Buddhism and Tales of the Supernatural in Early Medieval China: A Study of Liu Yiqing's (403-444) Youming Lu 9004277277, 9789004277274

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i Buddhism and Tales of the Supernatural in Early Medieval China

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/9789004277847_001

ii

Sinica Leidensia Edited by Barend J. ter Haar Maghiel van Crevel

In co-operation with P.K. Bol, D.R. Knechtges, E.S. Rawski, W.L. Idema, H.T. Zurndorfer

VOLUME 114

The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/sinl

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Buddhism and Tales of the Supernatural in Early Medieval China A Study of Liu Yiqing’s (403–444) Youming lu

By

Zhenjun Zhang

LEIDEN | BOSTON

iv Cover illustration: Yama: the Fifth Court King of Hell (by Jiang Yizi). Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Zhang, Zhenjun, author. Buddhism and tales of the supernatural in early medieval China : a study of Liu Yiqing’s (403-444) Youming lu / by Zhenjun Zhang. pages cm. -- (Sinica Leidensia, ISSN 0169-9563 ; volume 114) Revised version of the author’s dissertation (University of Wisconsin-Madison, 2007). Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-90-04-27727-4 (hardback : alk. paper) -- ISBN 978-90-04-27784-7 (e-book) 1. Liu, Yiqing, 403-444. You ming lu. 2. Buddhism--China--History. 3. Buddhist literature, Chinese--History and criticism. 4. Supernatural. I. Title. II. Title: Study of Liu Yiqing’s (403-444) Youming lu. BQ636.Z44 2014 895.13’24--dc23 2014018091

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Contents Contents

Contents Acknowledgements vii A List of Abbreviations ix Introduction 1 1 Liu Yiqing’s World and the Youming lu 20 Liu Yiqing’s Life and Works 20 Youming lu: Its Title, Compilation, and Authorship 44 The Transmission and Recompilation of the Youming lu 50 Guxiaoshuo gouchen Edition and Its Influence on Later Editions and Related Scholarship 54 2 Background of the Buddhist Coloring in the Youming lu 61 Social and Religious Backgrounds 61 Literary Background 73 Conclusion 81 3 Historical Thematic Changes under the Impact of Buddhism in Early Medieval China as Seen in the Youming lu 82 From Demonic Retribution to Karmic Retribution: Changing Concepts of Bao 82 From Mount Tai to Buddhist Hell: Changing Concepts of the Netherworld 106 From Heaven to Buddha: Changing Images of the Savior 137 Conclusion 146 4 Buddhist Imagery in Early Medieval China as Seen in the Youming lu 148 Images of Buddhist Monks 149 The Image of the Buddhist Nun 160 Images of Buddhist Demons 166 Conclusion 172 5 A Fantastic Dream World: New Literary Motifs and Buddhist Culture 174 The Motif of Dream Adventure inside a Microcosmic World 175 The Motif of Revival of a Ghost Girl through Sexual Dreams 191

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The Detached Soul Motif and Its Origins 205 Conclusion 221 Concluding Remarks 223 Table of Numbers & Pages of Selected Tales in the Major Sources 227 Bibliography 231 Index 252

Contents v Acknowledgments vii A List of Abbreviations ix Introduction 1 The Origins of the Present Study 1 Signifijicance of the Present Work as a Case Study of the Interaction of Buddhism with Early Medieval Chinese Tales Nature of the Buddhist Beliefs in the Youming lu and Its Place in the Cultural History of Chinese Buddhism The Contribution of this Book to Chinese Buddhist Studies 14 Approaches and Resources 18 Chapter 1 20 Liu Yiqing’s World and the Youming Lu 20 Liu Yiqing’s Life and Works 20 Youming lu: Its Title, Compilation, and Authorship 44 The Transmission and Recompilation of the Youming lu 50 Guxiaoshuo gouchen Edition and Its Influence on Later Editions and Related Scholarship 54 Chapter 2 61 Backgrounds of the Buddhist Coloring in the Youming Lu 61 Social and Religious Backgrounds 61 Literary Background 73 Conclusion 81 Chapter 3 82 Historical Thematic Changes under the Impact of Buddhism in Early Medieval China as Seen in the Youming Lu From Demonic Retribution to Karmic Retribution: Changing Concepts of Bao 82 From Mount Tai to Buddhist Hell: Changing Concepts of the Netherworld 106 From Heaven to Buddha: Changing Images of the Savior 137 Conclusion 146 Chapter 4 148 Buddhist Imagery in Early Medieval China as Seen in the Youming Lu 148 Images of Buddhist Monks 149 The Image of the Buddhist Nun 160 Images of Buddhist Demons 166 Conclusion 172 Chapter 5 174 A Fantastic Dream World: New Literary Motifs and Buddhist Culture 174 The Motif of Dream Adventure inside a Microcosmic World 175 The Motif of Revival of a Ghost Girl through Sexual Dreams 191 The Detached Soul Motif and Its Origins 205 Conclusion 221 Concluding Remarks 223 Table of Numbers & Pages of Selected Tales in the Major Sources 227 Bibliography 231 Index 252

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Acknowledgments Acknowledgments

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Acknowledgments This is a revised version of my dissertation, which I proposed in July 2003 and fijinished in May 2007. In the process of writing and revising this work, numerous people helped me. I am deeply indebted to Professor William H. Nienhauser, Jr., my advisor at the Department of East Asian Languages and Literature at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, who contributed greatly to the development of my scholarship and to the completion of my dissertation. Without his dedication, this study would not have been completed. I am also deeply indebted to Professors Mark Csikszentmihalyi and Charles Hallisey, who patiently helped me in the revision of my dissertation. Professor Csikszentmihalyi carefully read most of the chapters twice, and he gave me many valuable suggestions. Besides offfering incisive comments, Professor Hallisey advised me on a theoretical framework that enhanced the value of my thesis from the perspective of Buddhist studies. I would like to thank Professors Tsai-fa Cheng, Robert Joe Cutter, Joseph S. M. Lau, and Yu-sheng Lin, for their instruction and advice when I attended Madison. Thanks also to Professors Charo D’Etcheverry and Ping Wang, who served on my dissertation committee. I have benefijited as well from many experts, colleagues, and friends outside of UW-Madison, particularly Professor Li Jianguo, who gave me useful suggestions when he visited Madison in the fall of 2003; Professor Victor Mair, who promptly answered my inquiries several times; Professor Chi-chiang Huang, who offfered me valuable suggestions; Professor Guo-ou Zhuang, who recommended useful materials to me; and Professors Sid Sondergard and Anne Csete, who helped me in many diffferent ways. I am grateful to Professor Barend ter Haar and the anonymous readers of my manuscript for their invaluable comments and suggestions, which were incisive, constructive, and extremely helpful. I am also grateful to Patricia Radder, the editor of my book at Brill, who has been very kind and helpful in the process of reviewing and editing this book’s manuscript. To my wife Zibin, who has constantly supported my study over many years, I owe a huge debt of gratitude. Finally, I would like to thank my parents, Zhang Yimin and Song Guifang, to whom my debt is beyond depiction. This book is dedicated to them. Chapter 1 of this book was published respectively as “A Textual History of Liu Yiqing’s You Ming Lu” in the Oriens Extremus 48 (2009): 87–101 and “Observations on Liu Yiqing’s Life and Works” in Early Medieval China 20 (2014); a

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section of chapter 3 appeared as “From Demonic to Karmic Retribution: Changing Concepts of bao in Early Medieval China as Seen in the Youming lu” in Acta Orientalia 66, no. 3 (2013): 267–287; part of chapter 5 and chapter 4 were published under the titles “On the Origins of Detached Soul Motif in Chinese Literature” and “Buddhist Impact on the Creation of New Fictional Figures and Images in the Youming lu” in the Sungkyun Journal of East Asian Studies vol. 9, no. 2 (Oct. 2009): 167–184 and vol. 10, no. 2 (Oct. 2010): 145–168. The fijinal revision of this book greatly benefijited from a pre-tenure sabbatical in the fall of 2012 and was supported by the Faculty Research Fellowship Award as well as a small grant at the St. Lawrence University. Zhenjun Zhang June 6, 2014

A List Of Abbreviations

A List of Abbreviations BTSC BZL CLEAR FYZL HJAS JAOS JAS JIABS JIC KYZJ SBBY SBCK SLFZ TP TPGJ TPYL YWLJ

Beitang shuchao ⊿➪㚠㈬ Bianzheng lunġ彗嫱婾 Chinese Literature: Essays, Articles, Reviews Fayuan zhulin 㱽剹䎈㜿 Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies Journal of American Oriental Society Journal of Asian Studies Journal of International Association of Buddhist Studies Journal of International Communication Kaiyuan zhanjing 攳⃫⌈䴻 Sibu beiyao ⚃悐⁁天 Sibu congkan ⚃悐⎊↲ Shilei fu zhu ḳ栆岎㲐ġ T’oung Pao Taiping guangji ⣒⸛⺋姀ġ Taiping yulan ⣒⸛⽉奥 Yiwen leiju 喅㔯栆倂

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Introduction Introduction

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Introduction The Origins of the Present Study Liu Yiqing ∱佑ㄞ (403–444) is one of the most important fijigures in the history of early medieval Chinese culture. Liu’s importance lies not only in his princely social status, but also in the two collections of tales that are attributed to him: the Shishuo xinyu ᶾ婒㕘婆 [New Account of Tales of the World] and the Youming lu ⸥㖶抬 [Records of the Hidden and Visible Realms]. The former is the quintessential work of zhiren ⽿Ṣ (“accounts of men”), while the latter is a representative work of zhiguai ⽿⿒ (“accounts of anomalies”).1 As one of the most important collections of zhiguai in the Six Dynasties period (222–589), the Youming lu is distinguished by its varied contents, its elegant style of writing,2 and the fact that it is among the earliest collections of tales heavily influenced by Buddhism. Along with traditional themes that were informed by Buddhist beliefs, many new images and motifs, which have a close relationship with Buddhism and greatly influenced later literary works, appear for the fijirst time in this collection. However, while scholars have been drawn to the Shishuo xinyu and other collections of zhiguai,3 there are few studies of the Youming lu. I know of no 1 Traditionally, tales in the Six Dynasties (222–589) have been classifijied into two categories or genres: zhiguai and zhiren. These two genres are often considered the earliest forms of Chinese fijictional narrative literature. Zhiren works focus mainly on the words and actions of real people. Zhiguai is defijined by Kenneth DeWoskin as “the generic name for collections of brief prose entries, primarily but not exclusively narrative in nature, that discuss out-of-the ordinary people and events” (See DeWoskin’s entry on “Chih-kuai” in William H. Nienhauser, Jr., ed., The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, 2nd ed. [Taipei: SMC Publishing Inc., 1987], p. 280). See footnote 3 for studies of the zhiguai. For a comprehensive study of zhiren, see Ning Jiayu ⮏䧤暐, Zhongguo zhiren xiaoshuo shi ᷕ⚳⽿Ṣ⮷婒⎚ġ[History of Chinese Accounts of Men] (Shenyang: Liaoning renmin chubanshe, 1991). 2 Li Jianguo 㛶∵⚳ comments that the diversity in contents and elegance in writing of the Youming lu match or even surpass those of the Soushen ji ㏄䤆姀 [In Search of the Spirits]. See his Tang qian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi Ⓒ⇵⽿⿒⮷婒⎚ [History of Pre-Tang zhiguai Fiction] (Tianjin: Nankai daxue chubanshe, 1984), p. 356. The exquisite literary depictions that are evident in some of the tales in the Youming lu, such as the “Mai hufen nüzi” 岋傉䰱 ⤛⫸ [The Girl Who Sold Face Powder], are the best of the zhiguai tales of the Six Dynasties. 3 Important monographs on earlier zhiguai since 1980s include Li Jianguo, Tang qian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi; Wang Guoliang 䌳⚳列, Wei Jin nanbeichao zhiguai xiaoshuo yanjiu 櫷㗱⋿⊿ 㛅⽿⿒⮷婔䞼䨞 [A Study of Wei, Jin, Northern and Southern Dynasties Fiction] (Taibei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1984), Liuchao zhiguai xiaoshuo kaolun ℕ㛅⽿⿒⮷婔㓟婾 [A Study

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/9789004277847_002

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study of the Youming lu in a western language, and only very limited works available in Chinese. The two earlier studies, “Youming lu chutan” ⸥㖶抬 ⇅㍊ [Exploration into the Records of the Hidden and Visible Realms] by Wang Guoliang 䌳⚳列4 and the “Youming lu Xuanyan ji yanjiu” ⸥㖶抬⭋槿姀䞼 䨞 [A Study of the Records of the Hidden and Visible Realms and the Records in Proclamation of Manifestations] by Chen Guishi 昛㟪ⶪ,5 primarily involve traditional textual research. Although they provide useful information about the author, transmission, and editions of the collection, they merely classify the contents of the books without further analysis. In addition, several articles deal with limited selections from this collection, such as the stories about Yang Lin 㣲㜿 and Zhao Tai 嵁㲘.6 In recent years a few MA theses and articles on the Youming lu appeared in Mainland China, yet few of them provide an indepth analysis of the collection.7 The value of the Youming lu as a collection of precious early materials that survived the earliest stages of the development of popular Chinese Buddhism has also been neglected. In general, studies of Chinese Buddhism have focused mainly on prominent monks, the teachings of diffferent schools, and the

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of Six Dynasties zhiguai Stories] (Taibei: Wen shi zhe chubanshe, 1988); Robert Ford Campany, Strange Writing: Anomaly Accounts in Early Medieval China (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1996); Liu Yuanru ∱剹⤪, Shenti, xingbie, jieji: Liuchao zhiguai de changyi lunshu yu xiaoshuo meixue 幓橼ˣ⿏⇍炽昶䳂 – ℕ㛅⽿⿒䘬ⷠ䔘婾徘冯⮷婒伶⬠ [Body, Gender, and Class: Discourse of the Normal and Abnormal in the Anomaly Accounts of the Six Dynasties and Fictional Aesthetics] (Taibei: Zhongyang yanjiuyuan Zhongguo wenzhe yanjiusuo, 2002); and Xie Mingxun 嫅㖶⊛ĭġLiuchaoġzhiguai xiaoshuo yanjiu shulun: Huigu yu lunshi ℕ㛅⽿⿒⮷婒䞼䨞徘婾Ļġ⚆栏冯婾慳ġ[A Review of the Studies of Six Dynasties zhiguai Story: Retrospection and Interpretation] (Taibei: Liren shuju, 2011). Wang Guoliang, “Youming lu chutan” (in Zhongguo gudian xiaoshuo yanjiu zhuanji ᷕ⚳ ⎌ ℠⮷婔䞼䨞⮰廗 [A Special Collection of Studies of Classical Chinese Fiction] # 2 (June 1980), pp. 47–60; also included in his Liuchao zhiguai xiaoshuo kaolun, pp. 157–72. Chen Guishi, “Youming lu Xuanyan ji yanjiu” (MA thesis, Gaoxiong Normal University, 1987). See Zhang Hanliang ⻝㻊列, “Yang Lin gushi xilie de yuanxing jiegou” 㣲㜿㓭ḳ䲣↿䘬⍇ ✳䳸㥳, Zhongguo gudian wenxue luncong ᷕ⚳⎌℠㔯⬠婾⎊ [Series of Commentaries on Classical Chinese Literature] (Taibei: Zhongwai wenxue yuekan she, 1976), pp. 259–72; David Knechtges, “Dream Adventure Stories in Europe and T’ang China,” Tamkang Review 4:2 (October 1973), 114–115; and Maeno Naoaki ⇵慶䚜⼔, “Meikai yugyo ⅍䓴忲埴 [Traveling in the Netherworld],” in Chūgoku bungakuhō ᷕ⚳㔯⬠ (Chinese Literature), XIV (1961): 38–57, XV (1961): 33–48, also included in Chūgoku shosetsu shi ko ᷕ⚳⮷婔⎚侫 [Study of the History of Chinese Fiction] (Musushino: Akiyama Shoten, 1975), pp. 112–149. There are at least four recent MA papers share the title of “Youming lu yanjiu” (Xi’an: Northwestern Normal University, 2008; Chongqing: Chongqing University, 2010; Ji’nan: Shandong Normal University, 2011; Kaifeng: Henan University, 2012).

Introduction

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practices of major sects – paying little attention to popular Buddhist beliefs.8 Eric Zürcher has been among the leading scholars to identify the need for more work on popular Buddhism, but he claims that there is a dearth of reference materials.9 Since the late 1980s, collections of miraculous tales from early medieval China have begun to draw the attention of researchers. For example, Donald E. Gjertson, Mikhail Epmakob (Ye Make 叱楔⃳, a Russian Sinologist), and Robert Ford Campany have considered Wang Yan’s 䌳䏘 (450? – 500) Mingxiang ji ⅍䤍姀 [Records of Signs from the Unseen Realm] and Tang Lin’s Ⓒ 冐 (600–?) Mingbao ji ⅍⟙姀 [Records of Miraculous Retribution] as valuable materials on early Chinese popular Buddhism.10 Some Chinese and Japanese scholars hold the Guanshiyin yingyanji 奨ᶾ枛ㅱ槿姀 [Records of Miracles Concerning Avalokiteśvara] by Xie Fu 嫅‭ (fl. late 4th century) in high esteem for its importance in the development of popular Chinese Buddhist beliefs.11 Even though the Youming lu is a work much earlier than the Mingbao ji and difffers from the Guanshiyin yingyan ji in nature, it has drawn little attention from scholars. Maeno Naoaki ⇵慶䚜⼔ was perhaps the fijirst to note the value of the Youming lu in the studies of the cultural history of Chinese Buddhism. His article “Meikai yugyo ⅍䓴忲埴 [Traveling in the Netherworld]” reveals the influence of the Buddhist concepts of hell on the Chinese conceptions of netherworld.12 Yet his research was limited to only one aspect of the book, depictions of the netherworld, and he erroneously treats the Youming lu as a

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As Stephen Teiser has pointed out, “Standard treatments of the history of Chinese Buddhism tend to emphasize the place of Buddhism in Chinese dynastic history, the translation of Buddhist texts, and the development of scholars or sects within Buddhism.” See his essay, “The Spirits of Chinese Religion,” in Donald S. Lopez Jr., ed., Religions of China in Practice (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1996), p. 17. See his The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1959), pp. 2–3. See Donald E. Gjertson, Miraculous Retribution: A Study and Translation of T’ang Lin’s “Ming-pao chi” (Berkeley: Centers for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of California), 1989; Ye Make, “Lun Wang Yan de Mingxiang ji he Fojiao duanpian xiaoshuo” 婾䌳䏘䘬⅍䤍姀␴ἃ㔁䞕䭯⮷婔 [On Wang Yan’s Records of Miraculous Omens and Buddhist Short Stories], in Shijie zongjiao yanjiu ᶾ䓴⬿㔁䞼䨞 [International Religious Study, 3, 1991: 93–101]; and Robert Campany, Signs from the Unseen Realm (University of Hawai’i Press, 2012). See the “Editor’s Notes” and “Epilogue” in Sun Changwu ⬓㖴㬎, ed., Guanshiyin yingyan ji 奨ᶾ枛ㅱ槿姀 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1994), pp. 1–6, 69–87. Maeno Naoaki, “Meikai yugyo,” in Chugoku bungakuho (see footnote 6).

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work of the Qi 滲 (479–502) and Liang 㠩 dynasties (502–557), while accepting the traditional viewpoint that attributes the work to Liu Yiqing. Another example underlines the fact that Youming lu has been neglected in the studies of Chinese Buddhism. Fang Litian 㕡䩳⣑, a well-known scholar of Buddhist studies in China, says, “Some works, such as the Mingxiang ji by Wang Yan and the Youming lu by Liu Yiqing, focus on promoting the power and efffijicaciousness of the statues of spirits and the benefijits of worshiping Buddha and abstaining from meat.”13 His placement of the Mingxiang ji ahead of the Youming lu is erroneous, because the former was actually compiled much later. Furthermore, he is wrong about the Youming lu’s focus: in this collection, not a single item promotes “the power and efffijicaciousness of the statues of spirits,” let alone puts focus on that. It is most likely that Fang made this statement without carefully examining the collections. I would say, however, Fang is not alone. Quite a few researchers of Chinese zhiguai and religion, both in the East and West, fail to grasp what kind of book (in terms of its contents) the Youming lu truly is, indicating that they failed to review the whole book before discussing it.14 This type of negligence and carelessness show that the Youming lu has not drawn enough serious attention among scholars of Chinese Buddhism insofar. For these reasons, I have decided to do a study of the Youming lu in order to draw more serious attention to this collection among scholars in the fijields of Chinese narrative and Chinese religion.

Signifijicance of the Present Work as a Case Study of the Interaction of Buddhism with Early Medieval Chinese Tales This book does not claim to be a comprehensive study of the Youming lu; on the contrary, it focuses on one important aspect of the collection: the relationship between Buddhism and the tales in the Youming lu. Since the subjects of this study are mainly literary matters such as themes, fijictional fijigures/images, and motifs, it may be viewed as a literary study, or, specifijically, a case study of the interaction of Buddhism with Chinese proto-fijiction, though strictly speaking the records and testimonial writings on the anomalies cannot be counted as literature. 13 14

Fang Litian, Zhongguo Fojiao yu chuantong wenhua ᷕ⚳ἃ㔁冯⁛䴙㔯⊾ [Chinese Buddhism and Traditional Culture] (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1988), p. 333. See page 13 of this introduction and my discussion on the authorship of the Youming lu in Chapter 1.

Introduction

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Models for this kind of investigation are numerous in prior scholarship. The most noted ones include Hu Shi’s 傉循 (1891–1962) “Xiyou ji kaozheng” 大忲姀 侫孩 [A Textual Study of the Journey to the West],15 Chen Yinque’s 昛⭭〒 “Xiyou ji Xuanzang dizi gushi zhi yanbian” 大忲姀䌬⤀⻇⫸㓭ḳᷳ㺼嬲 [The Evolution of the Stories of Xuanzang and His Disciples in the Journey to the West],16 and Huo Shixiu’s 暵ᶾẹ “Tangdai chuanqi wen yu Yindu gushi Ⓒ ẋ⁛⣯㔯冯⌘⹎㓭ḳ [Tang Dynasty Tales and Indian Stories.”17 Monographs in this fijield include the following: Pei Puxian’s 墜㘖岊 Zhong Yin wenxue guanxi yanjiuᷕ⌘㔯⬠斄Ὢ䞼䨞 [A Study of the Relationship between Chinese Literature and Indian Literature], a general study of the influences of Indian culture and literature upon Chinese poetry, fijiction, and drama;18 Zhang Mantao’s ⻝㚤㾌 Fojiao yu zhongguo wenxue ἃ㔁冯ᷕ⚳㔯⬠ [Buddhism and Chinese Literature], a collection of research on Buddhist influences on diffferent genres of Chinese literature;19 Zhu Chuanyu’s 㛙⁛嬥 Fojiao dui Zhongguo xiaoshuo zhi yingxiang ἃ㔁⮵ᷕ⚳⮷婒ᷳ⼙枧 [Impact of Buddhism on Chinese Fiction], a collection of academic works on the specifijic topic;20 and Sun Changwu’s ⬓㖴㬎 Fojiao yu Zhongguo wenxue ἃ㔁冯ᷕ⚳ 㔯⬠ [Buddhism and Chinese Literature], a comprehensive survey of the Buddhim’s impact on Chinese literature and culture.21 These works focus mainly 15

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This is one of the earliest studies of foreign influences upon Chinese literature, in which Hu Shi argues that Sun Wukong was evolved from Hanuman ⑰⤜㚤, monkey god in the Indian epic Ramayana 仿㐑埵恋. See his Zhongguo xiaoshuo kaozheng ᷕ⚳䪈⚆⮷婒 侫嫱 [Textual Research on Chinese Novels] (Shanghai: Shanghai shudian, 1980), pp. 315– 379. Cf. Ramnath Subbaraman, “Beyond the Question of the Monkey Imposter: Indian Influence on the Chinese Novel, the Journey to the West,” Sino-Platonic Papers, 114 (March 2002). This article was also among the earliest studies of Indian influences on Chinese literature. It traces Indian origins of some stories about the disciples of the Tang Monk, Xuanzang. See Lishi yuyan yanjiu jikan 㬟⎚婆妨䞼䨞㇨普↲ 2 (1930), no. 2; and Beijing daxue bijiaowenxue yanjiusuo ⊿Ṕ⣏⬠ 㭼庫㔯⬠䞼䨞㇨, ed., Zhongguo bijiao wenxue yanjiu ziliao ᷕ⚳㭼庫㔯⬠䞼䨞屯㕁1919–1949 [Research Materials on Comparative Chinese Literature], pp. 320–24. This is an important and influential study of the Buddhist impact on Tang tales. In Wenxue 㔯⬠ [Literature], vol. 2, no. 2 (1934) 1051–66; Beijing daxue bijiaowenxue yanjiusuo, ed., Zhongguo bijiao wenxue yanjiu ziliao 1919-1949, pp. 325–54. Pei Puxian, Zhong Yin wenxue guanxi yanjiu (Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1958). Zhang Mantao, ed., Fojiao yu zhongguo wenxue (Taibei: Dacheng wenhua chubanshe, 1978), Zhu Chuanyu, ed., Fojiao dui Zhongguo xiaoshuo zhi yingxiang (Taibei: Tianyi chubanshe, 1982), Sun Changwu, Fojiao yu Zhongguo wenxue (Shanghai: Shanghai renmin chubanshe, 1988),

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Introduction

on the impact of Buddhism or Indian culture upon Chinese literature, especially on the origins of the images and motifs in Chinese fijiction. To distinguish my study from previous ones, this book is not limited to the endeavor of tracing Indian origins to certain elements of the stories in the Youming lu, it also tries to explore the evolution of Indian components in the process of transmission into Chinese narrative and to catch the subtle nuances of the changing concepts in the interactions between diffferent cultures – paying attention to more precise mechanisms of influence and the understanding of the process of cultural interchange as complicated and continuing. Furthermore, this study relates the Youming lu to the development of popular Chinese Buddhist beliefs, attempting to single out ideas that difffer from the beliefs found in Buddhist scriptures and in literary works written specifijically to promote Buddhism. This efffort will contribute to Chinese Buddhist studies, highlighting the signifijicance of proto-fijiction in the cultural history of popular Chinese Buddhism (this will be discussed later). The results of these effforts should be evident in each chapter. As mentioned, the Youming lu is an important collection of zhiguai from the Six Dynasties period. Aside from its high artistic achievement, this collection is among the earliest works that were heavily influenced by Buddhism, and thus many tales in it show strong Buddhist colorings. According to Wang Guoliang, more than twenty anecdotes in this collection show explicit signs of Buddhist influence: eight refer to the idea of retribution, seven focus on the idea of cause and efffect, and four contain references to samsāra, or transmigration.22 Although these tales do not constitute a majority of the text, they reflect the relatively strong influence of Buddhism on the tales of the period.23 In fact, these tales are not the only ones informed by Buddhism; other portions of the Youming lu have a relation with Buddhism as well, even if that connection is only implicit. In terms of Buddhist influence, the most important feature of the Youming lu is that many aspects of Buddhist beliefs, values, and concerns – such as 22 23

See Wang Guoliang, “Youming lu chutan,” p. 160. Probably because it has been used too much in diffferent occasions, the term “influence” is now somewhat negative in the minds of some researchers. In discussing Lingbao 曰⮞ġ adaptation of Buddhist doctrinal points, for example, Stephen Bokenkamp says that in previous scholarship “simplistic notions of ‘influence’ lead to a mistaken assessment of the data” and even “discourage reviewing the data at all.” (See his Ancestors and Anxiety: Daoism and the Birth of Rebirth in China [Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007] 182, note 51). The reason why I still use “influence” here is that a better term is not found, though I would try my best to choose a more accurate term to match the specifijic meaning in a specifijic case of cultural interaction when it is needed.

Introduction

7

karmic retribution, transmigration, Buddhist hell, and the salvation of Buddha – appear for the fijirst time in this collection. This suggests that Buddhist beliefs began to appear in Chinese narrative on a relatively large scale during this time. We can see that in the Youming lu, under the impact of Buddhist beliefs, many indigenous themes changed dramatically. Buddhist culture also influenced the creation of fijictional (religious as well probably) fijigures and images in this collection. Images of Buddhist monks, nuns, and demons in the Youming lu are mostly derived from or based upon Buddhist scriptures. They are among the earliest depictions of these types and greatly influenced literary works of later times. Furthermore, many new motifs concerning fantastic dreams appear for the fijirst time in this collection, and it is likely that all of them are related to Buddhism or Indian culture. As such, the stories that bear Buddhist influence in the Youming lu can be classifijied into three groups: 1) variations on indigenous themes that show the influence of Buddhist beliefs; 2) fijictional images created according to Buddhist scriptures or directly derived from Buddhist literature; and 3) new motifs involving fantastic dreams at least partially influenced by Buddhism. The study of these three groups of stories forms the main body of this book. The current study begins with two chapters that are meant to set the stage for the research of this book, though they are important in their own right as well. Chapter 1 consists of investigation of the author/compiler of the Youming lu, its transmission and recompilation, and an analysis of the important editions. While textual study (on the transmission and editions, etc.) is necessary for the research of any collection like the Youming lu, the study of the author/ compiler here indicates that this book assumes conventional literary theory, which believes that literary works are closely related to their authors. The “Biography of Liu Yiqing” will be useful for those who are interested in Liu’s life and works because it is likely the fijirst English translation on the topic. Chapter 2 depicts the social, religious, and literary backgrounds of the Buddhist coloring in the Youming lu and is meant to set the stage for what follows. This chapter will demonstrate why so many stories in the Youming lu bear explicit Buddhist flavor. Chapter 3, the fijirst segment of the main body of the book, examines Buddhist influences upon traditional themes in the Youming lu. Its signifijicance lies in the detailed description of a literary trend/pattern – the thematic transformation from traditional Chinese demonic retribution to karmic retribution; the shift from Mount Tai, representative of the indigenous Chinese netherworld, to Buddhist concepts of hell; and the shift from the traditional Chinese savior, Heaven or God, to a new savior from Buddhism, Buddha. This transformation

8

Introduction

provides a vivid picture of the historical changes that occurred throughout the history of Chinese narrative and culture in early medieval China. The discussion of Buddha as a new savior in Chapter 3 will be an important contribution to the cultural history of Chinese popular Buddhism because the new savior then and later appeared everywhere in other tales as the well-known Guanyin or Avalokiteśvara. Chapter 4 focuses on Buddhist fijigures and images that appeared in the collection under the impact of Buddhist culture. In the study of Buddhist monks and nuns, much attention is paid to the depictions of these fijigures, their magical arts, and their influence on Huijiao’sġよ䘶 (497–554) Gaoseng zhuan 檀₏ ⁛ [Biographies of Eminent Monks]24 as well as later literary works. Buddhist demons, such as yaksa, raksasa, and the Ox-Headed Beast, are new images directly derived from Indian Buddhist culture. Their presence signifijies that Buddhist demons began to enter the realm of Chinese narrative at the time. Raksasa fijirst appear in the Youming lu, and this adds to the signifijicance of this collection in the cultural history of Chinese popular Buddhism. While tracing the origins of Buddhist demons, Chapter 4 describes their evolution and influence upon the literary works of later times. Quite a few new motifs, mostly related to dreams and souls, in the Youming lu were considered to be new and fresh to the Chinese people and their origins have been long-standing topics in academic circles. Chapter 5 examines the structures, origins, development, and influences of three new motifs in the collection. By tracing the Buddhist origins of the motifs, this chapter challenges influential and conventional viewpoints and gives a more in-depth and detailed analysis.

Nature of the Buddhist Beliefs in the Youming lu and Its Place in the Cultural History of Chinese Buddhism Needless to say, the scope and aims of this study go beyond the domain of narrative; thus it is unavoidable here to address the nature of the Buddhist beliefs evident in the Youming lu and the place of the collection in the cultural history of Chinese Buddhism. Chinese Buddhism has been viewed from two diffferent perspectives: elite and popular. In his brilliant monograph, The Buddhist Conquest of China, Erik Zürcher classifijies early Chinese Buddhism from the 3rd to 5th centuries into three types: “Court Buddhism;” “Gentry Buddhism,” the focus of his book; and 24

In Huijiao et al., Gaoseng zhuan heji 檀₏⁛⎰普 [A Combined Collection of Biographies of Eminent Monks] (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991), pp. 1–101.

Introduction

9

“Popular Buddhism,” which he fijinds “equally important” but with little documentation or historical records available for research.25 The fijirst two types belong to Buddhism of the elite. In a retrospection on Buddhist studies some twenty years later, he depicts elite Buddhism as the “Great Tradition,” which is based on the Chinese Buddhist canon, the production of translations, and the Chinese interpretation of Buddhism monopolized by the ruling powers since 400 ce. Zürcher argues: [T]hat Great Tradition, however impressive, was less than skin-deep. It was carried on by a very small, highly literate elite within the clergy; their theories and teachings represented Buddhism at its highest level of sophistication; they were very closely linked up with the worldly establishment, notably the imperial court; they worked in a very limited number of rich, often state-sponsored monasteries, very often at the capital. Meanwhile, he emphasizes the importance of the other tradition, what he calls “little tradition”: What about the vast body of innumerable little traditions – local manifestations of Buddhist life as it existed among the people, far removed from that world of texts, treatises, learned doctors, impressive rituals and rich endowments? What can we expect to fijind at those lower levels?”26

25

Erik Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, pp. 1–10. Popular Buddhism, or folk Buddhism, is generally believed to have flourished in a much later time (10th century), yet the tendency of secularization was evident as early as Buddhism began to enter and spread in China, and folk Buddhism appeared no later than the Wei and Jin periods. Gentry Buddhism, evident after getting rid of the burden of attaching to Taoist magic arts (during the Han and Wei) and the dark learning (during the Wei and Jin), became popular during the 4th and 5th centuries in the south among educated people. As Liang Qichao 㠩⏗崭 (1873–1929) says, “During the 300 years or so from the 1st century to 4th century, Buddhism was transmitted into China and spread everywhere, yet its power in the society was very weak. Few intellectuals knew that there was thus a thing.” ℔⃫IJᶾ䲨⇅军ĵᶾ䲨⇅ 䘬䲬Ĵıı⸜攻炻ἃ㔁㻠㻠廠ℍᷕ⚳炻ᶼ↮ⶫ㕤⎬⛘炻䃞℞⛐䣦㚫ᶲ⊊≃㤝⽖ 唬炻⢓⣏⣓㬮ᶵ䞍㚱㬌ḳˤSee his thesis “Zhongguo Fofa xingshuai yange shuolue” ᷕ⚳ἃ㱽ℜ堘㱧朑婒䔍ġ (Brief Remarks on the Development of Chinese Buddhist Dharma), in his book Foxue yanjiu shiba pianġ ἃ⬠䞼䨞⋩ℓ䭯 [Eighteen Theses on

Buddhist Studies] (Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2005), p. 3. 26

E. Zürcher, “Perspectives in the Study of Chinese Buddhism,” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 2 (1982), pp. 161–76.

10

Introduction

The “little traditions” refer to popular Buddhism, or folk, local, lower level, and non-elite Buddhism, which were the focus of quite a few studies before and after the publication of his article.27 Difffering from Zürcher’s classifijication by the social status of believers/ audience,28 recent studies in China tend to focus on the religious practices among the believers. Gu Weikang 栏῱⹟, for example, divides Chinese Buddhism into jingdian fojiao 䴻℠ἃ㔁 (Canonical Buddhism) among educated people, which focus on the understanding of the sutras, and minsu fojiao 㮹὿ ἃ㔁 (Folk Buddhism) among middle and lower-class communities, with a focus on worshiping Buddhist giants and praying for good fortune.29 Li Silong’s 㛶⚃漵ġclassifijication (xueli fojiao ⬠䎮ἃ㔁ġ[Theoretical Buddhism]ġvs. minsu fojiao) is similar to Gu’s classifijication.30 The characteristics of Chinese folk Buddhism depicted by Chinese scholars include the following: 1) worship of impersonated and idolized deities; 2) simplifijied and sinofijied dharma; and 3) simplifijied and secularized precepts and practice. All of these fall into the fijields of “local manifestations of Buddhist 27

28

29

30

See Daniel L. Overmyer, Folk Buddhist Religion: Dissenting Sects in Late Traditional China (Cambridge and London: Harvard University Press, 1976); David Johnson, ed., Ritual and Scripture in Chinese Popular Religion (Berkeley, CA: Publications of the Chinese Popular Culture Project 3, 1989); and Daniel L. Overmyer, Local Religion in North China in the Twentieth Century: the Structure and Organization of Community Rituals and Beliefs (Leiden & Boston: Brill, 2009). Based on the Encyclopedia of Religion (second edition), “The popular was a term with legal and political meaning that derived from the Latin popularis, or ‘belonging to the people.’ The term was used as a way to draw distinctions between the views of ‘the people’ and those who wield power over them. In the past therefore the term popular culture was used to reference the folk traditions created and maintained by the people outside of the purview of cultural authorities and away from the demands of labor.” It also says, “By the late nineteenth century, however, the term popular culture had come to have a rather specifijic meaning in relation to presumed distinctions between the elite and the people that echoed presumed distinctions between superior and inferior culture, between artistic and vulgar, or between the sophisticated and banal.” (See the entry for “Popular Culture” in Lindsay Jones, ed., Encyclopedia of Religion, 2nd ed. [Detroit: Macmillan Reference USA, 2005], p. 7320). It seems that the term “popular” in both defijinitions described above can be applied to the term “popular Buddhism.” Weikang Gu, “Lun Zhongguo minsu fojiao 婾ᷕ⚳㮹὿ἃ㔁ġ [On Chinese Folk Buddhism),” in Shanghai shehui kexueyuan xueshu jikan ᶲ㴟䣦㚫䥹⬠昊⬠埻⬋↲ġ[Quarterly Journal of the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences], 3 (1993): 75. Li Silong, “Minsu Fojiao de xingcheng yu tezheng” 㮹὿ἃ㔁䘬⼊ㆸ冯䈡⽝ (The Formation of Folk Buddhism and its Characteristics), in Beijing daxue xuebao ⊿Ṕ⣏⬠⬠⟙ġ [Journal of Peking University], 4 (1996): 55.

Introduction

11

life” and the “impressive ritual and rich endowment,” which were depicted as popular Buddhism by Zürcher and are in accord with such depictions by other western scholars. In its discussion of Chinese Buddhism, the Encyclopedia Britannica says: Little is known of the beginnings of popular Buddhism. Among the masses there was, to judge from Taoist materials, an intense mingling of Buddhist and popular Taoist notions and practices, such as communal festivals and the worship of local Taoist and Buddhist saints. At this level, simple devotionalism was no doubt far more influential than the scriptural teachings.31 It seems clear that, in terms of content, one important feature of popular Buddhism is “devotion,” which includes devotion to Buddhist saints and to the faith as per the stories of the scriptures, while an important element of elite Buddhism is attention to complex scriptural teachings. As such, the Buddhist beliefs and practices related to the welfare and mundane concerns of people in the Youming lu – belief in the Pure Land in the West, karmic retribution, and Buddhist hells, as well as the worship of Buddhist saints, such as Buddha and Amitayus – all belong to popular Buddhism. To defijine the nature of Buddhist beliefs in the Youming lu, another issue that needs to be addressed is its accepted sources and origins. Gan Bao ⸚⮞ (fl. 335–349) says in his “Preface to the Soushen ji ㏄䤆姀,” “[I] inspected the previously recorded [stories] in old books and collected the lost anecdotes of the time” 侫⃰⽿㕤庱䯵, 㓞怢忠㕤䔞㗪.32 This is a clarifijication of the sources of the zhiguai. Besides selecting stories from a variety of earlier texts, the compilers of zhiguai recorded local folktales that were widespread at that time as well as stories directly told by individuals. Related to this, zhiguai is traditionally considered from an oral tradition and related to popular culture.33 Yet this assumption faces challenges. Robert Campany, for example, argues in his Strange Writing: 31 32

33

See Karen Jacobs Sparks, Encyclopedia Britannica (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica, Inc. 2005), www.britannica.com/eb/article-71672/China. See Hou Zhongyi ὗ⾈佑, Zhongguo wenyan xiaoshuo cankao ziliao ᷕ⚳㔯妨⮷婒⍫侫 屯㕁 [Reference Materials of Classical Chinese Tales] (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1985), p. 138. As Karl S. Y. Kao says, “Originating mainly in folk traditions, the CK [chih-kuai] narratives are legends and stories associated with popular culture and reflecting the belief systems of the people.” See “Introduction” in Karl Kao, ed., Classical Chinese Tales of the Supernatural and the Fantastic (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985), p. 4.

12

Introduction

Anomaly accounts are predominantly, then, in their style, format, and temporal setting, historical – not “ethnographic” – writings; their authors, with few exceptions, must have drawn mostly on written documents as opposed to oral sources, and the bulk of these documents must have been historical (including geographical and biographical) records of one or another sort.34 In a footnote to this statement on the same page, he adds, “There are oralbased items, as will be seen below, but they account for only a small fraction of the total corpus.” Campany’s observation on the sources of zhiguai is with little doubt true to the genre as a whole, thus the conventional opinion that zhiguai belongs to popular culture becomes problematic. However, it seems clear that the Youming lu is among the “few exceptions.” According to Li Jianguo’s research, less than one-quarter of the tales in this collection are taken from older books.35 On the other hand, most pieces appear for the fijirst time in the Youming lu and are mainly about current events of the Jin 㗱 and the Song ⬳ periods. Therefore the whole book reflects a strong sense of the time. In addition, the majority of tales in the Youming lu are anecdotes about scholars, commoners, Buddhist monks, and laymen living in this period.36 Many of these pieces could be considered records from people of the local community of the compiler as well as oral tradition.37 Based on the analysis above, it is reasonable to say that the Buddhist beliefs present in the Youming lu belong to popular Buddhism, and thus the Youming lu plays an important role in the cultural history of popular Buddhism by 34 35 36 37

Robert Campany, Strange Writing, p. 163. For examples of tales from prior collections, see the discussion about the resources and authorship of the Youming lu in Chapter 1. Li Jianguo, Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, 357. Tale 12 of the Youming lu is a good example; it reads: On the mountain north of Yangxin County, Wuchang [Commandery], there is a “Husband-watching Stone [woman].” Its shape resembles a standing person. According to folklore, there was a chaste woman whose husband joined the army and went to a place far away for the disaster of his country. His wife, carrying their little son, gave a farewell dinner for him on this mountain. She stood watching until she died, and her body became a piece of stone. Therefore it (Husband-watching Stone) was taken as her name. 㬎㖴春㕘䷋⊿Ⱉᶲ, 㚱㛃⣓䞛, 䉨劍Ṣ 䩳. 䚠⁛㖼㚱屆⨎, ℞⣓⽆⼡, 怈崜⚳暋. ⨎㓄⻙⫸, 棆復㬌Ⱉ, 䩳㛃侴㬣, ⼊⊾䁢 䞛, ⚈ẍ䁢⎵. According to its collector/author, this story was from folklore. See Lu Xun 欗彭, ed. Guxiaoshuo gouchen ⎌⮷婔憶㰱 [Collected Lost Old Stories], in Lu Xun quanji 欗彭ℐ普 [Complete Works of Lu Xun] (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1973), v. 8. p. 355. Note: All translations in this book, unless otherwise noted, are the author’s.

Introduction

13

providing invaluable materials for understanding the development of popular Buddhist beliefs in early medieval China. To address the role of the Youming lu in the cultural history of popular Chinese Buddhism, we have to distinguish it from collections such as Wang Yan’s Mingxiang ji and Tang Lin’s Mingbao ji, which some scholars claimed as important materials of early Chinese Buddhism.38 As Lu Xun 欗彭 (1881–1936) has addressed in his Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue ᷕ⚳⮷婔⎚䔍 [A Brief History of Chinese Fiction], a series of collections of miraculous tales that were intended to assist in propagating Buddhism appeared in the Southern Dynasties period. Most were written by Buddhists and laymen.39 The Mingxiang ji, Mingbao ji, and Liu Yiqing’s Xuanyan ji were among them. Liu Yiqing’s Youming lu is distinguished from these collections in two ways: the origin and motivation. As stated above, the tales in the Youming lu were mostly from contemporary folklore or stories told by individuals, rather than created by Buddhists. In terms of motivation, previous scholarship is fairly superfijicial in terms of determining the motivation of Youming lu. There have been two opposite yet equally extreme opinions. Xiao Hong 唕嘡 considers Youming lu merely a collection of stories with a heavy Taoist flavor, and Xiao contrasts it to Xuanyan ji, which records only miraculous stories concerning Buddhism.40 In so clarifying the text, she overlooks the large number of stories with Buddhist coloring in the Youming lu. On the contrary, Wu Weizhong ⏛䵕ᷕconsiders Youming lu to be of the same in nature as the collections that were intended mainly to assist in propagating Buddhism, simply because some pieces appear to have that goal.41 This viewpoint is also extreme, as the scholar overlooks other important aspects of the collection, considering a part to be the whole. Any scholar who has carefully read the collection can see that, compared with Xuanyan ji, Youming lu is not a book intended mainly to assist in the propagation of Buddhism, even though many tales show heavy Buddhist influence. Youming lu difffers explicitly from those collections. First, certain tales in the Youming lu contain thought that is clearly contrary to the mainstream of Buddhist beliefs. A well-known example is the story about Liu Chen ∱㘐 and Ruan Zhao 旖倯 (tale 38), who enter a mountain and meet beautiful girls. The 38 39 40

41

See footnote 10. Lu Xun, Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1973), p. 194. Xiao Hong, “Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque ᶾ婒㕘婆ἄ侭⓷柴⓮㥟 [A Discussion on the Authorship of the New Account of Tales of the World],” in Guoli Zhongyang tushuguan guankan ⚳䩳ᷕ⣖⚾㚠棐净↲, 14. 1(1981):10, 14. Wu Weizhong, “Zhiguai yu Wei Jin nanbeichao zongjiao” ⽿⿒冯櫷㗱⋿⊿㛅⬿㔁 (Zhiguai and Northern and Southern Dynasties Religions), Lanzhou daxua xuebao 嗕ⶆ ⣏⬠⬠⟙ [Journal of Lanzhou University], 2 (1990): 111–16.

14

Introduction

foods they enjoy include beef and breast of goat,42 which is contrary to one of the “Five Precepts” in Buddhism’s basic teachings – the forbiddance of killing. Another example is even more convincing. Tale 116 is about people who ate beef but were not punished in the netherworld, and the manager of the netherworld who accepted eating beef.43 Second, certain stories that might be considered most suitable as Buddhist propaganda have not been altered into Buddhist miracle tales. Comparing the story of Peng E (tale 69) with the stories in the Guanshiyin yingyan ji, one fijinds that the savior in this story is still only the indigenous power of Heaven, not Avalokiteśvara or Buddha. In fact, it is fairly clear that the Youming lu itself is a heterogeneous collection. Any common religious motivation behind the compilation of this collection is not clear, at least not as clear as is the case with the Xuanyan ji, which was compiled especially for the promotion of Buddhist beliefs. The ideas expressed in the Youming lu are very broad, including Daoist, Buddhist, and other traditional Chinese religious thought. For these reasons, it is clear that the character of the Youming lu difffers from those of the Mingxiang ji, the Mingbao ji, and the Xuanyan ji. These collections were part of two diffferent traditions: one is mainly a record of tales that spread throughout society, and the other is a collection of stories created by Buddhists for laymen (see Chapter 2 on the literary background of the Youming lu). Unlike the Xuanyan ji, the Youming lu included more than just Buddhist miracle tales, drawing mainly on folklore and anecdotes that spread among the people. This may explain the major diffferences between the two collections and further explain why the Youming lu is so unique and important in the development of popular Chinese Buddhism. This indicates that the Youming lu may have been more closely related to popular Buddhism, and in this lies its value for the study of the cultural history of popular Chinese Buddhism.

The Contribution of this Book to Chinese Buddhist Studies Even though the focus of this book is proto-fijiction, religious issues are among its major concerns. Thus, while the question “how has Buddhism influenced Chinese tales?” is taken as the major framework to locate diffferent sections of this study, “how Chinese Buddhism became Chinese Buddhism” is taken as a general theoretical framework to sharpen and strengthen the ideas concerning

42 43

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 361–362. Lu Xun, Ibid., p. 386. A translation of this tale can be found in Chapter 3 of this book.

Introduction

15

Buddhist issues. In this way, I hope to contribute to the study of Chinese Buddhism with this book.44 The question “how Chinese Buddhism became Chinese Buddhism” has preoccupied scholars of Chinese Buddhism and has garnered the most attention in prior scholarship. The general dynamic consists of two poles that are represented by the positions outlined in the titles of Kenneth Chen’s The Chinese Transformation of Buddhism45 and Eric Zürcher’s The Buddhist Conquest of China. Paradoxically, although these works oppose each other, they complement each other as well, because each book represents one side of a coin. The development of Chinese Buddhism is stated as follows: Buddhism was “fijirst imported from India and central Asia around the fijirst century ce, Buddhism in China is an evolving hybrid of Chinese and foreign elements.”46 Chinese Buddhist history can be divided into four periods: 1) “preparation” (Eastern Han and early Six Dynasties), 2) “domestication” (Northern and Southern Dynasties), 3) “independent growth” (Sui and Tang Dynasties), and 4) “appropriation” (Five Dynasties to 1900).47 Generally speaking, this book can be fijirst classifijied into the camp represented by Eric Zürcher’s study. The Buddhist beliefs, fijigures/images, and motifs that appeared in the Youming lu were something novel and foreign to the Chinese people. Though indigenous Chinese beliefs about retribution and the netherworld are similar in certain ways to Buddhist retribution and Buddhist hells, they are totally diffferent in nature. The demons in Buddhism such as yaksas and raksasas are never seen in traditional Chinese culture. The stories in Buddhist sutras that inspired new motifs in Chinese narrative are novel to the Chinese as well. In his “A New Look at the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Texts,” while examining the reasons Chinese people accepted Buddhism during the Han Dynasty, Zürcher raises a notable argument. He says, “In spite of occasional (and surprisingly rare) terminological borrowings from Confucian and Taoist lore, the most striking aspect of Han Buddhism is its novelty. The view that Buddhism was accepted because it, in certain ways, accorded with indigenous traditions must be rejected: Buddhism was attractive not because it

44 45 46 47

I’m grateful to Professor Charles Hallisey for his valuable suggestion on the general framework. Kenneth Ch’en, The Chinese Transformation of Buddhism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973). Stephen F. Teiser, “Buddhism: Buddhism in China,” in Lindsay Jones, ed., Encyclopedia of Religion, 2nd ed., p. 1160. Cf. Arthur F. Wright, Buddhism in Chinese History (Stanford & London: Stanford University Press, 1959).

16

Introduction

sounded familiar, but because it was something basically new.”48 This argument, together with what he says about Han Buddhism as the “exotic alternative,” is equally applicable here. However, I don’t believe that the influence of Buddhism upon Chinese narrative is unqualifijied. While accepting Buddhist beliefs, Chinese people frequently made changes according to their own traditions. Domestication of Buddhist concepts is seen explicitly in the Youming lu. For example, Buddhist concepts of hell added new characteristics, such as physical tortures, to the indigenous Chinese netherworld, but hell’s administrative system and offfijicialdoms are still from Chinese tradition. While Chinese concepts of the netherworld have never disappeared, a pure Buddhist concept of hell has never appeared in Chinese narrative as well. Also, in the process of the transmission of karmic retribution to Chinese literature, its concept was altered. Certain new concepts of retribution, such as chengfu ㈧屈 (transmission of burdens), are considered a hybrid of Chinese and Indian conceptions (see Chapter 3). Finally, after being transferred into Chinese narrative, the original identities or features of Buddhist saints and demons have been changed and sinofijied in Chinese literature and culture. Beyond this general dynamic, Robert Sharf has raised a new perspective in his book, Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism: A Reading of the Treasure Store Treatise. He begins with a comment on prior scholarship of Chinese Buddhism: “The modern study of medieval Chinese religion has been divided broadly between two camps: the sinologists and the buddhologists. While the former often ignored Buddhism, the latter tended to ignore everything but.” However, “The sinologists and buddhologists did have one thing in common: they both regarded Chinese Buddhism as the result of a protracted encounter between Indian Buddhism and Chinese civilization, an encounter that led to the sinifijication of Buddhist teachings and practices.”49 Sharf claims that “The issue of sinifijication – the manner and extent to which Buddhism and Chinese culture were transformed through their mutual encounter and dialogue – emerged to dominate the study of Chinese Buddhism for much of the past century.”50 He describes such scholarship as the “Master Narrative” of Chinese Buddhism, wherein “we continue to view the development of Chinese Bud48

49 50

See Koichi Shinohara and Gregory Schopen, ed., From Benares to Beijing: Essays on Buddhism and Chinese Religion in Honours of Prof. Jan Yun-hua (Oakville, Canada: Mosaic Press, 1991), p. 291. Robert Sharf, Coming to Terms with Chinese Buddhism: A Reading of the Treasure Store Treatise (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2001), pp. 1–2. Ibid., p. 4.

Introduction

17

dhism in terms of an extended encounter between India and China. Accordingly, research tends to focus on the processes of domestication and transformation, which raise the issue of the fijidelity of Chinese Buddhism to Indian models.”51 “For the most part, modern studies of medieval Buddhist doctrine are still framed in terms of interrelationships between discrete and autonomous historical entities.”52 Sharf concluded that “the notion of an encounter between India and China may be historically and hermeneutically misleading… . The Chinese ‘encounter’ or ‘dialogue’ with Buddhism took place almost exclusively among the Chinese themselves, on Chinese soil, in the Chinese language.” Thus Chinese Buddhism is the “legitimate scion of sinitic culture.”53 It seems that my present study on the Youming lu falls into the patterns that Sharf is describing and criticizing. Beyond doubt, Sharf’s argument is intriguing and incisive. It contributes to the studies of East Asian Buddhism by challenging suppositions of previous scholarship and providing us with a valuable alternative perspective. As a general comment on the development of Chinese Buddhism, however, it is likely an overstatement. It could be true that, as Sharf claims, Chinese people’s “actual exposure to South Asian clerics and Sanskrit texts was severely limited throughout medieval times”;54 “foreign monks with mastery over Buddhist scripture and doctrine … were relatively few in number, and their command of Chinese was often wanting”; “while some Chinese pilgrims did successfully journey to India, develop fluency in Indic languages … only a handful are remembered in the historical record for their contributions to the transmission of Buddhism to China.”55 Regardless, the spread of Buddhism in medieval China, which was recorded in history, cannot be denied. Taking the Youming lu as an example, it would be hard to explain why so many new beliefs, new images, and new motifs appeared at the same time if the “encounter” and “dialogue” took place “exclusively among the Chinese themselves.” Even though certain concepts, such as the “detached soul” discussed in Chapter 5, likely originated from Chinese Buddhism itself, I still believe that most of the exotic ideas, images, and motifs in the Youming lu came from Indian Buddhist culture. This is the basis of my study, and is why studies of this nature are necessary and of value.

51 52 53 54 55

Ibid., p. 7. Ibid., p. 10. Ibid., p. 2. Ibid., p. 2. Ibid., p. 18.

18

Introduction

Approaches and Resources In order to achieve my goals, the basic methodology of my study has been a comparative one. As Friedrich Max Muller says about religious studies, “All higher knowledge is acquired by comparison, and rests on comparison… . He who knows one, knows none.”56 In the study of Buddhist influences in Chinese narrative, this is even more valid because a comparison between Buddhist ideas and their Chinese counterparts is the basis. We need to compare Chinese stories to those in the Buddhist scriptures as well. This study also emphasizes a conventional socio-historical approach, which pays close attention to the social and cultural backgrounds of literary works, rather than relying only on a critical approach based on the assumption that the key to understanding a work lies within the work itself.57 This explains why a detailed study of the compiler of the Youming lu – his life, his religious beliefs, and his other works – is needed. It also explains why the introduction of the social and religious background of the collection is relevant. Nevertheless, modern literary critical theory will still be useful in the analysis of patterns and artistic functions of the stories and of the “meanings” between the lines.58 It is worth mentioning Liu Yuanru’s ∱剹⤪ġrecent study of religious narratives in the Six Dynasties.59 Based on the theory of Edmund Husserl’s (1859– 1938) phenomenology, Liu’s book tries to interpret and analyze a variety of spaces (䨢攻) experienced by diffferent types of “home religious” ⬿㔁Ṣġ in the perspective of literary interpretation, exploring the multi-layer “fijinite provinces of meaning” and restoring the religious “life-world” (Lebenswelt) by combining diffferent horizons 夾➇į60ġEven though my study has no special intent

56 57 58 59

60

Friedrich Max Muller, Introduction to the Science of Religion (London: Longmans, Green, & Co., 1873), pp. 9–13. Rene Wellek and Austin Warren, Theories of Literature (New York: Harcourt, Brace and World, 1956), pp. 139–141. The study of the New-Historicist Stephen Greenblatt is a good example. See his The Greenblatt Reader, Michael Payne, ed. (Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishing, 2005). See Liu Yuanru, Chaoxiang shenhuo shijie de wenxue quanshi: Liuchao zongjiao xushu de shenti shijian yu kongjian shuxie 㛅⎹䓇㳣ᶾ䓴䘬㔯⬠娖慳烉ℕ㛅⬿㔁㔀徘䘬幓橼 ⮎嶸冯䨢攻㚠⮓ġ [Literary Interpretation towards the Life-World: The Bodily Practice and Space Depiction in the Six Dynasties Religious Narrative] (Taibei: Xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 2010). The works Liu Yuanru discusses as “religious narratives” in this book include mainly zashi 暄⎚ġ (miscellaneous histories), zaji 暄姀ġ (miscellaneous records), and zazhuan 暄⁛ (miscellaneous biographies) that bear heavy Buddhist or Daoist coloring.

Introduction

19

to follow western philosophical approaches as Liu did, Liu’s study is useful to my work in a subtle way. The main sources for this study are the two modern critical editions of Youming lu. The fijirst was edited by Lu Xun in his Guxiaoshuo gouchen⎌⮷婔 憶㰱 [Recollected Old Stories], and the other was edited and annotated by Zheng Wanqing 惕㘂㘜.61 There are diffferent editions of Guxiaoshuo gouchen, but I will use the version from Lu Xun quanji 欗彭ℐ普 [Complete Works of Lu Xun] volume 8, which was published by Renmin wenxue chubanshe Ṣ㮹㔯 ⬠↢䇰䣦 in 1973.62 This is a more reliable edition as compared with the earlier separate version of the Guxiaoshuo gouchen published in 1951 by the same publisher.63 In addition, the present study will also use the version in the Han Wei liuchao biji xiaoshuo daguan 㻊櫷ℕ㛅䫮姀⮷婔⣏奨 [Grand Spectacle of Han Wei and Six Dynasties Zhiguai Stories]. Since all these versions have various textual problems, I also consult the collectanea and encyclopedias such as Taiping guangji ⣒⸛⺋姀 [Extensive Recordings from the Taiping Reign Period],64 Taiping yulan ⣒⸛䥎奥 [Taiping Reign Period Imperial Encyclopedia],65 Yiwen leiju 喅㔯栆倂 [Compendium of Arts and Letters],66 and Shilei fu zhu ḳ栆岎㲐 [Commentary on the Rhapsody on Classifijied Matters].67 61 62 63

64 65 66 67

Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu (Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 1988). New editions of Lu Xun quanji published in 1981 and 2005 do not include the Guxiaoshuo gouchen. Here I give only two examples to support my opinion: 1) On page 205, the separate edition lists one item (tale 38) as two; 2) on page 242, zu 䣾 is mistaken as 䦇 (line 8). Both these errors are corrected in the Lu Xun quanji edition of 1973. Li Fang 㛶㖱 (925–996) et al., ed., Taiping guangji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1961). Li Fang et al., ed., Taiping yulan (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960). Ouyang Xiu 㫸春ᾖ (1007–1072), ed., Yiwen leiju (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1965). Wu Shu ⏛㵹 (947–1002), Shilei fu zhu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989).

20

Chapter 1

Chapter 1

Liu Yiqing’s World and the Youming Lu Traditionally, the Youming lu has been attributed to Liu Yiqing, nephew of Liu Yu ∱ 塽 (r. 420–422), the founder of the Song ⬳ Dynasty (420–479). Modern scholars would rather treat him as an editor, instead of the sole compiler (this will be discussed below). In any case, Liu Yiqing played an important role in the compilation of the Youming lu.1 Because of this, Liu’s life and works are important to the study of the Youming lu. Moreover, while the tale collections compiled by Liu, especially the Shishuo xinyu, have been the subject of numerous studies,2 Liu Yiqing’s life has never been scrutinized until today. This chapter provides the fijirst English translation of Liu Yiqing’s biography, an observation on Liu’s life from three diffferent perspectives, a discussion of his works, and a textual history of his Youming lu.

Liu Yiqing’s Life and Works 1 Liu Yiqing’s Life Information about Liu Yiqing’s life can be found in his biography in the Song shu ⬳㚠 [History of the Song] and Nan shi ⋿⎚ [History of the Southern Empires],3 Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan,4 and biographies and anthologies of his contemporaries, such as Xie Lingyun 嫅曃忳 (385–433) and Bao Zhao 欹䄏 1

2

3 4

Although Nanxiu Qian (in Spirit and Self in Medieval China, the Shih-shuo hsin-yu and Its Legacy, p. 1 and note. 1 on p. 381) argues (following Lu Xun) that the Shishuo xinyu was a compilation of “Liu Yiqing and his stafff,” since there is no hard evidence to support this, I follow the traditional claims that Liu played a major role in compiling the Youming lu. For earlier studies of Shishuo xinyu, see Mather’s “Shih-shuo hsin-yu” entry in Nienhauser, The Indiana Companion to Traditional Chinese Literature, pp. 704–5, v. 2. Besides the large number of previous publications, the most recent studies of Shishuo xinyu include: Fan Ziye 劫⫸䅩, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu ᶾ婒㕘婆䞼䨞 [A Study of the New Account of Tales of the World ] (Haerbin: Heilongjiang jiaoyu chubanshe, 1998); Jiang Fan 哋↉, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu (Shanghai: Xuelin chubanshe, 1998); and Nanxiu Qian, Spirit and Self in Medieval China: the Shih-shuo hsin-yu and Its Legacy (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 2001). There is also a revised edition of Richard Mather’s translation; see Richard B. Mather, trans., Shih-shuo Hsin-yü: A New Account of Tales of the World, 2nd ed. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Center for Chinese Studies, 2002). See Shen Yue 㰰䲬 (441–513), Song shu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 51. 1475–80; Li Yanshou 㛶⺞⢥ (seventh century), Nan shi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975), 13. 358–60. See Huijiao et al., Gaoseng zhuan heji, pp. 1–101.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/9789004277847_003

Liu Yiqing’s World and the Youming Lu

21

(c. 414–466) who had close relationships with Liu Yiqing.5 Two brief modern chronicles of Liu’s life and works are available; the fijirst, by Xiao Hong, is attached to her article “Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque”;6 the second, by Fan Ziye, is in his book Shishuo xinyu yanjiu.7 Also valuable in terms of tracing Liu’s life are Qian Zhenlun’s 拊㋗ΐ (1816–1879) Bao Canjun shi zhu 欹⍫幵娑 㲐 [Adjutant Bao’s Poems with Commentary] and Wu Piji’s ⏛ᶽ䷦ Bao Zhao nianpu 欹䄏⸜嬄 [The Chronicle of Bao Zhao].8 In order to reconstruct Liu Yiqing’s life, Liu’s biography in the Song shu, as well as other related materials from diffferent sources, has been presented in English here for the fijirst time, with annotations. The Biography of Liu Yiqing in the Song shu  The Song shu presents the life of Liu Yiqing in the chapter on imperial kinsmen (Chapter 51). While it does contain a dedicated biography of Yiqing, information about him is also interspersed throughout the biographical treatment of his father and siblings. Liu Yiqing was born into a royal family at Pengcheng ⼕❶, the modern city of Xuzhou ⼸ⶆ, Jiangsu, in the fijirst year of Emperor An ⬱ of Jin 㗱 (403). His father, Liu Daolian ∱忻ㄸ (368–422), was Prince Jing 㘗 of Changsha 攟㱁;9 Liu Daolian was also the younger brother of Liu Yu, founder of the Song. Liu Daolian had six sons, Yiqing was the second. In the eighth year of Yixi 佑䃽 reign period (412), when Yiqing was ten years old,10 his uncle Liu Daogui 忻夷 (370–412), the youngest brother of Liu Yu, died and was posthumously enfeofffed as the Prince of Linchuan 冐ⶅ.11 Daogui had no sons, so Yiqing was made his heir.12

5 6 7 8 9

10 11 12

Xie’s biography is in Shen Yue, Song shu, 67. 1743–87; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 19. 538–42. Bao’s biography is in Shen Yue, Song shu, 51. 1477–80; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 13. 360. Xiao Hong, “Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque,” in Guoli Zhongyang tushuguan guankan 14. 1(1981): 8–24. Fan Ziye, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu, 305–17. Qian Zhenlun, ed., Bao Canjun shi zhu (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1966); Wu Peiji, Bao Zhao nianpu (Beijing: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1974). The seat of Changsha Commandery was at modern Changsha city, Hunan. See Tan Qixiang 嬂℞樌, Zhongguo lishi dituji ᷕ⚳㬟⎚⛘⚾普 [The Historical Atlas of China] (Beijing: Ditu chubanshe, 1982), 4. 26. This is based on the traditional Chinese method of counting years or sui 㬚. He was nine years old based on the modern western standard. The seat of Linchuan Commandery was Linru 冐⤪, west of modern Linchuan County, Jiangxi. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 25–26. See Shen Yue, Song shu, 51. 1474.

22

Chapter 1

Following the information presented earlier in the chapter (summarized above), the dedicated biography of Liu Yiqing in the Song shu offfers the most detailed accounts of his life and career.13 It is rendered here as follows: When Yiqing was young, his distinction was recognized by Gaozu (Liu Yu). [Gaozu] said repeatedly, “This is the Fengcheng [sword] of our clan.”14 At the age of thirteen (415), [Yiqing] inherited the title of Duke of Nanjun (Southern Commandery);15 and was appointed as the Executive Assistant, though he did not accept [the post].16 佑ㄞ⸤䁢檀䣾㇨䞍炻ⷠ㚘烉ˬ㬌⏦⭞寸❶ḇˤ˭⸜⋩ᶱ炻多⮩ ⋿悉℔ˤ昌䴎ḳ炻ᶵ㊄ˤ In the twelfth year of the Yixi period (416), he followed [Liu Yu] in an attack on Chang’an. After returning (419), he was awarded the appointment of Bulwark-General of the State and Governor of Northern Qingzhou.17 Before going to take up the post, he was transferred to be the Army Commander of Yuzhou and Governor of Yuzhou.18 After this, he became the Army Commander of Huaibei,19 while maintaining his earlier posts as Governor of Yuzhou and Bulwark-General of the State.

13 14

15

16

17 18 19

Ibid., 51. 1475–80. His biography in the Nan shi is a simplifijied version of that in the Song shu. Fengcheng Swords, Long Quan 漵㱱 and Tai E ⣒旧, are said to be “spirits of precious swords” ⮞∵ᷳ䱦, which were able to emit purple air into the sky. See the “Biography of Zhang Hua ⻝厗” in Fang Xuanling ㇧䌬漉 (578–648), Jin shu 㗱㚠 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 36. 1075–76. In later literary works, the phrase “Fengcheng sword” is frequently used to praise persons of extraordinary ability, especially those who haven’t become widely known. Nanjun Commandery was on the northern bank of the Yangzi River between the modern city of Zhicheng 㝅❶ and Jiangling 㰇ⅴ in Hubei. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4.25–26. Probably because he was too young to hold the post. Note: Offfijicial titles follow Charles O. Hucker, A Dictionary of Offfijicial Titles in Imperial China (Stanford, Calif.: Stanford University Press, 1985). Qingzhou covered the area around the modern cities of Zibo 㵬⌂ and Weifang 㾘⛲ in Shandong. Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 25–26. Yuzhou governed the southeastern part of modern Henan. See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 4. 26. Huaibei refers to the area north of the Huai River, including Yuzhou and Xuzhou. See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 4. 25–26.

Liu Yiqing’s World and the Youming Lu

23

佑䅁⋩Ḵ⸜炻⽆Ẹ攟⬱炻怬㊄庼⚳⮯幵ˣ⊿曺ⶆ⇢⎚炻㛒ᷳ ả炻⽁䜋尓ⶆ媠幵ḳˣ尓ⶆ⇢⎚炻墯䜋㶖⊿媠幵ḳ炻尓ⶆ⇢ ⎚ˣ⮯幵᷎⤪㓭ˤ In the fijirst year of the Yongchu period (420), Yiqing inherited the title of Prince of Linchuan and was summoned as a Palace Attendant. 㯠⇅⃫⸜炻多⮩冐ⶅ䌳ˤ⽝䁢ἵᷕˤ In the fijirst year of the Yuanjia period (424), he was transferred to be Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and the Director of the Palace Library; he was then transferred to be the Minister of Revenue and Governor of Danyang,20 while retaining the earlier titles of Bulwark-general of the State and Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary. ⃫▱⃫⸜炻廱㔋榶ⷠἵ炻䦀㚠䚋炻⽁⹎㓗⯂㚠炻怟ᷡ春⯡炻≈ 庼⚳⮯幵ˣⷠἵ᷎⤪㓭ˤ At that time, there was a commoner named Huang Chu. His wife, who was from a Zhao family, killed her daughter-in-law. She met an amnesty and should have been sent away to avoid revenge from her grandson. But Yiqing said, “According to the Rites of Zhou, the enemy of one’s parents can avoid revenge by fleeing beyond the seas;21 even though when the son meets the offfender in the market, he would fijight him or her [right away] without returning home to retrieve a weapon. It is perhaps because there is no injustice greater than this, that the principle of justifying revenge cannot be fathomed. Harboring sadness and pillowing a daggeraxe promises a sure revenge in justice.22 As for the case in which one’s 20 21

22

Danyang Commandery covered the area of the capital of [Liu] Song, Jiankang (modern Nanjing). See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 4. 25–26. “Diguan Situ” ⛘⭀⎠⼺ (Offfijice of Earth: Ministers of Education) in Zhouli ␐䥖 [Rites of Zhou], “To mediate hatred, the enemy of one’s parents [is advised to] avoid revenge by fleeing beyond the seas; the enemy of one’s brothers [is advised to] avoid revenge by fleeing one thousand li away.” ↉␴暋炻䇞ᷳ暈炻彇媠㴟⢾烊⃬⻇ᷳ暈炻彇媠⋫慴ᷳ ⢾ˤSee Ruan Yuan 旖⃫ (1764–1849), Shisanjing zhu shu ⋩ᶱ䴻姣䔷ġ[Commentaries and Subcommentaries to the Thirteen Classics] (rpt. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980), p. 732. “Tangong A” 㨨⺻ᶲ in Liji 䥖姀 [Classic of Rites], “Zixia asked Confucius, ‘In dealing with the enemy of one’s parents, what should one do?’ Confucius replied, ‘[He] sleeps on a straw mat, pillows a shield, and does not serve as an offfijicial. This means one should not share the world under Heaven with the enemy [of his parents]. If one meets the

24

Chapter 1

own beloved and relatives are killed and one’s own flesh and blood have slaughtered each other, the way is certainly against normal code, and there is not a standard judgment in the records. For this case, we should seek solutions outside of the law and judge it with human feelings. Besides, in the rites there are excuses for making mistakes, but in law there are no words about taking one’s grandparent as an enemy. Moreover, the reason that the woman from the Zhao family gave way to violence was truly because she was drunk. To seek truth of the matter based on her intention, it is clear that the event took place completely due to her muddleheadedness. How could we treat the muddleheaded grandmother the same as a man in the street who causes deep animosity? I think that even though the grandson bears regret and harbors sadness, this is not against righteousness as a son; he shares the same Heaven and lives in the same area with his grandmother, there is no loss of the fijilial way.” 㗪㚱㮹湫⇅, ⥣嵁㭢⫸⨎炻忯崎ㅱ⽁復性⬓嬶ˤ佑ㄞ㚘烉ˬ㟰˪ ␐䥖˫炻䇞㭵ᷳṯ炻性ᷳ㴟⢾炻晾忯ⶪ㛅炻櫒ᶵ⍵ℝˤ味ẍ卓 ⣏ᷳ⅌炻䎮ᶵ⎗⤒炻⏓㇂㜽ㆰ炻佑姙⽭⟙ˤ军㕤奒㇂䁢㇖炻橐 倱䚠㭀炻㓭忻᷾ⷠㅚ炻姀䃉⭂Ⅾ炻㯪ᷳ㱽⢾炻塩ẍṢねˤᶼ䥖 㚱忶⣙ᷳ⭍炻⼳䃉嬶䣾ᷳ㔯ˤ㱩嵁ᷳ䷙㙜炻㛔䓙㕤惺炻婾⽫⌛ ⮎炻ḳ䚉勺侬ˤ寰⼿ẍ勺侬ᷳ䌳㭵炻䫱埴嶗ᷳ㶙嬶ˤ冋媪㬌⬓ ⽵ハ扄ず炻ᶵ忽⫸佑炻ℙ⣑⎴➇炻䃉嘏⬅忻ˤ˭ In the sixth year (429), Yiqing took up the position of Left Vice Director of the Department of State Afffairs. ℕ⸜炻≈⯂㚠ⶎ⁽⮬ˤ In the eighth year (431), Venus had impinged on the Right Keeper of the Law.23 Yiqing was afraid that there would be a calamity, and thus

23

enemy in the market, he should fijight him or her [right away] without returning home to retrieve a weapon.’” ⫸⢷⓷㕤⫼⫸㚘烉⯭䇞㭵ᷳṯ炻⤪ᷳỽ烎⣓⫸㚘烉⮊劓㜽 ⸚炻ᶵṽ炻⺿冯ℙ⣑ᶳḇ炻忯媠ⶪ㛅炻ᶵ⍵ℝ侴櫒ˤSee Ruan Yuan, Shisanjing zhu shu, p. 1284. Venus symbolized killing and war. When it impinges upon a star, the host of that star is predicted to die. The Right Upholder is one of the ten stars south of the Northern Dipper called Taiwei yuan ⣒⽖❋ (Supreme Palace Enclosure), which is considered a representation or a symbol of the imperial court in ancient Chinese astrology. The “Treaties of Astrology” ⣑㔯⽿ in Jin shu says, “Taiwei is the court of Heavenly Son ” ⣒⽖炻⣑⫸⹕

Liu Yiqing’s World and the Youming Lu

25

requested to receive a military assignment out of the capital. Emperor Wen sent him an imperial edict, which gave him explicit instructions, saying, “Mysterious celestial phenomena are boundless and confusing. They are already difffijicult to understand. Moreover, among the historians and various prognosticators, each has a diffferent view. When the Star of War is blazing and it impinges on a star, this indicates its host will be executed.24 Speaking in terms of this, however, there is even less to fear. After the death of Zheng, the Vice Director of the Department of State Afffairs, the Left Upholder had changed somehow; yet Mr. Wang, the Grand Master of Splendid Happiness, is safe until today.25 That the Sun is in an eclipse for three days is considered the worst omen under Heaven; and there was such an abnormal phenomenon at the beginning of the reign of Xiaowu of the Jin,26 who was [merely] a mediocre lord. Unexpectedly, however, nothing [bad] happened to him. The way of Heaven assists benevolence and favors goodness, which means that there is no point in worrying over chance occurrences. My elder brother and the Army of the Rear are respectively charged with duties to the interior and exterior; while both have their basis in the protection of the state, they are carried out on the inside and on the outside. In terms of flourishing and decline, this is what I ponder – indeed there is in this a causal reason. If Heaven would certainly send down calamities, how can you escape by running a thousand li away? And so it is not the matter of running far away and, furthermore, we do not know the defijinite place that is auspicious or inauspicious. If one stays in the capital and then meets an

24 25

26

ḇ. See Fang Xuanling, Jin shu, 11. 291. Venus impinging the Right Upholder indicates that one of the high-ranking offfijicials in the court is in grave danger. “Star of War” refers to Venus. Its move in the sky, according to ancient Chinese astrology, signals the happening of warfare. Zheng, the Vice Director of the Department of State Afffairs, refers to Zheng Xianzhi 惕歖 ᷳ (362–427), the Shangshu you puye ⯂㚠⎛⁽⮬ (Right Vice Director of the Department of State Afffairs) of the Song. Mr. Wang, the Grand Master for Splendid Happiness refers to Wang Jinghong 䌳㔔⻀ (360–447). Zheng died in the fourth year of the Yuanjia reign period (427). In the sixth year of the Yuanjia reign period (429), Wang became Shangshu ling ⯂㚠Ẍ (Director of the Department of State Afffairs) and Zuo guanglu dafu ⶎ⃱䤧⣏⣓ (Grand Master for Splendid Happiness). See “Wendi ji” 㔯ⷅ䲨 [“Annals of Emperor Wen”] in Song shu, 5.76–78. Emperor Xiaowuġ⬅㬎, Sima ⎠樔㚄ġ(r. 3ĸĴ–396), was the ninth emperor of the Eastern Jin. According to his biography and the “Tianwen zhi ⣑㔯⽿” in Jin shu, there was a eclipse in the tenth month of the third year of Ningkang ⮏⹟ġ reign (375) of Emperor Xiaowu, but no further details were provided (See Jin shu, 9.227, 12.341).

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uncertain fate, yet he leaves here and is certain in keeping his good fortune: could one counter Heaven’s will so recklessly?” Yiqing was resolute and sought to relieve himself of the post of the Left Vice Director of the Department of State Afffairs. Thus Emperor Taizu (Liu Yu) permitted him to resign. Yiqing was offfered the post of Secretary Director and added the title of General of the Front, while retaining his earlier posts as the Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary and Governor [of Danyang]. ℓ⸜炻⣒䘥㗇䉗⎛➟㱽炻佑ㄞㆤ㚱䀥䤵炻Ḇ㯪⢾捖ˤ⣒䣾姼嬔 ᷳ㚘烉ˬ䌬尉勓㗏炻㖊暋⎗Ḯˤᶼ⎚⭞媠⌈炻⎬㚱䔘⎴炻ℝ㗇 䌳㗪炻㚱㇨⸚䉗炻ᷫᷣ䔞娭ˤẍ㬌妨ᷳ炻䙲䃉ㆤḇˤ惕⁽⮬ṉ ⼴炻ⶎ➟㱽▿㚱嬲炻䌳⃱䤧军Ṳ⸛⬱ˤ㖍国ᶱ㛅炻⣑ᶳᷳ军 ⽴炻㗱⬅㬎⇅㚱㬌䔘炻⼤⹠ᷣ俛炻䋞䪇䃉Ṿˤ⣑忻庼ṩ䤷┬炻 媪ᶵ嵛㨓䓇ㄪㆤˤ⃬冯⼴幵炻⎬⍿ℏ⢾ᷳả炻㛔ẍ䵕❶炻堐塷 䴻ᷳ炻䚃堘㬌㆟炻⮎㚱䓙Ἦᷳḳˤ姕劍⣑⽭旵䀥炻⮏⎗⋫慴徫 性恒烎㖊朆怈侭ᷳḳ炻⍰ᶵ䞍⎱↞⭂㇨烊劍⛐悥⇯㚱ᶵ㷔炻⍣ 㬌⽭ᾅ⇑屆侭炻寰㔊劇忽⣑恒烎˭佑ㄞ⚢㯪妋⁽⮬炻ᷫ姙ᷳ炻 ≈ᷕ㚠Ẍ炻忚嘇⇵⮯幵炻ⷠἵˣ⯡⤪㓭ˤ Yiqing was in the post of Governor of the Capital for nine years, and then he left and became the Commissioner with Special Powers, Army Commander of the Seven States – Jing, Yong, Yi, Ning, Liang, Southern and Northern Qin,27 General Pacifying the West, and the Governor of Jingzhou.28 Jingzhou occupies the important location of the upper reaches of the Yangzi River. Its territory was broad and its soldiers strong; its property, weapons, and armor accounted for half of what the royal court had. For these reasons, Gaozu always sent his sons to live there. Since Yiqing was a talented man of the royal clan, he especially had this offfer. By nature he was unassuming, and from the time he arrived to the time when he left the garrison, he refused to accept any gifts that were used to welcome him and send him offf. 27

28

The area under the jurisdiction of Jingzhou was the southwestern part of Hubei, west of the modern city of Yichang ⭄㖴; Yongzhou covered the area around modern Nanyang ⋿ 春 in Henan and Xiangyang 壬春 in Hubei; Yizhou occupied most of modern Sichuan Province; the Ningzhou included modern Yunnan and Guizhou Provinces; Liangzhou covered the area from the modern cities of Nanchong ⋿⃭ in Sichuan to Hanzhong 㻊ᷕ in Shanxi; Qinzhou was centered on modern Ankang ⬱⹟ in Shanxi, covering the area between Qinling 䦎ⵢ and Daba ⣏⶜ Mountain. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 25–26. Yiqing stayed in this position for seven years (432–439).

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⛐Ṕ⯡ḅ⸜炻↢䁢ἧ㊩䭨ˣ悥䜋勲晵䙲⮏㠩⋿⊿䦎ᶫⶆ媠幵 ḳˣ⸛大⮯幵ˣ勲ⶆ⇢⎚ˤ勲ⶆ⯭ᶲ㳩ᷳ慵炻⛘⺋ℝ⻟炻屯⮎ ℝ䓚炻⯭㛅⺟ᷳ⋲炻㓭檀䣾ἧ媠⫸⯭ᷳˤ佑ㄞẍ⬿⭌Ẍ伶炻㓭 䈡㚱㬌㌰ˤ⿏嫁嘃炻⥳军⍲⍣捖炻彶復䈑᷎ᶵ⍿ˤ In the twelfth year (435), [Taizu] requested all of the offfijicials who held posts within and outside the capital to select talented men for offfijice. Yiqing submitted a memorial to the emperor, saying, “The imperial edict seeks talented men through various offfijicials, and it extends to the local governors. It glorifijies the worthy who are lowly and humble and also promotes the well-doer who is secluded or remote. I’m thinking that Your Majesty’s kindhearted decision is glittering and grand, Your Majesty’s ordering of afffairs is bright and far-sighted, Your Majesty’s imperial post is glorious and magnifijicent, and Your Majesty’s moral influence is like the rising Sun. However, Your Majesty still consults the decrees and institutions in the ‘Room of Thoroughfare,’ follows the teachings from the ‘Bright Terrace,’29 sends profound pondering down to the warehouse keepers, and links your sagacious thinking with that of the wall-builders. For this reason, Your Majesty’s Way surpasses those in the past, and your Majesty’s virtue is above that of previous kings. Your vassal would venture to exhaust my empty and meager knowledge, and just obey your brilliant decree. I have seen the previous magistrate of Linzu, Yu Shi,30 a native of Xinye,31 who holds the true nature, keeps his promises [to social norms], and loves and respects purely and profoundly. In the past when he was mourning the death of his mother, he became emaciated because of sorrow, which surpassed the ritual; now he is experiencing the sufffering from the lingering illness of his father, and it is heard that he cried until he shed blood. His behavior is perfected within his residence, [but] his fijilial piety is noted among his neighbors and kinsfolk. This is sufffijicient to transform the indiscreet people into sincerity, to educate [people], and to regulate customs. The prior appointed Audience Attendant Gong Qi (399–440), a native of Wuling,32 is gentle, amiable, chaste, and purely 29 30 31 32

Both “Room of Thoroughfare” and “Bright Terrace” refer to the place where an emperor holds court and administers afffairs of the country. Linzu was located northwest of present-day Dangyang 䔞春 in Hubei. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 34–35. Xinye Commandery covered the area around present-day Xinye County in Henan. See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 4. 25–26. Wuling Commandery occupied the area around present-day Changde ⷠ⽟ in Hunan. See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 4. 25–26. Gong Qi’s biography can be found in in Shen Yue, Song

28

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plain. He lives in seclusion to temper his will and abandons himself to ancient codes and records. This is also sufffijicient to pacify and stop the corrupted scramble [for power and profijit] and to praise and encourage normal promotion.33 The recluse Shi Jue, a native of Nanjun, is talented, learned, bright, and smart.34 His personal integrity is pure and well cultivated, his deeds are as harmonious as pure well water, and his will is as fijirm as ice and frost. In former years, your vassal appointed him State Chancellor, and that did not contaminate his thought. If the orders from royal court come afar and jade and silk arrive from a distance, and exceptional talents emerge now and then, how could [we say] it is far?” ⋩Ḵ⸜炻㘖ἧℏ⢾佌⭀冱⢓炻佑ㄞᶲ堐㚘烉ˬ姼㚠䔯⑐佋⎠炻 ⺞⍲忋䈏炻㕴岊Ṭ旳炻㉼┬⸥忸ˤặょ昃ᶳよ⒚⃱⭋炻䴻䶗㖶 怈炻䘯昶喣㚄炻桐䋟㖍⋯炻侴䋞娊堊⭌ᷳẌ℠炻思㖶⎘ᷳ䜧 妻炻旵㶝ㄖḶ䭉⹓炻䲮俾⿅᷶䇰䭱炻㓭ẍ忻怰⼨庱炻⽟檀⇵ 䌳ˤ冋㔊䪕嘃敯炻䣿㈧㖶㖐ˤặ夳⇵冐㱖Ẍ㕘慶⹦⮎炻䥱䛇Ⰽ 䲬炻ッ㔔㶛㶙ˤ㖼⛐㭵ㄪ炻㭨䗈忶䥖烊Ṳ伡䇞䕂炻㲋埨㚱倆ˤ 埴ㆸ敐⹕炻⬅叿惘源炻嵛ẍ㔎⊾䌯㮹炻滲㔁年὿ˤ⇵⼩⣱㛅婳 㬎昝漼䣰炻〔␴⸛䯉炻屆㻼䲼䳈炻㼃⯭䞼⽿炻俥ね⡛䯵炻Ṏ嵛 捖〗柡䪞炻䋶≾㴖≽ˤ嗽⢓⋿悉ⷓ奢炻ㇵ⬠㖶㓷炻㑵ṳ㶭ᾖ炻 㤕⛯ḽ㷓炻⽿⚢⅘曄ˤ冋⼨⸜彇䁢ⶆ䤕惺炻㛒㰁℞ㄖˤ劍㛅␥ 怈㙐炻䌱ⷃ忸冣炻䔘Ṣ攻↢炻ỽ怈ᷳ㚱ˤ˭ Yiqing was attentive to helping and comforting people. For the offfijicials in the state whose beloved elders did not accompany them to live in their offfijicial residence, he sent fijive offfijicials to send food to their family every year. Prior to this, when Wang Hong (379–432) governed Jiangzhou, there was also such a practice.35 Yiqing stayed in Jingzhou for eight years, and it became a place considered peaceful among western lands. He wrote the Biographies of the Previous Worthies in Xuzhou in ten juan and submitted it to the emperor; furthermore, he wrote the Comments on the Classics

33 34 35

shu, 93.2285; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 75. 1869. Fudong here does not make any sense to me. Thus it is taken as an antonym of tuijing, corrupted scramble. Shi Jue was also called Shi Jueshou 奢㌰. His biography is found in Shen Yue, Song shu, 93.2279; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 73.1806. Wang Hong, styled Xiuyuan ẹ⃫, was a grandson of Wang Dao 䌳⮶ (276–339), the Chief Overseer of the Department of State Afffairs of the Jin. See his biography in Shen Yue, Song shu, 42.1311–27; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 21.569–72.

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by imitating Ban Gu’s Introduction to Classics, so as to record the goodness of this august era. 佑ㄞ䔁⽫㑓䈑炻ⶆ䴙ℏ⭀攟奒侩炻ᶵ晐⛐⭀况侭炻⸜倥怋Ḽ⎷ 梱⭞ˤ⃰㗗炻䌳⻀䁢㰇ⶆ炻Ṏ㚱㬌⇞ˤ⛐ⶆℓ⸜炻䁢大⛇㇨ ⬱ˤ㑘˪⼸ⶆ⃰岊⁛˫⋩⌟炻⣷ᶲᷳˤ⍰㒔䎕⚢˪℠⺽˫䁢ġ ˪℠㔀˫炻ẍ徘䘯ẋᷳ伶ˤ ġ In the sixteenth year (439), his positions changed to Cavalier Attendantin-ordinary, Army Commander of the three commanderies, Xiyang, Jinxi, and Xincai,36 of the Jiangzhou and Yuzhou, General of the Guards, and Governor of Jiangzhou,37 retaining the Commissioner with Special Powers as before. ⋩ℕ⸜炻㓡㌰㔋榶ⷠἵˣ悥䜋㰇ⶆ尓ⶆᷳ大春㗱䅁㕘哉ᶱ悉媠 幵ḳˣ堃⮯幵ˣ㰇ⶆ⇢⎚炻㊩䭨⤪㓭ˤ In the seventeenth year (440), he assumed the title of Army Commander of the Six Regions – Southern Yan,38 Xu, Yan, Qing, Ji,39 and You, and the Governor of Southern Yanzhou.40 Soon afterwards, the post of Commander Unequalled in Honor was added [to his duties]. ⋩ᶫ⸜炻⌛㛔嘇悥䜋⋿⃿⼸⃿曺ℨ⸥ℕⶆ媠幵ḳˣ⋿⃿ⶆ⇢ ⎚ˤ⮳≈攳⹄₨⎴ᶱ⎠ˤ

36

37 38

39

40

The Xiyang Commandery was located northwest of the modern city of Huangshi 湫䞛 in Hubei; the Jinxi Commandery was located to the west of the modern city of Anqing ⬱ㄞ in Anhui; and the Xincai Commandery was at the modern Xincai county in Henan. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4.25–26. Jiangzhou in the Southern Dynasties period covered modern Jiangxi and Fujian; and its seat was at the modern city of Jiujiang ḅ㰇, Jiangxi. See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 4.25–26. Southern Yanzhou covered the area between the city of Guangling (modern Yangzhou), Jiangsu, and Xuchi 䚙䛁 County, Anhui. See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 4.25–26. Both Guangling and Xuchi have been the location of the state governmental offfijice. Xuzhou covered the area of modern city of Xuzhou in Jiangsu to Yishui 㰪㯜 in Shandong; Yanzhou was centered on the modern city of Jining 㾇⮏ in Shandong; Jizhou covered the area between the modern cities of Yantai 䄁⎘ and Qingdao 曺Ⲟ in Shandong. See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 4.25–26. Youzhou was actually a state of Northern Wei which covered the area between modern cities of Beijing and Tianjin. See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 4.50–51.

