Brill's New Pauly. Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World (Ark-Cas) [2] 9004122656

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Brill’s Encyclopaedia of theAncient World

New P

“ANTIQUITY

~ ARK- Cas

UIs oROM agit | Hing LIBRARY

UNIVERSITY

of NEW

HAMPSHIRE

LIBRARY

EDMUND G. MILLER

LIBRARY

FUND

Brill’s New Pauly

ANTIQUITY VOLUME 2

ARK-CAS

Brill’s New Pauly SUBJECT

EDITORS

Dr. Andreas Bendlin, Erfurt

Prof. Dr. Beat Naf, Zurich

History of Religion

Reception: Political Theory and Politics

Prof. Dr. Gerhard Binder, Bochum

PD Dr. Johannes Niehoff, Freiburg

History of Civilization

Judaism, Eastern Christianity, Byzantine Civilization

Prof. Dr. Rudolf Brandle, Basle

Christianity

Prof. Dr. Hans Jorg Nissen, Berlin Oriental Studies

Prof. Dr. Hubert Cancik, Tubingen

Prof. Dr. Vivian Nutton, London

Executive Editor

Medicine; Reception: Medicine

Prof. Dr. Walter Eder, Bochum Ancient History

Prof. Dr. Eckart Olshausen, Stuttgart

Prof. Dr. Paolo Eleuteri, Venice

Prof. Dr. Filippo Ranieri, Saarbriicken European Legal History

Textual Criticism, palaeography and codicology Dr. Karl-Ludwig Elvers, Bochum Ancient History

Historical Geography

Prof. Dr. Johannes Renger, Berlin Oriental Studies; Reception: Ancient Orient

Prof. Dr. Burkhard Fehr, Hamburg Archaeology

Prof. Dr. Volker Riedel, Jena

Prof. Dr. Bernhard Forssman, Erlangen

Prof. Dr. Jorg Rupke, Erfurt

Linguistics; Reception: Linguistics

Latin Philology, Rhetoric

Prof. Dr. Fritz Graf, Columbus (Ohio)

Prof. Dr. Gottfried Schiemann, Tubingen

Reception: Education, Countries (II)

Religion and Mythology; Reception: Religion

Law

Prof. Dr. Max Haas, Basle Music; Reception: Music

Prof. Dr. Helmuth Schneider, Kassel Executive Editor; Social and Economic History,

Prof. Dr. Berthold Hinz, Kassel

Reception: Art and Architecture Dr. Christoph Hocker, Kissing Archaeology Prof. Dr. Christian Hiinemorder, Hamburg Natural Sciences

Prof. Dr. Lutz Kappel, Kiel Mythology Dr. Margarita Kranz, Berlin Reception: Philosophy

Military Affairs, History of Classical Scholarship Prof. Dr. Dietrich Willers, Bern

Classical Archaeology (Material Culture and History of Art) Dr. Frieder Zaminer, Berlin Music

Prof Dr. Bernhard Zimmermann, Freiburg Reception: Countries (I) ASSISTANT

EDITORS

Beate Baumann Prof. Dr. André Laks, Liile

Philosophy Prof. Dr. Manfred Landfester, Giessen Executive Editor: Classical Tradition; Reception:

History of Classical Scholarship and History of Civilization Prof. Dr. Maria Moog-Griinewald, Tiibingen Comparative Literature Prof. Dr. Dr. Glenn W. Most, Heidelberg Greek Philology

Jochen Derlien Christa Frateantonio Vera Sauer

Matthias Kopp

Dorothea Sigel Anna-Maria Wittke

Brill’s Encyclopaedia of the Ancient World

New Pauly Edited by Hubert Cancik and Helmuth Schneider

English Edition: Managing Editor Christine F. Salazar Assistant Editors Astrid Moller, Antonia Ruppel and David Warburton

ANTIQUITY VOLUME 2

ARK-CAS

BRILL LEIDEN - BOSTON 2003

© Copyright 2003 by Koninklijke Brill Nv, Leiden, The Netherlands

ISBN (volume) 90 04 12265 6

Originally published in German as DER NEUE PAULY. Enzyklopadie der Antike. Herausgegeben von Hubert Cancik und Helmuth Schneider. Copyright © J.B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung und Carl Ernst Poeschel Verlag GmbH 1o996ff./r999ff. Stuttgart/Weimar

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher.

Cover design: TopicA (Antoinette Hanekuyk) Front: Delphi, temple area Spine: Tabula Peutingeriana Translation by protext TRANSLATIONS B.V. Data structuring and typesetting: pagina GmbH, Tubingen Germany

Die Herausgabe dieses Werkes wurde aus Mitteln von GOETHE-INSTITUT

Bonn gefordert.

INTER NATIONES,

ISBN (set) 90 04 12259 I

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, °

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Fees are subject to change. This book is printed on acid-free paper. PRINTED

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NETHERLANDS

Table of Contents Notes to the User

List of Illustrations and Maps List of Authors Entries .

LX XV

Digitized by the Internet Archive In 2022 with funding from Kahle/Austin Foundation

https://archive.org/details/brillsnewpaulyenOOO2unse

Notes to the User Arrangement of Entries

Abbreviations

The entries are arranged alphabetically and, if applicable, placed in chronological order. In the case of alternative forms or sub-entries, cross-references will lead to the respective main entry. Composite entries can be found at more than one place (e.g. a commentariis re-

All abbreviations can be found in the ‘List of Abbreviations’ in the first volume. Collections of inscriptions, coins and papyri are listed under their sigla.

fers to commentariis, a).

Bibliographies

Identical entries are differentiated by numbering. Identical Greek and Oriental names are arranged chronologically without consideration of people’s nicknames. Roman names are ordered alphabetically, first according to the gentilicium or nomen (family name), then the cognomen (literally ‘additional name’ or nickname) and finally the praenomen or ‘fore-name’ (e.g. M. Aemilius Scaurus is found under Aemilius, not Scau-

Most entries have bibliographies, consisting of numbered and/or alphabetically organized references. References within the text to the numbered bibliographic items are in square brackets (e.g. [ 1.5 n.23] refers to the first title of the bibliography, page 5, note 23). The abbreviations within the bibliographies follow the rules of the ‘List of Abbreviations’.

rus).

However, well-known classical authors are lemmatized

according to their conventional names in English; this group of persons is not found under the family name, but under their cognomen (e.g. Cicero, not Tullius). In large entries the Republic and the Imperial period are treated separately.

Texts and maps are closely linked and complementary, but some maps also treat problems outside the text. The authors of the maps are listed in the ‘List of Maps’.

Spelling of Entries

Cross-references

Greek words and names are as a rule latinized, follow-

ing the predominant practice of reference works in the English language, with the notable exception of technical terms. Institutions and places (cities, rivers, is-

lands, countries etc.) often have their conventional English names (e.g. Rome not Roma). The latinized versi-

ons of Greek names and words are generally followed by the Greek and the literal transliteration in brackets, e.g. Aeschylus (Aioxbhog; Aischylos).

Oriental proper names are usually spelled according to the ‘Tiibinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients’ (TAVO), but

again conventional names in English are also used. In the maps, the names of cities, rivers, islands, countries etc. follow ancient spelling and are transliterated fully to allow for differences in time, e.g. both Kanmadoxua and Cappadocia can be found. The transliteration of non-Latin scripts can be found in the ‘List of Transliterations’. Latin and transliterated Greek words are italicized in the article text. However, where Greek transliterations do not follow immediately upon a word written in Greek, they will generally appear in italics, but without accents or makra.

Maps

Articles are linked through a system of cross-references with an arrow — before the entry that is being referred to.

Cross-references to related entries are given at the end of an article, generally before the bibliographic notes. If reference is made to a homonymous entry, the respective number is also added. Cross-references to entries in the Classical Tradition volumes are added in small capitals. It can occur that in a cross-reference a name is spelled differently from the surrounding text: e.g., a cross-reference to Mark Antony has to be to Marcus » Antonius, as his name will be found in a list of other names containing the component ‘Antonius’.

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List of Illustrations and Maps Illustrations are found in the corresponding entries. ND means redrawing following the instructions of the author or after the listed materials. RP means reproduction with minor changes. Some of the maps serve to visualize the subject matter and to complement the articles. In such cases, there will be a reference to the corresponding entry. Only literature that was used exclusively for the maps is listed. Lemma

Title

AUTHORS

Bibliography

Asia Minor, alphabetic scripts ND based on outline by N. OETTINGER Assembly buildings Different types of bouleuteria from Asia Minor (ground-plan) 1. Miletus [2] (175-164 BC) ND according to: W. MULLER-WIENER, Griech. Bauwesen in der Ant., 1988, 161, fig. 96,1. 2. Priene (2nd cent. BC) ND according to: ID., fig. 96,2.

As As

ND: A. MLasowsky

Asclepius Athens, Asclepieum. Eastern part of the Asclepieum as reconstructed by TRAvLos in the form of a dual sanctuary; 4th cent. BC ND according to: J. TRavLos, Bildlexikon zur Topographie des ant. Athen, 1971, 129 fig. 171.

3. Cretopolis (2nd cent. BC) ND according to: ID., fig. 96,4.

4. Heraclea [5] on the Latmus (3rd—znd cents. BC) ND according to: ID., fig. 96,5. Athenian League (Second) Athenian League (378/377-33 8/337 BC) W. EDER/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN

Bibliography: J. L. CARGILL, The Second Athenian Asia Minor

Successor states of the Hittites (12th — 8th/7th cents. BC) ND: F. STARKE The dynasties of Karkamis and Malida ND: F. STARKE The development of provinces in Asia Minor: Asia,

Bithynia et Pontus, Lycia et Pamphylia (1st cent. BC — 5th cent. AD) ND: K. STROBEL

The development of provinces in Asia Minor: Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia (1st cent. BC - 5th cent. AD) ND: K. STROBEL The development of provinces in Asia Minor ND: EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN Asia Minor during the Hittite period (1580-1200 BC) ND: N. OETTINGER Asia Minor c. 270 BC ND: N. OETTINGER

League, 1981

P.J.RHODEs,

The

Second

Athenian

League,

in:

R.J.A. Talbert (ed.), Atlas of Classical History, 1985 (repr. 1994) 60

M. DrEHER, Hegemon und Symmachoi, 1995. Athens Athens, Agora, Acropolis H.R. GOETTE Bibliography: J. TRavios, Bildlexikon zur Topographie des ant. Athen, 1971 J.M. Camp, The Athenian Agora, 1986 M. Korres, The History of the Acropolis Monuments, in: R. ECONOMAKIS (ed.), Acropolis Restoration. The CCAM Interventions, 1994, 35-5I.

Athletes Locations of the victories won by the pancratiast M. Aurelius Asclepiades of Alexandria W. DECKER/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN Bibliography: L. Moretti, Iscrizioni agonistiche greche, 1953 (=IAG 79). Attalus The dynasty of the Attalids ND: A. MEHL

LIST OF

ILLUSTRATIONS

AND

MAPS

Attica

Phyles of Attica (after 508/507 BC) EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN/H. LOHMANN (ND according to: J.S. TRAILL)

Bibliography: J.S. TRAILL, Demos und Trittys, 1986 A. DEMANDT, Ant. Staatsformen, 1995, 193ff.

Fortifications in Attica (5th -3rd cents.) H. LOHMANN/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN Bibliography: H. LOHMANN, Atene, 1993 M.H. Munn, The Defense of Attica. The Dema Wall and the Boiotian War of 378-375 B.C., 1993

J. Oger, Fortress Attica. Defense of the Athenian Land Frontier 404-322 B.C., 1985 R.J.A. Tar BERT (ed.), Atlas of the Greek and Roman World, 2000 (helpful basic information.; J.S. TRAILL, Attica. map no. 59).

Augusta Raurica Augusta Raurica E. OLSHAUSEN/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN ND according to: A.R. FURGER Bibliography: M. ScHaus, Die Briicke tiber den Violenbach beim Osttor von A. Rauricorum, in: Jahresberichte aus Augst und Kaiseraugst 14, 1993, 135-158, esp. 154, fig. 26

Automata [1] Compressive force ND according to: W. ScHMipT (ed.), Heron Alexan-

drinus, Opera I, repr. 1976, 357 figs. 83b, 361 fig. 86.

[2] Rotative motion RP according to: W. ScuMipT (ed.), Heron Alexan-

drinus, Opera I, repr. 1976, 425 fig. 103b. [3] Steam power ND according to: W. ScumipT (ed.), Heron Alexandrinus, Opera I, repr. 1976, 230 figs. 55, 55a.

Babylon Babylon at the time of the New Babylonian kingdom (7th/6th cents. BC)

S. MAuUL/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN ND according to: TAVO BIV 19 (Authors: U. FINKBEINER, B. PONGRATZ-LEISTEN, © Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden)

Bibliography: U. FINKBEINER, B. PONGRATZ-LEISTEN, Beispiele altoriental. Stadte. Babylon zur Zeit des neubabylon. Reiches, TAVO B IV 19, 1993 A.R.GeorGE, Babylonian Topographical Texts, 1992, 24.

A.R.FuRGER, Die urbanistische Entwicklung von A. R. vom 1. bis zum 3. Jahrhundert, in: Jahresberichte

aus Augst und Kaiseraugst 15, 1994, 29-38, esp. 31,

fig. 4. Augusta Ireverorum

Augusta Treverorum: archaeological ground plan (ast -4th cents. AD) F. SCHON/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN ND according to: H. HEINEN Bibliography: C.M.TERNES, Die romerzeitliche Civitas Treverorum im Bilde der Nachkriegsforschung, in: ANRW II 4, 1975, 320-424, 182 H. Wo FF, ‘Civitas’ und ‘Colonia Treverorum’, in: Historia 26, 1977, 204-242 H. HEINEN, Trier und das Trevererland in rom. Zeit, 1985 H. Cuppers (ed.), Die Romer in Rheinland-Pfalz,

1990, 577-647, esp. 581. Augustus The Julio-Claudian dynasty ND according to: D. KiENaAsT, Rom. Kaisertabelle. Grundziige einer rom. Kaiserchronologie, 1990, *1996.

Bacchus Eleusinian initiation scene. London, British Museum F 68, bell crater of the Pourtalés Painter (redrawn).

RP according to: G.E.Mytonas,

Eleusis and the

Eleusinian Mysteries, 1961, fig. 81.

Balkans, languages [1] Balkans: languages spoken in Roman times C. HAEBLER Bibliography: W. v. WARTBURG, Die Entstehung der romanischen Volker, *1951, map 2 G. NEUMANN, J. UNTERMANN (ed.), Die Sprachen im

Rom. Reich der Kaiserzeit, 1980, 103-120;

147-

165.

[2] Language groups and political structures around AD 800 J. KRAMER

Bibliography: K. SANDFELD, Linguistique balkanique, 1930 I. Popovic, Geschichte der serbokroatischen Sprache, 1960, 1-337 G.R.So.tra, Einfihrung

in die Balkanlinguistik,

1980 Aureus

E. BANFI, Linguistica balcanica, 1985.

Aureus ND: A. MLAsowsky

Banquet

Athens, Agora, Southern Stoa I: banqueting room with seven klinai, 2nd half of the 5th cent. BC (reconstruction)

XI

LIST

ND according to: J. Camp, Die Agora von Athen. Ausgrabungen im Herzen des klass. Athen, 1989, 143, fig. ror.

ILLUSTRATIONS

AND

MAPS

W. WILL, Rom. ‘Klientel-Randstaaten’ am Rhein? Eine Bestandsaufnahme, in: BJ 187, 1987, 1-61.

Baths [1] Olympia: Greek bath (building III), c. 350 BC

Baptisterium Dura-Europus:

OF

house

church

with

baptisterium;

ground-plan. RP according to: C.H. KRAELING, The Excavations at Dura-Europos II. The Christian Building, 1967, 4 fig. 1. Barcids The dynasty of the Barcids ND: L. GUNTHER

Basilica [1] Pompeii: basilica, c. 120 BC (reconstructed elevation).

RP according to: K. Our, Die Basilika in Pompeji. Denkmaler ant. Architektur, 1991, tab. 56. {2] Pompeii: basilica, c. 120 BC (ground-plan). RP according to: K. Our, Die Basilika in Pompeji. Denkmiler ant. Architektur, 1991, tab. 6r.

(reconstruction).

RP according to: A. MaLiwitz,

Olympia, *1981,

Dig aankes, 2391. [2] Gortys: bath, 3rd cent. BC; ground-plan. ND according to: R. GinouveEs, Balaneutiké, 1962,

talosasiae [3] Timgad: the small central baths, 2nd cent. AD

(ground-plan). RP according to: I. NIELSEN, Thermae et Balnea, 1990, fig. 201.

Battus The dynasty of the Battiads of Cyrene ND: B. PaTzEK Beard Different types of beards in Antiquity ND: A. Neu

[3] Ravenna, S. Apollinare in Classe: basilica, rst

half of the 6th cent. AD (reconstructed ground-plan with hypothetical atrium). RP according to: A. EFFENBERGER, Frihchristliche Kunst und Kultur, 1986, 250.

