; ps. Albert. Ag­ greg. 1, sig. a4r Piscis . . . faciat] Plin. 32: 10 § 141 Colores . . . sunt] Ficin. Vita 3: 17, p. 555 Sunt . . . Lunam] Ficin, ib. 11, pp. 545-46; sed addict. K: Georgius 1: 4, 24-26, ff. 78r-v

1 representari A; simile fieri etiam] simili modo W 4 Holam A 8 etsi AK 10 lucernam A 12 extingatur A 13 quociens W 14-15 Huiuscemodi plura consimilia licinia W 15 lychnii; narrat WAK 16 Chyramides j4; ante Albertus] divus add. W 17 qui] quae A 24 * Planetarum colores K 29 autem] om. W\ et] om. W

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Solem; colores vero omnes albi, pulchri, varii, virides, rubicundi, aliquantulum crocei sive purpurei referunt Venerem, Mercurium atque Lunam. Quinetiam ex domibus coeli prima et septima habent colorem album, secunda et duodecima viridem, tertia et undecima croceum, quarta et decima rubeum, quinta et nona mellitum, sexta et octava nigrum. (Habent etiam elementa suos colores, per quos physici de complexione et proprietate naturae iudicant: terrenus enim color, ex frigido siccoque conductus, fuscus et niger est et atram bilem saturniamque naturam pollicetur; coeruleus ad albedinem tendens denotat pituitam: nam frigus albefacit humidum siccumque denigrat; subrubeus color sanguinem indicat; sed igneus, sive flammeus excandescens, choleram. Quae, cum propter subtilitatem suam omnibus facile est commixtibilis, varios deinceps causat colores: nam si sanguini miscetur illo dominante rubore viget; si dominetur cholera subruffum efficit; si aequalis mixtio est, ruffum facit; sed si cum sanguine est cholera adusta canabinum reddit; rubeum cum sanguine dominante aut subrubicundum praevalente cholera; quod si cum humore melancholico misceatur, nigredine tingit; sed cum melancholia et phlegmate aequa portione, facit canabinum; si superabundat phlegma, luteum; si melancholia vincit, glaucum; si autem cum solo phlegmate misceatur aequa por­ tione, facit citrinum; si per excessum alterius pallidum aut sup­ pallidum. ) Sunt autem colores omnes magis potentes quando sunt sericei vel metallei vel in substantiis perspicuis, vel lapidibus pretiosis et in his quae coelestem similitudinem propinquius imitantur, (maxime autem in viventibus.)

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De fascinatione atque eius artificio. Cap. L Fascinatio est ligatio, quae ex spiritu fascinantis per oculos fascinati ad cor ipsius ingressa pervenit; fascinationis autem instrumen6-22 24-27 29-p.181,18

Habent . . . suppallidum] Georgius 1: 6, 4, f. 102v Sunt . . . viventibus] Ficin, ib. p. 546 fascinationis . . . iunguntur] Ficin. In Symp. 7: 4, 10, pp. 246-48, 254 apud quem·. Apul. Met. 10: 3 § 5

3 Domoniin coeli colores K\ Quinetiam] om. ΓΚ 6 * Humorum colores K 18 melacholicoK 24 omnes] om. W 25 metallini vel in lapidibus preciosis et in substanciis perspicuis W 26 propinquius] plus W 28 Capitulum 34"1 W 29 * Fascinatio quid K 30 * Fascinationis instrumentum spiritus K

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tum spiritus est, scilicet vapor quidam purus, lucidus, subtilis, a cor­ dis calore ex puriori sanguine generatus. Hic similes sibi radios per oculos semper emittit; radii isti emissi vaporem spiritalem secum ferunt, vapor ille sanguinem, sicut apparet in lippis ac rubentibus oculis, cuius radius usque ad obvios spectantis oculos emissus vaporem una secum corrupti sanguinis trahit, cuius contagione cogit spectantis oculos morbo simili laborare. Sic patefactus et in ali­ quem intentus oculus cum forti imaginatione pro suorum radiorum aculeis, qui spiritus vehicula sunt, ipsos in adversos oculos iaculatur; qui quidem lentus spiritus fascinati diverberans oculos, cum a percutientis corde incitatur, percussi praecordia tanquam regio­ nem propriam sortitus, cor vulnerat et spiritum inficit peregrinus hic spiritus. Unde Apuleius: “Isti—inquit—oculi tui per meos ocu­ los ad intima delapsi praecordia, acerrimum meis medullis commo­ vent incendium”. Scias itaque homines tunc maxime fascinari, quando frequentissimo intuitu aciem visus ad aciem dirigentes oculi oculis reciproce inhiant, radii radiis copulantur et lumina luminibus iunguntur, tunc spiritus spiritui iungitur et scintillas defigit, sic for­ tissimae ligationes, sic amores acerrimi solis oculorum radiis accen­ duntur etiam vel repentino quodam intuitu (veluti iaculo seu ictu totum corpus penetrante: unde tunc spiritus et sanguis amatorius sic vulnerati non aliter in amantem et fascinantem feruntur, quam sanguis et spiritus vindictae alicuius caesi prolabuntur in caeden­ tem. Unde Lucretius de his amatoriis fascinationibus cecinit: Idque petit corpus mens unde est saucia amore Nanque omnes plerunque cadunt in vulnus et illam Emicat in partem sanguis quaque icimur ictu Et si cominus est hostem rubor occupat humor. >

Tanta est fascinationis potentia, praesertim quando affectui vapores oculorum subserviunt. Iccirco utuntur fascinantes collyriis, unctionibus, alligationibus et huiusmodi ad spiritum tali vel tali modo 19-20 21-28

29-30

sic amores . . intuitu] Ficin. Vita 3: 16, p. 553 unde . . . humor] Ficin. In Symp. 7: 5, p. 250 apud quem: Lucret. 4: 1048-51 Tanta . . . subserviunt] Ficin. Theol. 13: 3, p. 234

8 " Radii vehicula spiritus K 9 ipsum W 15 * Fascinatio quomodo fiat K; tunc] tum A 16 dirigentis A 17 reciproce] recipere A 17-18 iungun­ tur luminibus IT 18 spiritui spiritus W 27 sanguis quaque] qua sanguinis A 31 eiusmodi W

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afficiendum et corroborandum—ut ad inducendum amorem col­ lyriis utuntur venereis ex hippomane·, sanguine columbarum vel passerum et ex similibus; ad inducendum timorem collyriis utuntur martialibus, ut ex oculis luporum, hyaenae et similibus; ad cala­ mitatem vel aegritudinem utuntur Saturnalibus: similis de singulis ratio est habenda.

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De certis observationibus admirandas virtutes producentibus. Cap. li

Actus quoque certos et observationes certam naturalium vim possi­ dere tradunt, ut credant morbos quosdam sic auferri posse aliquan­ do vel inferri: sic ferunt quartanas abigi, si resegmina unguium 10 aegri ligentur ad collum anguillae vivae in linteolo ipsa sic in aquam remissa. Et narrat Plinius quod ex aegro resegmina unguium e pedi­ bus manibusque cera permixta, ita ut dicatur quartanae, tertianae vel quotidianae febri remedium fieri atque sic ante Solis ortum alie­ nae ianuae affigantur, remedium fore in his morbis. Simili modo 15 omnia resegmina unguium si ad cavernas formicarum adiiciantur, eam, quae primo coeperit trahere, correptam iubent collo subnecti atque ita discuti morbum; et e ligno fulgure icto, reiecto post terga manibus, illiquid demorbari ferunt; et in quartanis fragmentum cla­ vi e cruce involutum lana subnectunt collo aut spartum e cruce liber- 20 atoque condunt caverna, quam Sol non attingat. Item immatura morte raptorum manu strumas parotidas gutture tacto sanari affir­ mant. Item dicunt difficiles partus statim solvi cum quis lectum, in quo sit gravida, transmiserit lapide vel missili ex his quae tria anima­ lia singulis ictibus interfecerunt, scilicet hominem, aprum, ursam ; 25 idem quoque efficere hastam velitarem evulsam a corpore hominis, si terram non attigerit; sagittas etiam corpore eductas, si terram non attigerint, subiectas cubantibus, ferunt amatorium esse. Dicunt 12-p. 183,31

Plin. 28: 7 § 86, 4 § 45-46, 33-34, 44, 48; 30: 6 § 51 -52, 15 § 141; 29: 5 § 102; 30: 15 § 143; 28: 6 § 69; 32: 8 § 92; 28; 3 § 35-36, 38, 20 § 266

2 utamur W utantur A 3 post similibus] confectis add. W\ utamur W utantur A 4 post similibus] confectis add. W 5 utamur W utantur A 7 Capi­ tulum Quinquagesimum W 8 naturalium] veneficiorum W 9 post sic] vel add. W vel sic add. AK sed del. K 10 * Resegminum unguium effectus K 16 resecmina W; abiciantur W 22 tactu W 24 lapidi A 26 ve­ litarem] militarem AK sed corr. K\ a] e J47 28 attigerunt J47

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etiam comitiales morbos sanari cibo e carne ferae occisae eodem fer­ ro quo homo interfectus sit; negantur oculorum vitia fieri nec lippiri eos qui, cum pedes lavent aqua, inde ter oculos tangant; inguinibus medentur aliqui licium telae detractum novenis septenisve nodis adalligantes, ad singulos nodos viduam siliquam nominantes; item pecudis lien super dolentes lienem extenditur, dicente eo qui medetur lieni se remedium facere: post haec iubent ipsum in pariete dormitorii tectove includi et obsignari annulo, ter noniesque carmen dici. Liberat eodem vitio lacertae viridis urina in olla ante cubicu­ lum dormitorii eius cui medetur suspensa, ita quod aeger egrediens revertensque attingat manu; item in urina vituli lacerta necata venerem eius qui fecerit cohiberi dicunt; qui vero in urinam canis suam ingesserit dicitur ad venerem pigrior fieri ac lumborum tor­ porem sentire; ferunt contra omnia mala medicamenta auxiliari suam cuique urinam matutinis horis instillatam in pedem. Est rana parva arborem scandens: in eius os si quis expuat ipsam que dimittat, tussim liberare dicitur. Mirum quoque est, sed experimento facile quod narrat idem Plinius, si quem poeniteat ictus eminus cominusve illati et statim expuat mediam in manum qua percussit, levatur ilico percussus a poena; hoc delumbata quadrupede approbari statim a tali remedio correcto animalis ingressu: quidam etiam aggravant ictus ante conatum simili modo saliva manu in­ gesta; expuere similiter in calceamentum dextri pedis, antequam in­ duatur, bonum est cum quis transit locum in quo aliquod periculum adierit. Despuimus quoque comitiales morbos contagia repercutiendo; veniam etiam a diis spei alicuius audacioris petunt aliqui in si­ num despuendo; simili modo terna despuere deprecatione in omni medicina mos fuit atque ex hoc effectus adiuvari. Tradunt lupos in agrum non accedere, si capti unius pedibus infractis cultroque adacto, paulatim sanguis circa fines agri spargatur atque ipse fodiatur in eo loco, a quo coeperit primo trahi. (Methanenses Troe­ zeniorum oppidani contra Noti iniuriam ad praeservandas vites 31-p.184,6

Methanenses . . . defodissent] Pausan. 2: 34 § 2

3 lavant WA 6 lyenem W 15 * Sputi vel salivae efficacia K 16 huius W 18 idem] om. W 20 post hoc] sepe add. W 23 calciamentum A 24 transeat W 26 audaciores WA 27 spuendo W; terna] terra A 28 * Lupi quomodo a finibus arcendi K 31 a] ex W 31-p. 184,6 Metha­ nenses . . . defodissent] nondum inser. A

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praesentaneum remedium certissimo semper experimento comper­ tum habuerunt, si flante adhuc vento gallum gallinaceum album duo viri diversum trahentes discerperent medium et uterque suam partem retinens vineta perlustrarent, quousque circuitu peracto ad eum ex quo moverant loco ambo sibi obvii rediissent tuncque eo loci 5 gallinacei frusta defodissent.) Tradunt etiam, si quis viperam in vaporem baculo sustineat, eum futura praecinere; baculum quoque, quo angui rana excussa sit, parturientibus auxiliari. Haec Plinius ipse recitat. Iubent etiam in colligendis radicibus et herbis tribus cir­ culis ante gladio circunscribere, postea effodere, cavere praeterea 10 contrarium ventum; item dicitur quod si quis mensuraverit hominem mortuum cum fune, primo a cubito ad maiorem digitum, deinde ab humero ad eundem digitum et postea a capite usque ad pedes, faciendo ter omnes istas mensurationes, si alius quispiam postea cum eodem fune simili modo mensuretur, ferunt illum improsperari 15 et infortunari ac cadere in calamitatem et tristitiam. Et narrat Albertus (ex Chyrannide) quod, si qua mulier te ligavit maleficiis in amorem suum, accipe camisiam suam et per capucium et per manicam eius dextram minge foras et dissolvetur maleficium. Et narrat Plinius quod adsidere gravidis vel cum remedium alicui ad- 20 hibetur digitis pectinatim inter sese complexis, veneficium esse idque compertum Alcumena Herculem pariente: peius autem fore si circa unum ambove genua id fiat; similiter poplites alternis genibus impo­ nere veneficium est ideoque haec in consiliis ducum potestatumque fieri vetitum, velut omnes actus impedientia. (Et dicitur si quis ante 25 ostium stans nomine vocet cum muliere iacentem atque ille respon­ deat, si tunc aut cultrum aut acum infigat ostio frangatque acie dimissa, non poterit iacens coire cum illa quam diu haec ibi fuerint.) 6-9 11-19 20-25

Plin. 29: 4 § 69; 30: 14 §129 si quis . . . maleficium] Picatrix 3: 11, p. 163; ps. Albert. Mirab. sig. ilv Plin. 28: 6 § 59

8 parturientes adiuvare W parturientibus adiuvare A 13 post W 14 ter faciendo W\ post mensurationes] et in tercia faciendo signa per nodos add. W 14-15 alius . . . mensuretur] postea cum eadem fune simili modo mensuretur homo aliquis W 15 eum W 17 maleficiis ligavit W 18 capicium W 19 minge foras] iunge forest; dissolvitur W 19-25 Et narrat . . . im­ pedientia] hic om. W sed scrips, in cap. 45\ cf. infra app. 1: 52 19 Et] Sic W 22 Alcmena W; autem] om. W 23 alternis] alterius [?] W 24 potestatumve W

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De vultu ac gestu corporisque habitudine et figura et quae ex his quibus stellis respondeant, unde physiognomonia et metoposcopia et chiromantia, divinationum artificia, sua fundamenta habeant. Cap. lii Vultus vero ac gestus corporisque motus et situs et figurae nobis in­ super adhibitae ad coelestia munera capienda conducunt nosque superis exponunt, certosque in nobis effectus producunt non secus atque in elleboro—quam quidem herbam colligens, sive folium sur­ sum trahat sive deorsum, hoc ipso motu causat ut humores sursum trahat vel deorsum. Quantum etiam vultus atque gestus visum, imaginationem spiritumque animalem afficiunt nemo ignorat: sic coeuntes ad prolem plerunque vultus, quos ipsi tunc vel agunt, vel imaginantur, solent nascituris filiis imprimere; sic clemens ac laetus in urbe principis vultus laetificat populum, ferox vel tristis repente perterret; sic facile misericordiam movet gestus ac figura lugentis; sic facile amorem excitat amabilis personae figura. Scire autem debes huiusmodi gestus ac figuras tanquam corporis harmonias ip­ sum non secus exponere coelestibus quam odores et medicinae spiri­ tum atque passiones interiores animam; nam, quemadmodum medicinae et passiones animi certis coeli dispositionibus coalescunt, sic etiam gestus ac motus corporis certis coelestium influxibus efficaciam nanciscuntur. Sunt autem gestus Saturnum referentes qui sunt tristes ac moesti, ut sunt planctus, capitis ictus; item religio­ si, ut genuflexio, aspectu deorsum fixo (veluti deprecantis}, pec­ toris ictus vultusque consimiles et austeri ac (saturnini hominis}, qualem describit Satyricus: Obstipo capite et figentem lumina terra Murmura cum secum et rabiosa silentia rodit Atque exporrecto trutinatur verba labello.

Iovem vero referunt vultus hilares et honesti, gestus honorifici, 6-15 26-29

non secus . . . figura] Ficin. Vita 3: 16-17, pp. 554-55 Pers. 3: 80-82

1-3 Capitulum 45 W 9 trahat] educat W\ * am. [?] K 15 post figura] Sic narrat Plinius . . . actus impedientia scrips. W quae'AK transtul. supra 1: 51 19 animi om. W 21 autem] preterea W·, * Qui gestus quosnam referant planetas K 22 sunt2] om. W 24 austeros et W 24-25 qualem describit Satyricus] ut scribit Satyrus W 25 Satyrus A 26 Obstipo^; figentes W 27 rodunt W 28 trutinantur W\ labello] palato W 29 hilaris A; post honorifici] vel add.. W

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manuum coniunctio quasi plaudentis sive laudantis; item genuflexio capite sursum elevato tanquam adorantis. Martem referunt gestus acres, feroces, crudeles, iracundi, (truces) vultusque consimiles. Solares sunt animosi, honorifici vultusque consimiles; item deam­ bulationes et genuflexio unico genu tanquam honorantis regem. 5 Venerei sunt ut choreae, amplexus, risus, vultus amabiles ac laeti. Mercuriales sunt inconstabiles, strennui, lubricosi et huiusmodi vultusque consimiles. Lunares sunt mobiles, venefici, pueriles et eiusmodi. (Et quemadmodum de gestibus loquuti sumus, sic etiam hominum figurae discretae sunt. Saturnus enim hominem indicat 10 colore inter nigrum et croceum, macrum, recurvum, cute aspera, eminentibus venis, corpore pilosum, parvis oculis, iunctis super­ ciliis, rara barba, grossis labris, aspectu in terram demerso, pon­ deroso incessu, confricantem pedes ambulando, callidum, ingenio­ sum, seductorem, interfectorem. Iupiter vero hominem significat 15 colore album, rubore suffusum, pulchri corporis, bonae staturae, calvum, habentem oculos maiusculos, non prorsus nigros, pupillam latam, nares breves non aequales, dentes anteriores maiusculos, barbam crispam, boni animi et bonorum morum. Mars hominem facit rubeum, capillitio ruffo, facie rotunda, oculis croceis, horribilis 20 et acuti prospectus, audacem, festivum, superbum, callidum. Sol hominem significat colore fuscum inter croceum et nigrum cum ru­ bore superfusum, staturae brevioris, pulchri tamen corporis, cor­ pore calvum et crispum, oculis croceis, sapientem, fidelem, laudis cupidum. Venus hominem significat album, tendentem ad nigredi- 25 nem, plus tamen album et rubore adornatum, pulchro corpore, pul­ chra facie et rotunda, pulchro capillitio, pulchris oculis, quorum nigredo est intensior, bonorum morum, boni amoris, benevolum, patientem et iocundum. Mercurius significat ex figuris hominem non multum album neque nigrum, facie oblonga, fronte elevata, 30 pulchris oculis non ex toto nigris, naso recto et longiusculo, rara barba et longos habentem digitos, ingeniosum, subtilem inquisi­ torem, versipellem et variis fortunis subiectum. Luna vero significat

9-p.187,3

Saturnus . . . sociabilem] Alchab. 2, ff. 12r-15v

3 crudeles] audaces W 6 Venerii 7 Marcuriales A; strenui ludibriosi W; eiusmodi W 10 * Figurae quibus planetis respondeant K 14 calidum A 23-24 corpore] capite A 33 significatur K

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hominem colore album mixto rubore, pulchra statura, facie rotunda et saepe signata, oculis non ex toto nigris iunctisque superciliis, benevolum, facilem et sociabilem. Habent etiam signa et facies si­ gnorum suas figuras, quas qui scire velit in astrologorum libris eas requirat.) Ex istis denique figuris et gestibus physiognomonia et metoposcopia, divinationum artes, dependent ipsaque etiam chiromantia, praedicentes futuros eventus non ut causae, sed ut signa per effectus consimiles ab eadem causa causatos. (Et licet hae divinationum species per inferiora et debiliora signa vaticinari videantur, non tamen aspernenda nec damnanda sunt eorum iudicia, quando non ex superstitione sed ex partium omnium cor­ poris harmonica correspondentia prognosticantur.) Quicunque au­ tem (nunc natura,) studio, actione, motu, (gestu,) vultu, animi af­ fectibus (temporisque opportunitate) coelestia melius imitatur, is tanquam superis illis similior ampliores inde potest recipere dotes.

De divinatione auspiciorum et auguriorum. Cap.

21 -p. 188,13

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(Sunt quaedam alia divinationum genera a naturalibus causis dependentia, quae sua arte et experientia constant in variis rebus, quibus medici, agricolae, pastores, nautae, unusquisque ex proba­ bilibus signis, prognosticantur; quorum multa tradidit Aristoteles libro De Temporibus. Inter quae divinationum genera) auspicia et auguria principatum tenent: quae tanto olim apud Romanos in 5-8 8-12 12-15 17-21

5

Ex istis . . . causatos] Albert. Spec. 17, p. 48 Et licet . . . prognosticantur] Georgius 1: 6, 4, f. 102r Quicunque . . . dotes] Ficin, ib. 21, p. 566 Sunt . . . Temporibus] Georgius 3: 4, 3, f. 40r; cf. Cic. Div. 1: 50 § 112; Arist. Meteor. 3: 1, 371a-b, Secret. 1: 22, pp. 61-62 auspicia . . . mos fuit] Crinit. 25: 2, pp. 468-69; 10: 7, p. 235 apud quem'. Cic. ib.. 1: 41-43 § 92-95

5-8 Ex istis . . . causatos] hic om. Wsed'. Phisionomia autem et chiromantia, que quodammodo phisionomie pars est, iudicant de rebus non ut cause, sed ut signa et effectus consimiles ab eadem causa causati; he due species eciam satis note sunt quare de his breviter transeo in 2: 50 scrips.; cf. infra app. 2'. 53 8 per) et A 10 aspernanda A 13 animi affectibus] passionibus anime W 14 melius] oportune W; is] hic W iis A 15 illis] om. W\ potest inde W 16 Capitulum 51 libri secundi W 20 prognosticate A 21—p. 188,1 auspicia et ... fuer­ unt] Aruspicina cui additur auguria apud Romanos in tanto precio fuit W 22 * Romani nil inauspicatum fecerunt K

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pretio fuerunt, ut nihil eorum quae ad publica vel privata negotia pertinerent inauspicate perfecerint; populum vero Hetruscum hoc artificio maxime praestitisse Cicero in libro Divinationum copiose declarat. Sunt vero auspiciorum plures species: nam quaedam dicuntur pedestria, quae videlicet ex quadrupedibus capiuntur; quaedam auguria, quae ex avibus; quaedam coelestia, quae ex tonitruis et fulmine; quaedam caduca, ut cum in templo vel alibi quid decidisset; quaedam sacra, quae ex sacrificiis capiebantur. Ho­ rum quaedam dicebantur piacula et tristia auspicia, ut cum hostia profugisset ab ara, vel percussa mugitum dedisset, vel in aliam partem corporis quam oporteret concidisset; his superadditur exaugura­ tio, quando videlicet e manu augurantis virga decidisset, qua con­ templari et auspicium capere mos fuit. (Michael Scotus duodecim recitat auguriorum genera, sex videlicet a dextris, quorum nomina dicit fernova, fervetus, confert, emponenthem, sonnasarnova, sonnasarvetus, et alia sex a sinistris, quorum nomina sunt confernova, confervetus, viaram, herrenam, scassarnova, scassarvetus. Deinde exponens ea nomina inquit: “Fernova est augurium quando tu ex­ iveris domum tuam causa faciendi aliquid et eundo vides hominem vel avem eundo vel volando, ita quod se ponat ante te in sinistra parte tui: istud est tibi signum bonae significationis super negotium. Fervetus est augurium quando tu exiveris domum causa faciendi aliquid et eundo prius invenis vel vides avem vel hominem pausan­ tem ante te in sinistra parte tui: istud est tibi malum signum super negotio. Viaram est augurium quando homo vel avis suo itinere vel volatu ante te transit veniens a dextra parte tui et tendens in sini­ stram evanescit: istud est tibi bonum signum super negotio. Confer­ nova est augurium quando prius invenis hominem vel avem euntem vel volantem et pauset ante te a dextris, te vidente: istud est tibi bonum signum super negotio. Confervetus est augurium quando prius invenis vel vides hominem vel avem reclinantem a dextris tuis, vidente te: est tibi signum malum super negotio. Scimasarnova augurium est quando homo vel avis post terga consequitur te et 13 — p. 189,13

Michael . . . malum] M. Scotus 57, sig. Fr-v

1 post vel] ad add. W 2 vero) om. W 2-3 hoc artificio) in hac arte W 3 in libro Divinationum) De Divinatione W 4 declarat) narrat W; * Auspicio­ rum species K 7 tonitruo W 11 oportet AK 13 * Auguriorum genera duodecim# 15 emponethem A

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transit te, sed antequam perveniat ad te vel tu ad eam alicubi pauset, te vidente, a dextris tuis: est tibi signum bonum. Scimasarvetus est augurium quando vides post te hominem vel avem a dextro latere pausantem: est tibi signum malum. Scassarnova est si videris post te hominem vel avem, sed antequam perveniat ad te vel tu ad eam pauset in loco, te vidente: signum est tibi bonum. Scassarvetus est si videris hominem vel avem praetereuntem et in loco pausantem a sinistro latere: signum est tibi malum. Emponenthem est quando homo vel avis, veniens a sinistris et transiens ad dextram, evanescit a conspectu tuo absque quod videas repausantem: signum est tibi bonum. Hartenam augurium est si homo vel avis a dextris veniens post terga tua transiens in sinistram viderisque eam alicubi pausan­ tem: hoc signum est malum”. Haec Scotus hactenus. Augurabant etiam veteres ex sternutamentis, quorum meminit etiam Homerus in Odyssea libro decimo septimo, quia putabant illa procedere ex loco sacro, videlicet capite in quo viget et operatur in­ tellectus: unde et sermo quicunque mane surgenti inopinato in buccam mentemve venerit, praesagium et augurium aliquod habere traditur.>