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[Liu] was a person of simplicity and quiet temperament. He was addicted to few things, [yet] he loved literary writings. Although his literary works were not numerous, he was good enough to be a representative of the royal house. As he had appointments to a succession of provincial frontier positions, he did not have the faults of luxuriance and extravagance. It was only in his later years that supporting Buddhist monks caused him tremendous expense. He was a good rider when he was young, yet when he had grown older, he did not ride a horse anymore because the road of life was so hard. He assembled men of letters from near and far: the [posthumous] Defender-in-chief Yuan Shu (408–453), whose literary works were the best at the time,41 was asked to be the Administrative Advisor of his guarding troops when Yiqing was governing Jiangzhou. Other people such as Lu Zhan (d. 454) from the Wu Commandery,42 He Changyu (d. 446) and Bao Zhao from Donghai,43 who all made beautiful literary works, were promoted as accessory clerks. When the Taizu (Emperor Wen) wrote to Yiqing, he often weighed his words carefully again and again. 䁢⿏䯉䳈炻⮉▄㫚炻ッ⤥㔯佑炻㔯娆晾ᶵ⣂炻䃞嵛䁢⬿⭌ᷳ 堐ˤ⍿ả㙮䯻炻䃉㴖㶓ᷳ忶炻ⓗ㘂䭨⣱梲㱁攨炻枿农屣㎵ˤ⮹ ┬榶Ḁ炻⍲攟ẍᶾ嶗则暋炻ᶵ⽑嶐楔ˤ㊃倂㔯⬠ᷳ⢓炻役怈⽭ 军ˤ⣒⮱堩㵹炻㔯ⅈ䔞㗪炻佑ㄞ⛐㰇ⶆ炻婳䁢堃幵媖嬘⍫幵烊 ℞检⏛悉映⯽ˣ㜙㴟ỽ攟䐄ˣ欹䄏䫱炻᷎䁢录䪈ᷳ伶炻⺽䁢Ỹ ⎚⚳冋ˤ⣒䣾冯佑ㄞ㚠炻ⷠ≈シ㕇惴ˤ Bao Zhao was styled Mingyuan, and his language was rich and unconventional. He wrote old-style yuefu poetry, in which the language is very vigorous and beautiful. During the Yuanjia reign period, both the Yellow River and the Ji River became clear,44 which at that time was considered 41

42

43 44

Yuan Shu later became the Governor of Xuancheng ⭋❶ Commandery (present-day Xuancheng, Anhui. See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 3.55–6), and Shangshu libu lang ⯂㚠⎷悐恶 (Secretarial Court Gentleman of the Appointments Section). His biography is found in Shen Yue, Song shu, 70.1835–41; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 26.698–70. Centered on the modern city of Suzhou 喯ⶆ in Jiangsu (See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 4.26). He Changyu’s biography can be found in Shenyue, Song shu, 67.1774–75; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 19.540. A commandery centered with the modern city of Zhenjiang 捖㰇 in Jiangsu. See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 4. 26. The Ji River was one of the four great rivers of China, which include the Yangzi River, the Huai 㶖 River, and the Yellow River. The Ji River rises from the Wangwu 䌳⯳ Mountain

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auspicious.45 Bao Zhao wrote “A Eulogy to the Rivers Becoming Clear.” Its words are very exquisite. It reads: ….46 Shizu took Bao Zhao as Secretariat Drafter. The emperor loved writing articles, and he thought that none was his match. Bao Zhao understood his mind; thus when he composed literary works he added many superfijicial words and redundant sentences. People at the time all said that Zhao’s talent had been exhausted. In fact it was not true. When the Prince of Linhai,47 Zixu, governed Jingzhou, Bao Zhao became the Adjutant of the Army of the Front and was in the post of Chief Secretary. After Zixu was defeated, Bao Zhao was killed by rebel soldiers.48

45

46 47 48

in Jiyuan 㾇㸸 County of Hebei, and enters into the Yellow River. The lower reaches of Ji River was a branch of the Yellow River. It flowed through Shandong to the Ocean. See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 4. 25–26. Sima Biao’s ⎠楔⼒ (d. 306) Xu Han shu 临㻊㚠 [Continuation of the History of Han] says: “In the ninth year (166) of the Yanxi reign (158–166), the [Yellow] River in the commanderies of Jiyin, Dongjun, Jibei, and Pingyuan became clear. Xiang Kai submitted a memorial to the emperor, saying, ‘[Based on] the records and annotations found in the Spring and Autumn, the [Yellow] River has never become clear, but now it became clear. Yi qian zaodu [“An Interpretive Companion to the Yi jing: Understanding “qian”] says, ‘When Heaven is about to send down an auspicious omen, water in the [Yellow] River becomes clear fijirst.’ Jing Fang’s Commentary on the Book of Changes says, ‘When water of the [Yellow] River becomes clear, the world becomes peaceful.’” ⺞䅡ḅ⸜炻㾇昘ˣ㜙悉ˣ㾇 ⊿ˣ⸛⍇㱛㯜㶭ˤ壬㤟ᶲ䔷㚘烉“㗍䥳㲐姀炻㛒㚱㱛㶭炻侴Ṳ㚱ᷳˤ˪㖻Ḧ↧ ⹎˫㚘烉‘ᶲ⣑⮮旵▱ㅱ炻㱛㯜⃰㶭ˤ” Ṕ㇧˪㖻⁛˫㚘烉“㱛㯜㶭炻⣑ᶳ⸛ˤ” Cited in Li Daoyuan 惰忻⃫ (d. 527), Shuijing zhu 㯜䴻㲐 [Annotations to the Classic of Rivers] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1991), 5. The lengthy eulogy, which eulogizes the Liu Song with this rare and auspicious omen, is omitted here. A commandery around the modern city of Linhai in Zhejiang. See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 4. 25–26. In terms of writing style, it is obviously awkward to attach Bao Zhao’s biography and his lengthy literary work here. Zhao Yi 嵁侤 (1727–1814) says, “The Song shu has too many redundant words and composes too few biographies as well…. Bao Zhao’s talent in literary writing ranked the fijirst at his time. Since Song shu does not have biographies of literary writers, why did not [the author] put him in the memoirs; but instead, he only presented it as an attachment to the biography of Liu Yiqing? Not only did he attach Bao’s biography to Yiqing’s biography, but also [he] included the whole piece of his ‘A Eulogy to the Rivers Becoming Clear,’ which increases the length limitlessly. Isn’t this close to the case that a presumptuous guest usurps the role of the host?” ˪⬳㚠˫⇯唒娆⣒⣂炻侴 䩳⁛⍰⣒⮹ˤ……欹䄏㔯ㇵ䁢䔞㗪䫔ᶨ炻˪⬳㚠˫㖊䃉˪㔯剹⁛˫炻ỽᶵ䩳㕤 ↿⁛烎ᷫṎ㕤˪冐ⶅ䌳佑ㄞ⁛˫ℭ旬夳ᷳˤ㖊旬Ḷ˪佑ㄞ⁛˫䞋炻⍰ℐ庱 ℞˪㱛㶭枴˫ᶨ䭯炻䳗ⷭᶵ䚉炻ᶵↈ╏⭊⤒ᷣ᷶烎See his Gaiyu congkao 旼检᷃

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欹䄏炻⫿㖶怈炻㔯录岵忠炻▿䁢⎌㦪⹄炻㔯䓂忺渿ˤ⃫▱ᷕ炻 㱛ˣ㾇ᾙ㶭炻䔞㗪ẍ䁢伶䐆炻䄏䁢˪㱛㶭枴˫炻℞⸷䓂ⶍˤ℞ 录㚘烉……ᶾ䣾ẍ䄏䁢ᷕ㚠况Ṣˤᶲ⤥䁢㔯䪈炻冒媪䈑卓傥⍲炻 䄏ぇ℞㖐炻䁢㔯⣂惁妨䳗⎍炻䔞㗪①媪䄏ㇵ䚉炻⮎ᶵ䃞ḇˤ冐 㴟䌳⫸枲䁢勲ⶆ炻䄏䁢⇵幵⍫幵炻㌴㚠姀ᷳảˤ⫸枲㓿炻䁢Ḫ ℝ㇨㭢ˤ When Yiqing was ill at Guangling,49 a white rainbow arched over the city wall and a wild elk entered his offfijicial residence.50 He hated this very much, and resolutely stated his reasons for requesting to return [to the capital]. Taizu permitted him to be released from his posts in the province, and he returned to the court with his original titles. 佑ㄞ⛐⺋昝炻㚱䕦炻侴䘥嘡屓❶炻慶渽ℍ⹄炻⽫䓂らᷳ炻⚢昛 㯪怬ˤ⣒䣾姙妋ⶆ炻ẍ㛔嘇怬㛅ˤ In the twenty-fijirst year (444), Yiqing passed away in the capital at the age of forty-two. He was retroactively conferred the positions of Palace Attendant and Director of Public Works. His posthumous title was Prince Kang.51 Ḵ⋩ᶨ⸜炻啐㕤Ṕ怹炻㗪⸜⚃⋩Ḵˤ徥岰ἵᷕˣ⎠䨢炻媉㚘⹟ 䌳ˤ

49 50

51

侫 (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1965), 60. In fact, Liu Yiqing’s biography is also attached to the biography of another person, his uncle Liu Daogui. Present-day Yangzhou. This event took place in the twentieth year of Yuanjia (443). The appearance of both white rainbows and elks entering one’s residence were considered bad omens in ancient China. Shi ming 慳⎵ (Interpretation of Names) says, “A rainbow symbolizes attacking – pure yang attacks pure yin air, and that is the reason why [there is a rainbow]” 嘡, 㓣ḇ, 乗春㓣昘㯋㓭ḇ. See Liu Xi ∱䅁 [fl. 200], Shi ming [Taibei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1966], 1.7. “Wei ce” 櫷䫾 [“Intrigues of Wei”] of Zhan guo ce ㇘⚳䫾 (Intrigues of the Warring States) reads, “When Nie Zheng assassinated Kui (Prime Minister Xia ᾈ䳗) of the Han, a white rainbow was crossing the Sun” 倞㓧ᷳ⇢ 杻
ḇ炻䘥嘡峗㖍. See Gao You, ed., Zhan guo ce [Taibei: Taiwan shangwu yinshu guan, 1968], 25.27. Xiao Guangji’s 唕⺋㾇 “Biographies of Filial Sons” ⬅⫸⁛ says, “When Xiao Guo was experiencing the death of [his parent], a swan visited his courtyard and left in the evening; an elk entered his gate in the evening, traveled with a dog and a horse, and left at dawn” 唕⚳怕᷏炽㚱洈㷠℞⹕, 军㙖侴⍣; 䋸㙖ℍ℞攨, 冯䉔楔㕭, 军㖎侴⍣. See Ouyang Xiu 㫸春ᾖ (1007–1072), ed. Yiwen leiju 喅㔯栆倂 (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 95.1649. See Shen Yue, Song shu, 51.1480.

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Liu Yiqing as a Prince and an Offfijicial Liu Yiqing spent most of his forty-two years as an offfijicial. The role he played was similar to most other royal house members in medieval China, but due to his specifijic circumstances, his political career began at a much earlier age. The Han 㻊 (206 bc-ad 220), Wei 櫷 (220–265), and Jin 㗱 (265–420) dynasties all ended when the political and military power fell into the hands of people from other clans. In an efffort to secure the positions of the imperial family, the Song founder Liu Yu distributed power to his sons and nephews, appointing them as governors and generals when they were still young. This provided Liu Yiqing with ample opportunities to participate in political and military activities as a young man. As recorded in his biography in Song shu, Liu Yiqing was put in key positions when he was still young. At the age of thirteen (415), Yiqing inherited the title of Duke of the Southern Commandery and was appointed as Executive Assistant, but he did not take up the post, likely due to his young age. The following year, he accompanied Liu Yu in Liu’s attack on Chang’an. After returning in 419 he was awarded the posts of Bulwark-general of the State and Governor of Qingzhou but again, he did not take up the post, and then became Army Commander of Yuzhou and Governor of Yuzhou. Yiqing was also made the Governor of Shouyang ⢥春 in the same year.52 In the fijirst year of the Yongchu period (420), when Yiqing was eighteen, he inherited the title of Prince of Linchuan, and was offfered the post of Palace Attendant. After this, he stayed in the capital, Jiankang, for ten years. During the period as the Palace Attendant, the fijirst four years at the capital, his life was stable and peaceful. After Emperor Wen, Liu Yilong ∱佑昮 (407–453), ascended to the throne, Liu Yiqing’s life changed dramatically. In the fijirst year of the Yuanjia period (424), he was transferred from one position to another. He became Cavalier Attendant-in-Ordinary, then Director of the Palace Library, then Minister of Revenue and Governor of Danyang.53 After several moves, however, in the sixth year of the Yuanjia reign period (429) Yiqing took up the highest position he would hold during his life, the Left Vice Director of the Department of State Afffairs, which was second only to the Director of the Department of State Affairs. Surprisingly, Yiqing stayed in that position for only two years before requesting a resignation. 52

53

Ibid., 36.1072. The region under the jurisdiction of Shouyang is not clear. Zang Lihe 冏⊝ 潊 says that the prefecture was established in the Southern Qi dynasty, and it was in modern Sichuan; see his Diming dacidian ⛘⎵⣏录℠ (Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1982), p. 1085. See Shen Yue, Ibid, 51.1475.

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The cause of his resignation is puzzling. According to his biography in Song shu, Venus had impinged on the Right Upholder. Yiqing was afraid that there would be a calamity, and thus requested a transfer to the provinces. Emperor Wen tried to dissuade him, but Yiqing insisted, thus, he resigned his position as the Left Vice Director of the Department of State Afffairs. There are enough reasons to believe that Liu’s resignation was closely related to the political situation at the time. Emperor Wen was originally not the heir, and he became emperor through the machinations of Xu Xianzhi ⼸佐ᷳ (364–426), Chief Overseer of the Department of State Afffairs, Minister of Education, and Governor of Yangzhou ㎂ⶆ,54 and Fu Liang ‭Ṗ (374–426), Director of the Department of State Afffairs.55 Only two years after he ascended to the throne (426), however, Emperor Wen executed both Xu and Fu.56 Xie Hui 嫅㘎 (390–426), the Governor of Jingzhou, was killed in the same year.57 In the seventh year of Yuanjia (430), Zhu Lingxiu 䪢曰䥨 (d. 430), the Governor of Yanzhou, was executed as well.58 Modern scholar Zhou Yiliang ␐ᶨ列 believes that Emperor Wen was a suspicious, jealous, and cruel man, and his killing of his subjects was partly related to health problems and his troubled psychological state.59 In the meantime, Yikang 佑⹟ (409–451), the younger brother of Emperor Wen, became powerful.60 Yikang was offfered the position of Director of the Department of State Afffairs in the same year that Yiqing became the Left Vice Director of the Department of State Afffairs. Song shu says, “From then on all of the afffairs inside and outside were decided by Kang.”61 Yiqing must have felt

54 55

56 57 58 59

60 61

His biography is found in Shen Yue, Ibid, 43.1329–35; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 15.432–35. Fu’s biography can be found in Shen Yue, Ibid., 43.1335–41; Li Yanshou, Ibid., 15.441–43. The original heir selected by Liu Yu was his eldest son Yifu 佑䫎, who was only 17 years old when Liu Yu passed away. Because Yifu was fond of idling about instead of governing, Xu Xianzhi, Fu Liang, and Xie Hui decided to dethrone him and enthrone Yilong, the third son of Liu Yu. Shen Yue, Ibid., 5.74. Ibid., 44.1347–62. Ibid., 5.79. See Zhou Yiliang, “Shishuo xinyu he zuozhe Liu Yiqing shenshi de kaocha ᶾ婒㕘婆␴ἄ 侭∱佑ㄞ幓ᶾ䘬侫⮇ (Examination on New Account of Tales of the World and Its Author Liu Yiqing’s Life],” in his Wei Jin nanbeichao shi lunji xubian 櫷㗱⋿⊿㛅⎚婾普临䶐 [Second Collection of Commentaries on History of Wei Jin Northern and Southern Dynasties] (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1991), p. 19. His biography is found in Shen Yue, Ibid., 68. 1789–97; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 13. 366–69. See Shen Yue, Ibid., 68. 1790.

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the danger of being between these two political powers, and that could have been the real reason for his resignation.62 Having left the capital, Yiqing became the Governor of Jingzhou in 432, and he remained in this position for seven years (432–439).63 During this period, Yiqing devoted himself to governing. He was attentive to the needs of the people under him, submitted a memorial recommending Yu Shi and others to Emperor Wen, and wrote the Biographies of Previous Worthies in Xuzhou and the Comments on the Classics. In the sixteenth year (439) of Yuanjia, Yiqing became the Governor of Jiangzhou, another strategic location. In the following year (440), however, he was transferred and became the Governor of Southern Yanzhou. His move from Jiangzhou to Yanzhou was related to another political event that had occurred in the capital. That year, Emperor Wen had Yikang’s most trusted subordinate, Liu Zhan ∱㸃 (392–440), killed, and he jailed all of Yikang’s inner circle as well.64 As a result, Yikang was forced to retire from the position of Director of Department of State afffairs, and then was banished from the court to Jiangzhou. Because of this, Yiqing had to move.65 Yiqing stayed in Yanzhou for three years before he returned to the capital in the twentieth year of Yuanjia (443) and died the next year at the age of fortytwo.66 According to his biography, his interests changed from politics to literature during the latter period of his life.

62

63 64 65 66

Yiqing’s concerns were not at all groundless. Two years after his death, Liu Yikang was demoted as a commoner. In the 27th year of Yuanjia (448), the army of Northern Wei attacked Song. To prevent Yikang from rebellion, Emperor Wen offfered him death (449). This initiated the notorious killings between blood brothers in the royal house of the Song. According to Wang Zhong’s 㰒ᷕ (1745–1797)“Bu Song shu zongshi xibiao xu” 墄⬳ 㚠⬿⭌ᶾ䲣堐⸷ [Preface to Additions to the Genealogy of Royal House in Song shu], 80 out of 129 members of the royal clan were killed by their own kin during the 60 years of the Song reign. Luo Zhenyu’s 伭㋗䌱 (1866–1940) “Bu Song shu zongshi xibiao” 墄⬳㚠 ⬿⭌ᶾ䲣堐 [Additions to the Genealogy of Royal House in Song shu] adds, among the 158 royal members one was killed by his own son, four were killed by his subjects, and 103 were killed by their own kin. See Ershiwu shi kanxing weiyuanhui Ḵ⋩Ḽ⎚↲埴⥼⒉㚫, Ershiwu shi bubian Ḵ⋩Ḽ⎚墄䶐 [Additions to the 25 Dynasties History] (Taibei: Taiwan Kaiming shudian, 1959), 3. 4233–41. This may be the best explanation of the reason why Liu Yiqing requested so urgently to leave the capital. Shen Yue, Song shu, 51. 1476. Ibid., 5.87. Ibid., 68.1791–95. The reason why Emperor Wen’s move against Yikang’s power base neccessitates a move for Yiqing from one governnorship to another is unclear. Ibid., 51. 1480.

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Liu Yiqing as a Lover of Literature Liu Yiqing has been noted for his talent in literature. His biography in Song shu indicates that “He was addicted to few things, [yet] he loved literary writings;” and “Although his literary works were not numerous, he was good enough to be a representative of the royal house.” The biography also notes that his talent was respected by others, including Emperor Wen, saying “When Taizu (Emperor Wen) wrote to Yiqing, he often weighed his words carefully again and again.”67 There is an important reason that explains why Liu Yiqing’s talent in literature drew great attention among his kinsmen. According to the Wei shu 櫷㚠 [History of the Wei], the Liu clan was a humble one.68 While living in Jingkou Ṕ⎋,69 Liu Yu made a living selling shoes, and was often ridiculed by his contemporaries. Liu Yu admired those who had talent in literature, and his admiration did not stop even after he became the Prime Minister.70 When Yiqing was young, Liu Yu was proud of him for his literary talent.71 Liu Yiqing’s love of literature cannot be separated from his cultural environment. Yiqing’s father, Daolian, was a student in the national academy. It is likely that he influenced Yiqing’s literary sensibility. When Yiqing followed Liu Yu in Liu’s attack on Chang’an at the age of fourteen, Guo Chengzhi 悕㼬ᷳ, the author of Guozi 悕⫸, a collection of zhiguai tales, was also among the troops.72 From age fijifteen to eighteen, Yiqing administered Shouyang as the Governor of Yuzhou. Considering that this position was likely nominal, Xiao Hong thinks that may have allowed Yiqing plenty of time for literary pursuits. Following Guo Chengzhi’s example, he might have already had a plan to compile a collection like Shishuo xinyu.73 At that time, however, Liu Jingshu ∱㔔⍼ (fl. early fijifth century), the compiler of the Yiyuan 䔘剹 [A Garden of Marvels], took up the post of Biaoji jiangjun 槫榶⮯幵 (Cavalry General) under Liu Daolian, Yiqing’s father.74 Yiyuan is a zhiguai collection compiled in the same period as that of Youming lu, and there are about a dozen tales in Youming lu that were also included in Yiyuan. Even though we cannot say that Liu Yiqing and Liu Jingshu were associated with each other, it is possible that some relationship existed between them. 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74

Ibid., 51. 1477. See Wei Shou 櫷㓞 (506–572), Wei shu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1974), 97. 2129. Modern Nanjing, the capital of Jiangsu Province. See Shen Yue, Song shu, 64.1696. Ibid., 51.1475. See Chen Guishi, “Youming lu Xuanyan ji yanjiu,” p. 8. Xiao Hong, “Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque,” p. 13. See Liu Jingshu, Yiyuan, v. 3, in Wang Genlin et al., ed. Han Wei liuchao biji xiaoshuo daguan, p. 612.

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Liu’s subsequent positions would have likely continued to give him enough time to enjoy and work on literature. During the eleven-year period between 421 and 431, Yiqing was in the capital Jiankang. The fijirst position he took was Palace Attendant, a post generally held by an erudite person. Among the positions he took up in the years of the Yuanjia period was that of the Director of the Palace Library, a post for learned scholars who possesses a good command of literature and history. In that position, Yiqing had access to the imperial library, a collection that must have been important for him in compiling the Shishuo xinyu and Youming lu. After leaving the capital in 413, Yiqing became the Governor of Jingzhou, where he displayed an obvious interest in literature. According to his biography in Song shu, he wrote the Biographies of the Previous Worthies in Xuzhou in ten juan and the Comments on the Classics.75 Liu Yiqing was also noted for gathering notable scholars of his time. His biography states that he “collected men of letters from near and far;” when he was governing Jiangzhou, he invited Yuan Shu 堩㵹 (408–453) to be the Administrative Advisor of his guarding troops; and he also promoted Lu Zhan 映 ⯽ (d. 454), He Changyu ỽ攟䐄 (d. 446), and Bao Zhao to titles of accessory clerks.76 Yet the passage only provides obscure information on the beginning dates of Liu’s gathering of men of letters and those who were assembled. In fact, Yiqing started to collect literati when he was in Jingzhou, prior to living in Jiangzhou, and Yuan Shu was not the fijirst person summoned by Yiqing. The right order of the persons who were assembled should be: He Changyu, Lu Zhan, Yuan Shu, and Bao Zhao. During the Jingzhou period, He Changyu and Lu Zhan became Liu’s assistants.77 Later, He Changyu was exiled because he wrote a verse satirizing Lu Zhan, and he was not able to return until Liu’s death.78 When Liu Yiqing moved from Jingzhou to Jiangzhou, Bao Zhao and Yuan Shu were under his authority.79 Bao Zhao’s biography in Nan shi describes how Bao Zhao recommended himself to Liu Yiqing: Earlier, Zhao once went to visit Yiqing, and his distinction was not yet recognized and appreciated. When he intended to send poems to Yiqing to express his will, someone stopped him, saying, “Your position is still humble, you should not lightly insult the great prince.” Zhao became angry…. But then he sent his poems. Yiqing marveled at them and 75 76 77 78 79

See Shen Yue, Song shu, 51. 1475–80. Ibid., 51. 1477. See the account of He Changyu attached to “Biography of Xie Lingyun,” Ibid, 67. 1775. See Shen Yue, Ibid, 67. 1775. Yuan Shu’s life can be seen in his biography in Shen Yue, Ibid, 70. 1835–41.

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bestowed him with twenty bolts of silk. In a short time he was promoted to be an Attendant Gentleman of the State, and was extremely appreciated. 䄏⥳▿媩佑ㄞ炻㛒夳䞍炻㫚届娑妨⽿炻Ṣ㬊ᷳ㚘烉“⌧ỵ⯂⋹炻 ᶵ⎗庽⾌⣏䌳ˤ”䄏≫䃞 … 㕤㗗⣷娑炻佑ㄞ⣯ᷳˤ岄ⷃḴ⋩⋡炻 ⮳㒊䇚⚳ἵ恶炻䓂夳䞍岆ˤ80 The modern scholar Xiao Hong thinks that Bao Zhao was summoned to replace He Changyu,81 but they actually served under Liu during diffferent time periods. Furthermore, it is most likely that Yiqing would have accepted Bao Zhao, regardless of whether He Changyu was still in his coterie or not. In fact, the scholars and writers who were assembled by Liu Yiqing were not limited to the aforementioned four individuals. According to Cao Daoheng 㚡忻堉, there were at least four more people who were gathered by Liu Yiqing, including Xiao Sihua 唕⿅娙ġ(406–455), He Yan ỽΎġ(413–458), Sheng Hongzhi 䚃⻀ᷳ (fl. 437), and Zhang Chang ⻝㙊 (?-455).82 Additionally, at least three more scholars, Yang Xin伲㫋 (370–442), Shi Jueshou ⷓ奢㌰, and Gong Qi 漼䣰 (399–440), were summoned by Liu Yiqing, though they refused to accept his offfers.83 Literary activity, including the patronage of talented literati, appears to have provided Liu Yiqing with some degree of solace, as well as protection against political calamity. Zhou Yiliang comments on Liu’s life as follows: He lived under the governing of Emperor Wen of Song, who was suspicious and jealous of the princes of the royal clan. In order to protect himself and keep away from disasters, he [Yiqing] summoned the literati and placed his feelings in literature and history. Ṿ嗽⛐⬳㔯ⷅ∱佑昮⮵㕤⬿⭌媠䌳㆟䔹䋄⽴䘬䴙㱣ᷳᶳ, 䁢Ḯℐ 幓怈䤵, 㕤㗗㊃倂㔯⬠ᷳ ⢓, ⭬ね㔯⎚.84 80 81 82

83

84

Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 13. 360. See Xiao Hong, “Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque,” p. 15. Cao Daoheng and Shen Yucheng 㰰䌱ㆸ, Zhonggu wenxue shiliao congkao ᷕ⎌㔯⬠⎚ 㕁⎊侫 [Collected Textual Research on the Historical Materials of Medieval Chinese Literature] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2003), pp. 325–26. Ibid, pp. 325–26; Liu Sai ∱岥, “Linchuan wang Liu Yiqing zhaoji wenshi huodong kaobian 冐ⶅ䌳∱佑ㄞ㊃普㔯⢓㳣≽侫彐 [A Textual Research on Liu YIqing’s Assembling Men of Letters],” Hubei daxue xuebao 㷾⊿⣏⬠⬠⟙ġŜJournal of Hubei University], 34. 6 (2007): 73–77. Zhou Yiliang, “Shishuo xinyu he zuozhe Liu Yiqing shenshi de kaocha,” p. 21.

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Liu Yiqing as a Devotee of Buddhism In his later years, Liu Yiqing devoted himself to Buddhism and spent a prodigious amount of money supporting Buddhist monks. A passage from his biography reads: As he had appointments to a succession of provincial frontier positions, he did not have the faults of luxuriance and extravagance. It was only in his later years that supporting Buddhist monks caused him tremendous expenses. He was a good rider when he was young, yet when he had grown older, he did not ride a horse anymore because the road of life was so hard.85 ⍿ả㙮䯻炻䃉㴖㶓ᷳ忶炻ⓗ㘂䭨⣱梲㱁攨炻枿农屣㎵ˤ⮹┬榶 Ḁ炻⍲攟ẍᶾ嶗则暋炻ᶵ⽑嶐楔ˤ This passage indicates that Liu Yiqing’s devotion to Buddhism was related not only to the social background in which Buddhism was flourishing, but also to Liu’s personal life and experience. Interpretation of “road of life was so hard” in this passage is the key to understanding why Liu Yiqing “did not ride a horse anymore,” as well as his devotion to Buddhism. Zhou Yiliang argues that before the attack of Northern Wei in the 27th year of Yuanjia (450) the south was relatively peaceful, thus the “road of life was so hard” in this passage does not refer to social disturbance or general hardship in life during that time; rather, it refers to the political struggles in the royal court (discussed above).86 There is evidence that the realities of Liu Yiqing’s life led him to turn to Buddhism. During the Jiangzhou period, his elder brother Yixin 佑㫋 (d. 439) and younger brother Yirong 佑圵 (d. 441) both died in their thirties. As Xiao Hong has suggested, this might have caused him to realize that life was as ephemeral as a dream.87 Later, his move from Jiangzhou to Yanzhou likely caused him to gain a sense of helplessness. According to the tale “Wu ye ti” 䁷⣄┤ (Crows Caw at Night) in Wu Jing’s ⏛䪞 (670–749) Yuefu guti yaojie 㦪⹄⎌柴天妋 [Essential Explanations to Old Titles of yuefu Poetry]: During the Yuanjia period, Yikang, the prince of Pengcheng, was banished to the Yuzhang Commandery.88 Yiqing was then governing Jiang85 86 87 88

Shen Yue, Song shu, 51. 1477. See Zhou Yiliang, “Shishuo xinyu he zuozhe Liu Yiqing shenshi de kaocha,” pp. 18–20. See Xiao Hong, “Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque,” p. 15. Yuzhang Commandery governed the area around the modern city of Nanchang ⋿㖴 in Jiangxi. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 25–26.

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zhou. When they met each other, [both of them] cried. When Emperor Wen heard of this, he marveled at it and recalled Yiqing back to the capital.89 Yiqing was in great fear. Hearing of a crow crying at night, his concubines knocked at the garret, saying, “Tomorrow there should be a pardon!” When it was dawn, Yiqing became the governor of the Nan Yanzhou. For this reason he composed this song. ⬳⃫▱ᷕ, ⽁⼕❶䌳佑⹟㕤尓䪈悉ˤ 佑ㄞ 㗪䁢㰇ⶆ, 䚠夳侴⒕ˤ 㔯ⷅ倆侴⿒ᷳ, ⽝怬⬭ˤ 佑ㄞ⣏ㆤ, ⥣⥦倆䁷⣄┤, ⎑滳敋ḹ, 㖶 㖍ㅱ㚱崎ˤ ⍲㖎, 㓡⋿⃿ⶆ⇢⎚, ⚈ἄ㬌㫴ˤ90 Based on other related records, Wu Jing’s account is considered believable.91 This story offfers a good example of Liu Yiqing’s difffijiculties in his political career and thus helps explain his converting to Buddhism. According to a poem by Bao Zhao, Yiqing climbed Mount Lu ⺔Ⱉ, a famous Buddhist holy site at that time, when he was in Jiangzhou.92 Although it is diffijicult to say that this indicates Liu’s turning to Buddhism, there is evidence that he had close relationships with Buddhist monks when he was in Yanzhou. While his biography in Song shu contains almost no such information, detailed accounts of his patronage of Buddhism are available in other historiographic sources. In fact, most of Liu’s activities involving Buddhist monks occurred in the Yanzhou perod. In the seventeenth year of the Yuanjia reign (440), when Liu was the Governor of Southern Yanzhou, he had a close relationship with Tan Wucheng 㙯䃉ㆸ, a monk who temporarily lived in the Zhongsi ᷕ⮢ (Central Monastery) of Huainan 㶖⋿.93 In the same year, he played a role in converting Daoru 忻₺ (410–490) into a Buddhist monk [from a layman].94 In the eighteenth year of the Yuanjia reign (441), the Indian Buddhist monk Sang89 90 91 92

93 94

The zhai ⬭ (residence) in the text should be jing Ṕ (capital). Wu Jing, Yuefu guti yaojie (Taibei: Yiwen yinshuguan, nd.), p. 176. See Zhou Yiliang, “Shishuo xinyu he zuozhe Liu Yiqing shenshi de kaocha,” in his Wei Jin nanbeichao shilunji xubian, pp. 20–21. See “Cong deng Xianglu feng” ⽆䘣楁䆸Ⲙ [Accompany (Prince of Linchuan) to Ascend the Xianglu Incense Burner Peak], in Qian Zhenlun, Bao Canjun shi zhu, pp. 78–80. At that time, Mount Lu had become a holy site of Buddhism. In 402, Huiyuan ㄏ怈 (334–416) established the Bailian she 䘥咖䣦 (White Lotus Society) at Mount Lu, which attracted many literati. After Huiyuan’s death, many famous Buddhist Monks lived there in succession. Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, 7. 49c. For details about Liu Yiqing’s association with Buddhist monks see Chapter 2 of this book. Ibid., 13. 94c.

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hadatta ₏ụ忼⣂ (fl. 441) and others visited the Song capital. Liu Yiqing invited them all to live in Guangling.95 In the twentieth year, Liu Yiqing brought Daojiong 忻䁗 to Guangling and nurtured him there.96 As a prince and a good rider, Liu Yiqing was most likely ambitious when he was young, but he did not achieve admirable deeds of daring. Instead, he received praise for his skills in protecting himself from disasters.97 From the summaries of Liu Yiqing’s life and career, Liu’s devotion to Buddhism appeared to rival his devotion to literature. Presumably, indulging in Buddhism was another way for him to avoid calamity. In short, as a prince and high-ranking offfijicial, Liu Yiqing was said to have been upright, honest, and attentive to the people under him, though his political career was far from successful. As a lover of literature, however, Liu Yiqing was unexpectedly successful. While his talent in writing was recognized by his contemporaries and his gathering of talented literati became anecdotes in his own time, it was his compilations, especially the Shishuo xinyu and Youming lu, that earned him a place in the history of Chinese literature and culture. As a devotee of Buddhism, Liu Yiqing spent a great deal of time and money supporting noted Buddhist monks and nuns, which has almost earned him an inaccurate bad reputation: extravagance. Tragically, Liu Yiqing’s interests in literature and Buddhism were likely due to conflict in the royal house and his own unsuccessful political career. 2 Liu Yiqing’s Works Concerning Liu Yiqing’s works, his biography in the Song shu says that when he was in Jingzhou he wrote the Xuzhou xianxian zhuan in ten juan, and he “also wrote the Dian xu ℠㔀 by imitating Ban Gu’s Dian yin ℠⺽ (Introduction to the Classics).”98 Besides these two works, his biography in Li Yanshou’s Nan shi adds two works: Shishuo in eight juan and Jilin 普㜿 in 200 juan. The bibliographical treatise of Sui shu also lists Shishuo and Jilin, but the total number of juan of Jilin is 181, instead of 200. Furthermore, it includes the following works: Jiang zuo mingshi lu 㰇ⶎ⎵⢓抬 [Records of the Famous Men South of the Jiang] in one juan; Xuan yan ji ⭋槿姀 [Records of Manifest Miracles] in thirty juan; Youming lu in twenty juan; Xiaoshuo ⮷婔 [Minor Sayings] in ten juan; 95 96 97 98

Ibid., 3.23c-24a. Ibid., 12.85b-c. See Fan Ziye, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu, p. 91. Shen Yue, Song shu, 51. 1475–80.

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Linchuan wang Yiqing wenji 冐ⶅ䌳佑ㄞ㔯普 [An Anthology of Liu Yiqing, the Prince of Linchuan] in eight juan.99 None of Liu Yiqing’s works were transmitted intact. Though there is a problematic version of Shishou xinyu, the rest have all been lost. Two of his shorter prose pieces can be found in the Song shu (“Huang Chu qi Zhao zui yi” 湫⇅⥣ 嵁伒嬘 [“About the Crime of Huang Chu’s Wife, Zhao]”100 and “Jian Yu Shi deng Biao” 啎⹦⭼䫱堐 [“A Memorial to the Emperor about Recommendation of Yu Shi and Others”])101 and another in the Taiping yulan (“Qi shi” ⓻ḳ [“A Note”].102 Yan Kejun ♜⎗⛯ (1762–1843) also collected the remnants of three of Liu’s rhapsodies from various collectanea: “Konghou fu” 䭄䭴岎 [“A Rhapsody on Konghou”]103 “He fu” 浜岎 [“Rhapsody on the Crane”]104 “Shanji fu” Ⱉ暆岎 [“A Rhapsody on the Mountain Pheasant”].105 Additionally, there are two extant poems: “Wu yeti” 䁷⣄┤ [“Crows Caw at Night”] “You Yuanhu shi” 㷠溱㷾娑 [“Playing on Turtle Lake”].106 99

100 101 102 103 104 105 106

See Wei Zheng, et al., Sui shu 昳㚠 [Sui History], 33.980; Liu Xu ∱㗓 (877–946), Jiu Tang shu 冲Ⓒ㚠 [Old Tang History] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975), 46.2005; and Ouyang Xiu 㫸春ᾖ (1007–1072) and Song Qi ⬳䣩 (998–1061), Xin Tang shu 㕘Ⓒ㚠 [New Tang History] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1975), 59.1540. Though there has been debate concerning the authorship of some of these works, such as Shishuo, Youming lu, and Xiaoshuo, by and large, scholars accept their attribution to Liu Yiqing. The Xiaoshuo listed here is, however, tricky, because there is also a work by the same title by Yin Yun 㭟剠 (471–529). Since almost all the other bibliographies attribute Xiaoshuo to Yin Yun, this caused confusion. Xiao Hong, for example, considers the record of Liu Yiqing’s Xiaoshuo in Sui shu to be a mistake. Actually, it seems there are two collections with the same title. For this reason, commentators refer to Liu’s collection as the “Xiaoshuo of Mr. Liu” ∱㮷⮷婔, so as to distinguish it from Yin Yun’s Xiaoshuo. Found in Liu’s Biography in Song shu 51. 1475–76. Found in Ibid., 51. 1476–77. In Li Fang et al., ed., Taiping yulan, 703. 3267b. Found in Xu Jian ⼸➭ (659–729), Chu xue ji ⇅⬠姀 (Taibei: Xinxing shuju, 1966), 16. 66; Ouyang Xiu, Yiwen leiju 44. 788. In Ouyang Xiu, Yiwen leiju 90. 1567. Yan Kejun, ed., Quan shanggu sandai QinHan sanguo liuchao wen ℐᶲ⎌ᶱẋ䦎㻊ᶱ⚳ ℕ㛅㔯 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1965), 3. 2496–97; Ouyang Xiu, Yiwen leiju 91. 1587–88). See Lu Qinli 志㫥䩳, ed., Xian Qin Han Wei Jin nanbeichao shi ⃰䦎㻊櫷㗱⋿⊿㛅娑 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 2. 1202.

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43

As for the fijictional works attributed to Liu Yiqing, none of them survive in their original form. Available today are only those passages cited in other books or collectanea. The three surviving anecdotes from Jilin that are survive are an anecdote about Zhinu shi ䷼⤛䞛 (Taiping yulan 8), an anecdote about Xi Xi ⳯╄ (Li Shan’s 㛶┬ġ annotation on Xi Kang ⳯⹟, “Zeng xiucai ru jun” 岰䥨ㇵℍ幵 [“To the Xiucai Who Is About to Join the Army”], Wenxuan 24), and the tale about Li Kang 㛶⹟ (cited in Li Shan’s annotation on Li Kang, “Yun ming lun” 忳␥婾 [“On Fate”], Wenxuan 53).107 Two tales from Xiaoshuo are contained in other books: a story about Cai Hong 哉㳒 (fl. Taikang reign of Emperor Wu of Jin) is cited in Su Yijian’s 喯㖻 䯉(958–996) Wenfang sipu 㔯㇧⚃嬄 [Notes of the Four Treasures of the Study],108 and a story about Du Yu 㜄枸 (222–284) becoming a snake is found in Li Fang’s Taiping guangji.109 However, the general contents of this book remain unknown. Xuan yan ji was lost at an early date. Today, it exists only in thirty-fijive quotations, which were collected by Lu Xun from various collectanea.110 Shishuo xinyu is the only collection that exists as a whole book, but modern scholars believe it deviates from the original version. The extant edition of Shishuo xinyu was redacted and edited by scholars of the Song dynasty. The handcopied edition, which is considered closest to the original, contains only a small portion of the whole book.111 Youming lu experienced the same fate as the Xuan yan ji. The rest of this chapter intends to trace the textual history of the Youming lu, including an interpretation of its title, a discussion of its compiler, resources, and authorship, an exploration of its transmission and recompilation, and an evaluation of the important editions and recent scholarship related.

107 108 109 110

111

See Fan Ziye, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu, pp. 47–49. Wenfang sipu (Siku quanshu edition; rpt. Taibei: Shangwu, 1979), 843.4a. Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 456.3728. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 547–60. An account of this book can be found in Donald E. Gjertson’s Miraculous Retribution: A Study and Translation of Tang Lin’s Ming-pao chi (Berkeley: Centers for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of California, 1989), pp. 20–22. See Fan Ziye, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu, pp.  122–206. Modern translations of Shishuo xinyu include: Bruno Belpaire, Anthologie chinoise des 5e et 6e siecles: le Che-chouo-sin-yu par Lieou (Tsuen) Hiao-piao (Paris: Éditions universitaires, 1974); Richard B. Mather, A New Account of Tales of the World (Ann Arbor: Center for Chinese Studies, University of Michigan, 2002); and Makoto Mekada 䚖≈䓘婈, Sesetsu shingo, 3v (Tokyo: Meiji shoin, 1975– 78).

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Youming lu: Its Title, Compilation, and Authorship 1 Interpretation of the Title of Youming lu There are two variants of the title of this collection: Youming lu ⸥⅍抬 and Youming lu ⸥㖶抬.112 Which one of them is correct? What does Youming mean? Let us address these problems fijirst. The basic meaning of you ⸥ is hidden or dark. Shou wen 婒㔯 says, “You means hidden” ⸥, 晙ḇ.113 The “Kun” ⚘ hexagrams of Yijing 㖻䴻 (Classic of Changes) says, “You means not bright” ⸥, ᶵ㖶ḇ.114 Its opposite meaning is, of course, ming 㖶, bright or exposed to the open air. You has also been linked to the conceptualization of the underworld, a place considered to be dark. In that context, ming refers to this world or the human world. The term youdu ⸥悥 fijirst appears in the “Yaodian” ⟗℠ (Canon of Yao) of Shangshu ⯂㚠 (Book of Documents).115 In “Zhaohun” ㊃櫪 (Summons of the Soul) from Chu ci 㤂录 (The Songs of the South) youdu was depicted as the netherworld: “O Soul, come back! Go not down to the Land of Darkness”116 櫪№㬠Ἦ炰⏃䃉ᶳ㬌⸥悥ṃ.117 Youming ⸥⅍ is another term that suggests the netherworld, though it also means subtle, dark, secluded, and muddleheaded.118 Cao Zhi’s 㚡㢵 (192–232) “Wang Zhongxuan lei” 䌳ẚ⭋娬 (Dirge on Wang Zhongxuan) reads, “Alas! The gentlemen! You are in peace forever in the netherworld” ▇᷶⣓⫸, 㯠⬱ ⸥⅍.119 It is clear that this understanding of youming does not fijit the contents of Youming lu, because this collection not only includes stories about the netherworld (you ⸥), but also those about this world.

112

113 114 115

116 117 118 119

While Lei shuo 栆婒, Sui shu, and other later historical texts used the title of Youming lu ⸥㖶抬, some collectanea, such as Taiping guangji and Taiping yulan, sometimes also entiled the collection as Youming lu ⸥⅍抬. Xu Shen 姙ヶ (30–124), Shuowen jiezi 婒㔯妋⫿ (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1963), 4b. 84. Zhouyi zhengyi ␐㖻㬋佑 (Rectifijied Interpretations of Zhou yi), in Ruan Yuan 旖⃫ (1764–1849), Chongkan Songben Shisanjing zhu shu, v. 1, p. 108 b. “Tang Kao” 㸗婍 of Shangshu. See Shangshu zhengyi ⯂㚠㬋佑 (Rectifijied Interpretations of the Book of Document), 8. 21b, in Ruan Yuan, Shisanjing zhushu, vol. 1. See p. 109 for details. David Hawkes, The Songs of the South (Penguin Books, 1985), p. 225. Zhu Xi 㛙䅡 (1130–1200), Chu ci jizhu 㤂录普㲐 [Collated Commentary to Chu ci] (Beijing, Zhonghua shuju, 1987), 7. 4–5. See Luo Zhufeng 伭䪡桐, ed., Hanyu da cidian 㻊婆⣏录℠ [Great Chinese Dictionary] (Shanghai: Shanghai cishu chubanshe, 1986–1979), 4. 438. Xiao Tong 唕䴙 (501–531), Wenxuan 㔯怠 [Selections of Refijined Literature] (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1962), 56. 780.

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45

The term You ming ⸥㖶 appears fijirst in the “Xizi” ䷳录 (Commentaries) in Yi jing, “By looking into the celestial phenomena above and examining the geographical features below, one thereby knows the cause of [everything in the] netherworld and this world” ẘẍ奨㕤⣑㔯, ᾗẍ⮇㕤⛘䎮, 㗗㓭䞍⸥㖶 ᷳ㓭.120 You refers to the dark netherworld, and ming to the bright real world. “Wudi benji” Ḽⷅ㛔姀 (Basic Annals of the Five Emperors) of Shi ji ⎚姀 (The Grand Scribe’s Records) also mentions “the divination of the netherworld and this world and the theories of life and death” ⸥㖶ᷳỼ㬣䓇ᷳ婒.121 It relates you with death and relates ming with living. Yan Yannian 柷⺞⸜ (384–456), the Southern Song poet, writes: “Man and the spirits are separated into the netherworld and this world” Ṣ䤆⸥㖶䳽.122 Thus it is clear that the Youming ⸥㖶, rather than Youming ⸥⅍, is the more apt title of this collection. 2 Compiler of the Youming lu The document that fijirst lists Youming lu under Liu’s name is the bibliographical treatise of Sui shu,123 the only extant124 treatise of this kind compiled after the Han shu 㻊㚠 (Han History) and before the bibliographical treatises of the Jiu Tang shu (Old Tang History) and Xin Tang shu (New Tang History). All three accounts consider Liu Yiqing as the compiler of the Youming lu.125 One problem that arises here is that neither Liu’s biography in Shen Yue’s Song shu nor the Nan shi, compiled by Li Yanshou,126 mention his authorship of the Youming lu.127 The author of Song shu, Shen Yue, lived between the Song (420–479) and Liang (502–557) dynasties. It is believed that the biographies in the Song shu were written during the fijifth and sixth year of the Yongming reign 120 121 122 123 124

125 126 127

Zhouyi zhengyi, p. 147a. in Ruan Yuan, Chongkan Songben Shisanjing zhu shu, vol. 1. Sima Qian⎠楔怟 (145–86? bc), Shi ji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1959), 1. 6. “He Xie Lingyun” ␴嫅䚋曰忳 (A Response to the Directorate, Xie Lingyun), in Xiao Tong, Wenxuan (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1962), 26. 375. See Wei Zheng et al., Sui shu, 33. 980. Wei Zheng added a lot of entries concerning books already lost in his own life time, but still extant in 523 ad when Ruan Xiaoxu 旖⬅䵺 (479–536) fijinished his catalogue of the palace library of the Liang Dynasty, Qi lu ᶫ抬 (Seven Records), a book still extant in Tang times. Cf. Jiu Tang shu, 46.2011, and Xin Tang shu, 58.1498. Thus, for many books written between the Han and Tang dynasties the bibliographical treatise of Sui shu has become the only record of their very existence. Liu Xu, Jiu Tang shu, 46. 2005; Ouyang Xiu and Song Qi, Xin Tang shu, 59. 1540. Cf. Song shu 51.1474–1480; Nanshi 13.359–360. Cf. last footnote. Because of this, someone even considers Youming lu a book forged by someone as late as the Tang. See Chang Bide 㖴⼤⼿, Shuofu kao 婒悃㓟 [Study of Shuo fu] (Taibei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1979), p. 66.

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(487–488), forty-three or forty-four years after Liu Yiqing’s death. Therefore, the biography of Liu would seem more reliable. Why then did Shen Yue not mention Youming lu? Perhaps he did not know Liu had compiled it, or that it was not worth mentioning. In discussing the compilation of Shishuo xinyu, which was also not mentioned in Liu’s biography, the same problem is encountered. Xiao Hong explains this omission as follows: Biographers often adopt the events that they think to be important. In Shen Yue’s eyes, Shishuo, Jilin, as well as Xuanyan ji and Youming lu, which are recorded in the bibliographical treatise of Sui shu, might have been of little importance, therefore he does not mention them at all.128 Xiao Hong’s inference sounds reasonable. Subjective decisions of certain people to record some matters and omit others may often be the reason whether something is transmitted or not. While Shen Yue says that “he (Yiqing) had neither much talent nor many works,”129 he is obviously commenting according to the accepted view of traditional literature, which disparaged fijictional works. In other words, Shen would not have considered a collection of supernatural tales as a literary work. Of course, arguments cannot be based solely on inference; other evidence exists. While Shen Yue and Li Yanshou did not mention the Youming lu, Liu Xiaobiao ∱⬅㧁 (462–521) cited four tales from this collection: “Wang Ziqiu” 䌳⫸忺 (“Shangshi”  必 [Grieving for the Departed] the 17th section, annotation on tale 16) “Yuan”⃫ (“Shangshi” the 17th section, annotation on tale 19) “He men”浜攨 (“Xianyuan”岊⩃ [Worthy Beauties] the 19th section, annotation on tale 20) “Yang Hu”伲䤄 (“Shu jie”埻妋 [Technical Understanding] the 20th section, annotation on tale 3) From this it can be clearly concluded that the Youming lu existed before the Sui Dynasty.

128

129

See Xiao Hong, “Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque,” p. 9: ⮓⁛姀䘬Ṣ⼨⼨⎒㍉ ⍾Ṿ娵䁢㭼庫慵天䘬ḳẞ, ˪ᶾ婒˫, ˪普㜿˫, ẍ军㕤昳⽿ᷕ叿抬䁢∱佑ㄞ䘬 ἄ⑩: ⤪˪⭋槿姀˫,˪⸥㖶抬˫䫱, ⛐㰰䲬ἄ⎚⭞䘬䛤⃱ᷕ, ḇ姙娵䁢㗗䃉斄䵲 天䘬, ㇨ẍᶨ㤪ᶵ㍸ˤ Song shu 51.1477: ㇵ娆晾ᶵ⣂ [...].

Liu Yiqing’s World and the Youming Lu

47

Was the compilation of Youming lu done by Liu Yiqing himself or a group of people? Traditionally, Liu was recognized as the compiler, but Lu Xun raised a diffferent argument in his A Brief History of Chinese Fiction: The History of the [Liu] Song says that Yiqing had little gift in writing himself yet that he assembled men of letters from near and far. Then, it is possible that the books attributed to him were all compiled by multiple hands.130 Lu Xun is not referring merely to the Youming lu, but is talking about all the similar works attributed to Liu Yiqing which amount to 225–276 juan,131 and it is known from his biography that he summoned many writers and scholars to his service, it is likely that Liu compiled those books, with the assistance of his contingent of writers and scholars he had summoned. Many scholars have collected further evidence that the Shishuo was also compiled by a group of people, rather than by Liu himself.132 This may be true as well for the Youming lu, though it is hard to deny that Liu played a major role in the compilation. 3 Resources and Authorship of the Youming lu Aside from the compiler[s] of the Youming lu, another question concerns the authorship of the collection. As with most zhiguai collections, Youming lu must have included stories from a wide variety of sources, both written and oral. Yet there are two opposing arguments in academic circles that merit some discussion here. In his influential book, Strange Writing: Anomaly Accounts in Early Medieval China, Robert Ford Campany says, … Liu’s offfijicial biography, as well as the BZL (Bianzheng lun 彗㬋婾), point out that late in life he displayed conspicuous Buddhist piety. It seems likely that he did in fact author the Yml (Youming lu) and Xuanyj (Xuan yan ji) himself; these are written in noticeably less elegant prose than that of the Ssxy (Shishuo xinyu).133

130 131 132 133

Lu Xun, Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue, p. 67: ⬳㚠妨佑ㄞㇵ娆ᶵ⣂炻侴㊃倂㔯⬠ᷳ⢓炻 怈役⽭军炻⇯媠㚠ㆾㆸ㕤䛦ㇳ炻㛒⎗䞍ḇˤ See Xiao Hong, “Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque,” p. 9. See Xiao Hong, “Shishuo xinyu zuozhe wenti shangque,” pp. 8–24; Fan Ziye, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu, pp. 36–83. Robert Ford Campany, Strange Writing: Anomaly Accounts in Early Medieval China, p. 76.

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This conclusion seems questionable for two reasons: fijirst, style is an unreliable standard to determine important issues like authorship; second, Liu’s display of conspicuous Buddhist piety may support the argument that he participated in compiling collections bearing Buddhist coloration like Xuanyan ji, but it does not necessarily support the argument that he authored them – especially a collection like Youming lu, in which the Buddhist influence is found in only one part of the work. An opposing argument was raised nearly a century ago. In his Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue, Lu Xun depicts the compilation of the Youming lu as follows: Liu Yiqing, Prince of Linchuan (403–444), was a man of simplicity and quiet temperament, and he loved literature. He wrote many works, including Records of the Hidden and the Visible Realms in thirty juan, which was classifijied with historical anecdotes in the Sui History and was arranged in the xiaoshuo category in the bibliographical treaties of New History of the Tang. Though this book is lost, many quotations have survived in other books. It is generally like the sort of works such as In Search of the Spirits and the Arrayed Marvels. Yet it seems that all of the stories were collected from earlier writings and not written by himself.134 Lu Xun suspects that all the tales in Youming lu might have been drawn from other sources, not created by the compilers themselves. His argument here is somewhat difffijicult to understand. As is widely known, collecting tales from previous books was long a feature of zhiguai compilation.135 Almost all the collections, including those mentioned by Lu Xun, are no exception. The Youming lu merely followed this convention. It should be noted here, however, that the Youming lu includes many tales that are not found in other collections. That is the reason why this collection drew so much attention. As for whether the stories in the zhiguai collection were created by the compiler himself, this has long ceased to be a problem. Scholars generally agree that the stories in the collections such as the Soushen ji and the Lieyi zhuan were not written by their compilers. Thus Lu Xun’s claim seems unreasonable. Until the 1980s, however,

134

135

Lu Xun, Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue, p. 54: 冐ⶅ䌳∱佑ㄞ (403–444) 䁢⿏䯉䳈, ッ⤥㔯 喅, 㑘徘䓂⣂. 㚱⸥㖶抬ᶱ⋩⌟, 夳昳⽿⎚悐壵⁛栆, 㕘Ⓒ⽿ℍ⮷婔. ℞㚠Ṳ晾ᶵ ⬀, 侴Ṿ㚠⽝⺽䓂⣂, ⣏㉝⤪㏄䤆ˣ↿䔘ᷳ栆. 䃞Ụ䘮普抬⇵Ṣ㑘ἄ, 朆冒忈ḇ. Gan Bao says in his “Preface to Soushen ji,” “[I] inspected [the stories] previously recorded in old books and collected the lost anecdotes at this time.” See Hou Zhongyi ὗ⾈佑, Zhongguo wenyan xiaoshuo cankao ziliaoᷕ⚳㔯妨⮷婒⍫侫屯㕁 [Reference Materials for Classical Chinese Fiction] (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1985), p. 138.

49

Liu Yiqing’s World and the Youming Lu

there were still critics who echoed Lu Xun’s suspicion without offfering further proof.136 Like most zhiguai collections, some of the stories in the Youming lu have been drawn from previous collections. Wang Guoliang tried to trace the origins of the stories; he found that there is a total of thirty such tales from twelve books (excluding fijive repetitions). Below is a table about the sources and the tales collected in the Youming lu according to Wang Guoliang’s examination:137 Sources

Tale Number in Youming lu

Yiwen ji 䔘倆姀 (Records of Marvels) Lieyi zhuan Bowu zhi ⌂䈑⽿ (A Treaties on Curiosities) Lushi yilin 映㮷䔘㜿 (Marvels Forest by Mr. Lu) Soushen ji

47 2, 44, 52, and 192 43 and 171 51 35, 38, 41, 43, 44, 52, 87, 158, 160, 205, 251

Zu Taizhi zhiguai 䣾冢ᷳ⽿⿒ġ  (Account of Anomalies by Zu Taizhi) Cao Pi zhiguai 㚡ᶽ⽿⿒  (Account of Anomalies by Cao Pi) Guo Zi 悕⫸ (Master Guo) Xu Soushen ji 临㏄䤆姀ġ  (Sequel to In Search of Spirits) Zhen yi ji 䒬䔘姀 (Selected Anomaly Acounts) Ling gui zhi 曰櫤⽿  (A Treatise on Spirits and Ghosts) Kong shi zhiguai ⫼㮷⽿⿒  (Mr. Kong’s Records of Anomalies)

31 262 8 45, 87, 108, 109, 127, 131, 160, 176, and 224 91 and 170 182 26

This list is valuable yet problematic as well, because whether the Sequel to In Search of Spirits was compiled prior to Youming lu is still a problem.138 In 136 137 138

See Wang Guoliang, “Youming lu chutan,” in his Liuchao zhiguai xiaoshuo kaolun, p. 168. The numbers listed here are the sequence number of tales in Guxiaoshuo gouchen edition of Youming lu. The Xu Soushen ji, also called Soushen houji ㏄䤆⼴姀, is traditionally attributed to Tao Qian 昞㼃 (365–427), but the received version of this book is problematic, and it is hard to support this attribution. First, any texts before Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan fail to mention that Tao wrote a text by any of these titles; second, the extant text mentions events and

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addition, tale 39 (about Cao E’s 㚡⧍ father), instead of tale 38 of the Youming lu, is found in the Soushen ji.139 Even though the Youming lu includes many tales from other collections, these tales account for no more than 1/4 of the whole book. Thus it is possible that Liu or his co-compilers authored some of the stories in this collection. This poses a question about the resources used by the compilers of the zhiguai. It is generally believed that the stories in zhiguai collection comes from both written tradition and oral tradition. Compilers of zhiguai select some stories from previous collections, while recording others they hear of from their contemporaries. In either case the compilers may have shaped or augmented their sources and may perhaps be called “authors.” In this view, Campany’s argument may be applicable to some undeterminable portion of the Youming lu’s narratives.

The Transmission and Recompilation of the Youming lu 1 The Transmission of the Youming lu As mentioned above, the Youming lu is not mentioned in Liu Yiqing’s biography in the Song shu, yet it is listed in the “Zazhuan” 晹⁛ (Miscellaneous Biographies) category of the bibliographical treatise of Sui shu in twenty juan,140 and listed in the bibliographical treatise of the Jiu Tang shu and Xin Tang shu in thirty juan.141 This collection was not included in later histories, suggesting that it was lost in the Song (960–1279) dynasty. Based on the fact that the Taiping guangji, which was compiled in the Northern Song (960–1127), included many stories from the Youming lu, it is probable that this book was lost in the Southern Song period (1127–1279), perhaps when the royal house moved southward in 1127. After the Song, there is no evidence that the Youming lu was ever seen as a whole and complete book. Fortunately, a large number of tales were preserved in quotations in some lei shu 栆㚠 or collectanea such as Taiping guangji and Taiping yulan. Many compilers of xiaoshuo selected tales from the Youming lu. The ones still extant are as follows:

139 140 141

reign titles that would have postdated Tao’s death. For instance, tales in Volumes 6 and 10 record events from the Yuanjia ⃫▱ reign of the Song. See Lu Xun, ed., Guxiaoshuo gouchen. Lu Xun quanji, 8. 361–62. Wei Zheng, et al., Sui shu, 33. 980. Liu Xu, Jiu Tang shu, 46. 2005; Ouyang Xiu and Song Qi, Xin Tang shu, 59. 1540.

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Selection of Tales in Lei shuo 栆婒 [Classifijied Tales]142 Compiled by Zeng Zao㚦ㄍ (1091–1155) of the Southern Song dynasty. The Lei shuo includes six tales from Youming lu: 1 2 3 4 5 6

“Tian ci jiance” ⣑岄䯉䫾 (Heaven Offfering the Slips), Tale 36 “Tou feng” 柕桐 (Headache) “Zheng Xuan laonu” 惕䌬侩⤜ (Zheng Xuan’s Old Servant), Tale 98 “Chi yu guimei zheng guang” 」冯櫤櫭䇕⃱ (Ashamed to Vie with an Evil Spirit for Light) “Ren yan gui kezeng” Ṣ妨櫤⎗ㄶ (People Say that Ghosts Are Heinous), Tale 66 “Guo Changsheng” 悕攟䓇, Tale 68.

Two of these narratives, the second tale about “Yang Hu”伲䤄 and the fourth one about “Xi Kang” ⳯⹟ (223–262), are not found in other sources. Selection of Tales in Shuo fu 婔悃 [City of Tales]143 Compiled by Tao Zongyi 昞⬿₨ (fl. 1360–1368) during the Yuan-Ming transition and transmitted as a manuscript until 1927, when it was printed in Shanghai by Hanfen lou 㵝剔㦻. It includes four tales from Youming lu in juan 66: 1 2 3 4

“Xi Kang” ⳯⹟ “Ruan Deru” 旖⽟⤪, Tale 66 “Guo Changsheng” 悕攟䓇, Tale 68 “Yuan An” 堩⬱, Tale 40.

The fijirst three, including the one concerning Xi Kang, are from Lei shuo. The last one, which is a story about Yuan An 堩⬱ (d. 92), is from juan 137 of Taiping guangji. Selection of Tales in Chongjiao Shuo fu 慵㟉婔悃 [The Re-collated City of Tales]144 Compiled by Tao Ting 昞䎥 (fl. 1610) and fijirst printed in 1646 by Wanwei shan tang ⭃⥼Ⱉ➪. It includes eleven tales from Youming lu. They are: 142

143 144

Zeng Zao, Lei shuo (Beijing tushuguan guji zhenben congkan, 62. Beijing: Shumu wenxian, 1988), 11.189ab. On the textual history of Lei shuo, cf. Glen Dudbridge, The Tale of Li Wa (London: Ithaca Press, 1983), 7–10. Shuo fu (in 100 juan; Shanghai: Shangwu, 1927), 3.6b (rpt. Taibei: Xinxing, 1963: 50a). (Chongjiao) Shuo fu (in 120 juan; Siku quanshu edition): 117A.12a-15a.

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1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

“Li zhi yu” 䊠䞍暐 (A Wild Cat Knows the [Time of] Rain), Tale33 “Hua nü” ⊾ ⤛ (Transformed Girl), Tale 166 “Jintai” 慹冢 (Golden Terrace), Tale 2 “Chi zhi” 崌⸇ (A Crimson Flag), Tale 136 “Dan ye” ᷡ慶 (Red Wild Field), Tale 105 “Yu Hong nu” ⹦⬷⤜ġ(Yu Hong’s Slave), Tale 165 “Yuan An” 堩⬱, Tale 40 “Chen Zhongju” 昛ẚ㒏, Tale 41 “Jia Bi” 屰⻤, Tale 140 “Wang Fengxian” 䌳⣱⃰, Tale 237 “Yu bao” 欂⟙ (A Fish’s Revenge)

All of the eleven tales were collected from Taiping guangji, but the last tale, “Yu bao” 欂⟙, is mistakenly attributed to Youming lu. According to Yiwen leiju and Taiping guangji, this tale is from Sanqin ji ᶱ䦎姀 (Record of the Three Qin).145 Selection of Tales in Wuchao xiaoshuo daguan Ḽ㛅⮷婔⣏奨 [Grand Spectacle of the Five Dynasties Stories]146 This was fijirst published in Shanghai by Saoye shanfang ㌫叱Ⱉ㇧ġin 1926. This edition of the Youming lu is just copied from the Chongjiao Shuo fu. Selection of Tales in Jiu xiaoshuo 冲⮷婔 [Old Fiction]147 This was compiled by Wu Zengqi ⏛㚦䤢 (b. 1852) and fijirst published in 1914. It includes seventeen tales.148 All the tales are from Taiping guangji and other collectanea, and also included in the Guxiaoshuo gouchen. Because of this, they are not listed here. 2 The Recompilation of the Youming lu Besides the above selective editions, there are a few exhaustive compilations of the Youming lu that attempt to provide a comprehensive edition. They include:

145 146 147 148

See Ouyang Xiu, ed., Yiwen leiju, 84.1438 and Li Fang et al., ed., Taiping guangji, 276.2174. Wuchao xiaoshuo daguan (Taibei: Guangwen shuju, 1979), 1. 107–9. Wu Zengqi, Jiu xiaoshuo (Shanghai: Shanghai shangwu yinshuguan, 1957), Collection A2.155a-161a. Ibid., A2. 155a-61a.

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Recompilation in Linlang mishi congshu 䏛䎭䦀⭌⎊㚠 [Book Series of Secret Room Linlang] Including 158 tales, this work was compiled by Hu Ting 傉䎥 (1822–1861). This is the fijirst attempt to recompile the entire Youming lu. Except two tales, the tale about Wang Daizhi 䌳忖ᷳ and the ghost (page 6a) and the tale of “Ran shi” 䅫䞛 (Burning Stone; 53a),149 all these narratives are included in Lu Xun’s edition of the Youming lu (see below). Recompilation in Guxiaoshuo gouchen ⎌⮷婔憶㰱 [Collected Lost Old Stories]150 Lu Xun completed his recompilations of 36 lost works of pre-Tang literature in 1911, and already one year later his preface on Guxiaoshuo gouchen was published in the fijirst (and only) issue of Yueshe congkan 崲䣦⎊↲, but it was not until after his death that the work itself was published, as part of the fijirst edition of Lu Xun quanji in 1938.151 It was believed that this version was compiled on the basis of the above-mentioned Linlang mishi congshu edition of Hu Ting,152 but he enlarged his edition of Youming lu by adding quotations from Yiwen leiju, Taiping guangji, Taiping yulan, Shilei fu zhu, and other encyclopedias, collecting altogether a total of 265 tales. Apart from a small number of tales that remain open to question (this will be discussed below), most of the tales in the collection may be assumed to come from the original Youming lu. This edition has been considered the best and most complete recompilation of the Youming lu.153 It is also the most popular version available worldwide. Most importantly, this edition greatly influenced later editions and related scholarship (this will be discussed below).

149

150 151 152

153

The source of the fijirst tale is unknown,the second tale in Wu Shu’s ⏛㵹 (947–1002) annotations to his Shilei fu ḳ栆岎 (Rhapsody of Classifijied Matters) (Taibei: Xinxing, 1969) 7.144, is cited from Yi zhi 䔘⽿ (Records of the Strange). This may explain why Lu Xun did not include them in his edition of Youming lu. Guxiaoshuo gouchen (Lu Xun quanji, 8. Beijing: Renmin wenxue, 1973), 351–436. Cf. Lu Xun’s preface with annotations, in Gujixuba ji ⎌䯵⸷嵳普 (Lu Xun quanji,10: Beijing:Renmin wenxue, 1981), 3–5. Wang Guoliang, “Youming lu chutan,”171, note 3, says that it includes all of the 158 tales from the Linlang mishi version. However, the two tales already mentioned were rejected by Lu Xun. Robert Ford Campany, Strange Writing, pp. 75–77.

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The Edition Published by Zheng Wanqing 惕㘂㘜154 This collection was compiled on the basis of the Guxiaoshuo gouchen edition, but it rearranged the order of the tales according to their content. All the tales are divided into six categories, and each tale is given a title. Nine tales are added and eleven appear in the appendix. The total number of tales amounts to 285. This is by far the most comprehensive version of the Youming lu. The detailed annotations are generally useful as well. Unfortunately, this collection does not include textual notes. Moreover, the standard of selection, especially for the added tales, is also problematic, as will be seen below. The Edition in Han Wei liuchao biji xiaoshuo daguan 㻊櫷ℕ㛅䫮 姀⮷婔⣏奨 [Grand Spectacle of Han Wei and Six Dynasties zhiguai Stories] Edition155 Based on the Guxiaoshuo gouchen edition, the compilers, Wang Genlin 䌳㟡 㜿and others, have done some collation, but do not provide a record of this work. As a new edition it is still worth mentioning.156

Guxiaoshuo gouchen Edition and Its Influence on Later Editions and Related Scholarship 1 Problems of the Guxiaoshuo gouchen Edition Scholars have given Lu Xun’s compilation of old stories high marks.157 While the Guxiaoshuo gouchen edition is fairly reliable compared with previous as well as later editions, problems and errors still remain.

154 155 156

157

Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu (Beijing: Wenhua yishu chubanshe, 1988). Wang Genlin, Han Wei liuchao biji xiaoshuo daguan, pp. 689–747. In a private talk with the author of this book at Madison, Wisconsin, in the fall of 2003, Li Jianguo, a leading scholar of classical Chinese fijiction in China, suggested also that this edition should be included in the history of recompilation of the Youming lu. See Dai Wangshu ㇜㛃冺, “Guxiaoshuo gouchen jiaoji zhi shidai he yixu ⎌⮷婒戌㰱㟉 廗ᷳ㗪ẋ␴忠⸷ [The Time of Guxiaoshuo gouchen’s Collation and Compilation and a Lost Preface],” in his Xiaoshuo xiqu lunji ⮷婒㇚㚚婾普 [Collected Critiques on Fiction and Drama] (Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1958), pp. 27–38; Lin Chen 㜿彘, “Lu Xun Guxiaoshuo gouchen de jilu niandai ji suo shou ge shu zuozhe 欗彭⎌⮷婒戌㰱廗抬⸜ẋ ⍲㇨㓞⎬㚠ἄ侭 [The Compilation Time of Lu Xun’s Guxiaoshuo gouchen and the Authors of Each Book Included],” in Wenxue yichan xuanji 㔯⬠怢䓊怠普 [Selected Commentaries on Literary Heritage] 3. 385–407; Maeno Naoaki, Chugoku shosetsu shi ko, pp. 197–211.

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Maeno Naoaki has pointed out that the versions of the collectanea Lu Xun used might have been inferior ones. He also points out some problems regarding editions and punctuation.158 It seems Lu Xun did not have an opportunity to examine the Ming manuscript version of Taiping guangji. The citation errors are many.159 However, in the most popular edition, the Renmin wenxue chubanshe Ṣ㮹㔯⬠↢䇰䣦 Lu Xun quanji edition of 1973, almost all of these errors have been corrected. Therefore, here I will only discuss problems in selection found in Lu Xun’s Gouchen edition: Mistakenly Included Tales The Guxiaoshuo gouchen edition mistakenly includes several pieces that are not from the Youming lu. For example, tale 257 about mole crickets does not specify a source. But the Taiping yulan, juan 948, and Taiping guangji, juan 473, both say it comes from Xu Yi ji 临䔘姀 (Sequel to the Record of the Strange); and Wang Guoliang has suggested its elimination.160 Besides tale 257, it seems that tale 217, a story about how Jia Yong 屰晵 lost his head, is also spurious, because the same story cited in all the extant editions of the Taiping guangji does not give its source. Tales in Question In addition, Lu Xun includes four tales (63, 64, 221, and 258) which are attributed to Shishuo xinyu in his edition of the Youming lu. These tales need to be discussed in some detail. In a note regarding tale 63, Lu Xun says, “The present edition of Shishuo does not include this tale, and when the collectanea of the Tang and Song quote from the Youming lu, they sometimes also say that this is from Shishuo.” As for why the Shishuo is used as a substitute for the Youming lu, he does not give any explanation. The problem is that the tales attributed to the Shishuo are numerous, not limited to these three. If what Lu Xun says is true, all the other tales 158 159

160

Maeno Naoaki, Chūgoku shosetsu shi ko, pp. 197–211. Chen Guishi has listed some of them in his unpublished MA paper. Chen listed those tales to which Lu Xun failed to give a source, but actually they can be found in extant collectanea such as Taiping guangji and Taiping yulan. Chen also pointed out some mistakes in sources and errors in volumes of books cited in Gouchen. See Chen Guishi, “Youming lu Xuanyan ji yanjiu,” pp. 37–43. See Wang Guoliang, “Youming lu chutan,” in his Liuchao zhiguai xiaoshuo kaolun, p. 158. Wang has also suggested elimination of tale 32, a tale attributed to Youming lu in the Leiling zashuo 栆㜿暄婒 13, because he found that it is from Hanwudi bieguo dongming ji 㻊 㬎ⷅ⇍⚳㳆⅍姀 [A Record of the Han Emperor Wu’s Penetration into the Mysteries of Outlying Realms].

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might also be from the Youming lu. This issue later became a topic of considerable debate, as will be seen below. Excluded Tales The Guxiaoshuo gouchen edition includes 265 tales. There are at least two excluded tales found in Lei shuo, and one of them (the tale about Xi Kang) found also in Shuo fu. It seems Lu Xun consulted neither Lei shuo nor Shuo fu. In Gujin tushu jicheng ⎌Ṳ⚾㚠普ㆸ (Chrestomathy of Illustrations and Writings, Ancient and Modern), there is another tale that was overlooked by Lu Xun.161 These three tales follow with my translation: 1 “Tou feng” 柕桐 [Headache] Yang Hu sufffered from headaches, and [someone] had him treated. Hu said, “On the third day after I was born, my head was facing the northern door. Feeling the wind blow against [my head], I worried about it very much. It was only that I could not speak. Since the origin of the illness is far away, it is impossible to be cured.” 伲䤄(221–278) か柕桐炻㱣ᷳˤ䤄㚘烉“䓇ᶱ㖍㗪椾⎹⊿㇞炻奢桐 ⏡炻シ䓂かᷳ炻ᶵ傥婆俛ˤ䕭㸸㖊怈炻ᶵ⎗㱣ḇˤ162 2 “Chi yu guimei zheng guang” 」冯櫤櫭䇕⃱ [To be Shamed to Vie with An Evil Spirit for Light] Xi Kang was playing a zither under the lamp, when he saw a man who was more than ten feet tall, black faced, and wearing an unlined garment with a leather belt. Kang looked at him closely, and then blew out the light, saying, “I’m ashamed to vie with an evil spirit for light!” ⳯⹟ (223–262) 䅰ᶳ㑵䏜炻⾥夳ᶨṢ攟ᶰ检炻湹朊╖堋ⷞ朑ˤ⹟ 䅇夾炻ᷫ⏡䀓㹭炻㚘烉“」冯櫹櫭䇕⃱炰”163

161

162 163

“Mu ke” 㛐⭊, Chen Menglei 昛⬇暟 (b. 1651–1752) et al., ed., Gujin tushu jicheng (Shanghai: Zhonghua shuju, 1934), 514. 37a. Li Jianguo noticed this tale many years ago. See his Tang qian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, p. 357. Zeng Zao, Lei shuo, 11. 189a. Ibid., 11. 189b. This tale was also included in the Linggui zhi. See Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 317. 2509–10.

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3 “Mu ke” 㛐⭊ [Wood Guests] Mu ke are born in the mountainous areas of the south. Their heads, faces, and speech are not completely diffferent from those of human beings, but their hands and feet are as sharp as hooks. They live among the precipices, and after death their corpses are also to be encofffijined and carried to a grave. They are able to exchange goods with people without revealing their shapes. Now in the south there is ghost market, which is also similar to this. 㛐⭊䓇⋿㕡Ⱉᷕ炻柕朊婆妨炻ᶵℐ䔘Ṣ炻Ữㇳ儛⤪憶⇑ˤ⯭䳽 ⱑ攻炻㬣Ṏ㭗㭖ˤ傥冯ṢṌ㖻侴ᶵ夳℞⼊ḇˤṲ⋿㕡㚱櫤ⶪṎ 栆㬌ˤ164 2 Limitations of Recent Scholarship and the Zheng Wanqing Edition Because Lu Xun made such invaluable contributions to the study of Chinese fijiction, and because of his elevated status in the fijirst decade of the PRC, almost all modern scholars follow his solutions and arguments without challenging them. Wang Guoliang tries to give a reason for the above problem left by Lu Xun concerning the reason why the collectanea sometimes say a tale is from Shishuo while it is actually from the Youming lu; he says that when the collectanea of the Tang and Song quote from Shishuo and the annotations by Liu Xiaobiao ∱⬅㧁 (462–521), they are all identifijied as coming from the Shishuo. It is possible that a note by Liu Xiaobiao was by chance from Youming lu, and the compiler of the collectanea still say that it was from Shishuo. However, Wang’s argument could not answer all the questions concerning the problem of the origins of quotes; in my view, his solutions only concern one piece of the puzzle. Another piece might be that many tales have been attributed to Shishuo as well as Youming lu. This imprecise treatment of quotes may be the reason why later scholars gained the impression that tales not found in the present version of Shishuo had to be assigned solely to the You ming lu. Some scholars assume that the original edition of Shishuo is not identical with the present version, and thus they do not consider the Shishuo editions after the Song to come close to the original.165 This explains why the present version does not include the tales attributed to Shishuo and, at the same time, raises the issue of the degree to which the tales of the Youming lu and those of the Shishuo overlap. 164 165

Chen Menglei, Gujin tushu jicheng, 514. 37a. See Fan Ziye, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu, p. 155.

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The considerable overlapping of the tales of the Youming lu and those of the Shishuo xinyu was pointed out early by Ye Dehui 叱⽟廅 (1864–1927). He found that some tales on spirits quoted in the collectanea of the Tang and Song and attributed to the Shishuo are elsewhere attributed to the Youming lu, and they are not contained in the present version of the Shishuo. Therefore, Ye suspects that when the Prince of Linchuan compiled the Shishuo xinyu, it included quite a few tales on spirits that were later sorted out and collected in a separate book, the one we now know as the Youming lu. The reason the collections are still attributed to Shishuo might be for practicality: to maintain the original title of the book.166 The problem could be even more complicated. Apart from the Youming lu and the Shishuo, there is another collection, recorded by the bibliographic treatise of the Sui shu under the title Xiaoshuo, by Liu Yiqing. In echoing Ye Dehui’s hypothesis, the modern scholar Fan Ziye argues that at the very beginning the Shishuo and the Youming lu both were assigned to Xiaoshuo. In support of his conjecture he notes that: 1) The Wenfang sipu 㔯㇧⚃嬄 [Notes of the Four Treasures of the Study] by Su Yijian 喯㖻䯉 (958–996), which includes a story about Cai Hong 哉㳒 (fl. Taikang reign of Emperor Wu of Jin), says in a note that “this is from the Xiaoshuo of Mr. Liu.”167 In addition, Taiping guangji includes a story about Du Yu 㜄枸 (222–284) becoming a snake, and the compilers note refers to it as “from the Xiaoshuo of Mr. Liu;”168 2) [the second part of] the bibliographical treatise of the Jiu Tang shu says that Liu Yiqing wrote the Xiaoshuo, in ten juan.169 In addition, according to the bibliographical treatise in Sui shu, Yin Yun of the Liang also wrote a Xiaoshuo, in ten juan.170 To distinguish between the two, some people started calling Liu’s book “the Xiaoshuo of Mr. Liu” ∱㮷⮷婔. Fan’s argument is fascinating, yet it lacks compelling evidence. There are several problems. First, Ye Dehui’s idea is merely an unproven hypothesis; second, the contents of Xiaoshuo attributed to Liu Yiqing are truly unknown; third, the xiaoshuo in “the xiaoshuo of the Liu” may also be a generic term instead of the real title of a book; fourth, to support the hypothesis, the notes by 166

167 168 169 170

Ye Dehui, “Shishuo xinyu yiwen xu” ᶾ婒㕘婆ἂ㔯⸷ [Preface to the Lost Pieces from New Account of the Tales of the World). See Wang Yao 䌳䐌, Zhonggu wenxue lunji ᷕ⎌㔯 ⬠⎚婾 [On the History of Medieval Literature] (Chang’an chubanshe, 1982), p. 189; Fan Ziye, Shishuo xinyu yanjiu, p. 155. Ji Yun 䲨㖨 (1724–1805), ed., Siku quanshu ⚃⹓ℐ㚠 [Complete Collection in Four Treasuries] (Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1979), 843. 4a. Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 456. 3728. Liu Xu, Jiu Tang shu, 47. 2036. Wei Zheng, Sui shu, 29. 1011. See also Liu Xu, Ibid., 47. 2036.

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Su Yijian and the Taiping guangji are not very convincing because they are rather late. On the other hand, opposing evidence does exist. For instance, to tale 189 (Gouchen edition) about the governor of Xin’an 㕘⬱, which is quoted in Taiping yulan as being from Shishuo, there is a note appended which says, “the story in Youming lu is exactly the same.” This suggests that while the Shishuo still contains the story related to spirits, Youming lu had already existed independently. If the stories concerning spirits were separated and compiled as another book, as Ye Dehui supposes, why is it the case that the same story could be seen in the two collections? It seems therefore risky to conclude that the two books were originally one. As for the Xiaoshuo, it is difffijicult to see the whole picture of the collection because only two tales from it have been found. The story about Du Yu 㜄枸 becoming a snake included in the Taiping guangji, which is attributed to “the Xiaoshuo of Mr. Liu,” is more similar to a tale from the Youming lu rather than the Shishuo xinyu. This might be the reason why Zheng Wanqing included it as a tale from Youming lu in his collection. Until what this Xiaoshuo refers to is clarifijied, it is better to leave the matter an open question. It is interesting to view the way in which Zheng Wanqing deals with the tales that are attributed to Shishuo xinyu and yet do not exist in the present version. Following Lu Xun’s example, he includes a few tales which are similar in content to the tales of the Youming lu; at the same time, however, he places eleven other tales in the appendix. His additions to the text include: “Du Yu” 㜄枸171 “Fan hua luo” 梗⊾坢 [Food that Becomes Snails]172 “Wei Faji” ⦩㱽㾇173 “Tiechui” 揝拀 [Iron Hammer]174 “Changshan baiyu” ⷠⰙ䘥䌱 [White Jade from Chang Mountain]175 If we compare these tales above with the tales that were put in the appendix by Zheng, it seems that there is no diffference between them. Below are the tales in the appendix:

171 172 173 174 175

Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 1. 33. It is cited in Taiping yulan 388 as from Shishuo, Taiping guangji 456 cited as from Xiaoshuo of the Liu. Ibid., 2. 49 (cited in Taiping yulan 885 as from Shishuo). Ibid., 3. 95 (cited in Taiping yulan 711 as from Shishuo). Ibid., 6. 190 (cited in Taiping yulan 763 as from Shishuo). Ibid., 6. 190 (cited in Taiping yulan 805 as from Shishuo).

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“Dong wang ting” 㜙䌳ṕ176 “Zheng Zichan” 惕⫸䓊177 “Xu Ganmu” ⼸⸚㛐178 “Longrou zuo” 漵倱欻 [Dragon Meat]179 “Dilu” 䘬栙180 “Fangfeng gui” 旚桐櫤 [Ghost of Fangfeng]181 “Chen Zhuang” 昛匲182 “Cao Shuang” 㚡䇥183 “Wang Ziqiao mu” 䌳⫸╔⠻ [Wang Ziqiao’s Tomb]184 “Zhang Heng Cai Yong” ⻝堉哉怽185 “Sun Hao” ⬓䘻186 Almost all the stories in the appendix are typical supernatural stories. Obviously, it is inconsistent to include some of them in the collection of the Youming lu while rejecting the others. It seems that we should leave the matter of these tales an open question and list all of them in the appendix. In short, the relationship between the three collections remains unclear. Therefore, the problem of the tales attributed to Shishuo but not present in extant versions should be reserved for future consideration. Besides tale 257, I will suggest the elimination of tale 217, as well as the addition of “Xi Kang” and “Yang Hu” (from Lei shuo), and “Mu ke” (from Gujin tushu jicheng). Among those tales that are attributed to Shishuo xinyu yet do not exist in the present version, the texts (14–16 tales) that are similar in nature to zhiguai should be listed in the appendix. 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186

Ibid., p. 196 (cited in Taiping yulan 399 as from Shishuo). Ibid., p. 196. (cited in Taiping yulan 414 as from Shishuo) Ibid., p. 197 (cited in Taiping yulan 920 as from Shishuo). Ibid., p. 197 (cited in Taiping yulan 862 as from Shishuo). Ibid., p. 198 (cited in Yiwen leiju 93 as from Shishuo). Ibid., p. 198 (cited in Yiwen leiju 44 as from Shishuo). Ibid., p. 198 (cited in Taiping yulan 981 as from Shishuo). Ibid., p. 199 (cited in Taiping yulan 13 as from Shishuo). Ibid., p. 200 (cited in Taiping guangji 229 and Shilei fu 13 as from Shishuo). Ibid., p. 200 (cited in Xu Tanzhu 临婯≑ 4 as from Shishuo). Ibid., p. 201 (cited in Bai Kong liutie 䘥⫼ℕⶾ 3 as from Shishuo).

Backgrounds of the Buddhist Coloring in the Youming Lu

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Backgrounds of the Buddhist Coloring in the Youming Lu This chapter describes the social and religious backgrounds of the Youming lu, traces literary works prior to the Youming lu that bear Buddhist colorings, and thus tries to situate the Youming lu within the context of early Buddhist literature in China.

Social and Religious Backgrounds The introduction of Buddhism into China began in the later period of the Eastern Han (25–220).1 In the initial period of transmission, Buddhism was attached to daoshu 忻埻 (Daoist techniques) and its teachings spread within limited areas.2 With the fall of the Han, China embarked upon a long period of disunion. Except for the brief reunifijication during the Western Jin period (265–317), the fragmentation lasted for more than three centuries. During this time, people sufffered from the continuous chaos caused by endless wars. Meanwhile, Confucianism had lost its dominant position and Daoism satisfijied the doubts of only some of the literati. Traditional norms came into question.3 All these factors gave Buddhism a strong opportunity to spread throughout China. From the Three Kingdoms period (220–280) to the time of the Eastern Jin dynasty, Buddhism spread and developed rapidly. By the time of the Southern Dynasties (420–589), Buddhism had already become widespread in China. It seems that the [Liu] Song was the fijirst dynasty in which Buddhism received much attention and respect from the royal clan. During the Wei and Jin 1 For the early history of Buddhism in China, see Tang Yongtong 㸗䓐⼌, Han Wei liang Jin nanbeichao fojiao shi 㻊櫷ℑ㗱⋿⊿㛅ἃ㔁⎚ [History of Buddhism in Han, Wei, Western and Eastern Jin, and Northern and Southern Dynasties] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1955); Erik Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China; Kenneth K. S. Ch’en, Buddhism in China: a Historical Survey (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964) and The Chinese Transformation of Buddhism (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1973); and Jacques Gernet, A History of Chinese Civilization (London: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 210–18. 2 Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin nanbeichao fojiao shi, pp. 59, 81. 3 See Li Zehou 㛶㽌⍂, Mei de licheng 伶䘬㬟䦳 [The Path of Beauty] (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1981), pp. 85–95.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/9789004277847_004

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periods, the Han people rarely dedicated themselves to Buddhism and seldom became monks. According to the “Biography of Fotudeng ἃ⚾㼬 (232–348),” Wang Du 䌳⹎, the editorial director of the secretaries, submitted a letter to the royal court, which read: In the past, Emperor Ming 㖶ⷅ of the Han (r. 58–76) was stirred by a dream [in which he had a vision of Buddha], and Buddhism was, for the fijirst time, able to spread its Dharma.4 [The emperor] only allowed people from the West to build monasteries in the capital thereby to worship their deities; [as for] the people of the Han, none were allowed to become monks. The Wei inherited this policy of the Han and followed the prior regulations as well. ⼨㻊㖶デ⣊, ⇅⁛℞忻ˤⓗ倥大➇Ṣ⼿䩳⮢悥怹, ẍ⣱℞䤆; ℞㻊 Ṣ, 䘮ᶵ⼿↢⭞ˤ櫷㈧㻊⇞, Ṏ⽒⇵年ˤ5 The Jin dynasty continued this practice. Wang Mi 䌳媸 (360–407) of the Western Jin says in his “Da Huan Xuan nan 䫼㟻䌬暋 [Response to Huan Xuan’s Questioning],” “Monks and the numerous devotees are all various foreigners. Moreover, rulers do not associate with them” 㱁攨⼺䛦, 䘮㗗媠傉, ᶼ䌳侭 冯ᷳᶵ㍍ˤ6 By the Song dynasty, however, the situation had changed. Buddhism and the Royal Court of the Song Liu Yu was supported by Buddhists in the creation of the Song kingdom. According to the “Biography of Huiyi” ㄏ佑 (372–444) in the Gaoseng zhuan, during the reign of Emperor An ⬱ of Jin (397–418), a Buddhist monk told his disciples that the spirit of the Songgao ⴑ檀 Mountain had said that General Liu Yu of Jiangdong 㰇㜙 would receive the Mandate of Heaven.7 Huiyi 4

5 6 7

It is said that Emperor Ming had a dream in the third year of his reign (61), in which he saw a golden fijigure flying from heaven and hovering over his palace. While deciphering the dream, one of his ministers told him that it was the divine man who was born in the West and whose name was Buddha. Thus Emperor Ming sent a mission to India to search for Buddhist scriptures, and he also ordered people to build a Buddhist monastery, Baima si 䘥楔⮢ (White Horse Monastery), in Luoyang 㳃春. This is considered the earliest event that represents Buddhism starting to spread in China. See Fan Ye 劫㙬 (398–445) and Sima Biao ⎠楔⼒ (d. 306), Hou Han shu ⼴㻊㚠 [Eastern Han History] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), 88. 2922. Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 9. 65a. Yan Kejun, Quan shanggu sandai Qin Han Sanguo Liuchao wen, 2. 1569. Songgao Mountain refers to Mount Song ⴑ, the noted Central Mountain in Henan. Jiangdong refers to the area south of the Yongzi River at its lower reaches.