[4] Ravenna, S. Apollinare in Classe: basilica, 1st half of the 6th cent. AD (elevation). ND according to: F.W.DEICHMANN, s.v. Basilika,

RAC 1, 1253-1254, fig. 1. [5] Leptis Magna: basilica, after AD 210 (reconstruction of interior). RP according to: E. LANGLOTZ, s.v. Basilika, RAC 1,

1237-1238, fig. 1. [6] Leptis Magna: basilica, after AD 210 (groundplan). RP according to: M.F.SQUARCIAPINO, Leptis Magna, 1966, 97 fig. 13. Batavian Revolt The Batavian Revolt (repercussions of the crisis) E. OLSHAUSEN Bibliography: P.A. BRUNT, Tacitus on the Batavian Revolt, in: Latomus 19, 1960, 494-517, esp. 51I516

W.J.H. Wrttens, Romans and Batavians, in: R. BRANDT (ed.), Roman and Native in the Low Countries, 1983, 105-128

Ip., Romans and Batavians, in: Berichten van de Rijksdienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonder-

zoek 34, 1984, 39-331

Berytus

Beruta/Berytus: the pre-Hellenistic remains U. FINKBEINER Bisutun Relief from Bisutun (redrawn) RP according to: J. WIESEHOFER, Das ant. Persien,

1994, 37 figs. 2, 3. Board games Stone gaming-table from Epidaurus for the ‘five-line game’ (Epidaurus museum, 4th/3rd cents. BC). RP according to: CH. BLINKENBERG, Epidaurische Weihgeschenke, AM 23, 1898, 2 figs. 1, 2.

Boeotia

The Boeotian League from the 6th cent. to 146 BC EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN/E.OLSHAUSEN Bibliography: J. Ducat, La confédération béotienne et expansion thébaine a l’€poque archaique, in:

BCH 97, 1973, 59-73J.M. Fossey, The Cities of the Kopais in the Roman Period, in: ANRW II 7,1, 1979, 549-591.

B. GULLATH, Untersuchungen zur Gesch. Boiotiens in der Zeit Alexanders und der Diadochen, 1982 J.M.Fossey, Topography and Population of Ancient Boiotia, 2 vols., 1988 Ip., Papers in Boiotian Topography and History, 1990

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

AND

XI

MAPS

H. van EFFENTERRE, Les Béotiens aux frontiéres de P Athénes antique, 1989

R.J.Buck, Boiotia and the Boiotian League 432-

371, 1994. Book

Scroll (opened). RP according to: W. ScHUBART, Das Buch bei den Griechen und R6émern, 1907, 42 fig. 4. Bosporus

Ancient sanctuaries on the shores of the Bosporus E. OLSHAUSEN Bibliography: R. GUNGERICH (ed.), Dionysios von Byzantion nach P. Gilles, Anaplus Bosporu, *1958 R.J.A. TALBERT (ed.), Atlas of the Greek and Roman World, 2000 (useful basic information.; C. Foss, Bosporus, map no. 53). Bricks; Brick stamps Types of roofing using brick tiles ND according to: M.-C. HELLMANN, L’architecture

grecque, vol. 1, 2002, 298, figs. 402.1-3.

Bibliography: H. Jepin, K.S. LarourerTE (ed.), Atlas zur Kirchengeschichte, 1970, new edition 1987 C. THomas, The Early Christian Archaeology of North Britain. FS M. WHEELER, 1971 Ip., Christianity in Roman Britain to A.D. 500, 1981

M. HeEnic, Religion in Roman Britain, 1984 Roman Britain. Ordonance Survey. Historical Map and Guide, 1991.

Byblus Byblus U. FINKBEINER and Y. MAKAROUN Bibliography: M. DuNAND, Fouilles de Byblos II, 1958

N. Jip£yj1an, Byblos a travers les ages, 1977. Byzantium

The Byzantine empire, 7th — 9th cents. AD (theocratic empire of the Rhomaioi c. AD 800) EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN ND according to TAVO B VI 8 (Author: Tu. RipLinGER, © Dr. Ludwig Reichert Verlag, Wiesbaden) Bibliography: TH. RIPLiNGER, Kleinasien. Das Byz. Reich (7.-9. Jh. n. Chr.), TAVO B VI 8, 1988

Britannia

Albion, Britannia: the indigenous tribes (c. 1st cent.

BC - 3rd cent. AD) EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN/E. OLSHAUSEN Bibliography: S.S.FRERE, Verulamium and _ the Towns of Britannia, in: ANRW II 3, 1975, 290-327 A.L.F.Rivet, The Rural Economy of Roman Britain, in: ANRW II 3, 1975, 358-363

I. RocHow, Byzanz im 8. Jh. in der Sicht des Theophanes. Quellenkrit.-hist. Komm. zu den Jahren 715-813, 1991

F. WINKELMANN (ed.), Volk u. Herrschaft im frihen Byzanz, 1991

H. Dirren, Ethnische Verschiebungen zw. der Balkanhalbinsel und Kleinasien vom E. des 6. bis zur zweiten H. des 9. Jh., 1993.

I. HoppER, Pre-Roman and Romano-British Tribal

Economies, in: Invasion and Response. The case of Roman Britain. Conference 1979, 1979, 189-196 S.S. FRERE, Britannia, *1987

Roman Britain. Ordonance Survey. Historical Map and Guide, 1991.

Provincial development in Britannia EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN/E. OLSHAUSEN Bibliography: S.S.FRERE, Verulamium and _ the Towns of Britannia, in: ANRW II 3, 1975, 290-327

Caecilius

The Caecilii Metelli ND according to: R. SyME, Roman Revolution, 1939, Appendix. Supplemented by: K.L. ELvers Caesar

Caesar in Gaul (58-5 1/50 BC) W. WILL/W. EDER/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN

Bibliography: M. GELzeR, Caesar. Der Politiker

A.L.F. Rivet, The Rural Economy of Roman Brit-

und Staatsmann, °1960, repr. 1983

ain, in: ANRW II 3, 1975, 358-363 A.S.ROBERTSON, The Romans in North

W. WILL, Julius Caesar, 1992.

Britain: The Coin Evidence, in: ANRW II 3, 1975, 364-426 A.L.F. Rivet, C. Smitu, The Place-names of Roman Britain, 1979 S.S. FRERE, Britannia, +1987 Roman Britain. Ordonance Survey. Historical Map

The Roman empire at the time of Caesar (until 44 BC) W. WILL/W. EDER/EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN Bibliography: W. W111, Julius Caesar, 1992 K. CHRIST, Caesar, 1994.

and Guide, ‘1991.

The British isles c. AD 650/Christianization (6thlate 8th cents. AD) EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN/E. OLSHAUSEN

Calendar

Intercalation in the Roman and Julio-Gregorian calendars ND: M. Haase/J. RUPKE

XII

LIST

Reconstruction of the Fasti Antiates, i.e. the pre-Julian Roman calendar ND: M. Haase/J. RUPKE

Canalization

OF

ILLUSTRATIONS

AND

MAPS

ND according to: G. CAVALIERI ManassE, G. MasSARI, M.P.ROSSIGNANI, Piemonte, Valle d’Aosta, Liguria, Lombardia, 1982, 97. Canals

Examples of ancient canalization 1. Tiryns, Mycenaean palace: sewage through rock and soil.

duct laid

Section of the canal built by Xerxes between Tripiti and Nea Roda ND according to: B.S.J.ISSERLIN, R.E. JONEs et al.,

ND according to: K. MULLER, Tiryns 3, 1930, 172,

The Canal of Xerxes on the Mount Athos Peninsula,

fig. 77.

in: ABSA 89, 1994, 278, fig. 1, 279, fig. 2.

2. Priene: open drain, c. 50 cm. deep. ND according to: TH. WIEGAND, Priene, 1904, 74.

H. SCHRADER,

Putative course of the waterway between the Sangarius and Lake Sapanca (6th cent. AD) ND according to: F.G.Moore, Three Canal Projects, Roman and Byzantine, in: AJA 54, 1950, 98

3. Priene: open drain with sedimentation basin. ND according to: TH. WIiEGAND, Priene, 1904, 74.

4. Priene: covered drain. ND according to: TH. WIEGAND, Priene, 1904, 74.

fig. 1.

H. SCHRADER,

H. SCHRADER,

5. Xanten: wooden drain. ND according to: U. GroTE, in: Xantener Berichte 6, 1995, 289. 6. Diagram of a Roman sewer. The smaller drains discharge into the main sewer well above the sewer floor.

Carthage Punic Carthage (znd cent. BC) ND: H.G. NIEMEYER Roman Carthago (late 2nd cent. AD) ND: EDITORIAL TEAM TUBINGEN/E. OLSHAUSEN/H. G. NIEMEYER

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List of Authors Albiani, Maria Grazia, Bologna Allen, James, Pittsburgh, PA Alonso-Niiiez, José Miguel, Madrid Ameling, Walter, Jena Andreau, Jean, Paris Auffarth, Christoph, Tubingen Auge, Oliver, Tubingen Baatz, Dietwulf, Bad Homburg Babler, Balbina, Gottingen Badian, Ernst, Cambridge, MA Baltes, Matthias, Miinster Barcelo, Pedro, Potsdam

Baudy, Gerhard, Konstanz Beck, Hans, K6éln Becker, Andrea, Berlin

M.G.A. Ja. Al. J.M.A.-N. W.A. J.A. Gy O.A. D.Ba. B. Ba. E.B. M.Ba. BEBE

G.B.

Becker, Cornelia, Berlin Belke, Klaus, Wien

Ha. Be. An. Be. Coss: K. Be.

Berger, Albrecht, Berlin

Al.B.

Berschin, Walter, Heidelberg Bianchetti, Serena, Florence Bieberstein, Klaus, Fribourg Binder, Gerhard, Bochum

W.B. SaB; K.B. G. Bi.

Birley, A.R., Diisseldorf Blansdorf, Jurgen, Mainz Blech, Michael, Madrid Bleckmann, Bruno, Bern Bloch, René, Princeton, NJ

Bloedhorn, Hanswulf, Jerusalem Blume, Horst-Dieter, Minster

Bockmann OSB, Aquinata, Rome Bodnar, Istvan, Budapest Bonfante, Larissa, New York

Bowie, Ewen, Oxford von Bredow, Iris, Stuttgart Bremmer, Jan N., Groningen Brentjes, Burchard, Berlin Bringmann, Klaus, Frankfurt/Main

Briquel, Dominique, Paris Brizzi, Giovanni, Bologna Brock, Sebastian P., Oxford Brodersen, Kai, Newcastle and Mannheim Buchi, Ezio, Verona Buonocore, Marco, Rome

A.B. Ju. Bl. M.BI. B. BI. R.B.

H. BI. H.-D.B.

A.Bo. IB. Dab:

E. Bo. I.v.B. ])oi83B.B. K.Br.

DaBiz G.Br. SuBe K. Bro. E. Bu. M.Bu.

Burckhardt, Leonhard, Basel Burford Cooper, Alison, Ann Arbor, MI Burian, Jan, Prague

Le. Bu. A.B.-C. J. Bu.

Calboli, Gualtiero, Bologna Calboli Montefusco, Lucia, Bologna Caldelli, Elisabetta, Cassino Calmeyer-Seidl, Ursula, Berlin Camassa, Giorgio, Udine

Gie ER@aVir RaGa: U; Se. G.Ca.

Campbell, J. Brian, Belfast Carlier, Pierre, Nancy Chaniotis, Angelos, Heidelberg Cherici, Armando, Arezzo Christes, Johannes, Berlin Christmann, Eckhard, Heidelberg Christol, M., Paris Clinton, Kevin, Ithaca, N. Y. Colbow, Gudrun, Miinchen Colpe, Carsten, Berlin Courtney, Edward, Charlottesville, VA Cresci Marrone, Giovanella, Turin

ia@an Be @ae

INK A.Ch. 5G

Eae M. Chr. Ka@} G.Co. Ge BdaGs G.C.M.

Daverio Rocchi, Giovanna, Milan

GaDERe

De Gregorio, Giuseppe, Rome de Souza, Philip, Twickenham Decker, Wolfgang, Kéln

GIDiG, Rades: W.D.

Degani, Enzo, Bologna Di Marco, Massimo, Fondi (Latina)

Dietz, Karlheinz, Wiirzburg

Dingel, Joachim, Hamburg Docter, Roald Frithjof, Gent Donohue, Alice A., Bryn Mawr Dorandi, Tiziano, Paris Doring, Klaus, Bamberg Drager, Paul, Trier

Drew-Bear, Thomas, Lyon Drexhage, Hans-Joachim, Marburg/Lahn Drogemiiller, Hans-Peter, Hamburg Eck, Werner, K6ln Eder, Walter, Bochum Effenberger, Arne, Berlin

Egelhaaf-Gaiser, Ulrike, GieSen Ego, Beate, Osnabruck Eleuteri, Paolo, Venice Elvers, Karl-Ludwig, Bochum

Engels, Johannes, Koln Englhofer, Claudia, Graz Errington, Robert Malcolm, Marburg/Lahn

E.D: M.D. Ma.

Kabir

j2D: R.D. A.A.D. 1051) Keb: [BD

T.D.-B. H.-J.D. H.-P. Dro. W.E. W.Ed. A.E.

UL. Eg.-G. Babe Pele, K.-L.E. Mele Gls,

Ma.Er.

Euskirchen, Marion, Bonn Falco, Giulia, Athens Fantuzzi, Marco, Florence

M.E. Gi. F. M. Fa.

Felber, Heinz, Leipzig Fell, Martin, Minster Fey-Wickert, Beate, Hagen

He. Fe. M.Fe. B.F.-W.

Finkbeiner, Uwe, Tubingen

Wake

Folkerts, Menso, Miinchen

M.F.

Follinger, Sabine, Mainz

S.F6.

Fornaro, Sotera, Sassari Forssman, Bernhard, Erlangen Fortsch, Reinhard, Koln

S: Fo. Bar R.F.

Frank, Karl Suso, Freiburg

K.-S.F.

XVI

LIST OF AUTHORS

Franke, Thomas, Bochum Frateantonio, Christa, GiefSen-Erfurt Frede, Michael, Oxford

Freitag, Klaus, Minster Frey, Alexandra, Basel Freyburger, Gérard, Mulhouse Freydank, Helmut, Potsdam Frezouls +, Edmond, Strafsburg Fuchs, Andreas, Tubingen Funke, Peter, Minster Fusillo, Massimo, L’Aguila Gaggero, Gianfranco, Genova Galli, Lucia, Florence Gamauf, Richard, Wien Garcia-Ram6n, José Luis, K6In Gargini, Michela, Pisa Gatti, Paolo, Triento Genz, Hermann, Istanbul

Geus, Klaus, Bamberg Giaro, Tomasz, Frankfurt/Main Gippert, Jost, Frankfurt/Main Gizewski, Christian, Berlin Glaser, Franz, Klagenfurt Glei, Reinhold F., Bochum

Goette, Hans Rupprecht, Athens Gorgemanns, Herwig, Heidelberg Gottschalk, Hans, Leeds

Goulet-Cazé, Marie-Odile, Antony Graf, Fritz, Princeton, NJ Grafs], Herbert, Salzburg

Greiner, Bernhard, Tubingen Grieshammer, Reinhard, Heidelberg Gruber, Joachim, Erlangen Giinther, Linda-Marie, Bochum Gutsfeld, Andreas, Minster Haas, Volkert, Berlin Hadot, Pierre, Limours Haebler, Claus, Miinster

Hahn, Johannes, Miinster Hailer, Ulf, Tubingen Harder, Ruth Elisabeth, Zurich Harrauer, Christine, Wien Hauser, Stefan R., Berlin Heinhold-Krahmer, Susanne, Feldkirchen Heinz, Marlies, Freiburg Heinze, Theodor, Geneva Herz, Peter, Regensburg Herzhoff, Bernhard, Trier Heucke, Clemens, Miinchen

Heyworth, Stephen, Oxford Hidber, Thomas, Gottingen Hild, Friedrich, Wien Hocker, Christoph, Kissing Hoesch, Nicola, Miinchen Holkeskamp, Karl-Joachim, K6ln Holzhausen, Jens, Berlin Horn, Christoph, Bonn Hossenfelder, Malte, Graz

A igiee Gee M.Fr.

KES Al. Fr. GcE:

Hubner, Wolfgang, Munster Hiilser, Karl-Heinz, Konstanz Hiinemérder, Christian, Hamburg Hunger, Hermann, Wien

lalal Sher

Hurschmann, Rolf, Hamburg Huff, Werner, Miinchen

W.Hu.

H. Fr.

Inwood, Brad, Toronto, ON

E. Fr.

Jansen-Winkeln, Karl, Berlin

A.F. Poke M.fu. G. Ga. TAGs RaGas J.G.-R. M.G. PaGs H. Ge. KI. Ge. Ge eG: G.G:; F.GI. R.GI. HGREG: H. Go. BEG. M.G.-C. E.G. H.Gr. B.G. R. Gr. jpGr L.-M.G. A.G. Vela: P. Ha. (G8 i. iplals War

R. Ha. Cela, Salat S.H.-K. M.H. Asal Pak Bakle C. Heu. Spal. iiyah; FOE Gao: N.H. K.-J.H. Jaiio: Glo: M. Ho.

W.H. K.-H. H. Gina

Job, Michael, Marburg/Lahn Johne, Klaus-Peter, Berlin

Kalcyk, Hansjorg, Petershausen Kaletsch, Hans, Regensburg Kappel, Lutz, Kiel Karttunen, Klaus, Helsinki Kaster, Robert A., Princeton, NJ

Kearns, Emily, Oxford 3 Kessler, Karlheinz, Emskirchen Kienast, Dietmar, Neu-Esting

Kierdorf, Wilhelm, Koln

King, Helen, Reading Kinzl, Konrad, Peterborough, ON Klengel, Horst, Berlin

Knell, Heiner, Darmstadt Kockert, Matthias, Berlin Kohler, Christoph, Bad Krozingen Kolb, Anne, Ziirich Krafft, Fritz, Marburg/Lahn

Kramer, Johannes, Trier Kramolisch, Herwig, Eppelheim Krasser, Helmut, Giefen Krause, Jens-Uwe, Miinchen

Krauss, Rolf, Berlin

Kugelmeier, Christoph, Berlin Kuhrt, Amélie, London

R.H. B.I. K.J.-W. M.J. KGPaly H. Kal. H. Ka.

ake K.K. R.A.K. E.K. K. Ke. D.K. W.K. H.K. Keke H.KIl. H. Kn. M.K. Geko: A.K. F. Kr.