{De diversis quibusdam animantibus et aliis rebus, quam in auguriis significationem habeant. Cap. liv

Prima quaeque auspicia in operis cuiusque initio accipienda sunt: ut si vestem tuam in initio operis a soricibus corrosam senseris, de­ sine ab incoeptis; si egrediens offenderis in limine aut in via im­ pegeris pedem, contine iter; si quid mali ominis in principio negotiorum tuorum tibi occurrerit, differ incohata ne vel tota inten­ tio frustretur aut inutiliter compleatur, sed expecta donec omine meliore faustam agendis arripias horam. Videmus animalia per­ multa ex vi quadam ipsis a natura insita praestigiosa atque fatidica: nonne gallus cantu horas solertissime indicat et alis apertis leonem fugat? Aves complures cantu et garritu, muscae acri puntura 14-16

28-p.190,4

Ponzett. 1: 3, 6, f. 25v; cf. Arist. Probi. 33: 7, 9, 962; Homer. Od. 17:541-47 Videmus . . . sequuti sunt] Georgius 3: 4, 1, f. 38r; cf. Cic. Div. 1: 41 § 92

14-19 Augurabant . . . traditur] nondum inser. A

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pluviam praenunciant et delphines crebris supra aquas saltibus tem­ pestates praecurrunt. Longum esset retexere omnia praesagia quae ex avibus et animalibus didicere Phrygii, Cilices, Arabes, Umbri, Tusci et alii populi, qui auguria sequuti sunt, quae per illos multis experimentis et exemplis comprobata sunt. In omnibus nanque sunt 5 abscondita futurorum oracula; maxima autem quaeque tibi aves ominales pronuntiabunt: hae sunt quas ex hominibus in aves con­ versas esse referunt poetae. Itaque quid cornix loquatur, diligenter ausculta situmque eius sedentis aut volantis a dextris an a sinistris, loquax an clamosa an silens, praecedat an sequatur, transeuntisve 10 expectet adventum an fugiat, quove discedat, omnia diligenter at­ tende. Dicit Orus Apollo in Hieroglyphicis: “Geminae cornices nup­ tias significant, quoniam hoc animal duo ova parit ex quibus marem et foeminam generari oportet; si autem (quod rarissime evenit) duo mares generentur aut duae foeminae iugatae mares cum foeminis al- 15 teri cornici non admiscentur; itidem neque foeminae alteri mari, sed dissociatae solae degunt. Ideo unicae cornici occurrentes, auguran­ tur futurum ut viduali vita sibi vivendum sit. Idem etiam portendit columba nigra: haec enim post maris interitum semper sola degit”. Corvos autem non minore diligentia observabis: hos nanque rebus 20 maioribus praeferri et cornici praeiudicare dicunt; et sensit Epicte­ tus, stoicus philosophus et gravis autor, si cui corvus adversum crocitaret, vel corpori vel fortunae vel honori vel uxori aut natis ad­ versa portendere. Deinde cygnos, qui aquarum secreta praeno­ scunt, considerabis: eorum nanque hilaritas non modo nautis, sed 25 quibusque praeterea peregrinantibus felices praesagiunt eventus, nisi fortioris superentur superventu, utputa aquilae, quae potentissima imperii sui maiestate omnium avium fidem, si contra loquatur, evacuat: cunctis siquidem avibus altius volat profundiusque per­ spicit et ab ipsius Iovis arcano nunquam excluditur; altitudinem et 30 victoriam, sed per sanguinem, portendit, quia non aquam, sed sanguinem bibit. Locrensibus adversus Crotonienses dimicantibus 12-19 21-24

31-p.191,5

Horap. 1: 8-9, pp. 10-11; 2: 32, p. 73 sensit . . portendere] J.F.Pic. 6: 4, p. 611 apud quem: Epict. 23 § 18, pp. 436-37 Horap. 1: 6, p. 7; Iustin. 20: 3 § 7; 23: 4 § 10; 12: 16 § 2

1 pluviam] plurima A 7 · Ominales aves quae sint K 21 Epistetus A 29 profundiusve A 31 quia] qui A 32 Locris adversus Crotomenses A

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aquila supervolans contulit victoriam; Hieroni ad prima belli egredienti aquila ex improviso residens in clypeo regem illum futurum praenuntiavit; nascente Alexandro Macedone, duae aquilae tota die supra domum sedentes omen duplicis imperii Asiae et Europae ei portenderunt; eadem Lucio Tarquinio Prisco, Demarathi Corinthii filio, ob seditionem domo profugo et in Hetruriam profecto Romam que petenti, pileum auferens ac alte volans, rursum capiti reponens, Romanorum regnum illi portendit. Iam vero et vultures significant difficultatem, duritiem et rapacitatem, quod in origine Urbis condendae experientia verificatum est; futurae quoque stragis loca ostendunt septem diebus praevenientes: et quoniam in eam partem respiciunt, in qua altera pars inferior futura est, tanquam in­ hiantes occidendorum maiori numero, ideo solebant antiqui reges speculatores mittere, qui renunciarent quam in partem versi respicerent vultures. Phoenix autem singularis foelicitatis successus pollicetur, qua visa nova Roma melioribus auspiciis condita est. Pellicanus, quia filiorum causa periclitatur, significat hominem amicitiae suae pietate subiturum discrimen. Picta avis Pictavorum urbi nomen dedit ac gentis lenitatem colore et voce praefiguravit. Ardea rerum arduarum auspicium est. Ciconia, concordiae avis, concordiam facit. Grues, a gruere antiquo verbo quasi congruere dicti, semper adferunt quod expedit atque inimicorum insidias ca­ vere faciunt. Cucupha gratitudinem indicat: sola enim haec parenti­ bus senio confectis gratiam refert. Contra hippopotamus paricida ingratitudinem meritorum et iniustitiam nunciat. Origis, avis invidiosissima, invidiam significat. Iamque etiam ex minoribus avi­ bus pica loquax hospites nuntiat. Albanellus praetervolans, si a sinistris ad dextram feratur, hospitii hilaritatem, si contrario con-

5-8 8-10 10-15 18 1621-26

eadem . . . portendit] Polid. 3, p. 237; cf. Liv. 1: 34, $1—9 vultures . . . verificatum est] cf. Liv. 1: 7 § 1-3 futurae . . . vultures] Horap. 1: 11, p. 16 Pellicanus . . . discrimen] Horap. 1: 54, p. 53 Grues . . . significat] Horap. 2: 94, p. 100; 1: 55-56, 49, pp. 54-55, 49-50

5-8 eadem Lucio . . . portendit] nondum inser. A 9 rapacitatem] capacitatem A 12 inhiantes] inhians AK sed corr. K 15 * Auguria a maioribus avibus sumenda K 24 hippotamus parricida A 26 * A minoribus quae suman­ tur auguria K

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trarium indicat. Stryx avis semper infausta est et etiam noctua: quae, quia noctu ex improviso aggreditur pullos quemadmodum mors de improviso supervenit, ideo mortem praenuntiare dicitur; nonnunquam tamen, quia noctis tenebris non caecatur, hominis diligen­ tiam et vigilantiam significat—quod residens in Hieronis hasta comprobavit. Bubonem vero Dido, dum misceretur Aeneae, infaustum sensit; inde cecinit poeta:

5

Solaque culminibus ferali carmine bubo Saepe quaeri et longas in fletum ducere voces;

et alibi:

10

Ignavus bubo dirum mortalibus omen.

Idem in Capitolio cecinit, quum res romana apud Numantiam in­ ferior fuit atque quum Fregellae ob factam in Romanos coniurationem sunt dirutae. Inquit Almadel bubones et nycticoraces, cum ad insolitas regiones mansionesque divertunt, inditio esse earundem regionum et aedium homines morituros, propterea quod aves illae delectantur cadaveribus eaque praesentiunt: morituri autem ho­ mines iam potestate cadavera sunt. Sed et de accipitre litis praenun­ tio canit Naso: Odimus accipitrem, quia vivit semper in armis.

20

Laelius, Pompeii legatus, in Hispania inter pabulatores occiditur: id fatum accipiter supra caput volitans sibi praenuntiasse dicitur. Et inquit Almadel quod eiusdem speciei aves inter se pugnantes regni mutationem significant; si vero specie diversae contra se invicem bellum gerant et quae amplius non visae conveniant, novam regionis illius fortunam portendunt. Minutulae etiam aves adventu vel

1-5 8-9 11 12-14 18 1420 21-22 23-26

noctua . . . comprobavit] Horap. 2: 25, p. 70; Iustin. 23: 4 § 10 Verg. Aen. 4: 462-63 Ovid. Met. 5: 550 Idem . . . dirutae] Polid. ib. p. 238; cf. Obseq. § 26, 30 Inquit ... sunt] J.F.Pic. ib. p. 610 apud quem·. Almad. § 1-2, p. 165 Ovid. Ars 2: 147 Laelius . . . dicitur] Polid. ib.; cf. Obseq. § 58 inquit . . . portendunt] J.F.Pic. ib. apud quem·. Almad. § 3-4, p. 165

12-14 Idem in . . . dirutae] nondum inser. A lius . . . dicitur] nondum inser. A

15 iudicio K

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recessu suo familiam augeri vel minui portendunt; earum vero vola­ tus quanto serenior, tanto laudabilior—unde Melampus augur ex avicularum volatu Graecorum stragem coniecit, quando ait: “Vides ut nulla serenos ales agit cursus”. Hirundines, quoniam moribun­ dae pullis latebras parant, patrimonium amplum vel a mortuis legatum portendunt. Vespertilio fugienti occurrens evasionem si­ gnificat: nam ipsa, licet pennas non habeat, tamen evolat. Passer autem fugienti malum omen est: ipse enim accipitrem fugiens ad noctuam percurrit, apud quam aeque periclitatur; tamen in amori­ bus boni auspicii est, siquidem libidine concitus septies in hora coit. Apes regibus bona omina sunt: nam populum obsequentem mon­ strant. Muscae vero importunitatem et impudentiam significant, quia saepius abactae continuo nihilominus redeunt. Aves etiam domesticae auguriorum non sunt expertes. Nam galli cantu suo spem et iter incohantis promovent: quin et Tiberio nascituro praegnans Livia mater ovum gallinae subductum eousque sinu suo fovit, donec gallus insigniter cristatus exclusus est: unde augures inter­ pretati sunt nasciturum puerum fore regnaturum. Et scribit Cicero apud Thebaidam gallos gallinaceos canendo totis noctibus Boeotiis adversus Lacedaemones praesagisse victoriam: quod augures ita interpretati sunt, quoniam avis illa victa silet, canit autem si vicerit. Simili ratione etiam ab animalibus et bestiis eventuum omina capi­ untur. Nam occursus mustelae ominosus est. Leporis occursus itineranti timendus est, nisi captum ceperit. Mulus quoque infensus est, quia sterilis est. Porcus vero perniciosus: talis est enim eius natura, ideo perniciosos homines significat. Equus iurgiorum et pugnae rationem habet; unde apud Vergilium, visis equis albis, ex­ clamat Anchises: . . . Bellum, o terra hospita, portas: Bello armantur equi, bella haec armenta minantur. 4-13 15-18 18-21 23-26 27-p.l94,2

Hirundines . . . redeunt] Horap. 2: 31,50-51, 115, pp. 72, 80-81, 112; 1: 62, 51, pp. 58, 51 quin et . . . regnaturum] Svet. 3: 14, p. 119 Et scribit . . . vicerit] Georgius ib. apud. quem·. Cic. ib. 1: 34 § 74 Polid. ib., p. 238; Erasm. Ad. 2: 10, 45; Horap. 2: 42, 37, pp. 77, 75 unde apud . . . sperandam] Polid. ib. p. 236 apud quem·. Verg. Aen. 3: 539-40

10 est] om. A 11 monstrat A 14 * Domesticarum auguria K 20 Lacedemonas A 22 ‘ Ab animalibus omina quae sumantur K 23 occursus mustelae ominosus est] nondum inser. A 24 caeperit K

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Tamen quando curru iuncti occurrunt, quia concordi iugo trahunt, pacem significant sperandam. Asinus inutilis est; profuit tamen Mario: qui, cum hostis patriae pronunciatus vidit asinum oblatum pabulum spernentem ad aquam properantem, quo augurio osten­ sam sibi salutis viam ratus, auxiliarem amicorum turbam oravit hoc unum auxilii genus exhiberent et se ad mare conducerent; quo im­ petrato, parvae superimpositus carinae, Syllae victoris minas evasit. Utcunque tamen asellus in augurio occurrat, semper laborem, pa­ tientiam, impedimenta significat. Lupus vero obvius bonus nuncius est, cuius efficacia visa est in Hierone Siculo, cui lupus in literario ludo tabulam eripiens successum regni firmavit; tamen eius, quem ante viderit, vocem praecludit. P. Africano et C. Fulvio consulibus, Minturnis lupus vigilem laniavit, quando romanus exercitus in Sicilia a fugitivis superatur. Quin et perfidos significat et malae fidei homines, quod notum est in Romuli progenie: nam fides, quam matre lupa olim suxerunt et sibi invicem ab initio servaverunt, velut lege quadam naturae manavit ad posteros. Leoni occurrere, cum sit hoc animal inter caetera fortissimum omnibus terrorem incutiens, bonum est; sed leaenam mulieri occurrere malum est, quia concep­ tum impedit: nam leaena non parit secundario. Ovibus et capris occursare bonum est; legitur quoque in Ostentario Tuscorum, si hoc animal insolito colore fuerit indutum, portendi imperatori rerum omnium cum felicitate largitatem; unde Vergilius ad Pollionem canit: Ipse sed in pratis aries iam suave rubenti Murice, iam croceo mutabit vellera luto.

profuit . . . evasit] Vai. Max. 1: 5 § 5 Lupus . . . praecludit] Plin. 8: 22 § 83, 80; Iustin. 23: 4 § 9 P. Africano . . . superatur] Polid. ib. p. 238; cf. Obseq. § 27a-b perfidos . . . posteros] cf. Liv. 1: 4, 6-7 §1—2 Leoni . . . secundario] Horap. 2: 82, p. 95; 1: 20, p. 28 legitur ... luto] Macrob. Sat. 3: 7 § 2 apud quem·. Verg. Buc 4· 43-44

12-14 P. Africano ... superatur] nondum inser. A·, perfidum A verum A 29 auspicii] hospitii AK

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Bonum etiam est occurrere bobus triturantibus, sed melius aranti­ bus; qui, etsi viam rumpentes iter tardant, moram tamen hanc auspicii gratia compensant. Canis in itinere faustus est, quod Cyrus 2-7 9- 12 12-14 14-17 20 1721-26

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expositus in sylvis a cane ad regnum enutritus est; quem et angelus, Tobiae socius, non est aspernatus comitem. Castor, quia venatori­ bus testiculos suos demordens abiectos relinquit, mali ominis est et homini sibi ipsi damnum illaturum portendit. Iamque etiam ex mi­ nutis animalibus mures damnum significant: quae, quum in Capitolio aurum roserunt, eodem die ambo consules iuxta Taren­ tum insidiis ab Annibale intercepti sunt. Locusta, quasi loco stare faciens aut loca exurens, vota praepedit et mali ominis est; contra cicadae iter promovent et bonum rerum nunciant eventum. Aranea, a superioribus filum ducens, spem venturae pecuniae nunciare dicitur. Similiter et formicae, quia norunt sibi providere et tutas pa­ rare latebras, ideo securitatem et divitias portendunt mul­ titudinisque exercitum significant: hinc, cum Tiberii Caesaris man­ suefactum draconem formicae devorassent, responsum fuit ut caveret multitudinis tumultum. Si tibi occurrat anguis, cave a maledico inimico: nam hoc animal nullo alio membro pollet quam ore. Anguis in regiam irrepens Tarquinio casum suum augurata est. Duo angues in lecto Sempronii Gracchi reperti sunt: dictum illi ab aruspice, si marem aut foemellam emitteret, aut sibi aut uxori brevi moriendum; ille, uxoris vitam suae praeferens, occiso mare foemellam emisit paucisque post diebus vita excessit. Sic vipera mulieres pravas scelestosque filios significat et anguilla hominem significat omnibus infensum: haec enim seorsum ab aliis piscibus degit, nec iuncta cum aliis invenitur. Inter omnia autem auspicia et omina nullum homine efficacius est, nullum potentius, nullum quod evidentius veritatem exponat; eius igitur occursantis conditionem, aetatem, sexum, professionem, situm, gestum, motum, exercitium, complexionem, habitum, nomen, verba sermonemque omnia dili­ genter notabis et requires. Nam, cum caeteris animalibus tam multa 1- 2 expositus . . . comitem] lustin. 1: 4 § 10; Tob. 6: 1 2- 4 Castor . . . portendit] Horap. 2: 65, p. 87; cf. Plin. 8: 30 § 109 5-7 quae quum . . . intercepti sunt] Polid. ib.; cf. Liv. 27: 23 § 2 11-15 formicae . . . tumultum] Horap. 1: 52, pp. 51-52; Svet. 3: 72, p. 150 17 15Si tibi . . . quam ore] Horap. 1: 45, p. 46 17-21 Anguis . . . excessit] Polid. ib. p. 237; cf. Liv. 1: 56 § 4; Cic. ib. 1: 18 § 36 21-24 vipera .. . invenitur] Horap. 2: 59-60, 103, pp. 84-85, 105 4 ■ Minutorum omina animalium K 5-7 mures . . . intercepti sunt] nondum inser. A 17-21 Anguis . . . excessit] nondum inser. A 24 ‘ Efficacissimum ab homine auspicium K

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insunt praesagiorum lumina, non dubium est haec multo efficaciora clarioraque humanae animae esse infusa: quod et Tullius ipse testatur, inquiens humanis animis naturaliter quoddam auspicium inesse suae aeternitatis ad omnes rerum series et causas cognoscen­ das. In fundamentis romanae urbis caput hominis integra facie repertum magnitudinem imperii praesagivit et monti Capitolii no­ men indidit. Brutiani milites contra Octavium et M. Antonium praeliaturi in castrorum porta Aethiopem offenderunt; quem licet ut adversae rei augurium ilico trucidarent, tamen infeliciter pugnatum est atque Brutus et Cassius ambo duces interiere. Ipse etiam monachorum occursus vulgo ominosus habetur, magis autem si matutinus fuerit, quia id hominum genus plurimum e mortuario veluti vultures ex morticiniis victitat.)

Quomodo verificantur auspicia per lumen sensus naturae ac de eius experiundi aliquot regulis. Cap. lv

Auspicia et auguria, quae ex animantibus et avibus futura praedo­ cent, Orpheum illum theologum primo monstrasse legimus, quae postea apud omnes gentes magni habita sunt. Verificantur autem ipsa per luminositatem sensus naturae, quasi ab hoc quaedam lumi­ na divinationis descendant super quadrupedia, volatilia et alia animantia, per quae habeant nobis de eventibus humanis praesa­ gire; quod etiam sentire videtur Vergilius, ubi canit: Haud equidem credo quia sit divinitus illis Ingenium aut rerum fato prudentia maior.

2-4 5-12 17 1621 1823-24

Cic. ib. 1: 51-52 § 115-118 In . . . fuerit] Polid. ib. pp. 237-38; cf. Liv. 1: 55 § 5-6; Obseq. § 70 Auspicia . . legimus] Reuchl. Verb. 2, sig. c8r; cf. Plin. 7: 56 § 203 Verificantur . . . praesagire] Alvem. Univ. 1: 3, 3, p. 759 A Verg. Georg. 1: 415-16

5-13 In fundamentis . . . victitat] nondum inser. A 14-15 Capitulum 52m libri secundi W 14 aruspicia per lumne A experiundae AK 16-17 Auspicia legimus] Aruspicinam itaque que ex animantibus et avibus futura predocet legimus eam Orpheum illum theologum primo monstrasse W 18 postea] de post I4L4K sed posteae cott. K; habita est verificatur W 23 divinius AK

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Eiusmodi autem sensus naturae, ut inquit Gulielmus Parisiensis, ipse est omni humana apprehensione sublimior et prophetiae vicinissimus vehementerque similis. Ab hoc sensu mirabilis quidam divinationis splendor aliquibus animalibus naturaliter inditus est: quemadmodum in quibusdam canibus manifeste apparet, qui la5 trones et occultos homines et sibi et hominibus penitus incognitos huiusmodi sensu agnoscunt, inveniunt, investigant, comprehen­ dunt, in eos faucibus et dentibus irruentes. Simili sensu vultures futuras praevident strages ex praeliis et congregantur in locis ubi futurae sunt, tanquam praevideant sibi futuram escam cadaverum; 10 eodem sensu perdices cognoscunt matrem suam, quam nunquam viderunt, et relinquunt perdicem, quae furatur ova matris et fovet ea. Hoc eodem sensu, omnino ignorante anima humana, sentiuntur quaedam nociva et terrifica, unde terror et horror invadit plurimum homines nihil de rebus huiusmodi sentientes vel cogitantes: sic latro 15 latens in domo aliqua qui, cum omnino ibi esse nesciatur vel cogitetur, horrorem, timorem et cordis inquietudinem incutit eius­ dem domus habitatoribus—fortasse non omnibus, quia huiusmodi splendor non omnibus hominibus inest, sed paucis; sic meretrix ab­ scondita in domo aliqua amplissima aliquando ab aliquo omnino ig- 20 norante ibi esse sentitur. (Proditum est historiis Heraiscum quendam Aegyptium, divinae naturae virum, immundas mulieres non oculis tantum, sed voce procul audita cognovisse statimque capitis dolore eam ob rem non mediocriter affectum.) Refert quoque Gulielmus Parisiensis mulierem quandam suo tempore virum quem 25 adamabat, quando adiret locum in quo ipsa morabatur, eiusmodi sensu longe a duobus miliaribus praesensisse venientem. Refert etiam tempore suo ciconiam quandam adulterio convictam per ol­ factum masculi, congregata a masculo multitudine ciconiarum ac detegente ipso crimen foemellae, ipsam a tota illa multitudine— 30 1-21 21-24 24-p.198,4

Eiusmodi . . . sentitur] Alvern. ib. 1: 1, 46, p. 660 F; 1:3, 3, pp. 757-59 Proditum . . . affectum] Suid. 2, p. 579 n. 450 Refert . . . incestum] Alvern. ib. 1: 1, 46, p. 660 G; 1: 3, 8, p. 771 A; cf. 2: 2, 69, p. 922 H

3 * Sensus naturae sublimitas K 6 decultos 1 Guillermius W 13 omnino] omnimodo W 15 eiusmodi scientes W 7 dinoscunt W 21-24 Proditum est ... affectum] nondum inser. A 18 eiusmodi W 25 Gulielmus] idem Guillermus W idem Guilielmus A 27 longo A 28 convictam] coniunctam A 30 crimine A

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tanquam omnium iudicio ream iudicatam—deplumatam ac lacera­ tam fuisse. Recitat etiam de quodam equo, qui ctim ignorans cum matre sua concubuerat, postea id deprehendens, ipsum sibi propriis dentibus genitalia abscidisse, tanquam vindicantem in se incestum; (similia de equis recitant Aristoteles, Varro et Plinius. > Narrat ipse 5 Plinius de aspide quadam simile factum; quae, cum ad mensam cui­ usdam veniens in Aegypto quotidie aleretur, enixa catulos quorum ab uno filius hospitis interemptus est, illa reversa et cognita culpa, necem intulisse catulo nec postea in tectum id reversam fuisse. Iam his exemplis videmus quomodo super animantia quaedam 10 praesagiorum lumina descendere possunt, velut signa rerum in eorum gestu, motu, voce, volatu, incessu, cibo, colore et eiusmodi constituta. Nam, iuxta Platonicorum doctrinam, est rebus inferiori­ bus vis quaedam insita, per quam magna ex parte cum superioribus conveniunt, unde etiam animalium taciti consensus cum divinis 15 corporibus consentire videntur atque his viribus eorum corpora et affectus affici, quarum nomine suis adscribuntur numinibus. Con­ siderare igitur oportet quae animantia sunt saturnalia, quae refe­ runt Iovem, quae Martem et sic de singulis et secundum eorum proprietates elicere praesagia. Sic quae Saturnum referunt et Mar- 20 tem, dirae omnes dicuntur et ferales aves, ut noctuae, ululae et caeterae quas supra recitavimus; bubo quoque, quia avis saturnalis solitaria et nocturna, inauspicatissimi ominis esse fertur, de qua ait poeta: Foedaque sic volucris venturi nuncia luctus Ignavus bubo, dirum mortalibus omen.

Cygnus vero avis deliciosa, venerea atque etiam Phoebo sacra, felicissimi dicitur esse praesagii, praesertim in auspiciis nautarum, quia aqua non mergitur; unde canit Aemilius: 5 5-9 9-17 21-26

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Arist. Hist. 9: 47, 630b-660a; Varro Rust. 2: 7 § 8; Plin. 8: 42 § 154-158 Narrat . . . fuisse] Plin. 10: 74 § 208 Iam . . . numinibus] Crinit. 21: 15, pp. 417-18; 24: 6, pp. 454-55 dirae ... omen] Crinit. 21: 15, pp. 417- 18 apud quem·. Ovid Met 5: 549-50 praesertim . ales] Serv. In Aen. 1: 393 apud quem: Aem. Mac. Ornith.

1 rea iudicata W; post iudicatam] et add. A; dilaceratam W 4 vendicans W 5 ipse] etiam WA 6 consimile W 8 est] om. W 17 quorum nomina A\ nomi­ na W 20 elicere] fingere W 21 ullule W 23-24 de qua ait poeta] unde canitur W 28 esse] om. W 29 Aemilius] Ovidius AK

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Cygnus in auspiciis semper laetissimus ales.

Sunt praeterea oscivae aves, quae ore cantuque auspicium faciunt, ut sunt.corvus, picus, cornix; unde Vergilius: Saepe sinistra cava praedixit ab ilice cornix.