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tried to verify the words of the spirit, and he fijinally found evidence on Songgao Mountain. When he returned to the capital, he was accorded a grand reception. After Liu Yu was enthroned, he gave Huiyi a much more courteous reception.8 According to the Gaoseng zhuan, Liu Yu also had close relations with Buddhist monks Sengdao ₏⮶ (362–457) and Huiyan ㄏ♜ (363–443).9 Beginning with the founder, Liu Yu, most emperors of the Song took an interest in Buddhism. Emperor Wen 㔯 (r. 424–453) was close with dozens of monks,10 which explains his acceptance of the positive function of Buddhist beliefs in governing. The “Biography of Huiyan” in Gaoseng zhuan says: When Emperor Wen ascended the throne, the good relations [between Huiyan and him] became even closer. Each time when the emperor met him, he would praise [Buddha] and ask him about Buddhist dharma. Prior to this, the emperor did not worship nor believe in Buddhism very much. Until the twelfth year of the Yuanjia reign (435), when the Governor of the Capital, Xiao Mozhi (fl. 435),11 submitted a letter to Emperor Wen requesting the promulgation of a decree to build monasteries and statues [of Buddhas], the emperor then discussed it with He Shangzhi (382–460), the Palace Attendant,12 and Yang Xuanbao (370–463), Gentleman of the

8 9

10 11 12

Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 7. 48a; Li Yanshou, Nanshi, 1. 13. Liu Yu once entrusted Sengdao to assist his son Yizhen 佑䛇(407–424). When Yizhen was in trouble, Sengdao, leading several hundred of his disciples, saved him from the tumultuous army. In gratitude, Liu Yu built the Eastern Mountain Monastery for him. See volume 7 of Prominent Monks of the Liang, in Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, p. 50b-c. Based on the “Biography of Huiyan,” the Buddhist monk Huiyan, surnamed Fan, was a native of Yuzhou. At the age of twelve, he became a student in the royal academy and was well versed in the classics. He became a monk when he was sixteen and, further, he had a good command of Buddhist teachings… . Gaozu of the Song thought highly of him and appreciated him all along. Later, when Gaozu launched an expedition against Chang’an, he invited Huiyan to go with him. Huiyan said, “Even though your majesty’s this journey is going to punish the sinner and bring solicitude for people, as a person who is outside of the afffairs of this world, I cannot follow your order.” The emperor earnestly entreated him [to join them], and fijinally he made the journey. 慳ㄏ♜, ⥻劫, 尓ⶆṢˤ⸜⋩Ḵ䁢媠 䓇, ⌂㙱娑㚠ˤ⋩ℕ↢⭞, ⍰䱦拲ἃ䎮ˤ……⬳檀䣾䳈㇨䞍慵ˤ檀䣾⼴Ẹ攟⬱, 天 冯⎴埴, ♜㚘: “㨨崲㬌埴, 晾Ẹ伒⺼㮹, 屏忻ḳ⢾ᷳṢ, ᶵ㔊倆␥ˤ” ⷅ劎天ᷳ, 忪 埴ˤSee Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 7. 47a. Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 2–13.11b-93c. Xiao Mozhi was an offfijicial of the Jin. See his biography in Shen Yue, Song shu, 78. 2017. He Shangzhi was an important offfijicial in the reign of Emperor Wen and Emperor Xiaowu ⬅㬎 (r. 454–464). His offfijicial rank reached Shangshu puyie ⯂㚠⁽⮬ġ(Vice Director of the Department of State Afffairs) and Shangshu ling ⯂㚠Ẍġ(Director of Department of

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Interior in the Ministry of Personnel.13 Emperor Wen said to Shangzhi, “When I was young I did not read much of the scriptures, and in recent days I have even less time, so I cannot devote much attention to discriminating ‘causes and results’ within the ‘three periods.’14 The reason why I did not venture to establish a diffferent argument is that all of you, the elite of the age, pay respect to and believe in it. Fan Tai (355–428)15 and Xie Lingyun often say that the canonical articles in the Six Classics are basically to save the secular world and achieve regulation; if one defijinitely wants to seek the real mystery of Buddha-nature, how could one not take Buddhist sutras as one’s compass? … If the people of the world are all transformed by this (Buddhism), then I can just sit there and bring peace to the world. What would I have to do further?” … …⍲㔯ⷅ⛐ỵ, ね⤥⯌⭮, 㭷夳⻀孂⓷ἃ㱽ˤ⃰㗗ⷅ㛒䓂ⲯᾉ, 军⃫▱⋩Ḵ⸜, Ṕ⯡唕㐡ᷳᶲ┇婳⇞崟⮢⍲揬⁷, ⷅᷫ冯ἵᷕỽ ⯂ᷳˣ⎷悐恶ᷕ伲䌬ᾅ䫱嬘ᷳ, 媪⯂ᷳ㚘: “㚽⮹Ἦ嬨䴻ᶵ⣂, 㭼㖍 ⻴⽑䃉㘯, ᶱᶾ⚈㝄㛒彗⍅㆟, 侴⽑ᶵ㔊䩳䔘侭, 㬋ẍ⌧廑㗪䥨䌯 ㇨㔔ᾉ㓭ḇˤ劫㲘ˣ嫅曰忳ⷠ妨, ℕ䴻℠㔯, 㛔⛐㾇὿䁢㱣; ⽭㯪 曰⿏䛇⤏, 寰⼿ᶵẍἃ䴻䁢㊯⋿俞? ……劍ἧ䌯⛇ᷳ㾙, 䘮㔎㬌⊾, ⇯㚽⛸农⣒⸛, ⣓⽑ỽḳ?16 Many members of the royal house were devotees of Buddha as well. They included Daogui 忻夷 (370–412), the Prince of Linchuan;17 Yigong 佑〕 (413–

13

14

15 16 17

State Afffairs). His biography can be found in Shen Yue, Song shu, 66. 1732–39; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 30. 781. Yang Xuanbao is noted for having earned the title of Governor of Xuancheng ⭋❶ Commandery (Modern Xuancheng in Anhui) by playing chess with Emperor Wu (Liu Yu). His biography is found in Song shu, 54. 1534–36; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 36. 933–34. The “Three periods” in Buddhism refer to this life, previous life, and next life. Based on Buddhist belief, all living creatures are in the process of repeated rebirth, known as samsāra or “endless wandering,” before they attain nirvana; the circumstances of future rebirth are determined by their karma, the moral deeds one performs in this life. Karma is the cause of the future rebirth, and future rebirth is a result of one’s karma achieved in this life. Fan Tai was an offfijicial and writer of the Jin and Song, and father of Fan Ye, the author of the History of Eastern Han. His biography can be found in Shen Yue, Song shu, 60. 1615–19. Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 7. 47a. Liu Daogui’s biography can be found in Shen Yue, Song shu, 51. 1470–74; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 13. 357–58.

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465), the Prince of Jiangxia 㰇⢷;18 Yiji 佑⬋ (415–447), the Prince of Hengyang 堉春;19 Yikang, the Prince of Pengcheng; Yixuan 佑⭋ (415–454), the Prince of Nanjun;20 and Yizhen 佑䛇 (407–424),21 the Prince of Luling 䚏昝.22 A noted phenomenon was that Buddhist nuns were allowed to freely come and go in the royal court and the offfijicial residences of high-ranking offfijicials. According to his biography in Song shu, Yixuan kept more than one thousand concubines and several hundred nuns in his palace.23 Liu Yiqing’s Association with Monks and Nuns As a member of the royal house, Liu Yiqing was also devoted to Buddhism and frequently interacted with Buddhist monks, as can be seen from extant descriptions. According to Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan, in the seventeenth year of the Yuanjia period (440), when Liu was the Governor of Southern Yanzhou, he had a close relationship with Tan Wucheng 㙯䃉ㆸ, a monk who temporarily lived in the Zhongsi ᷕ⮢ (Central Monastery) of Huainan 㶖⋿: At that time, in the Zhong Monastery there was another man by the name of Tan Jiong,24 who studied under the same teacher and was as famous as Tan Wucheng. He was held in esteem by [Liu] Yiqing, the Prince of Linchuan. 㗪ᷕ⮢⽑㚱㙯ℷ侭, 冯ㆸ⎴⬠滲⎵, 䁢冐ⶅ䌳佑ㄞ㇨慵䂱.25 18

19

20 21 22

23 24

25

Jiangxia Commandery was southwest of the modern city of Wuhan, Hubei (Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 25–26). Yigong’s biography is found in Shen Yue, Song shu, 61. 1640–53; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 13. 370–74. Hengyang Commandery covered the region south of the modern city of Zhuzhou 㟒ⶆ, Hunan, and west of the Xiang 㸀 River (Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 25–26). Yiji’s biography can be found in Shen Yue, Song shu, 61. 1653–56; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 13. 379–80. Yixuan’s biography is found in Shen Yue, Song shu, 68. 1789–1809; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 13. 374–78. Yizhen’s biography is found in Shen Yue, Song shu, 61. 1633–40; Li Yanshou, Nan shi, 13. 363–66. See Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin nanbeichao fojiao shi, p. 454. Luling Commandery covered the region around modern 㯠寸 County, Jiangxi (Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 25–26). See Shen Yue, Song shu, 68.1799. Since the nuns are mentioned together with the concubines, it appears that they were somehow related to the sexual life of the nobles. In this reference, Zhong Monastery was located in Huainan Commandery of the Song, around the modern city of Huainan. Another monastery by the same name was located in Guangling, modern Yangzhou in Jiangsu. Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, 7. 49c.

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That same year, Liu Yiqing played a role in converting Daoru 忻₺ (410–490) from a layman into a Buddhist monk: The Monk Daoru (410–490), surnamed Shi, was a native of Bohai.26 He lodged in Guangling. When he was young, he embraced a pure belief, admiring and delighting in leaving home [to become a monk]. It happened that the Prince of Linchuan of the Song was [then] governing Southern Yanzhou, so Daoru let him know his story. The prince approved and helped fulfijill his will by initiating his conversion into a monk. After becoming a monk, he became a vegetarian and chanted sūtras. Wherever he went, Daoru would persuade people to abandon evil and do good things. People far and near all followed him, and fijinally he became a grand mentor. 慳忻₺, ⥻䞛, 㷌㴟Ṣˤ⭻⯭⺋昝, ⮹㆟㶭ᾉ, ヽ㦪↢⭞ˤ忯⬳冐ⶅ 䌳佑ㄞ捖⋿⃿, ₺ẍḳ倆ᷳˤ䌳岲ㆸ⍍⽿, 䁢┇⹎↢⭞ˤ↢⭞ᷳ ⼴, 哔梇嬨婎, ↉㇨ᷳ忈䘮⊠Ṣ㓡らᾖ┬, 怈役⬿⣱, 忪ㆸ⮶ⷓˤ27 In the eighteenth year of the Yuanjia period (441), the Indian Buddhist monk Sanghadatta ₏ụ忼⣂ (fl. 441) and others visited the Song capital. Liu Yiqing invited them all to live in Guangling: At that time there were also Indian monks such as Sanghadatta, Sengalo, and others. All of them had a deep understanding of dhyāna-meditation. They came and traveled in the land of Song. Once when Sanghadatta was sitting in meditation on a mountain,28 the sun was about to set and he was intending to fast. Then, a flock of birds arrived and brought him fruit in their mouths. Sanghadatta thought: “When a monkey gave honey to the Buddha, he accepted and drank it;29 now the flying birds have brought 26

27 28

29

Bohai Commandery was in the territory of Northern Wei, covering the region north of modern Nanpi ⋿䙖 and south of Cangzhou 㹬ⶆ, Hebei (Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 50–51). Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, 13. 94c. To sit in dhyāna, i.e., abstract meditation, fijixed abstraction, contemplation; its introduction to China is attributed to Bodhidharma (though it came earlier). See William Edward Soothill and Levis Hodous, A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms (London: K. Paul, Trench, Trubner & Co., 1937), p. 234. See Takakusu Junjirō 檀㤈枮㫉恶 and Watanabe Keigyoku 㷉怲㴟㖕, eds. 1924–1932, Taishō shinshū daizōk ⣏㬋㕘僑⣏啷䴻 [Taishō Tripitaka] (Tokyo: Taisho Issaikyo Kankokai); reprint version (Taibei: Xin wenfeng chubanshe 㕘㔯寲↢䇰䣦, 1978), 53. 251.

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me fruit, why is it not permissible?” Thus he accepted and ate them. In the summer of the eighth year of Yuanjia (431), he was invited by the Prince of Linchuan and Kang and settled in Guangling.30 Later he passed away at Jianye. 㗪⍰㚱⣑䪢㱁攨₏ụ忼⣂ˣ₏ụ伭⣂䫱, ᷎䥒⬠㶙㖶, Ἦ忲⬳ ⠫ˤ忼⣂▿⛐Ⱉᷕ⛸䥒, 㖍㗪⮯従, ⾝㫚嘃滳, ᷫ㚱佌沍扄㝄梃Ἦ ㌰ᷳˤ忼⣂⿅ょ, 䌤䋜⣱囄, ἃṎ⍿侴梇ᷳ; Ṳ梃沍㌰梇, ỽ䁢ᶵ ⎗? 㕤㗗⍿侴忚ᷳˤ⃫▱⋩ℓ⸜⢷, ⍿冐ⶅ⹟䌳婳, 㕤⺋昝䳸⯭, ⼴䳪㕤⺢㤕ˤ31 In the twentieth year of the Yuanjia period (443), Liu Yiqing brought Daojiong 忻䁗to Guangling and supported him there: The Buddhist monk Daojiong, surnamed Ma, was a native of Fufeng.32 When he fijirst left home [to become a monk], he was a disciple of Daoyi. When Daoyi was ill, he once sent Daojiong and three other people to Mount Huo in Henan to gather stalactites.33 Having entered a cave and gone several miles in, the three people were all drowned while crossing the river over a wooden bridge. In addition, the torches were extinguished. Daojiong thought with certainty that he had no way to cross the river. Out of habit, he chanted the Lotus Sūtra. The only thing he could rely on was his sincerity in this activity, and he further set his mind on Guanyin (Avalokiteśvara). In a short while, he saw a light glimmering like a fijirefly. He chased it but couldn’t catch up. Finally he was able to come out of the cave. Thus he further practiced his dhyāna-meditation, and his integrity and deeds were continuously renewed… . In the twentieth year of Yuanjia reign of the Song (443), Yiqing, the Prince of Linchuan and Kang, brought him to Guangling, and he lived there until he died. 慳忻ℷ, ⥻楔, ㈞桐Ṣˤ⇅↢⭞䁢忻ㆧ⻇⫸ˤㆧ䕭, ▿怋ℷ䫱⚃Ṣ 军㱛⋿暵Ⱉ㍉挦ḛˤℍ䨜㔠慴, 嶐㛐㷉㯜, ᶱṢ㹢㬣, 䁔䀓⍰ṉ, ℷ ⇌䃉㾇䎮ˤℷ䳈婎㱽厗, ⓗㄹ婈㬌㤕, ⍰⬀⾝奨枛ˤ㚱枫夳ᶨ⃱

30 31 32 33

Guangling: the modern city of Yangzhou, Jiangsu. Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, 3.23c-24a. Fufeng Commandery was northwest of the modern city of Xiangfan 壬㦲, Hubei. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4.25–26. Mount Huo is in modern Shanxi province.

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⤪坊䀓, 徥ᷳᶵ⍲, 忪⼿↢䨜ˤ㕤㗗忚ᾖ䥒㤕, 䭨埴⻴㕘ˤ…… ⬳ ⃫▱Ḵ⋩⸜, 冐ⶅ⹟䌳佑ㄞ㓄⼨⺋昝, 䳪㕤⼤䞋ˤ34 Liu Yiqing’s interaction with Buddhist monks can also be seen from the following accounts: Wang Sengda (423–458), a native of Linyi in Langye,35 was the youngest son of the Grand Guardian, Hong. His older brother, named Xi, was dull and lacking in refijinement. Having heard that Sengda was a prodigy, the Taizu (Emperor Wen) summoned and met him in the Deyang Palace. When he asked him about his studies and household afffairs, [Sengda] responded easily and cleverly. The emperor appreciated him very much and married offf the daughter of the Prince of Linchuan, Yiqing, to him. When Sengda was young, he loved to study and was good at literary writing… . He naturally loved hunting with falcons and dogs; he ran around with the young and tough men in his town, and he himself killed a bull. Having heard that he was like this, Yiqing asked Huiguan, the Buddhist monk who followed him as a retainer, to go observe him. Sengda placed books all over the mat, and talked about literature with him. Being unable even to respond, Huiguan instead deeply praised and admired him. 䌳₏忼炻䎭恒ᷜ㰪Ṣ炻⣒ᾅ⻀⮹⫸ˤ⃬拓炻峐姍᷷桐慯ˤ⣒䣾 倆₏忼噌ㄏ炻⎔夳㕤⽟春㭧炻⓷℞㚠⬠⍲⭞ḳ炻ㅱ⮵改㓷炻ᶲ 䓂䞍ᷳ炻⥣ẍ冐ⶅ䌳佑ㄞ⤛ˤ⮹⤥⬠炻┬Ⰶ㔯ˤɃɃġ ⿏⤥涡 䉔炻冯敕慴⮹⸜䚠楛徸炻⍰幔冒Ⰸ䈃ˤ佑ㄞ倆⤪㬌炻Ẍ␐㕳㱁 攨ㄏ奨忈侴奨ᷳˤ₏忼昛㚠㺉ⷕ炻冯婾㔯佑炻ㄏ奨愔䫼ᶵ㘯炻 㶙䚠䧙伶ˤ36 Liu Yiqing was also associated with nuns. In Wang Yan’s Mingxiang ji, an anecdote tells of Liu Yiqing supporting Tanhui 㙯廅, a Buddhist nun: Tanhui (422–504), a nun of the Song, was a native of Chengdu in the Shu Commandery. Her surname was originally Qingyang and her given name 34

35 36

Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, 12.85b-c. Tale 97 in Mingxiang ji also says, “In the nineteenth year of Yuanjia (442), Prince Kang of Linchuan governed Guangling, and he invited Tan Jiong [to join him] and nurtured him” ⃫▱⋩ḅ⸜, 冐ⶅ⹟䌳ἄ捖⺋昝, 婳ℷὃ梲. See Lu Xun, ed., Guxiaoshuo gouchen, in Lu Xun quanji, 8. 627–28. Linyi belonged to Langye Commandery and was located northwest of modern Linyi, Shandong (Tan Qixiang, 4. 48–49). Shen Yue, Song shu, 75. 1951.

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was Baiyu.37 As early as the age of seven she delighted in sitting meditation. Each time she sat she would reach a state [of deep meditation]. She was unable to understand what it meant herself, and she thought also that it was a dream. Once she slept together with her older sister, and at midnight she entered a samādhi, or “meditative concentration.”38 Her older sister found her in a corner behind the screen. She found that her body was like a piece of wood or stone, and she was not breathing as well. Her older sister was greatly disturbed by this and she awakened the family and told them. They embraced Tanhui together, yet at daybreak she still had not awoken. They ran to the shamans and asked them, and all said that her body was possessed by a ghost or a spirit.  When she reached the age of eleven, a foreign dhyāna master [by the name of] Kālayaśas (fl. 424) came to Shu.39 [Tan] Hui requested to inquire about what she had seen. Because Tanhui had already had the natural propensity [of meditation],40 Kālayaśas intended to persuade her to leave home [and become a nun]. At the time, Tanhui was about to marry, and a date had already been set. [Bhiksunī] Fayu did not tell Tanhui’s 37 38

39 40

It is said that the Qingyang was a son of the Yellow Emperor, and it became a bi-syllabic surname later. Ding, Samādhi, or meditative concentration, is a mental state of concentration and focusing of thought on one object. It is closely related to chan or meditation. Huineng ㄏ傥 (638–713) Liu zu tan jing ℕ䣾⡯䴻 [The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch] says, “to transcend characteristics externally is ‘meditation.’ To be undisturbed internally is ‘concentration.’ Externally ‘meditation’ and internally ‘concentration’ is meditative concentration” ⢾暊䚠⌛䥒炻ℏᶵḪ⌛⭂炻⢾䥒ℏ⭂炻㗗䁢䥒⭂. See Jone R. McRae, trans., The Platform Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch (Berkeley, Calif: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2000), p. 60. Robert Campany renders ding as “a trance state” in his Signs from the Unseen Realm, p. 224. He defijines samādhi as “a complex type of trancelike absorption with many stages, levels, and aspects” according to the following works: Paul M. Harrison, “Buddhānusmrti in the Pratyutpanna-buddha-sammukhāvasthita-samādhi-sutra,” Journal of Indian Philosophy 6 (1978): 35–57; Harrison, “Commemoration and Identifijication in Buddhānusmrti,” In the Mirror of Memory: Reflections on Mindfulness and Remembrance in Indian and Tibetan Buddhism, Janet Gyatso ed. (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1992), pp. 215–238; Harrison, trans., The Pratyutpanna Samādhi Sutra Translated by Lokaksema (Berkeley, Calif.: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 1998); Daniel B. Stevenson, “The Four Kinds of Samādhi in Early T’ian-t’ai Buddhism,” in Traditions of Meditation in Chinese Buddhism, Peter N. Gregory ed. (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1986); and E. Zürcher, Buddhism Conquest of China, pp. 194, 222–23. The biography of Kālayaśas can be found in Huijiao, Gao seng zhuan heji, 3. 23c-23a. Soothill defijines “fen” ↮ as “the sixth sense of mental discrimination.” See his A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 219.

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family and secretly brought her back to her monastery. Her family learned about this and were going to force her to marry. Tanhui in the end was not willing to leave, and she made a deep vow, “If my mind for enlightenment cannot be fulfijilled, and fijinally I am forced [to marry], then I will throw myself onto fijire, or feed myself to a tiger, [thereby] to discard my fijilthy form. I wish for various Buddhas from the ten directions to verify my most perfect mind.” The local governor, Zhen Fachong, believed in and upheld the correct dharma [of Buddha]. Hearing of Tanhui’s aspirations and deeds, he welcomed and met her. Furthermore, he summoned his assistants and knowledgeable monks to question her in turn. Tanhui responded without yielding. Those who were seated sighed in admiration over her behavior. Only then did Chong allow her to leave the home of her husband and enter the Dharma. In the nineteenth year of Yuanjia (442), the Prince of Linchuan welcomed her and brought her to Guangling. ⬳⯤慳㙯廅炻嚨悉ㆸ悥Ṣḇˤ㛔⥻曺春炻⎵䘥䌱ˤ⸜ᶫ㬚,ὧ㦪 ⛸䥒炻㭷⛸,庺⼿⠫䓴炻シ㛒冒Ḯ, Ṏ媪㗗⣊俛ˤ㚦冯⥲ℙ⮊炻⣄ ᷕℍ⭂, ⥲㕤⯷桐奺⼿ᷳ炻幓⤪㛐䞛, Ṏ䃉㯋〗ˤ⥲⣏樂⿒炻╂ ⏲⭞Ṣ炻Ḻℙ㉙㊩炻军㙱ᶵ奢ˤ⣼⓷ⶓ奉炻䘮妨櫤䤆㇨ㄹˤ ġ 军⸜⋩ᶨ炻㚱⢾⚳䥒ⷓ⻲列俞况侭Ἦℍ嚨ˤ廅婳媖㇨夳ˤ俞 况侭ẍ廅䥒㖊㚱↮炻㫚⊠⊾Ẍ↢⭞ˤ㗪廅⮯⩩炻⶚㚱⭂㖍ˤ㱽 做㛒⯽炻倆婒℞⭞, 㼃彶怬⮢ˤ⭞㖊䞍炻⮯忤⩩ᷳˤ廅忪ᶵ偗埴, 㶙䩳妨娻烉“劍ㆹ忻⽫ᶵ㝄炻忪塓旸忤侭炻ὧ䔞㈽䀓梤嗶炻㡬昌 䨊⼊ˤ栀⋩㕡媠ἃ, 嫱夳军⽫ˤ” ⇢⎚䒬㱽ⲯ炻ᾉ⯂㬋㱽, 倆廅⽿ 㤕炻彶冯䚠夳ˤ⸞⎔䵙Ỹ⍲㚱㆟㱁攨炻Ḻ≈暋⓷ˤ廅㔟㺼䃉⯰, ⛸侭㫶ᷳˤⲯᷫ姙暊⣓⭞炻倥℞ℍ忻ˤ⃫▱⋩ḅ⸜炻冐ⶅ⹟䌳 ⺞农⺋昝.41 From these records it can be concluded that Liu Yiqing was an enthusiastic devotee of Buddhism. Even though those who received patronage from Liu Yiqing were all properly tested Buddhists or nuns, Liu’s support of Buddhist monks and nuns show that he was dedicated to Buddhism. 41

Wang Yan (b. ca. 454), Ming xiang ji [Signs from the Unseen Realm], see Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 628–29. The story about Tanhui can also be found in Biqiuni zhuan 㭼᷀⯤⁛ [Bhikshuni Biographies] by Baochang ⮞ⓙ (fl.465), in Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, pp. 947c-48b. For an English translation of this story, see Kathryn Ann Tsai, trans., Lives of the Nuns: Biographies of Chinese Buddhist Nuns from the Fourth to Sixth Centuries: A Translations of the Pi-ch’iu-ni chuan (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994), pp. 92–95.

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The Flourishing of Buddhism in the Liu Song Dynasty Because of the devotion of the emperor and members of the royal court, during the Yuanjia reign (424–453) the practice of Buddhism became a fad. Highranking offfijicials, such as Wang Hong, Fan Tai, and He Shangzhi, all claimed to believe in the dharma.42 Intellectuals of the Song were also devoted to Buddhism. Xie Lingyun (385–433), the Duke of Kangle ⹟㦪,43 and Yan Yanzhi 柷⺞ᷳ (384–456) were undoubtedly the most notable of them.44 Around the seventh year of the Yixi 佑䅁ġera (411), Xie Lingyun went to Mount Lu to meet Huiyuan ㄏ怈 (331–416), the founder of the Pure Land School in China.45 The “Biography of Huiyuan” says, “Xie Lingyun, a native of the Chen Commandery,46 was proud of his ability and contemptuous of common people, and there were few people whom he held in esteem. But as soon as he met Huiyuan, he became sincerely convinced [of him]” 昛悉嫅曰忳, 屈ㇵ⁚὿, ⮹㇨㍐ⲯˤ⍲ᶨ䚠夳, 倭䃞⽫ 㚵.47 This is perhaps the earliest record concerning his interest in Buddhism. After Huiyuan’s death, Xie composed a dirge that showed his deep sorrow and admiration of him. In the third year of Yongchu 㯠⇅ (422), he took up the post of Commander of Yongjia 㯠▱.48 Touring the mountains and rivers in that area, he participated in discussions centering on Daosheng’s 忻䓇 (d.434) doctrine of sudden enlightenment and wrote the treaty Bianzong lun 彐⬿婾 (On Diffferentiation of Sects), which preserves Daosheng’s main ideas.49 In the seventh year of Yuanjia (430), Xie Lingyun went to Mount Lu and participated in 42 43 44

45

46 47 48 49

Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin nanbeichao fojiao shi, p. 417. The seat of Kangle County was located 20 li east of modern Wanzai 叔庱 County in Jiangxi (Zang Lihe, Diming dacidian, p. 800). Both Yan and Xie were known as talented poets, but they were also noted as devotees of Buddhism. Xie Lingyun was a grandson of Xie Xuan 嫅䌬 (343–388), a famous general of the Eastern Jin. Xie Lingyun is also considered the founder of Chinese landscape poetry. Their biographies can be found in Shen Yue’s Song shu, 67. 1743–79; 73. 1891–1904. Huiyuan drew his inspiration largely from the Longer and Shorter Sukhāvatī-vyūha Sutras (the two Amitabha Sutras). In 402 he founded the White Lotus Society and assembled the monks and laymen to worship Amitabha. His biography is found in Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 6. 37c-40c. Chen Commandery was east of modern Xiangcheng 枭❶, Henan. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 47. Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 6. 40c. Yiongjia Commandery was around the region of modern Yiongjia County, Zhejiang. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 25-26. Daosheng (355-434) has been considered as the founder of the Nirvana school of Chinese Buddhism. He is most noted for his advocacy of the belief in the possession of the Buddha-nature by all sentient beings, which can be realized through sudden enlightenment.

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the revision of the translation of the Daban niepan jing ⣏凔㴭㥫䴻 [Mahāparinirvāna-sūtra] written by Dhamakshema.50 Because of his literary talent and noble family background, his activities concerning Buddhist practices were influential. Yan Yanzhi, who enjoyed equal popularity with Xie Lingyun in the fijield of literature, also had a good command of Buddhist teachings. His articles about Buddhism include “Yu He Chengtian lun daxing lun 冯ỽ㈧ ⣑彗忼⿏婾 [Debating on Understanding of the (Buddha) Nature with He Chengtian].51 Another remarkable feature that indicates the prosperity of Buddhism during the Song dynasty was the religious cross-fertilization of the time: Chinese Buddhists were making pilgrimages to India, and Indian monks were coming to China. The prominent Buddhists who went to India include: 1) the eight Chinese monks of the Hexi 㱛大ġdistrict (modern Linfen 冐㰦ġin Shanxi), including Tanxue 㙯⬠ and Weide ⦩⽟, who were intent on discovering Buddhist texts; 2) Fayong 㱽≯, Sengmeng ₏䋃, Tanlang 㙯㚿, and others, who left China for India in the fijirst year of the Yongchu reign (420); 3) Juqu Jingsheng 㱖㷈Ṕ倚, the younger brother of the emperor of Northern Liang, who frequently visited Yutian Ḷ數 (Khotan)52 and took refuge in the Song after his return; 4) Daopu 忻㘖, a monk who knew Sanskrit and other languages, made a journey to India at the beginning of the Song dynasty accompanied by eighteen offfijicers searching for the Mahāparinirvāna-sūtra and visited every part of India, but died after being injured on a ship; and 5) Faxian 㱽栗 (d. 422), the most prominent pilgrim to the West, who made his journey to India in the middle of the Song period. When he reached Yutian, he received a copy of Avalokiteśvara Aharani (On the Annihilation of Evil) and brought it to Nanjing.53 Indian monks who came to China were numerous, and most became noted translators. They included Buddhajīva ἃ旨Ṩ (fl. 423),54 Kālayaśas ⻲列俞况

50 51 52 53

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Also called Niepan da jing 㴭䚌⣏䴻 in the biography. Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin nanbeichao fojiao shi, p. 440. Yutian was an old country located around modern Hetian ␴䓘, Xinjiang. Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin nanbeichao fojiao shi, pp. 378–88. Faxian wrote Fo guo ji ἃ⚳姀 [Records of the Buddhist Kingdoms], translated Sūtra of the Mahāparinirvāna or Da ban nifan jing ⣏凔㲍㳡䴻 [Sutra of the Great Enlightenment], jointly with Buddhabhdra. Buddhajiva specialized in Vinaya. He translated the Mahishasaka Vinaya, i.e. Wufen lü Ḽ↮⼳ (Five-category Vinaya).

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(fl. 424),55 Saṃghavarmanġ ₏ụ嵳㐑 (fl. 433),56 Dharmamitra 㙯㐑囄⣂ (366–442), Gunavarma 㯪恋嵳㐑, and Guṇabhadraġ㯪恋嵳旨伭 (394–468). Guṇabhadra was the most famous among them. He translated thirteen scriptures, seventy-three juan in total, including Xin Ahan jing 㕘旧抉䴻 (NavaĀgama-sūtra), Lengjia jing 㤆ụ䴻 (Lankāvatāra-sūtra), and Wuliangshou jing 䃉慷⢥䴻 (Longer Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra; Infijinite Life Sutra).57 Beyond a doubt, this religious intercourse and the translation of Buddhist sutras accelerated In such a milieu, Buddhism quickly became widespread. One measure of this development was the construction of Buddhist monasteries. Based on extant records, during the Yuanjia period, fijifteen temples were constructed in the capital alone.58 The unrecorded number would have been still greater. This tendency toward increasing devotion to Buddhism continued throughout the Southern Dynasties.

Literary Background During the Wei, Jin, and Southern dynasties, Buddhism was expressed not only in Buddhist canons but also in the realm of literature. According to Jiang Shuzhuo’s 哋徘⋻study, during this time Buddhist literary works, which intentionally promoted Buddhist teachings or expressed Buddhist ideas, appeared in almost all existing genres, such as poetry, rhapsodies, prose, inscriptions, eulogies, dirges, and tales.59 Those written by Xie Lingyun include dozens of poems, including the “Wuliangshou Fo song 䃉慷⢥枴 [Eulogy on the Buddha 55 56

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Kālayaśas has been mentioned in the story of Tanhui. His biography can be found in Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 3. 23c-24a. Samghavarman was an Indian monk. His Chinese name was ⹟₏捏. He came to China in the Period of Three Kingdoms. His translation included Wuliangshou jing 䃉慷⢥䴻 [Longer Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra; Infijinite Life Sūtra]. See Cai Rixin 哉㖍㕘, Han Wei Liuchao Fojiao gaiguan 㻊櫷ℕ㛅ἃ㔁㤪奨 [A General Survey of Buddhism in the Han Wei and Six Dynasties] (Taibei: Wenjin chubanshe, 2001), pp. 171-78. The Longer Sukhāvatīvyūha Sūtra (Infijinite Life Sūtra) is one of the three principal Pure Land sutras; the other two are the Amituo jing 旧⻴旨䴻 [Shorter Sukhāvatīvyūha Sūtra, also known as the Amitābha Sūtra] and the guan wuliangshou jing 奨䃉慷 ⢥䴻 [Amitāyurdhyāna Sūtra]. Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin nanbeichao fojiao shi, p. 417. Jiang Shuzhuo, “Nanchao chongfo wenxue luelun” ⋿㛅ⲯἃ㔯⬠䔍婾 [Brief Remarks on Southern Dynasties Buddhist Literature], in Wei Jin nanbeichao wenxue lunji 櫷㗱⋿ ⊿㛅㔯⬠婾普 [Collected Commentaries on Wei Jin and Northern and Southern Dynasties Literature] (Taibei: Wenshizhe chubanshe, 1994), 575–90.

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of Limitless Life Span],” “Fo ying ming ἃ⼙所 [Inscription on a Buddha Statue],” “Tan Long Fashi lei 㙯昮㱽ⷓ娬 [A Dirge for Tan Long, the Master of Buddhist Dharma],” and “Lu shan Huiyuan Fashi lei 䚏Ⱉㄏ怈㱽ⷓ娬 [A Dirge for Dharma Master Huiyuan from Mount Lu].”60 What’s more, even Bao Zhao, a man who was not a devotee of Buddhism, wrote “Fo ying song” ἃ⼙枴 [Eulogy on a Buddha Statue]. Generally speaking, Buddhism entered the realm of zhiguai narratives during the Eastern Jin. Even though the introduction of Buddhism into China had begun in the later period of the Eastern Han, explicit traces were not yet widely found in tales. In collections of tales such as Lieyi zhuan and Soushen ji of the Wei and Jin dynasties, for example, references to Buddhist influence are rare, although motifs that would be widely used in the later Chinese Buddhist miracle tales are already evident.61 Beginning with the period of the Eastern Jin, some collections show clear signs of the influence of Buddhism. The Linggui zhi by Mr. Xun 勨 was perhaps the fijirst collection that shows explicit Buddhist influence. Although Xun’s forename and hometown are unknown, he likely lived during the end of the Eastern Jin period, because his book narrates afffairs that took place during the Yixi 佑䅁ġreign (405–418) of Emperor An ⬱ of Jin. According to the bibliographical treaties of the Sui shu, this book included three volumes, which were all eventually lost, although Lu Xun collected twenty-four tales in his Guxiaoshuo gouchen.62 Three of the Linggui zhi tales tell of people avoiding disasters and overcoming sickness through belief in Buddhism and reading of the Buddhist sutras. One such tale is a story about Zhou Zichang ␐⫸攟, who encountered and was caught by ghosts on his way to a friend’s home. When he told the ghosts that he was a disciple of the Buddha and started chanting Buddhist scriptures, he was released. Zhou did not fear ghosts and even intended on catching them.63 Another story is about a man with the surname Ou 㫸, who had been ill for years. When he became extremely emaciated, no shaman or doctor could save him. His son dreamed of several monks who came to see his father. The next morning his son went to visit the Buddha, saw the monks, and asked what kind of god Buddha is. After the monks told him, he brought them home and 60 61

62 63

Xie Lingyun, Xie Kangle ji 嫅⹟㦪普 [Collected Works of Xie, the Duke of Kangle] (Taibei: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1968), pp. 64–66. Certain exceptions existed. The earliest example related to Buddhist beliefs as seen in early collections is the anti-killing theme. In Lieyi zhuan there is a story of a hunter who becomes a white deer. See Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 256–57. This possibly develops a Buddhist motif based on the injunction against killing animals. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 309–18. Ibid., pp. 313–314.

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asked them to read Buddhist sutras. The next evening, Ou felt that his illness had become lighter and from then on he recovered gradually.64 The last tale in Lu Xun’s collection is a story about Zhang Ying ⻝ㅱ, a believer in mojia 櫼⭞ (heresy), who married the daughter of a family that believed in Buddhism. When they moved to a new place, his wife became ill. Although he held heretical exorcist ceremonies, which consumed all the family’s wealth, his wife did not recover. She asked that a Buddhist exorcism ceremony be held for her, and both she and her husband accepted the Five Precepts of Buddhism,65 at which point she recovered from illness.66 This story obviously promotes Buddhism while belittling indigenous Chinese religions. Three other stories about Buddhist monks from this collection focus on the miraculous capability of the monks. The story about the monk Tanyou 㙯忲 depicts his magical art – controlling poisonous centipedes.67 Another story tells of a foreign Daoist who transported donkeys and could protect them with magical power.68 The third story, “The Foreign Daoist,” is well-known and is directly derived from the Buddhist canon.69 Lu Xun quoted this story in his A Brief History of Chinese Fiction as an example of a tale influenced by Buddhism: In the twelfth year of the Tai Yuan period (387), there came a Daoist from abroad who could swallow knives, spit fijire, and produce pearls, jade, gold, and silver from his mouth. He said that the master from whom he learned his techniques was a Brahman and not a Buddhist. [One day] on the road he met a man carrying a shoulder-pole from which hung a cage just large enough for a peck or so of grain. [The Daoist] said to the bearer: “I’m extremely tired of walking, will you carry me?” The bearer marveled at this request, thinking he must be out of his mind. “As you like,” he then responded… . The Daoist got into the cage, yet the cage did not grow larger nor he smaller, neither did [the bearer fijind] his load any heavier. After several dozen li, the bearer stopped to eat under a tree and invited [the Daoist] to join him. [But the Daoist] said: “I have food myself, … I want to eat with my wife.” So he took from his mouth a well-dressed beautiful woman of about twenty, and then they had their meal together. When she was about to fijinish her meal her husband went to sleep, and 64 65 66 67 68 69

Ibid., p. 314. The Five Precepts forbid killing, stealing, sexual immorality, lying, and taking intoxicants. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 318. Ibid., p. 317. Ibid., p. 314. Ibid., p. 316.

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the woman said to the bearer: “I have a lover who wants to eat with me. Don’t tell my husband when he wakes.” Thus the woman produced a young man from her mouth and they ate together. So now there were three people in the cage, yet the matter of being spacious or narrow remained the same. In a little while, her husband stirred as if about to wake, and the woman put her lover in her mouth. When her husband woke he said to the bearer: “It is time to go.” Right then he put the woman, then the food and vessels, into his mouth. ⣒⃫⋩Ḵ⸜忻Ṣ⢾⚳Ἦ, 傥⏆↨⎸䀓, ⎸䎈䌱慹戨ˤ冒婒℞㇨⍿ 埻ⷓ䘥堋, 朆㱁攨ḇˤ埴夳ᶨṢ㑼, 㑼ᶲ㚱⮷䰈⫸, ⎗⍿⋯检ˤ婆 㑼Ṣḹ: “⏦㬍埴䕚㤝, ⭬⏃㑼ˤ” 㑼Ṣ䓂⿒ᷳ, ㄖ㗗䉪Ṣ, ὧ婆ḹ: “ 冒⎗䇦俛ˤ”……ℍ䰈ᷕˤ䰈ᶵ㚜⣏, ℞Ṏᶵ㚜⮷, 㑼ᷳṎᶵ奢慵㕤 ⃰ˤ㖊埴㔠⋩慴, 㧡ᶳỷ梇, 㑼Ṣ␤ℙ梇ˤḹ: “ㆹ冒㚱梇ˤ” …… “ㆹ㫚冯⨎ℙ梇ˤ” ⌛⽑⎋↢ᶨ⤛⫸, ⸜Ḵ⋩姙, 堋墛⭡尴䓂伶ˤḴ Ṣὧℙ梇ˤ梇㫚䪇, ℞⣓ὧ再ˤ⨎婆㑼Ṣ: “ㆹ㚱⢾⣓, 㫚Ἦℙ梇ˤ ⣓奢, ⏃⊧忻ᷳˤ” ⨎ὧ⎋ᷕ↢ᶨ⸜⮹ᶰ⣓ℙ梇ˤ䰈ᷕὧ㚱ᶱṢ, ⮔⿍ᷳḳṎ⽑ᶵ䔘ˤ㚱枫, ℞⣓≽, ⤪㫚奢ˤ⨎ẍ⢾⣓ℏ⎋ᷕˤ ⣓崟, 婆㑼Ṣ㚘: “⎗⍣ˤ” ⌛ẍ⨎ℏ⎋ᷕ, 㫉⍲梇☐䈑ˤ70 The fijigure of the foreign Daoist who became a Chinese monk is echoed in later stories. This example typifijies the adaptation of Buddhist stories as they were transmitted into China. The Soushen houji ㏄䤆⼴姀 [Sequel to in Search of the Spirits], traditionally attributed to Tao Qian 昞㼃 (365–427), is another collection that shows the heavy influence of Buddhism. However, the received version of this book is problematic, and it is hard to support this attribution.71 First, any texts before Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan fail to mention that Tao wrote a text by any of these titles; and, second, the extant text mentions events and reign titles that would have postdated Tao’s death.72 Furthermore, as Robert Campany says, it is highly unlikely that Tao would have written a text stressing the themes and concerns of the Soushen houji. He argues, “(Tao) clearly appears to have been an exponent of the philosophy of ‘naturalism’ (ziran) – a philosophy that, admirably expressed in the ‘peach blossom spring’ story and having its roots in Lao70

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Lu Xun, Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue, p. 56; this translation is revised from Lu Xun, A Brief History of Chinese Fiction (Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1964), translated by Yang Hsien-yi and Gladys Yang, pp. 59–60. For a detailed study, see Wang Guoliang, Liuchao zhiguai xiaoshuo kaolun, p. 115. For instance, tales in Volumes 6 and 10 record events from the Yuanjia reign of the Song.

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Zhuang thought, contrasts sharply with the worldview urged in virtually every tale in the extant Soushen houji except 1.5 and a few similar stories.”73 For these reasons, the date of the Soushen houji is uncertain; thus we will not discuss it in detail here. Along with the heterogeneous works previously mentioned, collections of Buddhist miracle tales appeared at the end of the Eastern Jin period. Two collections of such tales, Guanshiyin yingyan ji 奨ᶾ枛ㅱ槿姀 [The Records of Miracles Concerning Avalokiteśvara] and Xu Guanshiyin yingyan ji 临奨ᶾ枛 ㅱ槿姀 [A Sequel to the Records of Miracles Concerning Avalokiteśvara], might have existed before or at the same time as Liu Yiqing’s Youming lu. Avalokiteśvara, Guanshiyin or Guanyin in Chinese, is a minor fijigure in some major Mahayana scriptures such as Vimalakirti Sūtra and the Langer Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra. He becomes prominent in the Huayan jing 厗♜䴻 [Avataṃsaka-sūtra; the Flower Adornment Sutra] and the Fahua jing 㱽厗䴻 [Saddharma-puṇḍarīka-sūtra; Lotus Sūtra]. In the Lotus Sūtra and Guan wuliangshou jing 奨䃉慷⢥䴻 [Amitāyurdhyāna Sūtra; The Sūtra of Visualization on Amitayus Buddha], he assumes the role of a savior.74 It is most likely that the miracle tales about Guanyin were derived from these sutras.75 Although both of these collections have been lost in China, in 1970, Maketa Tairyō 䈏䓘媎Ṗ published an edited and annotated edition of the three earliest Chinese collections of miracle tales about Guanyin.76 He used a Japanese manuscript hand-copied during the Kamakura period (1185–1333) as the basis of the edition. In 1994, a Chinese scholar, Sun Changwu⬓㖴㬎, edited and published the same collection in China.77 Robert Campany has translated and done theoretical analyses of a number of stories from the collections.78 73 74 75 76

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Robert Ford Campany, Strange Writing, p. 69, note 142. See Chün-Fang Yü, Kuan-yin: the Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteśvara (New York: Columbia University Press, 2001), pp. 93–150. The earliest translation of the Lotus Sūtra by Dharmaraksa appeared in 286, much earlier than the tales. The third one is Xi Guanshiyin yingyan ji Ὢ奨ᶾ枛ㅱ槿姀 [More Records of Guanshiyin’s Responsive Manifestations], which contains sixty-nine stories and was compiled by Lu Gao 映㜚 (459–532) in 501. See Fu Liang ‭Ṗ (374–426), Zhang Yan ⻝㺼, and Lu Gao, Guanshiyin ying yan ji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1994), ed. by Sun Changwu. See Robert Ford Campany, “Note on the Devotional Uses and Symbolic Functions of Sūtra Texts as Depicted in Early Chinese Buddhist Miracle Tales and Hagiographies,” Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 14 (1,1991): 28–72; “The Real Presence,” History of Religion, 32 (1993): 233–72; “The Earliest Tales of Bodhisattva Guanshiyin,” in Donald S. Lopez, Jr. ed., Religions of China in Practice (Princeton: Princeton University

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The Records of Miracles Concerning Avalokiteśvara is believed to be the earliest surviving collection of Chinese Buddhist miracle tales. It was written in the last half of the fourth century by Xie Fu 嫅㔟, a recluse and devout believer of Buddhism. His biography in Wang Yan’s Mingxiang ji says: Xie Fu of the Jin, styled Qingxu,79 was a native of Shanyin (modern Shaoxing 䳡冰, Zhejiang) of Guiji and was the son of the elder brother of [Xie] Qiu,80 the General of the Garrison Troops. When he was young he had high personal integrity and lived in seclusion in the Eastern Mountains. He was devoted to the great dharma [of Buddha], concentrated on it, and never tired of them. He copied the Śūraṃgama-sūtra by hand, and all of the [hand-writing] sūtra should be in the White Horse Monastery.81 㗱嫅㔟⫿ㄞ䵺, 㚫䧥Ⱉ昘Ṣḇ, 捖幵⮯幵廞⃬ᷳ⫸ḇˤ⮹㚱檀㑵, 晙Ḷ㜙Ⱉˤ䮌ᾉ⣏㱽, 䱦⊌ᶵ῎ˤㇳ⮓椾㤆♜䴻, 䔞⛐悥䘥楔⮢ ᷕˤ82 The book originally included more than ten stories, but it was destroyed in the Sun En ⬓】 (d. 402) Rebellion.83 Fu Liang ‭Ṗ (374–426), the son of Xie Fu’s friend, recalled and wrote down seven of the stories from memory. These became the earliest known examples of Chinese Buddhist miracle tales.84 Almost all the tales in this collection concern instances of people being saved from disasters after invoking the name of the Bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara or Guanyin, which indicates clearly that the belief in Avalokiteśvara was beginning to spread in Chinese society.85 In the stories, the benefijits or rewards of this belief include: escape from fijire (tale 1), receiving a new voice (tale 2), de-

79 80 81 82 83 84 85

Press, 1996), pp. 82–96; and Robert Ford Campany, Strange Writing: Anomaly Accounts in Early Medieval China. His biography can be found in Fang Xuanling, Jin shu, 94. 2456. Guiji Commandery covered the region around the modern cities of Shaoxing and Ningbo ⮏㲊, Zhejiang. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 25–26. White Horse Monastery was the fijirst Buddhist monastery in China, established under the patronage of Emperor Ming in the Eastern Han capital Luoyang in the year 68. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 590–591. Sun En Rebellion was a religious-led anti-government movement that occurred in 399– 402. Sun believed in Wudou mi Ḽ㔿䰛 (Five Bushel Millet) Daoism. Gjertson, Miraculous Retribution, p. 16. The fijirst story is the only one that credits the chanting of the Guanshiyin Sūtra, instead of the invocation of his name, as the reason why the man was spared from the fijire.

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liverance from being killed (tale 3), release from shackles (tale 4), escape from the perils of the sea (tales 5 and 6), and a miraculous cure (tale 7). The curing of diseases is one of the new promises not found in the “Universal Gateway” chapter of the Lotus Sūtra. A Sequel to the Records of Miracles Concerning Avalokiteśvara by Zhang Yan ⻝㺼, a scholar of the Liu Song dynasty, is a collection that was written in the mid-fijifth century, probably earlier than or at the same time as the Youming lu. It includes ten Buddhist miracle tales similar to the Guanshiyin yingyan ji. The content and style of the stories in this collection conform to Donald Gjertson’s observation that they are “short narrations of situations where someone faced with difffijiculty invoked the bodhisattva Avalokiteśvara. No stylistic advances over tales in earlier stratas are apparent, the tales in Zhang Yan’s sequel being, if anything, even shorter and less detailed.”86 It is noteworthy that the Guanshiyin in these stories is still a man (generally a monk), instead of a goddess – the most popular image of Guanyin to appear in later Chinese Buddhist scriptures and popular culture.87 Liu Yiqing’s Xuanyan ji is another collection of Buddhist miracle tales that is worth mentioning here. In the Southern Dynasties period, many collections of this type were intended to assist in propagating Buddhism. The bibliographical treatise of Sui shu lists nine such books, and Liu Yiqing’s Xuanyan ji is among them.88 It exists today only in quotations reclaimed from various later collectanea. In his Guxiaoshuo gouchen, Lu Xun collected thirty-fijive pieces.89 This is of course not the original, and certain tales are still problematic.90 86 87 88 89 90

Gjertson, Miraculous Retribution, p. 19. For a detailed description of this interesting transformation, see Chün-Fang Yü, Kuan-yin: the Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteśvara, pp. 293–499. Wei Zheng, Sui shu, 33. 980. See also Gjertson, Miraculous Retribution, p. 20. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 435–445. Tale 8 of Lu Gao’s Xi Guanshiyin yingyan ji says that Xuanyan ji contains the stories about Zhu Huiqing 䪢ㄏㄞ, Monk Daoting 忻倥, Kang Zi ⹟勚, Gu Mai 栏怩, Yu Wen ᾆ㔯, Xu Guang ⼸⺋, and others encountering a gale and being saved. Tale 9 says it contains the stories about Sun Chongyang ⬓ⲯ春, Yuan Zuqian ⃫䣾Ḧ, the man returning to his home country, and the native of Chang’an 攟⬱ falling into a river at Fuyang ⭴春 (Modern Fuyang, Zhejiang; Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 28). Tale 17 says that Xuanyan ji records the story about the two disasters at Shangming ᶲ㖶, east of the modern city of Yidu ⭄悥, Hubei (Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 34). Tale 44 says that it records the entrance of Zeng Puxian 㚦㘖岊 under the coups and his ability to stay alive. Tale 55 says that it also records the stories about Bian Yuezhi ⌆婒ᷳ and Sun Daode ⬓忻⽟ seeking to be given a son. Just as Wang Guoliang has pointed out, however, Lu Xun’s edition of Xuanyan ji contains only the tale about Yu Wen. See Wang Guoliang, Wei Jin nanbeichao zhiguai xiaoshuo yanjiu, p. 326. The story about the Wang Dao brothers (tale 13) quoted in

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Based on the tales collected by Lu Xun, we can see that the themes in this collection are much broader than those in the two collections previously mentioned. Ten tales in this collection (tales 3, 6, 7, 8, 9, 21, 22, 23, 26, and 29) concern the miraculous intervention of Avalokiteśvara. According to types of benefijits garnered from the belief, they can be classifijied as follows: miraculous cures (tales 3 and 9), escape from fijire (tale 5), escape from bandits (tales 6, 21, and 22), deliverance from death (tales 7 and 8), release from shackles (tale 23), escape from the peril of a black gale (tale 26), and seeing the manifestation of Guanyin (tale 29). Tales 5, 8, 22, and 23 were also recorded in Lu Gao’s Xi Guanshiyin yingyan ji. Another group of tales in this collection shows the miraculous attributes of Buddhist materials: statues of Buddha (tales 18, 32, 34, and 35), relics of Buddha (tales 19 and 30), and Buddhist temples (tales 5 and 28). The third group of tales is about karmic retribution for good or evil actions. The majority of these stories involve retaliation in the present life for killing. For instance, in tale 10 a hunter killed his son while hunting;91 in tale 12 a man by the surname of Zhou killed nestling swallows as a child, and later all three of his sons became dumb;92 in tale 13 three brothers who killed a magpie and cut offf its tongue later all became dumb.93 In Tale 31, which concerns retribution for good deeds, a man who released captive animals lived a long life.94 In Tale 14, which concerns retribution in the next life, a man who took food on the sly in his previous life was later born as an ox.95 In addition, this collection includes stories about prodigies and other aspects of Buddhism, including Buddhist demons (tale 1);96 self-curing through the practice of meditation (tale 33);97 the magic powers of Prince Anqing (tale 17);98 curing illness through Buddhist service (tale 20);99 and promoting Bud-

91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99

volume 740 of Taiping yulan says it is from Lingyan ji 曰槿姀 [Record of Numinous Responses], but volume 131 of the Tan Kai 婯ミ edition of Taiping guangji says it is from Xuanyan zhi ⭋槿⽿ [Record of Manifestations]. See Wang Guoliang, Wei Jin Nanbeichao zhiguai xiaoshuo yanjiu, p. 326. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 552. Ibid., pp. 552–553. Ibid., p. 553. Ibid., p. 558. Ibid., p. 553. Ibid., p. 549. Ibid., p. 558. Ibid., p. 554. Ibid., p. 556.

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dhism while negating Daoism (tales 24 and 27).100 However, several stories, such as tales 2 and 4, have nothing to do with Buddhism.101 In terms of content, the fijirst and second groups of stories in Xuanyan ji are rarely found in the Youming lu, while the third and fourth groups are similar to those in the collection.

Conclusion Liu Yiqing’s Youming lu was produced in an age in which Buddhist beliefs were widely spread. The intention of rulers to educate the people, the literati’s interests in the new religious theory, and the commoners’ interests in worldly welfare jointly caused Buddhism to thrive. The Buddhist coloring in the collection is closely related to the religious milieu in which devotees of Buddhism became more numerous. In the literary fijield, there were two diffferent types of tales prior to the Youming lu. One is the zhiguai, in which some collections already had a Buddhist coloring; and the other is the miraculous tale created by Buddhists or laymen to intentionally promote Buddhism. By nature, the Youming lu belongs to the zhiguai tradition, because the evident Buddhist beliefs difffer from those in the miraculous tales. But certain stories in this collection are very similar to those in the collections of miraculous tales, which was why many scholars have mistakenly put the Youming lu in the same category as Xuanyan ji and Mingxiang ji. 100 101

Ibid., p. 557. Ibid., pp. 549–550.

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Chapter 3

Historical Thematic Changes under the Impact of Buddhism in Early Medieval China as Seen in the Youming Lu The Youming lu is a work that demonstrates Buddhist influence as it began to appear in Chinese narrative on a relatively large scale. Many aspects of Buddhism, such as karmic retribution, Buddhist concepts of hell, and the Buddha as a savior, appear for the fijirst time in this collection, yet because it is a heterogeneous compilation composed in the early stage of Buddhist influence on Chinese literature, some indigenous themes remain in their original states, while others have been modifijied to reflect Buddhist assumptions. This continuity mingled with metamorphosis provides us with a vivid picture of some of the historical changes that occurred in the development of medieval Chinese literature and culture.

From Demonic Retribution to Karmic Retribution: Changing Concepts of Bao 1 Indigenous Bao: Three Types of Retribution Retribution is at the core of Chinese popular Buddhism as well as traditional Chinese culture. In discussions of the tales in the Youming lu and other zhiguai, some scholars tend to place all of the stories with retribution themes under the heading of “Influenced by Buddhism,” as if retribution is of only Buddhist origin.1 Yet the concept of retribution, bao ⟙, is deeply rooted in ancient Chinese culture. Literally, bao means “to respond,” “to reciprocate,” “to repay,” and “to take revenge.”2 As an important concept in ancient Chinese thought, 1 See Wang Guoliang, Liuchao zhiguai xiaoshuo kaolun, p. 161; Zhou Ciji, Liuchao zhigui xiaoshuo yanjiu, p. 91. 2 For studies of bao and its interaction with Chinese narrative, see Lien-Sheng Yang, “The Concept of Pao as a Basis for Social Relations in China,” in Excursions in Sinology, HarvardYenching Institute Studies no. 24 (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1969), pp. 3–23; Patrick Hanan, The Chinese Vernacular Story (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1981), pp. 105–06; Karl S.Y. Kao, “Bao and Baoying: Narrative Causality and External Motivations,” CLEAR 11(1989): 115–38; and Robert Ford Campany, Strange Writing: Anomaly Acounts in Early Medieval China, 367–94.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/9789004277847_005

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bao has been classifijied into two categories: ethical retribution, a belief in retribution that is dominated by human beings, and divine retribution, a belief in retribution that is dominated by Heaven.3 However, there is actually another type of retribution, demonic retribution, which can be seen as a combination of heavenly retribution and ethical retribution. Below is a summary of the indigenous Chinese concepts of retribution. Ethical (Human) Retribution As a moral concept, retribution is found in pre-Qin texts. Laozi 侩⫸ holds that one should “recompense resentment with kindness” ⟙⿐ẍ⽟.4 This is contrary to the commonly held idea, as expressed in the set expression yizhi baoyuan ẍ䚜⟙⿐ (to recompense resentment with upright behavior), which is said to have been supported by Confucius.5 The well-known poem in the Shi jing 娑䴻 [The Classic of Odes], “Mu gua” 㛐䒄 [A Quince; Mao #64], reads: She threw me a quince, I requited her by a precious ju gem; yet it was not that I requited her, but that forever it should serve as [a token of] love. She threw me a peach, I requited her by a precious yao gem; yet it was not that I requited her, but that forever it should serve as [a token of] love. She threw me a plum, I requited her by a precious jiu gem; 3 Karl Kao’s “Bao and Baoying: Narrative Causality and External Motivations” (CLEAR 11(1989): 115–38) diffferentiates ethical retribution, bao, from divine retribution baoying. Yet I prefer to use the same word, bao, because in classical texts there is not such a distinct diffference in word usage. Patrick Hanan has distinguished “human bao” from “heavenly bao” in his discussion of vernacular short stories (See his The Chinese Vernacular Story, pp. 105–06), yet he has omitted another important aspect of retribution, demonic retribution, which will be discussed in this study. 4 Jiang Xichang 哋拓㖴, Laozi jiao gu 侩⫸㟉姩ġ[Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1937], p. 384. Cf. James Legge (1815–1897), trans., Tao te ching and the Writing of Chuang-tzu (Taibei: Wenxin shuju, 1963), p. 154. Moss Roberts rendered it as “Repay a wrong with friendly favor” in his Dao de jing: the Book of the Way (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2001), p. 156. 5 Lunyu zhu shuġ婾婆姣䔷 [Analects with Commentary and Subcommentary], p. 129a, in Ruan Yuan, Chongkan Songben shisanjing zhu shu, v. 8.

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yet it was not that I requited her, but that forever it should serve as [a token of] love. ㈽ㆹẍ㛐䒄炻⟙ᷳẍ䑲䏂ˤ⋒⟙ḇ炻㯠ẍ䇚⤥ḇ炰 ㈽ㆹẍ㛐㟫炻⟙ᷳẍ䑲䐌ˤ⋒⟙ḇ炻㯠ẍ䇚⤥ḇ炰 ㈽ㆹẍ㛐㛶炻⟙ᷳẍ䑲䌾ˤ⋒⟙ḇ炻㯠ẍ䇚⤥ḇ炰6 Even though the lover repeatedly says that, “it was not that I requited her,” this poem shows that bao existed at the time of early Eastern Zhou as a moral concept. The concept of bao was broadened in the Warring States period. Xunzi 勨⫸ says, “All the ranks of nobility, offfijicial titles, rewards and celebrations, corporal penalties and fijinancial punishments are retributions, which follow [the deeds] according to the types” ↉䇝↿ˣ⭀借ˣ岆ㄞˣ↹优䘮⟙ḇ, ẍ栆䚠⽆侭 ḇ.7 The retribution exhibited here still belongs to the ethical bao, though it had clear impact on the legalists and the law of the Qin and Han dynasties.8 By the Han dynasty, ethical retribution had become a basis for human relations in Chinese society.9 As “Quli”㚚䥖 [Specifijic Rites of Propriety] in the Liji 䥖姀 [The Book of Rites] says: In the highest antiquity they prized (simply conferring) good; in the time next to this, giving and repaying was the thing attended to. And what the rules of propriety value is reciprocity. If I gave a gift and nothing comes in return, that is contrary to propriety; if the thing comes to me, and I give nothing in return, that also is contrary to propriety. ⣒ᶲ屜⽟ĭġ ℞㫉⊁㕥⟙ĭġ 䥖⯂⼨Ἦˤ⼨侴ᶵἮ, 朆䥖ḇ; Ἦ侴ᶵ⼨, Ṏ朆䥖ḇˤ10

6 7 8

9 10

This translation is from Bernhard Karlgren, Book of Odes (The Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, Stockholm, 1950), p. 44. Liang Qixiong 㠩┇晬, ed., Xunzi jianshi 勨⫸䯉慳ġ (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), 18.238. J.L. Kroll, “Notes on Ch’in and Han Law,” In W.L. Idema and E. Zürcher, eds., Thought and Law in Qin and Han China: Studies Dedicated to Anthony Hulsewé on the Occasion of His Eightieth Birthday (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1990), pp. 63–78. See Lien-Sheng Yang, “The Concept of Pao as a Basis for Social Relations in China,” in Excursions in Sinology, pp. 3–23. James Legge (1815–1897), trans., Li chi: Book of Rites, ed., Ch’u Chai and Winberg Chai (New Hyde Park, NY: University Books, 1967), p. 65; Liji zhushu 䥖姀㲐䔷 [Li ji with Commentary

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Retribution (or reciprocity) ⟙ becomes a part of the Chinese code of morality. No matter what one does, one must always follow the code of morality. As Karl Kao summarized, Just as the concept of responsibility (personal and social) underlies much of the human conduct and the civilization in the West, bao in traditional China assumes the obligatory force in regulating or controlling both the public and personal behavior and constitutes a major social reality in life. To reciprocate is expected of the individual both as a member in the family and as a member in the large community of society. In a specifijic sense, it is a code that replaces the legal code in importance for the maintenance of the concept of justice in Chinese society.11 In Chinese society, a common maxim says that “A man cognizant of a kindness must repay it” (zhi’en bibao 䞍】⽭⟙). A person who repays his benefactor with a handsome reward will be praised and admired.12 On the contrary, a person who fails to do so will be considered ungrateful (wang’en fuyi ⾀】屈 佑).13 An upright person who cannot affford to make a handsome repayment will likely fall into great shame and regret.14 It is worth noticing that the person who making a repayment could be either a benefijiciary or a victim, and the repayment could be a matter of reward or revenge. That is to say, revenge is part of the Chinese concept of retribution. Heavenly Retribution One frequently quoted passage regarding divine retribution is from the Wenyan 㔯妨 [Commentary on the Words of the Text], a commentary to the Yi jing 㖻䴻 [Book of Changes]; it says:

11 12

13 14

and Subcommentary], 15b-16a, in Ruan Yuan, Chongkan Songben Shisanjing zhu shu, vol. 5 Kao, “Bao and Baoying,” pp. 120–21. One good example of this is the story about Han Xin 杻ᾉġ(d. 196 bc) repaying a meal given to him by an old woman with one thousand liang ℑġof gold. See Sima Qian, Shi ji, 92. 2609–26. The famous stories about Wang Kui 䌳櫩ġand the Zhongshan WolfġᷕⰙ䊤ġin popular Chinese literature were created to satirize the ingrate. See Tao Qian’s “Qishi” Ḇ梇, “I’m moved that you gave me a [generous] offfer of a meal which was much like the one the old silk-rinsing woman offfered [to Han Xin], yet I’m so shameful that I’m not as capable as Han [Xin]” デ⫸㺪㭵よ炻ハㆹ朆杻ㇵ. See Yang Yong 㣲≯, ed., Tao Yuanming ji jiaojian 昞㶝㖶普㟉䬳ġ [Collected Works of Tao Yuanming with Collations and Annotations] (Hong Kong: Wuxing shuju, 1971), p. 70.

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“The family which stores up goodness will certainly have an exuberance of happiness, while the family which stores up vice will certainly have an exuberance of calamity” 䧵┬ᷳ⭞⽭㚱检ㄞ炻䧵ᶵ┬ᷳ⭞⽭㚱检㬫.15 Contrary to the workings of Buddhist retribution, in this passage repayment is believed to operate on a familial basis, and it is supposedly controlled by Heaven. Yet this may not be the earliest Chinese depiction of retribution; the exact date of this commentary is uncertain, though it is believed to be of the pre-Han period.16 There is evidence that the concept of heavenly retribution appeared as early as the Shang Dynasty. “Tang gao” 㸗婍 in the Shang shu reads, “The way of Heaven is to send down blessings on the doer of good, and send down calamities on the doer of evil” ⣑忻䤷┬䤵㶓.17 The author then provides an example, saying that “Heaven sent down calamities onto the Xia ⢷(c. 2100–c. 1600 bce) so as to show its guilt.”18 Here the hidden, invisible concept of tianming ⣑␥, heavenly mandate, is related to this type of reward or punishment. The notion of heavenly retribution is also found in early Daoist texts. Laozi says, “Heaven’s way does not show kinship favor, but rather joins with good and decent men” ⣑忻䃉奒, ⷠ冯┬Ṣ; “Heaven’s net, cast far and wide; seems slack yet nothing slips outside” ⣑䵚《《, 䔷侴ᶵ⣙.19 As for cases in which Heaven blesses the doer of good, a noted example is found in the Shi ji: In the thirty-seventh year [480 bce], King Hui of Chu exterminated Chen. Mars stayed at the position of xin in the astrological sphere of Song. Duke 15 16

17 18

19

Zhouyi zhengyi ␐㖻㬋佑, p. 60 b. in Ruan Yuan, Chongkan Songben Shisanjing zhu shu, vol. 1. Richard John Lynn, trans., “Introduction,” The Classics of the Changes (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), p. 3; Donald Edward Gjertson, Miraculous Retribution: A Study and Translation of T’ang Lin’s “Ming-pao chi.” Berkeley: Centers for South and Southeast Asian Studies, University of California, 1989, p. 123. “Tang Kao” of Shangshu. See Shangshu zhengyi, 8. 112b, in Ruan, Shisanjing zhushu, v. 1. “Tang gao” is not considered one of the authentic chapters of Shangshu. But the idea expressed here is shown as a specifijic example in the “Tang shi” 㸗娻ġ[Pledge of Tang], which is considered authentic. It says, “The Xia committed many crimes, and Heaven ordered us to destroy it. … I am in awe of the High God, and I do not dare fail to launch an expedition against it” 㚱⢷⣂伒炻⣑␥㭃ᷳˤɃġ Ḱ䓷ᶲⷅ炻ᶵ㔊ᶵ㬋ġ [⽜]. See Shangshu zhengyi, 8. 108a. Moss Roberts, trans., Dao de jing: the Book of the Way, pp. 184, 176.

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Jing worried about it. The Minister of Stars, Ziwei, said, “[the disaster] can be moved onto the chief-minister.” Duke Jing said, “The chief-minister is like my thighs and arms.” [Ziwei] said, “It can be moved onto the people.” Duke Jing said, “A lord relies on his people.” [Ziwei] said, “It can be moved onto the harvest of the year.” Duke Jing said, “Poor harvest causes starvation, and the people would sufffer from it. Then whose lord should I be?” Ziwei said, “Heaven is high, but he is aware of everything below. Since Your Majesty had those three sentences of words for governing people, Mars should move somehow.” At this point they observed it again and [found] Mars had moved away three degrees as expected. ᶱ⋩ᶫ⸜炻㤂よ䌳㹭昛ˤ䄺べ⬰⽫ˤ⽫炻⬳ᷳ↮慶ḇˤ㘗℔ㄪ ᷳˤ⎠㗇⫸杳㚘烉Ⱦ⎗䦣㕤䚠ˤȿ㘗℔㚘烉Ⱦ䚠炻⏦ᷳ偉 偙ˤȿ㚘烉Ⱦ⎗䦣㕤㮹ˤȿ㘗℔㚘烉Ⱦ⏃侭⼭㮹ˤȿ㚘烉Ⱦ⎗ 䦣㕤㬚ˤȿ㘗℔㚘烉Ⱦ㬚棹㮹⚘炻⏦婘䇚⏃炰ȿ⫸杳㚘烉Ⱦ⣑ 檀倥⋹ˤ⏃㚱⏃Ṣᷳ妨ᶱ炻䄺べ⭄㚱≽ˤȿ㕤㗗῁ᷳ炻㝄⽁ᶱ ⹎ˤ20 In the text Heaven caused Mars to move away simply because of the humanity of Duke Jing, and the Song avoided calamity. The good deeds of Duke Jing were recompensed by Heaven. Demonic Retribution Besides Heaven, spirits and demons also act as supervisors, judges, and repayers of human behavior. “Gongmeng”℔⣊ (Master Gongmeng) of Mozi ⡐⫸ says, “The old sage kings all took demons and gods as numinous spirits, which bring calamities or good fortune” ⎌ 俾 䌳 䘮 ẍ 櫤 䤆䁢䤆㖶侴䁢䤵䤷.21 In the “Ming gui 㖶櫤 [Illustration of Ghosts]” chapter (B), Mozi also gives two examples. One is about King Xuan ⭋of Zhou ␐ (r. 827–780 bc), who unjustly killed his vassal, Du Bo 㜄ỗ. Later on when King Xuan was hunting in the imperial garden, he saw Du Bo’s spirit appear from the left side of the road. With a red bow in hand, the ghost shot and killed him. The other is about Duke Jian 䯉 of Yan 䅽 (414–370 bc), who unjustly killed his vassal, Zhuan Ziyi 匲 ⫸₨. Later, when Duke Jian was about to enter the gate of his carriage, (the spirit of) Zhuang Ziyi appeared on the left side of the road. Holding a red stick, 20

21

Sima Qian, Shi ji, 38.1631; cf. Zhenjun Zhang’s translation in William H. Nienhauser Jr., ed., Grand Scribe’s Records (Bloomington & Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 2006), 5. 1, pp. 288–9. Sun Yirang ⬓姺嬻ġ(1848–1908), Mozi xiangu ⡐⫸攺姩 [Intermittent Glosses on Mozi] (Taibei: Shi jie shuju, 1962), 12. 275.

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he struck Duke Jian. Then Duke Jian died under the carriage.22 In early historical texts, demonic retribution is a common theme, beginning probably with the Zuo zhuan ⶎ⁛ [Zuo’s Commentary to the Spring and Autumn];23 this theme continuously appears in later orthodox historical writings.24 These stories come from an ancient belief that when ordinary men or women die violent deaths, their souls and spirits are able to become avenging ghosts and take revenge on their murderers, rectifying the wrongs done to them.25 Obviously, these avenging ghosts, like Heaven in the stories mentioned above, are incarnations of “justice.” Some ghosts even consult Heaven before they take revenge.26 The roles they play are, of course, quite diffferent from the role of Heaven. As Cohen states, just as “Heaven intervened in worldly afffairs in response to great national misdeeds, so, too, was it commonly accepted that the ghosts of the dead intervened in individual afffairs in retribution for crimes specifijically committed against them.”27 Another diffference between the two is that in the case of heavenly retribution, Heaven acts as an external force to supervise and interact with human behaviors, while in demonic retribution, the ghost is no longer an external force, but acts on behalf of his/her host, the once-living person from whom he/she came. A demonic retribution is a divine 22 23

24

25 26

27

Sun Yirang, Mozi xiangu, 8. 139–43. One noted example from the seventh year of Duke Zhao 㗕ġis the story of Bo You ỗ㚱, who seeks revenge as a ghost. See Yang Bojun 㣲ỗⲣ, ed., Chunqiu Zuozhuan zhuġ㗍䥳 ⶎ⁛㲐 [Zuo’s Commentary to the Spring and Autumn with Annotations] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), Zhao 7, 4. 1291–92; and James Legge, The Chinese Classics, vol. 5, The Ch’un Ts’ew with the Tso Chuen (Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press, 1970, rpt.), p. 618. According to Alvin Cohen’s study, within the fijirst seventeen Dynastic Histories, from Shi ji to Xin Tang shuġ㕘Ⓒ㚠ġŜŕũŦġNew History of Tang], there are sixty-four distinct accounts of avenging ghosts. See Alvin P. Cohen, “Avenging Ghosts and Moral Judgment in Ancient Chinese Historiography: Three Examples from Shih-chi,” in Sarah Allan and Alvin. P. Cohen, eds., Legend, Lore, and Religion in China: Essays in Honor of Wolfram Eberhard on His Seventieth Birthday (San Francisco: Chinese Materials Center, 1979), p.  102. For avenging ghosts in popular culture, see Albert E. Dien, “The Yuan-hun Chih (Accounts of Ghosts with Grievances): A Sixth-Century Collection of Stories,” in Wen-lin: Studies in the Chinese Humanities, ed. T.T. Chow (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1968), pp. 211– 28; and Cohen, Tales of Vengeful Souls: A Sixth Century Collection of Chinese Avenging Ghost Stories, Variétés Sinologiques n.s. 68 (Taipei: Institute Ricci, 1982). See Yang Bojun, Chunqiu Zuo zhuan zhu, 4: 1291–92; Legge, The Chinese Classics, 5: 618. See Xiao Dengfu 唕䘣䤷, XianQin Liang Han mingjie he shenxian sixiang tanyuan ⃰䦎ℑ 㻊⅍䓴␴䤆ẁ⿅゛㍊㸸ġ[Exploring into the Origins of Concepts of the Nether World and Immortals in the Pre-Qin and Han Period] (Taibei: Wenjin chubanshe, 1990), p. 35. See Cohen, “Avenging Ghosts,” p. 102.

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retribution into which components of ethical retribution have infijiltrated. In other words, a demonic retribution is a combination of heavenly retribution and ethical retribution.28 This can be seen more clearly in the stories of ghosts repaying debts of gratitude that will be discussed below. 2 The Theme of Demonic Retribution in the Youming lu Demonic retribution is a popular theme in the Youming lu. Tale 232, “The Servant Jian,” talks about a man whose wife had committed adultery with another man and then his wife and her lover murdered him. The avenging spirit then asked a servant who passes by to assist him in killing the murderer: Jian was a household servant of Li Xian,29 a native of Gaoping in the Qin dynasty (384–417).30 Once Jian arrived at the Rocky Hill, he suddenly saw a man, who said to him: “My wife committed adultery with another man, and then I was murdered by them. I want revenge, can you help me? ” The servant followed his words, and truly saw someone come. Thus the ghost held the man’s head, and asked the servant to give him a hand [in fijighting the man].31 Right then they pushed the man down to the ground. When they returned, the man died half way. The ghost sent the servant one thousand cash, one pi of yellow-green silk, and a coarse gown. The ghost then exhorted him, saying, “This gown is from Ding Yuxu [who lived] at the western gate of the market. You may wear it yourself, but don’t sell it in any case.” 䦎檀⸛㛶佉⭞⤜‍, 军䞛柕➰, ⾥夳ᶨṢḹ: “⨎冯Ṣ忂ね, 忪䁢㇨ 㭢ˤ㫚⟙嬶, 寰傥夳≑? ⤜䓐℞妨, 㝄夳ṢἮˤ櫤ὧ㋱柕, ╂⤜冯 ㇳ, ⌛ἧᾺ⛘, 怬⋲嶗ὧ㬣ˤ櫤ẍᶨ⋫拊, ᶨ⋡曺䴆, 䶝堵冯⤜, ♹ ḹ: “㬌堵㗗ⶪ大攨ᶩ冯姙ˤ⏃⎗冒叿, ヶ⊧岋ḇˤ”32

28

29 30 31 32

These three types of retribution consist of the core of Chinese concepts of retribution, yet among them the heavenly retribution is most comparable with Buddhist concept of retribution (see below). The surname of a servant follows his owner’s, and that is why only his given name, Jian, is mentioned here. Information about Li Xian is not available. Gaoping, modern Guyuan ⚢⍇ġof Shanxi. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 7–8. Originally it reads “nu huan” ⤜㎃, Zheng Wanqing changed it into ⤜╂įġNeither of them makes much sense. See Lu Xun, ed. Guxiaoshuo gouchen, in Lu Xun quanji, p.  420; Zheng Wanqing, ed., Youming lu, 4. 118.

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Just like the ghosts in the Zuo zhuan, the ghost in this tale also avenged himself by killing his enemy. The only diffference is that he asked another man to help him. Likewise, he rewarded the servant for his help. This does not likely show the lack of capability on the ghost’s part. It is likely that the author wanted to tell the story from a diffferent viewpoint – that of the servant. Tale 218, “Lü Shun’s Wife,” tells of a horrible demonic retribution similar to that in Zuo zhuan: Lü Shun’s wife died, and then he remarried his wife’s younger cousin. Accordingly he tried to build three tombs. Each time the construction was almost done, they abruptly could not be fijinished. One day when Lü was lying in bed in the daytime, he saw that his wife had come to him. She came to him and shared the quilt with him, and her body was as cold as ice. In order to maintain the separation between the living and the dead, Shun talked with her and asked her to leave.33 Later, his wife saw her cousin, and said angrily, “There is no limit to [the number of] men in the world, yet you share a single husband with me! You made the tombs but could not fijinish them. I caused it to be so.” Not long after both the husband and his [second] wife dropped dead. ⏪枮╒⨎炻㚜⧞⥣ᷳ⽆⥡炻⚈ἄᶱ⠻ˤ㥳䳗✪⯙炻庺䃉ㆸˤᶨ 㖍枮㘅再炻夳℞⨎Ἦ⯙⎴堦炻橼⅟⤪⅘ˤ枮ẍ㬣䓇ᷳ昼炻婆ἧ ⍣ˤ⼴⨎⍰夳℞⥡炻⾺㚘烉Ⱦ⣑ᶳ䓟⫸䌐ỽ旸炻㰅ᷫ冯ㆹℙᶨ ⨧炻ἄ⠂ᶵㆸ炻ㆹἧ䃞ḇˤȿὬ侴⣓⨎ᾙ㭒ˤ34 In this story the female ghost killed her husband just because he married her cousin after her death. Though the power of jealousy here is something new, the numinous nature and ferocious behavior of the avenging spirit are almost the same as those in the Zuo zhuan mentioned above. Many of the ghosts in other stories are not avenging souls; instead they give generous rewards, even though these stories still fijit the theme of traditional demonic retribution. For example, tale 179 is a touching story about a ghost repaying the favor of an offfijicial who saved his son:

33 34

Traditionally, Chinese believe that people and ghosts belong to diffferent realms, and they should be separated. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 415–16; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 102–03.

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In Xiang County there was a boy by the name of Yao Niu.35 When he was just over ten years old, his father was killed by a villager. One day Niu sold his clothes and purchased a knife and a halberd, intending to avenge his father. Later he met [the villager] in front of the county government building and stabbed him to death among a mass of people. The offfijicials caught him, [but] the magistrate was sympathetic with him for his integrity of fijilial piety, and postponed [the date to deal with] his case. It happened that there was an amnesty, [thus] he was able to avoid the punishment. Furthermore, the magistrate spoke with someone in [the government of] the commandery and the state so as to save him; fijinally he was able to have no trouble. Afterwards, the magistrate went hunting. While chasing a deer, he entered the grass, among which there were several deep old wells. His horse was about to approach them, when he saw an old man who lifted a stick to hit the horse. The startled horse evaded him, and could not reach the deer. The magistrate became angry. He drew his bow and was about to shoot him. The old man said, “There are wells there, I was afraid that you would fall into them.” The magistrate asked, “Who are you?” The old man kneeled down and replied, “Father of Yao Niu, the commoner. I’m grateful to you for your saving Niu; therefore I came to repay your favor.” Then he disappeared. Having experienced the event related to the netherworld, the magistrate granted much favor to the commoners for several years when he worked as an offfijicial. 枭䷋㮹⦂䈃炻⸜⋩检㬚炻䇞䁢悱Ṣ㇨㭢ˤ䈃ⷠ岋堋䈑ⶪ↨㇇炻 ⚾㫚⟙ṯˤ⼴⛐䷋会⇵䚠忯, ㇳ↫ᷳ㕤䛦ᷕˤ⎷㋽⼿炻⭀攟㶙䞄 ⬅䭨炻䁢㍐怟℞ḳ炻㚫崎⼿⃵ˤ⍰䁢ⶆ悉婾㓹, 忪⼿䃉ṾˤẌ⼴ ↢䌝炻徸渧ℍ勱ᷕ炻㚱⎌㶙旙㔠嗽炻楔⮮嵋ᷳˤ⾥夳ᶨ℔炻冱 㛾㑲楔炻楔樂性炻ᶵ⼿⍲渧ˤẌ⾺炻⺽⺻⮮⮬ᷳˤ℔㚘烉“㬌ᷕ 㚱旙炻⿸⏃➽俛炰”Ẍ㚘烉“㰅䁢ỽṢ烎”佩嶒㚘烉“㮹⦂䈃䇞ḇ炻 デ⏃㳣䈃炻㓭Ἦ嫅】ˤ” ⚈㹭ᶵ夳ˤẌ幓デ⅍ḳ炻⛐⭀㔠⸜炻⣂ よ㕤㮹ˤ36 In this story, the ghost himself did not seek revenge on his killer, as those in the Zuo zhuan; instead, he repaid the favor of the savior of his son – who avenged him.

35 36

Xiang County located east of modern Xiangcheng 枭❶ġCounty, Henan. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 46–47. Lu Xun, Gu xiaoshuo gouchen, p. 404; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 177.

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Tale 202 is an interesting story, as it tells of a ghost repaying his previous benefactor by watering his watermelon fijield: Zhou Jing, a native of Anding [Commandery],37 was planting watermelons. It was during a severe drought. A ghost lifted water from the well by a waterwheel to water the watermelons for him. The watermelons became big and the stems luxuriant. Zhou Jing asked the ghost his name, yet the ghost did not reply. After returning home, Zhou Jing told his father and asked, “Have you ever done a favor for someone?” His father said, “Fan Ying, who lived in the western suburbs, previously worked as an offfijicial in [government of] the commandery, and he had to pay several hundred bushels of rice back to the government. At that time, I assisted him with one hundred bushels [of rice]. The man has already died.” ⬱⭂Ṣ␐㔔䥵䒄ˤ㗪Ṋ㖙炻櫤䁢廎㯜㼮䒄炻䒄⣏㹳䷩ˤ⓷⥻ ⎵炻ᶵ䫼ˤ怬䘥䇞: “▿㚱よ㕤Ṣ⏎?” 䇞㚘: “大悕㦲䆇⃰ἄ悉⎷, ⃇ ⭀㔠䘦㕃䰛, ㆹ㗪ẍ䘦㕃≑ᷳ, ℞Ṣ⶚㬣ˤ”38 This is a story about repaying gratitude. Difffering from the other tales, here there is no revenge involved. Obviously, the ghosts in the stories above are somewhat diffferent: those in the fijirst two tales are numinous and ferocious, resembling the ghosts in the Zuo zhuan; those in the last two tales are similar to human beings. However, they all act according to the principle of bao or ethical retribution. Here religious retribution mixes together with ethical retribution. It is likely that these particular stories belong to indigenous Chinese tradition, and they contain no signs of influence from the Buddhist concept of retribution.39

37 38 39

Anding Commandery centered around the modern city of Jingchuan 㴯ⶅġin Gansu. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 55. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 414; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 129. In the Youming lu there are also some stories which describe ghosts repaying the favor of human beings (nothing to do with the afffairs when they were alive). For example, the ghost in tale 146 repays his benefactor with a gold mirror, while the one in tale 184 saves his benefactor from falling into a river. Tale 164 in Youming lu difffers from the previous ones in its depiction of a handsome repayment. It tells of a man who threw food daily into an old tomb; the ghost in the tomb promised him that he would become governor of a prefecture as a reward and, later, the man became a governor as foretold.

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3

A Mixture of Indigenous and Buddhist Concepts of Retribution in the Youming lu While an agent or repayer (Heaven, ghost or man) often appears in indigenous Chinese retribution stories, such a fijigure cannot be found in Buddhist stories of karmic retribution. Based on Buddhist teaching, every act produces fruit: a good deed bears good fruit, while an evil deed bears evil fruit. “The process operates automatically without any supernatural agent sitting in judgment to render a decision.”40 In the Buddhist tradition, karma is the only law that determines the status of one’s next life. In some tales in the Youming lu, however, these traditions merge. Tale 231 is about three people who took the wood from a cofffijin to make carriages, and “Soon afterwards, three of them all sufffered because of it: disasters continuously befell them one by one and never stopped” ⮹㗪ᶱṢ〱夳か, 㚜䚠㲐忋, ⃯䤵ᶵ⶚.41 It is possible that this story may still be categorized as a demonic retribution tale, yet this is doubtful, because the presence or influence of a demonic fijigure is not directly evident in the description. Another possibility is that this piece expresses the idea of xianshi bao 䎦ᶾ⟙ (retribution in this life) from Buddhism.42 But this, too, is uncertain, for again, there is no direct reference to support such a connection.

40

41 42

See Kenneth K.S. Ch’en, Buddhism in China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), pp. 4–5. An agent was not seen in the passage from “Wenyan” of Yijing “The family which stores up goodness will certainly have an exuberance of happiness, while the family which stores up vice will certainly have an exuberance of calamity.” But the agent was supposedly Heaven. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 420; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 178. Chinese Buddhism divided retribution into three categories: retribution in this life, retribution in the next life, and retribution in later lives. See Huiyuan, “Sanbao lun” ᶱ⟙婾ġ[On the Three Types of Retribution], in Zhongguo Fojiao sixiangshi ziliao huibian ᷕ⚳ἃ㔁⿅゛⎚屯㕁⼁䶐ġ [Collected Materials on the History of Chinese Buddhist Thought] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), pp. 87–89; Kajiyama Yuichi 㡞Ⱉ晬ġᶨ, “Eon no hoo setsu to shin fumetsu ron ㄏ怈̯⟙⾄ 婒̩䤆ᶵ㹭婾 [Huiyuan’s Theories of Retribution and of the Immortality of the Soul]”, in Kimura Eiichi 㛐㛹劙ᶨ, ed. Eon kenkyu ㄏ怈䞼䨞 [Studies of Huiyuan] 2 (1962): 89–120; and Yuet-Keung Lo, “Destiny and Retribution in Early Medieval China,” in Alan K.L. Chan and Yuet-Keung Lo, ed., Philosophy and Religion in Early Medieval China (Albany: SUNY Press, 2010), p. 326. Chen Xiaofang 旰䬙剛 has found the same idea in other Buddhist sutras, but she does not think it was from original Buddhism since it is against the basic teachings of Buddhism which stresses next and later lives. See his “Fojiao guobao guan yu chuantong guobao guan de ronghe ἃ㔁㝄⟙奨冯⁛䴙㝄⟙奨䘬圵⎰ [The Integration of Buddhist Concepts of Retribution and Traditional Chinese Concepts of Retribution],” Yunnan shehui kexue 暚⋿䣦㚫 䥹⬠ [Social Sciences in Yunnan] 1 (2004): 91–95.