[a3 Ge He. Kr. Eiaie;

Jee Rak Chr. Ku. A.Ku.

Puke Gakur He. K. Kuppers, Jochem, Diisseldorf J. Ki. Lafond, Yves, Bochum icle Le Bohec, Yann, Lyon YoursBs Lehmann, Gunnar, Jerusalem Galley Lehnus, Luigi, Milan tenet Leisten, Thomas, Princeton, NJ Tos Leonhardt, Jurgen, Marburg/Lahn jelke: Leppin, Hartmut, Frankfurt/Main Hel. Ley, Anne, Xanten AL Te Lezzi-Hafter, Adrienne, Kilchberg UNel Geel (e Liebermann, Wolf-Liider, Bielefeld W.-L.L. Lienau, Cay, Minster Cal von Lieven, Alexandra, Berlin Asviale Liwak, Rudiger, Berlin Ret Lohmann, Hans, Bochum Hi Lo: Lombardo, Mario, Lecce NiSTEs Losemann, Volker, Marburg/Lahn Wala Luzzatto, Maria Jagoda, Florence M.J.L. Makris, Georgios, Bochum G. Ma. Manganaro, Giacomo, Sant’ Agata li Battiata Gi. Ma. Manthe, Ulrich, Passau U.M. Kunitzsch, P., Miinchen

Kunst, Christiane, Potsdam Kunz, Heike, Tiibingen

XVII

Marek, Christian, Ziirich Marengo, Silvia Maria, Macerata

Markschies, Christoph, Heidelberg Marti, Heinrich, Kisnacht Martini, Wolfram, GiefSen Mastino, Attilio, Sassari

Maul, Stefan, Heidelberg Mehl, Andreas, Halle/Saale Meier, Mischa, Bielefeld MeifSner, Burkhard, Halle/Saale Meister, Klaus, Berlin Metzler, Karin, Berlin

LIST

CoMa. S.M.M. GM: H. Ma. W. Ma. A. Ma. S.M. A. Me. M. Mei. B.M. K. Mei. K.M.

Meyer t, Ernst, Zurich

E. Mey.

Meyer-Schwelling, Stefan, Tiibingen Michel, Raphael, Basel Michel, Simone, Hamburg Miller, Martin, Berlin Mlasowsky, Alexander, Hannover

S.M.-S. Ra. Mi. S.Mi. M.M. A.M. F.M.

Montanari, Franco, Pisa

Mora, Fabio, Messina Muckensturm-Poulle, Claire, Besancon Miller, Stefan, Hagen Miller, Walter W., Marburg/Lahn Miller-Kessler, Christa, Emskirchen

Nadig, Peter C., Duisburg Najock, Dietmar, Berlin

Narcy, Michel, Paris Nesselrath, Heinz-Giinther, Gottingen Neudecker, Richard, Rome Neumann, Ginter, Minster

Neumann, Hans, Berlin Niehoff, Johannes, Freiburg Niehr, Herbert, Tubingen Nielsen, Inge, Hamburg Niemeyer, Hans Georg, Hamburg Niinlist, René, Providence, RI Nutton, Vivian, London Oakley, John H., Williamsburg, VA

F. Mo.

C. M.-P. S.Miu. W.W.M. SKE PRING D.N. Mi. Na. H.-G. Ne. R.N. G.N. H.N. J.N. H.Ni. IN. EGAN; Re.N.

Pack, Edgar, K6In Pahlitzsch, Johannes, Berlin

V.N. EO! Oc N.O. EO: REO): (CO G.Pa. 1s) ines

Palermo, Dario, Catania

Wares

Oelsner, Joachim, Leipzig Oettinger, Norbert, Augsburg Olshausen, Eckart, Stuttgart Osborne, Robin, Oxford Ott, Claudia, Berlin Paci, Gianfranco, Macerata

Pappalardo, Umberto, Napels Patzek, Barbara, Essen Peter, Ulrike, Berlin Pingel, Volker, Bochum Plath, Robert, Erlangen Plontke-Liining, Annegret, Jena Pollmann, Karla, St. Andrews Pongratz-Leisten, Beate, Bryn Mawr Portmann, Werner, Berlin Prayon, Friedhelm, Tubingen Prescendi, Francesca, Geneva

Wabas 1512, [URIs VePe RBs A.P.-L.

Kel B.P.-L. Winks Rape 1 Rfes Le

Pressler, Frank, Freiburg

Renger, Johannes, Berlin Rese, Martin, Miinster

Rhodes, Peter J., Durham Richmond, John A., Blackrock, VA Riederer, Josef, Berlin Rist, Josef, Wiirzburg Robbins, Emmet, Toronto, ON Roberts, Michael, Middletown, CT Rottler, Christoph, Tubingen Ripke, Jorg, Erfurt Sallaberger, Walther, Leipzig Sallmann, Klaus, Mainz Salsano, Deborah, Catania Sancisi-Weerdenburg +, Heleen, Utrecht Sartori, Antonio, Milan Sasel Kos, Marjeta, Ljubljana Sawvidis, Kyriakos, Bochum Sayar, Mustafa H., K6In Schachter, Albert, Montreal, Quebec Schaffner, Brigitte, Basel Schanbacher, Dietmar, Dresden Scheer, Tanja, Rome Scheibler, Ingeborg, Krefeld Scheid, John, Paris Scherf, Johannes, Tiibingen Schiemann, Gottfried, Tubingen Schmidt, Peter Lebrecht, Konstanz Schmitt-Pantel, Pauline, Paris Schmitz, Winfried, Bielefeld Schmitzer, Ulrich, Erlangen Schneider, Helmuth, Kassel Sch6n, Franz, Regensburg Schénig, Hanne, Halle/Saale Schoop, Ulf-Dietrich, Tubingen

Schottky, Martin, Pretzfeld Schuler, Christoph, Tubingen Schulzki, Heinz-Joachim, Freudenstadt Schirmann, Astrid, Mannheim Schwarcz, Andreas, Wien

Schwemer, Anna Maria, Tubingen Schwertheim, Elmar, Minster Schwind, Johannes, Trier Sehlmeyer, Markus, Rostock Seibt, Klaus, Leonberg Selzer, Christoph, Frankfurt/Main Senff, Reinhard, Bochum Sharples, Robert, London Shaw, Brent D., Philadelphia, PA Sievertsen, Uwe, Tubingen Simon, Walter, Tubingen Smolak, Kurt, Wien Sonnabend, Holger, Stuttgart Spickermann, Wolfgang, Bochum Stahlmann, Ines, Berlin Stanzel, Karl-Heinz, Tubingen Starke, Frank, Tubingen Stegmann, Helena, Bonn

OF AUTHORS

Rak ne: M.Re. Payers Awe

Jo.R. J. Ri. E.R. M.Ro. ERE eRe Wa. Sa.

LIST

XVIII

OF AUTHORS

Stein-Hélkeskamp, Elke, Koln Steinhart, Matthias, Freiburg

Stevens, Wesley M., Winnipeg, Manitoba Stoevesandt, Magdalene, Basel

Stol, Marten, Leiden Strauch, Daniel, Berlin Strobel, Karl, Klagenfurt Strothmann, Meret, Bochum

Strunk, Klaus, Miinchen Susini, Giancarlo, Bologna Talbert, Richard, Chapel Hill, NC

Tauber, Hans, Wien Tausend, Klaus, Graz Thomsen, Andreas, Tiibingen Thur, Gerhard, Graz Tinnefeld, Franz, Miinchen Todd, Malcolm, Exeter Tokhtas’ev, Serge] R., St. Petersburg Tomaschitz, Kurt, Wien

Toral-Niehoff, Isabel, Freiburg Trapp, Michael, London Treidler, Hans, Berlin Uggeri, Giovanni, Florence Uthemann, Karl-Heinz, Amsterdam Versnel, Hendrik S., Warmond Visser, Edzard, Basel Vogeler, Joachim, Baton Rouge, LA

Vogt-Spira, Gregor, Greifswald

E.S.-H. M. St. W.M.S. Ma. St. Ma.S. DES: Kast Me. Str.

KES G. Su. Rails Pleas Kise Av Gale Reale M. To. Sake Kale I. T.-N. Inte,1 lek Vic Gaup ole H.V. ave Jo. Vo. G.V.-S.

Voigt, Rainer, Berlin Wagner, Jorg, Tubingen Walde, Christine, Basel Waldner, Katharina, Erfurt

Ras J. Wa. C.W. K. Wa.

Walser t, Gerold, Basel

G.W.

Wandrey, Irina, Berlin Wartke, Ralf-B., Berlin

I. Wa.

Wehgartner, Irma, Wurzburg WeifSenberger, Michael, Greifswald Welwei, Karl-Wilhelm, Bochum

Wieseh6fer, Josef, Kiel Will, Wolfgang, Bonn Willers, Dietrich, Bern Willi, Andreas, Basel Willvonseder, Reinhard, Wien Wilson, Nigel, Oxford Wirbelauer, Eckhard, Freiburg Wittke, Anne-Maria, Tubingen Worrle, Michael, Munchen Zahrnt, Michael, Kiel Zaminer, Frieder, Berlin

Zamponi, Stefano, Padova Zanoncelli, Luisa, Milan

Ziegler +, Konrat, Gottingen Zimmermann, Bernhard, Freiburg Zimmermann, Klaus, Jena

Zingg, Reto, Basel

R.W. I. W. M.W. K.-W. Wel. j.W. W.W. Di. Wi. An. W.

R. Wi. N.W. E.W. A.W. M. Wo. IMIGZs aL Sue LXZ Kaze Bas KI. Zi. ReyAs

A

Arktos see > Constellations

Armamentaria In early times the armamentaria or arsenals were situated in Rome itself; with the expansion of the Roman Imperium they were also installed in cities close to the theatres of war. In the legionary camps of the Principate the armamentaria were in the principia, those for the navy in the ports (CIL VI 999, 2725; VIII 2563); in Rome there was an armamentarium in the castra praetoria. The weapons were stored according to type, not army unit, and were guarded by the armorum custodes; the armamentarium was under the authority of a curator operis armamentarii and a magister, who was supported by a scriba armamentarii and an architectus armamentarit. > Castra; > Principia 1 A. VON DOMASZEWSKI, s.v. Armamentaria, RE 2, 1176

2 W.Eck, Ein A. fiir die equites et pedites singulares in Koln, in: KJ 23, 1990, 127-130 3 R. FELLMANN, Die Principia des Legionslagers Vindonissa, 1958, 48 4M.P. SperDEL, The weapons keeper, the fisci curator and the ownership of the weapons in the Roman army, in: Roman Army Studies 2, Mavors 8, 1992, 131-136. Y.LB.

Armarium (Cabinet). The second most important piece of furniture for storage besides the arca. The armarium seems to be a typically Roman item, unknown to the Greeks until quite late (pyrgiskos). The term armarium basically describes a cabinet for equipment, but also a cupboard for food, money and jewellery. It was also used for bookcases and shelves in > libraries. A funeral relief in Rome (TM 184) depicts the armarium in a cobbler’s shop [3. 114-115 pl. 117,1-2], and as a household furniture item together with, among other things, the arca (Leiden, Mus. [2. 69, 301]), cf. the cabi-

net from Herculaneum with vessels and statuettes ({1.fig.3], cf. Petron. 29). Both in depictions as well as in the surviving examples from Pompeii, Herculaneum and Boscoreale [r. fig. 3-6], the armaria consist of a base, a case with shelves, and sometimes a top section. The doors have simple or double locks, there however also were doors that were foldable through hinges in the middle (Isid. Orig. 15,7,4). Armaria were also used for the special purpose of storing ancestral portraits and theatre masks. The height of the wooden cabinets known to us ranges from 90 to 220 cm. — Arca; > Furniture 1 E.G. Buppe, A. und kibotos, 1940

MANN

2 KOCH/SICHTER-

3R.AMEDICK, Vita privata auf Sarkophagen,

1991, Index s.y. A.

Armatura see ~ Manoeuvres

R.H.

CONTINUATION

Armavira (Aguaoviea; Armaouira). City mentioned in Ptol. 5.12.5 M. and 8.19.11 N. on the left bank of the Aras, the Urartian Argistichinili. Castle and residence on the crest of a mountain, the city below it on the slope leading down to the River A.; first capital of the Armenian kingdom. Excavations have revealed Urartian material, as well as ancient Armenian strata, including a gold medallion picturing the goddess > Anahita (?). A.A. MartirosjaAn, Argistichinili Pamjatniki Armenii 8, 1974.

I, Archeologiceskie B.B.

Armenia A. HELLENISM AND ROMAN

ERA

B. LATE ANTIQ-

UITY AND BYZANTINE ERA A. HELLENISM AND ROMAN ERA

The highlands south and south-west of the Caucasus. Main river is the > Araxes (today Aras). Northern

border river Cyrus (today Kura), also upper reaches and tributaries of Tigris and Euphrates. Lakes: Lichnitis (today Sevan), Thospitis (today Van) and Matianus (Urmia).

Holy mountain > Baris (5165 m, today Ararat), preserves the pre-classical name of Urartu of a state with Hurrite population, who under Persian rule became part of the Haikh (= Armenians). The Indo-European language was similar to Phrygian (Hdt. 7.73; Steph. Byz. p. 123). Aguevia (Armenia) in Greek literature is probably named after the Achaemenid name ‘Armina’ in Xen. An. 3.5.17 and the ‘Aguéviot (Arménioi) appear,

as well as the Aidaedduot (Alarédioi= Urartians), in Hdt.

3.93f.; Str. 11.14 and Prol. 5.12 describe A. A. has been agriculturally developed for more than 7,000 years and has reserves of copper and gold. After the fall of Urartu it belonged to Media and then to the Achaemenid kingdom. At the castle of Erebuni north of Jerevan, originally an Urartian fortress, there was an Achaemenid columned hall. In Alexander’s campaign A. is mentioned by Arr. Anab. 3.8.5 and 3.16.5, then fell to the Seleucids and in 188 BC was divided up into two kingdoms, Greater (east) and Lesser A. (west). The dynasty founder Artaxias began Hellenizing the country, initially ruled in ‘Aouaovioa

(today — Armavir),

the former Urartian

regional capital Argistichinili, and then founded Artaxata (today Artashat). Treasure with three silver rhyta discovered in Erebuni may well date from his time. The most important Artaxiad, Tigranes II (95-5 5BC), for a time ruled large parts of the Near East, was married to the daughter of Mithridates VI of Pontus and was a Philhellene. He founded Tigranocerta as the new capital; he was defeated by the Romans (66 BC) and limited to Greater A. (A. maior).

ARMENIA

3

A. minor (west of the Euphrates) had to be ceded to Rome and from the time of Diocletian and Constantine formed the provinces of A. I and II. It remained Byzantine until the invasion of the Turks in the r1th cent. Greater A., eastern A., suffered under the battles between Rome and the Parthians, and later the Sassanids. Under Trajan (from AD 114) it was for a short

time a Roman province; building of the ancient temple of Garni (“Roman’ mosaics). Around Vagharshapat (= Echmiadzin) in 302/3 or 314 it became Christian with an autocephalous church. Until 428 it remained a dependent kingdom under the Parthian dynasty, then became a Persian province and in the 7th cent. fell to the Arabs. Christian A. with the new capital Dvin had a great many churches, monasteries and palaces. Cathedrals with one or more naves (Odzun, 5 50), circular churches (Svartnots, around 650) and cross-dome churches (Echmiadzin 4th and 6th cents.), like the holy cross church of Achtamar (915-925), are part of world culture, as are manuscripts decorated with miniatures (extant in the Echmiadzin Gospels, 7th cent.). After invasion by the Seljuqs Armenian culture transferred partly to the monasteries in the north, partly to the kingdom of Cilicia. — Urartu; ARMENIA B. BRENTJES, S.MNAZAKANJAN, N.STEPANJAN, Kunst des Mittelalters in Armenien, 1981; B. BRENTJES, Die Jahrtausende Armeniens 31984; B.M. LANG, Armenia, Cradle of Civilization, 31978; K.F. LEHMANN-Haupt, Armenien

einst und jetzt, 1910-1931; J.MARQUARDT, ROm. Staatsverwaltung I, *1881. B.B. B. LATE ANTIQUITY AND BYZANTINE ERA

Gregory the Enlightener (LUsawori¢’) brought the early attempts at missionary work in the 4th cent. under — Tiridates III (Tigiéatyg) to an end and opened A. up to western influences, in spite of opposition from the aristocracy. The rivalry between the Syrian and Greek languages in liturgy and literature was decided in favour of Greek. 428 saw the end of the Arsacids’ rule, after the country had been conquered by the Sassanids. The 2nd synod of Dvin (552 or 554/5) and that of Manaskert (726) turned away from the Byzantine imperial church, keeping to its so-called ‘monophysite’ position. In 639/40 the Arabs conquered A. and took over the fortress of Dvin (640). ~» Agathangelus; > Arabs; > Armenians; > Athingani; + Book of Letters; > Paulicians N.Apvontz, ALEM,

A. in the Period of Justinian,

L’Arménie,

1972;

C.BURNEY,

1970; J.P.