Aves vero quae futura volatu portendunt sunt sicut buteones, sanqualae, aquilae, vultures, grues, cygni et similes. In volatu nanque considerantur, utrum tarde an festinanter volent, si quando ad dex­ tram vel ad sinistram volitent, quot numero insimul convolitent: hoc modo grues, quando festinanter volant significant tempestatem, quando silenter serenitatem; item quando duae aves simul convolant et ferales sunt, malum portendere dicuntur, quia numerus confusionis est. Simili modo de caeteris investigabis, rationem de numeris huc transferendo; praeterea similitudinem observare in his coniecturis magistrale est, quemadmodum apud Vergilium dis­ simulata ipsa Venus filium Aeneam his carminibus edocet: Ni frustra augurium vani docuere parentes, Aspice bis senos laetantes agmine cygnos, Aetherea quos lapsa plaga Iovis ales aperto Turbabat coelo; nunc terras ordine longo Aut capere aut captas iam despectare videntur: Ut reduces illi ludunt stridentibus alis Et coetu cinxere polum cantusque dedere, Haud aliter puppesque tuae pubesque tuorum Aut portum tenet aut pleno subit ostia velo.

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E g du Quadragenarium numerum veteres magna observatione colebant, de quo et festum celebrabant tesseracoston; fertur ad partus rationem efficere: (toti­ dem diebus semen aptari et transformari in utero, quousque in corpus organicum perfectum suis debitis et harmonicis mensuris con­ ducatur dispositum ad suscipiendum animam rationalem); totidem diebus mulieres post partum graviori morbo conflictari (quousque adaptentur muliebria in partu commota, antequam purificentur); ludie. 3: 13-14(cf. Clichtov. 12, f. 19v); Gen. 31: 38, 41,37: 28 (cf. Hieron. Adv. Jov. 1: 22 § 271; Pic. Apol. pp. 172-73) 4-6 Numerus autem . . . continetur] Clichtov. 14, ff. 21r-v 11-18 Tricesimum . . . principatum] Clichtov. 16, f. 23r apud quem·. Lc. 3: 21-23; Mt. 3: 1, Me. 1: 4; Ez. 1: 1; Gen. 41: 46 18-22 Tricesimum secundum . . . unitatem] Georgius 3: 2, 7, f. 23r apud quem·. Abraham 1, p. 869 22-p.297,2 Quadragenarium ... vivere] Crinit. 22: 6, pp. 427-28 praeter addict. K

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totidem etiam diebus infantes risum continere, morbidos esse magnoque discrimine vivere; estque hic numerus in religione expiationis et poenitentiae magnorumque mysteriorum significativus: siquidem quadraginta dies et noctes diluvii tempore pluit Dominus super ter­ ram, (quadraginta annis filii Israel habitarunt in deserto}, quadragintadies dilata est subversio Ninivae; (idemque numerus sanc­ torum ieiuniis sacer habitus est}, siquidem per quadraginta dies Moses, Helias et Christus ieiunaverunt; (quadraginta septimanis Christus in utero Virginis portatus est, quadraginta diebus a nativi­ tate mansit Christus in Bethlehem antequam offerretur in templo, quadraginta mensibus publice praedicavit}, quadraginta horis mor­ tuus delituit in sepulchro, quadragesimo die post resurrectionem in coelos ascendit: quae omnia non sine huius numeri occulta proprie­ tate et mysterio facta fuisse nostri tradunt theologi. Quinquagenarius numerus est remissionis peccatorum (et servitutis libertatisque significativus; secundum legem enim quinquagesimo anno remittebantur debita et revertebatur unusquisque in possessionem suam: hinc per iubilaei annum } atque per poenitentiae Psalmum indulgentiae atque poenitentiae sacramentum ostendit; (lex quoque} et Spiritus Sanc­ tus in eodem declarantur: (nam quinquagesimo die post exitum Israel de Aegypto lex data est Mosi in monte Sina}, quinquagesimo die post resurrectionem descendit Spiritus Sanctus super apostolos in monte Sion: unde dicitur et numerus gratiae et attribuitur Spiritui 2-14

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estque . . . theologi] Pic. Apol. p. 173 apud quem·. Gen. 7: 12; Ionas 3: 4; Ex. 34: 28, Deut. 9: 9, 18; 3 Reg. 19: 8; Mt. 4: 2, Lc. 4: 2; Mc. 15: 42; Lc. 24: 46; Act. 1: 3; cf. August. In Ioh. 17: 4-5; sed addict. K: Clichtov. 17, ff. 24r-v apud quem·. Num. 14: 33; Lc. 2: 22 Hilar. Ps. instr. 10, p. 10; Orig. In Ps. 50, coli. 1454-55; sed addict. K: Clichtov. 19, ff. 26v-27r apud quem: Lev. 25: 10-11; Ex. 19: 1 quinquagesimo . . . Sancto] Pic. ib. apudquem: Act. 2: 1-4; cf. August, ib.

1 etiam] om. W 2-7 estque . . . siquidem] habet et in religionibus magnum misteriorum iudicium; hinc 40 diebus et noctibus pluit super terram tempore diluvii; hinc illud propheticum de Ninive, qui typus huius mundi in Sacris Litteris interpretatur, inquit: Post 40 dies Ninive subvertetur. Item W 8 post et] similiter add. W 11-13 quadraginta horis . . . ascendit] per 40 horas fertur anima Christi fuisse apud inferos, item 40 die post resurrectionem ascendit Christus in celos W 14 ‘ Quinquagenarius K 14-19 Quinquagenarius . . . ostendit] Similiter quinquagenarium vocant numerum remissionis peccato­ rum; quapropter, ut notant Hilarius et Origenes, positus est in eo numero psalmus remissionis qui incipit: Miserere mei Deus W 19-23 et Spiritus . . . Spiritui Sancto] secundum vocatur etiam numerus gracie et attribuitur Spiritui Sancto; in eodem enim numero descendit Spiritus Sanctus super Apostolos W

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Sancto. (Erat et sexagenarius numerus Aegyptiis sacer: nam croco­ dilo proprius ut qui sexagenis diebus ova sexaginta pariat totidemque diebus foveat, tot annos praeterea dicatur vivere et dentes eodem numero habere, denique totidem diebus in secessu quiescere quotannis sine cibo. Habet et septuagenarius numerus sua myste5 ria: nam totidem annis ignis sacrificii in babylonica captivitate sub aqua latens vixerat; totidem annos praedixerat Ieremias templi des­ tructionem, totidem annos duravit captivitas babylonica, totidem annis complebatur desolatio Ierusalem; item septuaginta palmae erant in loco ubi castrametati sunt filii Israel, septuaginta anima- 10 bus descenderunt patres in Aegyptum, septuaginta reges amputatis manuum et peduum summitatibus colligebant cibum sub mensa Adonibesech, septuaginta filii egressi sunt de foemore Ioas, septua­ ginta viri omnes filii Ieroboal, septuaginta pondera argenti daban­ tur Abimelech, totidem viros occidit Abimelech super uno lapide, 15 septuaginta filios et nepotes habuit Abdon, qui ascendebant super septuaginta pullos asinarum, septuaginta milia virorum erant Salomoni, qui onera portabant, septuaginta filii Achab regis in Samaria decapitati sunt, septuaginta iuxta Psalmistam sunt anni annorum aetatis nostrae, septuagies septies iudicatum est de 20 Lamech, septuagies septies peccata donantur delinquenti. Est et numerus secundus supra septuagesimum totidem linguarum ser­ monibus, totidem Synagogae senioribus, totidem Veteris Testa­ menti interpretibus totidemque Christi discipulis insignis; habetque cum duodenario magnam communionem: hinc in coelestibus, quo- 25 vis signo in sex partes diviso, resultant septuaginta duo quinarii, quibus praesident totidem angeli et totidem influunt nomina Dei et quilibet quinarius uni praeest idiomati, tanta efficacia ut inde as­ trologi et physiognomi cognoscere queant cuius idiomatis quisque fuerit oriundus; respondent istis etiam totidem patentes in humano 30 corpore articuli, quorum in quovis digito manuum et pedum

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2 Mach. 1: 20-23; Ierem. 25: 11-12; 2 Par. 36: 21; Ex. 15: 27; Deut. 10: 22; ludie. 1: 7; Ex. 1: 5; ludie. 9: 2, 4-5, 12: 13-14; 3 Reg. 5: 15; 4 Reg. 10: 6-7; Ps. 89: 10; Gen. 4: 24; Mt. 18: 22 Est et . . . interpretibus] Clichtov. 20, ff. 29r-v totidemque . . . septuaginta duos] Georgius 2: 7, 23, 328r-vpraeter·. “tanta efficacia . . . oriundus”

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299

habentur tres, qui cum principalibus duodecim superius in duo­ denario numeratis constituunt septuaginta duos. Centenarius in quo ovis collocatur inventa, qui etiam de sinistra transit ad dexte­ ram, sacratus invenitur; tum quia ex denario in seipsum ductu gi­ gnitur, completam designat perfectionem. Complementum vero omnium numerorum millenarius est, qui est cubus denarii, significans consummatam e,t absolutam perfectionem. Sunt autem duo numeri a Platone in Republica maxime celebrati et ab Aristotele in suis Politi­ cis non improbati, quibus civitatibus magnae mutationes porten­ duntur: hi sunt duodenarii quadratus et eiusdem cubus, videlicet quadragesimus quartus supra centenarium et septingentesimus vicesimus octavus supra millenarium, qui numerus fatalis est, ad quem cum civitas quaevis sive respublica pervenerit, completo cubo postea declinabit; in quadratis tamen mutationem subit, sed in melius si prudenti disciplina regatur nec fato tunc, sed imprudentia collabi poterit.) Atque haec de numeris particulatim dicta sufficiant.

5

10

15

{De numerorum notis in certis gesticulationibus constitutis. Cap. xvi Legi saepissime in magicis libris eorundemque operibus et ex­ perimentis mirabiles quasdam et quales mihi videbantur ridiculas gesticulationes et putabam illa esse occulta quaedam daemonum pacta; propter quod respuebam et proieci ea. Sed postquam rem profundius examinavi, tunc primum intellexi in illis magicis ge­ sticulationibus non daemonum foedera, sed numerorum delitescere rationem, qua veteres per manuum et digitorum varios inflexus et reflexus numeros repraesentabant; quorum gesticulatione magi ineffabilium virtutum vocabula, sono ignota, numeris varia iugatis alternatisque digitis tacite inclamant veneranturque sacro silentio mundi praesules deos. Eius ritus meminit etiam Martianus, de 2-7

7-16 28-p.299,6

Centenarius . . . perfectionem] Clichtov. 22, 27, ff. 31v-32r, 38v; cf. Lc. 15: 4-5; “Complementum . . . perfectionem”: Georgius 3: 8, 2, 2, f. 91 v; 1: 8, 2, f. 68r Piat. Rep. 8, 546b-c; Arist. Pol. 5: 12, 1316a Mart. Cap. 7 § 729

2 * Centenarius K 5 * Millenarius K 1 * Numeri duo praeter caeteris insignes K 16 Atque] Sed W\ post sufficiant] Virtutes enim numerorum eorum . . . facile deprehendi possunt scrips. W quae K transtul. supra p. 295, ll. 4-5 27 tacitus K

20

25

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DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA

Arithmetica inquiens: “Digiti vero virginis recursantes et quadam incomprehensae mobilitatis scaturigine vermiculati, quae mox in­ gressa septingentos decem et septem numeros 'complicatis digitis Iovem salutabunda surrexit; tum Philosophia, ut Tritonidem prop­ ter adstabat, quid numero tali Arithmetica intulisset exquirit; cui 5 Pallas: Proprio—inquit—Iovem nomine salutavit’’. Ut ergo haec melius intelligantur, placuit illa ex traditione Bedae hic subiungere; inquit itaque: “Cum dicis ‘unum’ minimum in leva digitum in­ flectens in medium palmae locum figes; cum dicis ‘duo’ secundum a minimo inflexum ibidem impones; cum dicis ‘tria’ tertium 10 similiter inflectes; cum dicis ‘quatuor’ itidem minimum levabis; cum dicis ‘quinque’ secundum a minimo similiter eriges; cum dicis ‘sex’ tertium nihilominus levabis, eo solo qui medicus appellatur in medium palmae fixo; cum dicis ‘septem’ minimum solum supra palmae radicem, caeteris interim levatis, impones; iuxta quem cum 15 dicis ‘octo’ medicum; cum dicis ‘novem’ medium e regione com­ pones; cum dicis ‘decem’ unguem indicis in medio figes articulo pol­ licis; cum dicis ‘viginti’ summitatem medii digiti inter nodos pollicis et indicis arcte figes; cum dicis ‘triginta’ ungues indicis et pollicis blando coniunges amplexu; cum dicis ‘quadraginta’ interiora polii- 20 cis lateri vel dorso indicis superduces, ambobus duntaxat erectis; cum dicis ‘quinquaginta’ pollicem exteriore articulo instar graecae literae gamma curvatim ad palmam inclinabis; cum dicis ‘sexaginta’ pollicem ut supra curvatim indice circumflexo diligenter a fronte praecinges; cum dicis ‘septuaginta’ indicem ut supra circum- 25 flexum pollice in longum tenso implebis, ungue illius duntaxat erec­ to trans medium indicis articulum; cum dicis ‘octaginta’ indicem ut supra circunflexum pollice in longum extenso implebis, ungue videlicet illius in medium indicis articulum fixo; cum dicis ‘nonagin­ ta’ indicis inflexi unguem radici pollicis erecti configes: hactenus in 30 laeva. Centum vero in dextra, quomodo in leva decem facies; ducenta in dextra, quomodo viginti in leva sinistraque manu; duo milia in dextra, quomodo duo in leva et cetera usque ad novem milia. Porro ‘decem milia’ cum dicis levam in medio pectoris supi­ nam appones, digitis tantum in coelum erectis; ‘viginti milia’ cum 35 dicis eandem pectori expansam late superpones; ‘triginta milia’ cum dicis eadem prona, sed erecta pollicem cartilagini medii pectoris immittes; ‘quadraginta milia’ cum dicis eandem in umbilico 8 —p.301,12 28 unguem K

Bed. Temp. 1, pp. 268-70; cf. Paciol. 2: 4, f. 36v; Clichtov. 28, ff. 40v-41r; Rhodig. 12: 43-44, p. 646

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erectam supinabis; ‘quinquaginta milia’ cum dicis eiusdem pronae, sed erecto pollicem umbilico impones; ‘sexaginta milia’ eadem pro­ na femur levum desuper comprehendes; ‘septuaginta milia’ cum dicis eandem supinam femori superimpones; ‘octoginta milia’ cum dicis eandem pronam femori superpones; ‘nonaginta milia’ cum dicis eadem lumbos comprehendes, pollice ad ima verso. At vero cen­ tum milia, ducenta milia et caetera usque ad nongenta milia eodem modo quo diximus ordine in dextra corporis parte complebis. ‘Decies’ autem ‘centena milia’ cum dicis ambabus sibi manibus consertis, invicem digitos implicabis”. Haec ex Beda adnotata hactenus sufficiant; plura de istis apud fratrem Lucam de S. Sepul­ chro in sua Magna Arithmetica comperies.)

5

10

{De variis numerorum notis apud Romanos observatis. Cap. xvn

Numerorum notae apud varias gentes diversimode pinguntur; Romani illos sequentibus notis figurabant, quos de literis antiquis describit Valerius Probus et hodie adhuc in usu sunt, sic videlicet: Quinque V.

Unum I.

Mille M. S. I. CX3.

1333.

Quinquaginta L.

Quingenta D.

Ducenta v>.CC.

Centum C.

CCI33.

Decem X.

CM3.

Quinque milia 103. ICC. V.

Decem milia 3MC.

IMI.

X. 25

Quinquaginta milia D33.

L

Centum milia

Λ

CCCI333.

Ducenta milia v>.CC.

CM3. 16-32

Probus col. 1196

11* Lucas de S. Sepulchro K

15

CM.

Quingenta milia DM. «13. D.

Mille milia CO.

___ M.S.

C.

302

DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA

Sunt aliae numerorum notae hodie apud arithmeticos et calculatores usitatae, quae iuxta numerorum ordinem his figuris pinguntur: 1.2.3.4.5.6.7.8.9., quibus additur nota privationis orbiculo signata, hac scilicet figura 0, quae licet numerum nullum significet, alios ta­ men aut denarios, aut centenarios, aut millenarios significare facit, quemadmodum haec in arithmeticis manifesta sunt. Sunt etiam qui denarium per virgulam, quae lineam transversim agat, notant; quinarium autem per eam, quae lineam contingat, non autem secet; unitatem vero per eam, quae seorsum ponitur, sicut in hoc exemplo videre licet: ΐ significat decem, t significat decem et quinque, t significat sexdecim, fu decem et septem; orbiculus vero denotat cen­ tum, sic scilicet 0 seorsum positus; coniunctus vero totidem quot numeris apponitur centenarios indicat, ut sic 00 vel sic n° ducenta, sic 000 vel sic m° trecenta, quingenta, decies centena sive mille. Atque hae notae frequenter in magicis characteribus adiectae conspiciuntur.)

5

10

15

(De notis Graecorum. Cap. χνπι Notis numerorum utuntur Graeci literis alphabeticis idque tribus modis: primo singulis elementis, secundum alphabeti seriem loci sui numerum significantibus; nam quotum in ordine alphabeti locum quaeque litera sortita est, eiusdem numerum repraesentat, ut hic videre licet: 1 A

2 B

3 Γ

4 Δ

5 E

6 Z

7 H

8 Θ

9 I

10 K

11 A

12 M

13 N

14

15 O

16 Π

17 P

18 Σ

19 T

20 Y

21 Φ

22 X

23 Ψ

24 Ω

et hic est primus ordo numerorum apud Graecos. Secundario dividunt Graeci totum alphabetum in tres classes, quarum prima in­ cipiens ab alpha unitatum est, secunda incipiens a iota denariorum est, tertia incipiens a rho est centenariorum: et hic ordo a posteriori27-30 30-p.303,4 24

A] A K

secundario . . . centenariorum] cf. Bed. Temp. 1, pp. 272-73 hic ordo . . . explicarent] Reuchl. Arte 3, sig. N3v

20

30

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bus Graecorum ita ad Hebraeorum imitationem institutus est. Quia vero alphabetum eorum ab ea regula tribus literis mancum est, necesse fuit illis tres figuras adfingere et literis intercalare, quibus videlicet sextum, nonagesimum et noningentesimum numeros explicarent, ut in sequentibus liquet:

1 A

2 B

3 'Γ

4 Δ

5 E

6 ς

7 Z

9 H

9 Θ

10 I

20 K

30 Λ

40 M

50 N

60 M

70 O

80 Π

90 ?

100 P

200 Σ

300 T

400 Y

500 Φ

600 X

700 Ψ

800 Ω

900 * ;

5

10

quod, si alicui harum literarum subsignetur virgula toni acuti, tunc totidem millenarios significat, ut in his exemplis:

1000 ,A

100000 ,P

10000 ,1

15

Tertio modo sex duntaxat literis designandis numeris Graeci utun­ tur, videlicet I pro unitate, Π pro quinario, quia caput est dictionis πέντε, hoc est quinque, Δ pro denario a δέκα, H pro centenario ab έκατόν, X pro millenario a voce χίλια, M pro decem milibus a μύρια; ex quibus sex literis suo modo usque ad quatuor numero iunctis vel aliis adiunctis, caeteros numeros formant, praeter Π, quae non multiplicatur nec sibi iungitur, sed semper aliorum qui­ narios significat, ut in sequentibus exemplis patet: 1 I

2 II

3 III

4 IIII

5 Π

6 ΠΙ

7 ΠΙΙ

8 ΠΙΙΙ

9 ΠΙΙ1Ι

10 Δ

11 ΔΙ

12 ΔΙΙ

13 ΔΙΙΙ

14 ΔΙΙΙΙ

15 ΔΠ

16 ΔΠΙ

20 ΔΔ

21 ΔΔΙ

50

60

100

200

500

1000

5000

10000

50000

H

Πδ

Η

ΗΗ

Η

X

Η

Μ

6-11

cf. Beda ib.

Η>

20

304

DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA

{De notis Hebraeorum et Chaldaeorum et quibusdam aliis magorum notis. Cap. xix

Hebraeorum etiam literae numerorum notas habent, sed longe ex­ cellentius quam ulla aliarum linguarum, cum maxima lateant in hebraicis numeris mysteria, sicuti de his tractatur in ea parte Cabalae quam Notariacon vocant. Sunt autem Hebraeorum literae numero viginti duae principales, quarum quinque alias quasdam diversas figuras in fine dictionis sortiuntur, quas iccirco quinque finales vocant; quae superioribus additae viginti septem consti­ tuunt; quae deinde in tres gradus partitae, quae in primo gradu sunt unitates referunt, quae in secundo denarios, quae vero in tertio gradu sunt centenarios significant; quaelibet autem illarum, si grandi depingatur charactere, totidem significat millenarios, ut hic: 3000

2000

2

5

10

1000

K

□

15

Classes autem numerorum hebraicorum sunt istae:

9. 65

8. Π

7. T

6. 1

5.

4.

3.

2.

H

Ί

5

□

1. M

90.

80.

70.

60.

50.

40.

30.

20.

10.

3

B

V

D

5

0

5

□

■*

900. V

800.

700. 1

600.

500. Ί

400.

300.

200.

n

W

Ί

100. P

n

□

20

Sunt tamen qui finalibus literis non utuntur, sed pro illis sic scribunt: 1000.

K

900.

800.

nnp

nn

700.

600.

500.

ΠΊ

np

Et ex istis simplicibus figuris, earum combinatione et compositione reliquos omnes compositos numeros describunt, ut undecim, duo­ decim, centum et decem, centum et undecim, addendo denario quae unitatum sunt: similiter et reliquis suo modo. Tamen decimum quintum numerum non per decem et quinque, sed per novem

3-22

longe excellentius . . . 100] Reuchl. Arte 3, sig. N3v

25

30

305

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et sex scribunt, sic scilicet: ItO idque ob reverentiam divini nominis ΓΡ, quod quindecim importat, ne sacro nomine ad prophana ali­ quando abuti contingat. Habentque et Aegyptii et Aethiopes et Chaldaei et Arabes suas numerorum notas, quae et ipsae saepissime inter magicos characteres occurrunt: has igitur qui nosse velit, apud harum literarum peritos requirat. Chaldaei nanque alphabeti sui literis numeros Hebraeorum more signant; eorum alphabetum in fine primi libri ddnotavimus. Inveni praeterea in duobus antiquissi­ mis libris astrologicis et magicis quasdam elegantissimas numero­ rum notas, quas huc etiam subiungere decrevi; erant autem in utroque volumine tales: i·

j.

*.

4.

p

7.

c.

t.

5

]θ

9.

r r rrrr rr r Istis autem notis in sinistrum latus conversis constituuntur denarii hoc modo: 10.

M.

>0.

40.

fo.

4o.

70.

io.

15

90.

1 1 1 Ί Π 11 1 Rursusque notis illis deorsum conversis, in dextro latere cente­ narios, in sinistro millenarios dabunt, ita videlicet: ■w.

too.

y».

400.

£00.

4«.

700.

.*00.

p*

20

L l· l L I. I. L L L

J ΪΠΠ JJ J Atque ex harum notarum compositione et mixtione caeteri quoque mixti et compositi numeri elegantissime ekeunt, sicut hoc in his paucis facile deprehendi potest: 4 ipse K

25

306

DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA

ifio.

Illi.

1 J

«47«.

14I&

hu*

I 1' £

Ad quorum exemplum et in reliquis compositis procedendum est; atque haec de notis numerorum hactenus satis sint.)

{Qui numeri literis attribuantur atque de divinatione per eosdem. Cap. xx Tradunt Pythagorici, adsentiunt Aristoteles et Ptolomaeus ipsa literarum elementa certos quosdam divinosque possidere numeros, per quos ex propriis rerum nominibus in summam collectos de rebus occultis futurisque eliciamus sententiam; unde hanc divinationis speciem ‘arithmantiam’ vocant, quia videlicet per numeros fit, sicut de illa meminit Terentianus in his versibus: Et nomina tradunt ita literis peracta Haec ut numeris pluribus illa sint minutis Quandoque subibunt dubiae pericla pugnae Maior numerus qua steterit favere palmam Praesagia laeti minima patere summa. Sic et Patroclum Hectorea manu perisse, Sic Hectora tradunt cecidisse mox Achilli.

Ait etiam Plinius Pythagorae inventis datum impositivorum nomi­ num imparem vocalium numerum clauditates oculorumve orbitatem ac similes casus, si sint, dextris adsignare partibus, parem vero numerum laevis; docuitque Alchandrinus philosophus quomodo ex literarum numeris etiam natorum horoscopia dominatricesque stel­ las invenire poterimus, quisque inter virum et uxorem prior mori­ turus sit aut supervicturus caeterorumque operum nostrorum prosperos infoelicesve eventus: eiusque traditiones hic subiungere libuit, etiam a Ptolomaeo astrologo non improbatas. Sed qui numeri singulis literis deputentur superius in graecis et hebraicis ostendi12-18 19-22 22-26

Terentian. 267-73 Plin. 28: 4 § 33 Alchandr. sig. a4r

10 * Arithmantia divinationis species K

5

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15

20

25

307

LIBER SECUNDUS

mus diviso alphabeto in tres classes, quarum prima est unitatum, secunda denariorum, tertia centenariorum; cumque in romano alphabeto ad complementum viginti septem characterum desint quatuor, illorum locum supplent ‘i’ et ‘u’ consonantes simplices, ut in Iohannes et Valentinianus nominibus; deinde ‘hi’ et ‘hu’ consonantes aspiratae, ut in Hieronymus et Huilhelmus, licet Germani pro ‘hu’ aspirato duplici ‘w’ utantur, Itali vero et Galli in suo vul­ gari ‘g’ cum ‘u’ coniunctum loco eius ponunt, sic scribentes: ‘Vvilhelmus’ et ‘Guilhelmus’. 1. A.

2. B.

3. 4. 5. C. D. E.

6. F.

7. G.

8. H.

9. I.

10. K.

20. L.

30. M.

5

40. N.

50. 60. 70. 80. 90. 100. 200. 300. 400. 500. 600. 700. 800. 900. O. P. Q. R. S. T. V. X. Y. z. I. V. HI. HU.