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Tale 165 is also a story of retribution in this life. But at the very end, the ghost expresses the idea of “retribution for goodness and evil.” Yu Hong was an assistant in the offfijicial residence of the Prince of Jingling,43 and his home was at Jiangling.44 Yu Hong asked Wuhuan, his servant, to transport some rice to support his family. Having walked no more than three li, Wuhuan met robbers and was killed. His corpse floated down the river and stopped beside Chakou Village. At that time, a man named Wen Xin was living by the side of the river, and his mother was ill. A doctor told him, “She needs to take some human skull powder. After taking it, she will be fully recovered.” Xin promised a handsome reward for the powder. His neighbor, Mrs. Yang, saw the corpse of Wuhuan, so she cut offf his head and sent it to Wen Xin. Xin set it on fijire, intending to get rid of the skin and flesh. Three days passed, yet the head was not burnt, and the eyes opened and scanned the area. Even though he felt it was strange, Wen Xin still treasured the head and did not throw it away. Accordingly, he scraped some powder from its ear and cheek bones and gave it to his mother to take. Right then his mother felt the bones choke at her throat, and after seven days she passed away. Shortly thereafter, Mrs. Yang fell ill, all her body was red and swollen, resembling an ox or a horse. She saw Wuhuan’s head come and curse her, “How could you avoid the retribution for goodness and for evil?” Mrs. Yang told this to her son. When she fijinished speaking, she died. ⹦⬷䇚䪇昝䌳⹄Ỹ炻⭞⛐㰇昝ˤ⬷Ẍ⤜䃉か侭炻庱䰛梱⭞ˤ㛒 忼ᶱ慴炻怕≓塓㭢ˤ⯵㳩㱲㞍⎋㛹炻㗪Ⱡ㕩㚱㔯㫋侭炻㭵䕭ˤ 慓ḹ烉“枰⼿橹橷⯹, 㚵ᷳ⌛ⶖˤ”㫋慵岆⊇䳊ˤ㚱惘⨎㣲㮷炻夳 䃉か⯵炻⚈㕟柕冯㫋ˤ㫋䅺ᷳ炻㫚⍣䙖倱炻䴻ᶱ㖍⣄ᶵ䃎炻䛤 奺⻝廱ˤ㫋晾䔘ᷳ炻䋞やᶵ㡬炻⚈⇖俛柘橐炻冯㭵㚵ᷳˤ⌛奢 橐 ┱ᷕ炻䴻ᶫ㖍侴⋺ˤ⮳侴㣲㮷⼿䕦炻忂幓㳒儓炻⼊⤪䈃 楔炻夳䃉か柕Ἦ伝ḹ烉“┬らᷳ⟙炻℞傥⃵᷶烎”㣲㮷ẍ婆⃺炻 妨䳪侴⋺ˤ45 Here the one who is punished through retribution is not the murderer, but a person who seized an opportunity to profijit from the murder. The author pays 43 44 45

For Yu Hong and the Prince of Jingling here, no further information has been found. Jiangling was northwest of modern Shashi 㱁ⶪġcity, Hubei. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3. 53–54. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 400; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 176–77.

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more attention to this lesser moral failure than to the original crime. Also, it is not clear where the retribution comes from. It might be Heaven, a ghost or the wordless law of karma. It is hard to distinguish the exact origin of the idea behind this piece, because bao is common to Confucianism, Daoism, and Buddhism. The concept of bao here is most likely a mixture of indigenous Chinese and Buddhist beliefs. The story in tale 36 is special, because it involves a person whose good deeds bring good fortune to his offfspring. He Bigan of the Han dreamt of a noble guest, and his residence fijilled with carriages and horses. After awaking, he told his wife. Before he fijinished his talking, an old woman, who was about eighty or more, asked to take shelter from the rain. The rain was very heavy, yet her clothes were not at all wet. Bigan went forward to let her in and gave her a courteous reception. Then she said, “Your ancestor was from [the clan of] Hou Ji, and assisted Yao. The inward efffect [of his deeds] will reach down to the Jin era. Today Heaven grants you these records [of their deeds].” The records were like bamboo slips, which were nine inches long and totaled nine hundred and ninety. She gave them to him, saying, “His offfspring who are able to wear such a slip will be rich and honorable.” Having said that, she went out of the gate and disappeared. 㻊ỽ㭼⸚⣊㚱屜⭊炻干榶㺧攨炻奢ẍ婆⥣⫸ˤ㛒⶚炻攨椾㚱侩 ⦍炻⸜⎗ℓ⋩检炻㯪性暐炻暐䓂䚃侴堋ᶵ㱦㾉ˤ㭼⸚⺞ℍ炻䥖 ⼭ᷳˤᷫ㚘烉“⏃⃰↢冒⎶䧟炻Ỹ⟗炻军㗱㚱昘≇炻Ṳ⣑岄⏃ 䫾ˤ”⤪䯉炻攟ḅ⮠炻↉ḅ䘦ḅ⋩㝂炻ẍ㌰ᷳ㚘烉“⫸⬓傥ἑ侭 ⭴屜ˤ”妨妾↢攨炻ᶵ⽑夳ˤ46 Here the offfspring of the He family became rich and honorable not because of their own good deeds, but because of those of their ancestors. The main idea in this story may have an indigenous Chinese origin. In the Taiping jing ⣒⸛䴻 (the Scripture on Great Peace), there is a concept of chengfu ㈧屈, or the transmission of burdens, which maintains that the evil deeds of a man may bring calamities to his offfspring, while good deeds of his may bring good fortune to his offfspring.47

46 47

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 361; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 2. 35. Wang Ming 䌳㖶, Taiping jing hejiao ⣒⸛䴻⎰㟉ġ[Taiping jing Synthesized and Collated] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960), pp. 22–23.

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However, the Taiping jing was composed in the middle and later periods of the Eastern Han,48 and Buddhism heavily influenced many aspects of this book.49 Tang Yongtong 㸗䓐⼌ argues that the Daoist theory of chengfu is similar to the Buddhist theory of retribution, and the diffference is that retribution according to Daoism reaches one’s offfspring, while retribution in Buddhism reaches one’s own next life. He thinks that the chengfu theory might have been influenced by Buddhism.50 Western scholar Kenneth Ch’en and Barbara Hendrischke also think that chengfu is a sinifijied Buddhist concept.51 Disagreeing with Tang Yongtong’s argument, Taiwanese scholar Xiao Dengfu 唕䘣䤷 argues that chengfu is an indigenous Chinese concept. Apart from the widely known speech in the “Wenyan” of the Yijing as quoted above, “The family which stores up goodness will certainly have an exuberance of happiness, while the family which stores up vice will certainly have an exuberance of calamity,” Xiao raises another example from “Chen Ping shi jia” 昛⸛ᶾ⭞ [Hereditary Household of Chen Ping] in the Shi ji, in which Chen Ping (d. 178 bc) thinks that he has schemed too much, and therefore his offfspring will not be prosperous.52 Scholars in Mainland China today also believe that the idea of chengfu is indigenous.53 Whether the idea of this transmission of burden shows Buddhist influence remains an issue. Yet the concept of chengfu in the Taiping jing likely reflects a mixture of indigenous and Buddhist concepts of retribution. As Yuet-Keung Lo points out, the Taiping jing indeed makes two claims: “First, it says the amount of merits or demerits left over from previous generations is always predetermined… Second, the TPJ says that descendants diligent in doing good works can cancel

48 49 50 51

52 53

Wang Ming, “Preface,” Ibid., p. 2. Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin nanbeichao fojiao shi, pp. 104–14. Ibid., pp. 107–08. See Kenneth Ch’en, Buddhism in China – A Historical Survey (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), p. 52; Barbara Hendrischke, “The Concept of Inherited Evil in the Taiping jing,” East Asian History 2 (1991): 1–30. Hendrischke is the translator of the Taiping jing; see her The Scripture on Great Peace: the Taiping jing and the Beginnings of Daoism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006). Xiao Dengfu, Daojiao yu Fojiao 忻㔁冯ἃ㔁ġ [Daoism and Buddhism] (Taibei: Dongda tushi youxian gongsi, 1995), p. 232. See Huang Jingchun 湬㘗㗍, “Chenfu shuo yuanliu kao: jian tan Han Wei shiqi jiechu chongfu fashu ㈧屈婒㸸㳩侫 – ℤ婯㻊櫷㗪㛇妋昌 ‘慵⽑’ 㱽埻 [On the Origin and Development of chengfu as well as the Magic Arts of Removing ‘chongfu’ in the Period of Wei and Jin],” Huadong shifan daxue xuebao 厗㜙ⷓ䭬⣏⬠⬠⟙ġ ĩJournal of Eastern China Normal University)ġ6 (2009): 103–109.

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out their ancestral demerits.”54 It seems that the second claim, in which individuals play an important role, has a close relationship with Buddhist karmic retribution. In the case of the tale concerned (it appeared much later than the Taiping jing), the idea in it is likely a mixture of Chinese and Buddhist retribution as well. 4 Animal Retribution with Explicit Buddhist Flavor in the Youming lu A group of stories bearing an explicit Buddhist perspective in the tales of early medieval China are those illustrating reciprocity between human beings and animals.55 Many of these stories are found in the Youming lu. Animal’s Revenge for being Killed by Human Beings Stories of this type concern people who receive punishment for killing nonhuman creatures.56 Tale 148 of Youming lu is a unique one; it directly draws its main idea from Buddhism: During the Yuanxi reign (304–308) of the Jin, there was an old man who lived in the Guiyang Commandery57 and had always taken fijishing as an occupation. Once he went out fijishing in the early morning; he encountered a huge fijish eating the bait. He pulled the fijishing line so quickly that both the man and the boat suddenly fell into the water. His family looked for his corpse at the fijishing site, and saw that both the old man and the fijish were dead and entangled in the fijishing line. On the belly of the fijish there were some red words, which read, “I heard that Zeng Pool is a delightful place, therefore I came here from Yan Pool. I killed this old man, because he bullied me with a fijishing pole several times. He liked to eat red carp, and today he got what he deserves.”

54 55 56

57

Yuet-Keung Lo, “Destiny and Retribution in Early Medieval China,” in Alan K.L. Chan and Yuet-Keung Lo, ed., Philosophy and Religion in Early Medieval China, p. 326. A thematic summary of these stories and a general comment can be found in Robert Campany, Strange Writing, 384–94. Campany summarizes it as “an animal exacts revenge for being wrongly harmed or killed by a human (Strange Writing, 386–87). Tale 144 talks about a person who kills an animal, jiao 嚇ġ(dragon), and is punished to death. Yet it is not clear whether this piece bears a Buddhist flavor, because the dragon in ancient China was a numinous animal, not a normal one. See Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 395; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 3. 94. The region centered in the modern city of Chenzhou 悜ⶆ, Hunan. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3. 54.

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㗱⃫䅁ᷕ炻㟪春悉㚱ᶨ侩佩炻ⷠẍ憋䇚㤕炻⼴㶭㘐↢憋炻忯⣏ 欂梇梴炻㍋䵠䓂⿍炻凡Ṣ⣬䃞ᾙ㰺炻⭞Ṣ⮳╒㕤憋㇨炻夳侩佩 ⍲欂᷎㬣炻䇚憋䵠㇨丷炻欂儡ᶳ㚱ᷡ⫿炻㔯㚘烉“ㆹ倆㚦㼕㦪炻 㓭⽆㨸㼕Ἦˤ䡼㬣⺲侩佩炻㊩憋㔠㫢ˤ⤥梇崌歱氈炻Ṳ㖍⼿㰅 䇚ˤ”58 In this story, a fijish is given human will. He loves his life and freedom, and defends them with his own life. This characteristic can also be seen in tale 168 in this collection: …. Later [Biao] was fijishing on the lake. When he passed by the place where he had drunk together with his brother, he released his fijishing line and felt sad. A big fijish jumped into the boat and looked down at all the small fijish. Facing heaven, Biao cried bitterly. While looking down he saw the big fijish, and he released all the small fijishes. Then the big fijish got out of the boat itself. ⼴憋㕤㷾, 䴻㇨ℙ梚↎, 慳䵠ずデˤ㚱⣏欂嶛ℍ凡ᷕ, ᾗ夾媠⮷欂, ⼒ẘ⣑␢ㄇ, ᾗ侴夳ᷳ, 〱㓦媠⮷欂, ⣏侭ὧ冒↢凡⍣ˤ59 It seems that the big fijish in this story also has human will and feelings. It jumped into the boat and saved his fellow fijish. These stories clearly promotes the Buddhist teaching that regards life and forbids killing. Stories with the theme of retribution for killing creatures were continuously created in later times. For example, “Xue Wei” 啃῱ from Li Fuyan’s 㛶⽑妨 (775–833) Xu xuanguailu 临䌬⿒抬 (Continuation of the Records of Mysterious Anomalies) tells the story of Xue Wei, a keeper of documents in Qingcheng 曺 ❶ County.60 Xue was sick for a week and suddenly lost consciousness. He dreamt that he was roaming by a riverside. He threw himself into the water, became a fijish, and swam delightedly. Swallowing some bait, he was caught by the fijisherman Zhao Qian 嵁Ḧ. Zhao put a string through his gills, and sold him to Zhang Bi ⻝⻤. Zhang brought him to the cook Wang Shiliang 䌳⢓列, and Wang held his neck fijirmly on the chopping board, and lopped offf his head. As his head fell down, Xue came back to his senses. Those around him told him that twenty days had passed while he was sleeping. He reported what he had 58 59 60

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 396; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 3. 66. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 401; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 104. It was located northwest of modern Changzhouġⷠⶆ city and east of modern Danyangġ ᷡ春 in Jiangsu. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 5. 55–56.

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dreamed about. The theme of this story is clearly related to the Buddhist teaching that one must not harm other creatures. At the end, the tale reads: “Every offfijicial was amazed. They were awakened to a new sense of pity for all living things. …. From then on Wei’s three friends gave up minced fijish, and never ate it again as long as they lived....”61 Beyond doubt, this work is much longer and more complicated as compared to the older ones in the Youming lu, yet the idea they expressed is the same. Tale 82 concerns Shu Li 冺䥖, a shaman, who killed many varieties of animals and as a result receives serious punishment in the netherworld.62 Here the conflict between Buddhism and traditional Chinese religion is raised. Offfering animals to the gods and ancestors has long been a tradition in China, and the shaman plays an important role in Chinese ancestral worship. While promoting Buddhist beliefs, this story seriously challenges traditional Chinese religious practices. This conflict within the story was explicitly a product of fijighting and debate between Buddhism and indigenous Chinese traditions. Animals’ Repayments of Debts of Gratitude to Human Beings An animal’s repayment of a debt of gratitude is another theme that may indicate Buddhist influence.63 Tale 87 is about a person who saves the life of a turtle and is rewarded with immunity from death: In the middle of the Xiankang reign of the Jin (335–342), Mao Bao, the Governor of Yuzhou,64 was defending Zhucheng.65 A soldier bought a white turtle in the market of Wuchang. It was four to fijive inches long. He placed it in a jar and fed it. The turtle became bigger and bigger, then he released it in the Yangzi River. Later [the troops in] Zhucheng were defeated by Shi [Le], and everyone of the people who ran into the river 61

62 63 64 65

See Wang Meng’ou 䌳⣊浿, Tangren xiaoshuo jiaoshiġ ⒸṢ⮷婔㟉慳ġ [Tang Tales with Collations and Commentary] (Taibei: Zhengzhong shuju, 1983), pp. 225–27. Another story about Lu Ran 䚏ℱġ from Duan Chengshi 㭝ㆸ⺷ (803–863) Youyang zazu 惱春壵ὶ [Miscellaneous Records at Youyang] is shorter, yet the tenor is pretty clear. The hero in this story, too, experienced a lifelong adventure in a dream. The story’s theme is transmigration of life, namely, the idea that upcoming life is closely related to what he or she does in this life. See Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 282. 2252. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 220; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 170. Campany summarizes it as “a human helps an animal and is later helped (or at least thanked) by it (or its kind) in return.” See his Strange Writing, 385–86. Mao Bao’s biography is found in Jin shu, 81. 2122. Being defeated by Shi Jilong 䞛⬋漵ġ (r. 335–349) of the Later Zhao (328–351), Mao Bao fell into the river and drowned. Zhucheng was located 20 li northwest of modern Huanggangġ湫ⲿ, Hubei.

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sank and drowned. The person who had nurtured the turtle entered the water with his armor on, and felt as if he had fallen down on a stone. In a moment he saw that it was the white turtle that he previously released. After he was able to land on the [opposite] bank, he looked back, but [the turtle] had left. 㗱①⹟ᷕ炻尓ⶆ⇢⎚㮃⮞ㆵ恦❶ˤ㚱ᶨ幵Ṣ炻Ḷ㬎㖴ⶪ屟⼿ᶨ 䘥潄炻攟⚃Ḽ⮠炻伖䒽ᷕ梲ᷳ炻㻠⣏炻㓦㰇ᷕˤ⼴恦❶怕䞛㮷 㓿炻崜㰇侭卓ᶵ㰰㹢ˤ㇨梲Ṣ塓䓚ℍ㯜ᷕ炻奢⤪⡖ᶨ䞛ᶲˤ枰 冦夾ᷳĭᷫ㗗⃰㓦䘥潄ˤ㖊⼿军Ⱡ炻⚆栏侴⍣ˤ66 This story is similar to some stories in Buddhist scripture. For example, juan 3 of Liudu jijing ℕ⹎普䴻 (Collected Sutras of the Six Pāramitās) includes a story that says that when the Bodhisattva was a manager of housework in his previous life, he bought a turtle and released it, and that later in a big flood the turtle came to save him with a boat.67 It is hard to say that there was no relationship between them. Tale 94 tells of a master of archery who saves a white bird from the mouth of a snake and is later protected and saved by the bird in a thunderstorm.68 Tale 158 depicts mole crickets paying a debt of gratitude: Pang Qi, the Governor of Luling of Jin,69 was styled Ziji. His ancestor was involved in an incident and was imprisoned, yet he was not really guilty. Seeing that a mole cricket was crawling around, he addressed it: “If you are numinous, and are able to save me from death, wouldn’t that be good?” Thus he threw food to the mole cricket. The mole cricket ate all the food and left. After a while it came back again, and its body was a little bigger. The man felt strange, and gave it food again. In several days, it was as big as a young pig. When the time came for the man to receive the death penalty, the mole cricket dug a big hole at the foot of the wall. Thus the man was able to come out and flee. Later he received amnesty and was able to stay alive. 66 67

68 69

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 377; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 3. 65. Kang Senghui ⹟₏㚫ġ(d. 280), trans., Liudu ji jing, vol. 3. In Zhonghua dazangjing ᷕ厗⣏ 啷䴻ġ [The Great Chinese Buddhist Canons] (Xiuding Zhonghua dazangjing hui, 1974), compile/division 1, v. 52–53, pp. 21597–21609. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 224. Luling Commandery covered the region around modernġ 㯠寸 County, Jiangxi (Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 25–26).

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㗱⺔昝⣒⬰漸ẩ, ⫿⫸⍲, ᶲ䣾⛸ḳ䷳䋬, 侴朆℞伒ˤ夳坣噬埴℞ ⶎ⎛ĭ䚠媪㚘Ļġ Ⱦἧ䇦㚱䤆ĭ傥㳣ㆹ㬣ĭᶵ䔞┬᷶ŀġ ⚈㈽梗冯坣噬ĭ梇 䚉⍣ĭġ㚱枫⽑Ἦĭġ⼊橼䦵⣏ĭġシ䔘ᷳĭġ⽑冯梇ˤġ㔠㖍攻ĭġ℞⣏⤪専ˤġ ⍲䔞埴↹ĭġ坣噬㍀⡩㟡䁢⣏⫼䟜ĭġ⼿⽆㬌⫼↢ṉˤ⼴忯崎⼿㳣ˤ70 This story is also found in Soushen ji, which includes another very similar story: a man saved a struggling ant king from the river, and later when he was held prisoner by bandits the ants ate through the cage and saved his life.71 Interestingly, similar stories are found in Buddhist scripture. For example, juan 7 of Piyu jing 嬔╣䴻 [Avadanas; The Parable Sutra] and the Fubao jing 䤷⟙䴻 [Good Fortune and Retribution Sutra] is about a monk whose life is prolonged because he has saves a colony of ants.72 The flourishing of stories about animal retribution in Chinese tales was most likely stimulated by Buddhist culture. It is true that the earliest story about an animal’s repayment of a debt of gratitude to a human being is found in pre-Qin China; the famous “Pearl of Marquis Sui” 昳ὗᷳ䎈, for instance, is sound evidence.73 As a motif in narrative, however, it did not become popular until the Six Dynasties period when Buddhism had been transmitted and widely spread in China. Besides similar stories from Buddhist sutras as mentioned above, which should be considered stimuli of the motif of animal retribution in China, many ideas evident in the tales such as animal release and the prohibition of killing creatures, come from Buddhist beliefs. On the contrary, traditional Chinese views on our relationship with animals, which claims the uniqueness and dignity of the human race, is against the doctrine of Buddhism and defijinitely not a supportive factor for the flourishing of stories illustrating equal interactions on the same moral footing between human beings and animals.74 This striking conflict can be seen in the early medieval 70 71 72 73

74

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 398; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 3. 60. Gan Bao, Soushen ji Soushen ji ㏄䤆姀ġ[In Search of the Spirits] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979), 20. 240–41. Shi Sengmin 慳₏㖣 (472–534), et al., eds., Jinglu yixiang 䴻⼳䔘䚠ġ[Variant Phenomena from Sūtra and Vinaya] (Taibei: Fotuo jiaoyu jijinhui, 1988), 22. 200–01. It is said that the Marquis of Sui, a principality of the Warring States Period, saved a wounded snake, in return the numinous snake found a large bright pearl from the river and gave it to the Marquis. See Gan Bao, Soushen ji, 20.238. Traditionally, the human-animal diffference was portrayed in China as this: animals possess physical power, while humans are endowed with a sense of morality and ritual propriety. Those who failed to reciprocate propriety were considered by Menius as not being diffferent from birds and beasts. For a detailed study on this topic, see Roel Sterckx, The Animal and the Daemon in Early China (Albany: SUNY Press, 2002), pp. 88–92.

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discussions of the Buddhist doctrine of rebirth, in which, as Robert Campany has observed, the question of whether human beings were on the same moral footing as other beings was a central one.75 5

Rebirth and Transmigration as the Way of Karmic Retribution in the Youming lu The most important Buddhist influence on traditional Chinese ideas of retribution is the concept of rebirth or transmigration. This is shown for the fijirst time in the Youming lu. That human beings cannot be revived after death is a traditional Chinese idea. Zhanguo ce ㇘⚳䫾 [Intrigues of the Warring States] says, “A broken state cannot be recovered and a dead soldier cannot be revived” 䟜⚳ᶵ⎗⽑⬴, 㬣⋺ᶵ⎗⽑䓇.76 “Lu Wenshu zhuan” 嶗㹓冺⁛ [Biography of Lu Wenshu] in Han shu says, “The dead cannot be revived, while the disconnected cannot be reattached” 㬣侭ᶵ⎗⽑䓇, 㕟侭ᶵ⎗⽑Ⱄ.77 Early Daoists repeat again and again that everyone has only one life and cannot be reborn after death.78 Stephen R. Bokenkamp observes that in the Lingbao 曰⮞ġ school, “Daoists occasionally employed alchemical metaphors to describe a postmortem ‘smelting’ or ‘refijinement’ of body that would render it suitable for existence in heavens or other paradises on and below the earth,” which is sometimes described as rebirth (gengsheng 㚜䓇ġor fusheng ⽑䓇) and seems to owe little to Buddhist doctrine.79 In Buddhism, however, rebirth is a core aspect of karmic retribution. Buddhism holds that everything one does in one’s life will afffect his or her status after death. On the basis of karma accumulated in the past, people will be reborn in one of the fijive realms: in the heavens, as human beings, in the hells, as hungry ghosts, or as animals.80 And repeated rebirth in the cycle of existence is endless. Between the second and the seventh centuries, as Anna Seidel observes, the Chinese underworld “was enriched by doctrines of karma, retribution in hells, and reincarnation.”81 The Buddhist notion of rebirth was clearly found in the 75 76 77 78 79 80 81

See Campany, Strange Writing, p. 390–93. Gao You 檀婀ġ(fl. 200), ed., Zhanguo ce (Taibei: Taiwan shangwu yinshuguan, 1968), 33. 97. Ban Gu 䎕⚢ġ(32–92). Han shu 㻊㚠ġ[History of Han] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962), 51. 2369. “Ṣ⯭⣑⛘攻炻ṢṢ⼿ᶨ䓇炻ᶵ⼿慵䓇ḇˤ” “ṢṢ⎬ᶨ䓇炻ᶵ⼿ℵ䓇ḇˤ”ġ ĩTaiping jing, vol. 72–90Īį See Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao, 72. 298, 90. 340. Stephen R. Bokenkamp, Ancestors and Anxiety: Daoism and the Birth of Rebirth in China (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), p. 162. The destinations of rebirth have also been depicted as six realms: Heavenly worlds, hells, the realm of hungry ghosts, the animal realm, the human realm, and the realm of asuras. Lawrence E. Sullivan, ed., Death, Afterlife, and the Soul (New York: MacMillan Publishing Company, 1989), p. 188.

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Daoist texts, part of the Lingbao scriptures, in the late fourth and early fijifth centuries.82 Yet the depictions of this kind in the Youming lu are no doubt the earliest among the tales of the supernatural. The depiction of karmic retribution in the story of “Zhao Tai” (tale 247) draws a vivid picture of the concept. For instance, a person who kills living things will be reborn as an insect with a one-day lifespan or as a human who dies young, and someone who had stolen would become a pig or sheep to be slaughtered and given away.83 The punishment is directly based on the person’s violation of the wujie Ḽㆺ, or fijive precepts, of Buddhism. Some stories (tales 116, 125, and 254) express the idea of samsara or transmigration. Tale 125 is about a ghost who had already been punished [in hell] and temporarily lived in the realm of ghosts, but later was reborn into the world of human beings: In the tenth year of Taiyuan of Jin (385), Ruan Yuzhi lived in front of a Buddhist temple in Shixing.84 He was fatherless, poor, and could not support himself. He cried all the time. Suddenly he saw a ghost writing on a brick, which moved forward and said, “Your father died and returned to the realm of darkness. Why do you cry for so long? Within three years from now, your family will be supported. I shall lodge at your house and not let you sufffer any loss. Do not fear that I will do you evil, I will do good things for you.” From then on the ghost was always in his home, and gave him what he needed. Two or three years later, Ran’s family was comparatively well-offf. He cooked a meal for the ghost, and talked and laughed together with him. When Ruan asked him for his surname, he replied, “My surname is Li, my given name is Liuzhi, and I was your brother-inlaw.” Ruan asked, “Where are you from?” The ghost said, “I have already received punishment [in hell] and was temporarily born into the realm of ghosts. For the time being I lodge at your home, and in four or fijive years I will leave.” [Ruan] asked, “Where will you go?” He replied, “I will be reborn into the world of human beings.” When the time came, he indeed bid a farewell and left.

82 83 84

See Stephen R. Bokenkamp, Ancestors and Anxiety: Daoism and the Birth of Rebirth in China, pp. 158–92. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 426. Shixiang city was southeast of the modern city of Shaoguan 枞敊, Guangdong. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3. 58.

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㗱⣒⃫⋩⸜炻旖䐄ᷳ⯭⛐⥳冰ἃ⚾⇵ˤ⮹⬌屏ᶵ䩳炻⒕㲋䃉 㗪ˤ⾥夳櫤炻㚠⠤85ġ 叿⇵ḹ烉Ⱦ䇞㬣㬠䌬⅍炻ỽ䇚ᷭ⒕㲋烎⌛ ⼴ᶱ⸜ᷕ炻⏃⭞⎗⼿䩳ˤṮ䔞⭬⏃⭞炻ᶵἧ㚱㎵⣙炻⊧䓷ㆹ䇚 ↞炻天䇚⏃ἄ⎱ˤȿ⼴櫤⿺⛐⭞炻⭞枰䓐侭炻櫤冯ᷳˤḴᶱ ⸜炻䓐⮷ⶖ炻䇚櫤ἄ梇炻ℙ婯䪹婆嬘ˤ旖⓷⥻炻䫼ḹ烉Ⱦ⥻㛶 ⎵䔁ᷳ炻㗗⏃⥲⣓俛ˤȿ旖⓷烉Ⱦ⏃恋⼿Ἦ烎ȿ櫤ḹ烉ȾṮ⍿ 伒⶚䔊炻Ṳ㙓䓇櫤忻炻㪲⭬⏃⭞ˤ⼴⚃Ḽ⸜䔞⍣ˤȿ㚘烉Ⱦ墯 ỽ嗽⍣烎ȿ䫼㚘烉Ⱦ䔞䓇ᶾ攻ˤȿ军㛇炻㝄⇍侴⍣ˤ86 This story tells of three generations in the existence of Li Liuzhi. He was previously a brother-in-law of Ruan Yuzhi; after death he was born into the realm of ghosts; and later he was reborn into the world of human beings. This story is based on the Buddhist concept of the six states of existence. Li’s rebirth as a human being was probably related to his act, during his time as a ghost, of supporting an orphan. But his behavior as a ghost was not in accord with the depictions of hells or hungry ghosthood in the Buddhist canon. The only reasonable explanation of this inconsistency is that this tale has a folk origin, and the storyteller was not fully aware of the orthodox description of the states of hells or hungry ghosthood in Buddhism. Yet this story still signals something meaningful because it shows that the Buddhist idea about transmigration in the cycle of six realms had already begun to spread among the commoners, even if the idea was sometimes blurred. Tale 254 describes the three lives of a Prince of the Anxi ⬱〗 (Parthia) State. It directly expresses the idea of rebirth and transmigration: An Shigao, the marquis, was the prince of the Anxi State (Parthia). He became a monk together with the son of a great patron and studied the way [of enlightenment] in a city in Shewei (an old state in India). Every time a host refused to help them, the son of the great patron would become angry. Shigao always admonished him. Having roamed for twenty-eight years, [Shigao] said that he should go to Guangzhou. It happened that there was a revolt. A man met Gao and drew his knife out without a hitch, saying, “I have really got you [now]!” Gao replied with a laugh, “I owed you a debt in a previous life; thus I came from afar to repay you.” Then the man killed him. A teenager said, “This stranger, who came from a state far away, could speak our language, and did not show any 85 86

Zhuan ⠤ was originally bo ㎷, but the Zhonghua edition of Taiping guangji (320. 2539) changes it according to a Ming hand-copied edition.ġ Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 389; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 126.

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signs of reluctance. Should he be a deity?” The people all laughed in astonishment. The soul of Shigao returned and was reborn in the State of Anxi, becoming the son of the prince again with the name of Gao. At the age of twenty, Marquis of Anxi renounced his princely status again so as to learn the Way [of enlightenment]. Ten and some years later, he said to those who studied with him, “I shall go to Guiji [Commandery] to repay my debt.”87 As he passed by Mount Lu, he visited his friends; and then he passed by Guangzhou. Seeing that the previous teenager was still alive, he went to his home directly and talked about the events of the past with him. [The young man] was greatly delighted, and he then followed him to Guiiji. While passing by the Monastery of Mount Ji, Shigao summoned the deity of the mountain and talked with him. The shape of the god of Mount Ji was like a python, his body was several dozen feet long, and he shed tears. Shigao spoke to him; the python then left. Shigao also returned to his boat. There was a young man who got onto the boat, kneeled down and went forward to receive incantation; then he disappeared. Shigao said,88 “The young man [you saw] a moment ago was the deity of the temple, and he now is able to get rid of his ugly form.” It was said that the deity of the temple was the son of the great patron. Later the temple attendant smelled a bad smell, and saw a dead python. From then on the temple god was gone. Shigao went forward to Guiji and entered the gate of a market. It happened that there were some people fijighting each other, and someone hit Shigao’s head by mistake and he died right then. Thus the guest from Guangzhou worshiped Buddha more diligently. ⬱ὗᶾ檀侭炻⬱〗⚳䌳⫸ˤ冯⣏攟侭ℙ↢⭞炻⬠忻况堃❶ˤῤ ᷣᶵ䧙炻⣏攟侭⫸弬。炻ᶾ檀⿺␝ㆺᷳˤ␐㕳Ḵ⋩ℓ⸜ˤḹ䔞 军⺋ⶆˤῤḪ炻㚱ᶨṢ忊檀炻ⓦㇳ㉼↨㚘: Ⱦ䛇⼿㰅䞋ˤȿġ檀⣏ 䪹㚘: Ⱦㆹ⭧␥屈⮵炻㓭怈Ἦ⃇ˤȿġ 忪㭢ᷳˤ㚱ᶨ⮹⸜ḹ: Ⱦ㬌 怈⚳䔘Ṣ炻侴傥ἄ⏦⚳妨炻⍿⭛䃉暋刚炻⮮㗗䤆Ṣ᷶烎ȿ䛦䘮 樯䪹ˤᶾ檀䤆嬀怬䓇⬱⚳炻⽑䁢䌳ἄ⫸炻⎵檀ˤ⬱ὗ⸜Ḵ⋩炻 ⽑彆䌳⬠忻ˤ⋩㔠⸜炻婆⎴⬠ḹ烉Ⱦ䔞娋㚫䧥䔊⮵ˤȿ忶⺔ Ⱉ炻姒䞍嬀炻忪忶⺋ⶆˤ夳⮹⸜⯂⛐炻⼬㈽℞⭞炻冯婒㖼ḳ炻 ⣏㫋╄ˤὧ晐军㚫䧥ˤ彯䧥Ⱉ⺇炻␤䤆ℙ婆ˤ⺇䤆坺⼊炻幓攟 㔠ᶰ炻㶂↢ˤᶾ檀⎹ᷳ婆炻坺ὧ⍣ˤᶾ檀Ṏ怬凡ˤ㚱ᶨ⮹⸜ᶲ 87 88

Guiji Commandery covered modern southeastern part of Jiangsu and western part of Zhejiang. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi ditu ji, 3. 26–27. Originally Guangzhou ke ⺋ⶆ⭊ġ (the man from Guangzhou), it is corrected here according to a hand-copy edition of the Ming.

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凡炻攟嶒⇵⍿␺ョ炻⚈忪ᶵ夳ˤᶾ檀㚘烉Ⱦ⎹⮹⸜⌛⺇䤆炻⼿ 暊ら⼊䞋ˤȿḹ⺇䤆⌛㗗⭧攟侭⫸ˤ⼴⺇䤅倆㚱冕㯋炻夳⣏坺 㬣炻⺇⽆㬌䤆㫯⹁ˤ⇵军Ể䧥炻ℍⶪ攨炻ῤ㚱䚠ㇻ侭ˤ婌ᷕᶾ 檀柕炻⌛⋺ˤ⺋ⶆ⭊忪ḳἃ䱦忚ˤ89 This story provides a vivid picture of karmic retribution through transmigration: a man must repay what he owed in his previous life. The unique feature of this tale is that the three lives of the hero are put in such a short story, and the hero himself knows what he did in his previous lives. Because the above stories are among the earliest pieces of this type, they gave rise to a new theme and narrative model, transmigration, which became a common feature in Chinese literature of later times.90 In addition, such stories showed signifijicance in the history of Chinese Buddhism not only by signifying the permeation of Buddhist retribution in the realm of literature but also by exerting influence on Buddhist hagiography.91

From Mount Tai to Buddhist Hell: Changing Concepts of the Netherworld In the development of Chinese concepts of the netherworld, fijiction played an important role. Observations by scholars on the netherworld in Chinese fijiction have highlighted the signifijicance of literature in Chinese cultural history as well as the history of popular Chinese Buddhism. The fijirst western scholar to examine the netherworld of China through fijiction was J.J.L. Duyvendak (1889– 1954), though the source he used was relatively late.92 Nevertheless, his article led to an influential study of the beliefs about the netherworld in early medieval

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Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, 430–431; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 166. Literary works with reincarnation as the basis of their narrative structure include “Sanguo zhi pinghua”ġ ᶱ⚳⽿⸛娙 [Storytelling of the Record of the Three Kingdoms], “Wujie chanshi si Honglian ji Ḽㆺ䥒ⷓ䥩䲭咖姀ġ ŜFive-precept Chan Master Lured by Honglian]” in Jingu qiguan Ṳ⎌⣯奨ġ[Marvels Old and New],ġand Xu Jinping mei 临慹 䒞㠭 [Sequel to the Plum in the Golden Vase]. For the influence of Youming lu on the Buddhist hagiography, see section one of chapter 4. In his article, “A Chinese Divina Commedia,” he claims that the depiction in the Ming (1368–1644) Chinese novel, Sanbao taijian xia xiyang ᶱ⭅⣒䙹ᶳ大㲳存 [Records of the Three-Treasure Eunuch’s Journey to the West], was the most comprehensive depiction of the Chinese netherworld, and that some components in the depiction that “were not

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Chinese tales under the impact of Buddhism; namely, Maeno Naoaki’s ⇵慶䚜 ⼔ “Meikai yūgyō”⅍䓴忲埴 (Traveling in the Netherworld).93 Even though Maeno’s study is somewhat sketchy, and his conclusions about the time when Yama, the governor of hells, fijirst appeared in Chinese tales, the role Yama played, and the process of Buddhist hell transplantation into Chinese literature are highly doubtful (this will be addressed later), it has been well known for its inventory of literary sources on the afterlife in ancient and early medieval China.94 A more thorough treatment of Chinese tales on the netherworld and hell was Sawada Mizuho’s 㽌䓘䐆䧪 Jigoku hen: Chūgoku no meikaisetsu ⛘䋬 ⢱ – ᷕ⚥̯⅍䓴婔, which includes an entire chapter devoted to afterlife narratives in medieval tales of the supernatural.95 During the last three decades of last century, studies on the netherworld have been fruitful.96 Interests in the motif of traveling in the netherworld, or netherworld adventure, have remained strong.97 Here, I take Youming lu as the center of my own study on the same motif, tracing indigenous Chinese notions of the netherworld, the added components from Buddhist hells, and how these depictions of the netherworld under Buddhist influence resemble or difffer from those in Buddhist scriptures. In this

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found” in previous Chinese scriptures came from Islam. See J.J.L. Duyvendak, “A Chinese Divina Commedia,” T’oung Pao XLI (1952), 255–316. See Maeno Naoaki, “Meikai yūgyō,” in Chūgoku bungakuhō, XIV (1961): 38–57; XV (1961): 33–48. See, e.g., A. Seidel, “Tokens of Immortality in Han Graves,” Numen, 29.1, 1982, p. 108 fff. of pp. 79–122. Sawada Mizuhoĭ Jigoku hen: Chūgoku no meikaisetsu (Kyoto: Hōzōkan, 1968), pp. 81–112. Important works include “Zhongguo gudai sihou Shijieguan de yanbian ᷕ⚳⎌ẋ㬣⼴ ᶾ䓴奨䘬㺼嬲 [The Changing Conceptions of Afterlife in Ancient China]” by Yu Yingshi ἁ劙㗪, in his Zhongguo sixiang chuantong de xiandai quanshi ᷕ⚳⿅゛⁛䴙䘬䎦ẋ 娖慳 [Modern Interpretation of Traditional Chinese Thought]ġ(Taibei: Lianjing chuban shiye gongsi, 1987), pp. 123–143; “Life and Immortality in the Mind of Han China,” HJAS 25 (1964–65): 80–122; “New Evidence on the Early Chinese Conception of Afterlife – A Review Article,” JAS 41 (1982): 81–85; “O Soul, Come Back! A Study in the Changing Conceptions of the Soul and Afterlife in Pre-Buddhist China,” HJAS 47 (1987): 363–395; and Xiao Dengfu, Xian Qin liang Han mingjie he shenxian sixiang tanyuan. This can be seen in the articles such as Stephen F. Teiser’s “’Having Once Died and Returned to life’: Representations of Hell in Medieval China,” HJAS 48 (1988b): 433–464; Ye Qingbing’s 叱ㄞ䁛 “Liuchao zhi Tang de tajie jiegou xiaoshuo ℕ㛅军Ⓒ䘬Ṿ䓴䳸㥳⮷ 婔 [Stories about Other World in Six Dynasties and Tang],” Taida zhongwen xuebao 冢⣏ ᷕ㔯⬠⟙ [Chinese Journal of Taiwan University] 3 (1989): 9; as well as Robert F. Company’s “Return-From-Death Narratives in Early Medieval China,” Journal of Chinese Religions 18 (Fall 1900): 91–125.

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way I will discuss indigenous Chinese notions of the netherworld and Buddhist influences on them in greater detail. I will also address the characteristics of netherworld depiction beginning with the Youming lu, thus distinguishing my observation from what Maeno and other scholars have outlined. 1

Indigenous Chinese Concepts of Netherworld in the “Netherworld Adventure” Stories The motif of the “netherworld adventure” – in which the soul departs from the body in a temporary death – is an important one that appears in more than ten stories in the Youming lu. The prototype of the motif’s form can be found in historical writings.98 Later, this became a popular theme in zhiguai. All the stories with the theme of “netherworld adventure” share the same basic narrative structure: after a person “dies,” he has an adventure in the netherworld, then he revives, and the adventure is verifijied.99 Authors deal with the “adventure” in two ways: through direct authorial depictions or from the perspective of the hero.100 While the netherworld adventure stories likely originated from the curiosity of human beings about the afterlife, the depictions here reflect the Chinese notion of the netherworld in a specifijic period – early medieval China. Locations of the Netherworld The indigenous Chinese netherworld includes both the heavens and the underground. Those realms that are located under earth include huangquan 湫㱱 (Yellow Springs), youdu ⸥悥 (Land of Darkness), and taishan 㲘Ⱉ (Mount Tai). From about the eighth century bce, the term Yellow Springs began to be used in historical and literary writings to denote the home of the dead.101 The 98

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In the “Wuxing zhi” Ḽ埴⽿ [Treaty of Five Elements] of Han shu, there is an account of a girl who has died of an illness and is revived six days after she is placed in a cofffijin. She gets out, saying that she met her father-in-law in the netherworld and was told that she should not die because she is only twenty-seven. See Ban Gu, Han shu, 27. 1473. Robert F. Company calls this the “return-from-death narrative.” See his “Return-FromDeath Narratives in Early Medieval China,” Journal of Chinese Religions 18 (Fall 1900): 91–125. See also Stephen F. Teiser, “‘Having Once Died and Returned to Life’: Representa-tions of Hell in Medieval China,” HJAS 48 (1988b): 433–464. Ye Qingbing takes them as two basic forms of the theme, and he sees the stories as presenting a theme he calls the “netherworld structure.” See his “Liuchao zhi Tang de tajie jiegou xiaoshuo,” Taida zhongwen xuebao 3 (1989): 9. Yu Yingshi, “Zhongguo gudai sihou Shijieguan de yanbian,” in his Zhongguo sixiang chuantong de xiandai quanshi, pp. 123–43; Yu Yingshi, “O Soul, Come Back! A Study in the

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term youdu ⸥悥fijirst appears in the “Yaodian” of Shangshu ⯂㚠: “[Emperor Yao] ordered Heshu to dwell in the North, [a place] called youdu (Land of Darkness)” 䓛␥␴⍼炻⬭㚼㕡炻㚘⸥悥.102 According to Cai Chen’s 哉㰱 (1167–1230) annotation, “when the sun travels to this point, it sinks beneath the ground, and all forms or beings become obscure and dark; thus it is named the ‘Land of Darkness’” 㖍埴军㗗炻⇯㶒㕤⛘ᷕ炻叔尉⸥㘿炻㓭㚘⸥悥.103 In the Shanhai jing Ⱉ㴟䴻 [Classic of Mountains and Seas] there is a Youdu Mountain where all creatures are black.104 In “Zhaohun” of Chu ci 㤂录, youdu was depicted as the netherworld: O Soul, come back! Go not down to the Land of Darkness, Where the Earth God lies, nine-coiled, with dreadful horns on his forehead, And a great humped back and bloody thumbs, pursuing men swiftfooted: Three eyes he has in his tiger’s head, and his body is like a bull’s.105 櫪№㬠Ἦ炰⏃䃉ᶳ㬌⸥悥ṃˤ⛇ỗḅ䲬炻℞奺妢妢ṃˤ㔎僊埨 ㉯炻徸Ṣ楻楻ṃˤġ⍫䚖嗶椾炻℞幓劍䈃ṃˤ106 Youming ⸥⅍ is another term that suggests the netherworld. It is seen in Cao Zhi’s (192–232) “Dirge on Wang Zhongxuan”107 and is also used in the Wuliangshou jing (Longer Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra): “when life ends, the afterlife seems especially abstruse and intense, entering the realm of darkness (youming) to be transmigrated into another body” ⢥䳪⼴ᶾ炻⯌㶙⯌∯ˤ ℍ℞⸥⅍炻廱䓇⍿幓.108

102 103 104 105 106 107 108

Changing Conceptions of the Soul and Afterlife in Pre-Buddhist China,” HJAS 47: 363–95. “Tang Kao” 㸗婍 of Shangshu. See Shangshu zhengyi ⯂㚠㬋佑 [Rectifijied Interpretations of the Book of Document], 8. 21b, in Ruan Yuan, Shisanjing zhushu, vol. 1. Shujing jizhuan 㚠䴻普⁛ [Shujing, with Collected Commentaries], ed. by Cai Chen (Siku quanshu edition) 1. 3b. Shanhai jing (Sibu congkan edition) 18.4a: ⊿㴟ᷳℏ炻㚱Ⱉ炻⎵㚘⸥悥ᷳⰙ炻湹㯜 ↢䂱ˤ℞ᶲ㚱䌬沍ˣ䌬噯ˣ䌬尡ˣ䌬嗶ˣ䌬䉸咔⯦ˤ David Hawkes, The Songs of the South (Harmondsworth and New York: Penguin Books, 1985), p. 225. Zhu Xi, Chuci jizhu, 7. 4–5. See chapter 1, note 119 for details (p. 44). See Takakusu Junjirō and Watanabe Keigyoku, ed., Taishō Tripitaka, 12. 276a.

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From around the end of the fijirst century bce the belief of Mount Tai 㲘Ⱉ as the location of the netherworld arose.109 The head of the netherworld was originally the Emperor of Heaven. Beginning in the late Warring States period this fijigure was replaced by dixia zhu ⛘ᶳᷣ (the Lord of Under-earth), which was replaced by the Taishan fujun ⹄⏃ (the Governor of Mount Tai) during the Eastern Han dynasty. Liangfu 㠩䇞 and Haoli 呧慴 are two small mountains under Mount Tai, and the gods of these two mountains report to the Governor of Mount Tai.110 It was also in the Eastern Han period that the ghost state of Fengdu 惮悥 appeared in Daoist scripture.111 During the Qi and Liang periods, Daoist Tao Hongjing 昞⻀㘗ġ (456–536) created a ghost hell in his Zhen’gao 䛇婍 [Declarations of the Perfected; Completed in 499]. This was not a pure indigenous Chinese netherworld, because it bears a heavy influence of Buddhism.112 The netherworld depicted in stories with this theme in the Youming lu includes Mount Tai, heaven, and Beidou ⊿㔿 (the Northern Dipper). Heaven is the most common place in the netherworld, and it appears in fijive tales (Tales 70, 116, 157, 168, and 240). Tale 70 is about a man who died of an illness and saw a man taking him to the heaven and visiting an offfijicial there.113 Tale 116 tells of a man who died of an illness and was taken to the heaven as well.114 Tale 240 involves a young man meeting with his father in the heaven.115 Besides the general notion of heaven, the Northern Dipper is a specifijic name mentioned among the indigenous heavenly netherworld. Tale 57 reads:

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112 113 114 115

See Maeno Naoaki, “Meikai yugyo,” in Chugoku bungakuho, XIV (April 1961), 38–57; Yu Yingshi, “Zhongguo gudai sihou Shijieguan de yanbian,” in his Zhongguo sixiang chuantong de xiandai quanshi, pp. 123–43; Yu Yingshi, “O Soul, Come Back! A Study in the Changing Conceptions of the Soul and Afterlife in Pre-Buddhist China,” HJAS 47: 363–95. Yu Yingshi, “Zhongguo gudai sihou Shijieguan de yanbian,” in his Zhongguo sixiang chuantong de xiandai quanshi, pp.  123–43; Xiao Dengfu, Xian Qin liang Han mingjie he shenxian sixiang tanyuan, pp. 168–75; and Poo Muzhou 呚ヽ㳚, “Muzang yu shengsi – Zhongguo gudai zongjiao zhi xingsi” ⠻吔冯䓇㬣 – ᷕ⚳⎌ẋ⬿㔁ᷳ䚩⿅ [Burial and the Matter of Life and Death: Pondering on Ancient Chinese Religion] (Taibei: Lianjing chuban gongsi, 1993), pp. 206–12. See Luan Baoqun 㟦ᾅ佌 and Lü Zongli ⎽⬿≃, ed., Rizhilu jishi 㖍䞍抬普慳 [Collected Notes on Record of Knowledge Gained Day by Day] (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 2006), p. 30. See Dao zang 忻冏ġ(Daoist Canon) 637–640 no.1016, 15.2a1–8. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 372–73; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 135. Lu Xun, Ibid., p. 386; Zheng Wanqing, Ibid., 4. 117. Lu Xun, Ibid., p. 422; Zheng Wanqing, Ibid., 4. 139.

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In the Wu period (222–280), there lived an old woman, who once “died” of an illness at the age of nine. She died in the early morning, and by the evening she was revived. She said that she had seen an old woman who held her by the arm and flew to an audience with the Lord of the Northern Dipper. There was a dog as big as a lion with deep eyes crouching inside the balustrade of the well. She told me that it was the dog of the lord of Heaven. ⏛㗪㚱䌳⦍炻⸜ḅ⳿䕭㬣炻冒㛅军㙖⽑喯ˤḹ夳ᶨ侩⩿炻㑽⮯ 梃夳⊿㔿⏃ˤ㚱䉿⤪䋭⫸⣏炻㶙䚖炻ặḽ㪬ᷕ炻ḹ㬌⣑℔䉿 ḇˤ116 This is one of the limited accounts of the Northern Dipper as a location of the netherworld; another such tale is found in the Soushen ji.117 Mount Tai is an important part of the indigenous Chinese netherworld and it has been mentioned in the Lieyi zhuan and Soushen ji. In the Youming lu at least three tales involve Mount Tai (tales 82, 123, and 264).118 Tale 82 tells of a man who dies of illness, and “the local deity of earth is about to escort him to the Mount Tai” ⛇⛘䤆⮯復娋㲘Ⱉ.119 In tale 123, though it is not directly named, the netherworld is clearly Mount Tai (the gatekeeper of Mount Tai suggests this).120 Judging by its governor, the prefect, the netherworld in tale 264 is also Mount Tai, but it explicitly bears the influence of Buddhist hell.121 Status of Life in the Netherworld What is the netherworld like? There are no detailed depictions, but certain tales provide us with some information. In tale 157, a man was summoned to heaven for bureaucratic needs: Wang Wendu of the Jin garrisoned Guangling.122 [One day] he suddenly saw two attendants who, with swan-head style imperial tablets in their 116 117

118 119 120 121 122

Lu Xun, Ibid., p. 368; Zheng Wanqing, Ibid., 5. 164. An English translation of the tale can be found in Robert F. Company’s “Return-FromDeath Narratives in Early Medieval China,” Journal of Chinese Religions 18 (Fall 1900): 111– 13. Tale 73 mentions only yu 䋬 (prison), and in another story (tale 124) the netherworld is nameless. Both could be Mount Tai. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 376. Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 170. Lu Xun, Ibid., p. 388; Zheng Wanqing, Ibid., 4. 134. Lu Xun, Ibid., p. 434–45; Zheng Wanqing, Ibid., 5. 171. Wang Wendu, named Tanzhi ✎ᷳ, was the Governor of Xuzhou and Yanzhou ⃿ⶆ. See Jin shu, 75. 1964.

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hands, came to summon him. Being greatly startled, Wang asked the attendants, “What type of offfijicial am I going to be?” The attendants said, “General of the North and the governor of both Xuzhou and Yanzhou.” Wang said, “I have already been in such a position, why should you summon again?” The ghosts said, “That is the world of human beings. Now the positions you will take are offfijicial titles in heaven.” Wang was greatly terrifijied. Then he saw welcoming offfijicials in black clothes and numerous minor clerks in white garments. A short while later, Wang became ill and died. 㗱䌳㔯⹎捖⺋昝ĭġ⾥夳Ḵ槞ĭġ㊩洈柕㜧Ἦ⎔ᷳˤ䌳⣏樂ĭ⓷槞ĻȾㆹ  ỽ⭀ŀȿ槞ḹĻȾ⎔ἄ⸛⊿⮯幵ĭġ ⼸⃿Ḵⶆ㫉⎚ˤȿ䌳㚘ĻȾㆹ⶚  㬌⭀炻ỽ㓭⽑⎔ġ恒ŀȿ櫤ḹĻȾ㬌Ṣ攻俛炻Ṳ㇨ἄ㗗⣑ᶲ⭀ ḇˤȿ䌳⣏ㆤᷳ炻⮳夳彶⭀䌬堋Ṣġ⍲洈堋⮷⎷䓂⣂ˤ䌳⮳䕭 啐ˤ123 This tale indicates that a man can be an offfijicial in heaven after his death, and that the system of administration is the same as that in the human world. This is in accord with the netherworld as described in other tales. For example, a tale from Lieyi zhuan reads: Cai Zhi, a native of Linzi, was a county clerk. Once he brought a letter to visit his governor, suddenly he became lost and arrived at the foot of Mount Daizong (Tai). Seeing a place resembling a city, he thus entered it to submit the letter. He saw an offfijicial, whose guard of honor was very strict, resembling that of a governor. Then the offfijicial threw him a grand banquet, and after that gave him a letter, saying, “Please bring this letter for me to my grandson.” The clerk asked, “Who is your grandson?” The offfijicial replied, “I am the spirit of Mount Tai. My grandson is the Heavenly Emperor.” Until then the clerk was startled, knowing that where he had reached was not the human world. 冐㵬哉㓗侭炻䁢䷋⎷ˤ㚦⣱㚠媩⣒⬰ˤ⾥徟嶗炻军ⱙ⬿Ⱉᶳ炻 夳⤪❶悕炻忪ℍ农㚠ˤ夳ᶨ⭀炻₨堃䓂♜炻℟⤪⣒⬰ˤᷫ䚃姕 惺停炻䔊Ẁᶨ㚠ˤ媪㚘烉“㍦䁢ㆹ农㬌㚠冯⢾⬓ḇˤ” ⎷䫼㚘烉“ 㖶⹄⢾⬓䁢婘烎” 䫼㚘烉“⏦⣒Ⱉ䤆ḇ炻⢾⬓⣑ⷅḇˤ”⎷㕡樂炻 ᷫ䞍㇨军朆Ṣ攻俛ˤ124 123 124

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 398; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 142. See Taiping guangji, 375.2984–85.

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What is the condition of life in the heaven? Tale 168 describes a man who goes to heaven after his death, then comes back to drink with his younger brother: Cheng Biao’s elder brother passed away. Biao was grieving and had an obstruction in the circulation of his vital energy; he was crying and weeping day and night. Carrying two liters of wine and one plate of pears, his elder brother approached him, and they drank to please each other. Biao asked him a question, yet he did not reply. Biao choked with sad sobs, asking, “Now that you, my brother, are in heaven. Is there more good fortune or more bitterness?” For a long while his brother did not respond. In silence, he poured the rest of the wine into a cup and, holding the wine jar, left. ㆸ⼒⃬╒, ⑨つ䳸㯋, 㘅⣄⒕㲋ˤ ⃬㍸Ḵ⋯惺ᶨ䚌㡐⯙ᷳ, 梚惴䚠 㬉ˤ ⼒⓷䔍䫼, ⼒ず⑥⓷: “⃬⛐⣑ᶲ, 䤷⣂劎⣂?” ᷭ⺿ㅱ, 倭䃞䃉 妨ˤ 㾱检惺叿䒴ᷕ, ㊰仴侴⍣ˤ125 Although this piece does not directly depict heaven, judging by the reflection of the elder brother of Cheng Biao, it seems that the heaven here is not one of the heavens depicted in Buddhist scriptures. Unlike the heaven in early Chinese concepts of the afterlife, the heavens in the fijive destinations of rebirth according to the Buddhist canon are the best places for people to be born. There is no reason for one to be unhappy if he or she is reborn in such a place. Therefore, it is likely that this heaven is the indigenous heaven, simply a place for the souls of the dead to go and stay, where daily life is similar to the human world.126 Tale 123 provides some information about the underground netherworld. It depicts a man, Se Luzhen, who was allowed to return to the human world from Mount Tai, and the events that ensue: Suddenly he saw a former neighbor, who had died seven or eight years earlier and was then a gatekeeper of Mount Tai. He asked Luzhen, “Is Inspector Se the only one who is able to go back?” Then he entrusted Luzhen with this: “After you go back, please tell my wife that before I died I buried fijifteen thousands coins under the large bed in our residence. 125 126

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen., p. 401; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu., 4. 104. As in the subterranean netherworld, the heavens in the pre-Buddhist Chinese tradition are places for the dead to come and go freely. See Xiao Dengfu, Xian Qin liang Han mingjie he shenxian sixiang tanyuan, pp. 132–58.

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I originally intended to purchase bracelets for my daughter, yet I did not expect that I would die suddenly and was not able to tell my wife.” Luzhen promised him. Right after he was revived, he sent someone to report to his neighbor’s wife, yet she had already sold the house and moved to Wujin. Then he went there to tell her, and also told the new owner of the house and asked him to dig the cash up. As expected, they got as much money there as they had been told. Se Luzhen then urged the gatekeeper’s wife to purchase bracelets for her daughter with the money. ⾥夳ᶨ㚦惘⯭侭炻㬣⶚ᶫℓ⸜䞋炻䇚⣒Ⱉ攨ᷣˤ媪䚏屆㚘烉“䳊 悥䜋䌐⼿㬠俞烎”⚈♹䚏屆㚘烉“⌧㬠炻䇚嫅ㆹ⨎ˤㆹ㛒㬣㗪炻 ❳叔Ḽ⋫拊㕤⬭ᷕ⣏⸲ᶳˤㆹᷫ㛔㫚冯⤛ⶪ憏炻ᶵシ⣬䳪炻ᶵ ⼿妨Ḷ⥣⤛ḇˤ”䚏屆姙ᷳˤ⍲喯炻忪ἧṢ⟙℞⥣ˤ⶚岋⬭䦣⯭ 㬎忚䞋ˤ⚈⼨婆ᷳ炻ṵ⏲屟⬭ᷣ炻Ẍ㍀ᷳˤ㝄⼿拊⤪℞㔠䂱ˤ ⌛怋℞⥣冯⤛ⶪ憏ˤ127 Apart from the separation from the human world, it seems that the life in the netherworld is similar to that in the human world. There is no evidence of punishment and sufffering, as Maeno Naoaki has noticed in other tales. Management of the Netherworld The questions of how the netherworld is maintained and who manages it are addressed in several tales. Let’s read tale 70 fijirst: In the reign of Emperor Yuan of Jin (317–322), someone from a noble clan died of a sudden illness. He saw a man who brought him up to heaven and they visited the Controller of Fate. The Controller of Fate doublechecked his records and found that his lifespan was not up yet, and he should not had been summoned wrongly. [So] the lord sent an order to let him go back. 㗳⃫ⷅᶾ炻㚱䓚侭炻堋ⅈ㕷⥻炻㙜䕭ṉ炻奩Ṣ⮮ᶲ⣑炻宋⎠ ␥ˤ⎠␥㚜㍐㟉炻䬿⌮㛒⯥炻ᶵ⸼㜱⎔ˤᷣ侭⍹怋Ẍ往ˤ128 This is a typical story among netherworld adventure tales. The summons by an offfijicial who serves in the netherworld brings about the netherworld adventure. This story is based on the indigenous ancient Chinese belief of a fijixed lifespan. 127 128

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 388; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 134. Lu Xun, Ibid., pp. 372–73; Zheng Wanqing, Ibid., 4. 135.

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According to this belief, one’s death comes because his or her lifespan is set, even if one dies of illness. Therefore, the only logical reason for one to return to the mortal world from the netherworld would be that his or her lifespan is still not up. Such is precisely the case in this tale. It is clear that the netherworld in this tale is heaven, and the siming ⎠␥ (Controller of Fate) is an offfijicial who is in charge of people’s lives. In tale 131, the netherworld is not heaven, but an underground location: During the Taiyuan reign period (376–396) [of Jin], Chen Liang, a man of the north, was on good terms with Liu Shu, a native of the state of Pei.129 In addition, he did business together with Li Yan, who was from the same commandery. Once they gained a handsome profijit and purchased some wine to celebrate with each other. Finally Yan murdered Liang. He wrapped his corpse with reed and threw it among the wild grass. Ten days or so passed, Liang was revived and returned home. He said that when he died, he saw a man wearing a red kerchief, who led him to the gate of a city. Under the gate there was a stand, [by the stand] he saw an old man who held a red pen to check a record book. The man who wore the red kerchief said, “Down below was a man by the name of Chen Liang. He is only a roaming soul, so there is no department that administers him. For this reason I brought him here.” The man who checked the record book replied, “You may let him leave right away.” After he came out, Liang suddenly saw his friend Liu Shu. Liu said to him, “I did not expect that we would meet at this place. Luckily you were released by an honorable deity today. But in the mulberry tree that grows behind the side house of my home, there is a fox that frequently makes trouble, and my family are excessively vexed by it. When you return, would you please tell my family for me?” Liang promised him. After he regained consciousness, he went to the offfijicials to bring a lawsuit against Li Yan, and Li pleaded guilty. Then Chen Liang specially told [Liu] Shu’s family [what Shu said].130 His family cried, saying, “All is like what he said.” Therefore they cut down the tree, caught the fox, and killed it. The abnormality was fijinally ended. ⣒⃫ᷕ炻⊿⛘Ṣ昛列ᶶ㱃⚳∱冺⍳┬炻⍰冯⎴悉㛶䂱ℙ䁢⓮ 屰炻㚦䌚⍂⇑炻ℙ农惺䚠ㄞˤ䂱忪⭛列炻ẍ后墡ᷳ炻㡬ᷳ勺 129

130

Pei was a state in the Western Jin period. But it became a commandery from the Eastern Jin. The seat of Pei Commandery was located northwest of the modern city of Huaibei 㶖 ⊿, Jiangsu. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 7–8. Reng ṵ, “still,” in the text should be nai ᷫ, “then.”

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勱炻䴻⋩姙㖍炻列⽑䓇㬠⭞ˤ婒㬣㗪炻夳ᶨṢ叿崌⸀炻⺽列 ⍣炻忈ᶨ❶攨ˤ攨ᶳ㚱ᶨ⸲炻夳ᶨ侩Ṣ炻➟㛙䪼炻溆㟉䯵ˤ崌 ⸀Ṣ妨㚘烉“⎹ᶳ⛇㚱ᶨṢ⥻昛⎵列炻㷠櫪侴⶚炻㛒㚱亇㏬炻㗗 ẍ⮮㜍ˤ”㟉䯵侭㚘烉“⎗Ẍὧ⍣ˤ”列㖊↢炻⾥夳⍳Ṣ∱冺炻媪 㚘烉“ᶵ⚾㕤㬌䚠夳ˤ⌧Ṳ⸠呁⮲䤆㇨怋炻䃞ㆹ⭞“⯳⼴㟹㧡ᷕ 㚱ᶨ䊠炻ⷠἄ⤾⿒炻ㆹ⭞㔠㔠㧒⍿劎゙ˤ⌧㬠炻寰傥䁢ㆹ婒㬌 俞ˤ”列䃞ᷳˤ㖊喯炻ᷫ娋⭀䔷㛶䂱侴ặ伒ˤṵ䈡⟙冺⭞炻⭞Ṣ 㴽㲋ḹ炻〱⤪妨ˤ⚈Ẹ㧡炻⼿䊠㭢ᷳ炻℞⿒忪䳽ˤ131 In this tale, the old man, likely the Prefect of Mount Tai, is in charge of people’s lifespans. Since Chen Liang was not in the record book, he was allowed to return home. It seems that the rule for the offfijicials who govern the netherworld is that lifespans are determined by Heaven.132 Violation of this rule is, of course, unforgivable. In tale 264, Kang Ade was wrongly arrested by a white-horse offfijicer, but later the prefect found that Kang still had thirty fijive years on his lifespan: The governor was full of fury, saying, “How could you, a minor offfijicer, dare to suddenly take the life of others?” Then, he had the white-horse offfijicer tied to a pillar, and punished him with one hundred blows until his blood flowed freely. ⹄⏃⣏⾺㚘, “⮷⎷ỽ㔊枻⤒Ṣ␥?” ὧ䷃䘥楔⎷叿㞙, 嗽优ᶨ䘦, 埨 ↢㳩㻓.133 However, it is also a common practice that an untimely summon may counteract the rules about one’s lifespan, if it is based on the bureaucratic needs of the netherworld. For instance, in tale 123 the hero is summoned thirty years before his lifespan is up, just because he is capable:

131 132

133

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 391–92; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 138–139. Dong Zhongshu 吋ẚ冺 (179–104 bc) Chunqiu fanlu 㗍䥳䷩曚 [Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn] says, “Human beings receive their lifespan from Heaven” Ṣ⍿␥㕤 ⣑; See Hong Kong Zhongwen daxue Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo 楁㷗ᷕ㔯⣏⬠ᷕ⚳ 㔯⊾䞼䨞㇨ Chunqiu fanlu zhuzi suoyin 㗍䥳䷩曚徸⫿䳊⺽ [A Concordance to the Luxuriant Dews of the Spring and Autumn Period] (Shangwu yinshuguan, 1994), p. 4. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 434–45; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 171.

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Se Luzhen, the Attendant of the Mansion of the Northern Palace, was originally a clerk of Xun Xian (322–359).134 In the middle of June, during the fijifth year of Taiyuan period of the Jin (376–396), he died of an illness. After one night he awoke, saying that he had met Cui, Xian’s son. Cui said in happy astonishment, “Your lifespan is not yet up, but this bureau needs to get three generals. For this reason I cannot let you go. If you know someone who is as capable and efffijicient as you are, I will replace you with him.” Luzhen right then recommended Gong Ying. Cui asked, “Is Ying capable of shouldering the task?” Luzhen replied, “Ying is not inferior to me.” At fijirst, Cui asked Luzhen to write down his name; but the words he wrote could not be used by ghosts, then Cui found a pen and wrote it down himself. Thus Luzhen was able to come out [of the netherworld]… . In a short while, Gong Ying also died. People of that time all took the story as a marvel. ⊿⹄䳊䚏屆侭炻㛔ᷕ恶勨佐ᷳ⎷ḇ炻ẍ㗱⣒⃫Ḽ⸜ℕ㚰ᷕ䕭 ṉ炻䴻ᶨ⭧侴喯ˤḹ夳佐ᷳ⫸䱡炻樂╄㚘烉“⏃䬿㛒䚉ˤ䃞⭀枰 ⼿ᶱ⮯炻㓭ᶵ⼿ὧ䇦䚠㓦ˤ⏃劍䞍㚱⸡㌟⤪⏃侭炻䔞ẍ䚠ẋˤ” 䚏屆⌛冱漼䧶ˤ䱡㚘烉“䧶⟒ḳ⏎烎”䚏屆㚘烉“䧶ᶵ⽑ᶳ⶙ˤ”䱡 ⇅Ẍ䚏屆䔷℞⎵炻䶋㚠朆櫤䓐炻䱡ᷫ䳊䫮炻冒㚠ᷳ炻䚏屆忪⼿ ↢ˤ……⮳侴漼䧶Ṏṉ炻㗪廑ℙ⣯℞ḳˤ135 In this story, the author does not directly name the netherworld, but the gatekeeper’s presence suggests that it was Mount Tai. Stafff members in the netherworld seem to often make mistakes in summoning people; but in this piece, the ghost clerk intentionally summons a capable person that they are in need of. It seems that the needs of the netherworld are more important than the lifespan rule set by Heaven. Even worse, considerations of personal and family profijit can lead to violations of the lifespan rule: In the fijirst year of Jingping (423), a native of Qu’e died of an illness and met his father in heaven.136 His father spoke with him: “Your lifespan has 134

135 136

Xun Xian was a general of the Jin 㗱, and has been the Bei chonglang jiang ⊿ᷕ恶⮮ (Northern Leader of Court Gentleman) and the governor of Xuzhou ⼸ⶆ. See Jin shu, 75. 1980. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 388; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 134. Qu’e was located at the modern city of Danyang ᷡ春, Jiangsu. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3. 55.

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exactly eight years left. When this period is up, you will be involved in guilt and punishment after death. I want to arrange for you properly, yet there is no vacant position except the Sounder-God. I shall report [to the offfijicial] so as to let you fijill the position.” Right then he sent in a report, and so his son was able to hold the position. Being ordered to go to the East of the Liao to give rain, his son rode on the dew carriage which contained water, spraying water from the east to the west. Before fijinishing the work, he again received a tally that transferred him to the West of the Liao. Having fijinished the task, he met with his father and bitterly requested to return, saying that he was unhappy to be in his position. His father sent him away; thus he was able to revive. 㘗⸛⃫⸜炻㚚旧㚱ᶨṢ䕭㬣ˤ夳䇞Ḷ⣑ᶲˤ䇞媪㚘烉“㰅䬿抬㬋 ἁℓ⸜炻劍㬌旸䪇炻㬣ὧℍ伒嫓ᷕˤ⏦㭼㫚⬱嗽㰅炻借⯨䃉仢 侭炻ⓗ㚱暟℔仢炻䔞⓻ẍ墄℞借ˤ”⌛⣷㊱ℍℏ炻ὧ⼿⃭㬌ảˤ Ẍ军怤㜙埴暐炻Ḁ曚干炻ᷕ㚱㯜炻137㜙大㿴㿹ˤ㛒军炻Ḷᷕ嶗 墯塓䫎军怤大ˤḳ䔊怬炻夳䇞劎㯪怬炻ḹᶵ㦪嗽借ˤ䇞怋⍣炻 忪⼿喯㳣ˤ138 In order to get a position for his son in heaven, the deceased father even abuses his power to arrange his son’s death in the mortal world before his lifespan was up! Obviously, this reflects the corruption of offfijicials in the human worldį Sometimes, however, violation of the rule is meaningful. For instance, the netherworld in another story (tale 124) is nameless but full of love and mercy: A native of Langye, surnamed Wang, whose name was unknown, lived at Qiantang.139 His wife from a Zhu family died of illness during the ninth year of Taiyuan. They had three children. Furthermore, Wang died of a sudden illness in the fourth month in the same year. At that time there were more than twenty men, all in black garments, who held records of lifespans. They arrived at a building with a red door and white walls, resembling a palace. One offfijicial wore a red garment, white belt, black cap, and a kerchief. The garments some offfijicials wore were all connected with pearls and pieces of jade, they were not the garments of the human 137 138 139

Zhong you ᷕ㚱 was originally niu yi 䈃ẍ, and it has been changed here according to a hand-copied version of the Ming. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 422; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 139. Langye State is located north of the modern city of Linyi 冐㰪 in Shandong. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3. 51. Qiantang, the modern city of Hangzhou.

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world. He was carried ahead further, and saw a large tall man, whose bearing resembled a cloud. Wang kowtowed toward [the offfijicial], saying for himself, “My wife has already died, and my orphan child is still young; there is no one to take care of him.” Then he shed tears. That offfijicial changed his countenance for him, saying, “According to [the record of] your lifespan, you should have come here; but because of your orphan, I specially grant you three more years of time [to live in the human world].” Wang said further, “Three years are not enough to keep my son alive.” A man near him said, “How stupid, you vulgar dead! Three years here are thirty years in the mortal world.” Then they sent him out. After another thirty years, Wang really died. 䎭恒Ṣ炻⥻䌳炻⾀⎵炻⯭拊⠀ˤ⥣㛙㮷炻ẍ⣒⃫ḅ⸜䕭ṉ炻㚱 ᶱ⬌⃧ˤ䌳⽑ẍ℞⸜⚃㚰㙜㬣ˤ㗪㚱Ḵ⋩检Ṣ炻䘮䁷堋炻夳抬 ḹˤ⇘㛙攨䘥⡩炻䉞⤪⭓㭧ˤ⎷㛙堋䳈ⷎ炻䌬ⅈṳねˤㆾ㇨塓 叿炻〱䎈䌱䚠忋㍍炻朆ᶾᷕ₨㚵ˤ⢵⮮⇵炻夳ᶨṢ攟⣏炻㇨叿 堋䉞⤪暚㯋ˤ䌳⎹⎑柕炻冒婒⨎⶚ṉ炻ἁ⬌⃺⯂⮷炻䃉䚠⣰ ỽˤὧ㳩㴽ˤ㬌Ṣ䇚ᷳ≽⭡ˤḹ烉“㰅␥冒ㅱἮ炻ẍ㰅⬌⃺炻䈡 冯ᶱ⸜ᷳ㛇ˤ”䌳⍰㚘烉“ᶱ⸜ᶵ嵛㳣⃺ˤ”ⶎ⎛ᶨṢ婆ḹ烉“὿⯵ ỽ䘉炻㬌攻ᶱ⸜炻㗗ᶾᷕᶱ⋩⸜ˤ”⚈ὧ復↢炻⍰ᶱ⋩⸜炻䌳㝄 ⋺ˤ140 In this tale, the offfijicial in the netherworld is kind and human, much diffferent from those often found in the Buddhist hellį 2 Buddhist Impact on Chinese Concepts of the Netherworld As shown previously, the indigenous Chinese netherworld consists of places in the heavens and under the earth where the dead may stay or work, coming and going freely. Along with Buddhist sutras that began to be translated into Chinese and spread widely since the Eastern Han, a new concept of the netherworld, the Buddhist hell, was introduced to China. Sutras concerning Buddhist hells are numerous. Those important earlier ones include the Foshuo shiba nili jing ἃ婒⋩ℓ㲍䈩䴻 (Buddha Preached Sutra on the Eighteen Hells) and Foshuo zuiye yingbao jiaohua diyu jing ἃ婒 伒㤕ㅱ⟙㔁⊾⛘䋬䴻 [Buddha Preached Sutra on Retribution, Moral Education, and Hells], translated by An Shigao ⬱ᶾ檀 in the late Eastern Han; “Nili pin 㲍䈩⑩ġ[Chapter of Niraja]” in the Daoxing Banruo jing 忻埴凔劍䴻 [Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra; Practice of the Path Sutra], translated by 140

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 389; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 137–138.

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Zhi lou Jia chen 㓗⧩徎嬾 (Lokaksema) in the late Han; “Diyu pin ⛘䋬⑩ [Chapter of Hells]” in the Daming du jing ⣏㖶⹎䴻 [Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāra mitāsūtra; Great Brightness Sutra] by Zhi Qian 㓗嫁 of the Wu, and the “Diyu pin” in Faju jing 㱽⎍䴻 [Dhammapada; Dharma-phrase Sutra] by Wei zhi nan 䵕䣯暋 during the Three Kingdoms period. More Buddhist sutras concerning Buddhist hells were translated later, including the “Nili pin” in Daloutan jing ⣏ 㦻䁕䴻 [Loka-sthāna; Sutra of the Great Conflagration] by Fali 㱽䩳 and Faju 㱽䁔 and the “Diyu pin” in the Xiuxing daodi jing ᾖ埴忻⛘䴻 [Yogācārabhūmi; Sutra on the Path of Stages of Cultivation] by Zhu Fahu in the Western Jin; Foshuo si nili jing ἃ婒⚃㲍䈩䴻 [Buddha Preached Sutra on the Four Hells], Foshuo tiecheng nili jing ἃ婒揝❶㲍䈩䴻 [Buddha Preached Sutra on the Iron City Hells], and Foshuo nili jing ἃ婒㲍䈩䴻 [Buddha Preached Sutra on the Hells] by Zhu Tanwulan 䪢㙯䃉嗕 (Dharmarājan) in the Eastern Jin; “Diyu pin” in Chang Ahan jing 攟旧⏓䴻 [Dīrghāgama; the Longer Āgama-sutra] by ἃ旨俞况ġ(Buddhayawas), and Zhu Fonian 䪢ἃ⾝, and “Nili pin” in Xiaopin Banruo poluomi jing ⮷⑩凔劍㲊伭囄䴻 [Aṣṭa-sāhasrikāprajñā-pāramitā; the Small Perfection of Wisdom Sutra] by 沑㐑伭Ṩ (Kumārajīva, 344–413) in the Later Qin ⼴䦎(384–417).141 Almost all of these Buddhist sutras appeared in Chinese before the compilation of the Youming lu. While the netherworld in some of the stories in the Youming lu do not show any Buddhist influence, Mount Tai becomes a sort of Buddhist hell in several other stories. Interestingly, among various indigenous netherworlds in the stories the hell in the Indian sense is never located anywhere but Mount Tai, providing a fascinating parallel with the early translation of Buddhist sutras, in which hell was translated as Mount Tai.142 The obvious reason is that there are similarities between them. This resembles the situation in the early period of the integration of Buddhism, in which Chinese literati explained Indian Buddhist thought in Chinese terms and usages in Daoism and merged Buddhist

141

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For studies of Buddhist hells, see Daigan and Alicia Matsunaga, The Buddhist Concept of Hell (New York: Philosophical Library, 1972); Xiao Dengfu, “Han Wei Liuchao Fojiao zhi diyu shuo 㻊櫷ℕ㛅ἃ㔁ᷳ⛘䋬婒 ŜBuddhist Interpretation of Hells in the Han, Wei, and Six Dynasties],”Dongfang zazhi 㜙㕡暄娴 [Oriental Magazine]ġ 22.2: 34–40, 22.3: 23–30; and Stephen F. Teiser, The Scripture on the Ten Kings and Making of Purgatory in Medieval Chinese Buddhism (Honolulu: University of Hawai’I Press, 1994). See An Shigao ⬱ᶾ檀, trans., Fo shou fenbie shan’e suoqi jing ἃ宜↮⇓┬〞㇨崟乷 [Buddha Preached Sutra on Telling Where Arises the Good and Evil], Kang Senghui ⹟₏㚫, trans., Liudu jijing ℕ⹎普䴻 [Ṣaṭ-pāramitā-saṃgraha; Sutra on the Collection of the Six Perfections], and 㓗寎, trans., “Diyu pin” ⛘䊙⑩ in the Daming du jing ⣏㖶⹎乷 [Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñāpāramitāsūtra].

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and indigenous Chinese concepts in a Chinese style – widely known as geyi 㟤佑ġ(matching concepts).143 A Place for Court Trials The most striking diffference between Chinese indigenous concepts of a netherworld and the Buddhist hell is that the latter is a place for the dead to be judged through court trials.144 Tale 247 about Zhao Tai is considered the earliest example of netherworld court trials in Chinese literature: Zhao Tai, styled Wenhe, was a native of Beiqiu of Qinghe.145 The government summoned him to take offfijice, but he did not accept it. He devoted himself to [the study of] books and documents, and became famous in his village. At the age of thirty-fijive, Zhao Tai suddenly felt a pain in his heart and died at midnight on the thirteenth day of the seventh month in the fijifth year of Taishi of the Jin (265–274).146 His heart remained somewhat warm, and his body flexible. After the corpse had been kept for ten days, a breath that sounded like thunder came from his throat. Opening his eyes, he asked for water to drink. Having fijinished drinking, he got up right away. He said that when he fijirst died, there were two men who rode yellow horses and were followed by two soldiers. They just said, “Catch him and take him away.” The two soldiers supported him under his arms from both sides and proceeded toward the east. Not knowing how many miles passed, he then saw a big city wall, which resembled tin and iron [in color] and was extremely tall. Entering from the western gate, he saw an offfijicial residence, which had a black double gate and included several dozen tile-roofed buildings. There were about fijifty or sixty men 143 144

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Whalen Lai, “Limits and Failure of Ko-i (Concept-Matching) Buddhism,” History of Religions 18 (1979): 238–57. For the depiction of such court trials in Buddhist sutras, see Zhu Tanwulan 䪢㗁㖈℘, trans., Fo shuo tiecheng nili jing ἃ宜摩❶㲍䈩乷 [Buddha Preached Sutra on Iron City Hells]; Zhong Ahan jing ᷕ旧⏓乷 [Mādhyamāgama; Medium Length Āgama-sutra], juan 12. Beiqiu was southeast of the modern city of Linqing 冐㶭 in Hebei. It belonged to Qinghe Commandery centered with modern Qinghe, Hebei. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 50–51. The “Song Taishi” (465–471) is a mistake of “Jin Taishi,” since it was much later, even after the death of Liu Yiqing (d. 444), the compiler of this collection. Bianzhen lun reads “Jin” for “Song.” Mingxiang ji also reads “Zhao Tai of the Jin.” See Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 377: 739–41; Karl S.Y. Kao, Classical Chinese Tales of the Supernatural and the Fantastic, 162; and Robert Campany, Signs from the Unseen Realm, 77.

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and women. The major offfijicial, wearing black clothing, listed Zhao Tai’s name as the thirtieth. After a moment he was taken in. The governor sat facing westward, and double-checked his name and surname. Then Zhao Tai was taken southward through a black gate. There was a man wearing scarlet clothing, sitting in a large room, calling out names in order, and asking the people what they had done during their lives: what crimes they had committed, what merits they had achieved, and what good deeds they had done. Each person replied diffferently. The lord said, “Please make sure that what you say is true; [we] always dispatch emissaries from the six ministries, who reside permanently in the human world, recording the good and evil one has done, so as to verify it. There are three bad realms for the dead ones, and killing creatures and using them as sacrifijices results in rebirth in the worst realm.147 Following Buddhist dharma, observing the Five Precepts and Ten Good Characteristics,148 and distributing alms with a merciful heart, [one] will be reborn in the residence of good fortune, and live peacefully without anything to do.” Zhao Tai replied, “I did neither anything good, nor anything evil.” 嵁㲘⫿㔯␴炻㶭㱛居᷀Ṣˤ ℔⹄彇ᶵ⯙ˤ䱦忚℠䯵, 悱源䧙⎵ˤ ⸜ᶱ⋩Ḽ, ⬳ [㗱]⣒⥳Ḽ⸜ᶫ㚰⋩ᶱ㖍⣄⋲, ⾥⽫䖃侴㬣ˤ⽫ᶲ⽖ 䃾, 幓橼⯰䓛ˤ ⯵⋩㖍, 㯋⽆⑥┱⤪暟倚ˤ䛤攳䳊梚, 梚妾ὧ崟, 婒⇅㬣㗪, 㚱ḴṢḀ湫楔, ⽆ℝḴ Ṣ, Ữ妨㋱⮯⍣ˤḴṢ㈞ℑ僳㜙 埴, ᶵ䞍⸦慴, ὧ夳⣏❶, ⤪拓揝Ⲽⴔˤ ⽆大 ❶攨ℍ, 夳⭀⹄况, 㚱 Ḵ慵湹攨, 㔠⋩㠩䒎⯳ˤ䓟⤛䔞Ḽℕ⋩, ᷣ⎷叿䘪╖堋, ⮯㲘⎵⛐ 䫔ᶱ⋩ˤ枰冦⮯ℍ, ⹄⏃大⛸, 㕟⊀⥻⎵ˤ⽑⮯⋿ℍ湹攨ˤ ᶨṢ 䴛 堋, ⛸⣏⯳ᶳ, ẍ㫉␤⎵⇵, ⓷䓇㗪㇨埴ḳ, 㚱ỽ伒忶, 埴ỽ≇⽟, ἄỽ┬埴ˤ 妨侭⎬⎬ᶵ⎴ˤᷣ侭妨: “姙㰅䫱录, ⿺怋ℕⷓ䜋抬ἧ 侭, ⷠ⛐Ṣ攻䔷姀Ṣ㇨ ἄ┬ら, ẍ䚠㩊㟉ˤṢ㬣㚱ᶱら忻, 㭢䓇䥙 䣨㚨慵ˤ⣱ἃ㱽㊩Ḽㆺ⋩┬, ヰ⽫ⶫ㕥, 䓇⛐䤷况, ⬱晙䃉䁢ˤ” 㲘 䫼ᶨ䃉㇨媪, ᶲ[Ṏ] ᶵ䉗らˤ149 147 148

149

The three bad realms for the dead are ghosts, animals, and the hell. The hell is considered the worst realm. “Five Precepts” refer to the fijirst fijive of the “Ten Commandments,” which prohibit killing, stealing, adultery, lying, and intoxicating liquors. The observance of these fijive ensures rebirth in the human realm. “Ten Good Characteristics” are defijined as the non-committal of the ten evils – killing, stealing, adultery, lying, double-tongue, coarse language, fijilthy language, covetousness, anger, perverted views. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp.  425–26; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 179. This translation benefijits from Karl S.Y. Kao, Classical Chinese Tales of the Supernatural and the Fantastic (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1985), pp. 166–71.

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Here everyone receives a court trial after death and, according to what they did when they were alive, receive diffferent treatments. The story about Shu Li 冺 䥖 (tale 82) is another example of the deceased facing judgment in the afterlife: In Baqiu County there was a shaman called Shu Li. He died of an illness in the fijirst year of the Yongchang reign (322–323) of the Jin.150 The local Earth God escorted him to Mount Tai… . The governor of Mount Tai asked Shu, “When you were in the world of human beings, what did you do?” Shu replied, “I served thirty-six thousand spirits, exorcised evil demons for people, and presided over temple sacrifijices. Sometimes I slaughtered cows, calves, pigs, sheep, chickens, and ducks.” The governor said, “You flattered spirits by killing living creatures, so you are guilty of a crime for which you deserve to be put on a hot grill.” ⶜᷀䷋㚱ⶓⷓ冺䥖炻㗱㯠㖴⃫⸜䕭㬣炻⛇⛘䤆⮯復娋⣒Ⱉˤ…… ⣒Ⱉ⹄⏃⓷䥖烉“⌧⛐ᶾ攻ỽ㇨䇚烎”䥖㚘烉“ḳᶱ叔ℕ⋫䤆炻䇚 Ṣ妋昌䤈䣨,ㆾ㭢䈃䉊尔伲暆泐ˤ”⹄⏃㚘烉“㰅ἆ䤆㭢䓇炻℞伒 ㅱᶲ䅙䅔ˤ151 Even though the netherworld in these tales is still Mount Tai, it is no longer merely a place for the dead to live after death. It has become a place for court trials. Furthermore, Buddhist dharma is the law in the court trials, as depicted in the Buddhist sutras. Physical Torture Another striking feature of Buddhist hell that makes it diffferent from Chinese indigenous concepts of a netherworld is that it involves physical torture. Among the multitude of depictions of physical torture in Buddhist sutras,152 the earliest literary depictions are seen in the Youming lu. In the previous story about Shu Li (tale 82), after Shu was interrogated and tried:

150 151

152

Baqiu, modern Xiajiang ⲉ㰇 County in Jiangxi. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3. 55–56. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p.  376; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 179; and Fayuan zhulin,㱽剹䎈㜿 78. 4a–b, SBCK (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1920–1937). This translation is from Kao, Classical Chinese Tales of the Supernatural and the Fantastic, p. 148. Here I have made some revisions and also changed the offfijicial title “magistrate” to “governor.” Cf. Daigan & Matsunaga, The Buddhist Concept of Hell.

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The governor had an offfijicial lead Shu to the place featured hot grills. There he saw a creature with an ox head and a human body. The creature held an iron fork, pieced Shu with it, and placed him onto the iron grill. After tossing and turning on the grill, his body was scorched and mashed; he pleaded in vain for death. Being tortured for two days and one night, he experienced the most intolerable suffferings. Ẁ⎷䈥叿䅔㇨炻夳ᶨ䈑炻䈃柕Ṣ幓炻㋱揝⍱炻⍱䥖叿䅔ᶲˤ⭃ 廱炻幓橼䅳䇃炻㯪㬣ᶵ⼿ˤ⶚䴻ᶨ⭧Ḵ㖍炻⁁㤝⅌㤂ˤ153 Along with the torture itself, the creature with the head of an ox and the body of man in this story is an image from Buddhist sutras. For instance, the Foshuo zuiye yingbao jiaohua diyu jing ἃ婒伒㤕ㅱ⟙㔁⊾⛘䋬䴻 (Buddha Preached Sutra on Karmic Retribution, Moral Education, and Hells) reads: Moreover, there are people who are always placed in boiling water; being pierced with a three-branch iron fork by the ox-headed Apang, placed into boiling water to be boiled until thoroughly cooked, and being boiled again after being blown to be alive. What is the crime that caused this? The Buddha said, because in previous lives they believed in heresy and evil practices, and sacrifijiced ghosts and spirits by butchering a variety of creatures. ⽑㚱䛦䓇, ⷠ⛐揲㸗ᷕ; 䁢䈃柕旧‵ẍᶱ偉揝⍱, ⍱Ṣℏ叿揲㸗ᷕ 䄖ᷳẌ䇃, 怬⽑⏡㳣侴⽑䄖ᷳˤỽ伒㇨农? ἃ妨: ẍ⇵ᶾ㗪ᾉ恒Ὰ 夳䤈䣨櫤䤆, Ⰸ㭢䛦䓇.154 Da Fangbian Fo baoen jing ⣏㕡ὧἃ㉍】乷(V. 2) reads, “At that time I only accompanied those who were weak and listless, and those who were weak were left behind. At that time the ox-headed Apang pierced their bellies with a fork and flogged their backs with an iron whip, and the blood flew on their bodies like a shower 㗪ㆹ⼺Ờ≋⻙⮹≃ˤ≋⻙⛐⎶ˤ㗗㗪䈃柕旧‵ẍ 揝⍱⇢儡ˤ揝㛾杕側ˤ埨↢㰸㴜晐橼侴㳩ˤ155 Concerning the horrible status and diffferent types of sufffering in hell, “Zhao Tai” (tale 247) reads:

153 154 155

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 376; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 179. Taishō Tripiṭaka, 17. 451. Taishō Tripiṭaka, 3. 140.