D.M.Lanc,

Die

Bergvolker Vorderasiens. Armenien und der Kaukasus von der Vorzeit bis zum Mongolensturm, 1972. K.SA.

Armenian A. LANGUAGE

B. WRITING

A. LANGUAGE Armenian is the sole representative of an independent branch of the Indo-Germanic family of languages that belongs, with Indian, Iranian, Baltic, Slavic and Albanian, to the group of > Satem languages but demonstrates common features with Greek (ayc ‘goat’: ai&) and Phrygian [1. 17, 22f.; 2. 462-466]. There is extensive evidence of Armenian from the sth cent. AD in the language phase of Old Armenian inscriptions (see below), in the Bible translation (only extant in later manuscripts) and in historiographic texts. Old Armenian, which became the norm for literary language, was superseded in the 18th/roth cents. by the New Armenian written languages. The threefold division of the stop system resembles Greek (f, 2, @: Armenian b, p, p‘), but the phonetic qualities of the Old Armenian stops are disputed. In contrast to Greek, an abundance of ‘sibilants’ have come into being, through several palatalizations. Morphologically Armenian is characterized by the changing of the nominal inflection with reshaping of most cases and different marked features of case syncretism. The verb shows categorial concordances with Greek etc., cf. e.g. the opposition of reshaped imperfect and aorist, remnants of the augment in aorist (3rd sing. e-ber ‘wore’), as well as clear differences from the Greek system (e.g. lack of a synthetic perfect, an independent future, or an optative). Typical of Armenian vocabulary is the comparatively small proportion of inherited words (e.g. mayr ‘mother’: watne; ber-é ‘wears’: péQ-e1), as opposed to the high proportion of loan words. The greatest influence came from Iranian of the Parthian period, but in Old Armenian there are also c. 100 Greek loan words (cf. Mt 5,22: moros ‘stupid, fool’ < weds) and no more than to borrowed Latin words partly conveyed through Greek) [3. 322ff.]. ~+ Indo-European languages 1 R.ScumiTT, Gramm. des Klass.-A. mit sprachvergleichenden Erlauterungen, 1981 2G.R. Sora, Die Stellung des A. im Kreise der idg. Sprachen, 1960 3 H.HUsscumann, 1897.

A. Gramm.,

I. Teil: Armen.

Etym., MJ.

B. WRITING

Left-to-right phonetic script [1] first evidence of which comes from the rst half of the 5th cent. AD through inscriptions, originally consisting of 36 letters, later supplemented by two additional symbols [1]; according to the testimony of Koriwn ofthe priest Mesrop Ma&t‘oc‘ at the beginning of the 5th cent., developed so as to provide a written form of Armenian |2]. Greek influence can be seen in the arrangement of the letters (a, b, g, d, e, z, @...), in some cases also in the shape of the letters and in the rendering of the sound u by the digraph ow[3].

6

1H. JENSEN, Die Schrift in Vergangenheit und Gegenwart, 31969, 427-434 2H.J. NeRsoyYAN, The why and when of the Armenian alphabet, in: Journ. of the Society for Armenian Studies 2, 1985-1986, 51-71 3 J. MarQuarT, Ueber den Ursprung des a. Alphabets in Verbindung mit der Biographie des hl. MaSt‘oc‘, 1917. MJ.

Armenians, Armenian literature The A. refer to themselves as hayk’, while the term A. is used by the Persians (Behistun inscription) and the Greeks (Herodotus and Xenophon). In the 6th cent. BC, the A. immigrated and intermixed with the autochthonous Urartians. After enduring Median, Persian, Macedonian and Seleucid domination, the A. King Artashes won the fight for independence in AD 189. Following the Christianization of the country, Armenian literature (AL) emerged in the early 5th cent., with Ma&stoc’s (+ Mesrop in MSS since the 8th cent.) invention of the A. script. He was the student of Katholikos > Sahak the Great; his script replaced Greek and Syrian in liturgies and in literature. Sahak and King —> Tiridates III supported translations on a large scale, an effort which reflects the country’s new-found self-confidence. Phases in AL: golden era (407-450), silver era (450-570), Hellenophile epoch — Hellenization of Armenian. (570-610). AL reached its peak with the Armenian > Bible version, the translation of liturgical texts and works by Christian authors (— Eusebius, > Athanasius of Alexandria, > Johannes Chrysostomus, —> Basilius of Caesarea, > Gregorius of Nyssa, — Gregorius of Nazianzus, > Aphrahat and Aphraem) and philosophical authors (- Aristotle, - Philo, — Porphyrius), as well as original creations by > Eznik of Kolp (rst half of the sth cent., ‘Against the Sects’) and Koriwn, student of Mesrop who describes Mesrop’s life. Following the Arab conquest (mid 7th cent.), the greatest theological originality was displayed by the following authors: John Mandakuni, Mambre Vercanog, Katholikos John of Odzun (died in 729), and Gregor Tatéw. In addition to the early historians Faustus of Byzantium, Lazar of Pharpi, Elishe, and > Moses of Chorenaci, the authors Sebeus (7th cent.) and > Leontius (8th cent.) also wrote significant works on A. history that describe the Arab conquest. ~ Agathangelus; > Book of Letters A.BaumsTarK,

1911, 62-99;

Die christl. Literaturen

des Orients

II,

H. THOROSIAN, Histoire de la Littérature

Arménienne, 1951; V.INGLISIAN, Die armen. Lit., Hand-

buch der Orientalistik, vol. 7: Armen. und kaukasische Sprachen, 1963; M.E. Stong, The Apocryphal Literature in the Armenian Tradition. The Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities. Proceedings IV 4, 1969; N. Boc-

HARIAN, Hay Groghner, 1971.

K.SA.

Armenium (Aouéviov; Arménion). Town in > Thessaly, according to Homer’s catalogue of ships located near — Pherae on >L. Boebe (Hom. Il. 2,734: "Oouéviov; Orménion); in the Hellenistic period, it was a kome, belonging to > Demetrias (Str. 9,5,15; 18). Its

ARMIES

eponymous hero was Armenus, who went to Colchis with — Jason (Str. 11,4,8; 14,12). The ancient settlement is localized north of Pherae (modern Velestino) near the modern villages of Neon Perivalion and Armenion, where a hill (Petra) bearing the remains of Cyclopean walls juts out, forming a peninsula into the basin of the former L. Boebe, to date one of the largest Mycenaean complexes found in Greece (with a circumference of 4 km —cf. > Tiryns with one of 700 m) — in addition to a harbour with three breakwaters. V. MILojéi¢, Die Versuchsgrabungen im Gebiet von Petra am Boibesee, in: AA 1959, 150f.; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 1, 274; M.pi Salvatore, Ricerche sul territorio di Pherai,

in: La ques, 1990, 1924,

Thessalie, quinze années de recherches archéologi1975-1990, Actes du colloque international, Lyon 1994, 115; F.STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 103. HE.KR.

Armies I. ANCIENT ORIENT

II. Greece

III. ROME

I. ANCIENT ORIENT A. GENERAL

B.REFERENCESOURCES

C. ARMS OF

SERVICE

A. GENERAL The multitude of countries and cultures in the Middle East and Egypt during the period from the 3rd to the rst millennium BC, each with their own very individual set of conditions, is matched by the variety of their armies in terms of recruitment processes, compo-

sition, organization, fighting methods and size. B. REFERENCE SOURCES The Ancient Orient did not produce any literature on the subject of military theory. Narrative sources are restricted to praising the ruler and his victories and seldom offer any insight into the military procedure involved. Sources stemming from the area of administration only deal with small parts of the presumable overall organization. In general, there are still substantial lexical deficits in the area of specialized military vocabulary. Information about equipment and weapons is provided by original items which have been preserved and by the extensive pictorial material from some epochs (i.a. Egyptian murals from the New Kingdom and Mesopotamian reliefs from the 3rd and rst millennia BC).

C. ARMS OF SERVICE Proof of a combination of various weapons systems in Sumerian city states can first be found in the mid 3rd millennium BC: in addition to an echelon formation of soldiers with lances and large shields (recalling the Greek hoplites’ phalanxes) there is another group of Sumerian infantry soldiers who carry spears but no shield. A third part of the fighting force is formed by the four-wheeled war chariots, the crew of which carry spears. Beginning during the Akkadian empire (c. 2350

ARMIES

a)

BC), other more manoeuvrable forms of military engagement become accepted. The bow becomes the most important long-range weapon, whilst the equipment for close combat is the shield and spear, axe or club (in the 2nd millennium BC, the scimitar is also used). Following the > domestication of the horse, the > war chariot becomes more popular in all countries in the Middle East in the mid 2nd millennium BC. The first chariots are drawn by two horses and have a crew of one archer— who is also the chariot commander—and the chariot driver. Over the course of time the crew is increased by the addition of two shield carriers (the first in the 13th cent. BC), the second of which was not

troops. In general there were very few mounted troops and light infantry played a very limited role. Significant fleets were principally kept by the Greek inhabitants of islands as well as Corinth and Miletus. Wars were frequent but limited in length and effect; they often ended after a battle which was carried out on level ground according to predetermined rules which almost constituted a ritual. The commanders, therefore, had very few tactical opportunities: they were responsible for choosing the location, time and troops for the battle, for building up the troops’ morale and for providing an example to follow during the fighting.

added until the 7th cent., and the number of horses is increased to four (8th cent. BC). From the 9th cent.

B. CLASSICAL ERA The phalanx remained the basis of Greek armies into the era of the -» Diadochi (late 4th/early 3rd cent. BC), but only those of Sparta and Athens are better known. In Athens citizens in the top three census classes between the ages of 20 and 59 were conscripted as hoplites, from the time of the Persian Wars — thetes were deployed as rowers or less frequently as light infantry and in the later stages of the Peloponnesian War even as hoplites, equipped at the cost of the polis. The 18— and 19-year-old men did military service as ~ ephebes (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 42). > Metics could be enlisted for guard duties and in emergencies. From the time of Per-

onwards, sources make regular reference to cavalry troops armed with bows or lances. Siege towers, rams and the building of dams, ramps and tunnels were used to capture fortified locations, but there was no development in the Ancient Orient towards any kind of artillery. From the early part of the rst millennium BC the use of iron must definitely have decreased the cost of equipping armies, but as yet no effects on fighting methods have been discerned. R. Drews, The End of the Bronze Age, 1993; W. HELCK, s. v. Militar, LA 4, 128-134; W. Mayer, Politik und Kriegskunst der Assyrer, 1995, 419-482 (bibliography 525545); M.pE Oporico, The Use of Numbers and Quantifications in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions (State Archives of Assyria Stud. 3), 1995, 107-112. AF.

II. GREECE A. THE GEOMETRIC

B. CLASSICAL ERA ALEXANDER

AND ARCHAIC

PERIODS

C. THE ERAS OF PHILIP II AND

D. HELLENISM

A. THE GEOMETRIC AND ARCHAIC PERIODS Wars between the organized armies ofdifferent communities can only really be understood to have started in the 8th cent. BC. Earlier forms of fighting were limited to looting, piracy or disagreements between neighbours, which were fought out by nobles and their followers; memories of these are still strong in Homer’s epics (Hom. Il. 11,670ff.; Hom. Od. 14,229ff.). The dimensions and kinds of war changed with the formation of the > polis, its economic development, the growth in population and colonization. Wars were now fought over extensive territories and over the existence of individual poleis; these depended on the landowning peasants as foot soldiers, whose weapons were gradually standardized. Up until about 650 BC, the > phalanx gradually developed as the usual fighting formation in most areas, and mentions of its early forms can be seen in Homer

(Il. 13,126-135;

16,211-217;

cf. Tyrtaeus

11,29-34). In Greece, hoplites from the ranks of the citizens (> Hoplitai), who provided their own equipment, formed the backbone of the army, apart from mountainous regions such as Aetolia and Acarnania and also Thessaly, which chiefly relied on cavalry

icles, the > cavalry consisted of 1,000 men from the

richest social class. The levy was subdivided into 1o + phyles or taxeis (> Taxis; 1,000-1,300 men in the 5th cent., c. 600 in the 4th cent.), which were then further subdivided into lochoi (> Lochos). As was prob-

ably generally the case in all poleis, the organization of the army was based on the social structures within which the citizens lived. The taxeis were led by taxiarchoi and the lochoi by lochagoi. Following the reforms of 501/500 BC, ro strategoi (— Strategos), elected on an annual basis by the individual phyles, shared the command of the fighting forces; the public assembly ordered the mobilizations and also determined the strategy for the campaigns. In the 6th cent. BC, Sparta became the leading power on the Greek mainland due to the potential of its population and on the basis of the organization of the Peloponnesian League. The conquest of Messene produced the economic prerequisites for a marked drive towards all things military in comparison with other Greek cities. The Spartan levy at first consisted of the full citizens, the > Spartiatai; those with a lesser level of citizenship, in particular the periozkoi, were included in the 5th cent.at the latest following the heavy losses sustained by the population in the Persian Wars, earthquakes and the wars with Athens. This probably also brought an end to the previous method of organizing the army according to local structuring in phyles (phylat) and obai (6baz). Division into relatively small units and a clear command structure made the Spartan army exceptionally manoeuvrable. It is, however, impossible on the basis of currently available sources to ascertain the definite details of this structure. The smallest unit in

Y,

IO

the sth (Hdt. 1,65,5) and 4th cents. BC (Xen. Lac. 11,4)

of the creation of Greek-Macedonian military settlements that served as recruiting bases, the use of elephants in battle and the construction of technically advanced siege machines (- Siegecraft). Soldiers were increasingly recruited from the area where a king ruled

was the + endmotia, which was 32- and later 36(Xen. Hell. 6,4,12) men strong. The number of these units and their relationship to the larger units, the pentekostyes, lochoi or morai (-» Mora; Xen. Lac. 11,4 mentions six morai, hoplites and cavalry, Thuc. 5,68,3 mentions only lochoi and pentekostyes), is disputed. Service was compulsory up to the age of 60. The commander of the army was generally one of the kings, who was accompanied in the field by a bodyguard of 300 ~ hippeis, or an official was appointed ad hoc as commander. During this war and in the subsequent period, there were many far-reaching changes in the Greek military, amongst which the following can be noted in particular: the rise of the lightly-armed > peltasts, who originally came from Thrace and were more manoeuvrable than the hoplites; the creation of elite troops (Thebes, Arcadia); the increased deployment of > mercenaries; the introduction of the oblique battle formation by the Theban > Epaminondas and the progress in siege technology (Aristot. Pol. 1330b f.; Diod. Sic. 14,42; 14,51f.). These innovations placed heavier demands on the military leadership and there was a corresponding production of literature on the subject of military — tactics, which started at the beginning of the 4th cent. BC (Aeneas [2] Taktikos). Individual works by Xenophon also deal with this topic (Xen. Hipp.).

ARMIES

and, with the exception of Macedonia itself, the Mace-

donian and Greek element in the Hellenistic armies decreased after 200 BC. -» Navies; > Logistics 1 F.E. Apcock, The Greek and Macedonian Art of War,

1957 2J.K. ANDERSON, Military Theory and Practice in The Age of Xenophon, 1974 3 B.Bar-Kocupa, The

Seleucid Army, 1976

4 J. BLEICKEN, Die athenische

Demokratie, *1994, r99ff., 489ff. 5 L.BURCKHARDT, Burger und Soldaten, 1996 6 P.Ducrey, Guerre et guerriers dans la Gréce antique, 1985 7HM II, 4osff. 8 J. Hackett (ed.), Warfare in the Ancient World, 1989 9N.G. L. Hammonpb, The Macedonian State, 1989, 100-136 10 KROMAYER/VEITH 11 J. LaTacz, Kampfparanese, Kampfdarstellung und Kampfwirklichkeit in

der Ilias, bei Kallinos und Tyrtaios, 1977.

12 M.LAUNEY,

Recherches sur les armées hellénistiques, 1949 LazenBy, The Spartan Army,

1985

13 J.F.

14 R.Lonis, La

guerre en Gréce. Quinze années de recherche, 1968-1983, in: REG 98, 1985, 321-379

15 W.K. PritcHertt, The

Greek State at War 1-5, 1971-1991

16 J.RicH, G.SHI-

PLeY (ed.), War and Society in the Greek World, 1993

171.G. SpeNcE, The Cavalry of Classical Greece, 1993 18 H.vAN Wees, The Homeric way of war. The »lliad« and the Hoplite Phalanx,

in: G&R

41, 1994,

1-18.

LE.BU.