Quod si nunc scire desideras nati alicuius dominatricem stellam, computa nomen suum et utriusque parentis sui per singulas literas secundum numerum suprascriptum collectamque totius summam divide per novenarium, subtrahendo illum quoties potueris; et si remanserit unitas aut quaternarius, uterque Solem indicat; si vero binarius aut septenarius, uterque signat Lunam; caeterum ternarius Iovem, quinarius Mercurium, senarius Venerem, octonarius Saturnum, novenarius Martem notant et eius rationes ostenduntur alibi. Simili ratione si nati alicuius horoscopon scire desideras, computa nomen illius et nomen matris suae et patris sui et summam totam col­ lectam divide per duodenarium: si restabit unitas Leonem notat; si iunonia dias Aquarium, si ternarius vestalis Capricornum, si quaternarius Sagittarium, si quinarius Cancrum, si venereus senarius Taurum, si palladius septenarius Arietem, si vulcanius octonarius Libram, si martius novenarius Scorpium, si denarius Virginem, si undenarius Pisces, si phoebeus duodenarius Geminos repraesen­ tabunt; et horum rationes etiam alibi redditae sunt. Nemo autem miretur per numeros nominum multa prognosticari posse, cum tes­ tibus Pythagoricis philosophis et Hebraeorum cabalistis in illis numeris lateant occulta aliqua mysteria a paucis intellecta: omnia enim “numero, mensura, pondere” creavit Altissimus, a quibus et 33-34

Sap. 11:21

17 * Planetarum numeri K

24 * Signorum Zodiaci numeri K

15

20

25

30

DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA

308

literarum et nominum veritas originem ducit, quae non casu sed certa (licet nobis ignota) ratione instituta sunt. Hinc Ioannes in Apocalypsi ait: “Qui habet intellectum,- computet numerum nominis bestiae, qui est numerus hominis”. Haec tamen non de illis nomini­ bus, quae dissonans discrepantia nationum ac diversi gentium ritus pro locorum causis cultibusque hominibus imposuerunt, sed quae nascenti cuilibet ab ipso coelo syderea compaginatione inspirata sunt quaeque ex cuiusque genesi elicere Hebraeorum mecubales atque Aegyptiorum sapientes olim docuerunt.)

5

< Qui numeri quibus diis sacri sunt et qui quibus elementis adscripti. Cap. xxi

10

Iam vero etiam et elementis et coelestium numinibus sacratos numeros Pythagorici dedicarunt: nam aeri octonarium, igni tetractyn, terrae senarium, aquae duodenarium assignarunt. Praeterea competit unitas Soli, qui unicus stellarum rex est, in quo “posuit Deus tabernaculum suum”; hanc etiam Iovis esse idealis illius intellectualisque speciei vis causativa testatur, qui idem caput et pater est deorum, sicut monas principium et parens numerorum. Dualitas vero datur Lunae, quae secundum luminare est et animam mundi figurat, vocaturque luno, quod inter eam et monadem prima coniunctio est consortiumque consimile; datur et Saturno et Marti, duabus apud astrologos infortunis. Sic ternarius competit Iovi, Soli et Veneri, tribus videlicet fortunis, et deputatur Vestae et Hecatae et Dianae; hinc dicunt:

15

20

Tergeminam Hecaten, tria virginis ora Dianae;

trias ergo dedicata est huic virgini, quam dicunt “coelo Ereboque potentem”. Quaternarius ipse Solis est, qui eo numero coeli car­ dines constituit temporaque discernit; deputatur etiam Cyllenio, Apoc. 13: 18 posuit . . . deorum] Ps. 18: 6; Mart. Cap. 7 § 731 vocaturque . . . consimile] Mart. Cap. ib. § 732 Verg. Aen. 4: 511 trias . . . potentem] Mart. Cap. ib. § 733 apud. quem·. Verg Aen 6: 247 27-p.309,4 deputatur . . . quintus] Mart. Cap. ib. § 734-35; “adsignatur Mercurio”: Rhodig. 12: 10, p. 621

3-4 14-17 19-20 24 25-26

14

Unitas K

17 * Dualitas K

21 ’ Ternarius K

26 Quaternarius K

25

LIBER SECUNDUS

309

quod quadratus deus solus habetur. Quinarius ex primo pari et primo impari, velut ex foemineo et masculo utroque sexu constans, adsignatur Mercurio; etiam mundo coelesti attribuitur, qui super quatuor elementa ipse sub alia forma est quintus. Senarius, qui ex triade per diadem ducta confertur, velut ex utriusque sexus commixtione, a Pythagoricis genesi nuptiisque accommodatus, pertinet ad Venerem et Ijinonem. Septenarius quietis numerus Saturni est; idem etiam Lunae motum lumenque dispensat ideoque Tritoniae virginis vocabulum possidet, quia nihil gignit; Minervae adsigna­ tur, quod a nullo nascitur; Palladi quoque viragini, quia ex numeris tam masculis quam foemineis constat; hunc Plutarchus etiam dat Apollini. Octonarius ob iustitiae sacramentum Iovis est; dicatur etiam Vulcano: nam ex primo motu et diade, quae luno est, in se bis ducta constat; etiam matri deum Cybelae attribuitur, cui omnis cubus tribuitur; Plutarchus illum Baccho seu Dionysio adsignat, qui ipse octavo mense natus dicitur; alii quoniam octimestres partus vitales non sunt, Saturno atque Parcis illum constituerunt. Nove­ narius ad Lunam omnium coelestium influxuum virtutumque ulti­ mum receptaculum pertinet, non minus et novem Musis dicatus, tum etiam Marti, a quo finis omnium rerum. Denarius, numerus circularis, ea ratione qua monas ad Solem spectat; datur etiam Iano, quia primi versus finis, secundae monadis implet auxilium; insuper etiam mundo adsignatur; similiter et duodenarius, quia Sol duode­ cim signa permeans annum duodecim mensibus distribuit, mundo et coelo et Soli attribuitur. Undenarius vero, quia semicircularis est, attribuitur Lunae et deputatur etiam Neptuno.}

4-7

7 8- 12 12-15 15-16 19-20 21-22

Senarius . . . Venerem] Mart. Cap. ib. § 736; “a Pythagoricis . . . accomodatum”: Rhodig. 12: 11, p. 622 Septenarius . . . Saturni] Georgius 1: 4, 5, f. 60v Mart. Cap. ib. § 738; Rhodig. 12: 13, p. 623 apud quem·. Plut. De E 17, 391 F dicatur . . . tribuitur] Mart. Cap. ib. § 740 Plutarchus . . . dicitur] Rhodig. ib. pp. 623-24ubitamen·. "Asclepiades”; cf. Suid. 3 n. 27, p. 436 non minus . . . rerum] Mart. Cap. ib. § 741 datur . . . auxilium] Mart. Cap. ib. § 742

1 * Quinarius K 4 * Senarius K 7 * Septenarius K 12 * Octona­ rius K 17 " Novenarius K 20 * Denarius K 23 * Duodenarius K 25 * Undenarius K

5

10

15

20

25

310

DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA

{De planetarum mensulis earumque virtutibus et formulis et quae illis praeficiantur divina nomina, intelligentiae et daemonia. Cap. xxn

Traduntur insuper a magis quaedam numerorum mensulae planetis septem distributae, quas planetarum sacras tabulas vocant, multis admodum magnisque coelestium virtutibus insignitas, quatenus 5 repraesentant divinam illam coelestium numerorum rationem, a di­ vinae mentis ideis per rationem animae mundi coelestibus impres­ sam, illorumque suavissimam coelestium radiorum harmoniam secundum effigierum proportionem, intelligentias supramundanas consignificantium, quae aliter exprimi non possunt quam per notas 10 numerorum et characterum. Nihil enim materiales numeri et figurae possunt in mysteriis rerum abditarum, nisi repraesentative per numeros et figuras formales, quatenus reguntur et informantur ab intelligentiis et numerationibus divinis, quae nectunt extrema materiae atque spiritus ad voluntatem animae elevatae per magnum 15 affectum operantis coelesti virtute, potestatem accipiens a Deo per animam universi et coelestium constellationum observationes in materiam applicatam ad formam convenientem, dispositis mediis solertia et scientia magicali. Sed nunc ad tabulas singulatim ex­ plicandas properemus. Harum prima, Saturno adsignata, ex qua- 20 drato ternario constat, continens numeros particulares novem et in qualibet linea tres quaqueversum et per utrunque diametrum con­ stituentes quindecim, tota autem numerorum summa quadraginta quinque. Huic ex divinis nominibus praeficiuntur praedictos numeros implentia nomina cum intelligentia ad bonum et daemonio 25 ad malum; eliciturque ex eisdem numeris signaculum sive character Saturni et spirituum eius, quales inferius suae tabulae adscribemus. Dicunt hanc tabulam fortunato Saturno in lamina plumbea sculp­ tam adiuvare partum, reddere hominem tutum et potentem atque praestare successus petitionum apud principes et potestates; si vero 30 infortunato Saturno fiat, impedire aedificia et plantationes et con­ similia, hominem deiicere ab honoribus et dignitatibus, gignere rixas et discordias et dispergere exercitus. Secunda dicitur tabula Iovis, quae constat quaternario in se ducto, continens numeros par­ ticulares sexdecim et in quavis linea atque diametro quatuor, 35 20-p.312,36

ps. Ptolom. Secret, ff. 76r-77v

20 1 Saturni tabula K

33 * Iovis tabula K

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constituentes triginta quatuor, omnium autem summa centum tri­ ginta sex. Et praesunt illi nomina divina cum intelligentia ad bonum, cum daemonio ad malum et elicitur ex ea character Iovis et spirituum eius. Ferunt illam, si love potente dominanteque argenteae laminae fuerit impressa, conferre lucrum et divitias, gratiam et amorem, pacem et concordiam hominum et placare inimicos, confirmare ho­ nores et dignitates et consilia; et dissolvere maleficia, si in corallio in­ sculpta fuerit. Tertia tabula ad Martem spectat, quae quinario qua­ drato constituitur, complectens numeros xxv et ex his in quovis latere et diametro quinque, qui faciunt sexaginta quinque et omnium summa est cccxxv. Et praesunt illi nomina divina cum intelligentia ad bonum et daemonio ad malum et elicitur ex ea character Martis et spirituum eius. Haec fortunato Marte in lamina ferrea aut ense sculpta potentem facit in bello et iudiciis et petitionibus et terribi­ lem adversariis suis et victoriam praestat adversus hostes; et si in lapide corneola sculpta sit, stringit sanguinem et menstrua; si vero infortunato Marte sculpatur in lamina aeris rubri, impedit aedificia, deficit potentes a dignitatibus et honoribus et divitiis, generat dis­ cordiam et lites et odia hominum et bestiarum, fugat apes et colum­ bas et pisces et impedit molendina et infortunat euntes ad venationes et praelia et generat sterilitatem in viris et mulieribus et caeteris animantibus, adversariisque omnibus timorem incutit et ad reve­ rentiam exhibendam compellit. Quarta tabula Solis ex quadrato senario constituta est et continet numeros triginta sex, quorum sex in quolibet latere et diametro producunt centum et undecim, et summa omnium sexcentum sexaginta sex. Praesunt illi nomina divina cum intelligentia ad bonum et daemonio ad malum et eliciun­ tur ex ea characteres Solis et spirituum eius. Haec fortunato Sole in lamina aurea sculpta reddit gestantem gloriosum, amabilem, gra­ tum, potentem in omnibus operibus et comparat hominem regibus et principibus, elevans eum ad sublimia fortunae fastigia, impetrare faciens quicquid voluerit; Sole autem infortunato, facit tyrannum, superbum, ambitiosum, inexplebilem et malo fine terminantem. Quinta tabula Veneris est, constans septenario in se ducto, numeris videlicet quadraginta novem, quorum septem in omni latere et diametro constituunt centum et septuaginta quinque et summa omnium mille ducenta viginti quinque. Et praesunt illi nomina divi­ na cum intelligentia ad bonum et daemonio ad malum et elicitur ex ea character Veneris et spirituum eius. Haec fortunata Venere in 3 daemonium K 8 * Martis tabula K 23 * Solis tabula K 34 * Veneris tabula K

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DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA

lamina argenti sculpta conciliat concordiam, dirimit lites, largitur amores mulierum, confert ad conceptum, pellit sterilitatem, reddit potentes in coitu et dissolvit maleficiaet pacem gCnerat inter virum et mulierem et quoruncunque animalium et pecorum greges copioso partu foecundat; et posita in columbari multiplicat columbas; confert adversus omnes aegritudines melancholicas et generat laetitiam et gestata fortunat itinerantes; quod si infortunata Venere in aere formetur, omnibus praedictis contraria facit. Sexta tabula Mercurii est, ex octonario in se ducto resultans, numeros continens sexaginta quatuor, quorum octo in quovis latere et per utrunque diametrum faciunt ducenta et sexaginta et summa omnium duo milia octoginta. Et praesunt illi nomina divina cum intelligentia ad bonum et dae­ monio ad malum et elicitur ex ea character Mercurii et spirituum eius. Et si fuerit Mercurio fortunato sculpta in argento vel stanno vel aere citrino vel inscripta in pergameno virgineo, reddit gestantem gratum, fortunatum ad impetrandum quicquid voluerit; confert lucrum et pellit inopiam; confert memoriam et intellectum et divinationem et notitiam occultorum per somnia; et si fuerit Mercurius infortunatus, facit his omnibus contraria. Septima tabula Lunae est, constans ex novenario in se multiplicato, habens numeros octoginta et unum, in quolibet latere et diametrum novem, producentes tercentum sexaginta novem, et omnium summa est tria milia trecenta et viginti unum. Et praesunt illi nomina divina cum intelligentia ad bonum et daemonio ad malum et eliciuntur ex ea characteres Lunae et spirituum eius. Haec fortunata Luna in argento sculpta facit gestantem gratum, amabilem, iucundum, alacrem, honoratum, auferens omnem malitiam et malam voluntatem; praestat securitatem in itinere et profectum divitiarum et corporis sanitatem et pellit inimicos et alias res nocivas de quocunque loco volueris; et si Luna infortunata fiat in lamina plumbea, ubicunque fuerit subhumata, infortunat locum illum et habitantes et conver­ santes in eo, similiter naves, fontes, flumina, molendina; et infortu­ nat omnem hominem, adversus quem rite facta fuerit, faciens illum profugum de terra et patria sua et e loco mansionis suae ubi sub­ humata fuerit; et impedit medicos et oratores et quoscunque homines in officio suo contra quos fuerit fabricata. Qualiter autem eliciantur signacula et characteres cum stellarum, tum spirituum ex istis mensulis, sagax scrutator et qui harum mensularum verificationem intellexerit facile invenire poterit.) 8 * Mercurii tabula K

16 volerit K

19 · Lunae tabula K

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Nomina diuina reipondcntia numeris Saturni. J. 9·

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157.

Krdpse sit omnipotens, sola voluntate sua, non ulla naturae necessitate mundum non ex praeiacente materia, sed ex ni­ hilo creavit; et cum sit summa bonitas, verbum suum, quod est pri­ ma omnium rerum idea, optima sua voluntate essentialique amore complexus, mundum hunc extrinsecum ad exemplar mundi in­ trinseci, videlicet idealis, fabricavit, nihil tamen extramittendo de essentia ideae, sed ex nihilo creavit, quod ab aeterno habuit per ideam.) Creavit Deus etiam hominem ad imaginem suam: nam, sicuti imago Dei mundus est, sic imago mundi homo est; (hinc putant quidam dictum esse quod homo non simpliciter imago Dei creatus est, sed ad imaginem, quasi imaginis imago:) iccirco microcosmus dictus est, hoc est minor mundus. Mundus animal est rationale, immortale; homo similiter animal est rationale sed mor­ tale, hoc est dissolubile; nam, ut inquit Hermes, cum mundus ipse immortalis sit, impossibile est partem eius aliquam interire: mori igitur nomen vanum est et, quemadmodum vacuum, nusquam est; mori igitur dicimus hominem, quando anima et corpus separantur, non quod aliquid eorum intereat sive convertatur in nihilum. (Veruntamen vera Dei imago Verbum suum est, sapientia, vita, lux et veritas, per seipsum existens, cuius imaginis animus humanus imago est, propter quam ad imaginem Dei facti esse dicimur, non ad imaginem mundi aut creaturarum: nam, sicut Deus nec tangi potest nec auribus percipi nec oculis intueri, ita animus hominis nec videri nec audiri nec tangi potest et, sicut Deus ipse infinitus est et 14- 15 15- 17 20-24

Creavit . . . homo est] Gen. 1: 27; Corp. Herm. 8 (Nihil) § 5, p. 89 hinc putant . . . imago] Lazar, ff. 64r, 71v-72r, 77r nam . . . nihilum] Corp. Herm. 8 (Nihil) § 1, p. 87, 11 (Mens) § 14, p. 153, 12 (Comm.) § 16, p. 180 [= pp. 1845, 1851, 1853-54]

14-15 Creavit . . . est] Creatus est homo ad imaginem dei; imago dei mundus est, imago mundi homo est W 15 * Dei imago mundus, mundi homo K 18 microcosmos dictus est] a Greets microcosmos dicitur W 25 sit] est W 21 * Mortis nomen vanum K; mori] mortis W K sed in e. c. corr. K 22 quem­ admodum et W 23-24 dicimus . . . eorum] fingimus hominem cum anima a corpore separatur non quod aliquod illorum W

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DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA

a nullo potest compelli, sic et humanus animus liber est et nec cogi nec mensurari potest; tum, ut Deus totum hunc mundum et quic­ quid in eo est sola mente gerit, sic illum humanus animus etiam cogitatione complectitur atque, quod soli illi cum Deo peculiare est, ut Deus mundum totum solo nutu movet atque gubernat, sic ani5 mus humanus nutu solo corpus suum agit atque regit. Animum igitur hominis sic verbo Dei sigillatum necesse fuit etiam corporeum hominem ad consummatissimum mundi exemplar induere. Homo itaque alter mundus vocatus est et altera Dei imago, quia in seipso habet totum quod in maiori mundo continetur, ut nihil relictum sit 10 quod ipsum non etiam vere et realiter in ipso homine reperiatur: et haec omnia apud eum eisdem quibus in maiori mundo officiis fun­ gantur. Sunt in ipso elementa per verissimas naturae suae proprie­ tates; est in ipso aethereum corpusculum, animae vehiculum, coelo proportione correspondens; sunt in ipso plantarum vita vegetativa, 15 animalium sensus, coelestis spiritus, angelica ratio mensque divina: et omnium horum simul in unum confluentium vera coniunctio et divina possessio. Hinc in Sacris Literis vocatur homo omnis creatura nec solum homo alter mundus effectus ipsius partes omnes in se complectitur, sed etiam ipsum Deum concipit et continet. Hinc 20 Xystus Pythagoricus ait hominis animum esse templum Dei, quod etiam multo lucidius expressit Paulus inquiens: “Templum Dei estis vos’’ idemque pluribus locis Sacra Scriptura testatur. Est igi­ tur homo expressissimum Dei simulacrum, quando homo omnia in se continet quae in Deo sunt: sed Deus per eminentiam quan- 25 dam omnia continet virtute sua et simpliciter sicut omnium causa et principium; homini autem dedit virtutem ut similiter contineret omnia, sed actu et compositione quadam, velut omnium nexus, vinculum atque nodus. Homo itaque solus hoc honore gaudet, quod cum omnibus symbolum habet et cum omnibus operationem, 30 cum omnibus conversationem: symbolizat cum materia in proprio subiecto, cum elementis in quadrifario corpore, cum plantis in 6-19

20-p.509,21

Animum ... creatura] Pic. Hept. 5: 6, p. 304; aliud proem., p. 184; praef., p. 8 apud quem: Mc. 16: 15; cf. Agripp. Horn., pp. 296-97 HincXystus . . . ferrum] Georgius 1: 6, 32-33, ff. 122v-123v; 3: 6, 4, f. 59r; 1: 5, 10, f. 91r; 3: 6, 1, f. 56r; 3: 1, 7, f. 7v; 3: 4,’6, f. 44v apud quem: Sext. 46, p. 7; 1 Cor. 3: 16, 2 Cor. 6: 16

22 * Homo templum Dei K

LIBER TERTIUS

509

vegetativa virtute, cum animalibus in sensitiva, cum coelis in aethereo spiritu atque influxu partium superiorum in inferiores, cum angelis in intellectu et sapientia, cum Deo in omnium continentia; conversatur cum Deo et intelligentiis per fidem et sapientiam, cum coelis et coelestibus per rationem et discursum, cum inferioribus omnibus per sensum et dominium agitque cum omnibus et in omnia posse habet—etiam in Deum ipsum, illum intelligendo et amando. Et sicut Deus cuncta cognoscit, sic etiam homo omnia cognoscibilia cognoscere potest, cum pro obiecto adaequato habeat ens in communi vel (ut alii dicunt) ipsum verum; nec reperitur aliquid in homine, non ulla dispositio, in quo non fulgeat aliquid divinitatis, nec quicquam est in Deo, quod ipsum non etiam re­ praesentetur in homine. Quicunque igitur seipsum cognoverit, cog­ noscet in seipso omnia: cognoscet in primis Deum, ad cuius imaginem factus est; cognoscet mundum, cuius simulacrum gerit; cognoscet creaturas omnes, cum quibus symbolum habet et quid fomenti a lapidibus, a plantis, ab animalibus, ab elementis, a coe­ lis, a daemonibus, ab angelis et ab unaquaque re habere et impetrare possit et quomodo singula singulis suo loco, tempore, ordine, mensura, proportione et harmonia aptare queat et ad se trahere atque deducere non secus atque magnes ferrum. Et Geber in Summa Alchymiae docet neminem ad eius artis perfectionem pervenire posse, qui illius principia in seipso non cognoverit: quanto autem magis quisque seipsum cognoscet, tanto maiorem vim attrahendi consequitur tantoque maiora et mirabiliora operatur ad tantamque ascendet perfectionem, quod ‘efficitur filius Dei transformaturque in eandem imaginem quae est Deus’ et cum ipso unitur, quod neque angelis neque mundo nec cuiquam creaturae datum est, nisi soli homini, posse scilicet filium Dei fieri et uniri Deo; homine autem Deo unito, uniuntur omnia quae in homine sunt, mens imprimis, deinde spiritus et animales vires vegetandique vis et elementa usque ad materiam, trahens secum etiam cor­ pus, cuius forma extitit, deducens illud in meliorem sortem et coe­ lestem naturam, quousque glorificetur in immortalitatem: et hoc (quod iam diximus) est peculiare hominis donum, a quo haec 21-25 26-33

Et Geber . . . operatur] Geber 1: 1, pp. 498-99 quod efficitur . . . extitit] Georgius 3: 3, 2, ff. 31v-32r; 3: 5, 1, 4, ff. 52r, 58r apud quem·. Ioh. 1: 12; 2 Cor. 3: 18

11 hoie K

26 * Hominis perfectio et dignitas K

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dignitas divinae imaginis sibi propria est et cum nulla alia creatura communis. Sunt alii autem theologi, qui tres hominis potentias (memoriam, intellectum, voluntatem) divinae trinitatis imaginem adsignant et sunt qui, ulterius progredientes, non tantum in tribus illis potentiis, quos vocant actus primos, sed etiam in actibus secun5 dis hanc imaginem locant: ut sicut memoria Patrem, intellectus Filium, voluntas Spiritum Sanctum repraesentant, sic etiam ver­ bum ab intellectu nostro productum et amor a voluntate manans ipseque intellectus habens obiectum praesens et producens eundem Filium, Spiritum atque Patrem denotant. Docentque secretiores 10 theologi quod insuper singula membra nostra aliquid in Deo repraesentant, cuius gerant imaginem, quodque etiam in passioni­ bus nostris Deum repraesentamus, sed quandam per analogiam: nam in Sacris Literis legimus de Deo iram, furorem, poeniten­ tiam, complacentiam, dilectionem, odium, ludum, delectationem, 15 delicias, indignationem et horum similia et nos de membris divi­ nis aliqua loquuti sumus in superioribus, quae huc congruere possunt. Mercurius etiam Trismegistus divinam Trinitatem confes­ sus, illam describit intellectum, vitam et fulgorem, quae alibi vocat verbum, mentem et spiritum, hominemque ad imaginem Dei fac- 20 tum eandem Trinitatem repraesentare ait: inest enim illi mens intelligens et verbum vivificans et spiritus tanquam fulgor divinus sese undique diffundens, omnia replens, movens et connectens. Non tamen hoc intelligendum de spiritu naturali, qui est medium per quod unitur anima cum carne et corpore, per quem corpus vivit et 25 operatur et unum membrum operatur in aliud, de quo spiritu in pri­ mo libro locuti sumus; sed hic agitur de spiritu rationali, qui tamen etiam corporeus quodammodo est: non tamen habet corpus crassum, tangibile et visibile, sed corpus subtilissimum et facile unibile cum mente, scilicet superiori et divino illo quod est in nobis. 30 Nec miretur quispiam si animam rationalem dicimus esse illum 2-21 27 — p.511,29

Sunt alii . . . ait] Georgius 1: 6, 33, ff. 123v- 124v; 3:6, 1, f. 56v apudquem- Corp. Herm. 1 (Pim.) § 12, p. 10, 12(Comm.) § 12-13, pp. 178-79, 15 (Asci.) § 10, p.308 [= p. 1837, 1853, 1861] sed hic . . . daemon] Georgius 3: 5, 1, f. 52r; 3: 5, 3-4, ff. 53r-v apudquem·. Plotin. 5: 3, 2-3, pp. 50-52; Corp. Herm. 15 (Asci.) ib.; Gen. 2: 7; 1 Cor. 2: 14; Hebr. 4: 12; Rom. 7: 23; Plotin. ib. p. 50; cf. Zohar 2: 6, pp. 379-91, 401-4