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After all the trials had fijinished, Zhao Tai was assigned to work as inspector of waterworks, taking more than one thousand people to transport sand and shore up the river banks. He worked assiduously day and night, and cried in tears with regret, saying, “I did not do good things, now I fell into this place.” Later he was transferred to the position of Supervisor of Waterworks, taking charge of the afffairs of various hells. He was given a horse and sent east to inspect the hells.  Further he arrived at the Nili hell,156 where lived six thousand people. There was a fijire tree, fijifty paces around and ten thousand feet tall. All round the tree were swords, and fijire was burning on the tree. Beneath it people in tens or in fijives fell onto the fijire swords, which pieced through their bodies. [The prison offfijicial] said, “These people cursed others, robbed others, and by doing so, hurt those who were good and kind.” 㕟⓷悥䪇炻ἧ䇚㯜⭀䚋ἄ⎷炻⮯⋫检Ṣ炻㍍㱁叿Ⱡᶲ炻㘅⣄⊌ 劎┤㲋炻〼妨㚘炻䓇㗪ᶵἄ┬炻Ṳ⡖⛐㬌嗽ˤ⼴廱㯜⭀悥䜋炻 ䷥䞍媠䋬ḳ炻䴎楔炻㜙⇘⛘䋬㊱埴ˤ墯⇘㲍䈩⛘䋬炻䓟⫸ℕ⋫ Ṣ炻㚱䀓㧡炻䷙⺋Ḽ⋩ἁ㬍炻檀⋫ᶰ炻⚃怲䘮㚱∵炻㧡ᶲ䃞 䀓ˤ℞ᶳ⋩⋩ḼḼ炻⡖䀓∵ᶲ炻屓℞幓橼ˤḹ烉ˬ㬌Ṣ␺娃伝 姰炻⤒Ṣ屉䈑炻` 列┬ˤ˭157 In tale 264, the hero, Kang Ade ⹟旧⼿, sees a city where someone is lying on a burning bed that has just become red. He sees about ten hells, each with its own forms of horrible torture. The story reads: Not knowing how many miles he had passed, he saw a city that was several square li in area. There were numerous earth houses fijilling the city. Then he saw his deceased elder uncle, elder aunt, younger uncle, and younger aunt, who had died before he began to worship Buddha. All of them were wearing fetters and rags. Their bodies were covered with mucus and blood. While going forward further, he saw a city in which someone was lying on a burning metal bed, which was just becoming red. In total he saw about ten hells, and each had its own forms of horrible torture. The names of the hells were “Red Sand,” “Yellow Sand,” and “White Sand,” and there were a total of seven of this type; and then there

156 157

Nili is the Sanskrit pronunciation of hell. It has been translated also as Taishang, Mount Tai. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen., pp. 425–26; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu., 5. 179–181.

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were “knife-mountains,” “sword-trees,” and “red bronze pillars” for people to embrace. Then he returned. ᶵ䞍⸦慴炻夳ᶨ❶炻㕡㔠⋩慴炻㚱㺧❶⛇⯳炻⚈夳㛒ḳἃ㗪ṉ ỗˣỗ㭵ˣṉ⍼ˣ⍼㭵炻䘮叿㜣㡘炻堋墛䟜⢆炻幓橼內埨ˤ⽑ ⇵埴炻夳ᶨ❶炻℞ᷕ㚱再揝⸲ᶲ侭炻䅺⸲㬋崌ˤ↉夳⋩䋬炻⎬ 㚱㤂㭺炻䋬⎵崌㱁ˣ勺㱁ˣ䘥㱁ˣ⤪㬌ᶫ㱁炻㚱↨Ⱉ∵㧡炻㉙ 崌戭㞙ˤ㕤㗗ὧ怬ˤ158 The various tortures and diffferent types of hells are all from Buddhist sutras and are not seen in earlier Chinese texts. For example, Buddha Preached Sutra on the Eighteen Hells depicts eight fijire hells, in which people are scorched, and ten cold hells, in which people become frozen;159 Buddha Preached Sutra on Karmic Retribution, Moral Education, and Hells depicts a variety of tortures in the hells, including being blind, scorched, nailed, boiled, and cut by knives and swords;160 the “Chapter on Hells” in Sutra of the Great Conflagration and Buddha Preached Sutra on the Hells depicts the Eight Big Hells and numerous small hells, including Charcoal Fire, Cold Ice, Boiling Feces, Pus and Blood, Salt Water, Chopping Boards, Sword Trees, and Black Fire.161 The City of Receiving Transformation Apart from various punishments, other images of the afterlife were created in the Youming lu. In “Zhao Tai” (tale 247) a passage describes the shou bianxing cheng ⍿嬲⼊❶, or “city of receiving transformation,” where punishments are mainly based on the Five Precepts, showing a distinct Buddhist origin: Further, he saw another city which was more than two hundred li squared, and its name was the City of Receiving Transformation. It was said that those who had never heard of the teachings of Buddha and whose interrogation in hell was fijinished would receive their karmic retribution through transformation in this city. Zhao entered this city from the northern gate and saw that there were hundreds and thousands of earth buildings. In the middle there was a tiled house, and its width was more than fijifty steps. Under the house there were more than fijive hundred offfijicials who faced each other and recorded people’s names and the good 158 159 160 161

Lu Xun, Ibid., pp. 434–35; Zheng Wanqing, Ibid., 5. 171. Taishō Tripiṭaka, 17. 528–30. Ibid., 17. 450–52. Ibid., 1. 9–15; 1. 907–910.

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deeds or bad deeds they did. The kind of transformations they would receive followed what each person did: Those who killed living creatures were said to become mayflies, which are born in the morning and die in the evening; if they were to become human beings, they would die young. Those who stole and robbed were to become pigs or sheep, to be slaughtered and given to the people. Those who had sexual wantonness were to become cranes, ducks or snakes. Those who had instigated trouble between people were to become owls that make evil cries so that people who hear these cries all curse them and wish that they would die. Those who refused to pay their debts were to become species such as donkeys, horses, oxen, fijishes or turtles. Under this big house there was a basement facing north with another door facing south. People were summoned and entered from the northern door. All those who went out of the southern door had their shapes transferred into those of animals. ...墯夳ᶨ❶炻䷙⺋Ḵ䘦检慴炻⎵䇚⍿嬲⼊❶ˤḹ烉“䓇Ἦᶵ倆忻 㱽炻侴⛘䋬侫㱣⶚䔊侭炻䔞㕤㬌❶炻⍿㚜嬲⟙ˤ”ℍ⊿攨炻夳㔠 ⋫䘦⛇⯳炻ᷕ⣖㚱⣏䒎⯳炻⺋Ḽ⋩ἁ㬍ˤᶳ㚱Ḽ䘦检⎷炻⮵抬 Ṣ⎵炻ἄ┬らḳ䉨炻⍿㗗嬲幓⼊ᷳ嶗炻⽆℞㇨嵐⍣ˤ㭢侭ḹ䔞 ἄ嚱國垚炻㛅䓇⢽㬣烊劍䇚Ṣ炻ⷠ䞕␥ˤ‟䚄侭ἄ尔伲幓炻Ⰸ 倱⃇Ṣˤ㶓忠侭ἄ洈浑噯幓ˤら冴侭ἄ泇泠泪浡炻ら倚炻Ṣ倆 䘮␺Ẍ㬣ˤ㉝⁝侭䇚樊楔䈃欂溰ᷳⰔˤ⣏⯳ᶳ㚱⛘㇧⊿⎹炻ᶨ ㇞⋿⎹炻␤⽆⊿㇞炻⍰↢⋿㇞侭炻䘮嬲幓⼊ἄ沍䌠ˤ162 This depiction is obviously based on Buddhist ideas. Similar stories can be found in Buddhist sutras. For instance, the fourth section of “Guangming bianzhao gao gui de wang Pusa pin” ⃱㖶⽏䄏檀屜⽟䌳厑啑⑩ in volume 24 of Daban niepan jing ⣏凔㴭䚌䴻 [Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra; Great Nirvana Sutra] reads: If there are people who are habitually consumed with greed and desire, when their retribution is ripe they will fall into hell. When they come out from hell they will receive the body of an animal, such as a pigeon, sparrow, Mandarin duck, parrot, Jivajiva,163 Śārikā bird,164 green sparrow, fijish, turtle, monkey, or deer… . If there are people who are heavy-hearted and are habitually consumed by anger, when their retribution is ripe, then 162 163 164

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 425–26; Zheng Wanqing,Youming lu, 5. 179–81. A bird with two heads in Buddhist sutra. A bird able to speak in Buddhist sutra.

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they will fall into hell. When they come out from hell they will receive the body of an animal, such as one of the four types of poisons that a poisonous snake has – watching poison, touching poison, teeth poison, and breath poison, including tiger, wolf, bear, wild cat, eagle, and the like… . If there are people who are consumed with foolishness and stupidity, when their retribution is ripe, they will fall into hell. When they come out from hell they will receive the body of an animal, such as an elephant, pig, ox, ship, bufffalo, flea, louse, mosquito, ant, and the like… . If there are people whose habits are arrogant, when their retribution is ripe, they will fall into hell. When they come out from hell they will receive the body of an animal, such as a dung beetle, camel, donkey, dog, or horse. 劍㚱䛦䓇佺役屒㫚, 㗗⟙䅇㓭⡖㕤⛘䋬ˤ⽆⛘䋬↢⍿䔄䓇幓, ㇨ 媪泧晨泃泎淂洉, 侮⧮侮⧮, 况⇑ụ沍, 曺晨, 欂毱, 䌤䋜, 䋸渧ˤ…… 劍㚱䛦䓇ẍ㭟慵⽫佺役䜳。, 㗗⟙䅇㓭⡖㕤⛘䋬ˤ⽆⛘䋬↢⍿䔄 䓇幓, ㇨媪㭺噯℟⚃䧖㭺 – 夳㭺妠㭺漏㭺◻㭺, ⷓ⫸嗶䊤䄲伮尻䊠 涡浪ᷳⰔˤ…… 劍㚱ᾖ佺ヂ䘉ᷳṢ, 㗗⟙䅇㗪⡖㕤⛘䋬ˤ⽆⛘䋬 ↢⍿䔄䓇幓, ㇨媪尉尔䈃伲㯜䈃噌嘙嘲嘣垣⫸䫱⼊ˤɃɃġ劍㚱ᾖ 佺ㄵㄊᷳṢ, 㗗⟙䅇㗪⡖㕤⛘䋬ˤ⽆⛘䋬↢⍿䔄䓇幓, ㇨媪䲆垚 榅樊䉔楔ˤ165 Commenting on the same story in the Mingxiang ji, Qian Zhongshu 拊揀㚠ġ points out that the Daban niepan jing “enumerates a few examples of ‘people receiving animal bodies after coming out of hells’. Fictions and scripts of plays in our country have inherited these themes and fijinely woven with details” 㒏 “ ⽆⛘䋬↢ˣ⍿䔄䈚幓” 媠ἳ炻⏦⚳䦿⭀ˣ昊㛔㈧ᷳ侴䳘⭮.166 Qian’s observation is invaluable for two reasons: fijirst, he points out the origin of the depictions – the Buddhist sutras; and second, he states that, compared with the words in the Buddhist sutra, the depictions in Chinese fijictional works and plays are fijinely woven, with more details. However, Qian has failed to point out the earliest origins of this type of depictions: the Youming lu, instead of the 165

166

Taishō Tripitaka, 1. 191–206. There are three extant versions of the Mahāparinirvāna-sūtra in Chinese: 1) the Eastern Jin translation by Faxian 㱽栗ġand Buddhabhadra in six juan; 2) the Northern Liang translation in 40 juan by Dharmakshema (421–430), also known as “northern version”; and 3) a combined Liu Song version in 36 juan, known as the “southern version.” See Wang Bangwei 䌳恎䵕, “Luelun dacheng Daban niepan jing de chuanyi” 䔍婾⣏Ḁ˪⣏凔㴭㥫䴻˫䘬⁛嬗ġŜBrief Remarks on the Transmission and Translation of the Māhāyana Māhaparinirvāṇa SūtraŞĭġ in Zhonghua Foxue xuebao ᷕ厗ἃ⬠⬠⟙ġ ŜZhonghua Buddhist Journal]ġ6 (1993): 103–27. Qian Zhongshu, Guan zhui bian 䭉抸䶐 (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1979), 2. 795.

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Mingxiang ji ⅍䤍姀, a collection of Buddhist miraculous tales appearing some fijifty years later.167 The Residence of Good Fortune (fushe 䤷况) Besides the City of Receiving Transformation, the Youming lu creates another image of the afterlife, the Residence of Good Fortune. “Kang Ade” reads: Furthermore, he saw around seventy or eighty houses roofed with tubeshaped tiles, both sides of which planted Chinese scholartrees. They were called “Residence of Good Fortune.” Various disciples of the Buddha lived inside. Those who had more blessings would go up to the heaven, and those who had less blessings stayed in these houses. ⽑夳ᶫℓ⋩㠩攻䒎⯳炻⣦忻䧖㥸炻ḹ⎵ˬ䤷况˭炻媠ἃ⻇⫸ỷ ᷕˤ䤷⣂侭ᶲ䓇⣑炻䤷⮹侭ỷ㬌况ˤ168 “Zhao Tai” describes the Residence of Good Fortune as a place for those who were neither good nor evil: Further, he saw another city which was one hundred li squared. In it, there were tiled houses that were peaceful and pleasant. It was said that people who while alive did not do evil things and also did not do good things would be in this ghost realm, and after one thousand years they were able to go out and become human beings again. ⍰夳ᶨ❶炻䷙⺋䘦慴炻℞䒎⯳⬱⯭⾓㦪炻ḹ烉Ⱦ䓇㗪ᶵἄら炻Ṏ ᶵ䇚┬炻䔞⛐櫤嵋炻⋫㬚⼿↢䇚Ṣˤ169 According to Buddhist scriptures, the karma of those people is wujiġ 䃉姀 (Avyākrta), or unrecordable, which is neither good nor bad (cannot be classifijied under moral categories) and is one of the three states of karmas.170 In the same tale, however, the lord says that Residence of Good Fortune is for Buddhist devotees: “Following Buddhist dharma, observing the Five Precepts and Ten 167

168 169 170

For a whole picture of the concept of rebirth as an animal in medieval China, see Donald Edward Gjertson, “Rebirth as an Animal in Medieval Chinese Buddhism,” Bulletin of the Society for the Study of Chinese Religions 8 (Fall 1980): 56–69. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 434–35; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 171. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 427. The three types of karmas are good, bad, and undefijinable.

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Good Characteristics, and distributing alms with a merciful heart, [one] will be reborn in the Residence of Good Fortune, and live peacefully without anything to do.” ᷣ侭妨: “⣱ἃ㱽㊩Ḽㆺ⋩┬, ヰ⽫ⶫ㕥, 䓇⛐䤷况, ⬱晙䃉䁢ˤ” This is related to what this piece promotes – following the dharma and upholding the precepts: Tai asked, “What should a person do while he is alive in order to be happy [after his or her death]?” The supervisor replied, “Only the followers of the dharma who make great efffort in practice and never violate the precepts will be happy.” [Tai] asked further, “If the sins committed by a person when he/she did not believe in Buddha are piled up like a mountain, yet now he/she has begun to follow the dharma, would those sins be wiped out?” [The supervisor] replied, “All of the sins will be wiped out.” 㲘⓷Ṣ䓇ỽẍ䇚㦪炻ᷣ侭妨烉Ⱦⓗ⣱ἃ⻇⫸炻䱦忚ᶵ䉗䤩ㆺ䇚 㦪俛ˤȿ⍰⓷烉Ⱦ㛒⣱ἃ㗪炻伒忶Ⱉ䧵烊Ṳ⣱ἃ㱽炻℞忶⼿昌 ⏎烎ȿ㚘烉Ⱦ䘮昌ˤ”171 It seems that the Residence of Good Fortune is for both of those who were neither good nor evil and those who committed sins but later followed the path of the Buddhist dharma. The depiction in “Shu Li” provides more details: Li entered the gate. He saw several thousand tiled rooms, all hung with bamboo curtains and furnished with beds and couches. Men and women stayed separately. Some were chanting sutras, some were singing hymns, and some were eating leisurely. All of them were happy beyond expression. 䥖ℍ攨炻夳㔠⋫攻䒎⯳炻䘮ㆠ䪡ⷀ炻冒䃞⸲㥣炻䓟⤛䔘嗽炻㚱 婎䴻侭炻⒬῰侭炻冒䃞梚梇侭炻⾓㦪ᶵ⎗妨ˤ “Zhao Tai” also depicts another place in the netherworld, dizhong ⛘ᷕġ (Middle of the Earth), which was for those who were evil, but not evil enough to be put in hells: He saw another city, which was more than fijive thousand steps wide and was called the Middle of the Earth. Those who were punished there could not bear the sufffering. There were around fijifty or sixty thousands men 171

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 427.

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and women, all naked without any clothing; and they helped each other in hunger and fatigue. Seeing [Zhao] Tai, they kowtowed to him and wept. ⍰夳ᶨ❶炻⺋㚱Ḽ⋫检㬍炻⎵䁢 “⛘ᷕ”ˤ优嫓侭ᶵ⟒劎䖃ˤ䓟 ⤛Ḽℕ叔炻䘮墠⼊䃉㚵炻梊⚘䚠㈞ˤ夳㲘炻⎑柕┤⒕ˤ

3 Sinicization in the Process of “Transplanting” Buddhist Hells Of course, the changes depicted above do not mean that the Chinese netherworld was replaced by Buddhist hells. For example, tale 116 of Youming lu reads: During the period of Huan Xuan [reign, 402–404], when the oxen were stricken by an epidemic, there was a man who ate the meat of a dead ox and accordingly became ill and died. After he died, he saw someone who, holding a notebook, took him up to heaven. An honorable man asked, “What crime did this man commit?” The netherworld offfijicial replied, “This man committed the crime of eating the meat of a dead ox.” The honorable man said, “Now we need oxen for transportation. Since [after death] they are not able to do it, their meat is being taken as food for common people. Why kill him further?” The honorable man then urged the offfijicial to allow him to return [to the human world]. Having been revived, the man told the story in detail. Thereupon none of those who ate ox meat had any illnesses again. 㟻䌬㗪炻䈃⣏䕓炻㚱ᶨṢ梇㬣䈃倱炻⚈⼿䕭ṉˤ㬣㗪夳Ṣ➟ 抬炻⮯军⣑ᶲˤ㚱ᶨ屜Ṣ⓷ḹ烉Ⱦ㬌Ṣỽ伒烎ȿ⮵㚘烉Ⱦ㬌⛸ 梇䕓㬣䈃倱ˤȿ屜Ṣḹ烉ȾṲ枰䈃ẍ廱廠炻㖊ᶵ傥炻倱ẍ⃭䘦 ⥻梇炻ỽ㓭墯㭢ᷳˤȿ⁔Ẍ怬ˤ㖊㚜䓇炻℟婒℞ḳˤ㕤㗗梇䈃 倱侭炻䃉墯㚱かˤ172 In this story, too, the place for people to go after death is heaven. It is noteworthy that the honorable man’s words are contrary to one of the Buddhist fijive precepts, which prohibits eating meat. While indicating that the Youming lu is not a collection that solely promotes Buddhism, neither does this tale reflect a pre-Buddhist netherworld in China. It seems likely that this tale was created specifijically to counter Buddhist beliefs. However, the response of Chinese 172

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 386; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 117.

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culture to Buddhism is not limited to this type of resistance but also includes the well-known process of Sinicization. In the process of transplanting Buddhist hells into Chinese literature, sinicization was an important feature. As stated, Buddhist hells entered Chinese literature through the use of the image and concept of Mount Tai, but the earliest depictions of hells in Chinese literature difffer greatly from those in Indian Buddhism. Chinese visions of hell absorbed many indigenous Chinese components from Daoism and folklore, which can be seen clearly in the Youming lu. It is obvious that many offfijicials in the hells in Chinese literature are from Chinese tradition. In “Zhao Tai,” the fujunġ⹄⏃ġ(governor) of Mount Tai, the head of the netherworld from indigenous Chinese tradition, serves together with Daoist priests, bodhisattvas, and Buddhist monks under the Buddha. But in many stories the lord of hell is still the fujun. Appearing frequently in the hell as an offfijicial, the siming is also from Chinese tradition.173 This feature is also evident in Buddhist scriptures of this period. In some scriptures, for example, hell is named Mount Tai. The lord of Mount Tai, siming, and silu ⎠䤧ġ (Controller of Emoluments) are taken as Buddhist gods in hells. In Buddhist scriptures the sanguan ᶱ⭀ġ(three offfijicials) were changed into fijive offfijicials. The systems of recording people’s lives and deaths, of judging people’s deeds and guilt, and of governing are all from Daoism.174 The system of recording lifespan in the hell is also from Chinese tradition. As the main prop of the plot, shousuan ⢥䬿, or “the fijixed lifespan” of people, is an indigenous Chinese concept that can be traced back to the Western Zhou period.175 Dong Zhongshu’s 吋ẚ冺 Chunqiu fanlu 㗍䥳䷩曚ġ(Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn) says, “Humans receive their lifespan from Heaven” Ṣ⍿␥㕤⣑.176 In Daoist scriptures, such as the Taiping jing and Baopuzi, humans’ life and death, good fortune and calamities, frustrations and successes, and honors and humilities all depend on the good or bad deeds they have done 173

174 175 176

See Lü Simian⏪⿅≱ (1884–1957), Lunxue jilin 婾⬠普㜿 [Collected Academic Research Works] (Shanghai: Shanghai jiaoyu chubanshe, 1987), p.  672. In the Chu ci, Siming is divided into two fijigures: Da siming ⣏⎠␥ (Great Controller of Fate) is in charge of life and death while Shao siming ⮹⎠␥ (Lesser Controller of Fate) is in charge of calamity, luck, and offfspring as well. See Xiao Dengfu, Fo Dao shiwang diyu shuo ἃ忻⋩䌳⛘䋬婒 [The Theory of Ten Kings Hell in Buddhism and Daoism] (Taibei: Xinwenfeng chubangongsi, 1996), pp. 31–235. Lü Simian, Lü Simian dushi zhaji ⏪⿅≱嬨⎚㛕姀 [Lü Simian’s Reading Notes on Historical Texts] (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1982), pp. 485–93. Hong Kong Zhongwen daxue Zhongguo wenhua yanjiusuo, Chunqiu fanlu zhuzi suoyin, p. 4.

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in their lives.177 Everything one does will be recorded and judged by siming and silu in the netherworld. “If one did a grand evil deed, siming will take three hundred days from his lifespan; if it was a small one, siming will take three days from his lifespan” 埴らḳ⣏侭, ⎠␥⤒䲨, ⮷忶⤒䬿.178 The Buddhists accepted the idea of predetermined lifespan and included it in Buddhist scriptures; examples can be found in Foshuo shiwang jingġἃ婒⋩䌳䴻 [The Ten Kings Sutra by Buddha] and Lengyan jing 㤆♜䴻ġ[Śūraṃgama Sūtra].179 In the Youming lu, the issue of lifespan appears frequently, and errors in counting one’s lifespan become the main determination of whether a person can return to the mortal world. Furthermore, certain punishments in hell were of Chinese origin. For example, as previously noted in “Zhao Tai,” “After all the judgment was fijinished, Zhao Tai was assigned a mission as Inspector of Waterworks, and he took more than one thousand people to transport sand and shore up river banks.” This type of scene is certainly Chinese rather than Indian, and this type of punishment can also be seen in Chinese Buddhist scripture.180 Sinicization, as exemplifijied in the Youming lu, also became the main characteristic of hell depictions in later literature. A noted example is the “Tang Taizong ru ming ji” Ⓒ⣒⬿ℍ⅍姀 [Records of Tang Taizong Entering the Netherworld] of the bianwen 嬲㔯ġ (transformation text) genre.181 As mentioned, Maeno Naoaki’s article fijirst addressed the influence of the Buddhist concept of hell in the tale about Zhao Tai, but his assumption about the development of the theme in later years is highly doubtful. His article suggests that the lord of the netherworld in the tales of the Six Dynasties, the fujun, or governor (of Mount Tai), was not replaced by Yama until the appearance of the Tang dynasty literature; yet when the king Yama appeared, the Chinese conception of the netherworld had already become completely

177 178

179

180 181

Wang Ming, ed., Taiping jing hejiao Taiping jing hejiao, pp. 464, 124. “Dui su” ⮵὿ in Baopuzi 3. See Wang Ming 䌳㖶, ed. Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi  ㉙㛜⫸ℭ 䭯㟉慳 [The Master Who Embraces Simplicity with Collations and Explanations] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1980), 3. 47. See Xiao Dengfu, Daojiao yu Fojiao, pp. 128–29; Stephen F. Teiser, The Scripture on the Ten Kings and the Making of Purgatory in Medieval Chinese Buddhism (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994), pp. 196–219. See Erik Zürcher, “Buddhist Influence on Early Daoism: A Survey of Scriptural Evidence,” in T’oung Pao, LXVI (B): 128. Concerning the meaning of this term, see Victor H. Mair, T’ang Transformation Texts, Harvard-Yenching Monograph Series 28 (Cambridge: Harvard University Council on East Asian Studies Publications, 1988), pp. 36–72.

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controlled by Buddhism.182 It is worthy of notice that Maeno is not alone. One of the best known scholars in modern China, Tai Jingnong 冢朄彚, made a similar argument,183 which is still influential today, at least in mainland China.184 In fact, however, this argument is an exaggeration that is contrary to the facts. First, it is not necessarily true that there was no Yama in the tales of the Six Dynasties. In certain tales of the Youming lu and Xuanyan ji, Yama already appears as the lord of hell.185 For example, a story about Li Tong 㛶忂ġ (tale 263) in Youming lu reads: Li Tong, a native of Pucheng,186 came back from death, saying, “I saw Fuzu [fl. 300],187 the Buddhist monk, explaining the Suramgama Sutra to Yama, the king. I also saw the Daoist priest Wang Fu [fl. 300],188 in fetters, begging Fuzu to listen to his confession of sins, yet Fazu was not willing to do that.” 呚❶㛶忂, 㬣ḹ: 夳㱁攨㱽䣾䁢散伭䌳嫃椾㤆♜䴻; ⍰夳忻⢓䌳㴖 幓塓挾㡘, 㯪䣾ㆢ〼, 䣾ᶵ偗崜ˤ189

182 183 184

185

186 187 188 189

Maeno Naoaki, “Meikai yugyo,” pp. 112–49. See his “Fojiao gushi yu zhongguo xiaoshuo ἃ㔁㓭ḳ冯ᷕ⚳⮷婔 [Buddhist Story and Chinese Fiction],” in Fojiao yu zhongguo wenxue, ed., Zhang Mantao, p. 70. See Xia Guangxing ⢷⺋冰, “Mingjie youxing: cong Fodian jizai dao Sui Tang Wudai xiaoshuo ⅍䓴忲埴烉 ⽆ἃ℠姀庱⇘昳ⒸḼẋ⮷婒 ŜTraveling in the Netherworld: From the Records in Buddhist Sutras to the Fiction of the Five Dynasties, the Sui, and the Tang]”, Zhonghua wenhua luntan ᷕ厗㔯⊾婾⡯ [Forum for Chinese Culture] 4 (2003): 80–85. This article is also included in Chen Yuanji 昛⃩⎱, etc. ed., Fojing wenxue yanjiu lunji ἃ㔁㔯⬠婾普ġ[Collected Works on Buddhist Literature] (Shanghai: Fudan daxue chubanshe, 2004), pp. 417–39. Yama in the mythology of India is the king of the dead. The Vedas describe him as the fijirst man who explored the hidden regions and discovered the road that became known as “the path of the father.” In post-Vedic times he presided over a complicated system of hells, becoming known as the just judge (dharmaraja) who weighs the good and evil deeds of the dead and determines their retribution. See Donald Alexander Mackenzie, Indian Myth and Legend (London: Gresham, 1913), pp. 39–42. The modern city of Changyuan 攟❋ in Henan. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3. 37. Fazu named Boyuan ⷃ怈, a native of Henei 㱛ℏ (Qin 㰩 County of Henan). His biography is found in the Liang gaozeng zhuan. See Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, p. 327a. Wang Fu was a famous Daoist of the Eastern Jin. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 434; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 169.

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This is obviously a Buddhist story intended to praise the monk Fazu and defame the Daoist priest Wang Fu; the netherworld where Wang was fettered was most likely a Buddhist hell, and Yama appeared here as the lord of the hell. The portrayal of Yama as the king of hell appears in more than just this one tale, too. A story in Xuanyan ji reads: Cheng Daohui, styled Wenhe, was a native of Wuchang. In the past he did not believe in Buddhism, but worshipped the Way of Daoism, as his ancestors did. Then a Buddhist beggar questioned him, and he replied, “As for completely understanding principles and human nature, none surpasses Laozi and Zhuangzi.” Later he died of illness, and met the King Yama. He, for the fijirst time, knew that the Dharma of Buddhism was true; and right then he began to worship Buddha. 䦳忻ㄏ, ⫿㔯␴, 㬎㖴Ṣˤġ冲ᶵᾉἃ, ᶾ⣱忻㱽ˤġ㱁攨Ḇ侭, 庺娘 暋ᷳˤ婾ḹ: “劍䩖䎮䚉⿏, 䃉忶侩匲ˤȿġ⼴⚈䕦㬣炻夳散伭䌳炻 ⥳䞍ἃ㱽⎗ⲯ炻忪⌛⣱ἃˤ190 This piece was also clearly intended to promote Buddhism. Even if the story does not explicitly mention that it takes place in hell, the man’s meeting with Yama after death suggests that Yama is in charge of the afffairs of the netherworld. Both stories are in accordance with the theme of the “netherworld adventure.” Luoyang qielan ji 㳃春ụ啵姀 [Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang] by Yang Xuanzhi 㣲䁓ᷳ (fl. 547) also included a related story: Huiyi, the monk of Chongzhen Temple, had been dead for seven days, and he returned alive. Through an examination by Yama, the king, he was released for being mistakenly summoned. ⲯ䤶⮢㭼᷀ㄏⵟ, 㬣䴻ᶫ㖍怬㳣, 䴻散伭䌳㩊敚, ẍ拗⎔㓦⃵.191 As in the preceding two tales, hell is not mentioned directly but is clearly indicated. Maeno Naoaki considers this piece to be the earliest example in 190 191

Lu Xun, Ibid., p. 557. Zhou Zumo ␐䣾嫐, ed., Luoyang qielan ji jiaoshi 㳃春ụ啵姀㟉慳 [Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang with Collations and Explanations] (Taibei: Mile ⻴≺ chubanshe, 1982), p. 75.

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which Yama replaced the governor of Mount Tai, yet Luoyang qielan ji was written around the year 547 ce, more than one hundred years later than the Youming lu and the Xuanyan ji. This shows that Maeno Naoaki probably did not examine all the stories in the two collections, and, as a result, he probably did not notice the other two pieces. Furthermore, he takes the tale from the Luoyang qielan ji as an example of zhiguai but later overlooks it by saying that no zhiguai story mentions Yama. Even though these three tales do not change our understanding of the nature of netherworld depictions in the Youming lu, they show that Yama had already appeared in Chinese tales during the Six Dynasties period. Therefore, we don’t have to wait for Tang literature to fijind Yama. Second, his hypothesis about the main developmental trends of Buddhism in China is also groundless. Even if Buddhist elements increasingly appeared in narrative and other genres, they never “completely” dominated Chinese literature. In the history of the development of Buddhism in China, Buddhism’s influence on traditional Chinese thought has never been unidirectional; on the contrary, infijiltration and assimilation have always occurred together. In fact, an unalloyed Buddhist hell governed by Yama has never appeared in Chinese culture. The Governor of Mount Tai has never been replaced by Yama; instead, he became the Grand Emperor of the Eastern Mountain, the highest leader of the netherworld. After the Tang dynasty, the Governor of Mount Tai became an increasingly popular deity. Until the Ming and Qing periods, temple fairs were still held in front of the temple of the Eastern Mountain.192 In Daoism, the Great Emperor of Fengdu 惮悥ġis the highest leader of the netherworld.193 The King of Dizang ⛘啷ġ(Kṣitigarbha), a bodhisattva in Buddhism, also became the highest leader of the Chinese netherworld.194 Even though Yama has been more popular than the other heads of the netherworld, he has never monopolized the depiction of the netherworld.195 Yama himself was sinifijied quickly after he was introduced in Chinese literature and culture. His name changed from Yama to King Yama, his attire changed, and he even 192

193 194

195

See Ma Shutian 楔㚠䓘, Zhongguo mingjie zhushen ᷕ⚳⅍⯮媠䤆 [Chinese Gods of the Netherworld] (Beijing: Tuanjie chubanshi, 1998), pp. 50–51; Lü Zongli ⏪⬿≃, Zhongguo minjian zhushenᷕ⚳㮹攻媠䤆 [Popular Gods of China] (Shijiazhuang: Hebei jiaoyu chubanshe, 2001), 2. 406–13. See Lü Zongli, Ibid., 2. 431–34. For the development of Bodhisava Dizang in Chinese culture, see Zhiru Ng, The Making of a Savior Bodhisattva: Dizang in Medieval China (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 2007); Françoise Wang, Le bodhisattva Kṣitigarbha en Chine du Ve au XIIIe siècle (Paris: Presses de l’Ecole française d’Extreme Orient, 1998). See Ma Shutian, Zhongguo mingjie zhushen, pp. 3–51.

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became the head of one of the ten courts in the Chinese hell.196 Yama himself could even be replaced by a historical fijigure or a real man. The most noted Yama in Chinese popular culture is Bao Zheng ⊭㊗ġ(999–1062).197 Inspired by the traditions found in the theme of the netherworld adventure tales, a man who is summoned to hell can sometimes serve as Yama.198

From Heaven to Buddha: Changing Images of the Savior After Buddhism was introduced into China and became widespread, Guanyin, or Avalokiteśvara, became the dominant new savior by replacing Heaven, the conventional indigenous Chinese savior. While reading the heterogeneous collections of supernatural tales in early medieval China, however, the image of Guanyin cannot be found anywhere. This brings up a question: what is the whole picture regarding the changing images of savior in Chinese culture, especially during the time when Guanyin had not yet become dominant? The portrayals of the savior in the Youming lu are most likely among the earliest depictions of the changing images of the savior in Chinese narrative. It is fascinating that the indigenous Chinese Heaven, the Buddhist Buddha, and the Daoist Northern Dipper all appear in this collection as the savior. A comparison of these three saviors and an analysis of the change in this theme will provide us with a clearer picture of the transition of the images of the savior in Chinese literature and culture as well as shed light on the spread of Buddhist belief in early medieval China. 196

197 198

In the Tang period, for example, the domain of hell was believed to be administered by an imposing succession of ten kings – Qinguang wang 䦎⺋䌳 (The Far-Reaching King of Qin), Chujiang wang 㤂㰇䌳 (The King of the Chu River), Songdi wang ⬳ⷅ䌳 (The Imperial King of Song), Wuguan wang Ḽ⭀䌳 (The King of the Five Offfijices), Yenluo wang 散伭䌳 (The King of Yama), Biancheng wang 嬲ㆸ䌳 (The King of Transformations), Taishan wang 㲘Ⱉ䌳 (The King of Mount Tai), Pingdeng wang ⸛䫱䌳 (The Impartial King), Dushi wang 悥ⶪ䌳 (The King of the Capital), and Wudao zhuanlun wang Ḽ忻廱廒䌳 (The King who Turns the Wheel [of Rebirth] in the Five Paths). Even though the ten hells were obviously inspired by Buddhist hells, only three of the kings are of Indian origin; the other seven are of indigenous Chinese origin. Cf. Stephen Teiser, The Scripture on the Ten Kings and the Making of Purgatory in Medieval Chinese Buddhism. Ma Shutian, Zhongguo fojiao zhushen ᷕ⚳ἃ㔁媠䤆 [Buddhist Gods in China] (Beijing: Tuanjie chubanshi, 1994), pp. 350–51. See “Li Boyan”㛶ỗ妨 and “Xi Fangping” ⷕ㕡⸛ in Liaozhai zhiyi 俲滳⽿䔘 [Strange Tales from Make–do Studio] (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1979), pp. 130–31; 581– 84.

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1 Heaven: the Traditional Chinese Savior Since the Shang ⓮ġ(traditionally attributed c. 1600–c. 1028 bc) and Zhou ␐ġ (c. 1027–256 bc) dynasties, Heaven has been depicted as a high god who dominates the world of creatures. Heaven is omnipotent, knowing every word and action of all people in the world. It responds to the afffairs of human beings by both bestowing good fortune and sending down calamities, and also by acting as the agent of protection and the supervisor of human beings.199 The story about Peng E ⼕⧍ġ in Youming lu (tale 69), from this tradition, tells of a girl by the name of Peng E who is attacked by rebels: During the rebellion of Yongjia [311] of the Jin, the prefectures and counties had no constant lords, and the powerful bullied the weak. In Yiyang County, there was a girl by the name of Peng E.200 Her parents and brothers, more than ten in total, were attacked by rebels from Changsha. At that time Peng E carried a bucket on her back and went out to fetch water from a river. Hearing that the rebels had arrived, she ran back. Having seen that the blockhouse was broken, she could not endure the sadness and fought against the rebels barehanded. The rebels tied her up, drove her to the side of the river, and were about to kill her. By the side of the river there was a big mountain, with clifffs about several dozen zhang high.201 Peng E looked up at the sky and shouted, “How could there not be a spirit in Heaven? What crime have I committed so that I deserve to be treated like this?” Then she ran toward the mountain. The mountain opened several zhang wide immediately, with an even road leading inside as smooth as a whetstone. Running after Peng E, the rebels entered into the mountain, too. Then the mountain closed as it had been before and the rebels’ bodies were all crushed to death inside while their heads were exposed outside of the mountain. The water bucket that Peng E discarded became a stone with a shape resembling a rooster. Thus the local people named the mountain Stone Rooster Mountain, and the river [Peng] E Pool. 㗱㯠▱ᷳḪ炻悉䷋䃉⭂ᷣ炻⻟⻙䚠㙜ˤ⭄春䷋㚱⤛⫸炻⥻⼕⎵ ⧍ˤ䇞㭵㖮⻇⋩ἁ⎋炻䇚攟㱁屲㇨㓣ˤ㗪⧍屈☐↢㰚㕤㹒炻倆 199 200 201

Feng Youlan 楖⍳嗕, Zhongguo zhexue shi ᷕ⚳⒚⬠⎚ [History of Chinese Philosophy] (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1935), pp. 54–55. Yiyang was modern Yichun ⭄㗍 of Jiangxi. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3. 26–27. Zhang equals 10 feet.

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屲军崘怬炻㬋夳⠊⡩⶚䟜炻ᶵ⊅℞⑨炻冯屲䚠㟤ˤ屲䷃⧍炻槭 ↢㹒怲炻⮯㭢ᷳˤ㹒晃㚱⣏Ⱉ炻䞛⡩檀㔠⋩ᶰˤẘ␤㚘烉Ⱦ䘯 ⣑⮏㚱䤆ᶵ烎ㆹ䇚ỽ伒炻侴䔞⤪㬌ˤȿ⚈⣼崘⎹Ⱉ炻Ⱉ䩳攳炻 ⺋㔠ᶰ炻⸛嶗⤪䟍炻佌屲Ṏ徸⧍ℍⰙ炻Ⱉ忪晙⎰炻㲗䃞⤪⇅ˤ 屲䘮⡻㬣Ⱉ塷炻柕↢Ⱉ⢾炻⧍忪晙ᶵ⽑↢ˤ⧍㇨况㰚☐炻⊾䇚 䞛炻⼊Ụ暆ˤ⛇Ṣ⚈嘇㚘䞛暆Ⱉ炻℞㯜䁢⧍㼕ˤ202 This is a story about the traditional Chinese agent of protection. The means of securing protection, invoking the name of the High God, is not found in early texts, but is found in the augural books of the Han.203 2 Buddha: a Buddhist Savior Along with the transmission and spread of Buddhism in China, new agents of protection appeared. Central to popular Mahayana doctrine was the idea that salvation could be obtained through worship and invocation of the name of the Buddha(s) or bodhisattvas. As mentioned in Chapter 2, Guanshiyin, or Avalokiteśvara, was one of the earliest Buddhist saviors to appear in Chinese literature. The tales included in the Guanshiyin yingyan ji and Xu Guanshiyin yingyan ji are all stories about achieving salvation by worshiping or invoking the name of Avalokiteśvara. Among the thirty-fijive tales of Liu Yiqing’s Xuanyan ji, ten tales belong to this category. A puzzling phenomenon is that the Youming lu does not contain a single tale that can be classifijied as this type of story. The only fijigure with a similar function is Buddha, who appears as a savior in the place of Avalokiteśvara. As the Buddhist agent of protection, Buddha appears in “Zhao Tai” as a great man, ten feet tall, whose face is golden-colored and whose neck radiates sunlight, sitting on a bed. Numerous Buddhist monks are standing by to wait on him, while noted Daoist priests and bodhisattvas sit all around him. The Governor of Mount Tai comes to greet him. When Zhao Tai asks an offfijicer who this great man is, the offfijicer says, “He is the Buddha, master of converting and salvaging people in the heavens and this world.”204 While Buddha never appears in the three earliest collections of Buddhist miracle tales previously mentioned, the salvation of people through the worship of Buddha appears in one tale in the Youming lu (tale 253). In this story, the son of a household that worships Buddha is sent to demons, raksasas, 202 203 204

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 372; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 144. See Ma Xiaohong 楔 㙱 嘡, Tian shen ren ⣑䤆Ṣ [Heaven, Gods, and Human Beings] (Beijing: Guoji wenhua chuban gongsi, 1988), p. 90. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 25–26.

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by the government of the state. When he and his family all chant the name of Buddha, the demons are unable to approach them because of the power of Buddha: During the Song reign there was a state that was close to the raksasas. The raksasas entered its territory several times, eating countless people. The king of the state made an agreement with the raksasas, which says, “From today on each of the families in this state will have a special day of duty. On this day the family on duty should send [a boy] to you. Please do not kill people randomly anymore.” A family of Buddha devotees had an only son at the age of ten, who was the next boy should be sent [to the raksasas]. At the time of his departure, his parents wailed bitterly, and then chanted the name of Buddha wholeheartedly. Because Buddha’s power was great, the raksasas could not get close to the boy. The next morning, the parents found that their son was still alive and they returned home together happily. From then on, the calamity of the raksasas ceased completely. [Lives of] people in this state had [indeed] relied on this family. ⬳㚱ᶨ⚳炻冯伭⇡䚠役ˤ伭⇡㔠ℍ⠫炻梇Ṣ䃉⹎ˤ䌳冯伭⇡䲬 妨烉冒Ṳ⶚⼴炻⚳ᷕṢ⭞炻⎬⮰ᶨ㖍炻䔞↮復⼨炻⊧墯㜱㭢ˤ 㚱⣱ἃ⭞炻ょ㚱ᶨ⫸炻⥳⸜⋩㬚炻㫉䔞⃭埴ˤ况⇍ᷳ晃炻䇞㭵 ⑨嘇炻ὧ军⽫⾝ἃ炻ẍἃ⦩䤆≃⣏炻櫤ᶵ⼿役ˤ㖶㖍炻夳⫸⯂ ⛐炻㬉╄⎴㬠ˤḶ勚忪䳽炻⚳Ṣ岜䂱ˤ205 The problem here is the question of who is the Buddha in this story. In Indian Buddhism, Sakyamuni, the founder of Buddhism, is the most sacred fijigure. According to the belief of the Hīnayāna school, only Sakyamuni became Buddha. But in the Mahāyāna school, Buddha is not only Sakyamuni. In Chinese Buddhist temples, three Buddhas sit together in line: Sakyamuni, the Healing Buddha, and Amitayus Buddha.206 Amitayus, the lord of the Pure Land in the west, is also called the Wuliangshou 䃉慷⢥ġBuddha (the Buddha of Infijinite Life Span). According to the Longer Sukhāvatīvyūha Sūtra, long ago Amitayus learned from the eighty-fijirst Buddha about the glories of the innumerable Buddha lands, whereupon he vowed to create his own Buddha land, drawing into it all the creatures who invoked his 205 206

Lu Xun, Ibid., p. 430; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 165. Ren Jiyu ả两グ, Zongjiao dacidian ⬿㔁⣏娆℠ [The Big Dictionary of Religion] (Shanghai: Shanghai cishu chubanshe, 1998), p. 203.

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name, accumulated merit, and concentrated on enlightenment. In the Shorter Sukhāvatīvyūha Sūtra, however, the blessed land is accessible to anyone who invokes Amitayus before death. In China the Pure Land cult can be traced back as far as the Eastern Jin period, when the Buddhist scholar Huiyuan formed a society of monks and laymen who meditated on the name of Amitayus.207 Since then, belief in the Pure Land has been widespread in China. In general, the “Buddha” in “chanting the name of Buddha” refers to the Buddha of Amitayus.208 However, the purpose of chanting his name is normally not to stop temporary disaster, but rather aimed at rebirth in the Pure Land and escape from the cycle of endless transmigration. So it is doubtful that the Buddha in this piece is Amitayus. According to Buddhist scriptures, the agent who saves human beings from various emergencies is the Avalokiteśvara or Guanyin, which literally means “Perceiver of the World’s Sounds.”209 “The Universal Gateway of the Bodhisattva Perceiver of the World’s Sounds” in Fahua jing (the Lotus Sutra) says: If someone, holding fast to the name of Bodhisattva Perceiver of the World’s Sounds, should enter a great fijire, the fijire could not burn him. This would come about because of this bodhisattva’s authority and supernatural power. If one were washed away by a great flood and called upon his name, one would immediately fijind himself in a shallow place.  Suppose there were a hundred, a thousand, ten thousand, a million living beings who, seeking for gold, silver, lapis lazuli, seashell, agate, coral, amber, pearls, and other treasures, set out on the great sea. And suppose a fijierce wind should blow their ship offf course and it drifted to the land of rakshasa demons. If among those people there is just one who calls the name of Bodhisattva, Perceiver of the World’s Sounds, then all those people will be delivered from their troubles with the raksasas. This is why he is called Perceiver of the World’s Sounds.  If a person who faces immediate threat of attack should call the name of Bodhisattva Perceiver of the World’s Sounds, then the swords and staves wielded by his attackers would instantly shatter into so many pieces and he would be delivered.  Though enough yakshas and raksasas to fijill all the thousand millionfold world should try to come and torment a person, if they hear him 207 208 209

Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin nanbeichao fojiaoshi, pp. 365–73. Ren Jiyu, Zongjiao dacidian, p. 203. Burton Watson, trans., The Lotus Sūtra (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), p. 299.

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calling the name of Bodhisattva Perceiver of the World’s Sounds, then these evil demons will not even be able to look at him with their evil eyes, much less do him harm. 劍㚱㊩㗗奨ᶾ枛厑啑⎵侭, 姕ℍ⣏䀓, 䀓ᶵ傥䅺ˤ䓙㗗厑啑⦩䤆 ≃㓭ˤġ劍䁢⣏㯜㇨㺪, 䧙℞⎵嘇, ⌛⼿㶢嗽ˤġ劍㚱䘦⋫叔€䛦䓇, 䁢㯪慹戨䎱䐫䠐䢚䐒䐁䍲䐂䏍䍨䛇䎈䫱⮞, ℍ㕤⣏㴟ˤġ`ἧ湹桐 ⏡℞凡凓, 㺪⡖伭⇶櫤⚳ˤ℞ᷕ劍㚱ᷫ军ᶨṢ, 䧙奨ᶾ枛厑啑⎵ġ 侭, 㗗媠Ṣ䫱, 䘮⼿妋僓伭⇶ᷳ暋ˤẍ㗗⚈䶋, ⎵奨ᶾ枛ˤġ劍⽑㚱 Ṣ, 冐䔞塓⭛, 䧙奨ᶾ枛厑啑⎵侭, ⼤㇨➟↨㛾, ⮳㭝㭝⢆, 侴⼿妋ġ 僓ˤġ劍ᶱ⋫⣏⋫⚳⛇, 㺧ᷕ⣄⍱伭⇶, 㫚Ἦ゙Ṣ, 倆℞䧙奨ᶾ枛厑 啑⎵侭, 㗗媠ġら櫤, ⯂ᶵ傥ẍら䛤夾ᷳ, 㱩⽑≈⭛?210 This piece does not mention Buddha. Moreover, Guanyin is not a Buddha. Of course, there is evidence that Guanyin has been called Buddha Guanyin. Baqiongshi jinshi buzheng ℓ䑲⭌慹䞛墄㬋ġ(Inscriptions on Ancient Bronzes and Stone Tablets from Eight Jade Room with Additions and Corrections) records the inscription on a statue, which says, “I cast one statue of Buddha Guanyin [on behalf of my] deceased parents and younger brother, and wish that they were reborn together in the Pure Land [in the west]” ˎṉ䇞㭵ṉ ⻇炻忈奨ᶾἃġᶨ⋨炻栀⃇⎴䓇㶐⛇.211 In the Xi Guanshiyin yingyan ji by Lu Gao of the Southern Qi, the following dialogue appears: “Where does the monk Guanshiyin come from?” The Buddhist monk replied, “He is a Buddha, not a man of the world of mortals.” 奨ᶾ枛㗗ỽ嗽忻Ṣ烎忻Ṣ㚘烉Ⱦ㗗ἃ炻朆ᶾ攻Ṣḇˤ”212 So it is reasonable to say that the fijirst example was not a mistake.213 It is tempting to take the Buddha in the tale from the Youming lu in question as Guanyin. But treating him as such would be merely a hypothesis. The narrator seems unfamiliar with the theory about Avalokiteśvara in the Lotus Sutra. 210 211 212 213

“Fahua jing,” in Taishō Tripitaka, 9. 56; Burton Watson, The Lotus Sutra, p. 299. Lu Zengxiang 映⡆䤍 (1816–1882), ed., Baqiongshi jinshi buzheng (Beijing: Wenwu chubanshe, 1985), p. 101. Fu Liang, Guanshiyin yingyan ji, p. 33. Liu Changdong ∱攟㜙, Jin Tang Mito jingtu xinyang yanjiu 㗱Ⓒ⻴旨㶐⛇ᾉẘ䞼䨞 [Study of the Belief in Amitābya During Jin and Tang] (Chengdu: Bashu shushe, 2000), p. 191.

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Another interpretation has to do with the phenomenon of dislocation, which was not unusual in popular belief. In the Northern Dynasties, for instance, someone who wished for rebirth in the Pure Land in the west, which is hosted by Amitayus, built a statue of Buddha. Some even built a statue of Mile ⻴≺ġ Buddha (Maitreya) and Avalokiteśvara.214 The phenomenon of dislocation suggests that the people who sought rebirth in the Pure Land in the west had little knowledge of the doctrine of the Pure Land. In their minds, Buddha, Amitayus, and Avalokiteśvara were conflated. Similarly, the author of the story in question might not have known much about Avalokiteśvara; instead, he might have known only that by chanting the name of Buddha, one could be saved. It is also likely that the Buddha in question is the Buddha himself, or Amitayus. Volume 7 of Da zhidu lunġ⣏㘢⹎婾 (Mahāprajñāpāramitā-śāstra; Great Treatise on the Perfection of Wisdom) says that invoking Buddha’s name may remove various anxieties;215 volume 6 of Liudu jijing suggests a similar idea.216 Another tale found in Mingxiang ji suggests that the Buddha in question could also be Amitayus: “Since the Jin, Song, Liang, Chen, Qin, and State of Zhao, Avalokiteśvara, Ksitigarbha, Maitreya, and Amitābha have had their names chanted, and people who have been saved in that way are numerous.” 冒㗱ˣ⬳ˣ㠩ˣ昛ˣ䦎ˣ嵁⚳, 奨枛ˣ⛘啷ˣ⻴≺ˣ⻴旨, 䧙⎵⾝婎, ⼿㓹侭ᶵ⎗⊅䲨.217 Here Amitayus acts as an agent of protection. This brings up an important question: as books about Guanyin had frequently appeared, why is there not a single occurrence of Guanyin in the Youming lu? One reasonable explanation is that, at that time, stories about Guanyin had not been widespread at the popular level, even though some Buddhists had created such stories. In other words, even though the stories about salvation through Guanyin had been created and spread among some literati, common people in the early Southern Dynasties were still unfamiliar with Guanyin and could not distinguish him from Buddha; and Guanyin’s stories were not widespread in the lower classes of society. This argument can be supported by the fact that in the miscellaneous collections of tales around that age, such as Soushen houji and Yiyuan, there is also no trace of Guanyin. 214 215

216 217

Liu Changdong, Jin Tang Mito jingtu xinyang yanjiu, pp. 186–190. Nāgārjuna (c. 150–250), Da zhidu lun (Taibei: Zhenshanmei chubanshe, 1967), trans., Kumārajīva 沑㐑伭Ṩ (344–413), 7: 91–103; Taishō Tripitaka, vol. 25, no. 1509, 7: 108–14; and Etienne Lamotte, trans., Le traité de la grande vertu de sagesse de Nāgārjuna [Mahāprajñāpāramitāśāstra]( Louvain, Institut orientaliste, Bibliothèque de l’Université, 1966), T 1, chapter 7. Kang Senghui, trans., Liudu ji jing, vol. 3. In Zhonghua dazangjing, division 1, 51–52: 21646– 661. See “Sun Jingde” ⬓㘗⽟, in Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 111. 765.

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3 Northern Dipper: Daoist Savior Besides Heaven and the Buddha, another savior called Beidou, or Northern Dipper, also appears in the Youming lu. Tale 212 tells of a man who chants the name of the god of the Northern Dipper in his mind when he is caught by demons: A man of Wuzhong by the name of Gu went to a farmhouse and set out in the daytime.218 While about a little more than ten li away from the farmhouse, he heard an indistinct sound coming from the northwest. Lifting his head, he found four to fijive hundred people wearing red clothes and measuring twenty feet tall, had arrived swiftly and circled him in three rings. Gu’s breathing almost stopped, and his body could not move. As dusk was about falling, the siege had still not ended. His mouth could not speak, so he chanted the name of the Northern Dipper in his mind. Within the time it takes to have a meal, the demons said to each other, “He holds his mind toward the god; we should release him.” Suddenly he felt as if the fog had been removed. Gu went back to the house, lying down in exhaustion. ⏛ᷕṢ⥻栏炻⼨䓘况ˤ㘅埴炻⍣况⋩检慴炻Ữ倆大⊿晙晙ˤ⚈ 冱椾炻夳⚃Ḽ䘦Ṣ炻䘮崌堋炻攟Ḵᶰ炻ᾷ⾥侴军ˤᶱ慵⚵ᷳ炻 栏㯋⣬⣬ᶵ忂炻廦廱ᶵ⼿ˤᶼ军㘉炻⚵ᶵ妋ˤ⎋ᶵ⼿婆炻⽫␤ ⊿㔿ˤ⍰梇枫炻櫤䚠媪㚘烉Ⱦ⼤㬋⽫⛐䤆炻⎗况⍣ˤȿ審⤪曏 昌ˤ栏㬠况炻䕚㤝再ˤ219 Worship of constellations was an important part of early Chinese religion.220 The Chinese found that, compared with other stars, the Northern Dipper appeared to move in a diffferent way, circling Polaris and never falling below the horizon. It is located at the center of Heaven and, supposedly, the residence of the God of Heaven. For this reason scholars relate the Northern Dipper to the God of Heaven and regard it as a the diche ⷅ干, “imperial carriage.”221 In the Daoist system, which accepted the traditional worship of constellations, there are fijive dippers: the Northern Dipper, Southern Dipper, Eastern Dipper,

218 219 220 221

Wuzhong was located where Wu ⏛ County of Jiangsu is today. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 413–14; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 164. See Edward H. Schafer, Pacing the Void: Tang Approaches to the Stars (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), pp. 42–162. “Tianguan shu” ⣑⭀㚠 [Treaty of Heavenly Offfijicials (of Stars)] of Shi ji, 27. 1291.

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Western Dipper, and Middle Dipper. Their duties are all related to the protection of human life and prolonging people’s lifespan.222 The Northern Dipper is described in the Daoist canon as the center of Heaven, and it controls the fate of people regarding poverty and richness, calamity and good fortune, as well as life and death.223 If one sincerely prays to it, every inquiry will get a response, according to Daoism.224 The Northern Dipper was also deifijied as seven Daoist gods, the Lords of the Northern Dipper, who have the ability to save people from every type of disasters.225 From the late Tang to the Song dynasty, the seven stars became nine stars in the religious folk belief, and the nine stars belief has lasted until today in China and Southeast Asia.226 Although a method of avoiding disasters by chanting the names of gods is shown in the augural books of the Han,227 the Daoist way of salvation through chanting for the Northern Dipper seems clearly influenced by Buddhism. As volume one of Taishang xuanling beidou benming yansheng zhenjing zhu ⣒ᶲ 䌬曰⊿㔿㛔␥⺞䓇䛇䴻㲐 [Commentary on the Real Scripture of the Most Exalted, Mysterious, and Numinous Northern Dipper for Prolonging One’s Life Span] says, “The Northern Dipper is at the center of Heaven, and it is in the mind of people. The mind is the Northern Dipper and the Northern Dipper is the mind; it resembles the way that the mind is Buddha and Buddha is the 222 223

224

225 226 227

See Edward H. Schafer, Pacing the Void, pp. 54–162. Ge Hongġ吃㳒 (284–364) says in chapter “Weizhi ⽖㖐 [The Meaning of Subtlety]” in his Baopu zi ㉙㑚⫸ [The Master who Embraces Simplicity] that the body of a human being is inhabited by a kind of tiny worm called sanshi ᶱ⯠(three corpses), which oversees the behavior of its host and reports his/her sin on the gengshen ⹂䓛day, day of the monkey, to the siming (Controller of Fate), and the host will be punished according to the sin he or she commited. See Wang Mingĭed., Baopu zi neipian jiaoshi, 6.125. This belief was later transmitted into Japan and became popular. See Fukui Kōjun 䤷ḽ⹟枮, Dōkyō 忻㔁 2: 忻㔁̯⯽攳 [Tōkyō: Hirakawa Shuppansha, 1983], p. 334–36. This belief is supposedly related to the tale of Jiang Ziwen 吳⫸㔯ġfound in volume 5 of the Soushen ji. An English translation of this tale is found in DeWoskin and Crump, trans., In Search of the Supernatural: the Written Records (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), pp. 53–54. See Hu Fuchen 傉⬂䏃, ed., Zhonghua daojiao dacidian ᷕ⚳忻㔁⣏录℠ [A Comprehensive Dictionary of Daoism] (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1995), p.  1478. For Han examples of Northern Dipper protection, see Mark Csikszentmihalyi, Readings in Han Chinese Thought (Indianapolis, I: Hackett Publishing Company, 2006), pp. 156–166. Daomen kefan daquanji 忻攨䥹䭬⣏ℐ普 [A Comprehensive Collection of Daoist Regulations], vol. 75. See Hu Fuchen, Ibid., p. 1478. Fukui Kōjun, Dōkyō, p. 334. Ma Xiaohong, Tian shen ren, p. 90.

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mind” ⊿㔿⛐⣑⯭⣑ᷳᷕ炻⛐Ṣ⯭Ṣᷳ⽫炻⽫⌛⊿㔿炻⊿㔿⌛⽫炻⤪ ⌛⽫㗗ἃ炻⌛ἃ㗗⽫㗗ḇ.228 On the other hand, Chinese Buddhism also accepted the Northern Dipper, the Daoist deity, as Buddhist deity. One of the Buddhist scriptures says that the lords of the seven Northern Dippers are transformed from the seven Buddhas.229 This tale exemplifijies the tendency to blend Daoism and Buddhism in Chinese culture.

Conclusion In sum, the Youming lu demonstrated the historical thematic changes under the impact of Buddhism which occurred in the development of medieval Chinese literature and culture. The concept of retribution, or bao, is deeply rooted in Chinese culture. As a moral concept, it is found in the Laozi and Shi jing. As a religious concept, heavenly retribution, it can be traced back to the Shang and the Western Zhou. Demonic retribution, a combination of heavenly and ethical retribution, appeared as early as the Zuo zhuan. As it continuously spread in the orthodox historical writings, it became a popular theme in the Zhiguai, “anomaly accounts.” In the Youming lu, indigenous demonic retribution is a popular theme, but in many stories this theme becomes blurred because the demonic fijigure is not directly evident, showing a tendency of intermingling with the Buddhist notion of retribution, xianshi bao. Most importantly, stories with explicit Buddhist flavor, such as those featuring the themes of retribution for killing creatures and animals’ repaying debts of gratitude, as well as those featuring Buddhist karmic retribution, appear in the collection in large numbers. The historical change of the concepts of bao as demonstrated in the Youming lu is signifijicant not only in the history of Chinese literature but also in the history of Chinese religion and culture. In literary works of later times, the new concepts of retribution became the most important, if not dominant, themes. From the perspective of Chinese religion and culture, the tales in the collection not only indicate that Buddhist concepts of retribution had entered the realm of literature, but had also contributed to the development of Chinese religion.

228 229

Daomen kefan daquanji, vol. 75, in Hu Fuchen, Zhonghua daojiao dacidian, p. 1478. Xiao Dengfu, Daojiao yu fojiao (Taibei: Dongda tushu gongsi, 1995), pp. 47–49; see also his Daojiao xingdou fuyin yu fojiao mizong 忻㔁㗇㔿䫎⌘冯ἃ㔁⭮⬿ [Stars and Magic Figures in Daoism and the mi Sect in Buddhism] (Taibei: Taiwan xinwenfeng chuban gongsi, 1993).

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The netherworld, including heaven and under-earth, has a long history in Chinese culture. Those realms located under the earth include huangquan, youdu, and Mount Tai. The indigenous Chinese netherworld consists of a variety of places for the dead to live where there is no harsh punishment. The Youming lu is the fijirst tale collection in which some components of the Buddhist concept of hells were added onto the Chinese netherworld, especially the Mount Tai. The depictions of netherworld court trials and physical torture appear for the fijirst time, indicating that the Buddhist concept of hells had begun to be transplanted into Chinese literature and culture. Besides, depictions of the new netherworld, such as the “City of Receiving Transformation” and “Good Fortune Residence,” are not only fresh but also strikingly creative. Since the Shang and Zhou dynasties, Heaven has been depicted as a high god who dominates the world of creatures. Heaven is omnipotent, knowing every word and action of all people in the world. He responds to the afffairs of human beings by both bestowing good fortune and sending down calamities, and also by acting as the savior of human beings. In the Youming lu, however, the function of Heaven as the savior is shared by a new savior – the Buddha. The development of Buddhism in China was, however, not as Maeno Naoaki and Tai Jingnong have outlined. Even though Buddhist elements increasing· ly appeared, they have never completely dominated Chinese literature. For example, the Chinese visions of hell absorbed many indigenous Chinese components from Daoism and folklore. Many offfijicials in the hells, such as fujun, siming, and silu, are from Chinese tradition, as were certain punishments and the system of recording lifespans in hell. Yama himself was also Sinifijied soon after he was introduced in Chinese folklore. In the cultural history of Buddhism in China, Buddhist thoughts infijiltrated Chinese literature through a dual, simultaneous process of infijiltration and assimilation. What we have found in the Youming lu is in accord with the general dynamic of the growth of Chinese Buddhism, as many scholars have depicted.

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Chapter 4

Buddhist Imagery in Early Medieval China as Seen in the Youming Lu In the Youming lu, along with evident thematic changes under the impact of Buddhist beliefs, there are many new images closely related to, or directly derived from, Buddhist scriptures. These include images of Buddhist monks, nuns, and demons. The portrayal of monks and nuns in this collection was among the earliest examples and exerted influence on other literary works, historical texts, and Buddhist hagiography of later times. The presence of Buddhist demons, such as yaksa, raksasa, and Ox-Head, signifijies that Buddhist demons had begun to enter the realm of Chinese narrative. This chapter observes the creation of new fijictional fijigures and images in the Youming lu under the impact of Buddhist culture by examining the portrayal of these images and its characteristics, tracing the origins and evolution of these images, and revealing the influence of Buddhist imagery depictions in this collection upon literary works as well as religious and historical texts of later times. Important prior studies of Buddhist imagery include Mu-chou Poo’s article, “The Images of Immortals and Eminent Monks,” and John Kieschnick’s book, The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography.1 Poo’s article compares the images of immortals and eminent monks in several ways based on two collections: Ge Hong’s 吃㳒 (284–363) Shenxian zhun 䤆ẁ⁛ġ [Biographies of Immortals] and Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan. He classifijies the monks in the Gaoseng zhuan into two groups: monks whose accomplishments were closely related to the teaching or propagation of Buddhist scriptures and monks who possessed unusual abilities or magical powers. He observed that one-third of the eminent monks in the Gaoseng zhuan possess supernatural powers, and “This reflects not only what the monks might have presented themselves to be, or what the author would like the monks to be, but, more importantly, what the images of monks in the eyes of the people were.”2 Kieschnik’s book is a study of the representations of monks in three major biographical compilations by Huijiao, Daoxuan 忻⭋ (596–667), and Zanning 1

2

See Mu-chou Poo’s “The Images of Immortals and Eminent Monks”, Numen, 42 (1995): 172–96; and John Kieschnick, The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997). Mu-chou Poo, “The Images of Immortals and Eminent Monks,” p. 183.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/9789004277847_006

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岲⮏ (919–1001). Unlike prior scholarship, which concentrated on winnowing out fabulous elements in an attempt to uncover a factual core, Kieschnik “has chosen instead to set aside the historicity of the accounts and accept them as representations of the image of the monks, of what monks were supposed to be.”3 The similar approach in both studies is applicable here.

Images of Buddhist Monks As one of the “Three Treasures” of Buddhism, the monk can never be separated from Buddha and his teachings, the dharma. Sixth and thirteenth century sources record that in the tenth year of Yongping 㯠⸛ (67) of the Han, Chinese envoys, who were sent by Emperor Ming to seek Buddhist scriptures, met the Buddhist monks Kāśyapa Mātanga 徎⎞㐑儦 and Zhu Falan 䪢㱽嗕 (Dharmaratna), and they entered China together carrying the Buddhist scriptures on the back of a white horse.4 These two foreign monks were perhaps the earliest Buddhist monks in the history of China. As Buddhism spread widely in China, the number of Buddhist monasteries increased gradually, and Buddhist monks became more and more numerous.5 Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan included biographies of 257 prominent monks spanning the period from the tenth year of Yongping to the eighteenth year of Tianjian ⣑䙹(519), and stories of 243 more monks are attached to these biographies.6 Prior to the Gaoseng zhuan, however, 3 4 5

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John Kieschnick, The Eminent Monk, p. 1. See Zhi Pan ⽿䡸 (d.1270), Fo zu tongji ἃ䣾䴙姀 [Comprehensive Record of Buddha and the Patriarchs] (Nanjing: Jiangsu Guangling guji keyinshe, 1991), p. 3a-b. A source of the Tang Dynasty furnished the following fijigures concerning the growth of the monastic community in Southern dynasties:  Dynasty Number of Temples Number of Monks  Eastern Jin 1,768 24,000  Liu Song 1,913 36,000  Qi 2,015 32,500  Liang 2,846 82,700 From Kenneth K.S.  Ch’en, Buddhism in China (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964), p. 136. This was the fijirst collection of biographies which deal exclusively with Buddhist monks. It records the transmission of Buddhism into China, the translation of Buddhist scriptures, the association between intellectuals and Buddhist monks, the literary activities of monks, and religious stories concerning Buddhist monks. This book is influential and important in the history of Chinese Buddhism and literature. See Huijiao et al., Gaoseng zhuan heji, pp. 1–101. Studies of this book include Zheng Yuqing 惕恩⌧, Gaoseng zhuan yanjiu 檀₏⁛䞼䨞 [Study of Biographies of Prominent Monks] (Wenjin chubanshe,

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depictions of monks could be found in collections of supernatural tales, and the Youming lu was among them. Buddhist monks fijirst appeared in collections of tales during the Jin 㗱ġ dynasty, such as Zhenyi zhua 䒬䔘⁛ [Selected Anomaly Accounts] by Dai Zuo ㇜䤂 (fl. Late Jin), the Linggui zhi by Mr. Xun 勨, and the Soushen ji by Gan Bao (fl. 335–349). Unlike the majority of monks in Chinese history, who translated Buddhist scriptures and spread Buddhist dharma, monks in these tales are mostly noted for their supernatural powers or magical arts. They are often anonymous. Among the three stories concerning Buddhist monks in the recompiled collection of the Linggui zhi, for example, one describes the unusual talent of a monk who could communicate with ghosts,7 while the other two stories focus on the magical arts of anonymous foreign Daoists.8 In the Soushen ji, a man from India has strange abilities, such as ejecting fijire from his mouth and cutting offf his tongue and then re-attaching it.9 The Youming lu inherited the characteristics of monk depictions from the collections that appeared before it. As in the Linggui zhi, there are also anonymous monks with supernatural power in the Youming lu. The “foreign monk” in tale 262 has comprehensive knowledge of the universe.10 In tale 152, a non-Chinese Buddhist monk can foresee the results of battles:

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1987); John Kieschnick, The Eminent Monk: Buddhist Ideals in Medieval Chinese Hagiography (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1997); Arthur F. Wright, “Hui-chiao’s Lives of Eminent Monks,” in Silver Jubilee Volume of the Zinbun-Kenkyūsyo (Kyōto: Kyōto University, 1954), pp. 383–432; Mu-chou Poo, “The Images of Immortals and Eminent Monks,” in Numen, 42 (1995): 172–96; and Makita Tairyoo 䈏䓘媎Ṗ, ed., Liang Gaoseng zhuan suoyin 㠩檀₏⁛䳊⺽ [A Concordance to the Biographies of Prominent Monks of Liang] (Zongqing tushu chubanshe, 1986).  After the Liang, Daoxuan of the Tang Ⓒ wrote Xu Gaoseng zhuan 临檀₏⁛ [Continuation of Biographies of the Prominent Monks], also called Tang Gaoseng zhuan Ⓒ檀 ₏⁛ [Biographies of Prominent Monks of the Tang]; Zanning et al. of the Song ⬳ wrote Song Gaoseng zhuan ⬳檀₏⁛ [Biographies of Prominent Monks of the Song]; and Ruxing ⤪ア (fl. 1605) of the Ming 㖶wrote Da Ming Gaoseng zhuan ⣏㖶檀₏⁛ [Biographies of Prominent Monks of the Great Ming]. The format of these texts basically followed the Liang Gaoseng zhuan. They are jointly called Sichao Gaoseng zhuan ⚃㛅檀 ₏⁛ [Biographies of Prominent Monks in the Four Dynasties]. All four of these books can be found in Huijiao et al., Gaoseng zhuan heji. Lu Xun, ed., Guxiaoshuo gouchen, in Lu Xun quanji, 8. 314. Lu Xun, Ibid., pp. 316–17. Gan Bao, ed. Soushen ji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju,1979), p. 23. Lu Xun, Ibid., pp.  433–34; Zheng Wanqing ed., Youming lu, 1. 22. In the Southern and Northern Dynasties period, Hu seng 傉₏ (foreign monks) referred to monks from the West, including India, Parthia, etc.

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When Yao Hong’s (r. 415–417) uncle Shao,11 the General-in-chief, was in charge of all the military afffairs, he summoned a foreign Buddhist monk and inquired if [his future] would be auspicious or not. Thus the monk made a large pancake with flour, which was ten feet in diameter. The monk sat on it, ate the western side fijirst, then the northern side, then the southern side, and then rolled up the rest and swallowed it. When he fijinished the monk got up and left without a single word. In the fijifth month of that year, Yang Sheng (r. 395–425) defeated Yao’s troops at Qingshui.12 In the ninth month, Jin troops launched an expedition northwards, recovering and pacifying Ying and Luo.13 Finally they swept through Feng and Gao,14 and captured Yao Hong alive there. ⦂㱻⍼䇞⣏⮯幵䳡䷥⎠ㆶ㓧, ㊃傉₏⓷ẍẹ␶ˤ₏ᷫẍ湝䁢⣏梭 ⼊, ⼹ᶨᶰ, ₏⛸⛐ᶲ, ⃰梇㬋大, 㫉梇㬋⊿, 㫉梇㬋⋿, ㇨检㌚侴⏆ ᷳ, 妾ὧ崟⍣, Ḯ䃉㇨妨ˤ㗗㬚Ḽ㚰, 㣲䚃⣏䟜⦂幵㕤㶭㯜; ḅ㚰㗱 ⷓ⊿妶, 㬠⭂䧶㳃, 忪ⷕ㌚寸擸, 䓇㑺㱻䂱ˤ15 In this tale, the monk does not say a single word. But it seems he has the ability to make predictions through other means and each of his actions is meaningful. The pancake may suggest that the territory Yao Hong held would be eaten up as easily as the monk consumes the pancake. Rolling up the pancake symbolizes the defeat of Yao Hong and the Jin troops’ sweeping of the Feng and Gao. A prominent feature of the depiction of Buddhist monks in Youming lu is the inclusion of noted historical fijigures, such as An Qing ⬱ⅲ (fl. 148–171),16

11

12 13

14

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Yao Hong (388–417) was the last emperor of the Qiang 伴 state Later Qin 䦎. After the Later Qin was conquered by the Jin general Liu Yu, he was delivered to the Jin capital Jiankang and executed. See his biography in Fang Xuanling, Jin shu, 119. 3007. Yao Shao was the brother of Yao Hong’s father, Yao Xing ⦂冰 (366–416). Yang Sheng was the Lord of Qiuchi ṯ㰈, a state in modern Gansu. Qingshui was a city northwest of modern Qingshui in Gansu. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3. 43–44. The Ying River rises at southwest of Mount Song ⴑ in Henan and enters the sea at Shouyang ⢥春, Anhui; The Luo River originates at Mount Hua 厗 and flows through Luoyang (Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi ditu ji, 4. 9–10). Ying and Luo here refer to the area of central China south of the Yellow River. Both the Feng River and the Gao River are branches of the Wei River 㷕㯜, west of the modern city of Xi’an. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi ditu ji, 4. 54–55. Feng and Gao refer to the area around modern Xi’an, Shanxi. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 397; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 175. A detailed account of An Qing will be given below.

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Fotudeng ἃ⚾㼬 (232–348),17 and Zhu Falan.18 Portrayals of these fijigures are among the earliest depictions of such prominent people. “Fotudeng” (tale 89) depicts Fotu’s capacity for prognostication: Shi Le (r. 319–332) asked Fotudeng,19 “Can Liu Yao (d. 329) be caught?20 Is there any portent in which that can be seen?” Deng ordered his servant boy to practice abstinence [from meat and wine] for seven days. Then [he] put some sesame oil in his palm, rubbed it, set a piece of sandalwood on the fijire, and chanted incantations. After a while, he raised his palm toward the boy, and in it was something distinctly unusual. Deng asked, “Did you see anything?” The boy replied, “I only saw a military man who was tall, large, and white, with an unusual appearance. His arms were tied up with a red silk thread.” Deng said, “This was none other than Liu Yao.” In that very year, [Shi Le] captured Liu Yao alive as expected. 䞛≺⓷ἃ⚾㼬: “∱㚄⎗㑺, ⃮⎗夳ᶵ?” 㼬Ẍ䪍⫸滳ᶫ㖍, ⍾湣㱡㌴ ᷕ䞼ᷳ, 䅶㕫㨨侴␺ˤ㚱枫, 冱ㇳ⎹䪍⫸, ㌴ℏ㗫䃞㚱䔘ˤ㼬⓷, “㚱㇨夳ᶵ?” 㚘: “ⓗ夳ᶨ幵Ṣ, 攟⣏䘥䙁, 㚱䔘㛃, ẍ㛙䴚䷃℞偀ˤ” 㼬㚘: “㬌⌛㚄ḇˤ” ℞⸜, 㝄䓇㑺㚄ˤ21 As a noted Buddhist monk in the Jin dynasty, Fotudeng was said to have mastered many magical arts. This tale reflects one of the earliest legends of him. This legend is also found in Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan:

17

18

19 20 21

Fotudeng was a famous Indian monk of the Jin, noted for his magical arts. He came to Luoyang in the fourth year of Yongjia 㯠▱ (307–312) of the Jin, and was trusted by Shi Le 䞛≺, emperor of the Later Zhao ⼴嵁 (319–351). Fotudeng had a large number of disciples who were devoted to the Buddhist dharma. Owing to him and Shi Le, Buddhism flourished in Luoyang, and 893 Buddhist monasteries were built. His biography is found in Jin shu, 95. 2484. Zhu Falan was one of the Indian monks mentioned above who entered China together with Chinese envoys sent by Emperor Ming, carrying the Buddhist scriptures on the back of a white horse in the tenth year of Yongping (67) of the Han. According to Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan, the foreign Daoist in tale 262 of Youming lu was Zhu Falan. See Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 1. 4. Shi Le was the founder of the Later Zhao in the Sixteen States period (303–436). His biography is found in the Jin shu, 104. 2707–33, 105. 2735–59. Liu Yao was the founder of Qian Zhao ⇵嵁 (Former Zhao; 318–329) in the Sixteen States period. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 378; Zheng Wanqing, You ming lu, 5. 174.

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Fotudeng was a native of the West,22 and his original surname was Bo. When he was young, he became a monk. He purifijied his mind, devoted himself to learning, and could chant several million words of sutras. …. In the fourth year of Yongjia reign of Emperor Huai of the Jin (311), he came to Luoyang, intending to carry forward the grand dharma. He was good at chanting incantations and able to enslave demons. When he mixed sesame oil and rouge and put them in his palm, events that occurred one thousand miles away could be seen clearly within his palm, as if they were occurring in front of you. He could also allow those who practiced abstinence to see them. In addition, he could foretell events by listening to the sound of bells and none [of his predictions] was failed. 䪢ἃ⚾㼬侭, 大➇Ṣḇˤ㛔⥻ⷃ㮷ˤ⮹↢⭞, 㶭䛇⊁⬠, 婎䴻㔠䘦 叔妨ˤ…… ẍ㗱㆟ⷅ㯠▱⚃⸜, Ἦ怑㳃春, ⽿⻀⣏㱽ˤ┬婎䤆␺, 傥⼡ἧ櫤䈑ˤẍ湣㱡暄傕傪⟿㌴, ⋫慴⢾ḳ䘮⽡夳㌴ᷕ, ⤪⮵朊 䂱, Ṏ傥Ẍ㻼滳侭夳ˤ⍰倥懜枛ẍ妨ḳ, 䃉ᶵ≦槿ˤ23 Unlike the story from the Youming lu, here the statement that “events that occurred one thousand miles away could be seen clearly within his palm” describes one of Fotu’s talents, but that talent is not one of prediction, such as listening to the sound of bells. The detailed depiction below shows this more clearly: Until the eleventh year of Guangchu (328), [Liu] Yao himself led troops to attack Luoyang. … At that moment Deng painted his palm with something, looked at it, and found that there was a mass of people. Among the people there was a man whose neck was surrounded by a red silk thread. Therefore he told [Yao] Hong at the very time. It was just the time when [Liu] Yao was seized. 军⃱⇅⋩ᶨ⸜㚄冒䌯ℝ㓣㳃春 …… 㼬㗪ẍ䈑⟿㌴, 奨ᷳ夳㚱⣏ 䛦ˤ䛦ᷕ䷃ᶨṢ, 㛙䴚䲬枭ˤ℞㗪⚈ẍ⏲⻀ˤ䔞䇦ᷳ㗪㬋䓇㑺㚄 ḇˤ24 The story of Fotudeng in Youming lu had a direct influence upon historical writings, since the biography of Fotudeng in Jin shu copied Youming lu almost word for word: 22 23 24

Xi yu (areas of the West) refers to India and some small states between China and India, such as Guizi 潇 ℡, Shule 䔷 ≺, and Yutian Ḷ斿. Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 9. 63. Ibid., 9. 63.

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When [Liu] Yao attacked Luoyang himself and [Shi] Le was about to save it, the subjects under him all remonstrated with him that they considered it not feasible. With this problem Le visited Deng. Deng said, “…. after your troops were sent out you would catch Yao.” Furthermore, Deng ordered his servant boy to practice abstinence for seven days. He fetched some sesame oil, mixed with rouge, and personally rubbed them in his palm. When he raised his palm to show the boy, there was a bright light. Startled, the boy exclaimed, “There were many soldiers and horses. I saw a man who was tall, large, and white. His arms were tied up with a red silk thread.” Deng said, “This was none other than [Liu] Yao.” Le was very happy. Finally he went to Luoyang to defend Yao, and captured Yao alive. ⍲㚄冒㓣㳃春炻≺⮯㓹ᷳ炻℞佌ᶳ渡媓ẍ䁢ᶵ⎗ˤ≺ẍ姒㼬炻 㼬㚘烉“……幵↢㋱⼿㚄ḇˤ” ⍰Ẍᶨ䪍⫸㻼滳ᶫ㖍炻⍾湣㱡⎰傕 傪炻幔冒䞼㕤㌴ᷕ炻 冱ㇳ䣢䪍⫸炻䱚䃞㚱廅ˤ䪍⫸樂㚘烉“㚱幵 楔䓂䛦炻夳ᶨṢ攟⣏䘥㘛炻ẍ䟫䴚䷃℞偀ˤ”㼬㚘烉“㬌⌛㚄 ḇˤ” ≺䓂〭炻忪崜㳃嶅㚄炻䓇㑺ᷳˤ25 Just like the author of the story in the Youming lu, here the author considers the ability to cause distant events to appear in one’s palm as one means of foreseeing important events. This is obviously derived from the Youming lu.26 The depiction of Buddhist monks here reflects the understanding people had at that time of Buddhism and what Buddhist monks were. Worship of miraculous power is a religious behavior, and as a result, monks who possessed miraculous powers became the objects of worship. This might be the reason why so many monks with miraculous powers appear in tales, religious biographies, and even formal histories. “The Prince of Anxi” (tale 254) describes a prince’s unusual actions and his three lives. It stands out among the biographies of monks. This story had a great influence on later religious biographies. The entry on “An Qing” in Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan, for instance, was directly derived from this story. Below is a detailed comparison of “the Prince of Anxi”27 in Youming lu and the biography of An Qing in Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan:28

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27 28

Fang Xuanling, Jin shu, 95. 2486. According to Wang Guoliang’s study, there are twenty tales in the Jin shu copied from the Youming lu almost word for word. See his Wei Jin nanbeichao zhiguai xiaoshuo yanjiu, p. 324. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 430–01; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 166. Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan, 1. 4.

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Youming lu

Gaoseng zhuan

An Shigao, the marquis, was the prince of Anxi State (Parthia). He became a monk together with the son of a great patron and studied the way [of enlightenment] in a city in Shewei (an old state in India). Every time a host refused to help them, the son of the great patron would become angry. Shigao always admonished him.

An Qing, styled Shigao, was the heir of the King of Anxi State.…In a previous life he had already become a monk, and he had a classmate who lost his temper easily. While begging for food, each time a patron refused him, he would then become angry. Gao remonstrated with him from time to time, [yet] in the end he never corrected his errors.

ᆹ‫ן‬ц儈㘵ˈ⬱〗⚳䌳⫸DŽ㠷བྷ䮧㘵 ⬱㶭⫿ᶾ檀, ⬱〗⚳䌳㬋⎶ᷳ⣒⫸ ‫ࠪޡ‬ᇦˈᆨ䚃㠽㺋෾DŽῤᷣᶵ䧙ˈབྷ ḇˤ…… ⃰幓⶚䴻↢⭞ˤ㚱ᶨ⎴⬠, ⣂ 䜳ˤ↮堃ῤ㕥ᷣᶵ䧙, 㭷庺ㆇ【ˤ檀Ⰺ≈ 䮧㘵ᆀ䖴ᚊˈц儈ᚂથᡂѻDŽ 姞媓, 䳪ᶵぃ㓡ˤ Having roamed for twenty-eight years, [Shigao] said that he should go to Guangzhou. It happened that there was a revolt at the time. A man met Gao and drew his knife out without a hitch, saying, “I have truly gotten you!” Gao replied with a laugh, “I owed you a debt in a previous life, and thus I came from afar to repay you.” Then the man killed him. A teenager said, “This stranger, who came from a state far away, could speak our language, and did not show any sign of reluctance. Should he be a deity?” The people all laughed in astonishment.

It had been so for more than twenty years, thus he bid farewell to his classmate, saying, “I should go to Guangzhou to fijinish paying a debt from a previous life. You are devoted and diligent in learning the sutras, and have never been left behind me. However, by nature you have too much anger, thus you are destined to receive an ugly form. If I achieve the Way [of enlightenment], I would certainly save you.” Not long afterwards, he went to Guangzhou. There was just chaos caused by robbers when he arrived. While walking he ran across a teenager, who drew his knife out without a hitch and said, “I have truly gotten you!” Gao replied with a laugh, “I owed you a debt in my previous life, and owing to that I came to repay you. Your anger is of course from your consciousness of a previous life.” Then he stuck his head out to receive the knife, without a sign of fear on his face; and thus the robber killed him. Those who were watching fijilled the passes, and all were shocked at his marvel.

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Youming lu

Gaoseng zhuan

␐㕳Ḵ⋩ℓ⸜ˤḹ䔞军⺋ⶆˤῤḪ炻 㚱ᶨṢ忊檀炻ⓦㇳ㉼↨㚘: “䛇⼿㰅 䞋ˤ”檀⣏䪹㚘: “ㆹ⭧␥屈⮵炻㓭怈 Ἦ⃇ˤ”忪㭢ᷳˤ㚱ᶨ⮹⸜ḹ: “㬌怈⚳䔘Ṣ炻侴傥ἄ⏦⚳妨炻⍿⭛ 䃉暋刚炻⮮㗗䤆Ṣ᷶烎” 䛦䘮樯䪹ˤ

⤪㬌Ḵ⋩检⸜, ᷫ冯⎴⬠录始ḹ: “ㆹ䔞⼨ ⺋ⶆ䔊⭧ᶾᷳ⮵ˤ⌧㖶䴻䱦ㅫ, ᶵ⛐⏦ ⼴; 侴⿏⣂䜳⾺, ␥忶䔞⍿ら⼊ˤㆹ劍⼿ 忻, ⽭䔞䚠⹎ˤ” 㖊侴忪怑⺋ⶆ, ῤ⭯屲⣏ Ḫˤ埴嶗忊ᶨ⮹⸜, ⓦㇳ㉼↫㚘: “䛇⼿㰅 䞋!” 檀䪹㚘: “ㆹ⭧␥屈⌧, 㓭怈Ἦ䚠⃇ˤ ⌧ᷳ⾧⾺㓭㗗⇵ᶾ㗪シḇˤ” 忪䓛柠⍿ ↫, ⭡䃉ㆤ刚ˤ屲忪㭢ᷳˤ奨侭⠓旴, 卓 ᶵ榕℞⣯䔘ˤ

The spirit of Shigao returned and was reborn in the State of Anxi, becoming the son of the prince again, with the name of Gao. At the age of twenty, the Marquis of An discarded his lordship again so as to learn the Way [of enlightenment]. Ten and several more years later, he told those who studied together with him, “I shall go to Guiji [Commandery] to repay my debt.”29

Afterwards his soul returned and became the heir of the prince of Anxi, none other than the body of Shigao in this life. Gao traveled throughout China in order to transform its people. After he fijinished the afffairs of promoting the sutras, the reign of Emperor Ling was ending, and the area within the [Hangu] Pass and Luoyang was in chaos.30 Thus he went to the south of the Yangzi River, saying, “I should pass by Mount Lu to save my previous classmate.”