C. THE ERAS OF Pui ip Il AND ALEXANDER Following the unification of Macedonia, Philip II was in charge of the greatest military power in the Balkan region; permanent military reforms (Dem. Or. 9,49f.; Diod. Sic. 16,3) enabled him to achieve military superiority over Greece. He depended on the new, heavily armed phalanx (organized in 1,500—man taxeis on a territorial basis), equipped with sarissai (long spears) and lightweight shields, a powerful cavalry which fought in a wedge formation, well-developed siege technology and the troops of his allies which he integrated into his army. Both infantry and cavalry were organized into royal guards (pezhetairoi and ~ hetairoi) and normal units. Alexander the Great took 12,000 Macedonian infantry, 3,000 Companion cavalry, Thessalian cavalry, Greek mercenaries, archers and other light infantry with him on his campaign. Towards the end of Alexander’s rule this army was strengthened by the addition of units of Persian troops and of other conquered peoples, although the phalanx retained its marked Macedonian character. The different types of corps were generally deployed in combination. D. HELLENISM The Hellenistic kingdoms, which were de facto military monarchies, had professional armies modelled on Alexander’s army. In the time of the > Diadochi there was the greatest number of troops at any time during Greek history. There were key innovations in the form

Ul. ROME A. THE ERA OF THE REPUBLIC

B. PRINCIPATE

C. LATE ANTIQUITY

A. THE ERA OF THE REPUBLIC The original structure of the Roman army is unknown to a great extent and historians have to rely on later historiographic references. A legion was organized along the same lines as society: it consisted of 3,000 men, with the three > tribus (Titienses, Ramnes and

Luceres)

providing

1,000 men

each. Each of these

r,000-man units was subdivided into 10 centuriae (— centuria), and each of these corresponded to one curia (> curiae) (Varro, Ling. 5,89; 5,91; Liv. 10,6,7).

The military command usually consisted of three military tribunes and 30 centurions. The cavalry (celeres) completed the full array of troops. The soldiers had to provide their own equipment. Following the introduction of the > census and the division of the citizenry into five classes and 193 centuriae, the > cavalry was the size of 18 centuriae (Liv. 1,43; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom.

4,16ff.). Only soldiers from the first three classes were equipped and armed as hoplites (-> Hoplitai). The Roman military organization was based on the census and its structure was timocratic. Tactics and weaponry were based on those of the Greek > phalanx. The growth of the population, the expansion of the ager Romanus (the Roman territory), the granting of

ARMIES

Lz

bg U

Roman citizenship to numerous Italians and the developments in internal politics meant an increase in the number of troops to two legions each with 4,000 infantry and 300 cavalry (Pol. 3,107). Both legions were commanded by the consuls. In times of crisis, the unity of the military leadership was ensured by the appointment of a dictator. A new battle order developed in the wars of the 5th and 4th cents. BC and was imposed from the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC: from then on the legion was deployed in three battle ranks in order to employ the maniple tactic (— manipulus) (15 maniples

The main bulk of the army was stationed in the provinces. The core of the fighting forces was made up of about 25 legions (Tac. Ann. 4,5; los. Bell. ud. 3,70107). The legions, comprised of 5,000 men, were commanded by the legati Augusti pro praetore assisted by six tribuni militum, a praefectus castrorum (— legatus; ~ tribunus; — praefectus) and 59 centurions (— centurio). Each legion had 59 centuriae and was also subdivided into ro cohorts, the first of which had only five centuriae but with double the number of men. In addition to the 125,000 Roman soldiers there were almost

of the hastati, > hasta [1], in the first rank, 15 maniples of the principes in the middle and 15 maniples of the + triari in the last row; Liv. 8,8). The maniples operated separately from each other, which gave them particularly good manoeuvrability on uneven ground; the soldiers no longer fought shoulder to shoulder, which made sword-fighting easier for them. This formation was enhanced by the light infantry (— velites), who stood in front of the first battle rank and by the cavalry on the wings. The troops of allies or > socii acted as reinforcements for the infantry and provided mounted troops and elite units, the > extraordinarii. It was in this period that the > sword (gladius) and spear (> pilum) were introduced as standard weapons and they remained the standard for a great length of time (Pol. 6,19-42). The Roman expansion during the time of the Punic Wars made it possible to significantly increase the number of troops. It is for this reason that at the battle of Cannae in 216 BC eight legions and socii fought under the command of both consuls — according to Polybius there were about 80,000 infantry and 6,000 cavalry in total (Pol. 3,107; 3,113). The formation of the provinces brought new military duties: the governors of the provinces were allocated troops for waging war in neighbouring regions. At the same time there was a change in tactics: there is no doubt that in Spain, before the battle of Ilipa (206 BC), Scipio merged together three of his maniples to create a cohort (— cohors) (Pol. 11,23). Marius seems to have regulated the deployment of the cohorts; this outstanding general (to whom far too many of the changes in the Roman army are attributed) also had the idea of giving each legion an eagle as a > standard; and in 107 BC he was also responsible for the admission of > capite censi into the Roman legions (Sall. Iug. 86,2f.). It was already clear during the Social War (91-88 BC) that the cohort had gained significantly in importance as a military unit.

as many again from the ranks of the socii; the latter

B. PRINCIPATE Augustus introduced sweeping reforms to the Roman army. He created a garrison in Rome: this included nine praetorian cohorts (the princeps’ elite troops), although their first base was not Rome but other smaller neighbouring cities. Furthermore, three cohortes urbanae and seven cohortes vigiles were established to act as the police and fire service respectively.

served as > auxilia in units consisting of either 500 (cohors quingenaria) or 1,000 soldiers (cobors milliaria). A distinction was made between basic cohorts (infantry), mixed cohorts (equitatae, infantry and cavalry)

and the alae (cavalry, > ala). Dating from the beginning of the 2nd cent., barbarians were deployed as archers or on horseback in numeri. Finally, a proper navy was established with two large bases in Italy (Misenum and Ravenna), in addition to which there were the fleets stationed in the provinces (-— Navies).

In the border areas — which were often mistakenly referred to in more recent research as ‘limes’, a term

scarcely used in antiquity — there were both naturally occurring obstacles such as rivers and also fortifications such as ramparts, towers and smaller military camps and also a road network. The word limes implies the lack of naturally occurring obstacles and is therefore in conflict with the expression ripa (‘bank’), which indicated the existence of a river. This border fulfilled various military functions: it was an obstacle for potential enemies and made it possible to control bands of brigands within the empire. In addition it performed complex economic, cultural and religious functions; customs duty was levied at the border and it separated the Roman world from the regions inhabited by the ~ barbarians. C. LATE ANTIQUITY

The crisis in the 3rd cent. forced a change in the Roman army which, however, is difficult to analyze, given the extensive lack of reference sources for the 3rd cent. It can be assumed that many reforms were instituted by Diocletian and Constantine, even if they were not responsible for all the innovations. Under Diocletian there was a considerable increase in the number of Roman soldiers. The structural changes, however, were of even greater significance: the praetorian cohorts were disbanded and a new guard was created which was comprised of the protectores, domestici and the five scholae palatinae (cavalry). The number of men in

the legions was adjusted to match the number in the units of auxilia, specifically of the alae, the vexillationes of the cavalry, cohortes and numeri, and was usually in the region of 1,000 soldiers. The recruitment of barbarians by the Empire became more and more frequent and they served in the Roman army on the basis of a foedus (contract). The army leadership was also re-

13

14

structured: the guard troops were under the control of the magister officiorum; the magister equitum commanded the cavalry and the magister peditum commanded the infantry. In addition to these magistri militum, posts were also created for a magister militum per Orientem, a mag. mil. per Gallias and a mag. mil. per Illyricum. The troops in the individual provinces were

Arminius The image of A. is highly influenced by the epithet ‘Liberator of Germania’ (liberator haud dubie Germaniae, Tac. Ann. 2,88), coined by Tacitus. A. was of a noble family of the (stirps regia, Tac. Ann. 11, 16) ~ Cherusci, he was son of > Segimerus, lived to the age of 37 and held a position of power (potentia, Tac. Ann. 2,88) for 12 years. Based on this information, the most probable years of his birth and death were 16 BC and AD 21, respectively. Biographical information up until the battle with Varus (AD 9) is sparse. As leader of German tribes (ductor popularium), A. learned Latin during his years

under the control of the duces (> dux), whilst the higher ranking comites militares (> comes) had command

over several provinces. From the mid 4th cent. onwards barbarians were increasingly included in the leadership of the army; the post of magister militum was often held by army commanders from Germania. There was probably less difference between the border troops (> limi-

in the Roman

ARMINIUS

army (Tac. Ann. 2,10). The ‘constant

tanei) and the mobile units (> comitatenses) than is

companion of our earlier campaigns’ (adsiduus militiae nostrae prioris comes) obtained Roman citizenship and

often claimed. In fact some units of the comitatenses

an honorary equestrian rank (Vell. Pat. 2.118) or per-

were stationed at the border, and limitanei units were stationed in the hinterland. The comitatenses, who were not as mobile as has been assumed, did not nec-

haps at the beginning of an early regular military career (to some extent parallel to that of > Velleius Paterculus) that supposedly took him east [1. 469] — hence the variant ‘Armenius’ in some MSS. A. was in ‘active service’ in Germania, but also perhaps (AD 7-8) in the Pannonian-lIllyrian region. According to TIMPE’s theory, A. held the equestrian rank of praefectus and commanded a regular Cheruscan auxiliary troop. He led this Roman-trained core troop against P. Quinctilius + Varus in AD 9. Thus, what began as a ‘mutiny’ [3. 38, 49] turned into a Germanic ‘freedom fight’, which additional Germanic tribes then joined. Before and after the rebellion, the Germans had both supporters and opponents of Rome who kept changing sides (> Inguiomerus) and the Cheruscans were experiencing internal fighting; however, no decisive ‘national freedom party’ emerged. So it is not unusual that > Segestes is thought to have warned the ‘carefree’ governor Varus, who completely trusted in A, of the conspiracy against him (Tac. Ann. 1,55,2). The reasons for the rebellion, as complaints concerning the introduction of the Roman legal system and tributes show, was the transition from a military to a civilian administration obviously forced by Varus (Vell. Pat. 2.117.; Flor. Epit. 2.0,34-35; Cass. Dio 56.8,2-3) [2. 148], but also personal striving for power. The catastrophe in the Teutoburg Forest (— Saltus Teutoburgiensis) whose exact

essarily have a central position in the Roman army. Towards the end of the 4th cent. there was a deep crisis in the Roman army in the West; Roman troops were unable to prevent the barbarians from crossing the Rhine in 406 or from capturing Rome in 410. Whilst the Roman West was transformed into the barbarian West, the Roman East became the Byzantine Empire. ~» MILITARY TECHNIQUES AND ENGINEERING 1G. Brizzi, Studi militari romani, 1983 2 A.DEMANDT, Die Spatantike, 1989, 255-272 3 J.HARMAND, L’armée etlesoldat, 1967 4 JONES,LRE, 607-686 5 L.Keppie, The Making of the Roman Army, 1984 6 KROMAYER/ VeITH 7LE BoHEC 81d., Guerres puniques, 1995 9 G.R. Watson, Roman Soldier,*1985 10 G. WEBSTER, The Roman Imperial Army, *1974. Y.LB.

Armiilae see > Dona militaria

Armilus Legendary name of an anti-Messiah, who appears in late 7th cent. apocalyptic Midrashim (e.g. Midrash Wa-yosha, Sefer Serubbabel, Nistarot shel R. Shimon ben Johaai). The etymological source is assumed to be ‘Remulus’, symbol of Roman rulership as such. The legend holds that A., son of a marble statue, will march to Jerusalem with ten kings, defeat the true Messiah and send Israel into exile in the desert, whereupon the pagans will worship the stone that gave birth to A. as a goddess. But ultimately, the god of Israel will put an end to all idolatry, will defeat the enemies and establish his royal rulership. Presumably, this legend is based on actual events that took place during Byzantine rule, when > Heraclius instituted stricter measures in religious politics which resulted in the desire to have them disappear and in the eschatological interpretation of the Islamic conquest. » Apocalypses J.Dan, The Hebrew Story in the Middle Ages (Hebr.) 1974, 40-43; J. Maier, Die messianischen Erwartungen im Judentum seit der talmudischen Zeit I, in: Judaica 20, 1964, 23-58.

B.E.

course of events is unclear, led to the loss of three

legions including auxiliary troops. The ‘Kalkrieser Berg’ was the probable location of the Varus battle because it provided ideal topographical conditions for the ambush into which A. lured the Romans (Cass. Dio 56,

18,5-19,5) [4. 78]. Fear of an all-out attack by the Germans was the reason behind Rome’s dramatic reaction (Suet. Aug. 23; 25,23; Cass. Dio 56,23), but A. was un-

able to convince the Marcomanni king > Maroboduus (Marbod), to whom he sent the head of Varus (Vell. Pat. 2,119,5), to enter into an alliance.

While the Roman defeat in AD 9 certainly signified a severe setback, it did not mean a complete failure of Rome’s Germania policy. Tiberius (AD 1o-12) cleared up the situation (Vell. Pat. 2, 120,1-2) resolutely and judiciously. However, between AD 14-16 A. was ina

1S

16

stronger position and led a considerably more extensive coalition against -» Germanicus. Leader of a Romanfriendly aristocratic party of Cherusci was Segestes who, with the help of Germanicus, had recaptured his daughter > Thusnelda. A. had abducted her, taken her as wife, and consequently made her pregnant. Thusnelda’s recapture was an additional incentive that drove A. into battle (Tac. Ann. 1,57-59). The offensives led by the ambitious Germanicus, which Tacitus described as the battle to reconquer Germania, went deep into free Germania and into dangerous situations. However, in the end, they remained futile. The stubborn German resistance was also a reason for Tiberius to call Ger-

Armour Even the heroes of the Homeric epics protected themselves with armour made of bronze or linen (Hom. Il. 3,830; 11,1 5-28). In the archaic period, body armour (O@wea&/> Thorax) was included as part of the equipment of the Greek — hoplitai; during the classic period however, metal armour was_ increasingly replaced by armour made of lighter materials. In the Roman army, armour (/orica) was worn by the prima classis (according to Liv. 1,43,2, this in the early days of Rome denoted the wealthiest class of citizens with assets of 100,000-As or more). Different types of body armour were available. The choice of armour type depended on its price and the military rank of its user on the one hand, and the technical options available on the other. From a tactical perspective, there was one disadvantage in using body armour— its weight impeded the soldier during battle (Tac. Ann. 1,64,2; cf. Veg. Mil. 1,20: sed gravis pediti lorica videtur). Without a doubt, armour evolved and prevailed independently in different regions. The oldest armour of the Etruscan-Roman world can be dated to the 6th to 5th cent. BC. Etruscan reliefs and statues from this period indicate styles of armour that can be clearly distinguished (battle scenes from the temple in Falerii Veteres, Rome, VG; Mars of Todi, Rome, MV). The simplest form of armour was probably made of leather. A small metal plate on the chest later provided better protection particularly for

ARMINIUS

manicus back to Rome (AD 16) and to discontinue the

offence-oriented Roman policy toward Germania along the Rhine. Now A. turned against Marbod. The Lombards and Semnones, who were his subjects, had also turned against Marbod and sided with A. This coalition forced the Marcomanni to retreat (Tac. Ann.

2.46). However, A. failed in his attempt to forcibly build up his power position with the Cherusci. He was accused of aspiring to become king (Tac. Ann. 2.45). An offer made by Adgandestrius, a chieftain of the Chatti, to poison A. was rejected by Rome, but it did shed light on his precarious situation and the continuing internal German rivalries. In AD 21, A. was slain by his kinsmen (Tac. Ann. 2,88).

The tradition is heavily description (Ann. 2.88) of A. hero; after his rediscovery in M. LUTHER’Ss (1530) writings,

influenced by Tacitus’ as a freedom fighter and the 15th cent., A. — in for example — becomes

‘Hermann’, the Teutons become ‘Germans’. Numerous

literary productions based on the life of A. have been written. Among them are LOHENSTEIN’S baroque novel ‘GrofSmitiger Feldherr Arminius ...’, written in 1689—

90 and Ktiopstock’s ‘Hermann-Bardieten’ (17691787), but the most important work was H.v. KLEIsT’s drama written between 1808 and 1809 called ‘Her-

mannsschlacht’ which functioned as a call to arms against the Napoleonic forces. The concept of equating A. with Siegfried from Germanic mythology [3. 12] has been much discussed since A.GIESEBRECHT (1837); however, it cannot be proven. The Hermann Memorial dedicated in 1875 near Detmold monumentalizes A. in the Wilhelminian style. Within the tensions surrounding ‘political Germanism’, it is the reference point for politicizing A.’s reception. 1 E.Hont, Zur Lebensgesch. des Siegers im Teutoburger Wald, in: HZ 167, 1943, 457-475

2G.A. LEHMANN,

Zur histor.-lit. Uberlieferung der Varus-Katastrophe 9 n.Chr., in: Boreas 13, 1990, 143-164 Studien, 1970

3D.Trwpe, A.-

4R.Wr1eGELs, W. WoESLeER (ed.), A. und

die Varusschlacht, 1995. H.-W. Goetz, K.-W. WELWEI (ed.), Altes Germanien (collection of source material), 1995; H.Ca.uigs, s.v. A.,

RGA 1, 417-420.