18 * Trinitatis mysterium agnovit Mercurius Trismegistus K

511

LIBER TERTIUS

spiritum et quid corporeum sive habere et sapere aliquid corporeitatis, dum est in corpore et illo utitur tanquam instrumento, si modo intellexeritis quid sit apud Platonicos aethereum illud animae cor­ pusculum, ipsius vehiculum. Plotinus itaque et Platonici omnes post Trismegistum similiter tria ponunt in homine, quae vocant supremum, infimum et medium: supremum est illud divinum, quam mentem sive portionem superiorem sive intellectum illustratum vo­ cant; Moses in Genesi vocat ipsum spiraculum vitarum, a Deo videlicet vel a spiritu eius in nos spiratum. Infimum est sensitiva anima, quam etiam idolum dicunt; Paulus apostolus animalem hominem nuncupat. Medium est spiritus rationalis utraque connectens extrema atque ligans, videlicet animam animalem cum mente et utriusque sapiens naturam extremorum: differt tamen ab illo supremo, qui intellectus illuminatus, mens, lux et portio suprema dicitur; differt etiam ab anima animali, a qua nos illum separare debere per virtutem verbi Dei docet Apostolus, dicens: ‘ ‘Vivus est ser­ mo Dei et efficax et penetrabilior omni gladio ancipiti pertingens usque ad divisionem animae et spiritus”. Sicut enim portio illa suprema nunquam peccat, nunquam malo consentit semperque er­ rori resistit et ad optima hortatur, sic inferior illa portio et animalis anima in malo et peccato et concupiscentia semper demergitur et trahit ad pessima, de qua ait Paulus: “Video aliam legem in mem­ bris meis et captivantem me in lege peccati”. Mens igitur suprema portio nunquam damnatur, sed puniendis sociis illaesa abit ad suam originem; spiritus vero, quae rationalis anima a Plotino dicitur, cum sit natura sua liber et utrique ad libitum adhaerere potest, si superiori portioni constanter adhaereat illi tandem unitur et beatificatur, donec adsumatur in Deum; si adhaereat animae inferiori, depravatur et demeretur, donec efficiatur malus daemon. Sed haec de mente et spiritu hactenus; de sermone sive de verbo nunc videamus. Hunc Mercurius eiusdem ad immortalita­ tem pretii existimat. Est enim sermo sive verbum ‘sine quo nihil fac­ tum est’ nec fieri potest, quin est expressio exprimentis et expressi 31- 32

32- 33

Corp. Herm. 12 (Comm.) § 12, pp. 178-79 [ = pp. 1853]; cf. Lazar, ff. 77r-v Ioh. 1: 3

4 * Tria in homine ponunt Platonici verbum K

K

23 * Mens

K

32 * Sermo sive

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et loquentis locutio et id quod loquitur sermo et verbum est et con­ cipientis conceptio et id quod concipit verbum est et scribentis scrip­ tio et id quod scribit verbum est et formantis formatio et quod for­ mat verbum est et creantis creatio et quod creat verbum est et facientis factio et quod factum est verbum est et scientis scientia et 5 scitum verbum est et omne quod dici potest non est nisi verbum et dicitur aequalitas: aeque enim se ad omnia habet, cum non sit unum plusquam aliud, omnibus aequaliter largiens ut sint id quod sunt nec plus nec minus, ipsumque sensibile se et omnia sensibilia facit, sicut lux se et omnia visibilia facit: ideoque verbum dicitur a 10 Mercurio lucens mentis filius. Conceptio autem, qua mens seipsam concipit, est verbum intrinsecum a mente generatum, scilicet suiipsius cognitio; verbum autem extrinsecum et vocale est illius verbi partus et ostensio et spiritus cum sono et voce aliquid significante ex ore procedens: verum omnis vox nostra, verbum atque sermo, nisi 15 Dei voce formetur, aeri miscetur atque evanescit; spiritus autem et verbum Dei manent sensu et vita comitante. Omnis itaque sermo noster, omnia verba, omnis spiritus et vox nostra nullam virtutem habent in magia, nisi quatenus divina voce formentur. Et Aristoteles ipse in Meteoris et in fine Ethicorum fatetur nullam esse virtutem sive 20 naturalem sive moralem, nisi per Deum, et in Secretis Dogmatibus adserit intellectum nostrum bonum et sanum posse plurimum in naturae secreta, dummodo adsit divinae virtutis influentia, alias nequaquam. Sic et verba nostra plurima producere possunt mira­ cula, modo formentur verbo Dei; in quibus etiam univoca nostra 25 generatio perficitur sicut inquit Esaias: “A facie tua, Domine, con­ cepimus, sicut mulieres recte concipiunt a facie maritorum, et peperimus spiritum”. Huc quodammodo pertinet quod apud Indorum Gymnosophistas, quasi per manus huius opinionis autoritas traditur Buddam, principem dogmatis eorum, e latere suo 30

11 17-19 19-24 26-28 28-p.513,1

Corp. Herm. 1 (Pim.) § 6, p. 8 [ = p 1837] Omnis . . . formentur] cf. Pic. Conci. Mag. 20, p. 80 Et Aristoteles . . . nequaquam] Georgius 3: 4, 2, f. 39r apud quem·. Arist. Meteor. 1: 2, 339a; Nicom. 10: 8, 1179a; Secret. 4, p. 42 Isai. 26: 17-18 Huc . . . generasse] Hieron. Adv. Jov. 1: 42 § 309; cf. Rhodig 8· 1, p. 370

LIBER TERTIUS

513

virginem generasse; et apud Mahometistas constans opinio est plerosque, quos sua lingua Nefesogli vocant, occulto quodam divi­ nae dispensationis modo sine carnali coitu nasci, quorum vita iccir­ co mirabilis et impassibilis sit et velut angelica totaque supernaturalis. Sed illis nugis dimissis, solus rex Messias, ‘verbum Patris caro factum’ Iesus Christus hoc arcanum revelavit, quadam temporis plenitudine apertius manifestaturus. Mentem propterea persimilem sibi, ut cecinit Lazarellus in Cratere Hermetis, Sermonemque homini iam genitor dedit Ut diis consimiles parturiat deos Sensu desuper indito. Foelix ille nimis, qui sua noverit Sortis munera, perfecerit et libens: Inter nanque deos connumerandus est Nec diis est superis minor. Hi fati reprimunt quaeque pericula Morborumque fugant perniciem procul; Hi dant somnia praesaga feruntque opem Aerumnis hominum dantque mala impiis; Dant praeclara piis praemia, sic Dei Complent imperium patris Hi sunt discipuli, hi sunt filii Dei.

Qui non ex voluntate carnis, “nec ex voluntate viri nec menstruatae, sed ex Deo nati sunt”. Est autem univoca generatio, in qua filius est patri similis omnimoda similitudine et in qua genitum secun­ dum speciem idem est cum generante. Atque haec est potentia verbi a mente formata in subiectum dispositum rite suscepti, veluti semen in matricem ad generationem et partum coaliti; dico autem ‘dispositum’ et ‘rite suscepti’, quia non omnia eodem modo verbi participes evadunt, sed alia aliter. Et haec sunt de recondi­ tissimis naturae secretis, de quibus non est aliud publice pertrac­ tandum.)

5- 6 cf. Ioh. 1: 14 6- 22 Iesus . . . Dei] Lazar, ff. 78r-79v 23- 24 Qui . . . nati sunt] Ioh. 1: 13 24- 26 Est . . . generante] cf. Lazar, f. 77v

5

10

15

20

514

DE OCCULTA PHILOSOPHIA

De anima humana et per quae media iungatur corpori. Cap.

xxxvii

Anima humana est lux quaedam divina ad imaginem verbi, causae causarum, primi exemplaris creata, substantia Dei sigilloque figu­ rata, cuius character est verbum aeternum. Item anima humana est substantia quaedam divina, individua et tota cuique corporis parti 5 praesens, ab incorporeo autore ita producta, ut ex agentis virtute solum, non ex materiae gremio dependeat. (Est anima numerus substantialis, uniformis, ad seipsum conversivus et rationalis, cor­ pora omnia et materialia longo superans intervallo, cuius partitio non est secundum materiam, nec ab inferioribus et crassioribus, 10 sed ab efficiente causa proveniens. Non est enim numerus quantus, sed semotus ab omnibus corporeis legibus; unde nec dividitur, nec per partes multiplicatur. Est itaque anima divina quaedam sub­ stantia a divinis fontibus emanans, ducens secum numerum: non quippe illum divinum, quo Opifex omnia disposuit, sed rationalem 15 numerum quo, cum omnibus proportionem habens, omnia intelligere possit.) Talis itaque humana anima, iuxta Platonicorum sen­ tentiam, immediate procedens a Deo per media competentia corpori huic iungitur crassiori; unde primo quidem in ipso descensu coelesti aereoque involvitur corpusculo, quod aethereum animae vehiculum 20 vocant, alii currum animae appellant. Hoc medio iussu Dei, qui mundi centrum est, in punctum cordis medium, quod est centrum corporis humani, primum infunditur et exinde per universas cor­ poris sui partes membraque diffunditur, quando currum suum naturali iungit calori, per calorem spiritui ex corde genito; per hunc 25 se immergit humoribus, per illos inhaeret membris atque his omni­ bus aeque fit proxima, licet per aliud in aliud transfundatur, que­ madmodum calor ignis aeri et aquae haeret proxime licet per aerem tollatur ad aquam. Ita patet quomodo immortalis anima per immor­ tale corpusculum, videlicet aethereum vehiculum, corpore clauditur 30 crassiore et mortali. Quando vero per morbum malumve solvuntur 2-4 17 717-p.515,7

Anima . . . aeternum] Lazar, f. 73r Est . . . possit] Georgius 1: 5, 9, f. 90r; 3: 2, 1, f. 16r Talis . poenam] Ficin. Theol. 10: 2, pp. 61-62; 18: 7, pp. 193, 199-200; cf. Piat. Phaedr. 246-48, Tym. 41e, Phaedo. 107d

1 Capitulum 23 W 2 * Anima humana quid K 17 itaque] igitur W 19 unde] nam W 23 humani corporis W 27 transfunditur W 31 cras­ siori W; soluntur IV

LIBER TERTIUS

515

vel deficiunt haec media, tunc anima ipsa per singula media sese recolligit refluitque in cor, quod primum erat animae susceptaculum; cordis vero deficiente spiritu extinctoque calore, ipsum deserit et moritur homo et evolat anima cum aethereo hoc vehiculo illamque egressam genii custodes daemonesque sequuntur et ducunt ad iudicem, ubi lata sententia bonas animas Deus tranquille perducit ad gloriam, malas violentus daemon trahit ad poenam.

5

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= Der Babylonische Talmud, mit Einschluss der Vollstandigen Misnah, nach der . . . Bombergschen Ausgabe (Venedig 1520-23), ed. L. Goldschmidt, Berlin-Leipzig-The Hague, 1898-1936 Berak. = Berakhoth, 1, pp. 1-240 Synhedr. = Synhedrin, 7, pp. 3-513. Cf. Paulus Ricius’ partial translation, Liber Benedictio­ num dictus Berachos, Liber Senatorum dictus Sanhedrin, in Talmudica ... in latinum versa cit. Terentiam.[us Maurus] = De Litteris, in Grammatici Latini, ed. H. Keil, 6, 2, Leipzig 1871, pp. 313-413 Tertull.[ianus] - Anima. - De anima, ed. J.H. Waszink, Turnhout 1954 (CC 2) - Apol. - Apologeticum, ed. E. Dekkers, Turnhout 1954 (CC 1) - Marc. - Adversus Marcionem libri V, ed. A. Kroymann, ibid. Teuc.fer Babylonicus] = Fragmenta, in F. Boll, Sphaera, Leipzig 1903, pp. 16-21 Thabit [b.Qurra] - Imag. = De imaginibus, in The astronomical works of T.b.Q, ed. F. Carmody, Berkeley-Los Angeles 1960 - Propr. = De proprietatibus quarundam stellarum, Paris, Bibl. Nationale, ms. lat. 7337, ff. 129-30 Thal.[es] = Fragmenta, in H. Diels-W. Kranz, Die Fragmente cit., Them.[istius] = Paraphrasis in libros de anima, ed. R. Heinze, in Commentaria in Aristotelem graeca cit., 5, 3 Theo [Smyrnaeus] = Expositio rerum mathematicarum ad legendum Platonem utilium, ed. E. Hiller, Leipzig 1878 Theophrast.[us Eresius] - Fragm. = Fragmenta, in Opera, ed. F. Wimmer, Paris 1866 - Met. = Metaphysica, ed. W.D. Ross-F.H. Fobes, Oxford 1929 Thess.[alonicenses] = Epistolae Pauli ap. ad Thessalonicenses I-II Thom.[as Aquinas] - Fato = De fato, in Opera, 16, Parmae 1865. Cf. also erit. ed. by P. Simon in Alberti Magni Opera, 17, 1, Miinster 1975 - Gent. = Summa contra Gentiles, ed. C. Pera-P. Marc-P. Caramello, Torino-Roma 1961 - Pot. = De Potentia, ed. P.M. Pession, in Quaestiones Disputatae, 1, Torino-Roma 1953 - Quodl. = Quaestiones Quodlibetales, ed. R. Spiazzi, Torino-Roma 1956 - Spirit. = De spiritualibus creaturis, ed. M. Calcaterra-T.S. Centi, in Quaesi. Disp., 2 - Theol. = Summa Theologiae, ed. P. Caramello, Torino-Roma 1956 - Th. Suppi. = Supplementum Tertiae Partis Summae Theologiae, ibid. Tibuli.[us] = Elegiae, ed. M. Ponchont, Paris 1950 1 Tim.[otheum] = Epistola Pauli ap. ad Timotheum prima Tob.[ias] = Liber Tobiae Tory [Geofroy] = Champ Fleury, Paris 1529 Trithem. [ius Iohannes] - Epist. = Epistulae, Coloniae 1567 Joach. = I. Trithemius ... ad Joachimum marchionem Brandenburgensen de rebus convenientibus vero mago (26.6.1503) Westenb. = I. Trithemius . . Ioanni Westenburgh Comiti . . . de tribus naturalis magiae principiis sine quibus nihil in ipsa ad effec­ tum produci potest (10.5.1503)

Talmud

LIST OF SOURCES

629

- Polygr. = Polygraphiae libri VI, Coloniae 1571 - Secund. = De septem secundeis idest intelligentiis sive spiritibus orbes post Deum moven­ tibus, Coloniae 1567 - Stegan. - Steganographia, hoc est ars per occultam scripturam animi sui voluntatem absentibus aperiendi causa, . . . Tzet.[zes Ioannes] - Hist. = Historiae, ed. P.A.M. Leone, Napoli 1968 - Sch.Lyc. = Scholia in Lycophronis Alexandrum, Roma 1803

Val.[erius abbas ?f = Epistola ad Rufinum, quoted by C. Ducange, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, 6, p. 326 Val.[erius] Max.[imus] = Factorum et dictorum memorabilium ll. IX, ed. C. Kempf, Leipzig 1888 Varro [M. Terentius] = De Re Rustica ll. Ill, ed. H. Keil-G. Goetz, Leipzig 1929 Verg.[ilius] - Aen. = Aeneis, in Opera, ed. R.A. Mynors, Oxford 1969 - Buc. = Bucolicae, ibid. - Georg. = Georgicarum libri, ibid. - Nocte = Anthologia latina, ed. F. Buecheler-A. Riese, 1, 1, Leipzig 1894, n. 256 Vitei.[ius] = Perspectiva, Norimbergae 1551 Vitruv.fius] = De architectura, ed. L. Callebat, Paris 1973

Zach.[arias] = Prophetia Zachariae Zohar = Sepher ha-Zohar (Livre de la Splendeur), tr. J. de Pauly, Paris 1906-11 Zoroa.[ster] - Fragm. = Fragmenta, in J. Bidez-F. Cumont, Les Mages hellenises, 2, Paris 1973 - Orae. = Oracula Chaldaica, ed. E. Des Places, Paris 1971

INDICES

INDEX NOMINUM Aaron 110, 133 Aaron [frater Moysis] 279 Abacuc (Abacuk) 292, 539 Abbaris Hyperboreus 88' Abdala Arabs 557 Abdias 292 Abdon 298 Abel 489 Abessa 279 Abimelech 276, 278, 298 Abirion 489 Abraham (Abraha, Abrahamus, Abramus) 269, 276, 278, 287, 296, 373, 426, 440, 464, 466, 505, 532, 534, 549, 561, 594 Abraham [auctorSefer Yetzira] 96, 241,296 Abraham de Balmis 492 Abraham [Ibn Ezra] 347, 354, 469 Academici 110, 153, 253 Achab 298, 452, 455, 524 Achelous 171 Achilles 413, 431, 555, 588, 596 Acta Apostolorum 280, 287, 297, 413, 436, 453, 468, 519, 539, 560 Adam 233, 278, 281, 287, 425, 468, 489, 549 Adonibesech 298 Aegaeus 442 Aegisthus 517 Aegyptii 133, 134, 141, 154, 239, 265, 287, 296, 298, 305, 308, 319-20, 339, 345, 352, 362, 400, 404-5, 411, 44143, 448, 454, 465, 505, 543, 555, 569, 575, 579, 592, 598 Aelius Spartianus 382 Aemilius [Macer] 198 Aemylianus rhetor 448 Aeneas 192, 199, 203, 443, 458, 524, 565-66 Aesculani 442

Aesculapius 132, 207, 503, 559 Aesopus 207 Aethiopes 179, 305, 339, 400, 405, 441, 456 Africanus P. consul 194 Agar 549 Aggeus 292 Agrippa, Henricus Cornelius 66, 68, 72, 74, 85, 88, 241, 247, 249, 399, 402, 412, 414, 439, 508 Albertus Magnus Teutonicus 70, 8889, 97, 104-5, 107-12, 114-19, 12128, 130-32, 135, 137-38, 140-42, 145, 152, 156-59, 164, 166, 172, 174, 179, 184, 187, 200, 229-31, 240, 352-53, 357, 369, 370, 381, 444, 540 Albumasar 101, 345, 354, 358 Alcestis 537 Alchabitius 118, 129, 186 Alchandrinus philosophus 306 Alchindus 147, 200, 233, 237, 434, 539 Alcinous 528 Alcinous platonicus 86-87, 216 Alcumena 184 Alexander Magnus 106, 191, 222, 250, 323, 506, 540, 547 Alexander Peripateticus [Aphrodisien­ sis] 110 Algazel (Algazeles) 225, 226, 384, 524 Allophyli 489 Almadel Arabs 192, 204 Alpharus [Jafar Indus] 347 Alphonsus Cyprius 485 Alverniates v. Guilielmus Parisiensis Amazones 106 Ambrosius 253, 525, 533, 556 Amelech rex 489 Ammianus Marcellinus 404 Ammonius 405 Amon 212 Amonitae 489

* Orthography follows K; in case of different spellings of the same name, the editor refers to the most frequently occuring one, writing the, others in brackets. Names in italics refer to sources never explicitly quoted in the text, but tacitly used by Agrippa and identified in footnotes by the editor.

634

INDEX NOMINUM

Amorrhaei 441, 489 Amos 292 Amphiaraus vates 558 Amphion 322 Anasarchus Abderites 542 Anaxagoras 595 Anaxilaus 104, 178 Anchises 193, 203 Andreas apostolus 266, 292, 504 Angelus Iohannes 354, 357 Anna 566 Annibal 195, 203 Annius Milo v. Milo Anselmus Parmensis 70 Antaeus 596 Antinous 572 Antiochus Eupator 496 Antiochus Soter 221, 495 Antonius eremita 106 Antonius, Marcus 196, 462 Aphri 441-42 Apocalypsis 102, 254, 265, 275, 277, 280, 291, 308, 435-36, 453-54, 455, 469, 470, 471,504, 524, 585, 586-87 Apollonius [Pergaeus] 250 Apollonius Rhodius 163, 224, 431 Apollonius Tyanaeus 88, 133, 174, 199, 200, 207, 227, 234, 431, 499501, 503, 520, 537, 578, 599 Apostoli 144, 280, 414, 504 Appion grammaticus 134 Apuleius 69, 88, 110, 112, 144, 160, 176, 180, 181, 204, 207, 236-37, 258, 276, 287, 341, 391-92, 402, 404-5, 407, 414, 418, 420, 424, 441, 457, 498, 500, 551, 580 Arabes 129, 190, 200, 206, 229, 265, 305, 319, 322, 354, 411,441-42, 454, 482-83, 495, 524, 543, 555 Aratus 357 Arcades 443 Archytas (Architas) 126, 151, 249 Arion Methymnaeus 322 Aristophanes 399 Aristoteles 97, 104, 106, 174, 187, 189, 198, 210-13, 218, 226, 240, 249, 255, 260, 261, 299, 306, 324, 339, 346, 381, 384, 393, 394, 395-96, 443, 512, 531, 552, 563, 581 Aristoxenus 405 Amoldus de Villanova 70, 110 Artaxerses 280 Artephius magus 434

Asaph 287 Ascanius 203 Asclepiades 322 Asclepius 553 Asmundus 529 Assyri 105, 205, 280, 391, 411, 415, 442, 454, 489 Astrologi 85, 285, 298, 446 Asuitus 529 Athanasius 253, 449, 451, 499 Atheneus 205, 258 Athenienses 391, 442, 563, 568, 595 Athenodorus Tharsensis 501 Atheus 554 Atlas 503 Attilius Marcus, consul 203 Augustinus, Aurelius 100, 109, 117, 119, 156, 161, 172, 201, 204, 224-25, 253, 285, 297, 412, 418, 421, 435, 444, 449, 454, 457, 459, 524-25, 53334, 543, 547, 554 Augustus v. Octavianus Aulus Gellius 135-36, 208, 213-14, 221, 249, 273-74, 323, 334, 335 Ausonius 552 Averroes 103, 217 Averrois babylonius 253 Avicebron Maurus 540 Avicenna 108-10, 124, 162, 206, 218, 224-26, 228-29, 384, 467, 468, 524, 540 Aviola, vir consularis 207 Axionae 531

Babylonii 400, 489, 572 Bacchides 212 Bacon Rogerius 70, 174-75, 539 Balaam 279, 549 Balach rex 489 Barptolomaeus (Bartholomaeus) apostolus 266, 292, 504 Bartholomaeus Parmensis 367 Baruc 586 Basilius magnus 253, 457 Battus 174 Beda 98-99, 253, 300-1, 302-3 Beroaldus Philippus 199-200, 260, 273, 275-76, 287, 403-5, 423-24, 536, 565 Bibria rex Ponti 596 Blanca filia ducis Borbonii 363 Bocatius Ioannes 210 Bochus 110 Boeotii 193, 441, 549

INDEX NOMINUM

Boethius, Severinus 250, 252-53, 322, 326, 383, 568, 569 Brachmanes (Bragmani) 400, 405, 565, 567, 575 Brandanus 456 Brigitta 584 Brutus 196 Budda 512

Cabalistae 81, 254^424, 436, 457, 493. V. etiam Hebraei cabalistae Caesar v. Carolus imperator Caesar Augustus v. Octavianus Caesar, C.Iulius 201, 214, 250, 505, 443, 560 Cain 278, 520 Caipha 506 Caius princeps 201 Calabri 559 Caligula 595 Callisthenes 506 Canticum Canticorum 438 Capella v. Martianus Capella Carolus imperator 247 Carolus Magnus 584 Carolus rex Boemiae 226 Carthaginienses 442 Cassiodorus 250 Cassius 196 Castiliensis [Joseph Gikatilla] 282, 437, 439 Cato 239, 597 Celsus 225 Celsus Africanus 239, 434, 499 Cenez 549 Censorinus 339 Chaeremon sacer scriba 500 Chalcidius 324, 449, 458, 556 Chaldaei 79, 88, 305, 345, 352, 395, 400, 411, 420, 464, 482,-83, 538, 540, 543, 569, 575 Chanaan 489 Charmondas 88 Chodorlaomor rex 489 Chorae 287 Chrises 412 Christiani 251, 382 Christus v. Iesus Christus Chrysippus 517 Chyrannides 151, 179, 184 Cicchus Asculus Florentinus 70, 471 Cicero, M. Tullius 92, 120, 187, 188, 189, 193, 195, 196, 201, 202, 203,

635

205, 382, 541, 545, 549, 555, 559, 568, 570, 595-96 Cilices 190 Cippus, rex Italiae 223 Circes (Cyrces) 70, 160, 171, 535 Cirenei 174 Clarii 551 Claudianus 531 Claudius C. 201 Cleanthes 92 Clearchus 530 Clemens [Alexandrinus] 525 Clemens [Romanus] 532 ClichtoveusJodocus252-53, 256, 258, 26162, 265, 269, 271, 276-77, 283, 285, 291, 295-300 Cocles Bartholomaeus 148, 335 Coii 443, 549 Colossenses v. Paulus apostolus Constantinus 106, 495, 584 Corfidius 207 Corinthii v. Paulus apostolus Cornelius sacerdos 214 Costa ben Luca, rabbi 432, 434 Crassus, Marcus 196, 203 Crinitus Petrus 88, 129, 135, 137-38, 140, 158, 187, 198-99, 201-2, 206, 239, 250, 296, 320, 380, 382, 403-4, 415, 417, 424, 441, 551-52, 568 Croesus 222 Crotonienses 190 Crustumenses 442 Cusanus, Nicolaus 444 Cynops 158 Cyprianus 499 Cyprii 416, 542 Cyrillus 584 Cyrus 194 Cytheraei 442

Daedalus 249 Dagobertus 223 Damascenus 489 Damigeron 88 Damus 520 Dani 448, 506 Daniel 110, 265, 279, 288, 410, 413, 427, 450-51,463, 488, 489, 501, 519, 520, 539, 549, 559,564,571,572,584 Dardanus 88 David 279-80, 283, 287-88, 322-23, 341,427, 438, 466, 520, 540-50, 564, 574

636

INDEX NOMINUM

Demarathus Corinthius 191 Demarchus 171 Demetrius philosophus 448 Democritus Abderites 88, 112, 127, 151, 200, 213, 322-23, 562, 570 Desuat 489 Deuteronomium 102, 276-77, 278, 285, 288, 297-98, 409, 420-21, 428, 43941, 443, 449, 450, 489, 586, 598 Dido 170, 192, 523-24, 565 Diodorus 441 Diomedes 250 Dion [Cassius] 552 Dionysius Areopagita 91, 177, 345, 405, 406, 424, 427, 428, 445, 450, 457, 574 Dionysius tyrannus 203, 221 Dioscorides [astrologus] 110, 339 doctores catholici 253, 422 Drusus 530 Duns Scotus v. Scotus, Iohannes Duns