ᶾ檀䤆嬀怬䓇⬱⚳炻⽑䁢䌳ἄ⫸炻⎵ 㖊侴䤆嬀怬䁢⬱〗䌳⣒⫸, ⌛Ṳ㗪ᶾ檀幓 檀ˤ⬱ὗ⸜Ḵ⋩炻⽑彆䌳⬠忻ˤ⋩㔠 㗗ḇˤ檀忲⊾ᷕ⚳, ⭋䴻ḳ䔊, ῤ曰ⷅᷳ ⸜炻婆⎴⬠ḹ烉Ā䔞娋㚫䧥䔊⮵ˤā 㛓, 斄智㒦Ḫˤᷫ㋗拓㰇⋿, ḹ, “ㆹ䔞忶⺔ Ⱉ⹎㖼⎴⬠ˤ” As he passed by Mount Lu, he visited his friends; and then he passed through to Guangzhou. Seeing that the previous teenager was still alive, he went to his home directly and talked about the events of the past with him. [The young man] was greatly delighted, and he then followed him to Guiji.

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Gao arrived in Guangzhou again to look for the teenager who had killed him in his previous life. At that time the teenager was still alive. Gao went directly to his home, talked about the matter of repaying the debt, and spoke of the predestined lot of his previous life. He was happy toward him, saying, “I still have a debt left. Now I should go to Guiji to fijinish repaying the debt.” The man

The Guiji Commandery covered modern southeastern part of Jiangsu and western part of Zhejiang. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi ditu ji, 3. 26–27 Hangu Pass is northwest of Luoyang. See Tan Qixiang, Ibid., 3. 5–6.

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31 Youming lu

Gaoseng zhuan of Guangzhou realized that Gao was not a common man, and suddenly he understood it all. He regretted the previous grudge, provided handsome support, and accompanied Gao to travel eastward. Finally they reached Guiji.

忶⺔Ⱉ炻姒䞍嬀炻忪忶⺋ⶆˤ夳⮹⸜ 檀⼴⽑⇘⺋ⶆ, ⮳℞⇵ᶾ⭛⶙⮹⸜ˤ㗪⮹ ⯂⛐炻⼹㈽℞⭞炻冯婒㖼ḳ炻⣏㫋 ⸜⯂⛐, 檀䴻军℞⭞ˤ婒㖼㖍⃇⮵ᷳḳ, ╄ˤὧ晐军㚫䧥ˤ ⸞㔀⭧䶋ˤ㬉╄䚠⎹ḹ: “⏦䋞㚱检⟙ˤ Ṳ䔞⼨㚫䧥䔊⮵ˤ” ⺋ⶆ⭊ぇ檀朆↉, 審 䃞シ妋, 徥〼⇵ギ, ⍂䚠屯ὃ, 晐檀㜙忲, 忪忼㚫䧥ˤ While passing by the Monastery of Mount Ji, Shigao summoned the deity of the mountain and talked with him. The shape of the god of Mount Ji was like a python, his body was several dozen feet long, and he shed tears. Shigao spoke to him, and the python then left. Shigao also returned to his boat. There was a young man who got into their boat, kneeled down and went forward to receive incantation; then he disappeared. Shigao said,31 “The young man [you saw] a moment ago was the god of the temple, and he now is able to free of his ugly form.” It was said that the god of the temple was the son of the great patron. Later the temple attendant smelt a bad smell, and saw a dead python. From then on the temple god was gone.

31

He reached Qiuting Lake Monastery, which previously had numinous power. …. Gao, with the people from more than thirty boats that journeyed together with him, offfered sacrifijices to request good fortune. The god then passed down its words through the temple attendant, saying, “If there is a monk on the boats, you may summon him up.” The guests were all shocked, and they asked Gao to enter the monastery…. The god popped its head from behind a bed. It was a grand python, and none knew the length of its tail. The python reached the side of Gao’s knee. Gao spoke toward it in Sanskrit several times, and chanted the sutras several rounds. The python shed sad tears like rain, and disappeared in a short while. Gao then fetched some silk, bid farewell, and left…. In the evening there was a young man who boarded Gao’s boat and knelt down in front of Gao, received his incantation, and then

Originally Guangzhou ke ⺋ⶆ⭊ (the man from Guangzhou), it is corrected here according to a hand-copy edition of the Ming.

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Chapter 4 Gaoseng zhuan disappeared suddenly. Gao told the people on the boats, “The young man [you saw] a moment ago was the god of the Qiuting Monastery, and now he is able to get rid of his ugly form.” From then on the temple god disappeared, and no prayer had been efffective. Later someone saw a dead python in the river west of the mountain, which measured several li from head to tail.

彯䧥Ⱉ⺇炻␤䤆ℙ婆ˤ⺇䤆坺⼊炻幓 攟㔠ᶰ炻㶂↢ˤᶾ檀⎹ᷳ婆炻坺ὧ ⍣ˤᶾ檀Ṏ怬凡ˤ㚱ᶨ⮹⸜ᶲ凡炻攟 嶒⇵⍿␺ョ炻⚈忪ᶵ夳ˤᶾ檀㚘烉ġ “⎹⮹⸜⌛⺇䤆炻⼿暊ら⼊䞋ˤ” ḹ⺇ 䤆⌛㗗⭧攟侭⫸ˤ⼴⺇䤅倆㚱冕㯋炻 夳⣏坺㬣炻⺇⽆㬌䤆㫯⹁ˤ

埴忼ℙ旅ṕ㷾⺇ˤ㬌⺇冲㚱曰⦩…… 檀 ⎴㕭ᶱ⋩检凡, ⣱䈚婳䤷ˤ䤆ᷫ旵䤅㚘: “凡㚱㱁攨⎗ὧ␤ᶲˤ” ⭊①樂ソ, 婳檀ℍ ⺇ˤ……䤆⽆⸲⼴↢柕, ᷫ㗗⣏坺, ᶵ䞍⯦ ᷳ攟䞕, 军檀充怲ˤ檀⎹ᷳ㡝婆㔠䔒, 孂 ⒬㔠⣹ˤ坺ず㶂⤪暐, 枰冦怬晙ˤ檀⌛⍾ 䴡䈑, 录⇍侴⍣ˤ…… 㙖㚱ᶨ⮹⸜, ᶲ凡攟 嶒檀⇵, ⍿℞␺栀, ⾥䃞ᶵ夳ˤ檀媪凡Ṣ 㚘, “⎹ᷳ⮹⸜, ⌛ℙ旅ṕ⺇䤆⼿暊ら⼊䞋ˤ 㕤㗗⺇䤆㫯㛓, 䃉⽑曰槿ˤ⼴Ṣ㕤Ⱉ大㽌 ᷕ夳ᶨ㬣坺, 柕⯦㔠慴ˤ

Shigao went forward to Guiji and entered the gate of a market. It happened that there were some people fijighting each other, and someone hit Shigao’s head by mistake and he died right then. Thus the guest from Guangzhou worshiped Buddha more diligently.

Upon arrival he entered the market. It happened that there was chaos in the market. Those who were fijighting against each other wrongly hit Gao’s head, and this ended his life immediately. Having experienced the two repayments respectively in such a short period of time, the man of Guangzhou thus devoted himself to Buddhist dharma….

⇵军Ể䧥炻ℍⶪ攨炻ῤ㚱䚠ㇻ侭ˤ婌 军ὧℍⶪ, 㬋ῤⶪᷕ㚱Ḫˤ䚠ㇻ侭婌叿檀 柕, ㅱ㗪昽␥ˤ⺋ⶆ⭊柣槿Ḵ⟙ˤ忪䱦ㅫ ᷕᶾ檀柕炻⌛⋺ˤ⺋ⶆ⭊忪ḳἃ䱦 ἃ㱽 …… 忚ˤ

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An Shigao was a famous foreign monk in the Han period. According to the conventional viewpoint, he was a crown prince of Parthia who abandoned his rights to the throne in order to devote himself to religious life, even though he “had never been successfully identifijied with any Parthian prince fijiguring in occidental sources.”32 Tang Yongtong says that at the end of the Han, An Qing was the most productive Buddhist sutra translator, and a great master of Buddhism.33 Erik Zürcher considers him “the earliest and most famous among these masters…. who is the fijirst undoubtedly historical personality in Chinese Buddhism. It was probably he who initiated the systematic translation of Buddhist texts and who organized the fijirst translation team.”34 However, his biography in the Gaoseng zhuan does not focus on the facts in history, but instead follows the story in the Youming lu. Both the biography’s structure and plot are taken directly from the former text. Many words and even sentences are almost the same in both pieces of work. This shows that the Youming lu was copied not only by the compilers of the Jin shu, but also by religious biographers.35 The influence of stories about Buddhist monks extended beyond the domain of religion. These depictions not only provided the Gaoseng zhuan with important materials, but also opened the path for the type of novel that takes the numinous monk as its central hero. Examples include the Da Tang Sanzang qujing shihua ⣏Ⓒᶱ啷⍾䴻娑娙 [Storytelling of the Grand Tang Sanzang Seeking Buddhist Scriptures], Jigong zhuan 㾇℔⁛ [Biography of Mr. Ji], etc. The idea and depiction of sanshi ᶱᶾ (three periods) in the story about An Shigao had a heavy influence upon fijiction and drama of later times. The fact that reincarnation became a narrative model in fijiction and drama is clear evidence of this influence.36

32 33 34 35 36

Erik Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, p. 33. Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin nanbeichao fojiao shi, p. 54. E. Zürcher, Buddhist Conquest of China, p. 32. Even though there is the possibility that the two sources, the Youming lu and the Jin shu, jointly relied on a third source, such a source is not found thus far. Literary works with reincarnation as the basis of their narrative structure include “Sanguo zhi pinghua” [Storytelling of the Record of the Three Kingdoms], Jigong zhuan, “Wujie chanshi si Honglian ji [Five-precept Chan Master Lured by Honglian]” in Jingu qiguan [Marvels Old and New], Xu Jinping mei [Sequel to the Plum in the Golden Vase], etc.

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The Image of the Buddhist Nun As Buddhism spread throughout China, women began to join the ranks of the devotees of Buddhist dharma. Jingjian 朄㩊 of the Jin, a Buddhist nun of Zhulin si 䪡㜿⮢ (Zhulin Monastery) in Luoyang, has been considered the fijirst Bhikshuni.37 During the time of the Southern dynasties, there were many eminent nuns who had close connections with the court. They exerted enormous influence on society by preaching to the imperial households and nobility.38 The Biqiuni zhuan 㭼᷀⯤⁛ [Bhikshuni Biographies] by Baochang ⮞ⓙ (fl.465) is the fijirst book in Chinese history that deals exclusively with female devotees of Buddhism – the nuns.39 Prior to the Bhikshuni Biographies, stories of nuns had also been recorded in some collections of tales. Compared with Buddhist monks, Buddhist nuns in Youming lu are few and far between. The only formal depiction of a nun is found in tale 107, which depicts the fijigure’s ability to recover from the extraction of her fijive internal organs and the amputation of her feet, hands, and head: Huan Wen (312–373) harbored the mind of a usurper.40 At that time, a Buddhist nun came from afar. It was in the summer, during the fijifth month [of the year]. The nun was bathing in another room. Wen spied on 37 38

39

40

Her biography is in Baochang ⮞ⓙ (fl.465), Biqiuni zhuan 㭼᷀⯤⁛ [Bhikshuni Biographies]; see Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, p. 963. See Kathryn Ann Tsai, “The Chinese Buddhist Monastic Order for Women: The First Two Centuries,” Historical Reflections 8. no. 3 (1981), pp.  1–20; Lily Xiao Hong Lee, “The Emergence of Buddhist Nuns in China and Its Social Ramifijications,” The Journal of the Oriental Society of Australia, 18 & 19 (1986–87): 82–100; Erik Zürcher, “Religieuses et couvents dans l’ ancien bouddhisme chinois,” in Bouddhisme, christianisme et societe chinoise (Paris: Julliard, 1990); and Daniel L. Overmyer, “Women in Chinese Religions: Submission, Struggle, Transcendence,” in Koichi Shinohara and Gregorg Shopen, ed., From Benares to Beijing: Essays on Buddhism and Chinese Religions (London: Mosaic Press, 1991). See Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, pp. 963–77; Kathryn Ann Tsai, trans., Lives of the Nuns: Biographies of Chinese Buddhist Nuns from the Fourth to Sixth Centuries: A Translations of the Pi-ch’iu-ni chuan (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994); Li Rongxi, Biographies of Buddhist Nuns, Pao-chang’s Pi-chiu-ni-chuan (Osaka: Tōhōkan Inc., 1981); and Kathryn Ann Tsai, The P’i-ch’iu-ni-chuan Biographies of Famous Chinese Nuns from 317–516 CE (Unpublished dissertation, University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1972). Huan Wen was the Son-in-law of Emperor Ming 㖶ⷅ of the Jin. At fijirst he was the Governor of Jingzhou and later he wielded power arbitrarily as the Da sima ⣏⎠楔 (Commander-in-chief). He schemed to replace the Jin himself, but died before he succeeded. His biography can be found in Jin shu, 98. 2568–83.

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her stealthily and saw the naked nun cut her belly with a knife and take out her fijive internal organs (the viscera) fijirst, and next she severed her two legs, head, and hands as well. After a long while she fijinished bathing. Wen asked her, “Previously I saw you. How could you mutilate yourself like that?” The nun replied, “When you become the Son of Heaven, you should also be like that.” Wen felt disconsolate. 㟻㹓ℏ㆟䃉⏃ᷳ⽫ˤ㗪㭼᷀⯤⽆怈Ἦ, ⢷Ḽ㚰, ⯤⛐⇍⭌㴜, 㹓䩲 䩢ᷳ; 夳⯤墠幓, ⃰ẍ↨冒䟜儡, ↢Ḽ冇, 㫉㕟ℑ嵛, ⍲㕔柕ㇳˤ㚱 枫㴜䪇, 㹓⓷: “⎹䩢夳⯤, ỽ⼿冒㭀㭨⤪㬌?” ⯤ḹ: “℔ἄ⣑⫸, Ṏ䔞 ⤪㗗ˤ” 㹓のそᶵ〭ˤ41 Unlike the Bhikshuni Biographies, which selects those nuns who “had set their minds on ascetic practices and meditational achievements, who were pure and strong and known far and wide” 劎埴ᷳ䭨ˣ䥒奨ᷳ⥁ˣ䩳⽿屆⚢ˣ ⻀暯㚈怈,42 this tale depicts the magical art of the nun; and in this tale the magical art is obviously used to warn Huan Wen. This kind of warning is probably insignifijicant, but the image of the Buddhist nun in this story is signifijicant because: 1) it shows that in the minds of people of the time, nuns, resembling monks, were taken as fijigures who had unusual talents and thus became objects of worship; and 2) the means the Buddhist nun uses, selfautotomy and self-recovery, are noteworthy. A variant of this story is also found in Soushen houji; it reads: Huan Wen, the Commander-in-chief of the Jin, styled Yuanzi. In his later years an anonymous Buddhist nun from afar suddenly came to Wen and took him as a benefactor. The nun’s talent and behaviors were outstanding. Wen treated her with much respect, and allowed her to live inside his inner gate. Each time the nun bathed, it would certainly last to the change of time.43 With suspicion Wen peeped at her. He saw that the nun was naked; she cut open her belly with a knife, and took out her viscera; then 41 42 43

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 384; Zheng wanqing, You ming lu, 5. 156. Baochang, Biqiuni zhuan xu 㭼᷀⯤⁛⸷ [Preface to the Bhikshuni Biographies)], in Huijiao, Gaoseng zhuan heji, p. 962. In ancient China time was recorded by the system of Tiangan ⣑⸚ (Heavenly Stems) and Dizhi ⛘㓗 (Earthly Branches). A day was divided into twelve periods which were matched with the twelve Earthly Branches: ⫸ (23:00–1:00), ᶹ (1:00–3:00), ⭭ (3:00–5:00), ⌗ (5:00–7:00), 彘 (7:00–9:00), ⶛ (9:00–11:00), ⋰ (11:00–13:00), 㛒 (13:00–15:00), 䓛 (15:00–17:00), 惱 (17:00–19:00), ㆴ (19:00–21:00), and ṍ (21:00–23:00). Change of time periods indicates more than two hours.

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she cut her head offf her body, divided them all into parts and sliced them up. Being shocked and fearful, Wen went back. When the nun got out of the bathroom, her body was as usual. Wen asked her what was going on. The nun replied, “If you remove or bully the supreme ruler, your body should be like that.” At that time, [Huan] Wen was scheming to inquire about the tripods.44 Hearing that, he felt very unhappy. Owing to this, Wen was alert and fearful, and he maintained his integrity as a subject [without usurping the throne] in the end. Later the nun bid farewell and left, and nobody knew where she went. 㗱⣏⎠楔㟻㹓炻⫿⃫⫸ˤ㛓⸜炻⾥㚱ᶨ㭼᷀⯤炻⣙℞⎵炻Ἦ冒 怈㕡炻㈽㹓䁢㨨崲ˤ⯤ㇵ埴ᶵ⿺炻㹓䓂㔔⼭炻⯭ᷳ攨ℭˤ⯤㭷 㴜炻⽭军䦣㗪ˤ㹓䔹侴䩢ᷳˤ夳⯤墠幓㎖↨炻䟜儡↢冇炻㕕㇒ 幓椾炻㓗↮傼↯ˤ㹓⿒榕侴怬ˤ⍲军⯤↢㴜⭌炻幓⼊⤪ⷠˤ㹓 ẍ⮎⓷炻⯤䫼㚘烉“劍徸ⅴ⏃ᶲ炻⼊䔞⤪ᷳˤ”㖞㹓㕡媨⓷溶炻 倆ᷳそ䃞ˤ㓭ẍㆺわ炻买⬰冋䭨ˤ⯤⼴彆⍣炻ᶵ䞍㇨⛐ˤ45 Here the story provides more details, and its narration is clearer. This is likely a later work developed on the basis of the tale in the Youming lu.46 Of course, it could also be a variant in the records of the same story. Similar stories of the recovery of a mutilated body are found in the Youming lu. A noted tale (#140) describes Jia Bizhi 屰⻤ᷳ, a canjun ⍫幵 (Adjutant) who dreamed of a man with an ugly face who asked to exchange heads with him. The next morning, people fled from him in surprise. Finding a mirror, he looked at himself and found that his face had become that of the man in his dream: Jia Bizhi of Hedong was called Yier in his childhood.47 Both of these names have been checked against his family genealogy. During the Yixi reign period (405–418), he was an adjutant in the Prefecture of Langye.48 44 45 46

47 48

The Ding vessel or tripod is a symbol of the power of a country. Wending 斖溶 (inquiring about the tripods) is a metaphor of usurping. Wang Genlin, Han Wei Liuchao biji xiaoshuo daguan, p. 447. As stated above, the date of Soushen houji is still unclear. The conventional view, which attributes this collection to Tao Qian, is doubtful. See Wang Guoliang, “Soushen houji yanjiu,” in his Liuchao zhiguai xiaoshuo kaolun, pp. 113–56. The area centered around modern Xia ⢷ County and north of the city of Sanmen xia ᶱ 攨ⲉ, Henan. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3.35. Langye State was located north of modern Linyi 冐㰪 in Shandong. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3. 51.

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One night he dreamed of a man who had an acned face with whiskers, a big nose, and an upward-looking eyes. The man asked him, “I admire your appearance, and I want to exchange my head with you. Is this acceptable?” Bi replied, “Each person has his own head and face. How could one tolerate such an outrage?” The following night he had the same dream again, and he was disgusted with it. Thus he promised to exchange heads in his dream. When he got up the next morning, he himself did not realize what had happened. However, people all ran away and hid in surprise, saying, “Where does this man come from?” Being frightened, the Prince of Langye sent someone to summon the man to have a look. When Bi arrived, the Prince of Langye saw him at a distance, stood up, and went back to the inner court. Bi did not realize anything abnormal until he found a mirror and looked at himself. Thus he returned home. All the members of his family went inside the room in panic, and women ran away to hide themselves, saying, “Where does this strange man come from?” Bi sat down, spent quite a while to tell his family of the story, and sent someone to inquire at the prefecture; then they believed him. Later, he was able to cry with half a face while the other half smiled. His two legs, hands, and mouth each could hold a pen and write at the same time. The meanings of the words were all good. This was truly marvelous. Otherwise, the rest of his life all remained the same as before. 㱛㜙屰⻤ᷳ炻 ⮷⎵供⃺炻℟媛䨞ᶾ嬄ˤ 佑䅁ᷕ炻 䁢䎭恒⹄⍫ 幵ˤ ⣄⣊㚱 ᶨṢ炻朊滬朌, 䓂⣂枰炻 ⣏滣䝗䚖炻 婳ᷳ㚘烉“ッ⏃ ᷳ尴炻㫚㖻柕炻⎗ ᷶烎” ⻤㚘烉“Ṣ⎬㚱柕朊炻 寰⭡㬌䎮烎”㖶㘅 ⍰⣊炻シ䓂らᷳ ˤ ᷫ㕤⣊ᷕ姙㖻ˤ 㖶㛅崟炻冒ᶵ奢炻侴Ṣ〱樂 崘啷, ḹ烉“恋㻊ỽ嗽Ἦ烎” 䎭恒䌳 ⣏樂炻 怋⁛㔁␤夾ˤ ⻤ ⇘, 䎭 恒态夳, 崟怬ℏ ˤ ⻤⍾掉冒䚳炻 㕡䞍⿒䔘ˤ ⚈怬⭞炻⭞Ṣ〱樂 ℍℏ炻 ⨎⤛崘啷炻 ḹ烉 “恋⼿䔘䓟⫸烎” ⻤⛸, 冒昛婒 列ᷭ炻 ᷎ 怋Ṣ军⹄㩊⓷炻 㕡ᾉˤ ⼴傥⋲朊┤炻⋲朊䪹炻ℑ嵛ˣ ㇳˣ⎋⎬ ㋱ᶨ䫮炻ᾙ㚠炻 录シ䘮伶炻㬌䁢䔘ḇ炻 检᷎⤪⃰ˤ49 Records of magical arts in China can be traced back to as early as the Warring States period.50 But this type of recovery from a mutilated body, or exchange of organs, is not found in previous Chinese texts. On the contrary, in the Buddhist 49 50

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 393–94; Zheng wanqing, Youming lu, 1. 30. Fu Tianzheng ‭⣑㬋, “Fojiao dui zhongguo huanshu de yingxiang chutan ἃ㔁⮵ᷕ⚳ ⸣埻䘬⼙枧⇅㍊ [An Exploration of the Influence of Buddhism on Magical Arts of China],” in Zhang Mantao, ed., Fojiao yu zhongguo wenhua, pp. 237–50.

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canon such stories are not rare. For example, in the Daming du wuji jing ⣏㖶 ⹎䃉㤝䴻 [Astasāhasrika-prajñāpāramitā], translated by Zhi Qian 㓗嫁 (fl. third century), a person’s hands, feet, ears, and nose are all cut offf. Yet his younger brother connects them together through divine power, and the body regains its original form.51 In Da zhidu lun (Mahāprajñāpāramitā Śastra), one person’s hands and feet are exchanged with another’s.52 Obviously, the stories in the Youming lu are influenced by this motif found in the Buddhist canon. This motif influenced later literature, but scholars have not paid much attention to the connection. While Chen Hong contributed to the understanding of the origin of this motif, his conclusion that this motif had little influence on later Chinese literature is doubtful. Chen’s dubious statement is based on the chauvinistic sentiment that Chinese culture could not accept such cruelty.53 Tai Jingnong raised a similar argument in his discussion of the literary development of Buddhist hells. Tai argues that the reason why the literati in the Six Dynasties did not accept the Buddhist concept of hells was that the cruelty in the hells was contrary to Confucius’ humanity, Laozi’s kindness, and even Buddhist mercy.54 Yet he does not explain why Chinese people accepted it during the time of the Tang dynasty. If the Chinese fijinally accepted Buddhist hells of physical torture, why could they not accept a motif involving the exchange of body parts? Actually, stories of recovery through borrowing a part from another’s body never stopped spreading. They can be found in the tales of the Tang, Song, and the Qing as well. Li Rong’s 㛶ℿ (9th century) Duyi zhi 䌐䔘⽿ [Unique Records of the Marvels] retells the story about Jia Bizhi 峦⻤ᷳġ from the Youming lu.55 Hong Mai’s 㳒怩 (1123–1202) “Sun Guinao” ⬓櫤儎 in Yijian zhi ⣟➭⽿ [Records by Yijian] volume three tells a similar story: Sun Siwen ⬓㕗 㔯, a scholar of Shu 嚨 (modern Sichuan), admired fondly the statue of a lady in the Lingxian wang 曰栗䌳 Temple that he had just visited. Sun dreamed of someone cutting offf his head and attaching another head to his neck. After awakening he felt horrifijied, so he summoned his wife to hold a candle to look 51 52 53

54 55

Zhonghua dazang jing, 15. 724, 582. Shi Sengmin, et al. eds., Jinglü yixiang, 46. 413. Chen Hong 昛㳒, “Jieti huanxing xiaoshuo yu Fojing gushi 妋橼怬⼊⮷婒冯ἃ䴻㓭ḳ [Stories of Recovery from a Mutilated Body and Buddhist Stories].” In Xuzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao ⼸ⶆⷓ䭬⬠昊⬠⟙ 3 (1990): 45. See Tai Jingnong, “Fojiao gushi yu Zhongguo xiaoshuo,” in Zhang Mantao, ed., Fojiao yu Zhongguo wenxue, p. 86. See Li Rong, Duyi zhi, in Ding Ruming ᶩ㰅㖶 et al. ed., Tang wudai biji xiaoshuo daguan ⒸḼẋ䫮姀⮷婒⣏奨 [A Magnifijicent Spectacle of biji Stories of Tang and the Five Dynasties] (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1999), p. 908.

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at him. His wife was shocked and horrifijied, and died right away.56 This is truly a horror story. Sun was punished with the replacement of his head because of his impure adoration of the deity, and even worse, his wife died as a result. Unlike the above story, “Lu Pan” 映⇌ in Pu Songling’s 呚㜦漉 (1640–1715) Liaozhai zhiyi 俲滳娴䔘 [Strange Tales from Make-do Studio] is not horrible, but comic. It tells about Zhu Erdan 㛙䇦㖎, a young man who was unrestrained in his actions. One day he drank with friends at a literary gathering and someone made fun of him, saying: “Tonight if you venture to carry the statue of the Judge in the Ten Kings Temple back here, we’ll raise the money to treat you to a feast.” The Ten Kings Temple was a temple of Yama and other kings of the hells, and the curved wooden statues of the kings and spirits were all vivid. In the eastern hall there was a standing judge with a green face and red moustache; its appearance was ferocious and hideous. When people entered the hall they were all horrifijied, and that was why his friends bet Erdan to embarrass him. Beyond everyone’s expectations, Erdan left with a smile, and in a little while he returned with the statue of the judge on his shoulders. That very night the judge visited Erdan’s home. He did not blame him. On the contrary, he became a close friend of his. In order to let Erdan become more talented in writing, the judge replaced his heart. Later when Erdan asked him to replace his wife’s face with a more beautiful one, the judge did it, and Erdan’s wife became a beautiful young girl.57 As for the repair of a damaged body, the famous story about Sun Wukong ⬓ ぇ䨢 competing with the National Tutors of Chechi 干怚 State to recover from damage to his head and belly in Xiyou ji 大忲姀 [Journey to the West] is a good example from later times: The Grand Sage directly reached the execution ground, was seized, tied up, and pressed against the top of a execution mound by the executioner. When hearing the order of “Beheading,” the knife whizzed through the air and cut offf his head, which, kicked by the executioner, rolled thirty to forty steps away like a watermelon. No blood poured out of the cavity. A voice from his belly shouted, “Come back, my head!” (the Immortal of Deer Power then chanted an incantation to request that the local Earth Deity hold down the head) ….The monk felt anxious. He clenched his fijists tightly, struggled to get free, and shook offf all the ropes that tied him down. He shouted, “Grow!” A head suddenly grew out of the cavity…. The monk walked with faltering steps directly to the execution ground. He 56 57

Hong Mai, Yijian zhi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1981), p. 393. Pu Songling, Liaozhai zhiyi (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1979), pp. 58–61.

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leaned his body against the big stake, undressed, and exposed his belly. Tying up his neck, legs and feet with a rope, the executioner waved an ox-ear knife, cut toward his belly, and stabbed a hole in his body. The monk opened his belly with both hands, pulled his intestines out, put each of them into order for a long while, and then put them inside as crooked as they had been originally. He twisted the skin of his belly with his fijingers, whistled in an immortal air, and shouted, “Grow!” His belly recovered its original form. The King was greatly shocked at it…. 恋⣏⛋⼹军㭢⟜慴朊炻塓∲⫸ㇳ㑦ỷḮ炻㋮ ᶨ⛀ˤ㊱⛐恋⛇ ⡑檀嗽炻⎒⏔┲ᶨ倚“攳↨炰” 桤䘬㈲ᾳ柕䞵⮯ᶳἮˤ⍰塓∲⫸ ㇳᶨ儛巊Ḯ⍣炻⤥Ụ㺦大䒄ᶨ凔炻㺦㚱ᶱ⚃⋩㬍怈役ˤ埴侭僼 ⫸ᷕ㚜ᶵ↢埨ˤ⎒⏔⼿偂慴⎓倚烉“柕Ἦ炰” (渧≃⣏ẁ⌛⾝␺ 婆炻㔁㛔⛲⛇⛘䤆㘿ᷕ䛇ᾳ㈲埴侭柕㊱ỷḮ) 埴侭⽫䃎炻㌣叿 ㊛炻㍁Ḯᶨ㍁炻⮯㋮䘬丑⫸⯙䘮㍁㕟炻╅倚烉“攟炰” 桤䘬僼⫸ ℏ攟↢ᶨᾳ柕Ἦˤ…… 埴侭㎾㎾㒢㒢炻⼹军㭢⟜ˤ⮯幓月叿⣏ 㦩炻妋攳堋ⷞ炻曚↢偂儡ˤ恋∲⫸ㇳ⮯ᶨ㡅丑⣿⛐Ṿ儲枭ᶲ炻 ᶨ㡅丑㛕ỷṾ儧嵛炻㈲ᶨ⎋䈃俛䞕↨炻ⷴᶨⷴ炻叿偂䙖ᶳᶨ √炻㏈ᾳ䩇䩧ˤ忁埴侭暁ㇳ䇔攳偂儡炻㊧↢儠冇Ἦ炻ᶨ㡅㡅䎮 ⣈⣂㗪炻ὅ䃞⬱⛐慴朊ˤ䄏冲䚌㚚炻㌣叿偂䙖炻⏡⎋ẁ㮼炻⎓ġġ “攟炰” ὅ䃞攟⎰ˤ⚳䌳⣏ひ ……58 All of these are good examples of the recovery of a mutilated body. There is no reason to conclude that the motif, which appears fijirst in the Youming lu, “had little influence on later Chinese literature.” The only diffference between these later works and the story in the Youming lu is that all the people concerned in the later works are men, not women or nuns. This phenomenon awaits further study.

Images of Buddhist Demons Along with the introduction of the Buddhist canon, images of Buddhist demons were also transmitted into China. The following passage, which describes what Mulian saw when he went to the hell to save his mother, contains a typical depiction of Buddhist demons in Chinese literature:

58

Wu Cheng’en ⏛㈧】 (1500–1582), Xiyou ji (Hong Kong: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1961), 46. 529–39.

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In a short moment, he arrived at the Avicinaraka Hell.59 In the air he saw fijifty Ox-Heads, Horse-Faces, raksasas, and yoksas, whose teeth were like sword trees, mouths were like blood tubs, voices were like thunder, and eyes were like lightning. 枰冦ᷳ攻⌛军旧滣⛘䋬ˤ䨢ᷕ夳Ḽ⋩䬯䈃柕楔儎, 伭⇶⣄⍱, 䈁 ⤪∵㧡, ⎋Ụ埨䙮, 倚⤪暟沜, 䛤⤪㍋暣ˤ60 All the demons in this hell, such as the Ox-Head, Horse-Face, yaksa, and raksasa, are not indigenous Chinese ghosts, but fijigures from Buddhism. The yaksa and raksasa are among the most important demons in Buddhist culture. Among these Buddhist demons, yecha ⣄⍱ (yaksa or yaksha, Japanese yasha) was probably the fijirst to appear in Chinese literature.61 This demon was originally part of a class of nature ghosts or demons in Hindu mythology.62 In 59

60

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One of the eight hells, another name for this is Wujian diyu 䃉攻⛘䋬 (Incessant Hell), a place where continuous punishment is given. People who committed great sins would fall into this hell. The eight hells are: 1) Samjiva 䫱㳣⛘䋬 (The Hell of Repetitions), the hell of repeating the lives of those one has killed; 2) Kala Sutra 湹些⛘䋬 (The Black Rope Hell), the hell of fetters, being bound to the things one has stolen; 3) Samghata 䛦⎰⛘䋬 (The Hell of Crowding), caused by sexual immorality; 4) Raurava ⎓Ⓦ (The Screaming Hell), caused by intoxication; 5) Maha Raurava ⣏⎓Ⓦ⛘䋬 (The Great Screaming Hell), caused by lying; 6) Tapana 䀶䅙⛘䋬 (The Burning Hell), caused by false views; 7) Pratapana 䛦䅙⛘䋬 (The Great Burning Hell), caused by improper motives; and 8) Avici 䃉攻⛘䋬 (The Hell of Incessant Sufffering), caused by the Five Great Premeditated Sins, which are: killing one’s father, killing one’s mother, harming the Buddha, disrupting the Sangha, and killing an Arhat. See Da Mu Qianlian mingjian jiumu bianwen ⣏ 䚖 䈵 徆 ⅍ 斜 㓹 㭵 ⎀ 㔯 [Transformation Text on Mahāmaudgalyāyana Rescuing His Mother from the Underworld], in Wang Zhongmin 䌳慵㮹, Dunhuang bianwen ji 㔎䃴嬲㔯普 [Collected Transformation Texts of Dunhuang] (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1957), pp.  714–55. A translation is found in Victor H. Mair, trans., Tun-huang Popular Narratives (London: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 87–121. See “Gao xin” in Wang Jia 䌳▱, Shiyi ji ㊦怢姀 [Uncollected Records], in Wang Genlin, Wei Jin liuchao biji xiaoshuo daguan, pp. 497–98. In the mythology of India, yaksa is “a class of generally benevolent nature spirits who are the custodians of treasures that are hidden in the earth and in the roots of trees…. Yakshas were often given homage as tutelary deities of a city, district, lake, or well. Their worship, together with popular belief in nagas (serpent deities), feminine fertility deities, and mother goddesses, probably had its origin among the early Dravidian peoples of India. The yaksha cult coexisted with the priest-conducted sacrifijices of the Vedic period, and continued to flourish during the Kusana period.” See Encyclopedia Britannica (Chicago: Encyclopedia Britannica Inc., 1998), 12: 806.

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Kalidasa’s Meghaduta, a long lyric poem of medieval India, a yaksa is depicted as a husband fijilled with tender feelings for his wife, from whom he is separated. In Buddhist scripture, however, yaksa is depicted as one of the eight classes of supernatural beings (the Lotus Sūtra), i.e. the deva, naga, yaksa, gandharva, asura, garuda, kinnara, and mahoraga. It also belongs to the eight groups of demon-followers of the four maharajas, i.e. the gandharva, pisacas, kumbhandas, pretas, nagas, putanas, yaksas, and raksasas. In the second group, yaksas are demons of the earth, of the air, or of the lower heavens; they are malignant and violent, and devourers of human flesh.63 Another Buddhist ghost, raksasa (male), or raksasi (female), fijirst appears in the Youming lu.64 Raksasa means “evil and fearful” and refers to evil ghosts. This fijigure was fijirst found in the Indian classic the Rgveda, and was believed to be the name of a native tribe. After the Aryans conquered India, it became the name of the evil demons. Raksasa in Hindu mythology is a type of demon or goblin. “These demons are ‘night prowlers’; they have the greatest power after ‘the fijirst forty seconds of gray twilight preceding nightfall’. They travel faster than the wind, and go through the air; they have also power to change their shape. Sometimes they appear in the guise of tigers, bears, or great monkeys; and their hues vary from yellow to red, and blue to green….”65 In the Buddhist canon, raksasas are evil demons. The Yiqiejing yinyi ᶨ↯䴻枛佑 [Pronunciation and Meaning of All the Scriptures] says, “Raksasas are evil demons. They eat the flesh of people. Some of them fly in the air while some walk on the ground. Both types are nimble, quick, and terrible” 伭⇶炻㬌ḹら櫤ḇˤ梇 Ṣ埨倱炻ㆾ梃䨢炻ㆾ⛘埴炻㌟䕦⎗䓷ḇˤ66 It also says, “Raksasa is the name of violent and evil demons, which are extremely ugly as males and extremely beautiful as females. But both of them eat people. In addition, there is a state of female raksasas that is located on an island in the ocean” 伭⇶⦹ … …㬌ᷫ㙜ら櫤⎵ḇ, 䓟⌛㤝慄, ⤛⌛䓂⦅伶, ᷎䘮梇⓾㕤Ṣ. ⇍㚱伭⇶ ⤛⚳⯭㴟Ⲟᷳᷕ.67 “The Pumen pin 㘖攨⑩ [Universal Gate]” of the Lotus Sūtra says, “After entering into the great ocean, if the black wind blows their boat up, they will drift and fall down to the demon state of raksasas” ℍ㕤⣏ 63 64

65 66 67

Soothill and Hodous, ed., Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms (London: 1937), p. 1234. Li Jianguo said that this is perhaps the fijirst time that a Buddhist demon appeared in Chinese literature (Li Jianguo, Tangqian zhiguai xiaoshuo shi, p. 362), but he missed the yaksas in Shiyi ji, which he himself considers to be prior to the Youming lu. Donald Alexander Mackenzie, Indian Myth and Legend (London: The Gresham Publishing Company, 1913), p. 66. Huilin ㄏ䏛 (fl. 5th century), Yiqiejing yinyi (Taibei: Datong shuju, 1970), 25. 510; Cf. Taishō Tripitaka, 54. 464. Huilin, Ibid., 7. 130.

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㴟炻`ἧ湹桐⏡℞凡凓炻㺪⡖伭⇶櫤⚳.68 In the Youming lu, raksasas are described as demons who are devourers of human beings. A story (tale 253) about raksasas says: In the Song reign there was a state that was near to the raksasas. The raksasas entered into its territory several times, eating countless people. The king of the state made an agreement with the raksasas, which says, “From today on each of the families in this state will have a special day of duty. On this day the family on duty should send [a boy] to you. Please do not kill people randomly anymore.” …. ⬳㚱ᶨ⚳炻冯伭⇶䚠役ˤ伭⇶㔠ℍ⠫炻梇Ṣ䃉⹎ˤ䌳冯伭⇶䲬 妨 ˤ冒Ṳẍ ⼴ 炻⚳ᷕṢ⭞⎬⮰ᶨ㖍炻䔞↮復⼨ 炻⊧⽑㜱㭢 ˤ69 As they are in Buddhist scriptures, raksasas are described here as devouring human beings. Tale one of Xuanyan ji, another collection compiled by Liu Yiqing, is also a story concerning a raksasa. But it mainly emphasizes swiftness, another characteristic of raksasas: Zhang Rong was a native of Bohai, styled Meiyu. During the Xianning reign of the Jin (275–279), his son’s wife gave birth to a boy. At fijirst they did not feel there was anything abnormal. At the age of seven, the boy was much more clever than others. Rong once brought him to watch people shooting. When Rong asked others to bring the arrows back, he was always annoyed by their slowness. Rong’s grandson said, “I’ll pick them up for you myself.” Later, immediately after Rong shot, the boy started to run. Thus both he and the arrow reached the target, and in just a moment he had already returned with the arrow in hand. All the people present were shocked. On the second day after their return, his grandson suddenly fell gravely ill and died. Rong summoned several monks and burned joss sticks. A foreign Daoist said, “Please quickly collect this grandson. He is a ghost of a raksasa, and he will eat and harm people.” Having seen him retrieving arrows, they closed the cofffijin in a hurry. In a short moment, they heard sounds of violent jumping and shaking movements from the cofffijin, and all their sadness was replaced by shock and terror. They 68 69

See Taishō Tripitaka, 9. 56; Burton Watson, trans., The Lotus Sūtra (New York: Columbia University Press, 1993), pp. 299. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 430; Zheng Wanqing, You ming lu, 5. 165.

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hurriedly sent the cofffijin away and buried it. Later his shape appeared several times. Rong performed the baguan zhai [ceremony],70 and thus the demon left.” 㷌㴟⻝圵炻⫿䚱⳶ˤ 㗱①⮏ᷕ炻⫸⨎䓊䓟炻 ⇅ᶵ奢㚱䔘ˤ 军ᶫ 㬚炻倘ㄏ忶Ṣˤ 圵㚦⮯䚳⮬ẌṢ㊦䭕怬炻⿮劎怚ˤ 圵⬓ḹ烉“ 冒䁢℔⍾ḇˤ” ⼴⮬丼䘤炻 ὧ崜炻忪冯䭕ᾙ军㢂烊ᾷ⶚㋱䞊侴 㬠ˤ 冱⛸⿒ソˤ 怬䴻ℵ⭧炻⬓ ⾥㙜䕭侴⋺ˤ ␤媠㱁攨䅺楁ˤ 㚱ᶨ傉忻Ṣ媪ḹ烉“⏃忇㬃㬌⬓烊㗗伭⇶櫤ḇ炻 䔞◱⭛Ṣ⭞ˤ” 㖊夳⍾䭕ᷳḳ炻⌛䊤䊥敼㢢ˤ 枰冦炻 倆㢢ᷕ㚱㑚㒢倚烊 ①廇ず 榕ソ炻急復吔❳ˤ⼴㔠⼊夳ˤ 圵ἄℓ斄滳炻 㕤㗗ὧ⍣ˤ71 This story tells of a raksasa who, as a boy, could run as quickly as an arrow. These depictions set the tone for the image of Buddhist ghosts in medieval Chinese literature. The Ox-Head is another Buddhist demon that appears in the Youming lu. In tale 82, Shu Li was sent to receive the punishment of being tortured on an iron grill: There he saw a creature with an ox’s head and a human’s body. The creature held an iron fork, pierced Shu with it, and placed him onto the iron grill. After tossing and turning on the grill, his body was scorched and mashed; he pleaded in vain for death. Being tortured for two days and one night, he experienced the most intolerable suffferings. 夳ᶨ䈑炻䈃柕Ṣ幓炻㋱揝⍱炻⍱䥖叿䅔ᶲˤ⭃廱炻幓橼䅳䇃炻 㯪㬣ᶵ⼿ˤ⶚䴻ᶨ⭧Ḵ㖍炻⁁㤝⅌㤂ˤ72

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Also called Ba jiezhai ℓㆺ滳 (Eight Commandments), refers to the fijirst eight of the ten commandments: “do not kill; do not take things not given; no ignoble (i.e. sexual) conduct; do not speak falsely; do not drink wine; do not indulge in cosmetics, personal adornments, dancing, or music; do not sleep on fijine beds, but on a mat on the ground; and do not eat out of regulation hours, i.e. after noon. Another group divides the sixth into two―against cosmetics and adornments and against dancing and music; the fijirst eight are then called the eight prohibitory commands and the last the zhai 滳 or fasting commandment.” Cf. Soothil and Hodous, A Dictionary of Chinese Buddhist Terms, p. 36b-7a. See Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 549. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 376; Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 283.2253–54; Fayuan zhulin, 78. 4a-b, SPTK (Shanghai: Shangwu yinshuguan, 1920–37).

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It is clear that this ox-headed creature is a demon that serves in hell. According to the Buddhist scripture Tiecheng nili jing 揝❶㲍䈩䴻 [Iron City Nili Hell Sutra], the ox-headed demon was called Abang 旧‵. When he was a man he was not fijilial to his parents, and after death, he became a demon with an ox’s head, working as an enforcer.73 The Lengyan jing (Śūraṃgama-sūtra) says, “Holding spears and lances, the Ox-Headed turnkey and Horse-Headed raksasa whipped them inside the city toward the Ceaseless Hell.” 䈃柕䋬⋺, 楔柕伭 ⇶, ㇳ㈏㥵䞃, 槭ℍ❶ℏ, ⎹䃉攻䋬.74 Later, the Horse-Faced demon was created to be a partner of Ox-Head.75 As in the case of the yaksas’ appearance in the Shiyi ji, the signifijicance of the appearance of raksasas and Ox-Heads in the Youming lu and Xuanyan ji goes beyond the depictions themselves. Their presence signifijies that Buddhist demons began to enter Chinese literature. Afterwards, Buddhist demons began to appear frequently in fijictional works. Yaksas in many collections of the Tang period are described as malignant and violent demons, and their accounts fijill two volumes (v. 356–57) in the noted Taiping guangji.76 The image of yaksas has been gradually changed in Chinese tales, and it has become an important image in Chinese fijictional narratives. In Pu Songling’s Liaozhai zhiyi, for example, a yaksa on an island tries to become the wife of a man from the mainland, and thus the yaksa fijigure begins to possess the feelings of human beings.77 It is also in Pu Songling’s Liaozhai zhiyi that a female ghost lures men through a piece of bone from a raksasa, which can change into gold and then cut out the hearts and livers of the men who touch it;78 another piece in Liaozhai zhiyi creates a marvelous and sarcastic tale that chronicles the customs of the raksasa state, in which people see ugliness as beauty and beauty as ugliness. Ma Ji 楔樍, for example, was a handsome young man, but all the people in the raksasa state avoided him; even the emperor refused to receive him. While drunk, he smeared coal ash on his face and became an ugly man like Zhang Fei ⻝梃 in the Romance of the Three Kingdoms. To his surprise, people then all praised him as a handsome man.79 This depiction was obviously a social satire. 73 74 75 76 77 78 79

Taishō Tripitaka,1. 826c-28b. Banla Midi 凔⇴⭮ⷅ, trans., Leng yan jing (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1991), 16. 179; Taishō Tripitaka, 19. 144. Ma Shutian 楔㚠䓘, Zhongguo mingjie zhushen ᷕ⚳⅍䓴媠䤆 [Chinese Gods of the Netherworld] (Beijing: Tuanjie chubanshe, 1998), p. 270. Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 356–357. 2817–29. Pu Songling, Liaozhai zhiyi, pp. 145–48. Ibid., pp. 67–70. Ibid., pp. 193–99.

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The Ox-Head and Horse-Face have been very popular in folklore and fijiction. In Feng Menglong’s 楖⣊漵 (1574–1646) Gujin xiaoshuo⎌Ṳ⮷婒 [Stories Old and New], they are depicted as follows: “At the foot of the dais, there stood about a hundred attendants, among them were the fearsome Ox-Heads and Horse-Faces, with their long muzzles and red hair” 昶ᶳἵ䩳䘦检Ṣ, 㚱䈃柕 楔朊, 攟╁㛙䘤, 䋁䌘⎗䓷.80 Even though they looked ferocious, in some literary works they are full of compassion. One story about an Ox-head in “Xi ziheche” 㲿䳓㱛干, Volume 5 of Yuan Mei’s堩㝂 (1716–1797) Zi buyu ⫸ᶵ婆 [The Master does Not Say], is a good example.81 At the same time, the names of the Buddhist demons have become idioms in Chinese. Raksasa has been used to refer to evil people. For example, tale 6 of Aina jushi’s刦堚⯭⢓ Doupeng xianhua寮㢂斚宅 [Chatting under the Bean Arbor] says, “The monks in the monastery, two to three dozen in total, are all raksasas who eat meat and drink wine” ⮢ℭ㬊㚱Ḵᶱ⋩ế₏Ṣ炻悥㗗勡 匌椖惺䘬伭⇶.82 Here rakasasas refer to evil men. The term yaksas is often used in relation to women. For example, Wang Xifeng 䌳䅁沛was referred to as “yecha xing”⣄⍱㗇, the star of yaksa, by her husband Jia Lian屰䐱;83 and mu yecha 㭵⣄⍱, female yaksa, has become a synonym for ferocious women in Chinese culture.

Conclusion In summary, the Youming lu played an important role in the creation of fijictional fijigures and images related to Buddhism. The portrayal of monks in this collection was among the earliest portrayals of monks in Chinese literature. While inheriting the characteristics and techniques of depicting monks from prior collections of tales where depictions focused on describing anonymous monks with supernatural powers, the Youming lu included noted historical fijigures. Besides a direct influence upon Chinese literature and history, this portrayal also played an important role in the development of Chinese Buddhism by exerting influence upon Buddhist hagiography. 80

81 82 83

“You Fengdu Humu Di yin shi 忲惮悥傉㭵徒⏇娑 [Humu Di Intones Poems and Visits the Nether World],” in Feng Menglong楖⣊漵 (1574–1646), ed. Gujin xiaoshuo (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1989), p. 480. See Wang Yingzhi 䌳劙⽿, ed., Yuan Mei quanji 堩㝂ℐ普 [Complete Works of Yuan Mei] (Nanjing: Jiangsu guji chubanshe, 1993), 4. 90–92. Aina jushi, Doupen xianhua (Taibei: Tianyi chubanshe, nd.), p. 71. Cao Xueqin 㚡暒剡(1715–1764), Honglou meng 䲭㦻⣊ [A Dream of the Red Mansions] (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1982), 44. 607.

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There is only one tale that describes a Buddhist nun in the Youming lu, but it is signifijicant for at least two reasons: First, it shows that in the minds of people at that time nuns, resembling monks, were taken as fijigures of unusual talent and thus became objects of worship; second, her magical ability of selfautotomy had heavy influence upon literature of later times. The images of Buddhist demons that appear in this collection, such as raksasa and Ox-Head, were directly derived from Buddhist scriptures. The presence of these fijigures signifijies that Buddhist demons had began to enter the realm of Chinese narrative literature. Raksasas fijirst appeared in the Youming lu. This adds to the signifijicance of this collection in the cultural history of Chinese popular Buddhism. Besides enriching the gallery of fijictional images in the history of Chinese literature, these images had an important influence on Chinese culture as well. The names of some Buddhist demons have become idioms in Chinese and are still widespread throughout society.

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A Fantastic Dream World: New Literary Motifs and Buddhist Culture Along with the thematic changes that developed under the influence of Buddhism and the new fijictional images that were created in the Buddhist milieu or derived from Buddhism, a group of literary motifs appeared in the Youming lu under the impact of Buddhist culture, adding another layer of Buddhist coloring to the tales of the supernatural in early medieval China. These new motifs are related to dreams, and the relationship between these dream-related motifs and Buddhism and Indian culture has been a continuing focus in scholarship regarding medieval Chinese narrative. Previous scholarship, as outlined below, tends to characterize these motifs as either influenced or not by Buddhism; however, the matter of influence is much more complex. While a hypothesis concerning influence cannot be made or denied so simply, a preliminary hypothesis can be put forth on good evidence and with careful analysis. In this chapter I will reappraise and challenge previous scholarship concerning the origins of two motifs connected with dreams by providing indepth analyses, as well as defijine another new dream motif in the Youming lu and trace its origins and possible relations with Buddhism. It is necessary to make clear the issues involved in any hypothesis regarding influence. “The study of influences has always occupied an important place in comparative literature,”1 though “Few problems can prove more vexing to the critic or historian of literature than the problem of influence,” and “Of the various types of influence none seems to be more central to literary history, or more challenging to the literary scholar, than that type which seeks to defijine the relation of an author’s work to another author or another tradition.”2 The general convention in the scholarly method is when a new literary work or phenomenon appears, and a likely origin in the indigenous culture cannot be identifijied, we should look for a catalyst in foreign cultures. If there is something identical or similar in a foreign tradition, we then try to determine the likelihood of influence. Through comparison we can suggest similarity, but 1 Susan Bassnett, Comparative Literature: A Critical Introduction (Oxford & Cambridge: Blackwell Publisher, 1993), p. 13. 2 Ihab H. Hassan, “The Problem of Influence in Literary History: Notes toward a Defijinition,” The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, vol. 14, no. 1 (Sep. 1955), pp. 66–67.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/9789004277847_007

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cannot establish influence. In other words, a hypothesis concerning influence can be suggested, but may not be verifijied easily. Ihab Hassan says, When we say that A has influenced B, we mean that after literary or aesthetic analysis we can discern a number of signifijicant similarities between the works of A and B. We may also mean that historical, social, and perhaps psychological analysis of the data available about A and B reveal similarities, points of contact, between the “lives” or “minds” of the two writers. So far we have established no influence; we have only documented what I shall call an afffijinity. For influence presupposes some manner of causality and causality has repeatedly shown itself to be scholar’s Gordian knot.3 This is not to say that research on literary influence is impossible. Besides literary analysis, possible influences between similar works or phenomena can be examined through multilevel analyses. As Ihab Hassan suggested, “….when we have gleaned from biographical, sociological, and philosophical research to facts which allow us to see correlations operating on several coordinate levels, that we can permit ourselves to think of influence.”4

The Motif of Dream Adventure inside a Microcosmic World “Dream adventure inside a microcosmic world” is a well-known motif in traditional Chinese fijiction and drama.5 While the extant prototype of this motif is found in the Youming lu, the representative work of this motif is Shen Jiji’s 㰰㖊㾇ġ (750–800) “Zhenzhong ji” 㜽ᷕ姀 (The World Inside a Pillow), one of the most famous Tang tales. There has been debate on whether the origins of this motif are indigenous to China. This study reappraises previous scholarship and tries to provide a detailed analysis of this motif.

3 Ibid., p. 68. 4 Ibid., p. 73. 5 This defijinition is narrower compared with “Dream Adventure,” a term that David Knechtges used forty years ago. See his “Dream Adventure Stories in Europe and Tang China,” Tamkang Review 4:2 (October 1973): 114–15.

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1 Structure of the Dream Adventure inside a Microcosmic World Before I summarize the features of this motif, let us fijirst read Shen Jiji’s “Zhenzhong ji,” instead of a summary of the story, to gain a better understanding of this motif: In the seventh year of the K’ai-yüan reign period (719) there was a certain old Taoist monk named Lü who had acquired the arts of the immortals. While traveling on the road to Han-tan,6 he stopped at an inn to rest. Taking offf his cap and loosening his belt, he sat down and leaned up against his pack. Suddenly he saw a young traveler, one Mr. Lu. He was wearing a short robe7 and riding a black colt, and had also stopped at the inn on his way to the fijields. He sat down on the same mat as the old man and they chatted and laughed amicably.  After a while Lu, looking at the shabbiness of his own dress, sighed and said, “A great man born out of his time; such is my distress!”  “To look at you, you don’t seem to be sufffering or ill,” the old man said. “Just now we were chatting away happily; why do you suddenly moan about your distress?”  “But mine is such an insignifijicant life! How can you speak of being happy?”  “If yours can’t be called a happy life, then what is a happy life?”  “A man is born to do great deeds and build a name for himself, to be a general in the fijield and a minister at court, to eat from lavish dishes, to listen to beautiful sounds, to bring glory to his clan and prosperity to his family. Only after this can one speak of happiness! I’ve ‘set my heart upon learning’ and have been enriched by engaging in the arts.8 All these years I’ve considered that the blue and purple offfijicial robes were mine for the taking. Now I’m already at my prime and still I toil in the fijields and ditches. If this is not distress, what is it?” Having fijinished this speech the young man’s eyes grew blurry and he felt sleepy.  At that time the innkeeper was steaming some millet. The old man reached into his pack, took out a pillow, and gave it to Lu, saying, “Rest your head on this pillow. It’ll surely allow you to experience a kind of success as full of splendor as that which you set your heart upon.” 6

7 8

Hantan was the capital of the Zhao 嵁 in the Warring States period. During the Tang it was only the seat of a county government, and it was at the site of modern Handan city in Hebei province. See Liu Xun, Jiu Tang shu, 39. 1498 and Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 5. 49. Such apparel indicated the status of a commoner; offfijicials wore long robes. Paraphrasing maxims of Confucius in Analects.

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 The pillow was made of blue porcelain, and there was an opening at each end. The young man nodded his head and lay down on it; then he noticed that the apertures were becoming large and bright. He stood up, walked into the pillow, and found himself getting back to his own home.  Several months later he married a girl of the Tsui family from Chingho.9 The girl was extremely beautiful, and the young man became wealthy. He was greatly content. His clothes and equipage grew daily more bright and splendid. The following year he participated in the chin-shih examination, passed, and put on the robe of collator in the Department of the Imperial Library. By imperial order he was then transferred to be the magistrate of Wei-nan County (in modern Shensi Province). Soon he was promoted to investigating censor, and then moved to be a diarist of imperial activity and repose and the director of decrees. Three years thereafter he was sent out to take charge of the prefecture of Tung-chou (in modern Shensi), then transferred to become the prefect of Shen-chou (in modern Honan). He had a natural proclivity for construction work and built a canal from Shen-chou to a point eighty li west to bypass some impassable spots in the river. The people of the area so profijited thereby that they erected a stone tablet to record his accomplishments. He was given charge of the prefecture of Pien-chou (modern K’ai-feng in Honan), then received the position of the investigating commissioner of the Ho-nan Circuit, and was later summoned to be the mayor of the capital.  That year the Spiritual and Martial Emperor planned to engage the western and northern barbarians and thereby increase his lands. Then the Tibetan generals Stagra [Konlog] (Xi-mo-lo[Kung-lu]) and Cogro Manpoci (Chu-lung Man-pu-chi) attacked the prefectures of Kua-Chou and Sha-chou.10 The regional commander, Wang Chun-tsu, had just recently been killed,11 and the entire area between the Yellow River and the Huang River was in turmoil. The emperor, in search of a capable commander, appointed Lu as vice-president of the Censorate and regional

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This clan from Ching-ho (Qinghe; in modern Hebei) was one of the “Seven great surnames” of the Tang. Marriage to a girl of one of these families was considered a most important fijirst step to making one’s career and fortune. Both of these places are in present Gansu Province, with Sha-chou much better known under its later name, Dunhuang 㔎䃴. Given the high degree of actuality in the historical data used in this story, “Kua-sha” may be the corruption of “Kua-chou,” as historically only Kua-chou was attacked by the Tibetans in 727. Historically, Wang was indeed killed in 727.

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commander of the Ho-xi Circuit.12 Lu routed the barbarian rabble, cutting offf seven thousand heads and opening up nine hundred li of land. Then he had three great fortifijications built to protect the strategic positions. The people living along the frontier set up a tablet at the Chu-yen Mountain (In modern Gansu) to commend him. When he returned to court, his merits were recorded by the offfijicial historians and his rewards were extremely handsome. He was transferred to be the second minister of the ministry of Personnel, and was later made concurrently the head of the Ministry of Finance and the president of the Censorate. His contemporaries viewed him as pure and dignifijied; the people loved his bearing and majesty.  His success, however, was envied by the prime minister, who attacked him with unfounded slander and caused his demotion to prefect of Tuanchou.13 After three years he was summoned to become a counselor to the emperor, and before long became the prime minister. Together with Hsiao Sung, the president of the Department of the Secretariat, and P’ei Kuang-ting, the president of the Department of the Chancellery,14 he controlled major policy for the next dozen years. He saw the emperor three times a day with excellent plans and secret orders, and by presenting what need to be revised or renewed, he became recognized as a capable prime minister.  Then his colleagues cast aspersions on him, accusing him of being in league with border commanders and plotting rebellion. An edict ordered that he be imprisoned; offfijicers led their men to his door, and he was quickly restrained. He was extremely frightened at this sudden turn of events and said to his wife, “At my home in Shantung I have about fijive hundred mu of fijine land, enough to protect us from hunger and cold. What afffliction could have caused me to seek an offfijicial’s salary? Now that things have come to this, I long to put on that short coarse robe again and ride that black colt back down the road to Han-tan, but it’s impossible.” Then he drew his knife and was about to slit his throat, but his wife stopped him in time. All others implicated died, but he was protected by the eunuchs so that his death sentence was commuted. He was then 12 13 14

Refering to the area to the west of the Yellow River, covering parts of modern Shanxi, Gansu, and Inner Mongolia. In modern Guangdong Province – a very remote area in Tang times. Historically, Hsiao Sung was appointed the president of the Department of the Secretory in mid-729, P’ei Guang-ting was made the president of the Department of the Chancellery in early 730.

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banished to the prefecture of Huan-chou.15 After a few years the emperor learned that the charges were false and again sought him out to be the president of the Department of the Secretariat, enfeofffed him as duke of Yen, and favored him exceedingly.  He had fijive sons – Chien, Chuan, Wei, Ti, and Yi – all capable and talented. Chien passed the chin-shih examination and became an auxiliary secretary in the Bureau of Scrutiny in the Ministry of Personnel. Chuan became a censor in the Bureau of General Afffairs of the Censorate. Wei was made an assistant in the Offfijice of Imperial Sacrifijices, and Ti the magistrate of Wan-nien County.16 Yi was the most virtuous, becoming a vicepresident of the Department of Sate Afffairs at the age of twenty-eight. Lu’s in-laws were all of the most respected families in the empire, and he had over a dozen grandsons.  Twice banished to the barren frontiers, Lu returned both times as a pillar of the state. Into the provinces and back to the capital, roundabout the various offfijices and ministries, for over fijifty years mighty and grand, Lu was naturally inclined to extravagance and luxury, fond of indulgence and pleasure. The sounds and sights of his harem were all of the uppermost beauty. Those fijine lands, excellent mansions, beautiful women, and celebrated steeds presented to him through the years were too numerous to tally.  In his later years he gradually became debilitated and often asked to be relieved of his posts, but this was not allowed. When he was ill, envoys from court would come to ask after him so frequently that they trod in one another’s footsteps. Every famous physician and exalted medicine made its way to him. On the point of dying, he submitted the following memorandum: Your servant was originally a student from Shantung, with fijields and gardens as his pleasures. By chance he encountered this divine fate and has obtained a series of offfijicial posts. Too many have been the special rewards received, of particular bounty the extensive favor shown. As he went out from the capital he was thronged by banners of an imperial representative; on returning he was elevated to be the prime minister. In handling business both in and out of the central court, he has passed through many years. Ashamed of the imperial favor he has enjoyed, he has been of no aid to the morally efffijicacious 15 16

In modern Vietnam. In the present Shanxi Province.

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emanations of Your Majesty. A base fellow playing a gentleman’s role, he has bequeathed only plunder; treading as if on thin ice, he has increased his misgivings, so that, as each day he dreads the next, old age has arrived unawares. This year he will pass eighty still holding highest possible government post. His time has already run out; muscle and bone have already grown infijirm. He senses that there will be no recovery; his health is failing fast, his time of service nearing its end. He considers that there is no deed which can repay the blessings of Your Majesty. In vain has he carried the imperial favor. Now he takes leave forever of the saintly reign. Although his feelling of attachment is unbounded, he respectfully offfers this memorandum to express his gratitude. The reply read: With your eminent virtue you have served as our chief support. Outside the central court, you have screened us like a hedge, upheld us like a buttress. In the central court, you have assisted us in bringing about harmony and prosperity. The tranquility and peace of the last two dozen years have truly been in your trust. When you contracted this illness, we daily expressed our hope of your recovery. Not expecting this grave infijirmity, we are truly taken with sympathy. Now we have ordered the Grand General of Cavalry, Kao Li-shih,17 to go to your house, ask after you, and report to us. May we press you to take extra care of yourself for our sake. We especially hope for nothing rash, and await your recovery.  That evening he died. With a yawn Lu stretched and awoke to fijind himself lying in the inn. The oldster was sitting beside him and the millet which the host had been steaming was not yet ready. Everything was as before. He got up with a start. “Could it all have been a dream?”  “The happinesses of human life are all like that,” the old man replied.  Lu sat lost in thought for a long time, and then thanked the old man: “Of the ways of favor and disgrace, the vagaries of distress and prosperity, the pattern of accomplishment and failure, the emotions of life and death, I have thoroughly been made aware. In this way, sir, you have checked my desires. How could I dare fail to profijit from this lesson?”18 17 18

The most trusted eunuch of Emperor Xuanzong. He was given this lavish title in 748. This English translation is from William Nienhauser, “The World inside a Pillow,” in Y.W. Ma and Joseph S.M.  Lau, ed., Traditional Chinese Stories: Themes and Variations (New

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From this story, we can see the basic structure of the motif of “dream adventure inside a microcosmic world”: 1) the hero is a young man who is frustrated in his offfijicial career but covets fame, position, and wealth; 2) through magical powers, he enters a land of illusion, or a dreamland, and experiences the utmost glory and richness; 3) when all the glory disappears he is disillusioned; and 4) he awakens suddenly (a kind of enlightenment), and he no longer covets positions and wealth, or he begins to pursue the life of a religious ascetic. Another famous Tang tale featuring this motif is the “Nanke taishou zhuan” ⋿㞗⣒⬰⁛ġ(Governor of the Southern Tributary Branch) by Li Gongzuo 㛶 ℔Ỹġ (770–848). It narrates the story of Chunyu Fen 㶛Ḷ㢤, a well-known gallant of the Yangzi River region, who was fond of drinking, was hot-tempered, and was recklessly indiffferent to convention. He amassed great wealth and acted as patron to many dashing young men. Because of his military prowess he had been made an adjutant of the Huainan 㶖⋿ġ army,19 but in a fijit of drunkenness he offfended his general and was dismissed. Afterward, in his disappointment, he spent his days drinking. One day when Chunyu was drunk, half dreaming and half awake, he was invited to the kingdom of Sandalvine, where he became the king’s son-in-law and the Governor of the Southern Tributary Branch. When he awoke from the dream, he found that the kingdom in which he lived was an ant hole under an ash tree. When Chunyu realized how empty man’s life could be, he became a monk and abstained from wine and women.20 This motif was popular in the Tang and became an influential motif from then on.21 A later story called “Lü Dongbin” ⏪㳆屻ġ in Zengxiang liexian zhuan ⡆⁷↿ẁ⁛ġ [Illustrated Immortals’ Biographies] features a similar

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York: Columbia University Press, 1978), pp.  435–38. For a Chinese version, see Wang Meng’ou, Tangren xiaoshuo jiaoshi A, pp. 23–34. The area under the jurisdiction of Huainan Tao 㶖⋿忻 in the Tang includs part of the modern Hubei, Jiangsu, and Anhui Provinces and is north of the Yangzi River and south of the Huai 㶖 River. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 5. 54. “Huainan army” refers to the troops in this area. Wang Meng’ou, Tangren xiaoshuo jiaoshi B, pp. 171–88. For a translation, see Nienhauser, “An Account of the Governor of the Southern Branch,” in Victor H. Mair, ed., The Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature (New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), pp. 861–71; Yang Xianyi and Gladys Yang, trans., Tang Dynasty Stories (Beijing: Panda Book [Chinese Literature], 1986), pp. 56–69. Another story that belongs to this motif is “Yangtao qingyi 㪣㟫曺堋 [Cherry Maid]” by Ren Fan ả䷩ (841–846). Its plot is similar to the two described above. See Wang Meng’ou, Tangren xiaoshuo jiaoshi B, pp. 201–03.

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plot.22 Other literary works that follow this model include: the dramas Huangliang meng 湫䱙⣊ġ [Yellow Millet Dream] by Ma Zhiyuan 楔农怈ġ (1260–1325), Handan meng 恗惚⣊ġ[Dream of Handan] by Tang Xianzu 㸗栗 䣾ġ(1550–1617), and the story “Xu huangliang meng” 临湫䱙⣊ġ[Continuation of Millet Dream] by Pu Songling. 2 The “Prototype” of the Motif Found in Traditional Chinese Texts The extant prototype of the motif of the “dream adventure inside a microcosmic world” is a tale titled “Yang Lin” 㣲㜿 in the Youming lu. It reads: In the era of the Song Dynasty [420–479], there was a cypress pillow – some say a jade pillow – with a small hole in it at the Jiaohu Temple. At that time, Yang Lin, a businessman from Shanfu County,23 went to the temple to pray [for good fortune]. The sorcerer of the temple asked him: “Would you like to marry well?” Lin replied: “I would be fortunate to do so.” Right then the sorcerer sent Lin to approach the pillow, and therefore Lin entered the hole. Consequently he saw a red tower with a gemmed garret. Grand Marshal Zhao was inside, and he married his daughter to Lin. She had six sons, and all of them became secretaries in the imperial court. After several decades, Lin had no intention of returning. Suddenly [one day] he felt as if he had awakened from a dream, [and found he] was still at the side of the pillow. Lin was sad for a long time. ⬳ġᶾĭ 䃎ġ㷾ġ⺇ġ㚱ġᶨġ㝷ġ㜽ĭ ㆾġḹġ䌱ġ㜽ĭ 㜽ġ㚱ġ⮷ġ✤ˤ㗪ġ╖ġ䇞ġ䷋ġ Ṣġ㣲ġ㜿ġ䁢ġ屰ġ⭊ĭ 军⺇ġ䣰ġ㯪ĭ ⺇ġⶓġ媪ġ㚘ĭ “⏃ġ㫚ġ⤥ġ⨂ġ⏎? ” 㜿ġ㚘: “⸠ġ 䓂!” ⶓġ ⌛ġ 怋ġ 㜿ġ 役ġ 㜽ġ 怲, ⚈ℍġ ✤ġ ᷕ, 忪ġ 夳ġ 㛙ġ 㦻ġ 䑲ġ ⭌, 㚱ġ 嵁ġ ⣒ġ ⮱ġ ⛐ġ ℞ġ ᷕ, ⌛ġ ⩩ġ ⤛ġ 冯ġ 㜿ĭ 䓇ġ ℕġ ⫸, 䘮ġ 䁢ġ 䣽ġ 㚠ġ 恶.ġ ˤ

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It says that when Lü Dongbin (798–?), a famous Daoist and the founder of Quanzhen Daoism in the Tang Dynasty, followed the Master Cloudchamber [Zhong Liquan] to the inn, he reclined on a pillow. Soon he became oblivious to his surroundings and fell asleep. He dreamt that he went up to the capital as a candidate of the imperial examination and passed it at the top of the list. Starting his career as a junior secretary to one of the Boards, eventually he became a Privy Councilor. Twice he was married, and both wives belonged to families of wealth and position. Next he found himself Prime Minister for ten years, wielding immense power. Then suddenly he was accused of a grave crime. At this juncture Dongbin awoke with a heavy sigh. Master Cloudchamber said to him, “Only when people have a great awakening, they know that the world is but one big dream.” See Livia Kohn, The Daoist Experience: An Anthology (New York: State University of New York Press, 1993), pp. 128–29. Modern Shan County in Shandong. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3. 37–38.

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㬟ġ㔠ġ⋩ġ⸜ĭ ᷎ġ䃉⿅ġ㬠ᷳġ⽿ˤ⾥⤪ġ⣊ġ奢ĭ 䋞ġ⛐㜽‵ˤ㜿ボ䃞ᷭġ ᷳˤ24 Compared with the “Zhenzhong ji,” the previous Tang tale, this story is fairly sketchy, but in terms of its structure, it possesses almost all the important components of the “Zhenzhong ji:” 1) the item, a jade pillow here, featuring magical powers that cause a dream adventure, 2) the grandeur in the dream, 3) the disillusion, and 4) the emotional response of the hero. Judging from these, it is clear that the Tang tale, “Zhenzhong ji,” was created based on this story. In volume 283 of Taiping guangji, there is another version of the story: For more than thirty years the curate of the temple at Lake Chiao [in the Anhwei Province] had a pillow made of cypress. In it there was a small crack. A local merchant, T’ang Lin, once came to the temple to pray for good fortune. The curate said to him, “You are not married yet? Then you may sleep beside this crack.” The curate bade Lin enter the crack. Lin saw vermilion gates, jade palaces, gemmed terraces, all of which surpassed anything in the ordinary world. He met Grand Marshal Chao, who arranged a marriage for him. Lin raised six children, four boys and two girls. He was also appointed as the Assistant Director of the Imperial Library and then promoted to the position of the Attendant within the Yellow Gates. All the time he was in the pillow, Lin never thought of going home, but he eventually ran into trouble and adversity in his career. It was then that the curate told him to come back out, and there was the pillow in front of him. Lin felt as if he had spent several years inside it, but in reality he had been there only an instant. 䃎㷾ġ⺇䤅ġ㚱ġ㝷ġ㜽ġ炻ġᶱġ⋩ġ检ġ⸜ġ炻ġ㜽ġ⼴ġᶨġ⮷ġ✤ġ⫼ġˤġ䷋㮹ġ㸗ġ 㜿ġ埴ġ屰ġ䴻ġ⺇ġ䣰ġ䤷ġ炻ġ䤅ġ㚘ġ烉ġȾ⏃ġ⨂ġ⦣ġ㛒ġ烎ġ⎗ġ⯙ġ㜽ġ✤ġ 怲ˤȿġẌġ㜿ġℍġ✤ġℏġ炻ġ夳ġ㛙ġ攨ġ䑲ġ⭖ġ炻ġ䐌ġ冢ġ⊅ġ㕤ġᶾġ炻ġ夳ġ嵁ġ ⣒ġ⮱䁢ġ㜿ġ⨂ġ炻ġ做ġ⫸ġℕġṢġ炻ġ⚃ġ䓟ġḴġ⤛ġ炻ġ怠ġ㜿ġ䣽ġ㚠ġ恶ġ炻ġ Ὤġ怟ġ湫ġ攨恶ġˤġ㜿ġ⛐ġ㜽ġᷕġ炻ġ㯠ġ䃉ġ⿅ġ㬠ġᷳġ㆟ġ炻ġ忪怕忽⾌ᷳġ ḳġˤġ䤅ġẌġ㜿↢ġ⢾ġ攻ġ炻ġ忪ġ夳ġ⎹ġ㜽ġ炻ġ媪ġ㜽ġℏġ㬟ġ⸜ġ庱ġ炻ġ侴ġ ⮎ġὬġ⾥ġᷳġ攻ġ䞋ġˤ25 24

25

Taiping huanyu ji ⣒⸛⮘⬯姀 [Taiping Geographical Record] says that it was from Soushen ji and Youming lu, but it does not exist in the present version of Soushen ji; furthermore, this story begins with “In the Song Dynasty,” so it is clear that it was not from Soushen ji. See Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 428–29. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp.  428–29; Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 283: 2254. This translation is from Karl Kao, Classical Chinese Tales of the Supernatural and the Fantastic, p. 149.

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It seems clear that these are two versions of the same story. In this second version of the story, Yang Lin becomes Tang Lin, and the jade pillow becomes a cypress pillow. These changes are not unusual in the transmission of stories in popular culture. The second version emphasizes entering and getting out of the dream as well as the transitory and illusory nature of time within the pillow; this is important for our analysis of the ideas evident in this story. Song scholar Hong Mai 㳒怩ġ(1123–1202) suggests another possible origin of the motif; he thinks that the “Zhenzhong ji” was based on a story from Liezi ↿ ⫸. In his Rongzhai suibi ⭡滳晐䫮ġ[Informal Essays from the Rong Studio] he mentions a story in Liezi,26 which says that in the time of King Mu 䧮 of Zhou there came a magician from the far West who could enter fijire and water and ride the empty air without falling. King Mu respected him as a god, and the man traveled with the king. By using the man’s magic powers, one day King Mu flew up to the Middle Sky, above the clouds. He lived in a palace for ten years and did not long for his own country. After awakening, he found that he was still sitting where he had been formerly seated, and the servants were his former servants. Hong Mai argues that this story is exactly what the “Nanke Taishou zhuan,” “Zhenzhong ji,” and other similar stories were based on.27 In this story there is no pillow and the realm of the adventure is seemingly not a dream. In the adventure there is no grandeur, though King Mu was happily living in the heavenly palace for ten years. However, both this story and the “Yang Lin” tale, as well as other stories featuring the motif of “dream adventure inside a microcosmic world,” demonstrate magical illusory adventures, which was not seen in traditional Chinese culture. This story about King Mu of Zhou is indeed another possible origin or catalyst of the motif under discussion. However, Hong Mai considers this story a native one, because he did not realize that the Liezi itself could have been influenced by Buddhism, yet his opinion remained unchallenged for almost eight hundred years. 3

Modern Scholarship: Indian Origin or an Indigenous Creation of China? In the early 1930s, some scholars began to trace the origins of the dream adventure stories to non-Chinese sources; they believed these stories were

26 27

Hong Mai, Rongzhai suibi (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1978), B, pp. 624–25. See Tao Guang 昞⃱, ed., Liezi jiaoshi ↿⫸㟉慳 [Liezi with Collations and Explanations] (Taibei: s.n., 1953), pp. 17–18; Wang Meng’ou, Tangren xiaoshuo jiaoshi, A, p. 37. An English translation can be found in A.C.  Graham, The Book of Lieh Tzu (London: Columbia University Press, 1960), pp. 61–4.

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influenced by Buddhism. This argument caused a debate. Here I will summarize the prior scholarship fijirst and then talk about my viewpoint on this issue. Huo Shixiu and Pei Puxian 墜㘖岊 hold the opinion that the motif originated in India. In an influential article, Huo argues that this motif comes from a story in the Buddhist canon.28 He cites the story of Shaluona 墇伭恋ġ and Katyayana 徎㕫⺞, which existed in both Asvaghosa’s Da zhuangyanlun jing ⣏匲♜婾䴻 [Kalpanā-maṇḍitikā]29 and the Za baozang jing 暄⮞冏䴻 [Saṃyukta-ratna-piṭaka-sūtra; The Storehouse of Kindred Treasured Teachings].30 The story is about a young prince named Shaluona who intends to seek religious instruction from Katayana. In his travels he offfends the king of a state and is severely beaten. When he himself becomes enthroned, he launches a punitive expedition against the former king. On that very night Shaluona has a dream in which he is captured and sentenced to death. As knives are about to strike him, they are transformed into blue lotuses. At this point Shaluona awakens, regrets his desire for revenge, and devotes himself to a religious life. Huo argues that the story mentioned by Hong Mai in Liezi was also possibly influenced by Buddhist scriptures.31 In the late 1950s, Pei Puxian followed Huo Shixiu in this argument. In her study of the influence of Indian literature on Chinese literature, she says that the “Yang Lin” story found in the Youming lu is derived from an Indian source, the Sūtralamkara Sūtra and the Samyutka-ratna-pitaka Sūtra. The story she cites is the one about Shaluona.32 David R. Knechtges challenged the argument of Huo and Pei. In his research on dream adventure stories in Europe, Knechtges traces the stories back to their Chinese counterparts, which he considers the earliest examples. Concerning the story of King Mu of Zhou from Liezi and the story about Shaluona in the Buddhist scripture, Knechtges admits that “Both of these works exist in Chinese translation beginning in the early fijifth century ad,” but he disagrees with Pei Puxian’s conclusion that “Yang Lin” was influenced by the Buddhist story.33 According to Knechtges, “Although this (Buddhist) story vaguely re28 29

30 31 32 33

For Huo’s article, “Tangdai chuanqi wen yu Yindu gushi,” see footnote 17 in Introduction. This work was translated into Chinese by Kumārajiva (344–413). See Taishō Tripitaka, 4. 323–26. For a study on this text, see Sylvain Lévi, Asvaghosa, le sutralamkara et ses sources, Journal Asiatique, 12 (1980): 57–193. This work was translated into Chinese by Kinkara ⎱徎⣄ and Tanyao 㙯㚄 (fl. 460–464). See Taishō Tripitaka, 4. 447–99. See Huo Shixiu, “Tangdai chuanqi wen yu Yindu gushi,” in Zhongguo bijiao wenxue yanjiu zilia, pp. 330–31. For the story, see Wang Meng’ou, Tangren xiaoshuo jiaoshi, A, p. 39. Pei Puxian, Zhong Yin wenxue yanjiu, pp. 187–88. See David Knechtges, “Dream Adventure Stories in Europe and Tang China,” 114–15.

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sembles the pillow story, it lacks several important ingredients of the dream adventure. First of all, there is no illusion of grandeur, and in fact, in the dream the hero actually experiences nothing but failure. Furthermore, there is no illusion that the dream occupied a long period of time. Finally, there is no time-measuring device. For these reasons I am reluctant to see any direct influence of this story on the Chinese dream adventure stories.” He concludes, “Until better Indian examples are found I prefer to believe the Chinese dream adventure stories were native creations.”34 According to Knechtges, some components that are obviously not found in Indian dream stories might also be seen as indigenous to China. The “illusion of grandeur” and the perception of time may be related to China’s social milieu and Daoism. This is a valid dissenting voice concerning the origin of “Yang Lin,” or the motif of the “dream adventure inside a microcosmic world.” Even though Knechtges disagrees with Hong Mai, both of them ultimately claim that this motif was an indigenous creation of China. 4 A Third Look at the Origin of the Motif Difffering notions of influence are clearly the cause for this debate about the Indian influence on the story of Yang Lin. While Huo Shixiu and Pei Puxian emphasize the aspect of the “controlled soul” that exists in both stories, they believe that the similarity in this aspect is good evidence of Indian influence. By insisting on a comparison of more aspects of the two stories, Knechtges seeks a high degree of similarity between the works. He claims that, “I am reluctant to see any direct influence.” It is clear that Knechtges is talking about “direct influence” or derivation, and in terms of this he may still be correct. However, considering that the phenomenon of “influence” could be much more complicated and discourse is healthy in academic research, I would like to express my view of the issue. Basically, I believe that a direct or indirect influence of Buddhist scripture upon the motif of the “dream adventure inside a microcosmic world” indeed existed. I will support my argument by analyzing three aspects as follows: First, having examined prior dream stories in Chinese culture, I found that by nature “Yang Lin” is a dream story foreign to Chinese culture. Previous depictions of dreams are in many ways diffferent from it. Dreams have been taken as omens or messages from spirits; and there has never been such a complete life story in a dream.35 The following famous dream of Zhuang Zhou 34 35

Ibid., pp. 114–15. For traditional Chinese dreams and dream interpretations, see Liu Wenying ∱㔯劙, Meng de mixin yu meng de tansuo ⣊䘬徟ᾉ冯⣊䘬㍊䳊 [Superstition to Dream and

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匲␐ is frequently mentioned by some literati together with the dream adventure stories: Once Chuang Chou dreamt he was a butterfly, a butterfly flitting and fluttering around, happy with himself and doing as he pleased. He didn’t know he was Chuang Chou. Suddenly he woke up and there he was, solid and unmistakable Chuang Chou. But he didn’t know if he was Chuang Chou who had dreamt he was a butterfly, or a butterfly dreaming he was Chou. Between Chuang Chou and a butterfly there must be some distinction! This is called the Transformation of Things. 㖼侭匲␐⣊䁢圜圞炻㟑㟑䃞圜圞ḇ炻冒╣怑⽿冯炻ᶵ䞍␐ḇˤ Ὤ䃞奢炻⇯㒂㒂䃞␐ḇˤᶵ䞍␐ᷳ⣊䁢圜圞冯烎圜圞ᷳ⣊䁢␐ 冯烎␐冯圜圞炻⇯⽭㚱↮䞋ˤ㬌ᷳ媪䈑⊾ˤ36 This passage explains that Zhuang Chou [Zhou] and the butterfly are identical, like everything in the world. This is one of Zhuangzi’s basic ideas. But there is no clear connection between this passage and the story about Yang Lin in the Youming lu. Second, through analysis we can see that the nature of the dream and the structure of the plot in both “Yang Lin” and the story about Shaluona in the Buddhist scriptures are indeed very similar: 1) the dream is not a natural dream, but controlled or produced, which is foreign to Chinese tradition; 2) the person who produces the dream is a religious person – a sorcerer in “Yang Lin” and Katayana in the Buddhist story;37 and 3) the dream causes an emotional response. It is therefore very likely that “Yang Lin” was influenced or inspired by the stories in Buddhist scriptures. Furthermore, it is certain that the thought expressed in the dream adventure stories is not found in previous Chinese tradition, but is found in one of the general teachings of the Mahāyāna school of Buddhism that had been transmitted into China by the end of the Han – namely, life is empty and illusory, or

36

37

Exploration of Dream] (Beijing: Zhongguo shehui kexue chubanshe, 1989); Roberto K. Ong, The Interpretation of Dreams in Ancient China (Bochum: 1985); and Li Wai-yee, “Dreams of Interpretation in Early Chinese Historical and Philosophical Writings,” in Dream Culture, ed. by Shulman, David (Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 17–42. Chen Guying 昛溻ㅱ, ed., Zhuangzi jinzhu jinyi 匲⫸Ṳ㲐Ṳ嬗 [Modern Commentary and Translation of Zhuangzi] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1983), p.  92. The translation is from Burton Watson, trans., The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), p. 49. In “The World inside a Pillow” the Daoist Lü works as the sorcerer in “Yang Lin.”

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dreamlike. Although this comparison suggests similarity, it may not actually establish influence. But evidence of the existence of Buddhist thought and its transmission into China indicates a strong possibility of Buddhist influence and provides a more reasonable explanation than the insistence of indigenous origin. It seems that the idea that life is dreamlike in “Yang Lin” is not very clear, because the response of Yang Lin is only a long sigh. At the very end, however, the story reads, “enduring several decades … Suddenly he felt as if he had awakened from a dream.” The other version of this story ends with “Lin felt as if he had spent several years inside it, but in reality he had been there only an instant.” The sharp contrast of a long period of time and an instant is explicit. In the “Zhenzhong ji,” scholar Lu’s speech at the end of the story clearly suggests that the dream changed his world view: “Of the ways of favor and disgrace, the vagaries of distress and prosperity, the patterns of accomplishment and failure, the reasons of life and death, I have thoroughly been made aware.” ⣓⮝彙ᷳ 忻炻䩖忼ᷳ忳炻⼿╒ᷳ䎮炻㬣䓇ᷳね炻䚉䞍ᷳ䞋!38 What has Lu realized? It is very clear: human life is a short and transient phenomenon, resembling an illusion or a dream; all honor, fame, and gains are unreliable. This is almost exactly the Buddhist idea, which expresses itself more clearly in the story of “The Governor of the Southern Tributary Branch”: “He realized how empty his dream had been, and that all was vanity too in the world of men. He fijinally set his mind on the dharma [of Buddha] and abstained from wine and women” デ⋿㞗ᷳ㴖嘃炻ぇṢᶾᷳᾷ⾥炻忪㢚⽫忻攨炻 䳽㡬惺刚ˤ39 The sense of the transitory and illusory nature of life comes precisely from Buddhism. As we know, as early as the two centuries from 100 bce to 100 ce, a movement arose within Buddhism called the Mahāyāna, the “Great Vehicle,” in contrast to the Hīnayāna, the “Smaller Vehicle.” While early Buddhism had ascribed to all conditioned dharmas three universal marks – sufffering, impermanence, and no-self – early Mahāyāna added a fourth – emptiness. As Candrakīrti (600– 650) describes, All entities are, in a similar fashion, not only empty [as efffects], but they are also produced out of empty [causes]. According to the two truths, 38 39

Wang Mengou, Tangren xiaoshuo jiaoshi, p. 25. Wang Meng’ou, Tangren xiaoshuo jiaoshi B, p.  178; Nienhauser, “An Account of the Governor of the Southern Branch,” in Mair, The Columbia Anthology of Traditional Chinese Literature, p. 871. Here the “Dao men” 忻攨 does not refer to Daoist teaching, but Buddhist dharma.

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[entities possess] no intrinsic beings, and therefore they are not permanent, nor are they subject to annihilation.”40 The grand master of the Mādhyamika, Nāgārjuna (150–250), says in his work, The Philosophy of the Middle Way, “As an illusion, a dream, a city of gandharvas, so have arising, endurance and destruction been exemplifijied;” “Material forms, sound, taste, touch, smell, as well as concepts – all these are comparable to the city of gandharvas and resemble images and dreams.”41 From the end of the East Han period (in the middle of the second century) to the Hongshi ⻀⥳ġreign of Later Qin 䦎ġ(399–416), ideas about emptiness were introduced into China through the translation of many classics of Buddhism and were well received by Chinese literati.42 Among the eight Mahāyāna schools of Chinese Buddhism, the Sanlun ᶱ婾ġ School and the Tiantai ⣑⎘ġSchool in particular emphasize emptiness.43 Except for the particular tales in concern, little is known about the spread of the philosophy of emptiness in society during the Six Dynasties period, but in the Tang it is found in references to dreams in many poems: Cutting wood and drawing silk to make an old man, with coarse skin and white hair he is the same as a real one. A moment after I fijinish playing with it, with nothing to do, I feel lonely, 40

41 42 43

See C.W. Huntington, Jr. with Geshé Namgyal Wangchen, The Emptiness of Emptiness: an Introduction to Early Indian Madhyamika (Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, c1989), p. 55. David J. Kalupahana, Nāgārjuna: the Philosophy of the Middle Way [Mūlamadhyamakakārikā] (Albany: State University of New York Press, 1986), p. 179 and p. 316. See Guo Peng 悕㚳, Sui Tang Fojiao 晐Ⓒἃ㔁 [Buddhism of Sui and Tang] (Jinan: Qi Lu Shushe, 1980), pp. 180–81. The eight schools of Great Vehicle are Jingtu 㶐⛇, Sanlun, Tiantai, Chan䤭, Xianshou 岊 椾 (Huayan厗♜), Weishi ⓗ嬀, Lü ⼳, and Mi ⭮. See Zhang Mantao, ed., Fojiao yu zhongguo wenhua, pp. 203–04. Although Sanlun was a short-lived school, Tiantai lasted for a long time and had great influence on Chinese culture and literature. In the Sui 昳 Dynasty (589–618), the Tiantai school took the Lotus Sūtra as the authoritative expression of Buddhism. The classifijication and explanation of teaching could well be described as a Chinese Mahāyāna Abhidharma. This Tiantai quasi-Abhidharma was based on the idea of the threefold truth, which claims all dharmas are: 1) empty, since they arise because of causes and conditions and have no substantiality; 2) temporary, since they are transient; and (3) middle, since they are both empty but temporarily existent. For a in-depth study of the Threefold truth, see Paul Loren Swanson, Foundations of T’ien-T’ai Philosophy: the Flowering of the Two-Truth Theory in Chinese Buddhism (Berkeley, Calif.: Asian Humanities Press, 1989), pp. 115–56.