V.L.

the heart (hence the Greek term xagd.odtviraé&/kardi-

ophylax Pol. 6,23,14). Various types of armour were used by soldiers in the Roman army; while the simple soldier wore armour made of leather, the > centurio was protected by metal armour. High-ranking officers and the — princeps often wore muscle armour made of metal shaped to look like the body part to be protected. Chain mail, which consisted of individual iron rings joined together, certainly was the most widespread. Originally sleeveless and with an open neck, it was given short sleeves in the 2nd cent. BC and worn particularly by cavalry soldiers. Chain mail is believed to be of Celtic origin (Varro, Ling. 5,116). During the Principate, the term lorica continued to be used. For example, in a speech to Roman units stationed in Africa in the year 128, Hadrian refers to loricati (‘the armoured’, CIL VIII 18042 = ILS 2487; cf. late antiquity Veg. Mil. 1,20; loricatus in the cavalry: Veg. Mil. 2,14). In the archaic period, four types of armour are distinguished, with the terms used being of modern origin: the lorica segmentata (segmental armour) appeared under Claudius (AD 41-54); evidence of lorica squamata (scale armour) that probably originated in the East is found from the ist to the 4th cent. AD. Both types have been depicted on Trajan’s Column and that of Marcus Aurelius (> Monumental column); the latter portrays simple soldiers of the legions wearing the lorica segmentata and the > praetorians wearing the lorica squamata. Two other types were not as widespread: the lorica hamata (mail) and the lorica reticulata (plate armour). Contrary to assertions found in

17

18

older research, lorica was still often used in late antiquity; during this time, armour and other weapons were manufactured in the great workshops and smithies of the Roman Empire, the fabricae (> fabrica). The galea, which originally was only a cap made of leather or fur, was used for head protection. Soon the term was also used for metal helmets. Caesar’s distinction between the galea, infantry helmet, and cassis, the tider’s. helmet (Caes. B Gall. 2,21,5; 7,45;25 cf. ‘Tac. Germ. 6) was often ignored by later writers (Veg. Mil.

10847, 11thcent.) c. AD 297-303, certainly before 311 [3. 30-34]. The opinion that the work is unfinished and that A. therefore died before 311 is unfounded [4. 24]. Teacher of > Lactantius; however, the precise relationship is disputed, as Lactantius does not quote A. [5. 367]. The style is very emphatic, with a tendency to realistic depiction and rich, colourful vocabulary; emphatic clauses are juxtaposed with classically quantifying ones [6]. Stylistically, A. belongs more to late antiquity than to a so-called africitas; his realism is also founded on his strictly anti-allegorical polemic, probably directed at Porphyrius. Book r contains the repudiation of the accusations brought against the Christians, book 2 an anti-Gnostic discussion about the origin of souls, and the remaining books focus on a polemic against Graeco-Roman polytheism, the cultic acts of which are incompatible with the Christian religion (3-4: mythology; 6: temples and statues; 7: sacrifices). The central argument is the graphic polemic against the sexual aspects of the Mysteries, which as old, unchanged cultic practices reveal the nature of polytheism. It transposes the old theme of human weaknesses being incompatible with God to the cultic level. No allegorical interpretation can justify an obscene cult. Basically, cultic acts commemorate historical events. Hence A.’s fundamental question concerns the authenticity of the allegoric interpretation: not as to whether it is tenable, but whether it is primal or only a later rationalization. A. has firsthand knowledge of his sources and uses Cicero and Varro in particular. A.’s criticism of the Mysteries is based on their interpretation by Alexander Polyhistorius and > Porphyrius; his criticism is therefore instructive with regard to the concept of the Mysteries in late antiquity [4. 104-108]. The polemic against the Greek religion is not dependent on > Clemens of Alexandria. Doubts about A.’s orthodoxy and Biblical knowledge are repeatedly raised, partly owing to an erroneous categorization of his work as a portrayal of Christian doctrine, instead of a philosophical polemic against pagan syncretism [4. 8 f.; 7], and partly because of an inappropriate characterization of A. as a Christian sceptic: the sceptical elements, however, are part of the classical technique of refutation and serve to establish the postulate that revelation may bring deliverance from human philosophy [5. 374 f.]. A.’s reception is strongly dependent upon the idiosyncrasies of his argumentation: because of his heterodoxy he was rejected by the Decretum Gelasianum and seldom read in the Middle Ages; he was of interest to the humanists as a mediator of pagan theology. His work was received productively from the 17th cent. (HUET, BayLe, La Mettrie) precisely because of his idiosyncrasies, especially his scepticism (2,4 is presumed to be the source for the wager of Pascat) and this led in turn to the attempt to prove his orthodoxy [8].

Dalia i2nT6))s

~ Weapons; > Helmet 1M.C.

BisHop,

J.C.N.

Coutston,

Roman

Military

Equipment from the Punic Wars to the Fall of Rome, 1993 2 M.FeuGere,

KUuni,

Les armes

Bild-WB

des Romains,

der Kleidung

und

1993

SWE

Riistung,

1992

4 .M.ReEpDDE, S.vON SCHNURBEIN, Fouilles et recherches nouvelles sur les travaux du siége d’Alésia, in: CRAI 1993,

281-312 5H.R. Rospinson,The Armour of Imperial Rome, 1975 6 C.SAuNIER, L’armee et la guerre dans le monde étrusco-romain, 1980, 108 7Id., L’armée et la guerre chez les peuples sannites, 1983 8 W.A. B. VAN DER SANDEN, Fragments of the lorica hamata from a Barrow at Fluitenberg, Netherlands, in: Journ. of Roman

Military Equipment Studies 4, 1993, 1-8.

Y.L.B.

Arne (“Agvn; Arne). [1] Boeotian settlement (Hom. Il. 2,507). According to

Str. 1,3,18; 9,2,34-35, A. was either equated with + Acraephia, or believed to have been drowned by > L. Copais. According to other sources, A. was the ancient name of > Chaeronea (Paus. 9,40,5; Steph. Byz. s.v. Xatemvec). It is probably not identical with the fortress of Gla which had been abandoned in the late Mycenaean period [1]. — Boeotia 1 F. Noack, A., in: MDAI (A) 19, 1894, 405-485.

J. M. Fossey, Papers in Boiotian Topography and History, 1990, 64-65; A.W. Gomme, The Ancient Name of Gla, in: E.C. QuiGGIn (ed.), Essays presented to W. Ridgeway, 1913, 116-123; J.KNAUSs, Kopais 3. Wasserbau und Gesch., 1990, 60-71; LAUFFER, Griechenland, 233.

K.F.

[2] Town of the Aeolian > Boeotians, who were driven out from there by the > Thessalians in the course of the 8th cent. BC, and moved south into their historical settlement areas (Thuc. 1,12). It was localized in MakriaMagula near the modern Sophades in western Thessaly. The

Thessalians

relocated

the settlement,

renamed

+ Cierium, to a nearby hill. R. Hope Simpson, A Gazetteer and Atlas of Mycenaean Sites, 1965, 541f.; V. MILojcié, in: AA 1955, 229f.; Id., in: AA 1960, 168; F. STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 130-132. HE. KR.

Arnobius [1] of Sicca. Christian rhetor in Sicca Veneria (Jer. Vir. ill. 79), author of seven books: Adversus Nationes (only Cod. Paris. 1661, 9th cent., and the copy in Brussels

ARNOBIUS

1 C.MaRCHESI, 71953 2 L.B. BERKOWITZ, Index Arnobius, 1967. 3H.Le& Bonnigc, Arnobius Livre I, 1982 4 F. Mora, Arnobius eicultidimistero,1994 5 A. WLo-

ARNOBIUS

sok, HLL § d’Arnobius, Position des Beitrage zur

569 6H.HaAGENDAHL, La prose métrique 1937 7 CHR. BurGER, Die theologische alteren Arnobius, diss. 1970 8 P. KRAFET,

Wirkungsgesch. des alteren Arnobius, 1966. F.MO.

[2] of Africa. Possibly an African monk, presumably lived between 423 and 455 in Rome (no reports from antiquity) and opposed the doctrine of grace expounded by > Augustinus. Authorship of the manuscripts Commentarii in Psalmos (CPL 242) and the Christological disputation Conflictus Arnobii cum Serapione (CPL 239) is assigned to him. Further texts attributed to him are contentious (CPL 240: Expositiunculae in Evangelium, 241: Liber ad Gregoriam). EpitTions: K.D. Daur, CCL 25-25A, 1990-1992.

BiBLioGRAPHY: HLL § 744.

C.M.

Arnus Modern Arno, the main river of Etruria, rises on

the slopes of Monte Falterona, and flows through the Casentino. On the plains of Arezzo, it receives the Chiana, then runs through the upper Valdarno, flowing together with the Sieve, also receiving as left tributaries the rivers Greve, Pesa, Elsa and Era, and from the right the Bisanzio. Near Pisa it flows into the mare Tyrrheiitnge (Ui, Aan bi, ISIN Svenin Side, Goeoie dete: Ann. 1,79; Aristot. Mir. 92; Rut. Namat. 1,566; Geogr.

Rav. 4,36; Cassiod. 5,17,20). The A.’ importance during the period of Etruscan expansion is documented by the oldest of the necropoleis of Volterrae near the sources of the river Era. M.CrisToFAnl, A proposito della via dell’Arno, in: Atti dell’ VIII Convegno Nazionale di Studi Etrusci, Orvieto 1972, 1974. S.B.

Aroania ore (Agoda den; Arodnia 6ré). Massif (highest peak: Helmos, 2341 m) in northern > Arcadia be-

tween Erymathus and Cyllene; for the role of Aroania ore in the legend of the Protides, see > Proetus (Paus. 851857):

OL,

Aropus Writer of New Comedy known to us only through inscriptions; winner of the Lenaea festival in the 3rd cent. LP CG

20

19

IVa

B.BA.

F.Huttscu, Griech. und rém. Metrologie, *1882 ParKER,

A Mathematical

Excercise

R.A.

P.Den.Heidelberg

663, in: JEA 61, 1975, 189-196

W.HELCK, s.v. Mafe

und Gewichte, LA 3, 1199-1214.

AM.

Arpi (also "Agzot, “Aoyvoinna, “Aoyos “Inmov; Arpoi, Argyrippa, Argos Hippion: Dion. Hal. 20,3,2, Argyripa, Argos Hippium: Cic. Att. 9,3,2; Verg. Aen. 10,30; App. Hann. 31; Just. Epit. 20,1). These refer to a town in > Apulia, listed as one of the inland settlements of + Daunia (Ptol. 3,1,72), modern Arpi. It was founded by > Diomedes (Lycoph. 594f.; Str. 6,3,9; Ov. Met. 14,9; Plin. HN 3,104), who, according to Steph. Byz. s.v. "Agyvoisna, supposedly gave this new name to an

existing town called Acuzm. In the Second Punic War, it was captured by Hannibal after the battle of Cannae (216 BC), and retaken by Fabius Maximus in 213 BC (Pol. 3,88; 118; Liv. 24,45-57). The foundation of the Roman > colonia of -> Sipontum led to a significant reduction in A.’s territory. Str. (ibid.) mentions A. as a very large town which had fallen into decline. In the 3rd cent. BC, A. minted bronze and silver coins. The origins of this half-moon shaped town date back to the 6th cent. BC; three necropoleis (from 7th to 3rd cents. BC).

Hellenistic > domus in Montarozzi and domus of the imperial age near ‘Masseria Menga’. BTCGI 3, 314-320; M. Mazzet, A. preromana e romana, in: Taras 1/2, 1984, 7-46; Id., s.v. A., in: EAA Suppl. 2,2,

451-453; Id., Nuovi elementi sulle forme abitative della Daunia antica. Ordona, Arpi, Ascoli, in: Profili della Daunia antica, 1994, 73-92, 81-88. B.G.

Arpinum Hill town of the > Volsci in the central Liris valley, modern Arpino (Frosinone); Roman — praefectura from 305 BC (Liv. 9,44,16), from 90 BC > municipium of the tribus Cornelia, regio I, birth place of Marius and Cicero. Simple Volscian fortifications are extant at Civita Falconiera, also a strong Roman walled circle (3 km in diameter; polygonal stonework), includ-

ing a monumental gate with a pointed arch. Remains of a temple (possibly of Mercurius Lanarius) underneath the church of S. Maria; remains of another building underneath the church tower of S. Maria di Civita. Inscriptions refer to the sewage system and to a fulling mill. CIL X 5679-81. O.E. ScumipT, A., 1900; G.PIERLEONI, II patrimonio archeologico di A., 1907; Id., Scoperte di antichita, 1911;

P.SOMMELLA, Arpino, in: Quaderni dell’Istituto di Topografia Antica dell’ Universita di Roma 2, 1966, 21-34; E. BERANGER, Contributo per la realizzazione della carta

Aroura (GQovea; droura). Actually denoting ‘earth’ or ‘agricultural land’, aroura is the Greek term for the Egyptian Sett (arable land). As a measure of area, the aroura represents a square with sides of too cubits (each measuring 52.5 cm), thus 2,756 m*. The measure originates in the pharaonic period (attested since the 4th dynasty), and continues in use under the Ptolemies and the Romans in Egypt as a measure of land area. In Roman Palestine the aroura corresponds to two Roman iugera (+ iugum, 5,046 m*). The aroura is subdivided

Arrabaeus (‘AgoaBatoc; Arrhabaios). [1] Son of Bromerus and king of Lyncestis, who in 424-423 BC fought against > Brasidas and the Macedonian king Perdiccas II (Thuc. 4.79.2; 83; 12.4ff.). His independence was established in an agreement between

down to '/4,096-

Athens and Perdiccas (IG 3 1,89; date debated).

+ Jugerum;

> Measures of length; > Pechys

archeologica della media valle del fiume Liri, in: RAL 32,

1977, 585-97.

HM Vol. 2, 14-19, 129-136; BORZA, 150-154.

G.U.

M.Z.

21

22

[2] From the royal house of > Lyncestis. After > Alexander’s [4] accession to the throne, he and a brother

(but not the third brother, Alexander [8]) were killed for allegedly being involved in the murder of > Philippus (Arr. Anab. 1.25.1). No author has described them as aspiring to the throne. Also, as far as anyone knows, they were not > Argeadae. BERVE 2, no. 144.

EB.

Arrabona Military base and road junction on the upper Pannonian > limes, at the mouth of the Ar(r)abo (Ptol. 2,11,5; 14,1; 15,1; lab. Peut. 5,3; Marcianos 2,36) into the Danube (It. Ant. 267,10; Not. Dign. occ. 34,27;

Geogr. Rav. 4,19), modern Gyor, German name Raab. From the middle of the rst cent. AD alae fort (on the Kaptalan hill), from the 2nd cent. garrison of the > ala 1 Ulpia Contariorum Milliaria. > Vicus to the south and east, burial and cremation graves. H.GR. Arras Culture Later Iron Age culture (4th—1st cents. BC), named after a site in eastern Yorkshire (England)

and recognized primarily by grave mounds with rectangular enclosures (> Funeral architecture; — Burial). In

rich warrior graves > war chariots are typical burial goods. Besides contacts with Celtic cultures on the continent (> Celtic archaeology), emphasis is increasingly placed on strong indigenous traditions. B.CuNLIFFE,

Iron Age Communities

in Britain,

1974;

I. M. STEAD, Iron Age Cemeteries in East Yorkshire, 1991. V.P.

Arrechi (Agonyoi; Arrhéchoi). According to Str. I1,2,11 a tribe of the > Maiotae. Named as ‘Agetyot (Arrhichot) in Strabo MSS (cf. Ptol. 5,8,17 “Aetyou); this emendation is based on Steph. Byz. s.v. A., who cites Strabo. Amm. Marc. 22,8,33 (Arinchi) erroneously transposes the A. to the Crimea, as a tribe of the Tauri. S. ToKHTas’ EV, Scythica v trudakh II Vsesojuznogo simpoziuma po drevnej istorii Pricernomorja, in: VDI 1984, 25 136f.

SH Re

Arrecina A. Tertulla, daughter of Arrecinus [1] Clemens, Titus’ first wife who died early (Suet. Tit. 4,2; PIR* A 1074). W.E.

ARRHA,

(CIL XII 3637; FOst, 44; 79). Possibly praef. urbi [2]; the fistula aquarum (CIL XV 7278) does not indicate the cura aquarum, but rather a different indeterminable occupation in Rome [3]. Though very well acquainted with Domitian, he was executed by him. (Tac. Hist. AsO ones SUCt OMasien)s 1 DEMouGIN, 345f. 238f.

2 SyME, RP 5, 613ff.

3 BRUUN, W.E.

[?Arrjenus Sabinus Senator from Interamna Praetuttiorum. He entered the Senate under Augustus, became quaestor, people’s tribune, praetor, proconsul of an unnamed province, and finally legate to Augustus, probably in the province of Galatia. M. Buonocore, W.Eck, Teramo tra storia ed Epigrafia, in: Atti della Pontificia Accademia Romana di Archeologia, Ser. 3. Rendiconti, 72, 1999/2000, 221 ff. W.E.

Arretium Town in > Etruria in the upper Arno valley (Str. 5,2,5), situated ona hilltop at the junction of fertile valleys (Plin. HN 14,36; 18,87: Val di Chiana, Arno valley, Casentino, and Val Tiberina), important road junction, modern Arezzo. A. is first mentioned when it supported the Latini against Tarquinius Priscus (Dion. Hal. 3,51,4). An enemy of Rome in the 3rd cent. BC (Liv. 9,323 373 10,3; 37), A. participated in the war against > Hannibal as one of Rome’s allies (Pol. 3,77; Liv. 28,45,16-18). Its pro-Roman politics were led by the Cilnii (+ Cilnius), ancestors of Maecenas [1]. Both its metalworking and its ceramics industry were notable. In 88 BC, it was enlisted in the tribus Pomptina, and was part of the Augustan regio VII. Sparse archaeological remains: it is possible to reconstruct a belt of sanctuaries, which have yielded important Etruscan monuments [2]; remains of the amphitheatre (1st to 2nd cents. AD). Ona remote hillside near San Cornelio, remains of a sanctuary with a small theatre (1st cent. BC) have been found. 1 A.Maccaiant, Cilnium Genus. La documentazione epigrafica etrusca, in: SE 54, 1986, 171-196 2 G.COLONNA et al., Santuari in Etruria, 172-185 3 G. Maerzkg, Il santuario etrusco-italico di Castelsecco, RPAA 55/56, 1982-84, 35-53.