Ecclesiastes 258, 444, 522, 543, 568 Ecclesiasticus 258, 276, 280, 419, 450, 451, 540, 568, 571, 572, 586-87 Eglon 296 Elath 489 Eleazar vernaculus Abrahae 561 Eleazarus 550 Elpenor 523 Empedocles 88, 227, 322, 455 Ennius 417 Enoch 278, 540 Ephesii v. Paulus apostolus Epictetus 190 Epimenides Gnosius Cretensis 209, 549, 569 Equicola Marius 334, 338 Erasmus &>, 67, 72, 105, 193, 207, 209, 222, 249, 400, 530, 596-97 Erichto maga 536 Ericus, Sveciae rex 529 Erisichto 171 Esaias 102, 110, 277, 280, 428, 429, 438, 444, 451, 452, 453, 455, 463, 489-90, 512, 523, 545, 564, 587 Esdras 279-80, 404, 488, 491, 533, 549 Esther v. Hester Eudamus philosophus 174 Eudoxus Gnidius 88, 151 Euripides 417-18, 443, 537 Eusebius Pamphilus 134, 258, 281, 362, 389-91, 403, 405, 416-17, 419,

444, 455, 460, 490, 496-98, 500, 503, 517, 548-49, 575-76, 580, 589-91, 593, 597, 598 Eva 281, 453 Evangelia 65, 95, 102, 277, 280, 285, 291,412, 436, 438, 453, 455-56, 544, 587-88 Evangelistae 589 Evax 110 Exodus 172, 259, 271, 277, 278, 283, 287, 291, 295, 297-98, 328, 428-30, 436, 438, 472, 473, 484, 489, 505-6, 567, 569, 583, 585, 586-88, 592 Ezechias 112, 295, 521 Ezechiel 265, 280, 285, 296, 436, 438, 439, 453, 488, 549, 564, 586-87

Faustinus 424 Felicitas sancta 281 Ficinus Marsilius 65, 85, 89-90, 92, 101, 105, 107-8, 112-14, 116, 118, 121, 124-25, 127-28, 130-35, 137-42, 145, 149-56, 158-59, 165-68, 170, 172-74, 177, 179-81, 185, 187, 210, 212-13, 216-19, 221-22, 225-32, 235- 36, 239, 249, 252, 254, 261, 263, 265, 270, 274, 283, 319-23, 325, 341- 42, 344, 345, 346, 351-53, 358-62, 384-88, 399, 402-3, 409-10, 414, 416-17, 41920, 430-31, 434, 440, 444-48, 450, 463-65, 467, 498, 514, 523-24, 52627, 538, 540-41, 545-48, 550, 553-55, 558, 562-63, 567-69, 573, 575-77, 579, 581, 589 Filimirus rex Gotthorum 503 Firmianus v. Tamucius Firmianus Firmicus Maternus v. Maternus Fotis 160 Franciscus, sanctus 223 Froto 164 Fulgentius 503 Fulvius C. consul 194 Gabienus 207 Galenus 208, 226, 231, Galli 307, 443, 506 Gallus, Vibius 224 Gauricus Pomponius 335 Geber 509, 599-600 Gedeon 298, 549, 561 Genesis 94, 143, 226, 233, 258, 265,

INDEX NOMINUM

269-71, 276-78, 281, 283, 288, 291, 296-98, 328, 428-29, 433, 438, 440, 453, 456, 457, 464, 467-68, 488-89, 502, 507, 510, 511, 516, 519, 523, 559, 561, 583-86, 594 Georgius Franciscus 89-90, 92-94, 96, 99-102, 109-10, 112, 120, 126, 12946, 153-54, 161, 176-77, 179-80, 187, 189, 193, 202-3, 225-26, 228, 231-33, 235, 241,243, 249, 251, 253-54, 256, 258, 260-61, 263-64, 270, 273, 27577, 288, 291, 296, 298-99, 309, 319, 321-22, 324, 326-28, 338, 340-41, 344-46, 385, 388, 391,392, 405, 407, 412-13, 417-20, 422-25, 427, 429, 435-38, 445-46, 449-50, 454-55, 46065, 467-69, 473, 504, 506, 508-10, 512, 514-17, 519, 521, 523, 537, 539, 540, 543, 545-46, 548-49, 555, 56364, 566-67, 570-71, 574-75, 578-79, 581, 594 Germa Babylonicus 88 Germani 307 Geruthus 530 Gigantes 151 Glaucus 207 Gnostici Gog Graecus 88 Golias 279, 288 Gotthi 503, 506 Graeci 79, 104, 105, 193, 243, 265, 274, 302, 320, 400, 421, 428, 454-55, 463, 471, 505, 575, 591 Gregorius Magnus 281, 534 Gregorius Nazanzienus 253, 449, 457 Gregorius Turonensis 209 Guilielmus Parisiensis [Alvemiates] 104, 106, 109, 116, 118-19, 121, 12325, 132, 133-34, 152, 159, 172, 196, 197, 221, 223, 224-25, 251, 370, 413, 434, 444, 445, 446, 460, 539, 573, 574, 577, 579, 582, 591-92 Gyges 175 Gymnosophistae 339, 400, 512, 565, 575

Hadrianus 382 Haly Abenragel 354 Hama, rabbi 432 Harmon Clazomenus 555 Hebraei 79, 80, 126, 174, 241, 242, 251, 254, 265, 276, 288, 304, 374, 382, 391,423, 425-27, 436, 456, 464,

637

472, 482-83, 491, 493, 569, 576, 592. v. etiam Paulus apostolus Hebraei cabalistae 307, 404, 520, 522, 553 Hebraei doctores 96, 296, 423, 440, 471, 553, 577 Hebraei magistri 241, 423, 468, 482, 521, 524 Hebraei mecubales 81, 153, 241, 308, 424, 428, 439, 468, 472 Hebraei patres 469 Hebraei sapientes 400, 489 Hebraei theologi 451, 454, 502-3, 523 Hecuba 203 Heldusii 530 Helena 584 Helenus sacerdos 590 Helias 210, 279, 297, 528, 540, 549, 567, 598 Heliopolitae 442 Helisaeus (Helizaeus) 276, 279, 520, 528, 537 Henina, rabbi 409 Heraclitus Ephesius 118, 345, 420, 421, 554, 570, 578, 579 Heraiscus Aegyptius 197, 550 Hercules 184, 203, 207, 250, 503, 537, 555, 560, 578, 597 Hermannus ab Wyda 74, 247, 399 Hermes Trismegistus 88, 91, 93, 1 ΙΟ­ Ι 1, 129, 145-46, 151, 153, 156, 158, 167, 169, 179, 200, 241,249, 260-61, 343-44, 365, 377, 384-85, 389, 402, 403, 405, 419, 447, 454, 461, 469, 470, 505-7, 510-12, 528, 542-43, 545, 547, 553-54, 563, 568, 576, 581, 582, 599 Hermippus 88 Herodotus 221, 339, 554 Hesiodus 94, 213, 421, 460, 563, 565 Hester 279 Hetrusci 202 Hiarba gymnosophista 249 Hieremias propheta o. Ieremias Hieron Siculus 191, 194 Hieronymus 72, 98, 106, 253, 256, 258, 283, 296, 427, 428, 444, 456, 461, 503, 512, 568 Hierophantae sacerdotes Atheniensium 568 , Hilarius 253, 297 Hildegarda 584 Hippocrates Cous 540

638

INDEX NOMINUM

Hipponax 578 Hircani 442 Homerus 70, 189, 213, 249, 285, 346, 391,399, 412-13, 420, 421, 424, 454, 462-63, 517, 523, 526, 528, 530, 535, 572 Honorius Thebanus 491 Horatius 568 Hormopolitae 443 Huni 503 Hyginus 357 Hyperborei 442 Iacob (Iacobus patriarcha) 226, 278, 288, 296, 298, 426, 453, 464, 466, 488, 549, 559, 584 Iacobus frater Domini 280-81, 466, 598 Iacobus maior apostolus 266, 292, 504, 598 Iacobus minor apostolus 266, 292, 504 Iamblichus 88, 151, 153, 155, 156, 165, 217, 226, 345, 399, 402, 408-9, 415, 419-20, 430, 434, 447, 450, 461, 46465, 497, 551, 574, 575, 578-79, 580, 591 Ianuarius 435 Iarchas Brachmanus 153, 174 Iason 224 Idanthresus rex Gotthorum 503 Ieremias (Hieremias) 280-81,298, 438, 441, 453, 488, 489, 571, 587, 592 Ieroboal o. Gedeon Iesse 283 Iesus Christus 65, 94, 112, 214, 215, 223, 233, 256, 259, 262, 269, 271, 276, 280-81, 283, 285, 288, 291, 29598, 405, 409, 413, 429, 436-37, 439, 456, 461, 473, 485, 490, 499, 503, 513, 521, 525, 532-34, 544, 560, 567, 572, 579, 583, 585-86, 588-89, 595 Iesus filius Nave v. Iosue Iesus filius Sirach v. Ecclesiasticus Illyrici 125, 226 Indi 174, 352, 400, 405, 419, 512, 543, 565, 568, 575 Ioachim 488 Ioachim abbas 253, 584 Ioannes Baptista 226, 281, 296, 460 Ioannes (Iohannes) evangelista 92, 9495, 158, 254, 266, 271, 275, 276, 280, 283, 291, 292, 308, 419, 435-38, 455, 460, 466, 470, 490, 504, 506, 509, 511, 513, 532, 556, 563, 583-86,

595-96. V. etiam Apocalypsis Ioas v. Iacob Iob 102, 148, 279, 345, 346, 444, 451, '490, 522, 586, 594 Iochahis 550 Iohel 292 Iohena(n) rabbi 550, 559 III: 48, 51(2) Ion 213 Ionas 262, 292, 297, 532, 533, 560 Iones 322 Ioseph 296, 427, 549, 559-60, 584 Iosephus Flavius 95, 174, 175, 239, 283, 573 Iosue 110, 112, 279, 288, 291, 427, 441 466, 489, 506, 549, 560, 585-86 Iovinianus 258 Iphigenia 443 Irenaeus 456, 525, 532 Isaac (Isahac) 281, 426, 440, 466, 549, 594 Isaac Iudaeus 110 Isaias v. Esaias Ismael 281 Ismael, rabbi 471, 550 Ismenia Thebanus 322 Israel v. Iacob Itali 307 Iuba 157, 207 ludas Iscariothes 461, 490 ludas Machabaeus 496, 587 Iudaei 95, 283, 413, 537, 592 Iudicum Liber 279, 281, 296, 298, 434, 489, 519, 561, 585, 587 Iudith 598 Iulianus [teurgus] 148 lustinus historicus 190, 192, 194, 195 Iustinus martyr 420-21, 423, 456, 463, 528 Iuvenalis satiricus 163 Ixion 528

Laban 226 Lacedaemones (Lacedaemonii) 193, 203, 265, 442, 559 Lactantius 105, 325, 409, 410, 442, 503, 525, 526, 533 Laelius 192 Laertius, Diogenes 541, 569-70 Lantech 278, 298 Lamia, Lucius 207 Latii 442 Latini 243, 265, 428, 442, 472, 591 Latinus rex 558

INDEX NOMINUM

Lazarelus Lodovicus 507, 511, 513, 514, 553 Lazarus 451 Lesbi 322 Leucades 442 Leupoldus Austriae 347, 354 Levi 453 Levi, rabbi 559 Leviticus 92, 276, 278, 279, 291, 295, 297, 407, 560, 5^6, 593 Lex XII Tabularum 238 Lia 278 Ligures 201 Linus poeta 281, 413 Livia 193 Livius 191, 194-96, 203, 221, 235, 388, 389 Locrenses 190 Lucani 203 Lucanus 70, 160, 200-1, 204, 237, 238, 380, 383, 392, 499, 535-36, 590 Lucas de Sancto Sepulchro [Pacioli] 300, 301 Lucas evangelista 233, 266, 271, 27677, 280-81, 283, 285, 291, 296-97, 299, 412, 413, 437, 439, 449, 451, 455-56, 532, 534, 571, 578, 583, 58588 Lucretius 181, 213, 522, 562 Lycii 205 Lycophron 578 Lydi 175

Macedones 442 Machabaeorum Libri 298, 586, 587, 592 Macrobius 133, 137, 194, 210, 234-35, 255-56, 268, 272-76, 283, 391, 404, 405, 415, 418, 421, 515, 551, 591 Madian 279 Magdalena 412, 466 magi 85, 172, 233, 235, 261, 265, 400, 482, 567, 575, 580, 595-96 Magi (ab Oriente) 65, 584 Magister Historiae v. Vincentius Bellovacensis Magister Sententiarum v. Petrus Lombardus Magnesii 443 Mahumetistae 265, 513, 524 Malachias 292, 460, 586 Manasses 592 Manilius, Marcus 383, 388

639

Manne 549 Marcella 428 Marcellinus v. Ammianus Marcellinus Marcellus, Caius 203 Marcellus, Marius 201 Marcus 459, 598 Marcus Damascenus 209, 226 Marcus evangelista 102, 266, 271, 276, 280, 285, 291, 296-97, 405, 413, 43637, 456, 508, 571, 583, 585-86, 598 Margareta, princeps austriacae 247 Maria [soror Aaron] 279 Maria virgo 280, 297, 592 Marius, Caius 194, 201 Marsi 208 Martha 466 Martianus Capella 255, 257-58, 26061, 268-69, 271, 274, 299, 308-9, 322, 483 Maternus, Firmicus 403, 464, 596 Mathias (Matthias) 266, 292, 504, 560 Matreas 105, 106 Matthaeus evangelista 102, 110, 262, 266, 271, 276-77, 280-81, 283, 285, 291,292, 295, 296-98, 373, 405, 413, 435, 438, 449, 452, 455, 456, 504, 521,532, 533, 543, 571-72, 583, 58586, 588, 598 Mauri 442 Maximilianus Caesar 470 Mechtyndis 584 Mecubales v. Hebraei Mecubales Medea 116, 224, 260, 431 Melampus augur 193, 199 Melchizedec 287 Melesagoras Eleusinus 563 Memmius 562 Memphitae 443 Memphitici vates 88 Menippus Lycius philosophus 501 Mercurius Trismegistus v. Hermes Trismegistus Merlinus britannus vates 503, 584 Meson astrologus 595 Messias v. Iesus Methanenses 183 Metheon astrologus 595 Methodius martyr 209, 584 Metra 171 Michael Scotus v. Scotus Michael Micheas 280, 292 Midas 202, 527 Milesii 442

640

INDEX NOMINUM

Milo, Titus Annius 203 Minos Cretensis 285, 563 Misenus 566 Mithridates 110 Moab 489 Moses (Moyses) 94, 103, 174,259,276, 278, 287, 297, 329, 425, 427-28, 438, 440, 443, 450, 466, 491, 505-6, 511, 529, 540, 549, 560, 569, 567, 586, 592 Moses Cusensis, rabbi 547 Moyses Aegyptius [Maimonides], rab­ bi 208, 434, 489, 539, 550 Musaeus 388, 568-69

Naaman 279 Naboth 524, 528 Nabuchodonosor 279, 584 Namenses 442 Naucratitae 442 Naum 292 Nausistratus 221 Nectanabus 370 Nefesogli 513 Nembroth (Nimbroth) 489 Nero 281 Niceratus Syracusanus 212 Nicocreon, tyrannus Cypriorum 415, 542 Nicodemus 94 Nicolaus Cusanus v Cusanus Nicolaus Nicolaus de Saxo 210 Nicomachus 326 Noe (Nohe, Noah) 106, 269, 283, 329, 426, 549, 583 Norni 442 Norvegi 448, 555 Numa Pompilius 205, 389 Numenius 405 Numeri 102, 278, 279, 291, 295, 297, 428, 430, 435, 489, 502, 528, 549, 560, 577, 586

Obsequens Julius 192, 194, 196, 201 Octavianus (Octavius) Augustus 132, 196, 383, 462, 505-6, 588 Og rex Basan 285, 489 Orestes 443, 517 Origenes 239, 242, 253, 297, 405, 430, 434-35, 441, 444, 447, 454, 456-57, 460, 499, 521, 543, 544 Orpheus Threicius 88, 102, 110, 112, 133, 138-39, 176, 196, 236, 265, 283,

322, 345, 384, 387-88, 390-92, 403, 405, 416-21, 423-24, 431, 434, 457, 458, 527, 553, 558, 568-69, 576, ' 579-81, 588; 590-91 Orphici 400 Orus Apollo 120-121, 122, 123, 133-36, 138-42, 152, 190, 191-95 Oseas 292, 587 Osthanes 88 Othinus rex Gotthorum 506 Otriculani 442 Ovidius Naso 94-95, 98-99, 105, 116, 119, 125, 133, 171, 192, 198, 238-39, 260, 431, 442, 505, 522, 545, 546, 571-72, 573, 574, 588 Palici 207 Palisci 552 Pamphile 160 Panthaeus Augustinus 491 Paphii 442 Paralipomena 143, 279, 298, 452, 489, 587, 592 Paris 203 Parthi 74 Pasiphae 559 Patriarcha 208 Patricius 530 Paulinus 552 Paulus apostolus 66, 102, 103, 109, 177, 256, 409, 413, 422, 435-36, 451, 453, 455, 460, 465, 467-68, 508-11, 520, 521, 540, 543-44, 563, 571, 584-87 Paulus Diaconus 209 Paulus heremita 456 Paulus, Lucius Aemilius 203 Pausanias 95, 106, 183, 205-6, 431, 442, 529, 536, 552, 560-561 Pelenaei 596 Pelias 116 Periclimenus 171 Peripatetici 178, 384, 446 Persae 110, 204, 265, 279, 405, 411, 450, 463, 543, 575 Persius (Satyricus) 185 Petellius, Lucius 201 Petrarca 210 Petrus apostolus 266, 280, 292, 436, 460, 466, 504, 525, 532, 539, 545, 583 Petrus Apponus (de Ebano) 70, 353, 357, 362, 491 Petrus exorcista 539

INDEX NOMINUM

Petrus Lombardus 449 Petrus rex Hispaniarum 363 Phalaris 203 Phalisci 442-43 Phaon 119 Pharao 172, 505, 559, 583-85 Pherecydes syrus 454 Phereus 537 Philinus 210 Philippenses v. Paiflus apostolus Philippus apostolus 266, 292, 504, 539 Philistaei 288 Philo [Iudaeus] 419, 471, 489 Philolaus 227 Philostratus 132, 153, 174, 199, 200, 207, 226,233,249,431,499-500,501, 519-20, 537, 558, 567, 568, 578, 596 Phinees 466 Phoenices 362, 442 Phraotes 568 Phrygii (Phryges) 190, 443 Phut 489 Picatrix Hispanus 70, 184, 319, 347, 354, 358-63, 470 Pictavi 191 Picus Johannes 85, 86, 88, 93, 101, 154, 236, 241-42, 251-54, 258-59, 262, 283, 285, 287, 295-97, 340, 385, 38788, 392-93, 404, 413-14, 419, 423-24, 450, 483-84, 502, 508, 512, 539, 54144, 553, 555-57, 564, 577 Picus Johannes Franciscos 106, 175, 190, 192, 200, 204, 216, 382, 410, 431, 496, 555-56, 559 Pilappi 555 Plato 88-90, 93, 104, 110-12,117, 175, 179, 202, 213, 216, 222, 249, 253, 261, 269, 274, 299, 321, 323, 345, 346, 347, 385, 386, 402, 403, 405, 418-19, 420, 421, 428-30, 440, 445, 448, 453, 503, 505, 514, 524, 537, 539, 540, 546-47, 554-55, 556, 563, 575-76, 589, 591 Platonici 66, 101, 107, 108, 128, 156, 198, 345, 381, 384-86, 400, 413, 418, 448-49, 465, 467, 511, 524, 545, 564 Plinius 88, 92, 94, 99, 104, 106, 109-10, 115-16, 117, 118-22, 123, 124-28, 134-37, 142, 156, 157, 161, 162, 163, 164-66, 171, 173, 175, 178, 179, 18284, 194-96, 198, 200, 201, 203, 2067, 209, 210, 221, 224, 238, 260, 291, 306, 339, 424, 519, 530, 546, 554,

641

555, 569, 596-97 Plinius iunior 500-1 Plotinus 88, 97, 126, 385-86, 405, 419, 444, 500, 510, 511, 521, 554 Plutarchus 93, 123, 135-36, 221, 258, 261, 265, 268, 309, 420, 448, 455, 462, 545, 596 Podalyrius filius Aesculapii 559 Poeni 442 Polidorus Vergilius 191-96, 201, 560 Pollio, Asinius 194, 215 Polybius 106 Polycharmus 205 Pompeius Magnus 250 Pompeius Sextus 192, 214, 536 Pomponatius Petrus 223 Pontanus 98, 224 Ponzettus Ferdinandus 96-97, 128, 173, 179, 189, 212, 218, 223 Porphyrius 88, 134, 166-67, 199, 200, 354, 389, 390-91,403, 405, 407, 41718, 421, 449, 455, 464, 490, 496-98, 500, 535-36, 548-49, 551, 562-63, 566, 568-69, 575, 576, 578, 579, 580, 581, 590-91, 593-94, 597 Portius, M. 203 Posthumius aruspex 201 Praestantius 172 Priscianus 217 Probus, Marcus Valerius 301 Procillus, M.Valerius 560 Proclusplatonicus88, 128, 131, 134-35, 147, 150, 155, 156, 168, 200, 253, 261, 288, 384, 408, 410, 412, 413, 448, 450, 465, 467, 501, 519, 539, 546, 570, 573, 575, 578, 579, 589 Prometheus 163 Propheta v. Psalmi Proteus 171 Proverbia 277, 280, 409, 521, 562, 587 Psalmi 102, 233, 273, 274, 277, 280, 287, 295, 297, 298, 308, 345, 346, 405, 428-29, 435, 436, 438-39, 453, 455-56, 457, 461,468, 472, 499, 5012, 505, 519, 532, 571, 574, 585-87, 594 Psellus jdatonicus 86, 115, 157, 205, 455, 457, 459, 467, 503 Psilli 208 Ptolomaeus 143, 144, 159, 227, 306, 310, 327, 346, 352, 519, 545 Pythagoras 88, 92, 93, 98, 205, 227, 252, 254, 258, 263, 265, 306, 321-23,

642

INDEX NOMINUM

403, 405, 465, 528,547, 554, 570 Pythagorici (Pyhtagorei) 92, 112, 251, 253-54, 258, 260, 263-64, 268, 27172, 275, 283 , 295-96, 306-9, 384, 388, 400, 431, 465, 524, 564-65, 567 Pythias 530 Pythonissa 535-36

Rabanus Maurus 253-54 Rachel 278 Raguel 279 Razielis Liber 129, 143, 166-67, 169, 171 Regum Libri 110, 210, 276, 279, 283, 288, 291, 295, 297-98, 322, 341, 415, 438, 452-53, 455, 489, 519, 524, 528, 535-37, 540, 549-50, 562, 564, 567, 586-87, 592 Reuchlin Johannes 69-70, 85-88, 105, 114, 121, 154-55, 158, 166, 196, 231, 233-34, 240-42, 249, 255, 257, 25960, 263-65, 268-70, 302, 304, 319, 383, 399, 402-3, 407, 412-14, 417-18, 420, 422, 425, 427-32, 434, 452, 455, 460, 471-73, 484, 493, 495, 497, 500, 506, 522, 524, 527-28, 537-38, 546, 554, 563-65, 576, 587-91 Rhodiginus Caelius 74, 85, 93-94, 97-98, 105, 123-24, 174-75, 199, 210, 222, 224-26, 249, 254, 258, 268-70, 283, 300, 308-9, 320, 442, 454-57, 459, 462-65, 512, 521-22, 540, 596 Rhodii 442 Ricius Paulus 287, 425, 435, 437, 44041, 443-44, 452, 471, 524, 546, 550 Robertus Anglicus 70 Romani 79, 93, 105, 187, 200, 214, 234, 380, 442, 505, 592, 595. v. etiam Paulus apostolus Romulus 194, 595 Rufius Ephesius 96 Rufinus 251, 320

Sabini 442 Salmanasar 415 Salomon (Solomon) 175, 239, 277, 280, 287, 291, 298, 409, 427, 466, 471, 522, 549, 562, 564, 586 Samson (Sanson) 279, 281, 426, 520, 585 Samuel 453, 488, 535-36, 550, 562 Sapiens u. Ecclesiasticus et Sapientiae Liber

Sapientiae Liber 100, 249, 261, 307, 400, 543, 544 Sappho 119 Sara 269, 279 Sardanapalus 527 Satyricus v. Persius Saul 323, 341, 549-50, 562 Saxo grammaticus 116, 164, 323, 44748, 506, 529-30 Scotus Ioannes Duns 444-45, 543, 544 Scotus Michael 188-89 Scriptura (Sacrae Literae) 94, 102, 148, 277, 428, 434-35, 438, 444, 455, 464, 468, 472, 488, 506, 508, 510, 523-24, 532, 549-50, 583, 586, 589 Scythae 110, 210, 441-42 Selath 489 Sem 426, 549 Sempronius Graecus 195 Senatorum Liber 409, 550 Seneca 571 Seneca rhetor 224 Serenus Sammonicus [junior] 432 Serenus Samonicus [senior] 234, 235 Servius 198, 205, 457, 458 Servius Tullius 203 Seth 489-90 Sisyphus 527-28 Socrates 405, 465, 467, 540, 549, 554 Solinus 94, 121, 125, 322, 530, 597 Solomon v. Salomon Sophocles 221, 417 Sophonias 292 Soranus, Valerius 423 Statius 206, 555 Stoici 90, 545, 568 Stratonice 221 Suidas 197, 283, 309, 550 Sulla astrologus 595 Sunamitis 537 Sutrini 442 Suetonius 193, 195, 595 Sybilla 214-15, 404, 458, 549, 551 Sybillae 65, 212, 214, 400, 547 Sylla 194, 201 Symeon 453 Symon Chananaeus, apostolus 266, 292, 504 Symon rabbi 471 Synesius 112, 155, 156, 211, 434,556, 557 Syracusani 595 Syrii 442