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It seems man’s life is like a dream. ⇣㛐䈥䴚ἄ侩佩, 暆䙖浜檖冯䛇⎴. 枰冦⺬伟⭪䃉ḳ, 怬ỤṢ䓇ᶨ⣊ᷕ. Tang Minghuang Ⓒ㖶䘯, “Kuilei yin” 
⃉⏇44

A lonely crane speaks: a pattern that lasted a thousand years; In cicada chirping, the human world is like a dream. 厗堐⋫⸜⬌浜婆, Ṣ攻ᶨ⣊㘂垔沜. Cao Ye 㚡惜 “Ji Songyang Daoren” ⭬ⴑ春忻Ṣ45

I began to believe that man’s life is but a dream, With an ambitious breast, don’t let your wine cup dry. ⥳ᾉṢ䓇⤪ᶨ⣊, ⢗㆟卓ἧ惺㜗⸚. Yin Yaofan 㭟⟗喑ġ“Deng Fenghuang tai” 䘣沛↘⎘46

Since the poems are from diffferent classes of society, it seems that what one perceives here is not merely a personal sense of illusion, but a cultural sense of illusion of the era. It is interesting that the author of the fijirst poem is the noted Tang Minghuang, the Illuminating Emperor of the Tang. The similar thought he shared with the other poets provides strong evidence that viewing the lives of human beings as a dream was common, at least among the upper class and the literati, in the middle of the Tang dynasty. Although the “dream adventure inside a microcosmic world” model in Chinese narrative has a strong Daoism coloring, and the Daoists use the temporary nature of life as a tool to curb people’s desires, it is difffijicult to prove that this motif originated in Daoism alone. The Zhuangzi promotes the idea that life is short and transient. It contains the following comparison: Men’s life between heaven and earth is like the passing of a white colt glimpsed through a crack in the wall – whoosh! – and that’s the end. Overflowing, starting forth, there is nothing that does not come out; gliding away, slipping into silence, there is nothing that does not go back in. 44 45 46

Cao Yin 㚡⭭ (1659–1712) et al., ed., Quan Tang shi ℐⒸ娑 [Complete Tang Poetry] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1960), 3. 42. Ibid., 592. 6867. Ibid., 492. 5570.

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Having been transformed, things fijind themselves alive; another transformation and they are dead. Living things grieve over it, mankind mourns. Ṣ䓇⣑⛘ᷳ攻炻劍䘥楺ᷳ忶晁炻⾥䃞侴⶚ˤ㲐䃞≫䃞炻卓ᶵ↢ 䂱烊㱡䃞⮍䃞炻卓ᶵℍ䂱ˤ⶚⊾侴䓇炻⍰⊾侴㬣ˤġ 䓇䈑⑨ᷳ炻 Ṣ栆ずᷳˤ47 The Zhuangzi does not, however, deny the reality of life; it claims life and death are successive and inevitable phases of constant changes. Death and life are a form of going and returning, so people should always be satisfijied with the life they have. This does not mean life is empty, as Buddhism teaches. Like the Laozi, Zhuangzi considers life valuable; his thought about dreams reflects this, and is certainly diffferent from that of Buddhism. The motif of “dream adventure inside a microcosmic world” could be invoked by Daoism, but what the dream adventure stories convey is not the early Daoist thought. On the contrary, the origin of this thought is closely related to Buddhism: life is empty, illusory, or dreamlike.

The Motif of Revival of a Ghost Girl through Sexual Dreams Another new motif that appears in the Youming lu is the “revival of a ghost girl through sexual dreams.” The well-known drama Mudan ting 䈉ᷡṕġ (The Peony Pavilion) is the most famous example featuring this motif in later times. In previous scholarship, there is no explicit outline or specifijic study of this motif. Here I will defijine this motif and try to trace its origins. 1 The Motif of Revival of a Ghost Girl through Sexual Dreams On the Chinese stage, the Mudan ting, also known fully as Mudan ting huanhun ji 䈉ᷡṕ怬櫪姀 or simply Huanhun ji (The Record of a Returned Soul), by Tang Xianzu 㸗栗䣾ġ (1550–1616), is beyond doubt among the most famous plays in China.48 It depicts Du Liniang 㜄渿⧀, daughter of Du Bao 㜄⮞ – the 47 48

Chen Guying, Zhuangzi jinzhu jinyi, p. 570; Burton Watson, The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, p. 240. See Xu Shuofang ⼸㚼㕡 and Qian Nanyang 拊⋿㎂, ed., Tang Xianzu ji 㸗栗䣾普 [A Collection of Tang Xianzu’s Works] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1962); Xu Shuofang and Yang Xiaomei 㣲䪹㠭, ed., Mudan ting (Beijing: Renmin wenxue chubanshe, 1963); and Cyril Birch, trans., The Peony Pavilion (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1980). For studies of this play, see Chen Zhongfan 昛ᷕ↉, “Tang Xianzu Mudan ting jianlun 㸗栗䣾 䈉ᷡṕ䯉婾 [Brief Remarks on Tang Xianzu’s Peony Pavillion],” in Wenxue pinglun 㔯⬠

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governor of Nan’an ⋿⬱,49 whose social aspirations have delayed her betrothal. While visiting a garden, she dreams of a young scholar making love to her by a pavilion set among peonies. Upon waking she falls into depression and eventually death. Later her father leaves and becomes a military commissioner, but the man she dreamed of, Liu Mengmei 㞛⣊㠭, recuperates from an illness in the garden of Du Bao’s former residence, where he fijinds Liniang’s buried self-portrait and starts to meet with her lingering soul. Finally she is dug out from her cofffijin, revives, and marries Liu. Since its appearance, Mudan ting has been well received. Scene 10, “Jingmeng” 樂⣊ (The Interrupted Dream), has become the most acclaimed one. Like many other masterpieces in the history of Chinese literature, Mudan ting was created on the basis of previous works. The earliest extant story featuring this motif is the story about Xu Xuanfang’s ⼸ġ䌬ġ㕡ġdaughter in the Youming lu (tale 205):50 Pony, the son of Feng Xiaojiang, the Governor of Guangping,51 dreamed of a girl of the age of eighteen or nineteen. She said: “I am the daughter of Xu Xuanfang, the previous governor, and unfortunately died young. I was wrongly killed by a ghost, and it has been four years. But according to the record of my lifespan, I should live to the age of over eighty. Now I was allowed to revive, return [to the mortal world], and to become your wife. Would you like to marry me?” Pony dug up the cofffijin, opened it, and had a look, the girl had already revived. Thus they became a couple.

49 50

51

姽婾 (Commentaries on Literature), 4 (1962): 56–70; C.T.  Hsia, “Time and the Human Condition in the Plays of T’ang Hsien-tsu,” in Wm. Theodore de Bary, ed., Self and Society in Ming Thought (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970), pp. 708–09; Pei-kai Cheng, “Reality and Imagination: Li Chih and T’ang Hsien-tsu in Search of Authenticity” (Unpublished dissertation, Yale University, 1980); Hideo Iwaki ⱑ❶䥨⣓, Chūgohu gikyoku engeki henkyū ᷕ⚳㇚㚚㺼∯䞼䨞 [Study of Performance of Chinese Drama] (Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1973); P’an Qunying 㼀佌劙, Tang Xianzu Mudan ting kaoshu 㸗栗䣾 䈉ᷡṕ侫徘 [Study of Tang Xianzu’s Peony Pavilion] (Taibei: Jiaxin shuini gongsi wenhua jijinhui, 1969); and Xu Shuofang, Lun Tang Xianzu ji qita 婾㸗栗䣾⍲℞Ṿ [On Tang Xianzu and Related Matters] (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1983); and Cyril Birch, “The Architecture of the Peony Pavilion,” TkR, 10. 3 (Spring/Summer 1980): 609–40. The area of modern Nan’an, Fujian. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 5. 57–58. Tang Xianzu says in his “Foreword to Mudan ting,” “the works that disseminate the story of Governor Du include the story about the daughter of Li Zhongwen, the governor of Wudu of the Jin, and Feng Xiaojiang, the governor of Guangzhou. I have made minor changes and extended them” ⁛㜄⣒⬰ḳ侭炻ầἃ㗱㬎悥⬰㛶ẚ㔯ˣ⺋ⶆ⬰楖⬅ ⮯⃺⤛ḳ炻Ḱ䦵㚜侴㺼ᷳ. See Xu and Yang, Mudan ting, p. 1. Southeast of modern Xingdai 恊冢, Hebei. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 51.

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⺋⸛⣒⬰楖⬅⮯䓟楔⫸炻⣊ᶨ⤛Ṣ炻⸜⋩ℓḅ㬚炻妨烉Ⱦㆹᷫ ⇵⣒⬰⼸䌬㕡ᷳ⤛炻ᶵ⸠㖑ṉ炻ṉἮ⚃⸜炻䁢櫤㇨㜱㭢烊㊱䓇 䰁ᷫ⢥军ℓ⋩检炻Ṳ倥ㆹ㚜䓇炻怬䁢⏃⥣炻傥夳倀⏎烎ȿ楔⫸ ㍀攳㢢夾ᷳ炻℞⤛⶚㳣炻忪䁢⣓⨎ˤ52 In this romantic story, lovers meet in a dream and the girl is revived for the sake of the man. Difffering from the detached soul in “Pang E,” which will be discussed later, in this story the soul that meets the man in a dream is not the soul of a living person but of a girl who died young. Therefore the return of the soul does not merely mean that a detached soul combines with the body it belongs to, but that a girl is revived. In order to better understand particular aspects of this story, a longer version is found in volume 4 of the Soushen houji. It reads as follows: Feng Xiaojiang of Dongping was the governor of Guangzhou during the Jin Dynasty.53 His son was named Pony, and was a little over twenty years old. One night he slept alone in the stable, and dreamed of a maiden of eighteen or nineteen who said to him, “I am the daughter of Xu Xuanfang of Beihai,54 the previous governor here. It was my ill fortune to die in my youth; I have been dead now for four years. I was unjustly killed by a demon. According to the Book of Life, I was to live into my eighties. Now it is agreed that I may live again, but I must rely on someone named Pony in order to return to life. We are also destined to be man and wife. Can you do your part to bring me back to life?” Pony answered, “Yes.” She then gave Pony the time of her next appearance.  When the appointed day came, hair covered the floor before Pony’s bed. He ordered it to be swept out, yet it only grew more distinct. Pony began to realize that this was the woman of his dream. He ordered everyone out, and gradually a forehead appeared, followed by a face, then by a neck and shoulders, and all at once the entire body. Pony asked her to sit on the bed in front of him. She talked to him and her words were quite delightful. She then lay with Pony, but warned him, “Be careful. I’m still ethereal.” He asked at what time she could fijinally appear, and she

52 53

54

Lu Xun, Guxhiaoshuo gouchen, p. 411; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 1. 12. Dongping was a state of the Jin, and its capital was located at Wuyan 䃉渥, modern Dongping of Shandong. Guangzhou governed modern Guangdong and Guangxi provinces in the Jin period. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3. 37–38, 57–58. Modern Yidu ⭄悥 County in Shantong.

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answered, “I must return to life by repossessing my original body; that day has not yet come.” She then stayed in the stable. Everyone heard the sound of their voices. As the day of her revival approached, the maiden taught Pony the way to resurrect her. When she fijinished speaking, she departed.  Pony obeyed her instructions. When the day came he took a scarlet cock, a plate of millet, and a quart of clear wine, and spread them over her grave. When he fijinished performing the rites, he dug up her cofffijin ten paces from the stable. As he opened it and looked at her, he found her appearance to be the same as before. He delicately lifted her out, wrapped her in felt, and placed her in a curtained bed. There was a faint warmth near her heart and breath came from her mouth. Pony ordered four servant girls to care for and nurture her. They kept her eyes moist with the milk of a white goat; eventually she was able to open them. Soon she could take porridge, and shortly afterward she could talk. After a year her color, skin, and strength were all back to normal. A message was sent to Mr. Xu, and everyone in the clan came. An auspicious day was settled, and they became man and wife. 㗱㗪炻㜙⸛楖⬅⮯䁢⺋ⶆ⣒⬰ˤ⃧⎵楔⫸炻⸜Ḵ⋩ἁ炻䌐再⹬ ᷕ炻⣄⣊夳ᶨ⤛⫸炻⸜⋩ℓḅ炻妨烉Ⱦㆹ㗗⇵⣒⬰⊿㴟⼸䌬㕡 ⤛炻ᶵ⸠㖑ṉˤṉἮṲ⶚⚃⸜炻䁢櫤㇨㜱㭢ˤ㟰䓇抬炻䔞ℓ⋩ ἁ炻⏔ㆹ㚜䓇炻天䔞㚱ὅ楔⫸ᷫ⼿䓇㳣炻⍰ㅱ䁢⏃⥣ˤ傥⽆㇨ ⥼炻夳㓹㳣ᶵ烎Ⱦ楔⫸䫼㚘烉Ⱦ⎗䇦ˤȿᷫ冯楔⫸⃳㛇䔞↢ˤ 军㛇㖍炻⸲⇵⛘炻柕䘤㬋ᶶ⛘⸛炻ẌṢ㌫⍣炻⇯グ↮㖶炻⥳ぇ 㗗㇨⣊夳侭ˤ忪⯷昌ⶎ⎛Ṣ炻ὧ㻠㻠柵↢炻㫉柕朊↢炻⍰㫉偑 枭⼊ỻ枻↢ˤ楔⫸ὧẌ⛸⮵㥣ᶲ炻昛婒婆妨炻⣯⥁朆ⷠˤ忪ᶶ 楔⫸⮊〗ˤ㭷婉ḹ烉Ⱦㆹ⯂嘃䇦ˤȿ⌛⓷ỽ㗪⼿↢炻䫼㚘烉ġ “↢䔞⼿㛔␥䓇㖍炻⯂㛒军ˤȿ忪⼨⹬ᷕ炻妨婆倚枛炻Ṣ䘮倆 ᷳˤ⤛妰䓇㖍军炻ᷫ℟㔁楔⫸↢⶙梲ᷳ㕡㱽炻婆䔊录⍣ˤ楔⫸ ⽆℞妨炻军㖍炻ẍᷡ晬暆ᶨ⎒炻湵梗ᶨ䚌炻㶭惺ᶨ⋯炻愲℞╒ ⇵炻⍣⹬⋩ἁ㬍ˤ䤕妾炻㍀㢢↢炻攳夾炻⤛幓ỻ尴ℐ⤪㓭ˤ⼸ ⼸㉙↢炻叿㮰ⷛᷕ炻ⓗ⽫ᶳ⽖㘾炻⎋㚱㮼〗ˤẌ⨊⚃Ṣ⬰梲嬟 ᷳˤⷠẍ曺伲ḛ㯩㿅℞ℑ䛤炻㻠㻠傥攳炻⎋傥⑥䱍炻㖊侴傥 婆ˤḴ䘦㖍ᷕ炻㊩㛾崟埴炻ᶨ㛇ᷳ⎶炻柷刚倴兂㮼≃〱⢵⤪ ⷠ炻ᷫ怋⟙⼸㮷炻ᶲᶳ䚉Ἦˤ怠⎱㖍ᶳ䥖炻倀䁢⣓⨎.55 55

Wang Genlin, Han Wei liuchao biji xiaoshuo daguan, p. 456; Li Fang, Taiping yulan, 887. 3941a–b. The translation is based on Tr. Chris Connery’s in Karl Kao, Classical Chinese Tales of the Supernatural and the Fantastic, pp. 130–32. In order to maintain consistency, the offfijicial title “magistrate” has been changed to “governor.”

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Based on this version, it is certain that a sexual relationship existed between the boy and the girl, and that it is an important prerequisite for the girl’s revival. While Tang Xianzu claims that the story of Xu Xuanfang’s daughter in the Youming lu was the basis for his Mudan ting, modern scholars believe that the Mudan ting was based on another chief source. It is the huaben 娙㛔, or storyteller’s script, entitled “Du Liniang muse huanhun ji 㜄ᷥ⧀ヽ刚怬櫪姀 [The Record of Du Liniang’s Revival for Adoring Good Look],” which is included in volume nine of the Yanju bijiġ 䅽⯭䫮姀 [Records of Living in Yanjing], a collection of vernacular stories of the Ming dynasty. The plot of the second half of this story is fairly sketchy; but in the fijirst half, the depictions of Du Liniang visiting the park, dreaming, and painting her portrait are nearly as rich in detail as in the Mudan ting.56 The confijirmation of “Du Liniang muse huanhun” as the chief source of Mudan ting took about half a century.57 Without knowing why Tang Xianzu hid his chief source, “Du Liniang muse huanhun ji” features the same motif of the “revival of a ghost girl through sexual dreams” that appeared between the “Xu Xuanfang’s Daughter” and the Mudan ting. Thus it seems that from “Xu Xuanfang’s Daughter” to Mudan ting, a motif had taken shape. Its basic structure is: 1) a single young man, the son of the present governor, dreams of a young girl, the daughter of the previous governor, who died young but now is allowed to be revived; 2) the man becomes intimate with the girl and has sexual intercourse with her; and 3) the girl is revived and marries the man. It is clear that the stories with this motif are composed of two parts: a sexual dream and a girl’s revival. Now I will discuss them respectively. 2 The Origin of the Sexual Dream Motif The sexual dream motif can be traced back to Song Yu’s ⬳䌱ġ(ca. 290–223 bc) “Gaotang fu 檀Ⓒ岎ġ[On the Gaotang],” which depicts King Huai ㆟of Chu 㤂 (r. 328–299 bc) meeting the goddess of Gao Tang. The Preface to “Gaotang fu” reads: 56 57

See Anonymous, Du Liniang muse huanhun ji (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1991), no. 35 of the Guben xiaoshuo congkan ⎌㛔⮷婒⎊↲. In 1932 Sun Kaidi ⬓㤟䫔 fijirst mentioned that the “Du Liniang muse huanhun” is collected in He Dalun’s ỽ⣏Ỏ Yanju biji 䅽⯭䫮姀. See his Riben Dongjing suojian Zhongguo xiaoshuo shumu㖍㛔㜙Ṕ㇨夳ᷕ⚳⮷婒㚠䚖 (Beiping: Guoli Beiping tushuguan, 1932). In 1973, Japanese scholar Hideo Iwaki published Chūgohu gikyoku engeki henkyū (Tokyo: Sōbunsha, 1973). In this book he confijirms that the huaben “Du Liniang muse huanhun” was the chief source of Mudan ting. In 1980, Both Xu Shuofang’s Tang Xianzu nianpu 㸗栗䣾⸜嬄 (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1980, pp.  239–47) and Hu Shiying’s 傉⢓卡 Huaben xiaoshuo gailun 娙㛔⮷婒㤪婾 (Zhonghua shuju, 1980, pp. 532–37) included the huaben “Du Liniang muse huanhun.”

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In the past the former king (King Huai of Chu) once visited the Mount Gaotang. He was tired and slept in the daytime, and he dreamed of a woman who said to him, “I am the daughter of Mount Wu, and now a guest of Gaotang. I heard that Your Majesty is visiting Gaotang, so I would like to serve you with my pillow and mat.” Thus the king did her the favor. 㖼侭⃰䌳▿㷠檀Ⓒ炻⿈侴㘅⮊ˤ⣊夳ᶨ⨎Ṣ炻㚘: “⥦ⶓⰙᷳ⤛ ḇ炻䁢檀Ⓒᷳ⭊ˤ倆⏃㷠檀Ⓒ, 栀啎㜽ⷕˤȿ䌳⚈⸠ᷳˤ58 In another version, quoted by Li Shan 㛶┬ġ(d. 689) from Song Yu ji ⬳䌱普ġ [Collected Works of Song Yu], there are some variants in the words of the goddess: In the past the former king once visited Gaotang Mountain. He was tired and slept in the daytime, and dreamed of a woman who said, “I am the youngest daughter of the Emperor [of Heaven], and my name is called Yaoji. I died before my marriage, and was enfeofffed with the terrace of Mount Wu. I heard that Your Majesty is visiting Gaotang, so I would like to serve you with my pillow and mat.” Thus the king did her the favor. 㖼⃰䌳㷠㕤檀Ⓒ炻⿈侴㘅⮊ˤ⣊夳ᶨ⨎Ṣ炻冒ḹ: “ㆹⷅᷳ⬋⤛, ⎵㚘䐌⦔,㛒埴侴ṉ, ⮩㕤ⶓⰙᷳ冢ˤ倆䌳Ἦ忲, 栀啎㜽ⷕˤȿ䌳 ⚈⸠ᷳˤ59 As a work about the goddess and sex, the “Gaotang fu” is most likely the earliest extant sexual dream in the history of Chinese literature. As is widely known, besides the “Gaotang fu,” Song Yu also wrote the “Shennü fu 䤆⤛岎 [On the Goddess].” In “Shennü fu” the erotic meeting evaporates, and the goddess changes into a chaste beauty who keeps her body as jade. Owing to this, Ye Shuxian 叱冺ㅚ says that the goddess changed from a goddess of love into a goddess of beauty; and because the “Shennü fu” was well-received and continuously followed by writers of rhapsody,60 Ye Shuxian argues, the goddess of love fijigure was lost.61 58 59 60 61

Xiao Tong, Wen Xuan, p. 393. See Li Shan’s annotation to Jiang Yan 㰇㶡 (444–505) “Zati shi 暄橼娑 [Miscellaneous Styles of Poems],” Ibid, pp. 696–97. Cao Zhi 㚡㢵 (192–232) “Luo shen fu 㳃䤆 岎 [Rhapsody on the Luo Divinity]” is the most noted one which shares the motif of “Shennu fu.” Ye Shuxian, “Gaotang shennu de kua wenhua yanjiu 檀Ⓒ䤆⤛䘬嶐㔯⊾䞼䨞 [Intercultural Study of the Gaotang Goddess],” Renwen zazhi Ṣ㔯暄 娴 [Journal of Humanities], 6 (1989): 100–01.

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However, the so-called “goddess of love” was revived in the classical tales. The story of Xuan Chao 䌬崭 and the goddess Zhi Qiong 㘢䑲ġ is a good example. In this story the goddess is not only beautiful but also takes the initiative in seeking love.62 But in many tales, such as the previously cited “Xu Xuanfang’s Daughter,” the image of the goddess changed into that of a ghost girl. “Li Zhongwen nü 㛶ẚ㔯⤛ġ [Li Zhongwen’s Daughter]” is another sexual dream story found in the Soushen houji and is in many respects similar to “Xu Xuanfang’s Daughter” in the Youming lu. This story is about the son of the governor of Wudu 㬎悥,63 who dreams of a girl of seventeen or eighteen who is extremely beautiful. She says, “I’m the daughter of the previous governor. It was my ill fortune that I died in youth. Now is the time that I should be revived. I adore you, and therefore I have come to meet with you.” This happened for fijive to six nights. Suddenly she appears in the daytime, and they become man and wife. When they make love, her clothes are stained, as if she had been a virgin. But the tale has a tragic ending in which the girl fails to be revived because her parents fijind her shoes and have her body dug up. According to the tale, she could never be revived after her body was exposure to light, even though flesh had already grown on her bones.64 This story is merely a variant of the motif of the sexual dream with revival. But it does not mention the girl’s lifespan, and it depicts sex in more detail. These features help to confijirm the function of sex in this motif for the revival of the girl.65 62

63 64

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This story says that Xuan Chao was sleeping alone at night, and he dreamed of a goddess coming to him. She said that she was a jade girl in Heaven and had lost her parents during her childhood. The Emperor of Heaven took pity on her for her loneliness and allowed her to go down to this world to marry a man. Thus they became man and wife. The earliest version of this story, only twenty words long, is found in Cao Pi’s (187–226) Lieyi zhuan (Arrayed Marvels). In Gan Bao’s Soushen ji, it becomes a long story. See Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuop gouchen, p. 257; Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 61. 378–80. Wudu was a commandery of the Jin dynasty, and the area under its jurisdiction centered around modern Wudu county in Gansu. See Tang Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 3. 43–44. In the story about Scholar Tan, the girl tells Tan, “Don’t shine any lights on me. Only after three years can you do so.” But Tan can no longer control his curiosity and shines a light on her, and as a result she fails to revive. See Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 258–59. Wang Genlin, Han Wei liuchao biji xiaoshuo daguan, p. 458; Li Fang, Taiping yulan, 887. 3941a. Interestingly, a variant of sex dream that is somewhat in accord with this motif is found in the Tang tales. This story is “Yan Zhi” 散昇 from Guang yi ji ⺋䔘姀 [Broadened Records of Marvels]. It tells of Yan Zhi, the son of the Administrator of Mizhou ⭮ⶆ攟⎚ (The region under the jurisdiction of Mizhou centered around modern Zhucheng 媠❶, Shandong, including Ju xian 区䷋, Anqiu ⬱᷀, Gaomi 檀⭮, etc.; Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 5. 44–45), who once slept in the daytime and dreamed of a girl, who was about fijifteen or sixteen years old and was very beautiful, coming to meet privately with him.

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The basic features of sex dreams took their shape from the “On Gao Tang” and the sex dream stories of later times: 1) a beautiful young girl appears in a man’s dream; 2) the girl has died young and now is from the other world; 3) the girl comes to the man on her own initiative; and 4) the dream occurs in the daytime. Besides, what is emphasized in this motif is not the sexual desire of the dreamer, the man, but the desire of the woman who has died young without marriage; thus it is not merely about sex but also about love and even compassion. The characteristics of Chinese sexual dreams come from cultural accumulation and have remained even in the later works like the Mudan ting.66 Beginning in early medieval China, however, new elements appeared in the tales of sexual dreams: the man is often the son of a governor, rather than an emperor; and the emphasis of the motif switches from purely sex to a real marriage. As a result, revival becomes signifijicant, as sex is not merely an outlet of sexual desire but the means of revival. What we are concerned with here is the revival of the ghost girl, a new element of sexual dreams. 3 Buddhist Scriptures and the Motif of the Revival of a Ghost Girl The appearance of stories about revival was a new phenomenon in the time of Six Dynasties. As stated in chapter 3, the traditional Chinese idea is that human beings cannot be revived after death. Beginning in the Six Dynasties period, however, revival stories are found in many collections of zhiguai. In the Soushen ji, for example, fijifteen tales concern revivals, among which twelve are found in volume 15. In the Youming lu, we also fijind twelve such tales. The earliest revival stories belong to the narrative model of “netherworld traveling,” or “netherworld adventures,” which was fijirst defijined by Maeno

66

This happened for several months. Every time he went to sleep, he dreamed of her arrival. One day, he dreamed that the girl came to bid him farewell. Her voice and appearance were both extremely sad. She said: “I am the former Administrator’s daughter, and was buried at the southeast corner of the city after I died. My elder brother will come to take my bones back home tomorrow. Our predestined lot is over and we have to part forever. What a pity! Now I have a hundred thousand [dollars of] cash to give you, to show my sentimental attachment to you.” After saying that, she asks a maid to put the money under the bed, and then she leaves. At this moment Yan Zhi awakens. He looks at the ground under the bed, and fijinds that there is truly a grand sum of paper money [for ghosts]. See Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 280. 2235. Of course, this does not mean that there is only one type of sexual dream story in Chinese fijictional narratives. Those reflect and fulfijill a male’s desire exist too. For example, in the vernacular stories of the Ming, a tale tells the story of a monk who met a beautiful woman one day on the street, and at night he dreamed of the woman and had sex with her. See Feng Menglong 楖⣊漵 (1574–1645), ed., Xingshi hengyan 愺ᶾ⿺妨 [Constant Words to Awaken the World] (Beijing: Zuojia chubanshe, 1956), 39. 838–40.

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Naoaki.67 The focus of this type of story is curiosity concerning the netherworld, even though it became a way of promoting religious teachings by Daoists and Buddhists in later times. Examples are numerous in a large number of collections of zhiguai and Buddhist miraculous tales.68 Revival stories related to love or marriage belong to another broad type, which can be divided into two categories. In the fijirst category, stories begin with love or marriage between two living people; one of them dies and later is revived for certain reasons; fijinally, they marry with a happy ending. In these stories the part concerning death and revival is only one episode of the plot, though it can be important in the whole story. Examples of such stories include the “Wang Daoping” 䌳忻⸛,69 “Hejian nannü 㱛攻䓟⤛ [A Couple from Hejian],”70 “Han Zhong” 杻慵,71 and the “Mai hufener 岋傉䰱⃺ [The Girl Who Sold Face Powder]” in the Youming lu.72 These stories focus on the emotions of love; qing, or feeling, plays an important role in them. As the offfijicial in “Hejian nannü” says, “It is the extremity of concentration and sincerity [of feeling] that moved Heaven and Earth; therefore she was revived from death” 䱦婈ᷳ军, デ㕤⣑⛘, 㓭㬣侴㚜䓇.73 However, I will focus on the second category of revival tales related to love and marriage, which begin with a sexual dream in which the soul of a dead girl comes into the dream of a young man and, after they become intimate, the girl is revived and marries the man. A closely related motif is the “ghost wife” story, which begins with a woman in spirit form who has a rendezvous with a man; however, many of these stories have nothing to do with revival.74 The question arises: what was the cause for the appearance of so many revival stories? Was it related to Buddhism or Indian culture? No satisfactory

67 68 69

70 71 72 73 74

See Maeno Naoaki, “Meikai yugyo,” in Chugoku bungakuho, XIV (April 1961), 38–57. Ibid. Gan Bao, Soushen ji, 15. 178. For an English translation, see Kenneth J. DeWoskin and J.I. Crump, Jr., In Search of the Supernatural (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996), pp. 170–71. Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 161. 1160; Li Fang, Taiping yulan, 887. 3940a–b. Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 316. 2498. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p.  410. An English translation can be found in Karl Kao, Classical Chinese Tales of the Supernatural and the Fantastic, pp. 143–44. Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 161. 1160. As for the exception, such as “Tan sheng” 婯䓇 (Scholar Tan) in Lieyi zhuan, the only diffference from “the Daughter of Xu Xuanfang” is that the ghost woman meets the man in the human world, not in a dream. See Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 258–59; Taiping guangji, 316. 2501–02. An English translation of this story can be found in Karl Kao, Classical Chinese Tales of the Supernatural and the Fantastic, p. 387.

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answer has appeared in previous studies.75 Zheng Wanqing mentions the story of the daughter of Xu Xuanfang in his discussion of Buddhist influence, but he does not explain what the specifijic influence was.76 Ji Xianlin ⬋佐㜿 says: Inside those works, such as Li Gongzuo’s “The Governor of the Southern Branch” and Shen Jiji’s “The World inside a Pillow,” which belong to dream stories; Chen Xuanyou’s “Lihun ji,” which belongs to the detached-soul motif… . and the stories in Dai Junfu’s Guangyi ji, which belong to netherworld marriage, some degree of Indian flavor can be found.77 But he does not discuss the matter in detail. In some of the stories themselves, certain explanations for the phenomenon of revival can be found. The earliest netherworld adventure story in Han shu interprets the revival as involving a yaoren ⤾Ṣġ(demonic person) and dislocation of the yin and yang.78 The idea of balancing the yin and yang comes from the old Chinese thought dating back to the Book of Changes. Later, in many stories about ghosts wrongly capturing people and bringing them to the netherworld, the shenglu 䓇抬ġ(record of lifespan) became a popular reason 75

76 77

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Available studies on this topic include Liu Chuhua ∱㤂厗, “Zhiguai shu zhong de fusheng bianhua ⽿⿒㚠ᷕ䘬⽑䓇嬲⊾ [Revivals in the Collections of zhiguai],” in Huang Ziping湫⫸⸛, ed., Zhongguo xiaoshuo yu zongjiao ᷕ⚳⮷婒冯⬿㔁 [Chinese Fiction and Religion] (Hong Kong: Zhonghua shuju, 1998), pp.  9–30; Zhou Li␐ὸ, “Zhongguo godai minghun xiaoshuo li de fuhuo muti ᷕ⚳⎌ẋ⅍⨂⮷婒慴䘬⽑㳣㭵 柴 [Revival Motif in Netherworld Marriage Stories of Ancient China],” Xuzhou shifan xueyuan xuebao ⼸ⶆⷓ䭬⬠昊⬠⟙ (Journal of Xuzhou Teacher’s College), 3 (1992): 10–2; Kominami Ichiro⮷⋿ᶨ恶, Zhongguo de shenhua chuanshuo yu Guxiaoshuo ᷕ⚳ 䘬䤆娙⁛婒冯⎌⮷婒 [Chinese Myth and Legendary and Old Fiction], trans. by Sun Changwu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1993), pp.  249–63; and Anthony Yu, “‘Rest, Rest, Perturbed Spirit!’ Ghosts in Traditional Chinese Fiction,” HJAS 47 (1987): 397–434. “Preface,” in Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, p. 3. Ji Xianlin, “Yindu wenxue zai Zhongguo ⌘⹎㔯⬠⛐ᷕ⚳ [Indian Literature in China]” in his Bijiao wenxue yu minjian wenxue 㭼庫㔯⬠冯㮹攻㔯⬠ [Comparative Literature and Folklore] (Beijing: Beijing daxue chubanshe, 1991), p. 107: Ⱄ㕤⣊⸣䘬㓭ḳ䘬㛶℔ Ỹ䘬˪⋿㞗⣒⬰⁛˫␴㰰㖊㾇䘬˪㜽ᷕ姀˫, Ⱄ㕤暊櫪ᶨ栆䘬昛䌬ỹ䘬˪暊櫪 姀˫…… Ⱄ㕤⸥⨂ᶨ栆䘬㇜⏃⬂䘬˪⺋䔘姀˫慴䘬姙⣂㓭ḳ, 塷朊悥ㆾ⣂ㆾ⮹ 傥⣈㈦⇘ᶨṃ⌘⹎刚⼑. For a translation and study of the Guangyi ji, see Glen Dudbridge, Religious Experience and Lay Society in T’ang China: a Reading of Tai Fu’s Kuang-i chi (Cambridge, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1995). “The demon who dies and is revived” ⍍⤾Ṣ㬣⽑䓇; “The extreme yin becomes yang, a person with lower status becomes one with higher status” 军昘䁢春, ᶳṢ䁢ᶲ. See Ban Gu, Han shu, 27. 1473.

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for the victims’ revivals. As mentioned in chapter 3, this idea comes from the theory of Daoism. In the sexual dream stories, an unstated interpretation of the revival is that the sexual intercourse causes the bones of the female ghosts to grow flesh, which brings them back to life. Although the lifespan record is mentioned in the early stories, it disappears in later ones, and sexual intercourse becomes increasingly important. In the works in the Ming and Qing dynasties, the focus becomes taiyin lianxing shu ⣒昘䃱⼊埻ġ (utmost yin method of nurturing forms) and cai yang bu yin 㓅春墄昘ġ (gathering yang to nurture yin).79 Kominami Ichiro says that this idea came from the caibu shu ㍉墄埻 (method of gathering from yin and nurturing yang) in Daoism.80 But it may be merely a mutation of caibu, because it concerns gathering from yang and nurturing yin, just the opposite of the practice in Daoism of gathering from yin and nurturing yang. It seems clear that all these theories are from indigenous Chinese thought. In volume 17 of the Taishō Tripitaka, a tale entitled “Dizi fusheng jing ⻇⫸ 㬣⽑䓇䴻ġ[Sutra of the Revival of a Disciple],” which was translated by Juqu jingshengġ㱖㷈Ṕ䓇, tells of a sage ⃒⧮⠆ġwho was suddenly seized with a severe illness and died. Before his death, he requested that his relatives not bury him for at least seven days after his death, and his parents and relatives followed his words. On the tenth day after his death, he opened his eyes and sat up, and was able to speak. He told people what he saw when he passed through the hell.81 However, two problems have caused suspicion concerning the authenticity of the sūtra: 1) it was translated in the [Liu] Song dynasty, much later than the early stories about bodily revivals; and 2) it could be an imitation of the stories of “netherworld adventures,” because the plot of the sūtra is similar.82 But we still cannot say that there are no revival stories in the Buddhist sūtras. Stories about recovery through magical power are found in Buddhist scriptures. The story described in chapter 4 about human recovery from beheading through the divine power of a monk found in the Daming du wuji 79

80 81 82

Taiyin lianxing shu appears in “Qiu xi fang Pipa ting 䥳⢽姒䏝䏞ṕ [Visiting Lute Pavilion in an Autumn Evening]” in Li Qichang’s 㛶㖴䤢 (1376–1452) Jiandeng yuhua − 䅰检娙 [More Stories Written While Trimming the Wick], see Shi Zhongwen ⎚ẚ㔯, ed., Zhongguo wenyan xiaoshuo jingdian baibu ᷕ⚳㔯妨⮷婒䴻℠䘦悐 (Beijing: Beijing chubanshe, 2000), 23. 7953–60; while cai yin bu yang 㓅春墄昘 appears in “Nie Xiaoqian” 倞⮷ῑ in Pu Songlin’s Liaozhai zhiyi, pp. 67–71. Kominami Ichiro, Zhongguo de shenhua chuanshuo yu Guxiaoshuo, p. 255. Taishō Tripitaka, 17. 868. Lü Cheng ⏪㾻 considers this Sūtra an apocryphal text. See his Xinbian Dazangjing mulu 㕘䶐㻊㔯⣏啷䴻䚖抬 [New Catalog of Chinese Da zang jing] (Ji’nan: Qi Lu shushe, 1980), p. 92.

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jing ⣏㖶⹎䃉㤝䴻 [Astasāhasrika-praj-āpāramitā] can be considered a form of bodily revival. Unlike the variety of reasons for revival previously mentioned, such as dislocation of yin and yang, record of lifespan, and gathering yang to nurture yin, in these stories from Buddhist scriptures the cause of bodily revival is merely shentong 䤆忂, or magical power. Furthermore, stories about bodily revival through Daoist magic can be found in tales from medieval China. In the Youming lu, for instance, tale 73 narrates the story of Gan Qing ⸚ㄞĭ who was dead for seven days and was saved by the supernatural powers of magician Wu Meng ⏛ġ 䋃.83 Because the bodily revival here is achieved through magical powers, it is possible that this story was inspired by similar stories in Buddhist scriptures. While exploration of the relationship between the stories of revival and Buddhist scriptures awaits further study, the stories of ghost wives which are found in Buddhist scriptures suggest the possibility of their influence upon ghost girl stories in China. Let us fijirst compare two similar stories of ghost women, one from Lushi Yilin 映㮷䔘㜿ġ(The Forest of Marvels by Mr. Lu),84 which was later included in the Youming lu, and the other from a Buddhist scripture, Xiuxing daodi jingġᾖ埴忻⛘䴻ġ[Yogācārabhūmi-sūtra; Sutra on the Stages of Yoga Practice]:85 Lushi Yilin

Xiuxing daodi jing

Zhong You has not had audience with the sovereign for several months, and both his consciousness and temperament are abnormal. Someone asks him the reasons, and he replies that a nice woman often comes to him, and she is exceptionally beautiful. The man who asks says, “She must be a ghost. You may kill her.” Later when the woman comes, she does not go forward right away, but stops outside the door. Zhong You asks why, and she replies, “You are intending to kill me!” Zhong You says, “I won’t.” Then he calls her again and again and fijinally she enters

A man has a wife who is pretty, and her appearance is flawless. She uses beads of jade to adorn her body, and her husband loves and respects her very much. Even though she has such good looks, she is actually a licentious ghost, not a human being. She takes only human blood and flesh as food. Someone tells her husband, “Your wife is a raksasi, who takes blood and flesh as food.” Her husband does not believe it, but people tell him this again and again. Eventually the husband grows suspicious

83 84 85

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp.  373–74; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 5. 158. The biography of Wu Meng is found in Jin shu, 35. 2482–83. Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 499; Li Fang, Taiping yulan, 819. 3642b, 887. 3942a–b. In Taishō Tripitaka, 15. 181–229.

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the room. Zhong You’s mind is against his will. He has a heart that cannot bear doing so, but he still cuts her by the thigh. The woman runs out right away, and rubs the blood with new cotton all the way. The next day, Zhong You sends someone to look for her. When he reaches a big tree with a grave, he sees there is a nice woman inside whose body is like a living person, wearing a white silk shirt and a red embroidered cotton sweater. Her left thigh has been wounded, and she is rubbing the blood with the cotton from the sweater. My uncle, the Governor of Qinghe Prefecture, said that it is so.

and intends to test her. One night he pretends to lie and snore as in sleep. Thinking that he’s sound asleep, the woman stealthily gets up, goes out of town, and strolls around the graves. Following right behind her, her husband sees that his wife is taking offf her clothes and various precious ornaments. When she fijinishes only one side, the color of her face turns ugly, long teeth grow out from her mouth, her head glitters like burning flame, her eyes become red as fijire, and she is extremely frightening. She moves forward and approaches a dead person, scoops out the flesh with her hands, and eats it with her mouth and teeth. Seeing this, her husband knows that she is not a human being, but a ghost. Thus he returns home and lies on the bed. Then his wife returns, comes toward the bed of her husband, and lies down as usual.

挦䷯▿㔠㚰ᶵ㛅㚫炻シ⿏䔘ⷠˤㆾ⓷ ℞㓭烊ḹⷠ㚱⤥⨎Ἦ炻伶渿朆↉ˤ⓷ 侭㚘炻⽭㗗櫤䈑炻⎗㭢ᷳˤ⨎Ṣ⼴ ⼨炻ᶵ⌛ġ⇵炻㬊㇞⢾ˤ䷯⓷ỽẍˤ 㚘烉“℔㚱䚠㭢シˤ”ġ䷯㚘炻“䃉㬌”, ᷫ ⊌⊌␤ᷳ烊ᷫℍˤ䷯シ【【炻㚱ᶵ⽵ ᷳ⽫炻䃞䋞㕓ᷳ 橨ˤ⨎Ṣ⌛↢炻ẍ 㕘䵧㊕埨䪇嶗ˤ㖶㖍炻ἧṢ⮳嶉ᷳ炻 军ᶨ⣏⅊㛐炻ᷕ㚱⤥⨎Ṣ炻⼊橼⤪䓇 Ṣ炻叿䘥䶜堓炻ᷡ三ℑ䔞炻 ⶎ橨炻 ẍℑ䔞ᷕ䵧㊕埨ˤ⍼䇞㶭㱛⣒⬰婒⤪ 㬌ˤ

䓟⫸㚱⨎䪗㬋, 朊尴䃉䏽ˤẍ媠䑼䎆 匲♜℞幓, ⣓䓂ッ㔔ˤ晾㚱㗗刚, ⨔ 櫤朆Ṣḇ, ⓗṢ埨倱ẍ䁢梚梇ˤ㚱Ṣ 婆⣓: “⌧⨎伭⇶, 倱埨䁢梇ˤ”ġ⣓ᶵ ᾉ, Ṣ㔠㔠婆ᷳ, ⣓⽫忪䔹, シ㫚娎 ᷳˤ⣄἗再↢滦倚⤪䛈, ⨎媪⭂⭸, 䩲崟↢❶, 娋㕤⠂攻ˤ⣓⮳徸⼴, 夳 ⨎僓堋⍲媠⮞梦, ⌣叿ᶨ朊, 朊刚嬲 ら, ⎋↢攟䈁, 柕ᶲ䃘䅺, 䛤崌⤪䀓, 䓂 䁢⎗䓷ˤ⇵役㬣Ṣ, ㇳ㏹℞倱, ⎋漏 梇ᷳˤ⣓夳⤪㗗, 䇦ᷫ䞍ᷳ朆Ṣ㗗櫤, ὧ怬℞⭞再㕤⸲ᶲˤ⨎ὧ⮳怬ĭġἮ嵋 ⣓⸲, ⽑再⤪㓭ġ……

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These two stories are very similar in terms of theme and narrative structure: a man encounters a beautiful woman who is his lover/wife; someone tells him that she might be a ghost; and eventually he takes action – stabbing her/testing her. It seems that the ghost woman in the Chinese tale is somewhat diffferent from her Indian parallel, but both of them are dangerous to men, which is why someone warned the man and why they took actions. A later story from Guangyi ji can be taken as a footnote to explain this.86 Lushi Yilin was an early collection of zhiguai compiled in the time of the Western Jin. The previous story is the only extant tale from that time, which was included by Lu Xun in his Gu xiaoshuo gouchen; it was certainly among the earliest stories featuring the motif of ghost lover/wife.87 Xiuxing daodi jing was translated by Zhu Fahu 䪢㱽嫊ġ (Dharmaraksha) in the Western Jin period. Huo Shixiu says that it was prior to the Lushi Yilin and Soushen ji.88 This suggests that, in terms of time, the previous story might have been influenced by the Buddhist sources.89 In the Buddhist scriptures prior to Xiuxing daodi jing, stories of amorous ghost women also exist. In volume 6 of the Liudu jijing (Collected Sutra of Six Paramita), which was translated into Chinese in the Three Kingdoms period (220–265) by Kang Senghui ⹟₏㚫ġ (d. 280), one story concerns licentious female ghosts who stay at the seashore. When they see businessmen, they become beautiful women and lure them by eating and drinking together with 86

87 88 89

The story reads as follows: At the beginning of Guangde reign period (763–764), Fan Shu was running a bar in Suzhou. One evening, a woman passed by his gate, and her appearance was very strange. Shu intended to put her up for a night, and the woman did not refuse at the beginning. Thus she held a candle, covered her face with her hair, and sat facing the dark. During that night, she had sex with Fan Shu. Before dawn she asked to leave, saying that she lost her comb and could not fijind it. When it came time to say goodbye, she bit Shu’s arm and left. When it was dawn, he found a paper comb in front of his bed, and he found it very disgusting. Comsequently his body began aching and swolling. After six or seven days, he died. 劫ᾞ侭炻⺋⽟⇅炻㕤喯ⶆ攳惺倮ˤ㖍㘂炻 㚱⨎Ṣ⽆攨忶炻刚ン䓂䔘ˤᾞ䔁⭧炻⨎Ṣ⇅ᶵ录嬻炻ᷫ䥱䆕炻ẍ檖央朊炻⎹ 㘿侴⛸ˤ℞⣄炻冯䓛⭜䥩ᷳ⤥ˤ㛒㖶㯪⍣炻ḹ⣙㡛⫸炻夻ᶵ⼿ˤ冐⇍ᷳ晃炻 漏ᾞ兪侴⍣ˤ⍲㙱炻㕤䇨⇵⼿ᶨ䳁㡛炻⽫䓂らᷳˤ⚈侴橼䖃䲭儓炻ℕᶫ㖍㬣 䞋ˤ (See Taiping guangji, 337). This story was also included in the Soushen ji and Youming lu (tale 51). See Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo gouchen, pp. 366–67; Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu, 4. 125. Huo Shixiu, Tangdai chuanqiwen yu yindu wenxue, Wenxue, 2.6 (June 1, 1934), pp. 1051–66. Huo Shixiu was the fijirst scholar who found the similarities between the two stories and claimed that the ghost wife story in China was influenced by the one from Buddhist scripture, though his wording was somewhat too blunt. See his Tangdai chuanqiwen yu yindu wenxue, Wenxue, 2.6 (June 1, 1934), pp. 1051–66.

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them. Each gets a partner, and many even give birth to children. No more than a year later, they grow tired of the old husbands and stab their throats with iron spears, drink their blood, eat their flesh, and suck their marrow. The mawang 楔䌳ġ(Horse King), the body of Buddha in his previous life, goes to save the businessmen. As they leave, each ghost brings the son to whom the woman has given birth to show her husband. The men who look back and are reluctant to leave the beauties are eaten by the ghosts, while who refuse to look back are saved.90 The story of Horse King is part of the scripture concerning the Buddha’s previous life, the Jatakas, which is among the earliest Buddhist texts. It fijirst appears in the “Yunma benshengġ 暚楔㛔䓇” of Bensheng jing 㛔䓇䴻 [Jātaka]91 and is also found in the Zhong A han jing ᷕ旧⏓䴻ġ(Mādhyamāgama) vol. 34.92 Xuanzang 䌬⤀ġ(602–664) and Bianji’s 彗㨇ġ(635–713) Da Tang xiyu ji ⣏Ⓒ大➇姀 [Records of the Western Area of the Great Tang] derived a story from the Buddhist scripture, which depicts fijive hundred raksai who live in the Great Iron City on the Precious Islet. Whenever businessmen arrive, these fijigures become beautiful women. Holding fragrant flowers and playing music, they entice the men to enter the city. After a merry feast, they put the businessmen in the iron jail and eat them gradually. Simhala ₏ụ伭, the previous incarnation of Tathagata, is a rich businessman, and he comes to the Iron City.93 Not being enticed by the beauties, he fijights the raksasi, saves the businessmen, and establishes the state of Simhala.94 This is probably among the earliest stories about ghost wife fijigures in Indian culture, and it is likely that such stories in Buddhist scriptures also inspired the ghost wife stories that appeared in China.

The Detached Soul Motif and Its Origins The detached soul motif is very popular in traditional Chinese narratives and dramas. Since the 1930s, this motif has been considered to be derived from the 90 91 92 93

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Zhonghua fojiao wenhuaguan yingyin Dazangjing weiyuanhui, Da zang jing (1956), 152. 33. Taishō Tripitaka, 3. 442–45. See Zhongguo Fojiao wenhua yanjiusuo ᷕ⚳ἃ㔁㔯⊾䞼䨞㇨, ed., Zhong ahan jing (Beijing: Zongjiao wenhua chubanshe, 1999) B, 34. 596–603; Taishō Tripitaka, 1. 421–809. About Simhala’s story, see Todd Lewis, “The Tale of Simhala the Caravan Leader,” in Donald S. Lopez, ed., Buddhism in Practice (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1995), pp. 328–35. Ji Xianlin et al., ed., Da Tang xiyu ji jiaozhu (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1985), 11.873–75.

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dream-soul belief in Indian culture, and the argument has never been challenged. In this section, I question the validity of the accepted explanation about the origin of the detached soul motif and explore the religious elements in the origins of this motif. 1 The Detached Soul Motif and Its Structure “Pang E 漸旧” in the Youming lu is believed to be the earliest detached soul story in Chinese literature. It reads: In [the Prefecture of] Julu,95 there was a man by the name of Pang E who was handsome and carried himself well. The Shi family of that same prefecture had a daughter who took a liking to him after she chanced to see him from the inner quarters of her house. Not long thereafter, Pang E saw this girl coming to pay him a visit. Pang E’s wife was a very jealous woman, and when she heard this, she ordered her maidservant to tie up the girl and send her back to the Shi family. However, when they were halfway there, the girl transformed herself into a wisp of smoke and disappeared. Thereupon the maidservant went straight to see the Shi family and told them about this. The father of the Shi family was shocked and said, “My daughter has never even stepped outside this house. How can you spread such slander as this?”  From then on Pang E’s wife took even more care to keep an eye on him. One night she came across this girl again in the study, whereupon she herself tied her up and took her back to the Shi family. When the father saw her he stared dumbfoundedly and said, “I just came from inside and saw the girl working with her mother. How could she be here?” He then ordered a maidservant to call the girl to come out. As soon as the girl came out, the one who had been tied up previously vanished like smoke. The father suspected that there must be an abnormal reason for this, so he sent the mother to ask the girl about it. The girl said, “Last year I once stole a glance at Pang E when he came to our house, and ever since then I have felt confused. Once I dreamt that I went to visit Pang E, and when I reached the entrance to his house, I was tied up by his wife.”  Mr. Shi said, “How could it be that there are truly such strange matters as this in the world! Indeed, whenever one’s sincerest feelings are afffected, the spirit will manifest itself in mysterious ways. Thus the one who disappeared must have been her hun soul.” After this, the girl made a vow that 95

Centered around modern Jin 㗱 County in Hebei. See Tan Qixiang, Zhongguo lishi dituji, 4. 51.

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she would never marry. Some years later, Pang E’s wife suddenly contracted a terrible illness, and neither doctors nor medicines were able to save her life. Only then did Pang E send betrothal gifts to the girl and make her his wife. 懭渧㚱漸旧侭炻伶ġ⭡ġ₨ˤ⎴悉䞛㮷㚱⤛炻㚦ℏ䜡旧炻⽫〭ᷳˤ 㛒⸦炻旧夳㬌⤛Ἦ娋旧炻旧⥣㤝⤺炻倆ᷳ炻ἧ⨊䷃ᷳ炻復怬䞛 ⭞炻ᷕ嶗忪⊾䁢䄁㯋侴㹭ˤ⨊ᷫ䚜娋䞛⭞炻婒㬌ḳˤ䞛㮷ᷳ䇞 ⣏樂㚘烉Ⱦㆹ⤛悥ᶵ↢攨炻寰⎗㭨媿⤪㬌烎ȿ旧䇞[⨎]冒㗗ⷠ ≈シỢ⮇ᷳ炻⯭ᶨ⣄炻㕡ῤ⤛⛐滳ᷕ炻ᷫ冒㊀➟ẍ娋䞛㮷炻䞛 㮷䇞夳ᷳソ履炻㚘烉Ⱦㆹ怑⽆ℏἮ炻夳⤛冯㭵ℙἄ炻ỽ⼿⛐ 㬌烎ȿ⌛Ẍ⨊⁽㕤ℏ╂⤛↢炻⎹㇨䷃侭⣬䃞㹭䂱ˤ䇞㚱䔘炻㓭 怋℞㭵娘ᷳˤ⤛㚘烉Ⱦ㖼⸜漸旧Ἦ⺛ᷕ炻㚦䩲夾ᷳˤ冒䇦ầἃ ⌛⣊娋旧炻⍲ℍ㇞⌛䁢⥣㇨䷃ˤȿ䞛㚘烉Ⱦ⣑ᶳ忪㚱⤪㬌⣯ ḳ炰⣓䱦ね㇨デ炻曰䤆䁢ᷳ⅍叿炻㹭侭味℞櫪䤆ḇˤȿ㖊侴⤛ 娻⽫ᶵ⩩ˤ䴻⸜炻旧⥣⾥⼿恒䕭炻慓喍䃉⽝炻旧ᷫ㌰⸋䞛㮷⤛ 䁢⥣ˤ96 Generally speaking, this is a romantic dream combined with a detached soul story. Because the girl from the Shi family “once stole a glance at Pang E,” she falls in love and frequently visits him in her dreams. In contrast to traditional Chinese dream stories, the dream here is not caused by gods or other supernatural spirits, but by the psychological factors of the dreamer, the girl herself. This distinction is a signifijicant one in Chinese dream theory. According to the classifijication of dreams in Zhou li ␐䥖 [Rites of Zhou], the dream in this story should belong to the “Si meng” ⿅⣊ġ(Yearning Dream) category, in which the thing one dreams of is exactly what he or she longs for when he/she is conscious before the dream.97 It also matches Freud’s dream theory, in which

96

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The translation here is revised from Karl S.Y. Kao, Classical Chinese Tales of the Supernatural and the Fantastic, pp. 145–46. For Chinese version, see Lu Xun, ed. Guxiaoshuo gouchen, p. 417; Li Fang et al., ed., Taiping guangji, 358. 2830. “Chunguan” 㗍⭀ of Zhou li classifijies dream as six categories: (1) Zheng meng 㬋⣊ – regular or positive dreams; (2) e meng ら⣊ – horrible dreams; (3) si meng ⿅⣊ – yearning dreams; (4) wu meng ⮌⣊ – wakeful dreams; (5) xi meng ╄⣊ – happy dreams; (6) ju meng ㆤ⣊ – fearful dreams. See Zhou li zhu shu ␐䥖㲐䔷 [Zhou li with Commentary and Subcommentary], in Ruan Yuan, Chongkan Songben shisanjing zhu shu, p. 381. On traditional accepted physiology of dreams, see the fijirst section of Hong Yixuan 㳒柌䃲 (1765–1837) Meng shu ⣊㚠 [Book of Dreams], in Wang Zhaoyuan 䌳䄏⚻ (1763– 1851), ed., Longxi jingshe congshu 漵寧䱦况⎊㚠 edition, fol. 2a.

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he takes dreams as “wish-fulfijillment,”98 of course without the detached soul element. Beyond the nature of dream, “Pang E” was innovative in terms of its literary form. First, the girl is still dreaming while her body is in her room; her soul goes to visit the man she loves. In the context of religious texts about the afterlife, Eliade calls this “the paradoxical bi-location of the soul.”99 Second, her soul not only departs from her body, but also appears as an image of the girl herself. This image may be seen, touched, and even tied up. Once the image is discovered, it “transformed into a wisp of smoke and disappeared” or “vanished like smoke.” Third, both the dream and the detached soul are prompted by qing ねġ(feeling), and qing becomes the most important, if not the only, factor that drives the plot. This is signifijicant because the story was written more than a thousand years before the Xiyou bu 大忲墄ġ(A Supplement to the Westward Journey), a work that is considered the fijirst prose fijiction in which the plot is driven by qing.100 After “Pang E,” the motif of the “detached soul” grew increasingly widespread. These works share the same central motif and have a similar narrative structure: 1) the soul detaches from the body and visits her lover; 2) it reunites with her body; and 3) a response or result follows. In the Tang Ⓒġ(618–907) dynasty, detached soul stories were quite popular.101 The most noted example is the tale “Lihun ji 暊櫪姀ġ[Record of the Detached Soul]” by Chen Xuanyou 98 99 100

101

See Sigmund Freud, James Strachey trans., The Interpretation of Dreams (New York: Avon Books, 1965), pp. 588–611. Mircea Eliade, Occultism, Witchcraft, and Cultural Fashions (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976), pp. 40–46. See the discussion in Fredrick P. Brandauer, Dong Yue (Boston: Twayne Publisher, 1978), pp. 88–93; Robert E. Hegel, The Novel in Seventeenth Century China (New York: Columbia University Press, 1981), pp. 148–66. For example, “Wei Yin” 杳晙 from Du yi ji 䌐䔘姀 [The Only Records of Strange Things] tells the story of Wei, who was sent as an envoy to visit Xinluo 㕘伭 (an old state in Korea). On his way he felt sorrowful and missed his family. When he went to bed, he noticed that his wife was outside. She told him that she had come to accompany him to travel. Two years later, when Wei Yin came back together with her, he found his wife was still at home. The person who accompanied him was obviously the soul of his wife, and his wife and her soul joined together immediately (Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 358. 2834). “Zheng sheng” 惕 䓇 (Scholar Zheng) from Niu Sengru’s 䈃₏₺ (779–847) Lingguai lu 曰⿒抬 [Records of Spirits and Anomalies] tells about Scholar Zheng who went to the capital to take the imperial examination and, on his way, lodged at an old woman’s house. The old woman arranged for him to marry her daughter. Later, when he led his wife to her father’s offfijicial residence, a girl with an identical appearance went out to welcome them, and the two girls became one immediately (Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 358. 2834).

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昛䌬䣸ġ(fl. 779).102 “Lihun ji” borrows the structure and motif of “Pang E,” but adds a touch of social reality. It narrates the story of an offfijicial named Zhang Yi 㻚擺, who had only two daughters. The elder one died when she was young; the younger one, Qianniang ῑ⧀, was sedate, yet extremely beautiful. Her nephew, Wang Zhou 䌳⭁, was also smart and handsome. Thinking highly of Wang Zhou, Zhang Yi said several times that he would allow him to take Qianniang as his wife. Once the two grew up, they loved each other and longed for each other day and night. When a newly selected offfijicial sought a marriage alliance, however, Zhang Yi approved and made a betrothal. Wang Zhou was fijilled with grief and indignation. He said goodbye to the Zhang family, left the Zhang’s residence, and went to the capital by boat. On his way, Wang Zhou saw Qianniang walking along barefoot through the night. Hand in hand, they traveled to Shu 嚨ġ (modern Sichuan). There they lived together and had fijive children over the next fijive years. Afterwards, Qianniang became homesick, and they went back together to visit her father. Her father told them that Qianniang had been ill in her boudoir for years. Hearing that Wang Zhou had returned, the girl made herself up, changed her clothes, and smiled without saying anything. She went out to welcome them, and became one with the Qianniang from the boat. Like “Pang E,” this story describes the girl’s depth of feeling, but also draws attention to her father’s interference in her marriage. From the Yuan ⃫ġ(1279–1368) dynasty, this motif entered the literary realm of drama. The representative work is the Qiannü lihun ῑ⤛暊櫪ġ [Qiannü’s Soul Detachment] by Zheng Guangzu 惕⃱䣾ġ (fl. 1294). Qiannü lihun was derived from “Lihun ji,” but Qianniang became Qiannü, her nephew’s name became Wang Wenju 䌳㔯冱, and the one who interfered with Qiannü’s marriage was her mother, instead of her father.103 These works obviously tell about more than dreams. When the soul detaches the body, its host, is not asleep, but becomes ill. Further, the soul is in many ways an actual human being. This difffers from the soul in “Pang E” which leaves the body temporarily and perishes easily. In these later stories the soul may 102 103

See Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 358. 2831–832. The story in this source is entitled “Wang Zhou” 䌳⭁ and is said to be from Lihun ji. The plot of the story is almost the same as that of the “Lihun ji.” Wenju and Qiannü were a couple whose marriage was arranged by their fathers before their birth. But Qiannü’s mother disliked Wenju because he had not established himself in society, so she did not allow him to marry Qiannü and instead urged him to go to the capital to take the jinshi 忚⢓ examination. After Wenju left, Qiannü fell ill because she missed him, and her soul escaped her body to seek Wenju. Later, when Wenju got a high position and brought Qiannü back home, her soul fijinally combined with her body in bed.

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leave the body for years, can serve her husband like a real person, even giving birth to babies. In addition to the detached soul motif, these stories also include the reunion of the soul and the body. Even though the structure is similar to that of “Pang E,” the narratives are further removed from the religious idea that “dreaming is the soul traveling.” Yet the motive for the bifurcation or bilocation of the person is still the same as that of “Pang E,” namely, a response to the frustration, driven by qing, or feelings. 2

Questioning the Accepted Theory about the Origin of the Detached Soul Motif Because the detached soul motif is innovative in terms of its literary form and content, its origin, as noted above, has drawn the attention of scholars. Huo Shixiu was perhaps the fijirst to trace the origin of the detached soul story in China. In his influential thesis “Tangdai chuanqi wen yu Yindu gushi” (Tang Tales and Indian Stories),104 he begins by saying that Chinese generally believe that one’s soul exists after death; then he says that India had a unique belief of living souls. Indians believe that when a person is asleep, his soul may leave the body to travel or act. During the time the body is vacant, it is easy to be occupied by the soul of a stranger. For this reason, Indians are always careful when awakening a person from sleep, because they are afraid that his soul may not be in his body. Many traditional Indian detached soul stories illustrate this concept. Based on this, Huo argues that the earliest detached soul story in China originated in India. The problem is that Huo does not provide convincing similar examples of detached soul stories from Indian culture. The only story Huo gives in a footnote is a tale from Jiuza piyu jing 冲暄嬔╣䴻ġ[Old Sūtra of Miscellaneous Allegories] (vol. B no. 51) which talks about a soul that comes back to stroke his former bones. It is actually the soul of a dead person, not of a living person, as his thesis addresses. Huo’s viewpoint has been widely disseminated, but has never been challenged. In the 1950’s, Ji Xianlin, a leading scholar of Indian culture, also wrote that the “Lihun ji” was influenced by Indian literature.105 In the late 1980’s, half a century after the initial publication of Huo’s article, this argument was still the consensus amongst scholars. For example, Jiang Shuzhuo 哋徘⋻ repeats the same story Huo quoted and says again that it is the source of the “Lihun

104 105

Wenxue, 2.6 (June 1, 1934), pp. 1051–66. See Ji Xianlin, “Yindu wenxue zai Zhongguo,” in his Bijiao wenxue yu minjian wenxue, p. 107; Chi Hsien-lin, “Indian Literature in China,” Chinese Literature 1958, issue 4:123–30. Based on the author’s note, it was written in the 1950’s.

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ji.”106 Hou Zhongyi also says, “This kind of detached soul story is seen in the Indian Buddhist canons. The exquisite and unique structure of ‘Daughter of Shi Family’ (i.e., ‘Pang E’) may also have been influenced by Indian literature.”107 However, neither supplied any new example of detached soul stories from Indian culture. Sarat Chandra’s “Dream Lore of India” may support Huo’s theory. It says that in India many people have a superstitious objection to waking a sleeper suddenly; savages are forbidden to do so, because the soul may be wandering and not have time to return to the body, resulting in the death of the sleeper. This belief has a parallel in the folklore of the modern Hindus of Bengal. The following story is told to illustrate this belief: Once upon a time, a sleeper’s other self left his body and, being desirous of partaking of good food stored in an earthen vessel in a particular individual’s kitchen, entered the latter’s cooking room and went inside the pot to partake of that viand. The earthen pot was probably uncovered at that time. But, after the sleeper’s soul had entered it, the earthen platter which covered the pot, somehow or other, got into its proper position and completely covered up the pot containing the food. In consequence of this, the sleeper’s soul could not emerge therefrom. When the day dawned, the sleeper did not wake up as his soul was imprisoned in the vessel. He was taken for dead, and preparation was then made for taking him out for cremation. But, lo and behold, he suddenly woke up and sat bolt upright just as a living man does. This was due to the fact that the cook, by accident, lifted up the earthen cover from the vessel inside of which the sleeper’s soul was imprisoned. As soon as this was done, the sleeper’s self emerged from the vessel and, returning to the body of the sleeper who was supposed to be dead, re-animated it. Thus, the sleeper, supposed to be lifeless, came to life again.108 This type of belief may also be found in areas neighboring India.109 Many interesting stories regarding magic in India were created based on this belief. 106

107 108 109

See his “Zhonggu zhiguai xiaoshuo yu fojiao gushi ᷕ⎌⽿⿒⮷婒冯ἃ㔁㓭ḳ [Medieval zhiguai and Buddhist Story],” Wenxue yichan 㔯⬠怢䓊 [Literary Heritage] 1 (1989): 11–12. Hou Zhongyi, Han Wei liuchao xiaoshuo shi, p. 166. See Ralph L. Woods, ed., The World of Dreams (New York: Random House, 1947), pp. 96–97. In Burma there is a national belief that the life of a man resides in the butterfly spirit, leyp-bya, and dies when it disappears. They believe also that the butterfly spirit is the cause of dreams. When the man is asleep, it leaves the body and roams about far and

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For instance, James Frazer summarizes, “In the Indian story a king conveys his soul into the dead body of a Brahman, and a hunchback conveys his soul into the deserted body of the king. The hunchback is now king and the king is a Brahman. However, the hunchback is induced to show his skill by transferring his soul to the dead body of a parrot, and the king seizes the opportunity to regain possession of his own body.”110 The rebirth story in China may have a relationship with this type of story from India, yet both “Pang E” and “Lihun ji” seem diffferent from them, because what the authors pay attention to is the detached soul, not the body it belongs to. Moreover, the soul in Chinese stories is obviously more powerful in the physical world than its Indian counterpart. Most importantly, Huo’s observation of the belief in souls in Chinese culture is incomplete. He obviously overlooked the fact that in early Chinese thought and religion, the departure of the soul not only has a relationship with death, but also with dreams. In other words, the belief of dream soul in India can also be found in indigenous Chinese culture. As Huo Shixiu has noticed, the idea of the soul leaving a man’s body after his death is a longstanding one in China.111 As early as the Warring States period, however, some Chinese, at least in the south, believed that dreams are the actions of souls. The “Qiwu lun 滲䈑婾ġ [On the Equality of Things]” of Zhuangzi says, “During sleep, the soul crosses [with something]; during wakefulness, the body (sense faculties) opens” ℞⭸ḇ櫪Ṍ, ℞奢ḇ⼊攳.112 Qu Yuan’s ⯰⍇ġ( ca. 340–278 bc ) “Xi song や婎ġ[Chanting to Admonish with

110

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wide. But in these wanderings it can only go to such places as the person to whom it belongs has previously been. A straying from known paths would cause extreme danger to the sleeping body, for the butterfly would likely lose its way and never return. See James George Scott, The Burman: His Life and Notions, cited in Woods, The World of Dreams, p.  88. Hmong people in Laos also have a similar belief. They think, “When people are unconscious, their souls are at large;” and “a life-soul can become separated from its body through anger, grief, fear, curiosity, or wanderlust.” See Anne Fadiman, The Spirit Catches You and You Fall Down (New York: The Noonday Press, 1997), pp. 10, 33. James Frazer, The Golden Bough (Penguin Book, 1996), abridged edition, p. 222. Frazer also says, “A tale of the same type, with variations of detail, reappears in the Malays.” It is most likely that Indian story influenced the literature of the Malays. In the Chu ci, “Guo shang ⚳㭌 [Youth Died for Their State] of Jiu ge ḅ㫴 [Nine Songs] says: “Your body has died but your spirit is still numinous, your soul is a hero among the ghosts.” See Jiang Liangfu ⦄濅⣓, ed., Chongding Qu Yuan fu jiaozhu 慵妪⯰⍇岎㟉㲐 [Revised Qu Yuan’s Rhapsodies Collated and Annotated] (Tianjin: Tianjin guji chubanshe, 1987), p. 253. “Zhao hun” (Summoning the Soul) is a poem written to call back the soul of King Xiang 壬 of Chu 㤂. In order to urge the soul to return home, it narrates the danger of the four quarters in great detail. See Zhu Xi, ed., Chuci jizhu, 7. 3–6. See Chen Guying, ed., Zhuangzi jinzhu jinyi, p. 41.

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Cherishment]” of Jiuzhang ḅ䪈ġ[Nine Sections] says: “In the past I dreamed that I ascended to the Heaven. Half-way there, however, my soul found it had no ladder.”113 Qu’s “Chou si” ㉥⿅ġ (Expression of Sorrow), also from the Jiuzhang, says: “Thinking that the distance to the Capital Ying 悊ġis far away, in a single night my hun soul escapes nine times.”114 These show that, as early as the Warring States period, a belief that dreams are the action of souls existed. In the Han dynasty, the theory of dream interpretation incorporated the same viewpoint. Wang Chong’s 䌳⃭ġ (27–97?) “Jiyao” 姀⤾ġ (Records of Demons) in Lun heng 婾堉ġ[On Balance] says, “As for the dreams of people, dream interpreters say that they are the action of the hun soul 櫪埴.”115 In the Wei and Jin period, the Jiemeng shu 妋⣊㚠ġ[Book of Dream Interpretation] says: “A dream is an image, it is caused by the action of the essential qiġ 㮼. [While dreaming,] the hun and po 櫬ġsouls leave the body, and the spirit comes and goes.”116 The same belief can also be found in many national minority cultures in China.117 These materials show that the belief that holds that the hun soul leaves the body during dreams also existed in traditional Chinese culture.118 Because of this, it is difffijicult to claim that the detached dream soul stories in Chinese literature originated in India.119 The argument raised by Huo, which has remained influential for half a century, is not necessarily true. The detached soul story in China could also be indigenous to traditional Chinese culture.

113 114 115 116 117

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See Jiang Liangfu, ed., Chongding Qu Yuan fu jiaozhu, p. 410. Ibid., p. 475. See Liu Pansui ∱䚤忪, Lunheng jijie 婾堉普妋 [Collected Explanations to the On Balance] (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1957), p. 440. Li Fang, ed., Taiping yulan, 397. 1835A. Tan Guangguang 夫⃱⺋, et al., Zhongguo shaoshu minzu zongjiao gailan ᷕ⚳⮹㔠㮹㕷 ⬿㔁㤪奥 [A General Survey of Chinese Minority Religions] (Beijing: Zhongyang minzu xueyuan keyanchu, 1982) A, p. 17. For more information about dreams and wandering souls in Chinese culture, see J.J.M. de Groot, The Religious System of China, v. 4, in Book II: On the Soul and Ancestral Worship (Leiden, 1901), pp. 1–22; Edward H. Schafer’s “Flight Beyond the World,” in his Pacing the Void (Berkeley, 1977), pp.  234–51; and William H. Nienhauser, Jr., “Floating Clouds and Dreams in Liu Tsung-yuan’s Yung-chou Exile Writings,” Journal of the American Oriental Society, v.106 no.1 (1986), pp. 169–81. Actually, this belief has been a global phenomenon, not restricted to India. See James Frazer, The Golden Bough, pp. 214–33.

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3 Duality of Souls and Origins of the Detached Soul Motif With respect to the conception of the soul, there is another important hidden question that should also be addressed. The diffference between the early work “Pang E” and the Tang tales represented by “Lihun ji” and the drama Qiannü lihun suggests that they actually had diffferent origins. As mentioned above, while “Pang E” is a detached dream soul story, the tales such as “Lihun ji” obviously are talking about more than dreams. When the soul departs, its host, the body, is not asleep, but becomes ill. This diffference does not afffect whether these stories are considered part of the same motif, but it matters in discussion of their origins. We have seen that the detached dream soul story could also be the product of an indigenous dream soul belief found in early Chinese thought. The stories with this motif written in and after the Tang could be derived from a diffferent religious belief in ancient China: the theory of the departure of the hun soul and the po soul. The earliest depiction of the duality of souls in a Chinese text is found in the entry for the seventh year of Duke Zhao 㗕ġ(534 bce) in the Zuo zhuan ⶎ⁛. There the hun soul was defijined by Zichan ⫸䓊ġ(d. 522 bc) in connection with the po soul: When a man is born, what fijirst takes shape is called the po. After the po is produced, the yang force [which it gives rise to] is called the hun soul. By making use of things the vital elements are increased. The hun and po are thus fortifijied. Ṣ䓇⥳⊾㚘櫬炻㖊䓇櫬炻旛㚘櫪炻䓐䈑䱦⣂⇁櫪櫬⻢.120 As for what po is, Du Yu 㜄枸 (222–284) comments, “Po is the physical form.”121 Kong Yingda ⫼䧶忼 (574–648) disagrees with him, saying: “The spirit which attaches to the body is the po soul, the spirit which attaches to the vital energy (qi) is the hun soul” 旬⼊ᷳ曰䁢櫬炻旬㮼ᷳ䤆䁢櫪.122 Du’s comment is not in accord with Zichan’s words: “When an ordinary man or woman dies a violent death, the hun and the po are still able to attach to people and thereby act as an

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Zuo zhuan zhushu ⶎ⁛㲐䔷 [Zuo zhuan with Commentary and Subcommentary], in Ruan Yuan, Chongkan Songben shisanjing zhu shu, p. 764; SBBY version (Zhonghua shuju, nd), 44. 8a. Ibid. Ibid.

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evil apparition” ⋡⣓⋡⨎⻟㬣, ℞櫪櫬䋞傥ὅㄹ㕤Ṣ, ẍ䁢㶓⍚.123 For this reason, Kong’s opinion is more convincing.124 This theory was developed in the Daoist works. For example, Ge Hong’s “Lun xian” 婾ẁ (On Immortals) in Baopuzi says, “People, whether worthy or stupid, all know that souls exist in their body. And when his/her hun soul or po soul departs, the person will be sick; when both of his/her hun soul and the po soul leave, the person will die” Ṣ䃉岊ヂ炻䘮䞍⶙幓ᷳ㚱櫪櫬. 櫪櫬↮⍣ ⇯Ṣ䕭, 䚉⍣⇯Ṣ㬣.125 This is obviously another origin of the detached soul motif, because the departure of hun soul and po soul depicted here is exactly the condition depicted in the detached soul stories after “Pang E.” 4 Physical Shape of the Soul as a Native Creation Another factor that relates to the origins of the detached soul motif is the physical shape of the soul, which is also a native creation. Specifijically, the shape of the soul in the stories, which is identical to the real body, is indigenous to China and diffferent from the form of the souls in many other cultures in the world. Frazer’s The Golden Bough gives many examples concerning the shape of souls: According to the Nootkas the soul has the shape of a tiny man; its seat is the crown of the head.... Among the Indian tribes of the Lower Fraser River, man is held to have four souls, of which the principal one has the form of a manikin, while the other three are shadows of it. The Malays conceive the human soul as a little man, mostly invisible and of the bigness of a thumb, who corresponds exactly in shape, proportion, and even in complexion to the man in whose body he resides. This manikin is of a thin unsubstantial nature, though not so impalpable but that it may cause displacement on entering a physical object, and it can flit quickly from place to place; it is temporarily absent from the body in sleep, trance, and permanently absent after death.126 In most of these myths the soul is depicted as a tiny man, usually the size of a thumb.

123 124 125 126

Ibid. Most modern scholars agree with Kong’s opinion. Cf. Yu Yingshi, “Zhongguo gudai sihou shijieguan de yanbian,” in his Zhongguo sixiang chuantong de xiandai quanshi, pp. 123–43. Wang Ming, ed., Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi, pp. 19–20. See also, Baihu tong 䘥嗶忂, in Taiping Yulan, 886. James Frazer, The Golden Bough (Penguin Book, 1996), abridged edition, pp. 215–16.

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Some Tang tales also describe the physical shape of the soul as the same as that of a tiny man, which is similar to that of the culture Frazer describes but not found in earlier texts in China.127 For example, Duan Chengshi’s 㭝ㆸ⺷ġ (ca. 803–863) Youyang zazu 惱春暄ὶ [Miscellaneous Records of Youyang] describes a child-shaped soul that causes a Daoist to dream.128 Xuan shi zhi ⭋ ⭌⽿ġ[Records in Palace Xuan] tells a story about a young man who went to his relative Wang, the Governor of Jingnan 勮⋿, to seek help, but Wang would not accept him. An old man said that he would help him to get money to return home. Then the old man got a pot and placed it upside down onto the ground. After a little while, he lifted it and found that there was a tiny man about fijive inches long who bowed to him. The old man said, “This is Wang’s soul.” The young man looked carefully at the tiny man and found that his appearance was truly similar to Wang’s.129 Obviously, the portrayal of the soul as a tiny man in most cultures and in the Chinese stories above difffers from that in “Pang E” and other detached soul stories in China, which portray the soul as identical, both in appearance and size, to the body it belongs to.130 It seems that the shape of the soul in “Pang E” and other stories with this motif resembles the shape of the po soul in Chinese tradition. Concerning where the hun and po souls go after a person dies, the “Jiao te xing 恲䈡⿏ [The Single Victim at Border Sacrifijices]” chapter of the Li ji 䥖姀ġ [Records of Ritual] says: “[After one dies] the hun soul which attaches to one’s qi returns to Heaven, while the po soul which attaches to one’s body returns to the Earth” 櫪㮼㬠㕤⣑炻⼊櫬㬠㕤⛘.131 Since the po soul is accompanying the dead body under the Earth, it is reasonable to believe that ghosts are from po souls. This idea is supported by “The Biography of Dongfang Shuo 㜙㕡㚼” 127

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A depiction of the physical shape of hun soul is not found in early texts in China. When Qian Zhongshu talks about the phenomenon of the soul’s departure from a living person, he picks his fijirst example from “Gaozu benji 檀䣾㛔䲨 [Basic Annals of the gaozu]” in Sima Qian, Shi ji: “When he was drunken lying in bed, Wu Fu 㬎屈and the old woman surnamed Wang saw that there were dragons constantly above him.” See his Guan zhui bian, 4. 1425. Ding Ruming ᶩ㰅㖶 et al., ed., Tang wudai biji xiaoshuo daguan ⒸḼẋ䫮姀⮷婔⣏奨 [A Magnifijicent Spectacle of biji Stories of Tang and the Five Dynasties] (Shanghai: Shanghai guji chubanshe, 1999), p. 619. Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 74. 461. It seems that the soul in Esquimo belief, which exhibits the same shape as the body it belongs to, is an exception. Sun Xidan ⬓ⶴ㖎, Li ji jijie 䥖姀普妋 [Collected Explications of Record of Rites] (Bejing: Zhonghua shuju, 1989), p. 714.

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in the Han shu: “Cypress is the residence of ghosts” 㝷侭, 櫤ᷳ⺟ḇ.132 Zhu Junsheng 㛙榧倚ġ(1788–1858) argues in his Shuowen tongxun dingsheng 婒㔯 忂妻⭂倚 [The Shuowen Annotated and Phonologically Arranged], the bo 㝷 here is a loan character of po 櫬.133 This suggests that ghosts are derived from po souls. Kong Yingda’s commentary on Zichan’s words concerning the duality of souls in the seventh year of Duke Zhao’s reign in the Zuo zhuan says: Because the hun soul is originally attached to qi, and qi will certainly float upward, therefore one says that “the hun soul which attaches to one’s qi returns to Heaven.” The Po soul originally belongs to the body, and the body has already entered the earth, therefore one says “the po soul which attaches to one’s body returns to the Earth.” The sage king serves the dead ones for people who are alive, and regulates sacrifijices. Since the living difffer from the dead, they give them other names, calling hun of a living person shen (spirit) while calling po of a living person gui (ghost). ẍ櫪㛔旬㮼炻㮼⽭ᶲ㴖烊㓭妨ġȾ櫪㮼㬠㕤⣑ˤȿġ櫬㛔旬⼊炻⼊ 㖊ℍ⛇炻㓭妨Ⱦ⼊櫬㬠㕤⛘ˤȿġ 俾䌳䶋䓇ḳ㬣炻⇞℞䤕䣨ˤ⬀ ṉ㖊䔘炻⇍䁢ἄ⎵ˤ㓡䓇ᷳ櫪㚘䤆炻㓡䓇ᷳ櫬㚘櫤ˤ134 According to this explanation, after one dies his hun soul becomes a spirit, while his po soul becomes a ghost. Thus it is easy to understand why in early texts ghosts are often shaped like real people.135 Based on the above consideration, the images in many detached soul stories mentioned above are actually not from hun souls, but from po souls. And it is most likely that the physical shape of the soul of Miss Shi in “Pang E” also came 132 133

134 135

Ban Gu, Han shu, 35. 2845. Zhu Junsheng, Shuowen tong xun ding sheng (Taibei: Shijie shuju, 1962), p. 404. For this argument, cf. Yu Yingshi, Zhongguo gudai sihou shijieguan de yanbian, in his Zhongguo sixiang chuantong de xiandai quanshi, pp. 123–43. Zuozhuan zhushu, in Ruan Yuan, Chongkan Songben shisanjing zhu shu, p.  764; SBBY version (Zhonghua shuju, nd), 44. 8a. Well-known examples include: In the seventh year of Duke Zhao 㗕 in the Zuo zhuan, Zichan was seen as a man with the same physical shape as he had when he was alive. See James Legge, The Chinese Classics, 5. 613–18; On his way attacking the Song, Duke Jing 㘗 of Qi dreamed of two men who stood there in a rage, and, based on their appearances as Duke Jing described, Yanzi recognized that they were Tang 㸗 and Yi Yin Ẳ⯡, the ancestors of the Song. See “Nei pian Jian shang ℏ䭯媓ᶲ [Part A of ‘Remonstrations’ in the Inner Chapters]” of the Yanzi chunqiu 㗷⫸㗍䥳 [Spring and Autumn of Master Yan] (Taiwan: Zhonghua shuju, 1966), pp. 13 ab-14a.

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from the shape of the po soul; this is why it difffers from the shape of hun souls in other cultures. In this vein, the shapes of ghosts in numerous stories were actually from the po soul. The po soul not only physically gave shape to most ghosts, but also to the hun souls in tales. 5 Chinese Buddhism and the Physical Manifestation of the Soul While the detachment of souls likely originated from the dream soul belief and the belief regarding the duality of souls in Chinese religion, it is still hard to say that this motif has nothing to do with India, the place of origin of Buddhism. The physical manifestation of the soul in “Pang E” may have been a product of the debates about shen 䤆 (spirit) between the atheists and Chinese Buddhists, indirectly related to Indian culture. In Indian Buddhism, Karma is the law that determines the occurrence and character of rebirths.136 While paying much attention to the karma, Indian Buddhism never clearly states that there is a transmigration of the soul in rebirth. Yet its Chinese followers accepted the concept of rebirth together with the belief of soul in Chinese thought.137 This is why the notion of “immortality of spirit” 䤆ᶵ㹭ġbecame an important doctrine in popular Chinese Buddhism. Beginning in the Eastern Han (25–220), some scholars questioned the idea that the spirit has a physical existence. Wang Chong 䌳⃭ġ (27–97?) says, “A dead person cannot manifest in the physical form of a living person;” “It has never happened that a dead body transforms into the image of a living being.”138 Fan Zhen 劫䷅ (450?-510?) argues that when a physical form exists, its spirit or soul exists too; when the physical form passes away, its spirit or soul perishes too ⼊⬀⇯䤆⬀, ⼊嫅⇯䤆㹭.139 In the Eastern Jin (317–420) there was also debate about whether the spirit or soul has a physical form (xing) or not.140

136 137

138 139 140

Charles Eliot, Hinduism and Buddhism (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., 1954), p. 194. For example, Hui Yuan, the founder of the Pure Land School of Buddhism in China, says in his “Shen bumie lun 䤆ᶵ㹭婾 [On Immortality of Spirit]” that the transmigration of the soul resembles the transmitting of fijire from a piece of wood to another. Erik Zürcher argues that Chinese Buddhists and laymen could not understand the doctrine of Buddhism: “The Chinese (not unreasonably) were unable to see in the doctrine of rebirth as anything else than an afffijirmation of the survival of the ‘soul’ (shen 䤆) after death.” See Zürcher, The Buddhist Conquest of China, p. 11. “Lun si 婾㬣 [On Death]” of Lun heng 澏堉. See Liu Pansui, Lunheng jijie, p. 415. Fan Zhen, Shen mie lun 䤆㹭婾 [On the Annihilation of Souls], in Hong ming ji ⻀㖶普 [A Collection Carrying forward and Clarifying (Buddhism)], SBCK. Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin nanbeichao fojiao shi, vol. B, pp. 426–27.

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The “immortality of spirit” became an important doctrine for Buddhists in the Southern and Northern Dynasties period. In order to support the viewpoint of the “immortality of spirit,” Chinese Buddhists used every possible means to make it convincing. One of the means was inventing stories about spirits manifesting themselves in physical form. For this reason, stories concerning the transformation of spirit or soul became widespread. Stories of dead people, or ghosts, manifesting in their physical forms already existed in the Jin 㗱ġdynasty. For example, the story “Dinggu ci ᶩ⥹䤈 [Temple of Aunt Ding]” in Gan Bao’s Soushen ji is about a newly married woman who could not bear the evil treatment of her mother-in-law and committed suicide on the seventh day in the ninth month. Her soul, speaking through a shaman, asked that the day of her death become a holiday for women; she later manifested in her physical form to right injustices.141 The story about Ruan Zhan 旖䝣ġin Youming lu as follows is obviously a product of the serious debate between atheists and Buddhists: Ruan Zhan held the position that ghosts do not exist,142 and no one in the world had been able to refute him. He himself always thought that his theories were sufffijicient to distinguish and justify things in both this world and the dark world. Suddenly a ghost appeared. He reported his name and went to see Ruan as a guest. After exchanging greetings, they discussed how to distinguish right from wrong. The guest had unmatched ability in this area. At the end of their talk, they spoke of ghosts and spirits. They had a bitter debate, and the guest yielded. Then he suddenly became angry, saying, “Ghosts and spirits have been talked about by the sages and worthies from the ancient to the present. Why do you alone say that they do not exist? I myself am a ghost!” Then he suddenly changed form into one diffferent from human being, and a moment later he dissolved. Ruan was terrifijied, and both his mood and look were very bad. A little over a year later he died of illness. 旖䝣䳈䥱䃉櫤婾炻ᶾ卓傥暋烊㭷冒媪䎮嵛⎗ẍ彐㬋⸥㖶ˤ⾥㚱 ᶨ櫤炻忂⥻⎵ἄ⭊娋旖炻⭺㹓䔊炻⌛婯⎵䎮烊⭊䓂㚱ㇵね炻㛓 ⍲櫤䤆ḳ炻⍵央䓂劎炻忪⯰ˤᷫἄ刚㚘烉Ⱦ櫤䤆⎌Ṳ俾岊㇨ℙ

141 142

Wang Genlin et al., ed., Han Wei liuchao biji xiaoshuo daguan, p. 313. Historically, Ruan Zhan was an offfijicial of the Jin, his biography is in Fang Xuanling, Jin shu, 49. 1363.