BTCGI 3, 296-304 s.v. Arezzo; A.CHERICI, L’insediamento antico nel Territorio Aretino, in: Journal of Ancient

Topography 2, 1992, 23-90.

Arrecinus [1] Clemens, M. A knight from Pisaurium, praef. praetorio under Caligula (Tac. Hist. 4.68.2; Suet. Tit. 4,2); one of the conspirators involved in the murder of Caligula in AD 4x (Ios. Ant. Iud. 19,37ff.; Suet. Cal. 56,1). Father-in-law of Titus [r]. [2] Clemens, M. Son of [1], related to the Flavians (Suet. Tit. 4.2; Tac. Hist. 4.68.2). Although he was a senator, Mucianus made him praef. praetorio in AD 70; cos. suff. in 73, consular governor of Tarraconensis (AE 1947,40 = Suppl.It. N.S. 1, 87 no. 4); cos. suff. II 85

ARRHABON

A.CH.

Arrha, Arrhabon A security, especially in relation to purchases. On the model of ancient oriental laws (cf. Gn 38,17), the Greek GoeaPwv (arrhabon) represents a requirement to establish liability. The usual token of personal liability was a ring. Its symbolic meaning was soon accompanied by a financial function: breach of contract on the part of the giver of the arrha/arrhabon resulted in the latter’s being retained by the recipient (the security functions as a forfeit); breach of contract

on the part of the recipient rendered him liable to return the arrha/arrhabon or usually a multiple of it.

ARRHA,

ARRHABON

24

23

The Romans were aware of the arrha/arrhabon early

formed at the end of their year of ritual service and is

on (Varro, Ling. 5,175), but the institution did not be-

described in Pausanias (1,27,3): in the night the priest-

come incorporated into their system of law. Classical jurists see in the arrha/arrhabon only the confirmation of a contract already entered into by consent at the time of purchase (Dig. 18,1,35 pr.). If the arrha/arrhabon was pecuniary in nature, it counted towards the purchase price once the goods had been delivered; if it was a ring, then its return could be demanded by an actio empti. But the Roman interpretation did not gain acceptance within the ambit of the Hellenistic folk law. Thus the arrha/arrhabon was perpetuated in popular law, acquiring the function of preventing the seller from otherwise disposing of goods once a sale was agreed. Then, for a purchase in writing under the law of Justinian, the arrha/arrhabon can be said to provide evi-

ess gave something to the girls which they carried (in boxes or baskets) on their heads through a subterranean passageway to the shrine of Aphrodite ‘in the garden’ or perhaps to another shrine in the vicinity (the Greek wording is ambiguous) [1]. None of the participants knew what was in the baskets. The Arrhephoroi left their loads there and then brought something else back to the Acropolis which was also covered up. There has been much discussion about the significance of this ritual; in any event it is associated with the myth about Athena handing over to the daughters of Cecrops the small Erichthonius in a basket, with the instruction not to look inside. In this way, the Arrhephoroi carried out

dence of liability after the Greek model; but, even in the

pid (IG II* 3472, 3515, 2nd cent. BC); the fact that Pandrosus and her sisters had the honour of being the

case of an informal purchase by consent, the return of the arrha/arrhabon may have facilitated withdrawal from the contract. In any case, because of the contradictions between Inst. Iust. 3,23 pr. and Cod. Iust. 4,21,17,2, much remains obscure in this regard. It is,

however, certain that this revision by Justinian is greatly influenced by Graeco-Hellenistic models, and departs appreciably more widely than usual from classical Roman structures. The arrha sponsalicia, too, stems from oriental law. After the collapse of the classical system, and having been documented in the east by the Syrian-Roman Code, the arrha/arrhabon finds its way into western Roman practice, too. From the 4th cent. AD it is regulated under imperial law, firstly in Cod. Theod. 3,5,11 (of 380). Recognition of arrha sponsalicia ends the freedom to dissolve a betrothal: in accord with patrician postulates, withdrawal from a betrothal entails financial consequences. However there was no question of going so far as to compel marriage. The betrothal remained binding for two years. F.PRINGSHEIM, The Greek Law of Sale, 1950, 333ff.; Kaser, RPR II, *1975, 387; M. TALAMANCA, L’arra della compravendita in diritto greco e in diritto romano, 1953; G. CHALON SECRETAN, Les arrhes de la vente sous Justinien, 1954; L.ANNE, Les rites de fiangailles, 1941; W.SeLB, Zur Bed. des Syr.-R6m. Rechtsbuchs, 1964, 9 8ff. Gir

Arrhephoroi (Agonddeo; Arrhéphoroi). Title with uncertain etymology which was given to two or four Athenian girls between seven and eleven years of age from a good family who lived for a year on the Acropolis and took part in various activities which were connected with the cult of Athena Polias. Together with the priestess of Athena, they set up the loom on the Chalkeia, on which the new péplos of the goddess was woven, and they also helped with the weaving themselves. The central scene on the Parthenon frieze is often equated with this role and interpreted as the handing over of the péplos. The rite of the Arrhephoria from which they received their name was per-

their duties for Athena Polias and Pandrosus, a Cecro-

first ones allowed to weave (Suda, Phot. s.v. tootOvov)

is also significant. Aristophanes (Lys. 641) mentions the Arrhephoria in a list of religious offices which were open to young girls. Researchers have often viewed the ritual as originally an initiation rite, which prepared young girls for marriage, whereas other scholars have regarded it as a fertility-stimulating rite. In any case it had significance only for a small number of participants. 1 O. BRONEER, Eros and Aphrodite on the north slope of the Acropolis, in: Hesperia 1, 1932, 31-55; (cf. Hesperia

2, 1933, 329-417). A.BRELICH, Paides e Parthenoi, 1969, 231-8, 268-70; P. BRULE, Les filles d’Athéna, 1987, 83-100; W. BURKERT, Kekropidensage und Arrhephoria, in: Hermes 94, 1966, 1-25 (repr. in: Wilder Ursprung, 1990, 40-59); V. PIRENNE-DELFORGE, L’Aphrodite grecque, 1994, 49-59;

N. Rosertson, The riddle of the Arrhephoria, in: HSPh 87, 1983, 341-88; E.SIMoNn, Festivals of Attica, 1983,

39-46; B. WESENBERG, Panathendaische Peplosdedikation und Arrhephorie. Zur Thematik des Parthenonfrieses, in: JDAI tro, 1995, 148-178.

E.K.

Arrhidaeus (‘Agotdatoc; Arrhidaios) {1] Son or son-in-law of Macedonian king - Amyntas [x] I and ruler of the Upper Macedonian region of Elimea (schol. Thuc. 1,57,3). P. Geyer, Makedonien bis zur Thronbesteigung Philipps Il., 1930, 78f.; HM, Vol. 2, 18f.

M.Z.

[2] Son of Amyntas, grandson of the Macedonian king Alexander [2] I and father of King Amyntas [3] III (Syll.3 135, 157; Diod. Sic. 15.60.3). ERRINGTON, 28ff.

[3] Half-brother

M.Z.

of > Philippus HI, found refuge in ~ Olynthus with a second half-brother, probably after the end of the alliance between Philip and the city. After its conquest (348 BC), Philip ordered both to be executed (Just. Epit. 7,4,5; 8,3,10f.).

25

26

[4] Feeble-minded son of - Philippus II and a Thessalian woman, approximately the same age as —> Alexander [4]. > Pixodarus’ attempt to marry his daughter to him was thwarted by Alexander’s suspicious intervention. As king, Alexander allowed him to live, but he was never employed. After Alexander’s death, he was proclaimed king under the name Philippus III due to a rebellion of the infantry in 323 BC. In the end, however, he had to share the throne with Alexander’s son (+ Alexander [7]), who was born after the death of his father. In Babylon, only he was recorded as king and Alexander as his successor. Since he was not able to rule, he was always under the guardianship of a regent whose policies A. signed (— Perdiccas, > Antipater [1], > Polyperchon). Perdiccas was forced by the military to wed him to > Eurydice who was herself aspiring to power through marriage to A. At Triparadeisus, this plan was thwarted by Antipater. Not until Polyperchon, did she find the opportunity to promote — Cassander as a

Arrianus

counter-regent. However, in Cassander’s absence, she

and A. were surprised and killed by Olympias. Cassander, who was probably pleased to be rid of them, buried them with great royal pageantry (Arr. Succ., Diod. Sic. 17-19). BERVE 2, no. 781; WILL, vol. 1, 20-52; Id., in: CAH 77, 1, PBS

Coins: M.J. Price, The coinage in the name of Alexander the Great and Philip Arrhidaeus, 1991. EB.

[5] Officer of > Alexander [4], ordered by > Perdiccas to escort the king’s hearse to Syria (probably for further travel to Aegae), but delivered him to > Ptolemy to be

taken to > Memphis. After Perdiccas’ death, he led his army with > Peithon to Triparadeisus where > Antipater [1] took over its command and assigned him the satrapy of Hellespontic Phrygia. After Antipater’s death, he attacked Cyzicus, but > Antigonus [1] drove him from his satrapy. He established himself in > Cius and supported > Cleitus, after whose death he is no longer mentioned (Diod. Sic. 18, 3. 5,26ff.). KaersT, s.v. A. (5), RE 2 1249-50; BERVE 2, no. 145.

E.B.

Arria [1] the Elder. Wife of Senator Caecina Paetus; when he was sentenced to death by Emperor Claudius in 42, she killed herself (Plin. Ep. 3,16; Tac. Ann. 16.34.2; RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, no. 96).

[2] the Younger. Daughter of [1], wife of P. Clodius Thrasea Paetus, cos. suff. in 56; like her mother, she wanted to join her husband in death in the year 66; he prevented her from doing so (Tac. Ann. 16,34,2). Mother of Fannia who married Helvidius in the same year; exiled under Domitian, returned under Nerva (Plin. Ep. 7.19.10; RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, no. 159). [3] A. Fadilla. Daughter of Arrius [II 1]; wife of T.Aure-

lius Fulvus, cos. ord. in 89, later married the senator P. Iulius Lupus. Her son was the future Antoninus Pius (PIR? A 1119; RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, NO. 99).

W.E.

ARRIANUS

[1] Author (probably 2nd cent. BC) of a Greek trans-

lation of - Virgil’s Georgica, an epic about > Alexander [4] and numerous poems of praise of > Attalus. The works have been lost (Suda a 3867).

[2] A. of Nicomedia A. Name B.His trFE

EB.

C. Works

A. NAME Inscriptions attest to the existence of L. Flavius Arrianus. ‘Flavius’ harks back to the patron whom the

family owed their Roman citizenship: perhaps L. Flavius, cos. suff. in 33 BC or not until Vespasian (ifA.was a younger son). A. admired Xenophon; a famous philosopher, he received the honorary name ‘the new Xenophon’ and called himself Xenophon. B. His LIFE Born between AD 85-90, from a well-respected family that had been accepted into the Roman knighthood. In Nicomedia, he was later a priest for the city’s patron goddesses Persephone and Kore. He studied under > Epictetus who left a great impression on him. Under his tutelage, A. met prominent Romans, perhaps also — Avidius Nigrinus (see Syll.} 827) and even Hadrian. He served as an equestrian officer in Noricum and probably in other provinces that he seemed to know, then under Trajan in the Parthian War. He was appointed to the Senate, either by Trajan or Hadrian, probably with praetorian rank, he became proconsul of Baetica [1] and because he and Hadrian shared literary interests, cos. suff. in 129 or 130. From 131-137, he was also legatus pro praetore of the border province Cappadocia; with two legions and auxiliary troops, he kept an eye on neighbouring client princes. There is no evidence of other positions. He later lived in Athens where he became a citizen and in 145-6 archon eponymos, and where his descendants can be found. C. Works a) Philosophical, probably from his youth. 1. Diatribai (‘lectures’) of Epictetus, four books (of eight) preserved: a very influential work written in the form of a transcript; its form, however, is based on Xenophon’s Memorabilia; 2. Encheiridion (‘manual’) on Epictetus;

3. a meteorological work (only preserved in fragments). b) Historical-biographical (cannot be dated). Preserved: 1. Andbasis (‘campaign to Asia’) of > Alexander [4]: see below; 2. Indiké: according to > Nearchus’ description, the voyage of his fleet from the Indus to Susa, including geographical-ethnographical introduction according to > Megasthenes; in the Ionic dialect. Only preserved in fragments: 3. History of the Diadochi (up to Triparadeisus), to books, sources unknown; 4. History of Bithynia up to Roman annexation, eight books; 5. Parthika (the Roman-Parthian Wars), 17 books, ro of them are about Trajan’s war. Lost: 6. Alaniké; 7. Dion; 8. Timolé6n; 9.? Till6-

robos (a bandit: maybe only a joke by Lucian).

277,

28

c) Miscellaneous. Preserved: 1. Kynegetikos: updates Xenophon’s work of the same title about the hunt; 2. — Periplous of the Black Sea (131-32): expanded and literarily revised report that he had written as legatus Augusti pro praetore for Hadrian concerning an inspection trip along the Cappadocian coast: bks. 1-11 Trapezus-Sebastopolis, bks. 12-16 Thracian Bosporus, bks. 18-25 Sebastopolis-Byzantium. 3. Ektaxis against the > Alani (13 5-37): deployment of A.’s army due to an impending invasion by the Alani (who actually retreated); 4. Tactics (only part about the cavalry preserved): probably written in 137 for the zothanniversary celebration of Hadrian [2]. A. was famous as a philosopher and historian, thought of himself as a Roman in a political sense, emotionally as a Bithynian from Nicomedia, and as literary heir of Xenophon and the Athenian classics.

of + Menippus in the epitome of Marcianus, the Periplus of > Arrianus [2], Ps. > Scymnus and Ps. Scylax; probably written after AD 576.

ARRIANUS

However, he is best known to us as author of the history of Alexander (C,b,1—z), in seven books (1) and in one

book (2), perhaps his first major historical work [see also 3] which could hardly have seemed so highly important to him later on. He emphasized as his objectives (Arr. Anab. prooem. and 1.12.2-5) faithfulness to the truth and praise of his hero in a dignified style; he wants to refer only to the most reliable sources, > Ptolemy and > Aristobulus [7] who accompanied Alexander and who were able to write about him impartially after his death; he intended to identify other sources as ‘narratives’. However, it can be shown that he was not

always consistent in this, and that he often misunderstood the main sources. His classicist style (among oth-

A.Driter, The Tradition of the Minor Greek Geographers, 1952, 102-146.

C.HEU.

Arrius Latin gentile name of Italian origin. I. REpusBLic II. IMPERIAL TIMES I. REPUBLIC [11] A. Made fun of by Catull (Carm. 84) due to affected pronunciation. [1 2] A., C. Neighbour of Cicero at his Formianum (Cic. Atiyo nee2 hs3))= {I 3] A., L. City praetor of Cales (ILLRP 560). [I 4] A., Q. Praetor in 73 BC [x]. 1 SCHULZE, 422-423.

K.-L.E.

[I 5] A., Q. Praetor prior to 63 BC when he informed the Senate of the Catilinarians’ troop build-up (Plut. Cic. 15). In 59 he applied unsuccessfully for the consulship of 58 because the support expected from Caesar was not forthcoming. When P. Clodius 58 exiled Cicero, A. distanced himself from him (ad Q. fr. 1.3.8), but then befriended him again when he returned from exile (Cic. Vat. 30). In 52, he appeared at the trial for the murder of Clodius in support of Annius Milo (Cic. Mil. 46) who was defended by Cicero. + Annius Milo; > Caesar; > Catilina; > Cicero w.w. [I 6] A. Secundus, M. Mint master in 41 BC (RRC 513). KLE

ers, avoidance of technical terms) has made historical

understanding more difficult, especially military and administrative history. His hero must sometimes naturally be criticized (seldom in the case of A.’s selection of facts); as a philosopher, one is also allowed to question the value of his undertaking. Yet in the end, normal standards do not seem adequate to the hero’s greatness. We must accept A.’s descriptions of military campaigns, but he has not provided any historically acceptable image of Alexander. + Alexander historians; > Alexander [4] the Great; > Sophistic 1 W.Eck, s.v. L. Flavius Arrianus, RE Suppl. 14,120 2 F. WHEELER, The occasion of Arrian’s Tactica, in: GRBS

19, 1978, 351-365 3 G.WirtH, Anmerkungen Arrianbiographie, in: Historia 13, 1964, 209-45.

zur

P. A. StapTeEr, Arrian of Nicomedia, 1980. EDITIONS: C,a,1: W. A.OLDFATHER, 1923 (with English trans.);J.SOUILLE, 1962-65 (with French trans.); C,a,1—2: H.SCHENKL, *1916; C,a,3-c: A.G. Roos, rev.

G. WIRTH,

1967-68; C,b,1-2: P.A. BRUNT, 1976-83 (with English trans./commentary); G. WIRTH, O. VON HINUBER, (with Ger. trans./commentary).

COMMENTARY:

1985

A.B. Boswortu, Historical Commen-

tary on Arrian’s History of Alexander, I. 1980, II. 1995; Id., From Arrian to Alexander, 1988. EB.