INDEX NOMINUM

Tacitus 530 Tages Talmud 409, 521, 524, 559 Tantalus 527 Tarnucius Firmianus L. 595 Tarquinius Priscus 191, 203 Tarquinius Superbus 195 Tatius 576 Telchines 125 Templari 158 , Terentianus Maurus 306 Terpander 322, 326 Tertullianus 405, 441, 525, 532 Testamentum Novum 295, 584 Testamentum Vetus (Vetus Lex) 93, 295-96, 298, 468, 584 Teucer Babylonicus 354 Teutones 506 Thadaeus apostolus 266, 292, 504 Thales Milesius 94, 199 Thamaritae 442 Thebith 110, 145, 346, 347, 371 Themistius 253 Theo Smyrnaeus 268, 270, 274-75, 283 Theodoricus 222, 540 Theodotus poeta 405 Theologi 251, 400, 421, 449-50, 452, 454, 457, 459, 470-71, 510, 534, 54344, 575 Theophrastus 106, 110, 210, 322-23, 384-85 Theopompus 405 Thermodonii 442 Thessalonicenses v. Paulus apostolus Thessalides 238 Thomas apostolus 266, 292, 466, 504 Thomas Aquinas 220, 229, 351, 410, 444-45, 457, 465, 523, 534 Thor rex Danorum 506 Tiberius 193, 195, 222, 540 Tibullus 238, 420 Tillo 157, 207 Timaeus Locrus 321 Timotheus [frater Dionysii Areopagi­ tae] 406 Timotheus [medicus Alexandri) 32223, 547 Timotheus v. Paulus apostolus Tindoreus 207

Tobias (Thobias) 195, 277, 279, 451, 459, 549, 571, 572, 598 Tobias junior 426, 451 Tory Geofroy 328, 330, 332-33, 492 Traianus 382, 534 Triballi 125, 226

643

Tritemius Ioannes, abbas 66, 68, 70, 72, 90, 93, 97, 228, 256, 406-7, 411, 470, 491, 599 Troezeni 183, 443 Trogloditae 596 Troiani 443, 549 Tubero Caelius [ = C.Aelius] 207 Tusci 190, 265 Tynnichus C alci densis 213 Tyresias vates 526 Tytius 528 Tzetzes Ioannes 578 Ugarthilocus 530 Ulyssis 160, 171, 523, 526, 528, 53031, 535 Umbri 190 Uria propheta 488

Valerius abbas 98 Valerius Maximus 194 Valerius Probus v. Probus Valerius Procillus v. Procillus Valerius Soranus v. Soranus Varro, Marcus 198, 204, 322, 335, 424 Vergilius 69, 70, 87, 99, 108, 125, 159, 160,163, 170, 171 , 192, 193-94,196, 199, 203, 215, 234, 238, 240, 241, 260, 262, 276, 308, 382, 383, 388, 404, 418, 420-21,457, 458, 506, 52325, 526-27, 528, 537, 539, 558, 56566, 580, 583, 588-90 Verres 382 Vibius Gallus o. Gallus Vibius Vincentius Bellovacensis 278 Vitellius 250 Vitruvius 94, 334 Volsinenses 442

Xanthus historicus 156, 207 Xenocrates 209, 554 Xystus pythagoricus 508, 563

Zacharias Babylonius 110 Zacharias pater Ioannis Baptistae 283 Zacharias propheta 259, 277, 280, 292, 403, 451, 488 Zachla Aegyptius 207 Zalmoxis 88 Zenothemis 110 Zohar 126, 153, 269, 462, 510, 522-23, 577 Zoroastes (Zoroaster) 88, 110, 112, 417, 420, 421, 430, 434, 471, 540, 554, 569, 576, 599

INDEX RERUM

ablutio corporis 564-66 abstinentia 566-68, 598 abstractio animae a corpore 225 admiratio 251, 395' adoratio gradus in sacris 574-75; inte­ rior optima 575, 576; quae requirat 575-77, 583-84; ad solum deum fa­ cienda 576, 583; sacra 588; quomodo fabricanda et eius differentia ab in­ cantamentis 583-84, assidua multum valet 598; in oratione quid optandum 598 adrastia 521 aer quomodo se habeat ad alia elementa 89-90, 118, 154, 328; inter elementa non numeratur ab Hebraeis 96, 242; eius potentia 96-98, 250, 322; quae composita ad eum referantur 99-101; in coelestibus et supercoelestibus quomodo sit 101-3; quibus planetis subsit 138, 140; quae ei conveniant in alphabetorum partitione 242-44, in arithmetica 308, geometria 321, mu­ sica 326-27, et geomantia 367-68; suffumigationibus afficitur 165-66; prognostica praebet 205; ex eius colore physica complexio iudicatur 180; eius angeli 471 aeromantia 205 alastores 471 alchymia, alchymistae 108, 113, 25657, 509, 553 alligationes 172-73, 181-82 alphabeti v. scriptura amicitia rerum quid 117-120 amor erga medicum plurimum confert ad sanitatem 228; dux religionis 412, 414, cur sine oculis describatur 553; tertia persona in Trinitate 420 angeli ministri Dei 110-11, 154, 42527, 435-36, 515, 575; eorum nomina 434-35, 469-71, distinctio 450-52, numerus 449, lingua 467; quomodo elementa in eis sint 102; a charac­ teribus non compelluntur 495-98; hominem corroborant 516; antiquis

patribus familiares 549; quomodo adorandi 583; supercoelestes quomo­ do concilientur 158. V. etiam·, dae­ mones, intelligentiae anima humana, animus diffinitur 514, 553; ad imaginem Dei creata 507-8, imago Verbi et templum Dei 507-8, 566, 568, 579; constat ex mente, ra­ tione, idolo 510-11, 538-42; anima stans et non cadens 542, 544; eius im­ mortalitas vel interitus 542-43; ani­ marum communis origo et distinctio 543-44; animae nobilis quadruplex operatio 544; lumen praesagii ei inest 196, 545-558; miracula operatur per furorem 553, et per votum 575; per verba expanditur in inferiora 597; per quae media iungatur corpori 113, 154, 514-15; eius facultates ad ele­ menta referuntur 100, 341, et eius vires ad planetas 340; eius appetitus triplex 218-19; eius passiones quid 220, quomodo permutent corpus proprium vel alienum 221-227, quando potentissimae 227-229, sen­ suales tanquam morbi expellendae 568-69; eius affectio vehemens est ra­ dix ligationis 229-31, sortium et astrologicarum quaestionum 381; mu­ sica afficitur 322-23, 547; eius consonantia unde 340, corporis con­ sonantiae correspondens 339, 402; virtutes et dispositiones ab angelis et planetis recipit 515-16; animi puritas pedetentim obtinetur 563-77; expiata divina capit 564; post mortem iudi­ catur 515, 523-24; seiuncta a corpore retinet memoriam affectionum 52425; animarum receptacula 525, 53234, 543; iustificata quibus gaudeat 523-24, et quomodo in nos agat 528, 536; innocens, licet extra gratiam de­ cesserit, quibus gaudeat 525-26; damnata quomodo puniatur 523-24, 526-28, immunda an in bruta prae­ cipitetur 522, 528, in corpora hu-

646

INDEX RERUM

mana ingreditur, vel in cadaver suum 528-30, an suffragia ei opitu­ lentur 534; a necromantis quomodo alliciatur 535-37; corpori quomodo restituatur 537 anima mundi rationalis et mentem divinam participans 383-87; regina coeli 441; septenario generata 274; rerum rationes seminales continet 107; mundo connectitur spiritu me­ diante 113; ei obedit materia 109, omnia foecundat 172 animae stellarum rationales mentem­ que divinam participantes 383-87, 440-41; quomodo influant 393-96; eorum nomina 387-89 animalia per elementorum gradus dis­ tinguuntur 99-100; eorum virtutes unde 110-13, 517, et quomodo in­ dagandae 114-16, 119-23; eorum in­ imicitiae quandoque in contactu et in harmonia vocali agunt 128, 324; ar­ tem medicinalem naturaliter habent 120; virtutes eis dupliciter insunt 123-28; ab animalibus viventibus quaecunque colligenda 126-27; eo­ rum virtutes in medicina, magia et religione 106, 110, 115-17, 119-28, 163-65, 168, 173, 175, 182-84, 230, 546-47, 573; animalium quorundam generatio aequivoca 152-53, revivi­ scentia et extasis 157, 207-9; planetis subsunt 129-30, 133, 135-42, signis et stellis fixis 145-47; characteres stel­ larum in ossibus ostendunt, unde spatularia 147-48; animalia fatidica quae et quid portendant in auguriis 189-95; nobis praesagiunt per sen­ sum naturae 196-98; eorum sermo quomodo intelligi possit 199-200; musica provocantur 322, hominem timent 519-20, et ab eius anima affi­ ciuntur 597; tempora observant 596. V. etiam: aves, pisces annuli quidam mirabiles 117; eorum virtus et compositio 174; loci virtute afficiuntur 177; quomodo a coelo pa­ tiantur 351-52; annuli somniorum 373 appetitus in anima triplex 218-19 aqua quomodo se habeat ad alia elementa 89-90, 118, 154, 328; eius potentia 94-96, 259; quae composita

ad eam referantur 99-101; in coelesti­ bus et supercoelestibus quomodo sit 101-3; quibus planetis subsit 134, 137, 140-41; quae ei conveniant in al­ phabetorum partitione 242-44, in arithmetica 308, geometria figuras 321, musica 326-27, et geomantia 367-68; musica provocatur 322; prognostica praebet 204-5; ex eius colore physica complexio iudicatur 180; eius angelus 471; aquae marinae ablutio 573, aqua benedicta effugat malos daemones 592 arbores v. plantae arithmantia 254, 306-8 astrologia divinationi necessaria 37980 auguria v. auspicia auspicia a naturalibus causis depen­ dent 187-88; auguria quae 188-89, et quomodo interpretanda 189-95; ab homine efficacissima 195-96; quomo­ do verificentur 196-99; ab extis capi­ untur 200-2; piacularia quae 201; aruspicina piscium 205 automata 249 aves inter se concordant vel discordant 119, 122; earum naturalis peritia medicinalis 120; planetis subsunt 134, 136, 138-42; earum volatus quo­ modo considerandus et quid porten­ dat 188-89, 190-93; dirae et ferales quae 140, 198-99, ominales quae 190-193, oscivae quae 199; fistulis al­ liciuntur 322. V. etiam: animalia

Bacchus coelestis 387; supercoelestis 403 bilis 121, 212 Bragmanorum habitus et gestus 565, 567 cantus 324-25 capnomantia 206 caput animalis septem foramina habet, planetis distributa 129-30; caput ae­ neum quoddam humana voce loque­ batur 251 carechanae manes 529 carmina v. incantamenta castitas 568 catena aurea 347 causae secundae quae et quomodo agant 109, 111-12, 415

INDEX RERUM

ceremoniae 287, 408, 410 characteres alphabeti v. scriptura characteres spirituum 365, 490-91; a divina revelatione recepti 495-97; quando licitum adhiberi 576; sacri 591 characteres stellarum in inferioribus impressi 147-49; annulis inscribendi 174; quando vjrtutem concipiant 229, 321; a geomantia deducti 374-75, et a similitudine 376-78 chiromantia 148, 187 Christus v. Iesus circulus 184, 319 coeli animati 383-85; instrumenta Dei 435-36, 575; in coelis elementa quomodo sint 101. V. etiam·, stellae colligantia, continuitas, convenien­ tia naturae 153-55 collyria quomodo in corpus alienum agant 169-70; fascinationibus utilissi­ ma 181-82; planetarum quae et quae inducant 182 colores quid 179; planetis, domibus coeli, elementis, humoribus dis­ tribuuntur 179-80; quando magis potentes 180; planetarum 343-44 commixtio, collectio rerum naturali­ um 149-52, 155-56 complexiones 180 conceptus mentis quomodo possit nunciari ad longissimam distantiam 97, est verbum internum 232, 512 confessio sacramentum expiationis 571 congruitas rerum naturalium 153 consecratio et eius efficacia 584-85; quae requirat 585-87; quomodo vir­ tutem praebeat rebus materialibus 591-2; consecratio superstitiosa 587 corpora colestia animata 383-84, 44041, 444; eorum animae rationales et mentem participantes 386-89; eorum radii vivi quae agant in imagines 352. V. etiam: stellae corpus humanum distribuitur planetis 129, signis 130, 294, et numeris 273-74, 287; musica afficitur 323; eius mensurae et proportiones 32939; domicilium animi 339; eius per­ fectio animi perfectionem denotat 339, 402; post mortem cur expian­ dum 522-23; unde repullulascet 126 credulitas necessaria in medicina et

647

magia 228, 411 crux figura omnium potentissima 274, 319-20, 588 currus animae v. vehiculum daemones diffiniuntur 445; an habeant corpora vel sexum 457-59, 468; an sermone utantur 467-68; quomodo sentiant 468; eorum nomina quae 468-71, et quomodo eliciantur 47290. Daemones boni in tria genera dis­ tribuuntur apud magos 445-48, et apud theologos 450-52; quomodo stellis, locis, temporibus adaptentur 447-48; eorum numerus 449; quomo­ do allicientur in magia naturali 15556, 158, 166, et in magia religiosa 497-98, 548; futura portendunt 21315, et quomodo 594; in religione opus implent 497; cur sacri dicantur 587; daemon bonus custos quae agat 45962; triplex est 464-66; daemon Socra­ tis 465, 467, 549. K etiam: angeli, intelligentiae. Daemonum malorum numerus et natura 449, 455-56; eo­ rum ordines 452-54, casus 454-55 et resipiscentia 456-57, hominibus no­ cent 459-61; mali genii 490; cum mulieribus habent commercium 503; quae timeant 92-93, 269, 319, 341, 499-500; quomodo allicientur 15758, convincantur 498-500, alligentur 501-2, et effugentur 592, 597. Dae­ mones adventitii 490 decani υ. facies Deus prima causa effectuum 85, 107-8, 111, 153, 156, 414-15, 516, per intelligentias et stellas in inferiora oper­ atur 111-12, 425-27, 435-36, 515-17; Dei miracula quid et quomodo ad­ discenda 112, 415; quomodo in Deo sint elementa 102-3; eius nomen ubique quadrilitterum 263; primitiae et decimae cur ei reddenda 288; eius prima imago, mundus 155, 507, statua Sol 345, templum animus hu­ manus 508, 563; eius simulacrum Verbum 395, 507; in Deo tres perso­ nae 419-21,422-23; eius nomina 288, 423-27, 427-31, 434-35, membra et vestimenta 437-39, passiones 510; Dei lux in hominem progressus 538; Dei vox ex hebraicarum literarum

648

INDEX RERUM

combinatione patet 242, format hu­ mana verba in magia 242, 512; non negligendus 410; Dei cognitio mago necessaria 414, 415-18, et ad perfec­ tionem voti 575; Deus terminus ex­ tremus adorationis 575 diabolus 445, 449; eius typus Og 285. V. etiam: daemones mali dies aegyptiaci, atri, fausti 592-93 dignificatio 406-8, 585 dii rerum virtutes apud gentes 112, vel Dei attributa 423-24; numeri 308-9, et humana membra eis attribueban­ tur 388-89; eorum nominibus mun­ danae et coelestes animae appella­ bantur 387-88; eorum varietas 424; eorum statuae cur honorandae 589; Iovis Ammonii templum 129, 389, et eius simulacrum apud Lacedaemones 263, 265; oracula deorum apud gentes 551-52; locorum dii tute­ lares 440-41, quomodo evocabantur 234-35; dii mortales 505 dissimilitudo hominis cum coelestibus nocumentum provocat 518-19 divinatio quomodo obtineatur 127, 184, 546-47; eius genera a naturali­ bus causis 187-216; sine astrologia imperfecta 379-80; verissima quae 211 Draconis caput et cauda 362-63 duliae cultus 444

eleemosyna sacramentum expiationis 571, 598 elementa fundamenta corporum 89, 101, in coelestibus et supercoelestibus quomodo sint 101-3; eorum qua­ litates, convenientia et oppositio 8990, 118, 154; iuxta triplicem ratio­ nem considerantur 90-91; eorum mirabilia 91-99; quae in homine eis correspondeant 100-1, 341; genera compositorum ad ea referuntur 99101; ab eis virtutes elementales 1034; planetis distribuuntur 131, 134, 41; 137ex eorum coloribus complex­ iones iudicantur 180; fatales eventus edocent 204-6; quae eis correspon­ deant in alphabeti partitione 242-44, in arithmetica 308, geometria 321, in musica 326-27, et geomantia 367-69; musica gaudent 322, et quae in musi­

ca eis correspondeant 326-27; eorum concentus 328; angelis subsunt 44647, 471 eucharistia 579 Euridees daemones 545 exorcismata 319, 499-500, 548, 590 expiatio aquam et ignem requirit 94; cadaveris 523, 536; per eleemosynam et per sacramenta 571-72; quae materiae ei conferant 573-74; expi­ ationis sacrificium 578; superstitiosa 587 exta 200-2 extasis 208-9

facies signorum Zodiaci 239, 345-57, 446-47 fascinatio quid 112-13, quomodo flat 180- 81, et quomodo adiuvetur 125, 181- 82; hyaenae corium ei resistit 164; umbrae potentia 178, et imagi­ nationis virtus in fascinatione 226; verbis utitur 597 fides virtus omnium praestantior 41113; praedicatur paganis 525; in con­ secratione requiritur 585; constans placat Deum 598; orthodoxa fides 422-23 fiducia in medicum quid operetur 228; in magia cur necessaria 228, 411 figurae coelestes 107-8. Z. etiam: im­ agines. figurae geometricae 319-21; figurae geomanticae 367-69 Filius Dei 418-23 foeminae quaedam aspectu interime­ bant 125, 226; quaedam in mares mutatae 224 fontes mirabiles 95-96, 322; fatidici 205, 552 fortuna quid 381; bene fortunati 229, 465 fulgurum, fulminum auguria 202 furor ab humore melancholico quid 212; divinus diffinitur 545-46, et in quatuor species dividitur 546-553

generatio aequivoca 136, 152-53, 385; monstrosa ab imaginatione 225-26 generatio divina 513 genius unde dinosci possit 463-64; est daemon geniturae 465-66; genius Augusti 462; eius nomen quomodo eliciatur 482-83

INDEX RERUM

geomantia duplex 204, 367-69, sine as­ trologia imperfecta 380 geometria 249-50, 319-21 gestus hominis planetis referuntur 18586 gradus 357 haesitatio vitanda in magia 228, et in religione 411 herbae v. plantae' heroes qui 502-4, et quomodo adorandi 583 hippomanes caruncula 163, 182; virus equarum 163, 178 homo imago mundi 148, 155, 328, 507, et ad imaginem Dei creatus 507-8; Dei templum 507-8, 563; eius digni­ tas 509; cognitio, suiipsius eius perfectio 509; symbolum habet cum omnibus 508-9, 517; magnum mira­ culum 553; eius potentiae Trinitatem repraesentant 510; ab angelis cor­ roboratur 516; eius naturalis vis dominandi animalia per peccatum obtenebratur, per expiationem res­ tauratur 519-20; ei quae potissimum fugienda 570; mundatus a sanguine Iesus 579; eius formatio et compositio 216-19; cur rationalis dictus 231; elementis moderatur 101; planetis respondet 130-31, 185-86; virtutes occultae ei dupliciter insunt 123-28, 153, 226; cur bonorum hominum consortium appetendum 227; quo­ modo alios homines liget 230-31; nul­ lum auspicium efficacius 195-96; eius numerus, binarius 258; musica af­ ficitur 328; forma hominis generatur in quodam artificio 153. V. etiam·. corpus humanum horae planetariae 350-51 hostiae quibus diis sacrificabantur 578, 580 humores elementis conveniunt 100, planetis 131, 134, 137-41, et musicae 326; eorum colores 180; humor melancholicus quid 212-14 hydromantia 204 hymni orphici efficacissimi in magia naturali 236, 393, 424; sacri 590

idea diffinitur 107, virtutis occultae

649

causa 107-8, 110-11 idolum diffinitur 511, 541-42; animae imago post mortem 523-24 Iesus a Sybillis praedictus 214-15; mundavit homines per sanguinem suum 579; eius simulacrum ignis 92, eius typus serpens 485 ignis quomodo se habeat ad alia elementa 89-90, 118, 154, 328; eius potentia 91-93; simulacrum Iesus, daemones fugat 92-93; elementum vincens 256; Deum repraesentat 420-21; quae composita ad eum referantur 99-101; in coelestibus et supercoelestibus quomodo sit 101-3; quibus planetis subsit 131, 139, 142; quae ei correspondeant in alphabeto­ rum partitione 242-44, in arithmetica 308, geometria 321, musica 326-27, et geomantia 367-69; prognostica praebet 205-6; ex eius colore physica complexio iudicatur 180; naphtha trahitur et aproxide herba 119; eius angelus 471; in animas quomodo agat 574; ignes artificiosi 104 illecebrae, illices 112 imaginatio vultu afficitur 185; quomo­ do corpus proprium transformet vel traducat 222-26; in corpus alienum aliquando operatur 185, 223, 225-26; eius virtus 538-40 imagines triplicitatum signorum 352-54, facierum 354-57, graduum 357, stellarum extra Zodiacum 357, planetarum 358-62, Capitis et Cau­ dae Draconis 362-63, mansionum Lunae 363-65, stellarum Beheniarum 365-67; ad similitudinem desi­ derii operantis 369-70; imagines astrologicae 370-73; quomodo a coelo patiantur 351-52, quomodo vivifi­ centur 373; in annulis inscribendae 174; locis afficiuntur 176-77, et affec­ tu animae operantis 229-30; futura praedicentes 251; imagines somnio­ rum 373 imprecationes cur necessariae 240, quae sacrificiis adiungenda 582 incantationes cur efficaces 229-30, quomodo agant 235-36, earum in­ strumentum spiritus 237, earum potentia 237-39; ab orationibus

650

INDEX RERUM

differunt 584; sacrae 590-91 individuum quomodo virtutem par­ ticularem a coelo accipiat 108-9 inedia quomodo perferratur 110, 210, 567 influxus coelestes a materia impediri possunt 108; effectus varios causant 109; natura boni, cur depraventur in subiecto 517-18 inimicitia rerum 117-18, 121-23; in coelestibus quomodo intelligenda 231; in suffumigationibus 167-68 inscriptiones cur necessariae 240 intelligentiae diffiniuntur 445; minis­ trae Dei 102, 110-11, 154, 425-27, 435-36, 517; animam disponunt 515; supercoelestes unicuique regioni at­ tribuuntur 462-63. V. etiam: angeli, daemones invocatio angeli quomodo fabricanda 584 involutiones 172-73 Issim ordo animasticus 502 Iupiter aereus 101; eius amicitiae et in­ imicitiae 118, 231; in mundo sublunari et homine quae regat 129-31, 39, 138142-43, 145-47, 176, 185-86, 547; ad quae conferat 130, 231; eius signacula 148, suffumigatio 168-69, colores 179, 343, litterae 242-44, numeri 307-8, mensula 310-11, 31314, in musica quae regat 325-27; eius distantia ab aliis planetis 327; in magicis operibus quomodo observan­ dus 362, 372-73, eius imagines 359; quibus figuris geomanticis correspondeat 368, eius characteres geomantici 375, et astrologici 377, eius Musa 285, 387, et nomina 390; hu­ manae animae quae influat 340, 515; eius influxus quomodo depravari possint 518. V. etiam: planetae lampades 178-79, 590 lapides per elementorum gradus distin­ guuntur 99-100; eorum virtutes unde 109-13, 517, et quomodo indagandae 118,121; planetis subsunt 133, 135, 137-42, et stellis fixis 145-47; charac­ teres stellarum in eis impressi sunt 147-48; lapidum quorundam, prae­ cipue pretiosorum, virtutes 104, 10910, 117-18, 121, 123, 131-33, 135,

156, 164, 230, 251, 546; verbis affi­ ciuntur 597 lapis philosophorum 256-57 lares 500-1, 527 larvae 500-1, 527, a binario afferuntur 258 lecanomantia 205 lemures 500-1, 527 liberum arbitrium quid 340 ligatio quae et quomodo fiat 158-59, 230; eius radix quae 231, 395; spirit­ uum 502 linguae a Deo divisae, diversos scrip­ turae characteres receperunt 241; hebraica lingua, prima et excellentior 242, 304; lingua angelorum 467; lin­ guae deorum 596. V. etiam: scriptura literae alphabeti v. scriptura; divinae v. characteres stellarum; hieroglyphicae v. characteres spirituum loca virtute sua res afficiunt 175-77; quae planetis appropriata 176-77; locorum quorundam mirabilia 251, 322, 595-97; loca fatidica 206, 530, 552, 561; teterrima quae 530-31; for­ tunata quomodo scrutanda 594-95; locorum dii tutelares 441-43, quomo­ do evocabantur in obsidione 234-35 logos quid 231-32 lumen, lux diffinitur 177, quomodo a Deo propagetur 177-78, 538; lumina artificialia 178 Luna terrea 101; stellarum foecundissima uxor 345-47; eius amicitiae et in­ imicitiae 118; in mundo sublunari et homine quae regat 129-30, 134-36, 142-47, 176, 186-87, 546; ad quae conferat 130, 231; eius signacula 149, suffumigatio 168-69, colores 180, 344, litterae 242-44, numeri 275, 291, 296, 307-9, mensula 312, 314, 318; in musica quae regat 325-27, eius distantia ab aliis planetis 327-28; in magicis operibus quomodo obser­ vanda 162, 167, 174, 342-43, 347, 353, 359, 362, 370-73; eius imagines 364; quibus figuris geomanticis correspondeat 367, eius characteres geomantici 375, et astrologici 377, et mansiones 296, 347-50, 363-65; eius Musa 285, 387, et nomina 392-93; humanae animae quae influat 340, 515; eius influxus quomodo depra-