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⁛炻⏃ỽ䌐妨䃉俞烎⁽ὧ㗗櫤炰ȿ㕤㗗⾥嬲䁢䔘⼊炻枰冦㴰 㹭ˤ旖◧䃞炻シ刚⣏らˤ⼴⸜检䕭㬣ˤ143 This is a work sympathetic to the Buddhist viewpoint, intended to refute Ruan’s argument by portraying the physical form of the ghost. From this kind of story, we can see the close relationship between the idea of the physical manifestation of spirits and the doctrine of Buddhism. The stories below are among the earliest portrayals of souls detaching from the body while the people are still alive. In Yi Yuan (A Garden of Marvels) by Liu Jingshu (fl. early 5th century), there is a story about a Mrs. Mao 㮃 who puts out a mat to dry in the sun, and then suddenly fijinds her three year-old daughter lying on the mat. To her surprise, her daughter disappears from the mat immediately, but her daughter’s real body is still in bed as usual. No more than ten days later, her daughter dies.144 Another story, “Xing hun liyi ⼊櫪暊䔘 [A Soul Departs from the Body],” from Tao Qian’s Soushen houji [Sequel to In Search of the Spirits] reads:145 In the [Liu] Song dynasty (420–479) a certain man, surname unknown, slept with his wife. At dawn, his wife got up and went out. Later, the husband went out as well. When the wife came back, she saw that her husband was still asleep in the quilt. After a short while, a servant came from outside, saying, “Your husband asked you for the mirror.” The woman thought that the servant was lying; then she pointed to the bed to show him. The servant said, “I just came from him.” Then she ran to her husband and told him what had happened. Her husband was extremely surprised, and then came back in to look with his wife at the man (himself) in the quilt. The man was lying on a high pillow and slept peacefully, and was exactly the same as him in appearance. Thinking that it was his hun soul, the husband did not dare startle the sleeping form. Thus they slowly stroked the bed with their hands together. Accordingly the soul sank into the mat slowly and disappeared. The couple was terrifijied for a long time. Shortly thereafter, the man got sick. His disposition was out of kilter, and he never recovered. 143 144 145

Lu Xun, Guxiaoshuo goucheng, p. 371. A version with some variants is included in Soushen ji 16. See Li Fang, Taiping Guangji, 319. 2526; Taiping yulan, 617. 2774. Yi Yuan, Vol. 4, in Han Wei liuchao bijixiaoshuo daguan, p. 633. Wang Genlin, Han Wei liuchao bijixiaoshuo daguan, p. 454. In Taiping guangji this story is named 䃉⎵⣓⨎ (Anonymous Couple), and it is cited as taken from Soushen ji, but it is a mistake. See Li Fang, Taiping guangji, 258. 2831.

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⬳㗪㚱ᶨṢ炻⾀℞⥻㮷炻ᶶ⨎⎴⮊ˤ⣑㙱炻⨎崟↢ˤ⎶℞⣓⮳ Ṏ↢⢾ˤ⨎怬炻夳℞⣓䋞⛐塓ᷕ䛈ˤ枰冦炻⤜⫸冒⢾Ἦ炻 ḹ烉Ⱦ恶㯪掉ˤȿ⨎ẍ⤜姸炻ᷫ㊯⸲ᶲẍ䣢⤜ˤ⤜ḹ烉Ⱦ循⽆ 恶攻ἮˤȿḶ㗗楛䘥℞⣓ˤ⣓⣏ソ炻ὧℍˤᶶ⨎ℙ夾炻塓ᷕṢ 檀㜽⬱⮊炻㬋㗗℞⼊炻Ḯ䃉ᶨ⺪ˤㄖ㗗℞䤆櫪炻ᶵ㔊ひ≽ˤᷫ ℙẍㇳ⼸⼸㑓⸲炻忪ℱℱℍⷕ侴㹭ˤ⣓⨎⽫⾾ᶵ⶚ˤ⮹㗪炻⣓ ⾥⼿䕦炻⿏䎮᷾拗炻䳪幓ᶵグˤ146 Wu Kang ⏛⹟ has suggested that this story is the “prototype” of “Pang E.”147 However, there are major diffferences between them. In this story and the one mentioned above, the soul’s departure from the body suggests death or disaster for the man. In “Pang E,” however, the soul’s departure does not harm the girl. This shows that the two stories are based on diffferent beliefs about the underlying relationship between soul and body, and between soul and death as well.148 The only similarity between “Pang E” and the two stories above is the physical manifestation of the soul. This suggests that the manifestation of the soul was a byproduct of the debate between Buddhists and anti-Buddhists, which was also a factor that caused the production of the detached soul motif.

Conclusion To sum up, the new motifs related to fantastic dreams in the Youming lu were not produced in a purely indigenous Chinese milieu; instead, most were influenced or inspired by Buddhist scriptures. Even though Buddhist scriptures do not appear to contain any story with a plot and structure identical to Chinese dream adventure stories, the nature of the dream and the plot of the story in the Buddhist sources are similar to those of the “Yang Lin” and the “Zhenzhong ji.” The idea expressed in the stories with the motif of “dream adventures inside a microcosmic world” was also not from indigenous Chinese thought but closely related to one of the general teachings of the Mahāyāna school of Buddhism: life is empty and illusory or dreamlike.

146 147 148

Wang Genlin, Han Wei liuchao biji xiaoshuo daguan, p. 454. Wu Kang, Zhongguo gudai menghuan ᷕ⚳⎌ẋ⣊⸣ [Ancient Chinese Dreams] (Taibei: Wanxiang tushu gufen youxian gongsi, 1994), pp. 164–65. “Pang E” may be related to the belief in the south about the soul’s departure from the body during sleep, while the other stories are related to the long-lasting belief which holds that when souls depart from the body, the person dies.

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The sexual dream originated from indigenous Chinese tradition, but the motif of “revival of a ghost girl through sexual dream” may have a close relationship with Buddhist culture, too. While Chinese revival stories might have been inspired by the stories of magical powers in Buddhist sutras, it is also likely that the earliest ghost-wife stories in China were influenced by similar stories in Buddhist scriptures. With regard to origins of the detached soul motif in Chinese literature, the accepted explanation, which maintains that this motif came from the dream soul belief in Indian culture, is doubtful in light of the fact that in pre-Buddhist Chinese texts such as the Zhuangzi, Chu ci, and Lun heng, the same sort of dream soul belief can be found. Furthermore, the indigenous theory of separation of the hun soul and po soul is the origin of a variation within the detached soul motif. Furthermore, the visible and transformable detached soul image was nurtured in an atmosphere inspired by the conflict between Buddhist and anti-Buddhist forces, specifijically, the debate on “whether the spirit perishes;” and its shape was derived from the po soul in Chinese religion. Thus the detached soul motif was not necessarily derived from Indian tradition; on the contrary, there are more reasons to believe that it was an indigenous creation in the development of Chinese Buddhism, indirectly related to Indian culture.

CONCLUDING Concluding Remarks REMARKS

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Concluding Remarks As shown in this book, the Youming lu was produced in an age in which Buddhism began to spread widely in China. As an important early collection of tales that were heavily influenced by Buddhism, the Youming lu reveals on a relatively large scale Buddhist beliefs, values, and concerns as they began to appear in Chinese narratives – specifijically, proto-fijiction of the early medieval period. Historical thematic changes under the impact of Buddhism are prominent and signifijicant in the Youming lu. Stories featuring Buddhist karmic retribution and transmigration appear in large numbers, while those demonstrating indigenous demonic retribution still remain. Buddhist concepts of hell begin to be layered onto the indigenous Chinese netherworld – Mount Tai. The function of Heaven as the savior is shared by a new savior – the Buddha. Buddhist culture also influenced the creation of fijictional fijigures and images in this collection. The depiction of monks appear to be closely related to what we see in Buddhist sources and played an important role in the development of Chinese Buddhism by exerting influence upon Buddhist hagiography and even orthodox history. The images of Buddhist demons that appear in this collection were directly derived from Buddhist scriptures and had an important influence on Chinese culture. Furthermore, new motifs related to fantastic dreams in the Youming lu were not produced in a purely indigenous Chinese tradition; instead, most of them were, more or less, influenced or inspired by Buddhist scriptures. The Buddhist influences evident in the Youming lu are signifijicant in the history of Chinese fijiction, because the new literary phenomena produced under such influences had a great impact upon later Chinese fijiction. Many literary patterns that are evident in the Youming lu became popular in the literature of later times. These literary patterns include new dream motifs, such as dream adventures in a microcosmic world, detached soul, and the revival of a ghost girl; new narrative models, such as the rebirth model and the model of recovery from self-mutilation; and new images, such as the Buddha, Buddhist monks, Buddhist nuns, and Buddhist demons – raksasas, yaksas, and OxHeaded demons. They even shaped the characteristics of popular Chinese literature and popular culture. The influence of Buddhism on Chinese tales was, however, not unqualifijied. In the history of the development of Buddhism in China, Buddhism’s infijiltration into traditional Chinese thought has never been one-directional; on the contrary, it has been a movement in which infijiltration and assimilation always

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/9789004277847_008

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occurred simultaneously. As is the case with the Youming lu, even though more and more Buddhist elements appeared, they never completely dominated Chinese tales. In the process of transplanting Buddhist beliefs into Chinese literature, Chinese elements never disappeared, while Buddhist components often changed. As a result, the hybrid of Chinese and Indian cultures can be seen almost everywhere in the collection. This observation is in accord with the dynamics traced in the studies of domestication of Chinese Buddhism. Moreover, popular Buddhist beliefs in some stories in the Youming lu difffer from those in the Buddhist scriptures and collections of miraculous tales that were intended to propagate Buddhism and aid popular conversion. Thus the Youming lu provides us with valuable materials to examine the development of popular Chinese Buddhism as well. Based on this, a claim could be made that this study contributes to the understanding of Chinese Buddhism in its own way. Further examples of the Chinese domestication of Buddhism include the transplanting Buddhist concepts of hell into Chinese culture, in which indigenous Chinese concepts of the netherworld remained. Offfijicials in the hells are mostly from Chinese tradition, and the governor of Mount Tai was never replaced by Yama in Chinese literature and culture; the system of recording lifespans in the hells is also Chinese; and certain punishments in the hells have a Chinese origin as well. In fact, all the netherworlds in the works in and after the Six Dynasties are hybrids of Indian concepts of hells and indigenous Chinese concepts of the netherworld. This is true also for the depictions of retribution and saviors. For instance, both the concept of chengfu, transmission of burdens, and the Northern Dipper as a savior depicted in the Youming lu are hybrids of Chinese and Indian ideas. The domestication of the image of the raksasa in Chinese literature also contributes to the scholarship of how Chinese Buddhism became Chinese Buddhism. This book also contributes to the studies of the cultural history of popular Chinese Buddhism by revealing some of the historical facts regarding the development of popular Buddhism in medieval China. It shows that a variety of Buddhist beliefs appeared in the proto-fijiction and became widespread in society by the Liu Song reign period. Buddhist concepts of hell had entered the realm of Chinese narrative and culture; karmic retribution and reincarnation had been transferred into Chinese culture and mingled with indigenous Chinese concepts of retribution; and the worship of the Buddha as a savior began to spread through society. Also, the Buddhist beliefs in this collection show certain characteristics of popular religions: the believers prefer the simplifijied forms of belief (worship of Buddha) instead of lengthy self-cultivation; their concerns are closely related to their mundane lives (beliefs in karmic retribution, hells, and after-life) instead of the subtlety of Buddhist teachings; the

Concluding Remarks

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content of their beliefs and practices were often not in accord with Buddhist teachings in the scripture (the dislocation of Buddhist saints in their worship); and they tended to mingle diffferent traditions of beliefs (the hybrid of Chinese and Indian concepts of retribution) instead of distinguishing them from each other. Beyond religious beliefs, other aspects of Buddhist culture, such as Buddhist images and magical arts, all entered Chinese proto-fijiction at this time. The creation and transmission of Buddhist images are signifijicant in the cultural history of popular Buddhism as well. It is noteworthy that Buddha, not Guanyin, appears in the Youming lu as a savior. This difffers from the depiction of the savior in the influential Lotus Sūtra and the collections of miraculous tales that were intended to propagate Buddhism. It suggests that before Guanyin became the dominant savior in Chinese Buddhist beliefs, Buddha was most likely worshiped as one of the saviors in society. Thus the Youming lu proves its signifijicance as popular literature by providing us with valuable materials to examine the development of popular Chinese Buddhism and the history of popular Buddhist beliefs. I do not venture to claim that I have demonstrated all the important aspects of the influence of Buddhism on the tales in the Youming lu and their signifijicance in the cultural history of popular Chinese Buddhism, but I have given a detailed depiction of the transmission of some Buddhist beliefs, values, and concerns into early medieval Chinese tales and the impact of Buddhism on other aspects of tales such as fijictional fijigures/images and motifs. On the basis of this depiction, I have tried to relate them to the studies of Chinese Buddhism. I hope this study will be useful for scholars and general readers who are interested in Chinese tales as well as the history of popular Chinese Buddhism. One problem remains to be explored; it is the inconsistency of ideas in some tales concerning Buddhist beliefs in the Youming lu. Generally speaking, stories in this collection, such as those about retribution and worship of Buddha, reflect features of popular Buddhism (dislocation), but the ideas in some stories are derived directly from Buddhist sutras (“Zhao Tai,” for example). Therefore, further studies are needed. In the preface to his new version of the Youming lu (p. 4), Zheng Wanqing raises a hypothesis claiming that several pieces concerning Buddhist beliefs, such as “Zhao Tai” and “Shu Li,” might have been added to the Youming lu in later times. His primary reason is that these pieces difffer from others in style and length. Unfortunately, this hypothesis is not convincing.1 1 In terms of length, the pieces he mentions are not the only ones that difffer from other pieces. For instance, the story about Zhen Chong (item 208) and the story about Emperor Wu of Han

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Finally, I would like to talk about my ideas regarding the studies of popular Chinese Buddhism. In the introduction to this study, I mentioned that Zürcher claims that early popular Chinese Buddhism has a dearth of reference materials.2 More studies of zhiguai collections like the Youming lu would remedy such a defect. The Youming lu is not the only collection of tales that was heavily influenced by Buddhism; many other collections of zhiguai, such as the Soushen houji and the Yi yuan, are also noted for their heavy Buddhist content. Exploration of a group of these collections of zhiguai would certainly reveal more useful material for the study of the cultural history of Chinese Buddhism. A study of the relationship between the Youming lu and the Soushen houji may also be an interesting topic. As mentioned above, many tales in the Youming lu were also included in the Soushen houji. A careful comparison of the stories in both collections would certainly yield valuable results. (item 31) are both much longer than other pieces. Most importantly, it is not necessarily true that other pieces (shorter ones) are actually shorter in the original version of the collection. On the contrary, they might originally have been much longer than what was recompiled in modern collection; after all, each of the pieces came from citations in other books, not from the original collection of the Youming lu. In terms of style, Zheng’s argument was probably based on an assumption that all the pieces in a collection were from the same source. However, the situation may not be that simple. Diffferences in style suggest that the items in the collection were from diffferent sources, and many collections of zhiguai include both items written by the authors and items from previous sources. 2 See his The Buddhist Conquest of China, pp. 2–3.

TABLE OFNumbers NUMBERS& &Pages PAGES SELECTED TALES IN THE MAJOR SOURCES 227 Table Of OfOF Selected Tales In The Major Sources

Table of Numbers & Pages of Selected Tales in the Major Sources Lu Xun, Gouchen Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu Tale No. & Page Title

Section. & Page

Other Sources Vol. & Page

2. 353 8. 354 12. 355 26. 357 32. 360 34. 360 35. 360 36. 361 38. 361 40. 362 41. 363 43. 363–4 44. 364 45. 364 47. 365 51. 366–7 52. 367 57. 368 63. 370 64. 370 66. 371 67. 371

“Haizhong jintai”ġ㴟ᷕ慹冢 “Laozi miao jing”ġ侩⫸⹁ḽ “Wangfu shi” 㛃⣓䞛ġ “Dapeng chu”ġ⣏洔暃 “Yuzhong deng” 暐ᷕ䅰 “Wenweng” 㔯佩ġ “Jiu ruhuai”ġ沑ℍ㆟ “He Bigan” ỽ㭼⸡ “Liu Chen Ruan Zhao”ġ∱㘐旖倯ġ “Buzang” ⌄吔 “A Nu” 旧⤜ “Zhongxiao Hou yin”ġ⾈⬅ὗ⌘ġ “Feng Guiren”ġ楖屜Ṣġ “Chen Adeng” 昛旧䘣ġ “Gui xi” 潄〗(2) “Zhong You” 挦䷯ġ “Shu guan” 滈ⅈġ “Beidou jun” ⊿㔿⏃ “Xianguan fu” ẁ棐⣓ġ “Zhang Hua jiang bai” ⻝厗⮯㓿ġ “Chao gui”ġ◚櫤 “Ruan Zhan” 旖䝣

6. 188 6. 186 6. 183 2. 57 6. 193 2. 35 2. 38 2. 35 1. 1 2. 36 4. 99 2. 37 1. 29 4. 137 1. 22 4. 125 3. 83 5. 164 1. 24–5 6. 194 4. 111 4. 116

68. 371 69. 372

“Guo Changsheng”ġ悕攟䓇 “Peng E” ⼕⧍

3. 86 4. 144

70. 372–3 73. 373–4 82. 376

“Yi jiao”ġ㖻儛 “Gan Qing” ⸚ㄞ “Shu Li” 冺䥖

4. 135 5. 158 5. 170

tpyl 849.3796b tpyl 189.916b Chuxue ji 5.108 tpyl 926.4114b Lei Lin Zashuo 13 tpyl 763.3387a tpyl 811.3404b tpgj 137. 982 tpyl 41.194b-95a Shuo Fu 3.50 tpgj 137.984 ywlj 46.819 Diaoyu ji 14 tpyl 573.2588b tpyl 559.2526b-7a tpgj 317.2509 tpgj 440.3586 slfz 8.199 tpyl 39.185a-b tpyl 830.3703b tpgj 318.2521 tpgj 319. 2526; tpyl 617.2774a-b tpgj 324.2574 tpyl 888. 3946b; tpgj 161.1160 tpgj 376.2993–4 tpgj 378. 3009–10 tpgj 283. 2253–4 fyzl 78. 4a-b

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228 Table Of Numbers & Pages Of Selected Tales In The Major Sources Lu Xun, Gouchen Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu Tale No. & Page Title

Section. & Page

Other Sources Vol. & Page

87. 377 89. 378 91. 378–9 98. 381–2 105. 384 107. 384 108. 384 109. 384 116. 386

“Bai gui”ġ䘥潄ġ “Fotudeng” ἃ⚾㼬 “Chen Duwei” 昛䜋⮱ “Wang Fusi” 䌳庼▋ “Xu Xun” 姙怄 “Ni seng” ⯤₏ġ “A Ma” 旧楔 “Xiong hu”ġ晬䉸ġ “Niu yi” 䈃䕓

3. 65 5. 174 3. 88 4. 114 5. 155 5. 156 2. 41–2 3. 80 4. 117

123. 388 124. 389 125. 389 127. 389 131. 391–2 140. 393–4 144. 395 148. 396 149. 396 150. 396 152. 397 157. 398 158. 398 160. 399 165. 400 166. 400 168. 401

“Se Luzhen” 䳊䚏屆 “Wang Zhi” 䌳⽿ “Gui shan ren” 櫤岵Ṣ “Baitou weng” 䘥柕佩 “Chen Liang” 昛列 “Huan tou” ㎃柕 “Xie Sheng” 嫅䚃 “Yufu danwen” 欂儡ᷡ㔯 “Muxiang wangong” 㛐⁷⻶⺻ġ “Zhuge Changmin” 媠吃攟㮹ġ “Hu seng” 傉₏ “Wang Wendu” 䌳㔯⹎ “Lougu”ġ坣噬ġ “Wang Zhongwen” 䌳ẚ㔯 “Wuhuan” 䃉か “Wu Kan” ⏛潃 “Cheng Biao”ġㆸ⼒

4. 134 4. 137–8 4. 126 5. 153 4. 138–9 1. 30 3.94 3. 66 5. 151 2. 51–2 5. 175 4. 142 3. 60 2. 54 5. 176–77 1. 13 4. 104

171. 402 176. 403 179. 404 190. 407 202. 410 203. 410 205. 411 212. 411–2 218. 415–6

“Gui xi” 潄〗(1) “Gui zhengmu” 櫤䇕⠻ġ “Yao Wong” ⦂佩ġ “Fu gui”ġ䷃櫤ġ “Gui changzhai”ġ櫤⃇ῢ “Mai hufen nü” 屟傉䰱⤛ “Shensi yinyuan” 䓇㬣⦣䶋ġ “Gu mou” 栏㝸 “Lü Shun fu” ⏪枮⨎

1. 21 4. 121 5. 177 4. 111 4. 129 1. 3 1. 12 5. 164 4. 102–3

tpgj 118. 824 tpyl 370.1705a tpgj 294.2340 ywlj 79.1349 ywlj 6.102 tpyl 395.1826a kyzj 71 tpyl 704.3142a tpgj 383. 3053 tpyl 606. 2727b tpgj 383. 3050 tpgj 383. 3051 tpgj 320. 2539 tpgj 294.2343–4 tpgj 378.3010 ywlj 17.312 tpyl 930.4135b tpyl 66. 361a tpgj 297; fyzl 6 tpyl 885.3933a tpyl 860.3819b tpyl 606. 2727b tpyl 643. 2882a tpgj 141.1014–5 tpgj 119. 838 tpyl 52.254b tpyl 969. 4297a tpyl 936. 4158b tpyl 69.326a tpyl 375.1733a tpyl 482.2207b tpyl 832.3714b tpyl 978. 4335b tpgj 274.2157 tpgj 276.2181–2 tpgj 319. 2526–7 tpgj 322. 2552

Table Of Numbers & Pages Of Selected Tales In The Major Sources Lu Xun, Gouchen Zheng Wanqing, Youming lu Tale No. & Page Title

229

Section. & Page

Other Sources Vol. & Page tpgj 324.2569 tpgj 258. 2830 tpgj 360.2849–50 fyzl 67.2004 tpgj 276.2183 tpgj 383.3052–3 tpgj 109.740–1 BTSC 134233b tpgj 295.2350–1 tpgj 112. 773; fyzl 50.1514 tpgj 295.2346–7 Wenfang sipu 5 bzl 6, note bzl 8

221. 417 222. 417 224. 418 232. 420 237. 422 240. 422 247. 424–7 251. 428 252. 429–30 253. 430

“Guangling san” ⺋昝㔋 “Pang E” 漸旧 “Yu Jin jiaguai” ⹦嫡⭞⿒ “Nu Jìan” ⤜‍ “Gui you qingse”ġ櫤㚱ね刚 “Lei gong” 暟℔ “Zhao Tai” 嵁㲘 “Bozhen menghuan” 㝷㜽⣊⸣ “He Bo jianu”ġ㱛ỗ⩩⤛ġ “Luosha” 伭⇶

4. 115 1. 16 2. 56 4. 118 4. 105 4. 139 5. 179–81 1. 4 1. 5–6 5. 165

254. 430–1 262. 433–4 263. 434 264. 434–5

“Anxi wangzi” ⬱〗䌳⫸ “Jie hui” ≓䀘 “Fazu yu Wang Fu” 㱽䣾冯䌳㴖ġ “Kang Ade” ⹟旧⼿

5. 166 1. 22 5. 169 5. 171

230 Table Of Numbers & Pages Of Selected Tales In The Major Sources

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Yang Lien-Sheng. “The Concept of Pao as a Basis for Social Relations in China.” Excursions in Sinology, pp. 3–23. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1969. Yang Xianyi and Gladys Yang, trans. Tang Dynasty Stories. Beijing: Panda Book, 1986. ––––––, trans. A Brief History of Chinese Fiction. Beijing: Foreign Languages Press, 1964. Yim, Sarah McMillam. Structure, Theme, and Narrator in T’ang Ch’uan-ch’i. Unpublished dissertation, Yale University, 1979. Yu, Anthony. “Rest, Rest, Perturbed Spirit! Ghosts in Traditional Chinese Fiction.” HJAS 47 (1987): 397–434. ––––––. “The Quest of Brother Amour: Buddhist Imitations in The Story of the Stone.” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 49. 1 (1989): 55–92. Yü Chün-Fang. Kuan-yin: the Chinese Transformation of Avalokiteśvara. New York: Columbia University Press, 2001. Yu Ying-Shih. “Life and Immortality in the Mind of Han China.” HJAS 25: 80–122. ––––––. “New Evidence on the Early Chinese Conception of Afterlife – A Review Article.” JAS 41: 81–85. ––––––. “O Soul, Come Back! A Study in the Changing Conceptions of the Soul and Afterlife in Pre-Buddhist China.” HJAS 47: 363–95. Zürcher, Erik. The Buddhist Conquest of China: The Spread and Adaptation of Buddhism in Early Medieval China. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1959. ––––––. “’Prince Moonlight’: Messianism and Eschatology in Early Medieval Chinese Buddhism.” TP 68: 1–75. ––––––. “Buddhist Influence on Early Daoism.” TP 66 (1980): 84–147. ––––––. “Perspective in the Study of Chinese Buddhism.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 2 (1982): 161–76. ––––––. “Religieuses et couvents dans l’ au cien bouddhisme chinois.” Bouddhisme, christianis me et societe chinoise (Paris: Julliard, 1990). ––––––. “A New Look at the Earliest Chinese Buddhist Texts.” Koichi Shinohara and Gregory Schopen, ed. From Benares to Beijing: Essays on Buddhism and Chinese Religion in Honours of Prof. Jan Yun-hua, pp. 277–304. Oakville, Canada: Mosaic Press, 1991.

252

Index

index

Index afterlife. See Buddhist hells; heaven; netherworld; netherworld adventure motif Aina jushi, Doupeng xianhua [Chatting under the Bean Arbor]  172 Amitayus (Buddha of Infijinite Lifespan)   11, 139–141, 143; Guan wuliangshou jing [Amitāyurdhyāna Sutra; The Sutra of Visualization on Amitayus Buddha], 73n57, 77. See also Buddhism; Chinese Buddhism; popular Buddhism; Pure Land School; savior fijigures animals: Buddhist anti-killing beliefs  14, 74n61, 75n65, 80, 97–102; distinguished from humans in traditional China, 101–102, 101n74; repayment of debts of gratitude, 99–102, 146; retribution for killing of, 80, 97–98, 97n56, 123, 146 An Shigao (or An Qing fl.148–171)  119; “Prince of Anxi” (tale 254 in Youming lu), 104–106, 151, 154–159 Asvaghosa  185 Avalokiteśvara (or Guanyin): as a savior in the Lotus Sutra  141–142, 225; Buddha and Amitayus conflated with, 143; the Guanshiyin yingyanji [Records of Miracles Concerning Avalokiteśvara], 3, 77, 78–79; as a man in A Sequel to the Records of Miracles Concerning Avalokiteśvara, 79. See also Amitayus; Buddhism; Chinese Buddhism; Indian Buddhism; karmic retribution; popular Buddhism; Pure Land School; savior fijigures Bailian she (White Lotus Society)  40n92 Bai Kong liutie  60n186 Baima si (White Horse Monastery)  78 Ban Gu, Introduction to Classics  29, 41; See also Han shu bao (retribution)  82. See divine/heavenly retribution; ethical (human) retribution; demonic retribution; karmic retribution; retribution Baochang  70n41, 160–161

Baopu zi [The Master who Embraces Simplicity]  133, 145n223, 215n125 Bao Zhao (c. 414–466): biography of  20– 21, 37–38; “Cong deng Xianglu feng” [Accompanying (Prince of Linchuan) to Ascend the Xianglu Incense Burner Peak], 40; “Fo ying song” [Eulogy on a Buddha Statue], 74; writing style of, 30–31, 31n48 Bassnett, Susan  175n1 Beidou, see Northern Dipper Bensheng jing [Jātaka]  205 Bianji (635–713), 205 Bianzong lun (On Diffferentiation of Sects)  71; See also Daosheng Biqiuni zhuan [Bhikshuni Biographies]   70n41, 160, 161 Bokenkamp, Stephen R.  6n23, 102 Book of Changes. See Yijing (Classic of Changes) Bowu zhi  49 Brandauer, Fredrick P.  208n100 Buddha, as a savior  7–8, 14, 139–144, 147, 225 Buhhayawas  120 Buddhism: Ba jiezhai (Eight Commandments)  170n70; and daoshu (Daoist techniques), 61; dhyāna meditation, 66, 66n28, 67, 69; Five Precepts, 14, 75, 122, 122n148; introduction to China, 61–65; life as empty and illusory or dreamlike in, 187–191, 221; Luoyang qielan ji [Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang], 135–136; Mahāyāna school, 188–189, 189n43; and xianshi bao (retribution in this life), 93, 146. See also Amitayus; Avalokiteśvara (or Guanyin); Chinese Buddhism; Indian Buddhism; karmic retribution; Pure Land School Buddhist demons: and Indian Buddhist cultural influence  15. See also Horse-Face; ox-headed demons/beasts; raksasas; yaksas Buddhist hells: in Buddhist sutras  119– 120, 123–124, 126; and Chinese conceptions of the netherworld, 3–7, 131–137; and

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, 2014 | doi 10.1163/9789004277847_011

index Dizang (Kṣitigarbha), 136; eight hells of, 167n59; and physical torture, 123–126, 164. See also netherworld; Yama Buddhist influence: and animals repayment of debts of gratitude  99–102, 146; and depictions of hells in Chinese literature, 3–7, 131–137; dream adventure story motif traced to, 7, 185–191, 221, 223; and literary works, 73–74, 81, 148, 154, 159, 160, 164–166, 172; Liu Yiqing’s association with monks, 40–41, 46–47, 65–68; and the Lushi Yilin (The Forest of Marvels by Mr. Lu), 204–205; and “The Foreign Daoist,” 75–76, 150; and the Linggui zhi by Mr. Xun, 56n163, 74–75, 150; and the Youming lu, 1–8, 12–14, 16–17, 48, 97–100, 160, 164, 166, 172, 199–200, 223. See also Buddhist demons; Buddhist hells; Buddhist miracle tales; Buddhist monks; zhiguai Buddhist miracle tales: The Records of Miracles Concerning Avalokiteśvara of Xie Fu  77–78, 80; A Sequel to the Records of Miracles Concerning Avalokiteśvara of Zhang Yan, 79, 80; and the Linggui zhi by Mr. Xun, 56n163, 74–77, 81, 150. See also Lotus Sutra; Mingxiang ji, Mingbao ji; Xuanyan ji Buddhist monks: Bodhidharma  66n28; cross-fertilization with China in the Song, 72–73; Juqu Jingsheng, 72, 201; Kāśyapa Mātanga, 149; Liu Yiqing’s association with, 40–41, 46–47, 65–68; Sanghadatta, 41, 66; Sengdao (362–457), 63, 63n9; with supernatural powers, 75, 148–151, 154, 159; Faxian (d. 422), 72, 128n165; Xuanzang, 5, 205; Zhu Fahu (Dharmaraksha), 120, 204; Zhu Falan (Dharmaratna), 149, 152, 152n18. See also An Shigao; Buddhist nuns; Daojiong; Fotudeng; Huijiao’s (497–554) Gaoseng zhuan; Indian Buddhism Buddhist nuns: Jingjian of the Jin  160; and the royal court and offfijicial residences of high-ranking offfijicials, 65; Tanhui (422–504), 68–70, 70n41; in the Youming lu, 160–161, 166, 173; See also Biqiuni zhuan [Bhikshuni Biographies] by Shi Baochang Buddhist scriptures: Bensheng jing [Jātaka]  205; Chang Ahan jing [Dīrghāgama; the Longer Āgama-sutra];

253 Daban niepan jing [Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra], 72, 128; Da Fangbian Fo baoen jing, 124; Daming dujing [Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sutra; Great Brightness Sutra, trans. Zhi Qian (Lokaksema)], 120, 164, 201–202; Daming du wuji jing [Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra], 201–202; Daoxing Banruo jing [Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra; Practice of the Path Sūtra], trans. Zhi lou (Lokaksema), 119–120; Da zhidu lun [Mahāprajñāpāramitā Śastra], 164; Dizi fusheng jing [Sūtra of the Revival of a Disciple], 201; Foshuo shiwang jing [The Ten Kings Sūtra], 133; Foshuo shiba nili jing [Buddha Preached Sūtra on the Eighteen Hells], 119; Foshuo zuiye yingbao jiaohua diyu jing [Sūtra on Karmic Retribution, Moral Education, and Hells], 119, 124; Fubao jing [Good Fortune and Retribution Sūtra], 101; Guan wuliangshou jing [Amitāyurdhyāna Sūtra; The Sūtra of Visualization on Amitayus Buddha], 77; Guangming bianzhao gao gui de wang Pusa Pin [Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra], 127–128, 128n165; Lengjia jing [Lankāvatāra-sūtra], 73; Lengyan jing [Śūraṃgama Sūtra], 133, 171; Liudu jijing [Collected Sūtras of the Six Pāramitās], 100, 143, 204; Piyu jing [Avadanas], 101; Shou lengyan jing [Śūraṃgama-sūtra], 78; Tiecheng nili jing [Iron City Nili Hell Sūtra], 171; Wuliangshou jing [Larger Sukhāvatīvyūha-sūtra], 73, 77, 109; Xin Ahan jing [Nava- Āgama-sūtra], 73; Xiuxing daodijing [Yogācārabhūmi-sūtra], 120, 202–204; Zhong A han jing [Mādhyamāgama], 205. See also Lotus Sūtra [Fahua jing] Burma  212n109 butterflies: Burmese butterfly spirits  212n109; Zhuang Zhou and the butterfly story, 186–187, 190–191 caibu shu  201 Campany, Robert Ford  3, 11–12, 47, 50, 69n38, 76, 77, 97n56, 99n63, 102, 107n97, 108n99, 111n117

254 Cao Daoheng  38 Cao Pi (187–226): Lieyi zhuan [Arrayed Marvels] of  48, 49, 74, 111, 112, 124, 199n74; zhiguai (Account of Anomalies), 49 Cao Xueqin (1715–1764), Wang Xifeng’s depiction in the Honglou meng [A Dream of Red Mansions]  172 Cao Ye, “Ji Songyang Daoren,”  190 Cao Yin (1659–1712), Quan Tang shi [Complete Tang Poetry]  190n44–46 Cao Zhi (192–232): “Luo shen fu” [Rhapsody on the Luo Divinity]  196n60; “Wang Zhongxuan lei” (Dirge on Wang Zhongxuan), 44, 109 Chai Ch’u and Winburg  84n10 Chandra, Sarat  211 Chang Ahan jing [Dīrghāgama; the Longer Āgama-sutra]  120 Chen Guying  187n36, 191n47 Chen Guishi  2, 36n72, 55n159 Chen Hong  164 Ch’en, Kenneth  15, 93n40, 96, 149n5 “Chen Liang” (Youming lu tale 131)  115–116 Chen Menglei (1651–1752)  56n161 Chen Xiaofang  93n42 Chen Xuanyou (fl. 779)  208–209 Chen Yinque  5, 5n16 Chen Yunji  134n184 Chen Zhongfan  191n48 chengfu (transmission of burdens)  16, 95–96, 224 Chinese Astrology: Right Upholder  24– 25n23, 34; Taiwei yuan (Supreme Palace Enclosure), 24–25n23; Venus, 24–25, 24–25nn23–24, 34 Chinese Buddhism: Chinese folk Buddhism  9n25, 10–11; classifijications of Erik Zürcher, 8–10; classifijications of Gu Weikang, 10; classifijications of Li Silong, 10; and retribution, 93n42, 106; and the study of popular Chinese Buddhism, 2–3. See also Buddha; Buddhism; Buddhist influence; Buddhist miracle tales; Buddhist monks; Buddhist nuns; Huijiao; Indian Buddhism; karmic retribution; popular Buddhism; savior fijigures Chongjiao shuo fu of Tao Ting (fl.1610)  51– 52

index Chu ci (The Songs of the South): and dream soul belief  222; siming (Controller of Fate) in, 132n173; “Zhaohun” (Summoning the Soul), 44, 109; Jiu ge [Nine Songs], 212n111; Jiuzhang [Nine Sections], 213 Cohen, Alvin P.  88 comic story of Zhu Erdan  165 Da ban nifan jing [Sūtra of the Great Enlightenment]  72n53 Daban niepan jing [Mahāparinirvāṇasūtra]  72, 128 Da Fangbian Fo baoen jing  124 Da Tang sanzang qujing shihua [Storytelling of the Grand Tang Sanzang Seeking Buddhist Scriptures], 159 Da Tang xiyu ji [Records of the Western Area of the Great Tang] of Xuanzang (602–664) and Bianji (635–713), 205 Da zhidu lun [Mahāprajñāpāramitā Śastra]  143, 164 Dai Wangshu  54n157 Daigan and Alicia Matsunaga  120n141, 123n152 Daming dujing [Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra; Great Brightness Sūtra, trans. Zhi Qian (Lokaksema)], 120, 164, 201–202 Daming du wuji jing [Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra]  164, 201–202 Da zhuangyanlun jing [Kalpanāmaṇḍitikā]  185 Daojiong (Buddhist monk)  41, 67 Daoxing Banruo jing [Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra; Practice of the Path Sūtra, trans. Zhi lou (Lokaksema)]  119–120 Daosheng (355–434), Bianzong lun [On Diffferentiation of Sects]  71 Daoru (410–490)  40, 66 Daoxuan (596–667)  148 Dao zang (Daoist Canon)  110n112 DeGroot, J.J.M.  213n118 demonic retribution  87–89; and revival of victims, 200–201; and the Youming Lu, 89–90, 223. See also ethical (human) retribution; karmic retribution; retribution (bao)

index detached soul motif  17, 108, 212–218, 222; Tang dynasty popularity of, 208–209; “Wei Yin” from Du yi ji [The Only Records of Strange Things], 208n101; and Yuan dynasty drama, 209 DeWoskin, Kenneth J.  1n1, 199n69 Dharmamitra (366–442)  73 Dharmarājan  120 Dizang (Kṣitigarbha)  136 Dizi fusheng jing [Sūtra of the Revival of a Disciple]  201 “Dian xu” [Commentary on the Classics]   41 “Dian yin” [Introduction to the Classics]   41 Dien, Albert E.  88n24 Ding Ruming  164n55, 216n128 divine/heavenly retribution  83, 85–87; and baoying, 83n3. See also demonic retribution; karmic retribution; retribution (bao) Dong Zhongshu, Chunqiu fanlu [Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn]  116n132, 132, 216n127 Doupeng xianhua  172n82 dream adventure stories inside a microcosmic world: basic structure of  181; and Buddhist philosophy, 7, 185–191, 221, 223; indigenous Chinese “prototype” of the motif, 175, 182–184, 186–187, 221; “Nanke taishou zhuan” [Governor of the Southern Tributary Branch] of Li Gongzuo, 181, 188, 200; and “Yang Lin” (Youming lu tale), 182–183, 187, 221; Youyang zazu of Duan Chengshi, 99n61, 216; and Zhuang Zhou and the butterfly, 186–187, 190–191. See also “Zhenzhong ji” [The World Inside a Pillow] of Shen Jiji dreaming: Burmese butterfly spirits  212n109; and hun and po souls, 212–214, 222 dreams: and emptiness in Tang dynasty poetry  189–190. See also dream adventure stories inside a microcosmic world, revival of a ghost girl through sexual dream motif, and detached soul motif Duyvendak, J.J.L.  106, 106–107n92

255 Du Bo  87 “Du Liniang muse huanhun ji” [The Record of Du Liniang’s Revival for Adoring Good Look]  195 Du Yu (222–284)  43 Duyi ji [The Only Records of Strange Things]  208n101 Duan Chengshi (803–863)  99n61, 216 Duke Jing of Song  86–87 Eliade, Mircea  208 Eliot, Charles  218n136 elk  32n50 Emperor Ming of Han  62 Emperor Wu of Han  55n160, 225–226n1 Emperor Wu of Jin, story about Cai Hong in Xiaoshuo set during reign of  43, 58 Emperor Wu of Song. See Liu Yu ethical (human) retribution (bao)  83–85, 95, 146. See also demonic retribution; divine/heavenly retribution; retribution (bao) Fadiman, Anne  212n109 Fahua jing [Saddharma-puṇḍarīka- sūtra], see Lotus Sūtra Fuju  120 Fali  120 Fazu (fl.300), 134 Fan Ye (398–445)  31n45, 62n4 Fan Zhen (450?–510?)  218 Fan Ziye  20n2, 21, 58 Fang Litian  4 Fang Xuanling (578–648). See Jin shu Faxian (d. 422), 72, 128n165 Fayu  69 Fayuan zhulin  123n151 Fengdu (ghost state)  110, 136 Fengcheng swords  22n14 Feng Menglong (1574–1645)  172, 198n66 Feng Youlan  138n199 Fubao jing [Good Fortune and Retribution Sūtra]  101 Fo guo ji [Records of the Buddhist Kingdoms] of Faxian  72n53 Foshuo shiba nili jing [Buddha Preached Sūtra on the Eighteen Hells]  119 Foshuo shiwang jing [The Ten Kings Sūtra]  133

256 Foshuo zuiye yingbao jiaohua diyu jing [Sūtra on Karmic Retribution, Moral Education, and Hells]  119, 124 Foxue yanjiu shiba pian [Eighteen Theses on Buddhist Studies]  9n25 Fotudeng (233–348): depicted in the Youming lu (tale 89)  152, 152n17; and Huijiao’s Gaoseng zhuan, 152–153; Jin shu biography of, 62, 152n17, 153–154 Fotuoshi (Buddhajīva; fl. 423), 72 Fozu tongji [Comprehensive Record of Buddha and the Patriachs]  149n4 Frazer, James  212, 212n110, 213n119, 215 Freud, Sigmund  208n98 Fu Liang (Director of the Department of State Afffairs  374–426), 34, 34n55, 77n77, 78, 142n212 Fu Tianzheng  163n50 Fukui Kōjun  145n223, 145n226 fushe (Residence of Good Fortune)  129– 130 fusheng (revival)  102 Gan Bao (fl.335–349)  11, 48n135, 101n71, 101n73, 150, 219 Gaoseng zhuan, see Huijiao Gao You (fl.200)  102n76 Gaozu. See Liu Yu Ge Hong (280–340)  145n223, 215, 148 geyi (matching concepts)  121 ghost girls and women: in the Lushi Yilin [The Forest of Marvels by Mr. Lu]  202–204; in Pu Songling’s Liaozhai zhiyi, 171; in the Xiuxing daodijing [Yogācārabhūmi-sūtra], 202–204 ghosts: and avenging souls  88–90; repayment of debts of gratitude by, 89–90 Gjertson, Donald E.  3, 78n84, 79, 129n167 Gong Qi (399–440),  38 Gu Weikang  10 Gujin xiaoshuo [Stories of Old and New]  172 Guan wuliangshou jing [Amitāyurdhyāna Sūtra; The Sūtra of Visualization on Amitayus Buddha]  77 Guang yi ji [Broadened Records of Marvels]  197n65, 204 Guanyin. See Avalokiteśvara

index Guanshiyin yingyan ji [The Records of Miracles Concerning Avalokiteśvara] of Fu Liang,  3, 14, 78–79 Guangming bianzhao gao gui de wang Pusa Pin [Mahāparinirvāṇa-sūtra]  127–128, 128n165 Gujin tushu jicheng [Chrestomathy of Illustrations and Writings, Ancient and Modern] of Chen Menglei (1651–1752), “Mu ke” [Wood Guests],  56, 60 Guṇabhadra (394–468)  73 Gunavarma  73 Guo Chengzhi  36 Guo Peng  189n42 Guxiaoshuo gouchen [Collected Lost Old Stories]: “Wang fu shi,”  12n37; “Liu Chen and Ruan Zhao,” 13–14; and the Lingui zhi of Mr. Xun, 74; and Liu Yiqing’s Xuanyan ji, 79; Lu Xun’s recompilation of the Youming lu, 53; problematic selections in, 54–56; and Zheng Wanqing’s edition of the Youming lu, 54. See also Lu Xun; Youming lu [Records of the Hidden and Visible Realms] Handan meng [Dream of Handan]  182 Han Shu: “Biography of Dongfang Shuo,”   216–217; “Cypress is the residence of ghosts,” 217; “Lu Wenshu zhuan,” 102; netherworld adventure story in, 200; “The demon who dies and is revived,” 200n78; “Wuxing zhi” account of the revival of a dead girl in, 108n9 Han Wai liuchao biji xiaoshuo daguan [Grand Spectacle of Han Wei and Six Dynasties zhiguai Stories]  19, 54, 162n45, 194n55, 197n65, 219n141, 220–221n144–146 Hanwudi bieguo dongming ji [A Record of the Han Emperor Wu’s Penetration into the Mysteries of Outlying Realms],   55n160 Han Xin (d. 196 BC)  85n12 Hanan, Patrick  82n2, 83n3 Hanuman  5n15 Harrison, Paul M.  69n38 Hassan, Ihab  174–175n2–4, Hawkes, David  109n105 He Changyu (d. 446),  30, 37

index He Dalun  195 He Shangzhi (382–460),  63–64, 63–64n12, 71 He Yan (413–458)  38 heaven: divine/heavenly retribution  83, 85–87; indigenous Chinese Heaven as salvifijic, 14, 138–139; rebirth in the Pure Land, 143. See also Buddhist hells; netherworld; netherworld adventure motif; Pure Land School; savior fijigures; ten kings Hegel, Rorbert E.  208n100 hell. See Buddhist hells; heaven; Mount Tai; netherworld; netherworld adventure motif; siming (Controller of Fate); ten kings Hendrischke, Barbara  96 Hideo Iwaki  192n48, 195n57 Hodous, Soothill  168, 170 Honglou meng [A Dream of Red Mansions]  172 Hong Mai (1123–1202)  184, 185, 186; “Sun Guinao” in Yijian zhi, 164–165 Hong Shengzhi (fl.437)  38 Hong Yixuan (1765–1837)  208n97 Horse-Face: in Chinese folklore and fijiction  172. See also Buddhist demons Hou Han shu  62n4 Hou Zhongyi  11n32, 48n135, 211 Hsia, C.T.  192n48 Hu Fuchen  145n224–225, 146n228 Hu Shi  5, 5n15 Hu Shiying  195n57 Hu Ting (1822–1861)  53 Huan Wen (213–373)  160–161 Huang Jingchun  96n53 Huangliang meng [Yellow Millet Dream] of Ma Zhiyuan  182 huangquan (yellow springs)  108 Huayan jing [Avataṃsaka-sūtra; the Flower Adornment Sūtra]  77 Huiguan  68 Huijiao (497–554)’s Gaoseng zhuan [Biographies of Eminent Monks]  8, 20, 64n16, 65, 76, 134n187, 148–149; “Biography of Huiyan” in, 63, 63n9; Fotudeng’s legend in, 152–153 Huilin (fl.5th century)  168n66

257 Huineng (638–713), Liuzu tanjing  69n38 Huiyan (363–443)  63 Huiyuan (334–416)  40n92, 63n9, 71, 71n45, 93n42, 141, 218n137. See also Pure Land School hun souls: and the detached soul motif  212–218, 222; and dreaming, 212–214; mentioned, 206, 220; physical shape of, 216n127; and vital energy (qi), 213, 214, 217. See also “Pang E” (Youming Lu tale 222); souls Huiyi (372–444)  62 Huo Shixiu  5, 185, 186, 204, 204n88–89, 210–211, 212, 213–214 Husserl, Edmund  18 illness: Buddhist belief as a cure for  74– 75, 80–81; and fijixed lifespans, 115 Indian Buddhism: and Buddhist hells  132; cross-fertilization with China in the Song, 72–73; and karma, 102, 218; monk Sanghadatta, 41, 66. See also Buddhism; Buddhist hells; Buddhist influence; Buddhist miracle tales; Buddhist monks; Buddhist nuns; Chinese Buddhism; Indian cultural and literary influence on Chinese literature; Pure Land School Indian cultural and literary influence on Chinese literature  5–7, 5nn15–16, 8, 16–17; and ghost wife fijigures, 205; Indian dream theories, 210–214. See also Buddhist influence; Indian Buddhism; influence; Yama indigenous Chinese beliefs: in fijixed lifespan  114–115, 132–133. See also netherworld; Northern Dipper; retribution (bao) influence: and cross-fertilization between cultures  6, 72–73; as a problematic hypothesis, 174–175; as a problematic term, 6n23. See also Buddhist influence; Indian cultural and literary influence on Chinese literature Jigong zhuan (Biography of Mr. Ji)  159 Ji Xianlin  200, 205n94, 210 Jiandeng yuhua [More Stories Written While Trimming the Wick]  201n79

258 Jiang Fan  20n2 Jiang Shuzhuo  73, 210–211 Jiang Xichang  83n4 Jiang Liangfu  212n111, 213n113–114 Jiangliang yeshe, see Kālayaśas Jingu qiguan (Marvels Old and New)  106n90, 159n36 Jin shu  22n14, 152n17, 153–154, 219n142; and the Youming lu, 159 Jingkou  36 Jiu Tang shu of Liu Xu (877–946)  42n99, 45 Jiu xiaoshuo of Wu Zengqi (b. 1852)  52 Jiuza piyu jing [Old Sūtra of Miscellaneous Allegories]  210 Jones, Lindsay  10n28 Johnson, David.  10n27 Kajiyama Yuichi  93n42 Kālayaśas (fl.424)  69, 72–73, 73n55; See also Jiangliang yeshe “Kang Ade” (Youming lu tale 264)  111, 116, 125–126, 129 Kang Senghui (d. 208)  100n67, 143n216, 204 Kang Sengkai (Samghavarman)  73, 73n56 Kao, Karl S.Y.  11n33, 82n2, 83n3, 85, 121n146, 122n149, 123n151, 183n25, 194n55, 207n96 karmic retribution: and cheng fu (transmission of burdens)  15, 95–96, 224; and Indian Buddhism, 102, 218; and popular religion in Chinese culture, 224–225; and tales from the Xuanyan ji of Liu Yiqing, 80; and the Youming lu, 6–7, 82–83, 93–95, 97, 223. See also Buddhism; Chinese Buddhism; demonic retribution; Indian Buddhism Kāśyapa Mātanga  149 Kieschnick, John  148–149 Kimura Eiichi  93n42 King Xuan of Zhou (r. 827–780 BC)  87 Knechtges, David R.  175n5, 185–186 Kohn, Livia  182n22 Kominami Ichiro  200n75, 201 Kong Yingda (574–648)  214–215, 217 Kroll, J. L.  84n8

index Kumārajīva (344–413)  120, 143n215 Lai, Whalen  121n143 Lamotte, Etienne  143n215 Laozi  83, 86, 146, 184 Lee, Lily Xiao Hong  13, 21, 36, 38, 39, 42n99, 46 Lei shuo [Classifijied Tales] of Zeng Zao: 44n112; tales collected from the Youming lu in  51, 60; tales excluded from the Guxiaoshuo gouchen edition of the Youming lu in, 56, 60 Legge, James  83n4, 84n10, 88n25 Lengjia jing (Lankāvatāra-sūtra)  73 Lengyan jing [Śūraṃgama Sūtra]  133, 171 Li Daoyuan (d. 527), Shuijing zhu  31n45 Li Fang (925–996):  19n64–65. See also Taiping guangji and Taiping yulan Li Fuyan (775–833), Xu xuanguailu  98 Li Gongzuo (770–848)  181, 188, 200 “Lihun ji” [Record of the Detached Soul]  208–209 Li Jianguo  1n2, 12n36, 54n156, 56n161, 168n64 Li Rong (ninth century), Duyi zhi  164 Li Qichang (1376–1452)  201n79 Li Shan (d. 689): anecdote about Ji Xi  43; Song Yu ji [Collected Works of Song Yu], 196; tale about Li Kang, 43 Li Silong  10 Li Yanshou (seventh century), Liu Yiqing’s biography in Nan shi of  20n3, 41, 45, 46 Li Zehou  61n3 Liang Qichao (1873–1929)  9n25 Liang Qixiong  84n7 Liaozhai zhiyi of Pu Songling (1640– 1715)  137n198, 165, 171, 201n79 Lieyi zhuan [Arrayed Marvels] of Cao Pi  48, 49, 74, 111, 112, 124, 197n62, 199n74 Liezi  184, 185 lifespan issues: and Dong Zhongshu, Chunqiu fanlu [Luxuriant Dew of the Spring and Autumn]  116n132, 132; indigenous Chinese beliefs in fijixed lengths of, 114–115, 132–133, 200–201; and revival of victims,

index 200–201; in the Youming lu, 133. See also siming (Controller of Fate) “Lihun ji” [Record of the Detached Soul] by Chen Xuanyou, detached soul motif in  208–209–210, 211, 212, 214 Liji [Classic of Rites]  23n22, 84, 216 Liaozhai zhiyi [Strange Tales from Liaozhai]  137n198, 165, 171, 201n79 “Lu Pan” in Liaozhai zhiyi  165 Liezi jiaoshi [Liezi with Collations and Explanations]  184n27 Linlang mishi congshu of Hu Ting (1822– 1861)  53 Lin Chen  54n157 Lingbao  102 Linggui zhi by Mr. Xun  56n163, 74–75, 150 Liu Changdong  142n213, 143n214 Liu Daogui (370–412; aka the Prince of Linchuan)  31–32n48, 64, 64n17; Liu Yiqing as heir of, 21 Liu Daolian (Liu Yiqing’s father)  21, 36 Liudu jijing [Collected Sūtras of the Six Pāramitās]  100, 120n142, 143, 204 Liu Chuhua  200n75 Liu Jingshu (fl. early fijifth century): and Liu Yiqing  36; Yi Yuan (A Garden of Marvels) complied by, 220, 226 Liu Pansui  213n115 Liu Sai  38n83 Liu Wenying  186n35 Liu Xi (fl.200), Shi ming (Interpretation of Names)  32n50 Liu Xiaobiao (462–521)  46, 57 Liu Yao (founder of Qian Zhao in the Sixteen States period)  152n20; Luoyang attacked by, 153–154 Liu Yigong (413–465)  64–65 Liu Yiji (415–447)  65 Liu Yikang (409–451),  34–35, 35n62, 39, 65 Liu Yilong (Emperor Wen  407–453), and Liu Yiqing, 25, 33, 68 Liu Yiqing (403–333) biography: association with Buddhist monks  65–70; death of brothers Yixin and Yirong, 39; as Director of the Palace Library, 37; as Governor of Danyang, 26; as Governor of Guangling (Southern Yanzhou), 29, 32, 41, 65–68,

259 65–68n34, 68n34; as Governor of Southern Yanzhou, 40; literati gatherings assembled by, 37–38; as Prince Kang of Linchuan, 21, 23, 32, 33; Shen Yue’s biography of, 46; Song shu account of career of, 21–32, 33, 34 Liu Yiqing’s (403–333) works: Biographies of Previous Worthies in Xuzhou (Xuzhou xianxian zhuan)  28, 35, 37, 41; Comments on the Classics (Dian xu), 28–29, 35, 37, 41; and Liu’s unsuccessful political career, 41; overview of, 1–2, 41–43; prose pieces in the Song shu, 42; quotations in the Shilei fu zhu, 19, 53; quotations in the Taiping yulan, 42, 43, 50, 53; quotations in the Yiwen leiju, 42; rhapsodies of collected by Yan Kejun, 42. See also Shishuo xinyu; Xuanyan ji; Youming lu Liu Yixin (d. 439)  39 Liu Yixuan (415–454)  65 Liu Yirong (d. 441)  39 Liu Yizhen (407–424)  63n9, 65 Liu Yu (Emperor Wu aka Gaozu, r.420–422, founder of the Song Dynasty)  20, 21, 22, 33, 63n9, 64n13; attach on Chang’an, 22, 26, 27, 30, 32, 36, 63n9; and Buddhism, 62–63, 63n9; death of, 34n55; as a shoe seller in Jingkou, 36; and Yiqing’s various posts, 22, 26, 32 Liu Yuanru  1–2n1, 18, 18n60 Liu Zhao (392–440)  35 Lo, Yuet-Keung  96–97 Lokaksema  120 Lopez, Donald S.  77n78, 205n93 Lotus Sūtra (Fahua jing): and the curing of diseases  79; miracle tales about Guanyin/Avalokiteśvara in, 77, 141–142; savior fijigure depicted in, 142, 225; and the Tiantai school of Buddhism, 189n43; yaksas and raksasas depicted in, 168. See also Buddhist miracle tales; Buddhist scriptures Lu Gao, Xi Guanshiyin yingyan ji  77n76, 79–80n90, 80, 142 Lu Qinli  42n106 Lu shan (Mount Lu)  40 Lushi Yilin [The Forest of Marvels by Mr. Lu]  49, 202–204, 204. See also zhiguai

260 “Lu Wenshu zhuan” in the Han Shu  102 Lu Xun (1881–1936): Lu Xun quanji [Complete Works of Lu Xun]  19; Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue [A Brief History of Chinese Fiction]  13, 75–76. See also Guxiaoshuo gouchen [Collected Lost Old Stories] Lu Zengxiang (1816–1882)  142n211 Lu Zhan (d. 454)  30, 37 Lü Cheng  201n82 Lü Dongbin (798–?, founder of Quanzhen Daoism)  181–182, 182n22 Lü Simian (1884–1957)  132n173 Lü Zongli  110n111, 136n192–193 Luan Baoqun  110n111 “Luo shen fu” [Rhapsody on the Luo Divinity]  196n60 Luoyang qielan ji [Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang] by Yang Xuanzhi (fl. 547)  135–136 Luo Zhenyu (1866–1940)  35n62 Luo Zhufeng  44n118 Lun heng of Wang Chong  213, 222 Lunyu (Analects)  83n5 Ma Shutian  136n192, 136n195, 137n197, 171n75 Ma Xiaohong  139n203, 145n227 Ma Zhiyuan (1260–1325)  182 Mackenzie, Donald A.  134n185, 168n65 Maeno Naoaki: Buddhist concept of hell of  2n6, 3, 107, 110n109, 114, 133–134, 135–136, 198–199; on Lu Xun’s compilation of old stories, 55; misconceptions about the Youming lu, 3–4 Mair, Victor H.  133n181, 167n60, 181n20, 188n39 Maketa Tairyō  77, 149–150n6 Mather, Richard B.  20n2 McRae, John R.  69n38 meditation (dhyāna )  66, 66n28, 67, 69; samādhi (meditative concentration), 69, 69n38 Mingbao ji [Records of Miraculous Retribution] of Tang Lin  3, 13, 14. Mingxiang ji [Records of Signs from the Unseen Realm] of Wang Yan  121n146, 143; and the miraculous tales of Chinese popular Buddhism, 3, 4, 13, 14, 81, 128–129; Tanhui described in, 68–70

index Mount Tai  123; and the indigenous Chinese netherworld, 111, 132; Taishan Fujun (Governor of Mount Tai), 110, 132, 133, 147. See also Buddhist hells; heaven; netherworld; netherworld adventure motif; ten kings Mozi xiangu of Sun Yirang  87, 88n22 Mudan ting [Peony Pavilion] of Tang Xianzu  191–193, 195 Muller, Friedrich Max  18 Nāgārjuna (150–250)  189 “Nanke taishou zhuan” (Governor of the Southern Tributary Branch)  181, 188, 200 Nan shi [History of the Southern Empires]  20, 41, 45, 46 netherworld: and court trials  121–123; Fengdu  110, 136; silu (Controller of Emoluments), 132–133, 147; siming (Controller of Fate), 132–133, 132n173, 145n223, 147, 222; and the system of administration in the human world, 111–114; youdu (Land of Darkness), 44, 108–109, 147; youming (realm of darkness) as suggestive of, 44, 109. See also Buddhist hells; heaven; netherworld adventure motif; Yama netherworld adventure motif  108; Han Shu account of the revival of a dead girl, 108n9; in the Youming lu, 108, 110 Ning Jiayu  1n1 Nienhauser, William H. Jr.  180n18, 188n39, 213n118 Niu Sengru’s (779–847) Lingguai lu [Records of Spirits and Anomalies]  208n101 Northern Dipper (Beidou)  110–111, 137, 144–146, 224. See also savior fijigures omens: clear water in the Yellow River as a good omen  31n45; and eclipse for three days as the worst omen, 25; elk and white rainbows as bad omens, 32n50 Ouyang Xiu (1007–1072), see Yiwenleiju. Overmyer, Daniel L.  10n27, 160n38 ox-headed demons/beasts: and Indian Buddhist cultural influence  8, 15, 171, 173, 223; and popular Buddhism, 172; in the

261

index Youming lu, 170–171. See also Buddhist demons Pan Quanying  192n48 “Pang E” (Youming Lu tale 222)  214, 229; detached soul motif in, 193, 206–210, 211, 212, 218, 221, 221n148; shape of the soul in, 215, 216, 217–218, 229 “Pearl of Marquis Sui,”  101 Pei Puxian  5, 185, 186 “Peng E” (Youming Lu tale 69)  14, 128–139, 227 Piyu jing [Avadanas]  101 Poo, Mu-chou  110n110, 148 popular Buddhism: and Buddhist demons  172; defijined, 9n25, 10n28; study of popular Chinese Buddhism, 2–3; and the Youming lu, 12–14. See also Buddha; Buddhism; Buddhist demons; Buddhist influence; Buddhist miracle tales; Buddhist monks; Buddhist nuns; Chinese Buddhism; Indian Buddhism; karmic retribution po souls  212–218, 222. See also hun souls; souls Prince Kang of Linchuan. See Liu Yiqing Prince of Linchuan. See Liu Daogui; Liu Yiqing Pu Songling (1640–1715), 137n198, 165, 171, 201n79,182 Pure Land School: Amitayus  11, 77, 140–141, 143; and Avalokiteśvara (or Guanyin), 141–143; Pure Land sutras, 73, 73n57, 140–141; rebirth in the Pure Land, 143; and the Youming lu, 11. See also Buddha; Buddhism; Buddhist influence; Buddhist miracle tales; Buddhist monks; Buddhist nuns; Chinese Buddhism; Huiyuan; Indian Buddhism; karmic retribution; popular Buddhism; savior fijigures Qian Nanxiu  20n1–2 Qian Nanyang  191n48 Qiannü lihun [Qiannü’s Soul Detachment]  209, 214 Qian Zhenlun (1816–1879)  21 Qian Zhongshu  128

qing (feelings)  199, 208, 210 Quan Tang shi [Complete Tang Poetry]  190n44–46 raksasas: and references to evil people in Chinese  172; in the Yiqiejing yinyi [Pronunciation and Meaning of All the Scriptures], 168; in the Youming lu, 139–140, 168–169, 171, 173. See also Buddhist demons; Horse-Face; ox-headed demons/ beasts recovery of mutilated body motif  163– 164, 166, 223; “Lu Pan” in Liaozhai zhiyi, 165; in the Soushen houji, 161–162; Sun Wukong’s story in Xiyou ji [Journey to the West], 165–166; tale 140 in the Youming lu, 162–163 Ren Jiyu  140n206, 141n208 retribution (bao): and Chinese culture  82–83; mixture of indigenous and Buddhist Concepts in the Youming lu, 93–97, 104–106; and revenge, 85; xianshi bao (retributuion in this life), 93, 146. See also demonic retribution; divine/heavenly retribution; ethical (human) retribution; indigenous Chinese beliefs; karmic retribution revival of a ghost girl through sexual dream motif  222; Han Shu account of the revival of a dead girl, 108n9; and Mudan ting [Peony Pavilion] of Tang Xianzu, 191–193, 195 revival of victims, and demonic retribution  200–201 Roberts, Moss  83n4, 86n19 Romance of the Three Kingdoms  171 Romayana  5n15 Ruan Xiaoxu (479–536)  45n124 Ruan Yuan (1764–1849)  44n114, 83n5  86n15–18, 217n134 Sanbao taijian xia xiyang ji [Records of the Three-Treasure Eunuch’s Journey to the West]  103n92 Sanguo zhi pinghua (Storytelling of the Record of the Three Kingdoms)  106n90, 159n36 sanshi (three periods)  64, 159

262 Sanghadatta  41, 66; Samghavarma  73, 73n56; See also Kang Sengkai samādhi (meditative concentration)  69, 69n38 Sanqin ji (Record of the Three Qin), and “Yu bao” (A fijish’s Revenge)  52 savior fijigures: indigenous Chinese Heaven as  14, 14, 138–139; Northern Dipper (Beidou), 110, 137, 144–146, 224; in the Xuanyan ji, 139. See also Avalokiteśvara (or Guanyin) Sawada Mizuho  107 Schafer, Edward H.  144n220, 145n222, 213n118 Seidel, Anna  102, 107n94 Seng Dao (362–457)  63 Shanhai jing (The Classic of Mountains and Seas)  109n104 Shang shu, “Tang gao,”  44, 86, 109 Sharf, Robert  16–17 Shen Jiji (740–800). See “Zhenzhong ji” [The World Inside a Pillow] Shenxian zhun [Biographies of Immortals]  148 Shen Yucheng  38n82 Shen Yue (441–513): Liu Yiqing’s biography in Song shu of  45–46. See also Song shu [History of the Song] Shi Le (r. 319–332; founder of the Later Zhao in the Sixteen State period)   152nn17,19 Shi ji [Record of the Historian] of Sima Qian  45, 86–87, 96, 216n127, 144n221, 216n127 Shi Jilong (r. 335–349), 99n64 Shi jing [The Classic of Odes]: bao (retribution) as moral concept in, 83–84, 146; “Mu gua” [A Qince], 83–84 Shi Jue [shou]  28, 38 Shi Sengmin (472–534)  101n72 Shilei fu zhu [Commentary on the Rhapsody on Classifijied Matters]  52; quotations of Liu Yiqing’s works in, 19, 53 Shinohara, Koichi  16n48 Shishuo xinyu [New Account of Tales of the World] of Liu Yiqing  1, 20, 20n1, 36, 37, 43, 55, 57–58, 59–60; complilation of, 20,

index 20n1, 36, 37, 43; and tales also found in the Youming lu, 55–60; and the zhiren genre, 1, 1n1. See also Liu Yiqing (403–333) works Shiyi ji of Wang Jia  167n61 Shou lengyan jing [Śūraṃgama-sūtra]  78 Shuowen of Xu Shen (30–124)  44 Shuijing zhu  31n45 Shuo fu [City of Tales] of Tao Zongyi: “Buzang” (tale from the Youming lu)  227; four tales from You ming lu in, 51; “Xi Kang” (tale from the Youming lu), 51, 56 silu (Controller of Emoluments)  132–133, 147 Sima Biao (d. 306)  31n45, 62n4 Sima Qian (145–86 BC), see Shi ji Sima Yao (r. 373–396)  25n25 Simhala  205 siming (Controller of Fate)  115, 132–133, 132n173, 145n223, 147, 222. See also Buddhist hells; lifespan issues; netherworld Songgao mountain  62 Song shu [History of the Song]  35n62, 40; and Liu Yiqing’s authorship of the Youming lu, 45–46, 50; Liu Yiqing’s career in, 21–32, 33, 34; on Liu Yiqing’s literary writings, 36, 41; Liu Yiqing’s prose pieces collected in, 42; on nuns, 65 Song Yu (ca. 290–223 bc): “Gaotang fu” [On the Gaotang]  195–196; “Shennü fu” [On the Goddess ], 196 Song Yu ji [Collected Works of Song Yu]  196 souls: and avenging ghosts  88; and Buddhist and anti-Buddhist debates, 218–220, 221, 222; departure from the body interpreted, 221n148; and dreaming, 212–216, 212n109, 222; indigenous views of heaven as a dwelling place for, 113, 115; physical shape of, 215–217, 216n127, 217n135. See also detached soul motif; hun souls; “Pang E” (Youming Lu tale 222) Soushen houji or Xu Soushen ji [Sequel to In Search of the Spirits] of Tao Qian  76– 77; Huan Wen’s tale in, 161–162; story of “Xu Xuanfang’s Daughter” in, 193–194; “Xing hun liyi” [A Soul Departs from the

index Body], 220–221. See also zhiguai (“accounts of anomalies”) Soushen ji [In search of the spirits] (compiled by Gan Bao)  48, 74, 150n9, 204, 204n87; tale of Jiang Ziwen, 145n223; “Wang Daoping” from, 199. See also zhiguai (“accounts of anomalies”) Sparks, Karen J.  11n31 Sterckx, Roel  101n74 Stevenson, Daniel B.  69n38 Su Yijian (958–996)  43, 58, 59 Sui hou zhi zhu (Pearl of Marquis Sui)  101 Sui shu of Wei Zheng (580–643)  42n99 Sullivan, Lawrence E.  102n81 Sun Changwu  5, 77 Sun En Rebellion  78, 78n83 Sun Kaidi  195n57 Sun Wukong  5n15, 165–166 Sun Xidan  216n131 Swanson, Paul Loren  189n43

263

Taishō Tripitaka  66n29, 109n108, 124n154– 55, 126n159–61, 128n165, 142n210, 143n215, 168n66, 169n68, 171n73–74, 185n29–30, 201n81, 202n85, 205n92 Taiwei yuan (Supreme palace enclosure)  24n23 Taizu. See Liu Yilong (Emperor Wen); Liu Yu (Emperor Wu) Tan Guangguang  213n117 Tan Wucheng  40 Tang Lin (600–?)  3, 13, 14. Tang Lin’s story in the Taiping guangji  183–184 Tang Minghuang, “Kuilei Yin,”  189–190 Tang Xianzu (1550–1616): Handan meng [Dream of Handan]  182; Mudan ting [Peony Pavilion], 191–193, 195 Tang Yongtong, Han Wei liang Jin nanbeichao fojiao shi  61n1–2, 71n42, 72n51, 96, 159, 159, 141n207, 218n140 Tao Guang  184n27 Taibai xing (Venus)  24 Tao Hongjing (456–536)  110 Tai Jingnong  134, 164n54 Tao Ting (fl. 1610)  51–52 Taiping guangji of Li Fang: and Du Yu’s story Tao Zongyi (fl. 1360–1368). See Shuo fu [City of attributed to “the Xiaoshuo of Mr. Liu,”   Tales] 43, 58–59; and Lu Xun 55; on the story of Tao Qian (Yuanming  365–427). 85n14; the Wang Dao brothers (tale 13 of the See also Soushen houji Youming lu), 79–80n90; Tang Lin’s story in, Teiser, Stephen  3n8, 108n99, 133n179, 183–184; “Wang Ziqiao mu” [Wang Ziqiao’s 137n196 Tomb], 60; Youming lu tales in, 19, 52; Yuan ten kings  132n174, 137n196, 165; Foshuo An’s story in, 51; Story of Xuan Chao, shiwang jing [Ten King Sūtra by Buddha], 197n62; “Li Zhongwen’s Daughter,” 133. See also Buddhist hells; netherworld 197–198n65; “A Couple from Hejian,” Tiecheng nili jing [Iron City Nili Hell 199n70; “Han Zhong,” 199n71; “Scholar Sūtra]  171 Tan,” 199n74; “Fan Shu and His Ghost Tsai, Kathryn Ann  70n41, 160n38–39 Lover,” 204n86; “Pang E,” 207; “Ruan Zhan,” 219; “A Soul Departs from the Body,” 220. Vimalakirti Sūtra  77 See also Li Fang Taiping huanyu ji [Taiping Geographical Wang Bangwei  128n165 Record]  183n24 Wang Chong (27–97?), 213, 218 Taiping jing (Scripture of Great Wang Dao (276–339), 28n35, 79–80n90 Peace)  95n47, 96n48, 102n78 Wang Fu (fl.300), 134 Taiping yulan [Compendium of Arts and Wang Genlin  54, 194n55, 197n65, 219n141, Letters], quotations of Liu Yiqing’s work 220–221n144–146 in  19, 42, 53, 197n65, 202n84, 213n116, Wang Guoliang, Youming lu studies of   220n143 1–2, 6, 49, 53n152, 76n71, 79n90, 82n1, Taishan (Mount Tai)  108, 110–111 162n46 Taishan Fujun (Governor of Mount Wang Hong (379–432)  28, 28n35, 71 Wang Jia, see Shiyi ji Tai)  110, 132, 133, 147

264 Wang Jinghong (360–447)  25n25 Wang Kui  85n13 Wang Meng’ou  99n61, 181n20, 185n31, 188n38–39 Wang Mi (360–407), 62 Wang Ming, Taiping jing hejiao  95n47, 96n48, 102n78; Baopuzi neipian jiaoshi [The Master Who Embraces Simplicity with Collations and Explanations],133, 215n125 Wang Sengda (423–458)  68 Wang Yan (450?–500). See Mingxiang ji Wang Zhong (1745–1797)  35n62 Wang Zhongmin  167n60 Watson, Burton, The Lotus Sūtra  141n209, 142n210, 169n68; The Complete Works of Chuang Tzu, 187n36, 191n47 Wei Shou (506–572), Wei shu  36 Wenfang sipu  43, 58, 59 White Horse Monastery  78 White Lotus Society (Bailian She)  40n92, 71n45 white rainbows  32n50 women: female raksasi  168; yaksas as a term for  172. See also Buddhist nuns; ghost girls and women Woods, Ralph L.  211n108 Wu Chen’en (1500–1582)  166n58 Wujie (Five precepts)  103 Wu Kang  221 Wuliangshou jing [Longer Sukhāvatīvyūhasūtra]  73, 77, 109, 140 Wu Meng (magician)  202 Wu Piji  21 Wu Shu (947–1002)  19n67, 53n149; See also Shilei fu zhu Wu Weizhong  13 Wu Zengqi (b. 1852)  52 Wuchao xiaoshuo daguan [Grand Spectacle of the Five Dynasty Stories] edited by Shaoye Shangfang  52 Xi Guanshiyin yingyan ji [More Records of Guanshiy-in’s Responsive Manifestations] by Lu Gao (459–532)  77n76, 80 Xi Kang (223–262)  43, 51, 56, 60 Xia Guangxing  134n184 Xiao Dengfu  88n26, 96, 113n126, 120n141, 133n179, 146n229 Xiao Hong. See Lee, Lily

index Xiaopin Banruo poluomi jing [Aṣṭasāhasrikāprajñā-pāramitā; the Small Perfection of Wisdom Sūtra] by (Kumārajīva  344–413), 120 Xiao Sihua (406–455)  38 Xiaoshuo [Minor Sayings]: of Liu Yiqing  41, 42n99; of Yin Yun, 42n99, 58 Xiao Tong (501–531), Wenxuan  44n119, 196n58 Xie Fu (fl. late fourth century)  3, 78 Xie Hui (309–426), 34 Xie Lingyun (385–433)  20, 64, 71–72, 71n44, 73–74 Xie Mingxun  1–2n1 Xie Xuan (343–388)  71n44 Xin Ahan jing (Nava-Āgama-sūtra)  73 Xin Tang shu of Ouyang Xiu (1007–1072) and Song Qi (998–1061)  42n99, 45 Xingshi hengyan [Constant Words to Awaken the World]  198n66 Xiuxing daodijing [Yogācārabhūmisūtra]  120, 202–204 Xiyou bu [A Supplement to the Westward Journey]  208 Xiyou ji [Journey to the West]  5, 5n15, 165–166 Xu Jian (659–729), Chuxue ji  42n103 Xu Guanshiyin yingyan ji [A Sequel to the Records of Miracles Concerning Avalokiteśvara] of Zhang Yan  77 Xu Han shu  31n45 “Xu Huangliang meng” [Continuation of the Yellow Millet Dream] of Pu Songling  182 Xu Jinping mei [Sequel to the Plum in the Golden Vase]  106n90, 159n36 Xu Shuofang  191–192n48, 195n57 Xu Soushen ji. See Soushen houji Xu Xianzhi (Chief Overseer of the Department of State Afffairs  364–426), 34, 34n55 “Xu Xuanfang’s daughter” (Youming lu tale 205)  192–195, 199n74, 200, 200 Xu Yi ji [Sequel to the Record of the Strange]  55 Xuzhou: and the Huaibei region  21n19; Liu Yiqing’s Biographies of Previous Worthies in Xuzhou (Xuzhou xianxian

index zhuan), 28, 35, 37, 41; Liu Yiqing’s birth in, 21 Xuan shi zhi [Records in Palace Xuan]  216 Xuanyan ji [Records in Proclamation of Manifestations] of Liu Yiqing: 41; Buddhist demons in  169–171; miracle tales in, 79–81; portrayal of Yama, 135–136; and the propagation of Buddhism, 13, 14, 79, 135; savior tales in, 139; surviving portions of, 43; tale one about Zhang Rong, 169–170. See also Liu Yiqing (403–333) works Xuanzang (602–664)  5, 205 Xunzi  84 yaksas: in the Lotus Sūtra (Fahua jing)  168; women referred to as, 172. See also Buddhist demons; Horse-Face; ox-headed demons/beasts; raksasas; yaksas Yama: Bao Zheng (999–1062) as  137; in Chinese tales during the Six Dynasties period, 133–136; fujun (of Mount Tai) replaced by, 133; in Indian mythology, 134n185; in the Youming Lu and Xuanyan Ji, 134–135. See also Buddhist hells; netherworld Yanju biji [Records of Living in Yanjing]  195 Yan Kejun (1762–1843), 42 Yan Yannian (384–456), 45 Yan Yanzhi (384–456), 71 Yanzi chunqiu [Spring and Autumn of Master Yan]  217n135 Yang Bojun  88n23, 88n25 “Yang Hu” (from Lei shuo): and “Shu jie” from tale 3 of Youming lu  46; and “Tou Feng” [Headache] from Lei shuo, 46, 51, 56 Yang Lien-sheng  82n2, 84n9 “Yang Lin” (Youming lu tale)  2; dream inside a microcosmic world motif, 182–183, 187, 221; “Zhenzhong ji” tale of Tang Lin, 183–184. See also dream adventure stories inside a microcosmic world Yang Xianyi and Gladys Yang, Tang Dynasty Stories  181n20 Yang Xiaomei  191n48 Yang Xin (370–442)  38 Yang Xuangbao (370–463)  63–64, 64n13 Yang Xuanzhi (fl. 547)  135–36 Yang Yong  85n14

265 Yao Hong (388–417)  151, 151n11, 153 Yao Xing (366–416)  151n11 Ye Dehui (1864–1927)  58–59 Ye Make (aka Mikhail Epmakob)  3 Ye Qingbing  107n97, 108n100 Ye Shuxian  196 Yiji (415–447) Prince of Hengyang  65 Yijian zhi [Records by Yijian]  164–165 Yijing (Classic of Changes): balancing of yin and yang in  200; “Wenyan” of, 85–86, 93, 96; you (not bright) opposed to ming (bright) in, 44–45 Yi qian zhaodu [An Interpretative Companion to the Yi jing: Understanding “qian”]  31n45 Yi Yuan (A Garden of Marvels)  220, 226 Yin Yaofan, “Deng Fenghuang Tai Ershou,”  190 Yin Yun (471–529), Xiaoshuo  42n99, 58 Yiwen leiju [Compendium of Arts and Letters] of Ouyang Xiu  32n50; quotations of Liu Yiqing’s work in, 19, 42, 49, 53 Yixuan (415–454) Prince of Nanjun  65 youdu (land of darkness)  108–109 youming (netherworld)  109 Youming lu [Records of the Hidden and Visible Realms]: and earlier collections  46, 49–50; and Hu Ting’s Linlang mishi conshu, 53; authorship of, 47–48; critical editions of, 19; influence on historical writing, 153–154; interpretations of the title of, 44–45; Liu Yiqing as compiler of, 47; quotations in Lei shu of, 51, 56, 60; recompilations of, 52–54; scholarly study of, 1–4; and tales also found in the Shishuo xinyu, 55–60; transmission of, 50–52; Wuchao xiaoshuo daguan [Grand Spectacle of the Five Dynasty Stories], 52. See also Fotu Cheng; Liu Yiqing (403–333) works tales: tale 2 (“Haizhong jintai”)  49, 52, 81; tale 3, 46; tale 4, 81; tale 8 (“Laozi miao jing”/ “Guo Zi”), 49, 80, 227; tale 12 (“Wangfu shi”), 12n37, 80, 227; tale 13, 80; tale 14, 80; tale 16 (“Shangshi” annotation on), 46; tale 17, 80, 227; tale 18, 80; tale 19 (“Shangshi” annotation on), 46, 80; tale 20, 46, 80, 227; tale 24, 81; tale 26 (“Dapeng chu”), 49, 80, 227; tale 27, 81; tale 28, 80, 227; tale 29, 80; tale 30, 80; tale 31, 49, 80;

266 Youming lu (continued) tale 32 (“Yuzhong deng”), 80, 227; tale 33 (“Wenweng”/”Li zhi yu”), 52, 80, 227; tale 34, 80, 227; tale 35 (“Jiu ruhuai”), 49, 80, 227; tale 36 (“He Bigan”/ “Tian ci jiance”), 51, 95, 227; tale 38 (“Liu Chen Ruan Zhao”), 13–14, 19n63, 49, 227; tale 39, 49–50; tale 40 (“Buzang”/”Yuan An”), 51, 52, 227; tale 41 (“A Nu”)/ “Chen Zhongju,” 49, 52, 227; tale 43 (“Zhongxiao Hou yin”), 49, 227; tale 44 (“Feng Guiren”), 49, 227; tale 45 (“Chen Adeng”), 49, 227; tale 47 (“Gui xi”), 49, 227; tale 51 (“Zhong You”), 49, 204n87, 227; tale 52 (“Shu guan”), 49, 227; tale 57 (“Beidou jun”), 110–111, 227; tale 63 (“Xianguan fu”), 55, 227; tale 64 (“Zhang Hua jiang bai”), 55, 227; tale 66 (“Chao gui”/”Ren yan gui kezeng”/”Ruan Deru”), 51, 66; tale 67 (“Ruan Zhan”), 66, 219–220; tale 68 (“Guo Changsheng”), 51, 227; tale 69 (“Peng E”). See “Peng E”; tale 70 (“Yi jiao”), 110, 114–115; tale 73 (“Gan Qing”), 111n118, 202; tale 82 (“Shu Li”), 99, 111, 123–124, 227; tale 87 (“Bai gui”), 49, 99–100; tale 89 (“Fotudeng”), 152, 152n17, 228; tale 94, 100; tale 98 (“Zheng Xuan laonu”/ “Wang Fusi”), 51, 228; tale 105 (“Dan ye”), 52; tale 107 (“Ni Seng”), 160–161, 228; tale 116 (“Niu Yi”), 14, 103, 110, 131; tale 123 (“Se Luzhen”), 111, 113–114, 116–118; tale 124 (“Wang Zhi”), 111n118, 118–119; tale 125 (“Gui shan ren”), 103–104; tale 131 (“Chen Liang”), 115–116; tale 136 (“Chi zhi”), 52; tale 140 (“Jia Bi”/”Huan tou”), 52, 162–163, 164; tale 144 (“Xie Sheng”), 97n56; tale 146, 92n39; tale 148 (“Yufu danwen”), 97–98; tale 149 (“Muxiang wangong”), 228; tale 150 (“Zhuge Changmin”), 228; tale 152 (“Hu seng”), 150–151; tale 157 (“Wang Wendu”), 110, 111–112; tale 158 (“Lougu”), 49, 100; tale 160 (“Wang Zhongwen”), 49, 228; tale 164, 92n39; tale 165 (“Wuhuan”/ “Yu Hong nu”), 52, 94, 228; tale 166 (“Hua nu”/ “Wu Kan”), 52, 228; tale 168 (“Cheng Biao”), 98, 110, 113, 228; tale 171 (“Gui xi”), 228; tale 176 (“Gui zhengmu”), 49, 228; tale 179 (“Yao Weng”), 90–91; tale 182, 49; tale 184, 92n39; tale 190 (“Fu gui”), 228; tale 192, 49; tale 202 (“Gui changzhai”), 92, 228; tale 203 (“Mai hufen nü”), 199, 228; tale 205 (“Shengsi yinyuan”),

index 228; tale 212 (“Gu mou”), 144; tale 217 (“Jia Yong”), 55, 60; tale 218 (“Lü Shun’s Wife”), 90, 228; tale 221 (“Guangling san”), 55, 229; tale 224 (“Yu Jin jiaguai”), 49, 229; tale 231, 93; tale 232 (“Nu huan”), 89, 229; tale 237 (“Gui you qingse”/”Wang Fengxian”), 52; tale 240 (“Lei gong”), 110, 229; tale 247 (“Zhao Tai”), see “Zhao Tai”; tale 251 (“Bozhen manghuan”), 49, 229; tale 252 (“He Bo jianu”), 229; tale 253 (“Luosha”), 139–140, 169, 229; tale 254 (“Anxi wangzi”), 103, 104–106, 154–159; tale 257, 55, 60; tale 258, 55; tale 262 (“Jie hui”), 49, 150, 152n18; tale 263 (“Li Tong”), 134; tale 264 (“Kang Ade”), 111, 116, 125–126, 129. See also “Yang Lin” (Youming lu tale) tales excluded from the Guxiaoshuo gouchen edition of: “Chi yu guimei zheng guang” [To be Shamed to Vie with An Evil Spirit for Light]  51, 56; “Mu ke” [Wood Guests], in Gujin tushu jicheng of Chen Menglei, 56, 60; “Tou feng” [Headache, or Yan Hu’s tale], 46, 51, 56 Youyang zazu [Miscellaneous Records of Youyang]  99n61, 216 Yu Anthony  200n75 Yu Yingshi  107n96, 108n101, 110n109–110, 215n124 Yuan Mei (1716–1797), Zi buyu [The master doesn’t say]  72 Yuan Shu (408–453)  30, 37 Yuzhou: and Huiyan  63n9; Liu Yiqing as Army Commander of Yuzhou and Governor of Youzhou, 22, 29, 33, 36; location of, 22nn18–19; and Mao Bao, 99n64 Za baozang jing [Saṃyukta-ratna-piṭakasūtra; The Storehouse of Kindred Treasured Teachings]  185 Zang Lihe  33n52 Zengxiang liexian zhuan [Illustrated Immortals‘ Biographies]  181–182, 182n22 Zeng Zao (1091–1155). See Lei Shuo Zhanguo ce (Intrigues of the Warring States)  32n50, 102 Zhang Hanliang  2n6 Zhang Hua  22n14 Zhang Mantao  5

index Zhanguo ce [Intrigues of the Warring States] of Gao Yiu  102 Zhang Yan, A Sequel to the Records of Miracles Concerning Avalokiteśvara  77n77, 79 Zhang Zhenjun  87n20 “Zhao Tai” (Youming lu tale 247), 2; hell and sufffering described in  124–125, 126–127, 130–131, 133; indigenous Chinese traditional elements mixed with Buddhist features in, 132, 133, 139; and karmic retribution, 103, 129, 225; netherworld court trial of, 121–122 Zhao Yi (1727–1814), Gai yu congkao  31n48 Zhen’gao [Declarations of the Perfected]  110 Zhen Fachong  70 Zhenyi ji  49 Zhenyi zhuan  150 Zheng Guangzu (fl. 1294)  209, 214 Zheng Wanqing’s edition of the Youming lu, and the Guxiaoshuo gouchen [Collected Lost Old Stories] compiled by Lu Xun  19, 54 Zheng Xianzhi (Vice Director of the Department of State Afffairs  362–427), 25, 25n25 Zheng Yuqing  149n6 “Zhenzhong ji” [The World Inside a Pillow] of Shen Jiji: and dream adventure inside a microcosmic world motif  175, 181; and the Liezi, 184; summary of the story, 176–180; and “Yang Lin,” 183 Zhi lou (Lokaksema)]  119–120 Zhi Pan (d. 1270)  149n4 Zhiqian (third century)  120, 164 Zhiru  136n194 zhiguai (“accounts of anomalies”): Bowu zhi [A Treaties on Curiosities]  49, 52; and Buddhism during the Six Dynasties, 6, 74; Lei shuo [Classifijied Tales] 51; Shuo fu [City of Tales], 51; Chongjiao Shuo fu [The Re-collated City of Tales] of Tao Ting, 51–52; collecting of tales from previous books as a feature of, 48–50; defijined, 1n1; Duyi zhi [Unique Records of the Marvels] of Li Rong, 164; Guo zi (Master Guo), 49;

267 Kong shi zhiguai [Mr. Kong’s Records of Anomalies], 49; Ling gui zhi [A Treatise on Spirits and Ghosts], 49, 56n163, 74–75, 150; in the Luoyang qielan ji [Record of Buddhist Monasteries in Luoyang], 135–136; Xu xuanguailu of Li Fuyan, 98; Yijian zhi [Records of Yijian], 164–165; Zhen yi ji [Selected Anomaly Accounts], 49; Zu Taizhi zhiguai (Account of Anomalies by Zu Taizhi), 31. See also Lushi Yilin; Soushen houji; Soushen ji zhiren (“accounts of men”)  1, 1n1. See also Shishuo xinyu [New Account of Tales of the World] of Liu Yiqing Zhong A han jing [Mādhyamāgama]  205 Zhongguo xiaoshuo shilue [A Brief History of Chinese Fiction] by Lu Xun  13, 75–76 Zhonghua dazing jing  143n216 Zhou Ciji  82n1 Zhou li [Rites of Zhou]: dream classifijication  207; on mediating hatred, 23, 23n21 Zhou Li  200n75 Zhouyi  86n15 Zhou Yiliang  34, 38, 39 Zhou Zumo  135n191 Zhu Chuanyu  5 Zhu Fahu (Dharmaraksha)  120, 204 Zhu Falan  152 Zhu Fonian  120 Zhu Xi (1130–1200)  44n117, 109n106 Zhu Junsheng (1788–1858)  217 Zhu Lingxiu (d. 430)  34 Zhu Tanwulan (Dharmarājan)  120 Zhuangzi: on life as short and transient  190–191; Qiwu lun [On the Equality of Things], 213; Xuanyan ji mention of, 135; Zhuang Zhou and the butterfly, 186–187 Zhuang Ziyi  87 Zichan (d. 522)  214–215, 217, 217n135 Zuo zhuan [Zuo’s Commentary to the Spring and Autumn]  88, 90, 91, 92, 146, 214, 217 Zürcher, Eric  3, 8–11, 9n25, 15–16, 69n38, 133n180, 159, 218n137, 226