INDEX RERUM

vari possint 519; quando effacaciora reddit somnia 211; praestigium quoddam per Lunam 98. V. etiam: planetae lu· os 126 lychni 178-79 Magi Christum natum cognoverunt 65 magia olim sacra 65, cur proscripta sit 68-70; utilia docet 65-66; miracula Dei non attingit 112; triplex 85, 88-89; cur philosophiae consumma­ tio 86, 88-89; a quibus illustrata 88; per aenigmata tradenda 599; natura­ lis, in cognitione elementorum fun­ datur 90, 91, 321, unde emanet 154, quomodo occulta attrahat 156; mathematica mirabilia producit 250, quomodo operetur in coelestia 39496; religiosa, quae 402, silentium re­ quirit 403, mala prohibere potest 519, eius forma ab anima stante est 544, a Dei vox dependet 242, 512, cognitio Dei requirit 415, et suiipsius 230, 509 maleficae, malefici, maleficia 158, 184, 226 malum ex mala dispositione recipientis provenit 517-18; a mago potest pro­ hiberi 519 manes 501, 525, 529-30 mansiones Lunae 296, 343, 347-50, 363-65, 470 Mars igneus 101; eius amicitiae et in­ imicitiae 118, 231; in mundo sublunari et homine quae regat 129-31, 40, 139142-47, 176, 186, 198, 547; ad quae conferat 130, 231; eius sig­ nacula 149, suffumigatio 168-69, colores 179, 342, collyria 182, litterae 242-44, numeri 307-9, mensula 311, 313, 315; in musica quae regat 325-27, eius distantia ab aliis planetis 327; cum eo Sol quid excitet 346; in magicis operibus quomodo observan­ dus 342-43, 359, 363, 371; eius im­ agines 360; quibus figuris geomanti­ cis correspondeat 368-69, eius characteres geomantici 375, et astrologici 377, eius Musa 285, 387, et nomina 390; in genesi ad quae con­ ferat 409; humanae animae quae in­ fluat 340, 515; eius influxus quomo­

651

do depravari possint 518. V. etiam: planetae materia obedit ad animam mundi 109, 153, et a coelo disponitur 111; inabilis influxus coelestes potest impedire 108; opportune parata influxum potentissimum suscipit 149, 152, 352; arte fabricata, minus disposita 251 mathematica quae doceat 87; cur mago necessaria 89, 249; ex ea miranda multa perpetrantur 249; suscipit vir­ tutes coelestes 251 melancholici divinatores, poetae et sapientes 171, 212-13, 527, 539, 563 membra hominis planetis accomodantur 129, 282, 294, et diis 388-89; membra Dei quid 437-39 mens incorporea, natura gemina 218; per fidem multa operatur 227-28, 413-14; praemium a Deo 241, 542-43; quomodo excolatur 414; Deo unitur 509; portio superior 511, post mortem expers poena 511, 522-23; supra fatum in providentia, immor­ talis 540, 542, sola religio ei medetur 540; non omnes eam adepti sunt 542-43 menstruum 136, 153, 161-63, 573 mensulae planetarum 310-18 Mercurius aqueus 101; eius amicitiae et inimicitiae 118; in mundo sublunari et homine quae regat 129-30, 141-47, 176, 186, 546-47; ad quae conferat 130, 231; eius signacula 149, suffumigatio 168-69, colores 180, 344, litterae 242-44, numeri 269, 307-9, mensula 312-13, 317; in musi­ ca quae regat 325-27, eius distantia ab aliis planetis 327; in magicis operi­ bus quomodo observandus 342, 358-59, 373; eius imagines 363, qui­ bus figuris geomanticis correspon­ deat 367-68, eius characteres ge­ omantici 374, et astrologici 377, eius Musa 285, 387, et nomina 391; in genesi ad quae conferat 409; human­ ae animae quae influat 340, 515; eius influxus quomodo depravari possint 518. V. etiam: planetae meretricis audacia quomodo aliis transfundatur 117, cum oliva dissen­ sio 123, 573

652

INDEX RERUM

metalla per elementorum gradus dis­ tinguuntur 99-100; eorum virtutes unde 109-113, 517; planetis dis­ tribuuntur 131, 134, 137-41; verbis afficiuntur 597 metoposcopia 187 Michael arcangelus sublimioris mundi sacerdos 577 microcosmus 328, 507 miracula Dei quae 112; quaedam, ex mathematica producta 250-51; men­ tis, per eius intentionem 227, et per religionem 413-14; animae, per furo­ rem 553, per vota 575, per verba 591 monachorum occursus ominosus 196 morbi quidam per magiam naturalem inducuntur vel curantur 104, 124, 126-27, 175-76, 182-83, 239, 254 mors nomen vanum in mundo 507; hominibus fatalis 514-15, 521; quid de homine post mortem 521-34; mors osculi 577 mortuorum reviviscentia 156-57, 206-8, et suscitatio 537; eorum cor­ pora cur a daemonibus sublata 530; eorum animae quomodo revocari putabantur 535 munditia quomodo observanda 564-66, 593 mundus triplex est 85; rationale et im­ mortale 383-87, 507; imago Dei 155, 506-7; mundi imago homo 155, 507; eius plagae planetis subiacent 177, et angelis 471 Musae novem sphaeris accommodan­ tur 285, 309, 387, 546; quae in musi­ ca regant 326-27; regibus adsistunt 462; furorem tribuunt 546 musica 321-23, 326, 328, 341, 394-95 mysterium 588 natura media, quae 91, 154; cur maga 154; eius colligantia et continuitas 155; quomodo planetas sequatur 142-43 necessitas quid 111 necromantia diffinitur 536 necyomantia necromantiae species 536 nomina cur in magia potentes 232-34, et cur non traducenda 242; annulis adiungenda 174, stellarum invocan­ da 236. Nomina Dei vel attributa decem 288, 424-27, 427-31, 434-35,

invocata mira efficiunt 591. Nomen Iesus 436. Nomina angelorum 46973, 481, 483-84 et malorum spiri­ tuum 471, 483-84, unde extrahantur 469, 472-73, 482, 488-89; nominum calculatoria ars 483-87. Nomina spi­ rituum coelestium 469-71. Nomina fausta et nominis mutatio 463-64, 595. Nomina mensium a nominibus principum 505-6 notamina 561 notariacon 304 numerationes 423-27 numeri cur potentes 251-52, 254-55; formales et materiales distinguuntur 253-54; simplices, denarii, cente­ narii, millenarii quid significent 255; eorum supputatio in scriptura hebraica 241-42; extensi, collecti, integrales, quomodo eliciantur 243; prognosticatio per numeros nomi­ num 255, 306-8; eorum veritas a Deo 307-8; ab unitate ad millenarium de­ terminantur cum scalis 255-99; eo­ rum gesticulationes 299-302, et notae in alphabetis 301-7; quibus elementis et diis dicati 308-9; numeri ex huma­ nis articulis reperti 328-29 numina mundana quomodo alliciantur 158. V. etiam·, dii oblatio rem sanctificat 580, 587 observationes naturales 182; coelestes 341-45, 350-51; sacrae 589-90 oculorum vis 125, 181, 226 odoratus 100, 217, 594 omina 561 optica 97-98, 250 oracula quomodo provocentur 110, 156, 546-47; divina quae 545, et quae requirant 562; oracula deorum apud gentes 547, 551-52 oratio ad stellas quomodo componenda 235-37; retrograde prolata effectus insolitos movet 237; oratio ad Deum, v. adoratio ostenta 202

partus quomodo adiuvetur 127, 128, 182, 184, 254, 296; partus virginalis 512-13 passiones quomodo infundantur 115, 172-73, 175, 182; ex voluntate depra-

INDEX RERUM

vata octo 219; passiones animi quid 220, mortem nonnunquam inferunt 221- 22, morbos inferunt vel curant 222- 23, nonnunquam operantur ex­ tra se 225-26; a coelo adiuvantur 227; passionis excessus efficacia per simi­ litudinem 114-15, et imaginationem 229-30; passiones tanquam animi morbi abiciendae 568-69 peccatum diffinitur 518, 520 pentagonus 319 perspectiva 250, 321 phantasia vel intellectus phantasticus quid 217-18, quomodo corpus proprium permutet 221; musica af­ ficitur 324; phantasia, virtus in idolo 541; in somnio prophetico 557 philosophia triplex 86 physica quae doceat 86-87, cur mago necessaria 89 physiognomi, physiognonomia 187, 298 pisces inter se concordant vel discor­ dant 119, 122; planetis subsunt 134, 136, 138-42; eis praesident Pisces 144; piscium aruspicina 205; fossiles 106. V. etiam·, animalia planetae iuxta elementa distinguuntur 101; eorum amicitiae et inimicitiae 118; inimicitia quomodo interpretan­ da 231; res inferiores eis subsunt 128, 198; instrumenta Dei 425-27, 43536, 515, 575, et gradus in attractione superiorum 546-48; quae regant in mundo sublunari et homine 129-47, 176-77, 179-80, 185-86, 198, 231, in alphabetorum partitione 242-44, in arithmetica 256-59, 261-62, 266, 268-72, 275, 277, 281-82, 284-86, 289, 291, 296, 307-9, in musica 325-27, in geomantia 367-69; eorum signacula 147-49, suffumigationes 168-69, mensulae 310-18, colores 343-44; ex eorum distantia coelestis concentus 327-28; in magico opere quomodo observandi 341-42, 342-43, 370-73; eorum horae quomodo eli­ ciantur 350-51; stellae fixae ab eis naturam mutuantur 343-45; triplicitatum effectus ab eis causantur 35254; planetarum imagines 358-62, characteres geomantici 374-75, et astrologici 377; animas habent, qua­

653

rum virtus duplex 383-89, 579; Mu­ sae eis accommodantur 285, 387, 546; eorum nomina in magia neces­ saria 389-93; humanae animae vires eis correspondent 340; eis daemones praesunt 446-47, 469-70; quas vir­ tutes in homines diffundant 515-16; eorum influxus quomodo depravari possint 518-19. V. etiam·, stellae plantae, arbores, herbae per elemen­ torum gradus distinguuntur 99-100; earum virtutes unde 110-13, 517, et quomodo indagandae 119-21, 123, 125; virtutes eis dupliciter insunt 124-28; avulsae et arefactae, virtu­ tem retinent 128; planetis subsunt 133, 135, 137-43, 145-47, signis et stellis fixis 145-47; characteres stella­ rum in iuncturis ostendunt 147-48; earum virtutes in medicina, magia et religione 104, 110, 116, 119-23, 125, 130, 132, 152, 156, 164, 172-73, 176, 185, 254, 546, 573; herbis quibus­ dam vita restituitur 157, 207; virtuti­ bus loci afficiuntur 176; potentes in veneficiis 162-64, suffumigationibus 166-67, 168-69, collyriis 171, lam­ padibus 179, speculis 250, involu­ tionibus 173, annulis 174, et incanta­ tionibus 237; in herbis colligendis quid observandum 184, 240; tem­ pora observant 596; verbis afficiun­ tur 597 poenitentia voluntaria, potior pars purgationum 571 pontifices deorum complices 505-6; Romani pontificis benedictiones 592 populi somniorum 527 portenta 202-3 praesagia 189-95 praescientia 545 praestigia 97-98 principes deorum complices 505-6 prodigia 202-3 prognostica moribundorum 216; per numeros nominum 254 prophetia naturalis per numeros habetur 253; divina quibusdam ar­ tificiis adiuvatur 551-52 provinciae planetis et signis distributae 143-44, et supercoelestibus intelligentiis 462-63 purgatio 576

654

INDEX RERUM

pyromantia 205-6 Pythones 545 quinta essentia 154 raptus 554-55 ratio enunciativa quae 231-32; ratio vel spiritus rationalis 510-12; ab errore non immunis 538; libera sui iuris 541; eius iudicio animus afficitur 542; longaeva 542 rationes seminales 107 regeneratio spiritualis sine aqua non fit 94 reges deorum complices 505-6, 462 religio quid 409, et cur in magia neces­ saria 402, 414-15; silentium requirit 403, et fidem 411; eius ritus diversi 410; eius duces, virtutes theologales 412-13; efficaciam a daemone nancis­ citur 497; ea sola menti medetur 540; sine sapientia non est probanda 562; docet purgationem animi 562, et ani­ mam curat 564; quid proprie sonet 593 reliquiae sanctorum 536 res naturales in Deo locum habent 111, ad animum humanum naturaliter obediunt 229-30, tempora observant 596; artificiales a coelo patiuntur 351-52, unde mirabiles effectus 59697; abstractae virtutem coelestem suscipiunt 251; materiales virtutem concipiunt a consecratione 591-92 retaliatio 521 reviviscentia 156-57, 206-8, 537 ritus religionum, diversi 410; sacri 589-90

sacerdotes 578, 590 sacra 561, 587-90 sacrificium diffinitur 577; sacrificio­ rum genera 577-79; sacrificium ve­ rum duplex 579; medela animarum 579; medium naturale 581-82; quae imprecationes ei adiungendae 582; ad stellas, cur claves elementorum dicantur 580-81 sal res sibi assimilat 114; benedictus 592 sancti nobis sua munera impartiuntur 504 sanctificatio 585

sanguis Iesus perfecte hominem mun­ dat 579 sapientia sine religione non est pro­ banda 562 sapores planetis distribuuntur 131, 134, 137-41 Saturnus aqueus 101; melancholiae et praesagiorum auctor 212; eius ami­ citiae et inimictiae 118, 231; in mun­ do sublunari et homine quae regat 129-31, 137-38, 142-43, 145-47, 176, 185-86, 198, 547-48; ad quae confer­ at 130, 231; infoelicissimus in auspi­ ciis 258; Saturni sanguis quid 164; eius signacula 148, suffumigatio 16869, collyria 182, colores 179, 343, lit­ terae 242-44, numeri 275, 307-9, mensula 310, 313-14; in musica quae regat 325-27; eius distantia ab aliis planetis 328; in magicis operibus quomodo observandus 173, 251,34244, 362, 373; cum eo coniunctus Sol quid excitet 346; eius imagines 35859; quibus figuris geomanticis correspondeat 368; eius characteres geomantici 375, et astrologici 377; eius Musa 285, 387, et nomina 38990; in genesi ad quae conferat 407; humanae animae quae influat 340, 515; eius influxus quomodo depra­ vari possint 518. V. etiam·, planetae satyri 106 scalae numerorum 257, 259, 262, 266-68, 270, 272, 282, 284, 286, 289-90, 292-94 Schemhamphorae 473 scriptura quid et quae eius utilitas in magia 240; retrograde scripta, insoli­ tos effectus provocat 237; scriptura­ rum characteres diversi trifariam dividuntur 241, et signis, planetis, elementis distribuuntur 243-44; qui numeri ex eis eliciantur 243, et denotentur 301-5, 307-8; hebraica scriptura sanctissima 241; eius characteres efficacissimi 241-43, ex ea characteres spirituum 491-94; scriptura Malachim 374, 491; scrip­ tura coelestis et transitus fluvii 491-2 scyomantia necromantiae species 536 secretum cur observandum in magia et religione 72, 403-6 semidei, semones 448, 502-4

INDEX RERUM

sensus elementis dispartiuntur 100-1, 216-17; interiores quatuor 217, quo­ rum organa in capite 218 sensus naturae lumen prophetiae natu­ ralis 196-98, 539; virtus in idolo 541 sephirot 424-27 series naturae 153-55 sermo quid 324; eius officium 240, et organa 218; cur efficax 220-30, 235; praemium immortalitatis a Deo, in linguas divisus 241, 511-12; sacri 590, cur observandi 597 sigilla 351-52; consecrata 591-92 signa Zodiaci iuxta elementa distin­ guuntur 101; quae regant in mundo sublunari et homine 129-30, 143-45, in alphabetorum partitione 242-44, in arithmantia 307, in geomantia 367-69; eorum suffumigationes 169, et characteres 377; triplicitates ad quae conferant 352-54; facierum im­ agines et effectus 354-57; in magicis operibus quomodo observanda 177, 358-62, 370-73; eorum animarum nomina 388; eis angeli praesunt 291, 446-47, 470, 488 signacula stellarum 147-49; sacra 432-33, 591 silentium cur necessarium in religione et magia 403, 575 similitudo in rebus naturalibus quid 114-16, 151; in coniecturis trans­ ferenda 199; in vivificatione 207, et sacrificiis observanda 581 simpathia 154, 156, 393 Sol igneus 101; imago Dei, praestantissimus 345-46; eius amicitiae et in­ imicitiae 118; in mundo sublunari et homine quae regat 128-34, 142-47, 176, 186, 547; ad quae conferat 130, 231; aliis planetis coniunctus quid ex­ citet 346; eius influxus quomodo alli­ ciendus 150, 396; eius signacula 147, 149, suffumigatio 168-69, colores 179-80, 343, litterae 242-44, numeri 307-9, mensula 311, 311, 315; in musica quae regat 325-27, eius dis­ tantia ab aliis planetis 327; in magicis operibus quomodo observandus 127, 162, 167, 173, 176, 182, 342-43, 353, 359, 370, 373; eius imagines 361, quibus figuris geomanticis correspondeat 368, eius characteres geo-

655

mantici 375, et astrologici 377, eius Musa 285, 387, et nomina 390-91; in genesi ad quae conferat 407; hu­ manae animae quae influat 340, 515; eius influxus quomodo depravari possint 518; per Solem artificia 9798. V. etiam·, planetae solitudo 569-70 somni diuturni exempla 209, 569-70 somnium ab aere causatur 96; quid et quomodo interpretandum 210-11; efficacissimum quod 211; somniorum imago et annuli 373; somnium pro­ pheticum diffinitur 556, quae re­ quirat 557-60, in quatuor genera dividitur 559-60 sonus 323-25 sortes 381-82, 560-62 spatularia divinationis species 147-48 species quomodo virtutem occultam recipiat 104-5 specula 97, 250, 321, 351-52 spes ad salutem efficax 228; dux religio­ nis 412 spiritus medium inter animam et cor­ pus 113, 154, 514-15; quomodo af­ ficiatur suffumigationibus 165, col­ lyriis et unguentis 170; fascinationis instrumentum 180-81, et incantatio­ num 237; in somnio prophetico 557 spiritus mundi quid et quibus maxime infundatur 113, 384 Spiritus sanctus qui numeri ei at­ tribuuntur 277, 297; tertia persona in Trinitate 420, 422-23 statuae animatae 156, et futura praenunciantes 158, ex mathematica pro­ ducta 249 stellae instrumenta Dei 111-12, 42527, 435-36, 515-16, 575; virtutem oc­ cultam propagant 107, 109, 11, 11314, 31; earum virtutes 149-55, et dae­ mones pedissequi quomodo alliciantur 155-56; prima lux in stellis quid fiat 178; earum carmina quomodo componenda 235-37; quando crucem constituant 320; earum motus et tem­ pora observanda 350-51; radii ani­ mati 352; in divinationibus scrutan­ dae, ut causae et signa 379-80; sortes dirigunt 382; animatae et rationales 383-87, 579; quomodo moveantur ad effectum 394-96, et quomodo ado-

656

INDEX RERUM

randae 579-80, 583; daemones eis praesunt 446-47. V. etiam·, planetae, stellae fixae stellae fixae planetarum naturam sortiuntur 343-45; lucidi­ ores et Beheniae quae et quibus praesint 145-47, et earum naturae, imagines, effectus 365-67, et charac­ teres 377-78; stellae fixae extra Zodi­ acum quae, ad quae conferant 357, et quibus rebus praesideant 144 suffragia an damnatis opitulentur 534 suffucatio 208 suffumigationes in magia naturali 165-68, planetis et signis accomodantur 168-69, quae potentissima 169; annulis adiungendae 174, et imagini­ bus mansionum 363-65; in magia religiosa 546, quando licitum ad­ hiberi 576, et ad quae conferant 594 superstitio 409-10, 502, 587 suspensiones 172-73 Sybillae magae, de Christo vaticinatae sunt 65, 214-15; quomodo vaticina­ bantur 547, 551 syncopis 555

temperantia 567-68 tempora observanda in magia naturali 115, et in magia religiosa 592-93, 595-96 terra quomodo se habeat ad tilia elementa 89-90, 118, 154, 328; eius potentia 93, 259; quae composita ad eam referantur 99-101; in coelestibus et supercoelestibus quomodo sit 101-3; quibus planetis subsit 134, 137, 142; quae ei conveniant in al­ phabetorum partitione 242-44, in arithmetica 308, geometria 321, musica 326-27, et geomantia 367-69; musica provocatur 322; prognostica praebet, unde duplex geomantia 204, 367-69, eius angelus 471 terriculamenta 258, 527 tesserae prenestinae 380 tetragrammaton nomen Dei 263 theologia quae doceat et cur mago necessaria 87-89 transfiguratio 540 Trinitas 418-22, 422-23, 510 triplicitates signorum 102, 352-54

umbrae inferorum a synochitide edu­

cuntur 110; infirmi umbrae potentia 178; hyaenae umbra 125, 178 unguenta 169-70, 181-82

vacatio 545 vapores quomodo corpus afficiantur 167 varietas 151 vaticinium diffinitur 545; suffumiga­ tiones requirit 165; per literas 243; vaticinia moribundorum 556 vegetabilia v. plantae vehiculum aethereum 511, 514, 523, 539 veneficia 159-65, 184 ventus quid 98-99; eius flatu equae concipiunt 119; ventorum angeli 471 Venus aerea 101; eius amicitiae et ini­ micitiae 118, 231; in mundo sublunari et homine quae regat 129-30, 140-47, 176, 186, 198, 547; ad quae conferat 130, 231; eius signacula 149, suffumigatio 168-69, colores 180, 343, collyria 182, litterae 242-44, numeri 307-9, mensula 311-13, 316; in musica quae regat 325-27, eius dis­ tantia ab aliis planetis 327, in magicis operibus quomodo observanda 374; eius imagines 362; quibus figuris geomanticis correspondeat 368; eius characteres geomantici 375, et astro­ logici 377, eius Musa 285, 387, et nomina 391-92; humanae animae quae influat 340, 515; eius influxus quomodo depravari possint 518. V. etiam·, planetae verbum duplex 232, 512; cur medium sit 232; maioris efficaciae quod 232; retrograde prolatum insolitos effectus producit 23 7; in magia est vis natura­ lis 394-95, a Dei voce 242, 512; ver­ borum vis 431-32, 434, et cur obser­ vanda 591, 597 Verbum simulacrum Dei 395, Filius Dei 419, vera eius imago 507 vestimenta Dei 438-39 vincula spirituum triplicia 501-2 virtutes elementares quae 103-4. Vir­ tutes coelestes quomodo alliciantur 149-50, 152. Virtutes occultae diffi­ niuntur 104-6, 108; unde proveniant et per quae media infundantur 10713, 517, secundum receptibilium di-

INDEX RERUM

versitatem 126; indagantur experien­ tia 114, 126, a similitudine 115-16, vel per amicitiam et inimicitiam 117; rebus insunt dupliciter 123-28; quae­ dam transfunduntur in alias res 116-17, quaedam post mortem per­ manent 128; quando fortiores 341. visus collyriis afficitur 170 vox spiritus animatus 324, in eo est vir­ tus ad coelestia lapienda 323-24; eius organa 218; cur et quando efficaciam

657

habeat in magia 233, 242, 512; voces in musica planetis et elementis con­ veniunt 325-27; voces sacrae 590. Vox Dei 242, 512 voluntas quid 219 votum 575-76, 587 vultus 185 Ziruph tabulae 473 Zodiacus 275, 296, 347. V. etiam: signa

INDEX OF MODERN AUTHORS Allen, Philip S. 9n Antonioli, Roland 6n Aquilecchia, Giovanni 52n

Nauert, CharlesG. jr. ln,2n,5n,6n, 8n, 1 In, 14n, 21n Newman, William 37n Nowotny, Karl A. 10η, 12n, 32n, 33n, 37, 50, 51n

Backus, Irena 49n Bene, Charles 6n Biel man, Josef 12n Bowen, Barbara C. 50n Bullotta Barracco, Helda 4n

Paganini, Gianni 14n Panofsky, Erwin 13n Panzer, Georg W. 51n Perrone Compagni, Vittoria 14n, 21n, 32n, 36n, 40n Pingree, David 40n Popkin, Richard H. 12n Prost, Auguste In, 2n, 5n, 8n, 10η, 12n, 33n

Calder I.R.F. 33n Canziani, Guido 14n Cassirer, Ernst 12n Cigliana, Simona 16n Clement, David 51n Couliano, Ioan P. 16n

Debus, Allen G. 5n Duplessis D’Argentre, Charles

8n

Ferguson, John 2n Formichetti, G. 16n Fraenkel, Peter 6n

Garin, Eugenio

4n, 35n

Handwerker, Otto 5In Haydn, Hiram 12n Jammy, Pierre

24n

Keefer, Michael H. Un, 47n, 48n, 49, 50n Kieszkowsky, Bodhan 34 Klein, Robert 43n Klibansky, Raymond 13n Korkowsky, E. 50n

Rhodes, Dennis E. 52n Rotondd, Antonio 40n Saxl, Fritz 13n Schmidt, Albert M. 44n Schneider, Gerhard 44n Scholem, Gershom G. 33n, 43n Secret, Francois 36n, 41n, 42n Spitz, Lewis W. 14n

Thibaudet, Albert 33n Thorndike, Lynn 16n, 21n, 25, 33n Took, John 52n

Varrentrapp, Conrad 9n Vasoli, Cesare 36n, 38n Williams, George H. 44n Wirszubsky, Chaim 18n, 35n Wirth, Jean 6n, 44n Wyckoff, Dorothy 24n

Lefranc, Abel 12n Lepschy, Anna L. 52n

Yates, Frances A.

Maillard, Jean-Francois 36n Merkel, Ingrid 5n Meyer, Hans 12n Miiller-Jahncke, Wolf-Dieter 13n, 32n

Zambelli, Paola 2n, 4n, 5n, 8n, 9n, 10η, 11, 12n, 13n, 14n, 21n, 35n, 40n, 44n, 45n, 49n Zika, Chajles 18n, 30n

12n, 14n, 36n

Studies in the History of Christian Thought EDITED BY HEIKO A. OBERMAN

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 36. 37. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49.

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