[3] Term for the anonymous author of one Periplus Ponti Euxini which is primarily based on the > Periplus

II. IMPERIAL TIMES {fl 1] A. Antoninus, P. (Passed down as P. in one tab. Hercul. [1]), senator, perhaps from Narbonensis [2], cos. suff. in AD 69, proconsul of Asia c. 78/79 [3], cos.

Il 97 (FOst 45). Married to Boionia Procilla, father of Arria [3], grandfather of Antoninus Pius (PIR? A 1086). {11 2] A. Antoninus, C. Senator from Cirta in Africa;

after long career as praetor cos. suff. around 170, governor of Dalmatia, Dacia and Cappadocia (correct sequence unclear, Piso, 112ff.), proconsul of Asia under

Commodus where he was confronted with the Christian problem. Put to death by Commodus on account of Cleander (SHA Comm. 7.1); Piso, 106-117. Allied with Cornelius Fronto; PIR? A 1088.

{If 3] A. Antoninus, C. Son of A. [II 2] who probably lived until the time of Septimius Severus; PIR* A 1089; BOS e763. {Il 3a] Cn. A. Augur. Cos. ord. AD 121, grandson of the cos. suff. Cn. A. [II 1] (the praenomen is Cn., not P.; AE 1993,461) Antoninus, related to the future emperor Antoninus [1] Pius. G. CaMODECA, Nuovi dati dalla riedizione delle tabulae ceratae della Campania, in: S. PANcrERA (ed.), XI Congr. Internazionale di Epigrafia Greca e Latina. Atti I, r999,

524.

WE.

[II 4] A. Flaccus, M. Suffect consul in AD 79; CIL XVI 24.

29

30

[II 5] A. Menander. Imperial consiliarius who wrote a work de re militari; perhaps a libellis under Caracalla ({4]; PIR? A rr00).

II. IMPERIAL TIMES [II 1] Personal physician to Claudius; left behind a great fortune (Plin. HN 29,7f.); PIR? A 1123.

[II 6] A. Pudens, L. cos. ord. 165, PIR* A 1105; [5]. [II 7] A. Varus. Commander of a cohort under Corbulo

declared him an outlaw in 43 BC, found refuge with

in the year 55; due to secret reports on Corbulo, Nero promoted him to primuspilus. In AD 69, involved in the incursion of the Flavians into Italy, appointed praef. praetorio, closely allied with Domitian; deprived of influence by Mucianus shortly thereafter through appointment to praef. annonae [6; 7]. 1 Mitteilung G.CaMoDEcA —_ 2: Sym, Tacitus, vol. 2, 604f. 3 W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten, in: Chiron 12, 1982, 300 47.HoNoré£, Emperors and Lawyers, *1994, 69f. 5 ALFOLDy, Konsulat, 178 6 B. Dosson, Die Primipilares, 1978, 202f. 7 DEMOUGIN, 575f. W.E.

Arrow see > bow and arrow

Arruns

Etruscan

first name

(in inscriptions arnth,

arunth, arenth), Lat. Ar(r)uns. Only Romans of Etruscan origin bore this name (abbreviation Ar.). Praenomen in the gens Tarquinia [1; 2]. [1] Legendary Etruscan in the army of Tarchon who

was allied with Aeneas (Verg. Aen. 11,759-867). [2] Son of Porsenna, friendly toward Rome, fell in the battle of Aricia (Plut. Poplicola 18-19; Liv. 2,14,5 among others). [3] High-ranking Etruscan who supposedly urged the Gauls to invade Italy (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 13,10; Plut. Camillus 15). [4] Etruscan seer from Lucca (Luc. 1,585-638). 1 SCHULZE, 263

2 SALOMIES, 67.

K-L.E.

Arruntia [1] Vestal in 69 BC at the latest. (Macrob. Sat. 3.13.11). K.-LE. [2] A. Arria Camilla. Probably the daughter of L. Arruntius [II 8] Camillus Scribonianus; must have lived into the Trajanic era (RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, no. 103; PIRGASmIs 2): W.E. Arruntius Lat. gentile name (Etruscan arntni ?) also as

Arentius in inscriptions, derived from the Etruscan name Arruns ({1]; ThLL 2,647). The gens appeared in Rome in the rst cent. BC, attained the consulate under

Augustus and was then probably accepted into the patriciate at that time (see Stat. Silv. 1.2.71 concerning the poet Arruntius [II 12] Stella). I. Repusiic

II. IMPERIAL TIMES

[112] L. Homo

novus

in the Senate, the Triumvirate

Sex. Pompey, returned to Rome in 39 (App. B Civ. 4,463 Vell. Pat. 2,77,2ff.). Was commander of the left wing of Octavian’s fleet in the battle of Actium (Vell. Pat. 2,85,2). In the year 22 cos. ord., participated in the secular games as X Wir sacris faciundis (CIL VI 32323). Probably the historian who wrote in a Sallustian style about the Punic Wars (Sen. Ep. 114,17ff.; Plin. HN, Index on bk. 3; 5; 6; PIR* A 1129). [II 3] L. Son of [II 2]; cos. ord. in AD 6, Augustus allegedly counted him among the capaces imperii in the year 14 (Tac. Ann. 1,13; [1]); spoke in the Senate about the principate of Tiberius (Tac. Ann. 1,13); in 15 curator

aquarum, from the year 25 on consular legate of Hispania Citerior, but was detained in Rome (Tac. Hist. 2,65,23 6,27,3). Shortly before the death of Tiberius, he committed suicide (Tac. Ann. 6,47f.). His adopted son

is A. [II 8]; PIR? A 1130.

{11 4] M. cos. suff. in 66 (DEGRAssI FC, 18; PIR* A

1134). [1 5] A. Aquila, M. Financial procurator in Pamphylia in the year 50 (CIL III 6737 = ILS 215); Xanthus may have been his origo [2; 3]; uncertain whether he is related to A. [II 4] and [II 6]. [II 6] A. Aquila, M. cos. suff. in the year 77 (DEGRASSI FC, 22); probably same person as the senator from CIL V 2819 =ILS 980 who was buried in Patavium. Son of

A. [I 4]; [4]. {Ii 7] (A.) Aquila Iulianus, M. cos. ord. 38, PIR* A 982; his nomen gentile must have been A. [4. vol. 2. 685ff.; 4. 386]. [II 8] A. Camillus Scribonianus, L. Son of Furius Camillus, the cos. ord. of AD 8, probably adopted by A. [II 3]; cos. ord. 32, governor of Dalmatia under Caligula and Claudius; his attempted revolt in 42 failed after only a few days (PIR* A 1140; SEG 36, 1200). 1 Syme, AA, 137ff. vol. 4,1,1444f.

2 DEMouGIN, 383f. 4 SyYME, RP 4, 372, 377.

K.-L.E.

3 DEVIJVER W.E.

[11 9] A. Celsus. Lat. grammarian who lived prior to Constantine during Imperial times. > Charisius refers back to him through ~> Julius Romanus. Charisius passed down A.’s comments on passages from Virgil and Terence, which obviously originate from two lost commentaries on both. A. is also often mentioned by + Consentius and > Priscianus, who probably used a grammar (also lost) by him. G. Goetz, A. 16, RE 2, 1265; HLL § 392. 4.

I. REPUBLIC [1 1] A. In 43 BC, father and son were proscribed outlaws by the Triumvirate and killed (App. B Civ. 4,86). [I 2] A., L. In 53 BC A. delivered a letter from L. Trebatius to Cicero (Fam. 7, 18,4). 1 SCHULZE, 175, 263.

ARRUNTIUS

PG.

[I 10] A. Claudianus, M. Knight from Xanthus, ac-

cepted into the Senate by Domitian; his career ended with the proconsulate of Macedonia [1; 2]. [Il 11] A. Stella, L. Knight who was entrusted with arranging the imperial gladiatorial games in 5 5 (Tac. Ann. 13,229); probably procur. ludi magni.

31

32

1 A. BALLAND, in: Xanthos 7, 1981, no. 5; 133 143 55-63 =

BC, and extended by > Antiochus I (c. 69-34 BC) asa hierothesion (tomb sanctuary) for his grandfather Samos II and his earlier ancestors. Preserved are a monumental rock relief of Samos II, and important sections of the cultic inscription on the ascent to the castle, which transmits the town’s name. [2] On the Nymphaeus, modern Eski Kahta, discovered in 1951 by F.K. DORNER and excavated from 1953 to 1970. According to scattered finds, this royal residency, which had been founded by king Arsames at the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC, goes back to the late Palaeolithic. King Antiochus I chose this location for the hierothesion of his father Mithridates I Callinicus. The cultic inscription, hewn into the rock in five columns, has not only preserved the cultic laws of this sanctuary, but also the name of the town. The Roman annexation of the Commagene kingdom in AD 72 brought with it the dissolution of this dynastic sanctuary. For the imperial period, the excavations only provided evidence of an unimportant acropolis settlement. > Ruler cult

ARRUNTIUS

AE 1981, 799-810 3 DEMOUGIN, 433.

2 DeviyveR Vol. 4, 1, 1445ff. W.E.

[1112] A. Stella, L. As son of a Patavian patrician family, he was appointed + quindecimvir sacris faciundis and in AD 89 and 93 arranged the games to celebrate Domitian’s victories. He married a rich Neapolitan widow, Violentilla (Stat. Silv. 1,2) and was suffect consul in AD rot/roz (Mart. 12,3,10; CIL VI 1492).

He was patron of Statius and Martial and himself wrote lascivious love poems under the influence of Catullus, Tibullus and others. No fragments. L.Duret,

Dans

l’ombre des plus grands, in: ANRW

I1.32,5, 1986, 3237-3240.

J-A.R.

Arsaces [1] A. I. Uncertain origin; around 250 BC under his leadership, the Parni invaded the region of Astauene. The confusion in the eastern part of the Seleucid kingdom allowed A. to conquer Parthia around 238, and Hyrcania shortly thereafter. He was crowned in Asaak. In spite of a counterattack led by Seleucus II, A. was able to maintain his hold on Parthia and Hyrcania. He left a strong state behind him at his death in 217. He was the founder of the Parthian Empire and founding father of the Arsacids. [2] A. If. Son (not brother) and successor of A. I. In c. 209, he was defeated in an attack by > Antiochus [5] the Great, which led to his temporary subjugation. After his death (c. r91), the name ‘Arsaces’ was carried

on as the throne name by all of his successors until the end of the Parthian Empire. [3] Son of the Parthian king Artabanus II, who appointed him king of Armenia in AD 35. Murdered shortly after at the instigation of the Iberian > Mithridates. [4] A. Il. King of Armenia from c. 338. At the end of Emperor > lulianus’ Persian War, he no longer received any support from Rome and fell into the hands of Shapur II, who threw him into the ‘Castle of Forgetfulness’ where he died. [5] A. Il. Grandson of above, son of Pap, Armenian king from c. 379. After Armenia was divided between Rome and Persia (384-389), he remained in Rome’s territory where he soon died. [6] Envoy of Shapur II to > Valens (Amm. Marc. ROnze ty)

A. BAUMGARTNER, S.v. Arsakes 1-3, RE 2, 1268-69; R.H. HeEwseEn, The successors of Tiridates the Great, REArm 13, 1978/79, 99-126; M. KaRRAS-KLAPPROTH, Prosopo-

graphische Stud. zur Gesch. des Partherreiches, 1988; K. SCHIPPMANN, s.v. Arsacids II, Enclr 2, 525ff. =M.SCH.

K.HuMANN,

O.PUCHSTEIN,

Reisen

in Nordsyrien

und

Kleinasien, 1890, 353ff.; F.K. DORNER, TH. GOELL, Arsameia am Nymphaios, 1963; H. WALDMANN, Die kommagenischen Kultreformen unter Konig Mithradates I. Kallinikos und seinem Sohne Antiochos I., 1973; W. HoepFNeER, Arsameia am Nymphaios 2, 1983; J. WaG-

NER, Dynastie und Herrscherkult in Kommagene, in: IstMitt 33, 1983, 177-224.

J.WA.

Arsames (Agoduns; Arsdmes). [1] Old Pers. Arsama, son of Ariaramnes, father of Hystaspes, grandfather of Darius I [1. DB §2]. Xerxes [z. XPf£ §3] says that A. was still alive when Darius came to the throne (5 22/521BC). The insciptions attributed to him and his father are probably not genuine [1. 12; 2. 65-67]. [2] Son of Darius I and Artystone. Commanded the Aethiopians and Arabs for his half-brother Xerxes in the campaign against Greece (Hdt. 7.69) [2. 107]. [3] Persian aristocrat and satrap of Egypt in the 2nd half of the 5th cent. BC; until Egypt was lost to the Persians. He is known from a collection of Aramaic letters (on leather, provenance unknown), which are about the

administration of his Egyptian possessions. He is also mentioned in the papyri of the Jewish garrison on + Elephantine. Cuneiform texts from Babylon show that he also owned estates there. He supported Darius Il in his battle for the succession [3; 4]. 1 R.G. Kent, Old Persian, 1953 2J.M. BALcrr, Prosopographical Study of the Ancient Persians, 1993 3 G.R. Driver, Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century BC, 1957 4M.W.Srovprr, Entrepreneurs and Empire, 1985, 64-6, IIS.

A.KU. andH.S.-W.

Arsacids see > Arsaces Arsamea Name of two towns in Commagene. [1] On the Euphrates, modern Gerger, fortified town,

founded by > Arsames at the beginning of the 2nd cent.

[4] King of Armenia in the 3rd cent. BC, who appears in the paternal ancestral line of > Antiochus I of Commagene as son of King Samus. He founded the Sophenian capital of Arsamosata and the Commagenian

33

34

towns of Arsamea on the Euphrates (Gerger) and Arsamea on the Nymphaeus (Eski Kahta) and was the first Armenian king to have coins minted. Around 227 he took in the rebel Seleucid Antiochus Hierax (Polyaenus, Strats.)

ARSINOE

ethics and etiquette in the early Middle Ages, in: BHM 1952, r1f. (Engl. trans.).

V.N.

Arsinoe (‘Agow0n; Arsinoé). I. Mytu

II. Historicat

FiGures

III. PLAcEs

K.F. Dorner, Der Thron der Gétter auf dem Nemrud

Dag, +1987; E.Meyer, s.v. A. 3, RE Suppl. 1, 141; M.Scuorrxy, Media Atropatene und Grof-Armenien, 1989.

M.SCH.

I. MyTH [11] Daughter of Leucippus, sister of the Leucippids, who were abducted by the Dioscuri, she was the mother by Apollo of the Messenian Asclepius (Hes. fr. 50;

Arsamosata Often mentioned stronghold in Armenia, mentioned by Pol. 8 .23 for the year 189 BC, located by Plin. HN 6.26 (Arsamosata Euphrati proximum) and mentioned by Tac. Ann. 15.10 for the year AD 62. In Ptol. 5.12.8: Agoaydoata (Arsamosata). Either identi-

Apollod. 3,117f.; Paus. 2,26,7; 4,3,2). In Sparta A. had a shrine (Paus. 3,12,8); on the agora of Messene there

cal to Erzurum (upper western Euphrates) or situated

to the Thessalian-Epidaurian Asclepius tradition is unclear; local extensions of it must have existed in the Peloponnese. Cic. Nat. D. 3,57 calls the ‘third’ Asclepius a son of Arsippus and A. and refers to the tomb of the god in Arcadia. E.G. [I 2] One of the three Minyadae in Orchomenus who opposed the cult of Dionysus and were changed into nightingales or bats (Ov. Met. 4,1ff.; 390ff.; Plut. Quaest. Graec. 299ef; Antoninus Liberalis ro). [I 3] Daughter of Phegeus from Psophis, wife of > Alc-

south of the eastern Euphrates between the latter and the Tigris. B.B.andH.T. Arsenicum (dgeevixov or dooev-; arrhenikon, arsen-).

In antiquity the yellow orpiment, identical to the auripigmentum, different from the red arsenic sulphide oavdagaxn

[sandraké;

1.158-160]

also

found

in

mines, called realgar in the Middle Ages. According to Dioscorides 5s 5,104 and 105 [2. 74f.] = 5,120 and 121 [3. 531f.], both were used not only as paints but also, burned and crushed, as cauterizing and astringent agents, especially for hair removal and also for ulcers etc. (cf. Plin. HN 34,177f.). 1D.Go.rz,

Studien

zur Gesch.

der Mineralnamen

in

Pharmazie, Chemie und Medizin von den Anfangen bis Paracelsus, 1972

curidis

de

materia

2M. WELLMANN

medica,

vol.3,

(ed.), Pedanii Dios-

1914,

repr.1958

3 J. BERENDES (ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre, ibers. und mit Erl. versehen, 1902, repr.1970.

C.HU. Arsenius (Agoévioc; Arsénios). [1] Saint, from a noble family, born AD 354 in Rome, died 445 in Troy near Memphis in Egypt. Emperor

~ Theodosius I invited him to Constantinople to bring up his children — Arcadius and - Honorius. After many years in the imperial palace A. returned to Egypt and lived as a hermit. A biographic legend is to be found in Simeon Metaphrastes. The teachings for monks and apophthegmata ascribed to him are of very doubtful authenticity. A. JULICHER, RE 2, 1273; ODB1

187-188.

F.M.

[2] As the (possibly fictitious) author of a short Epistula ad Nepotianum (5th/6th cents. AD?), A. describes the qualities and duties of the ideal doctor. The advice is

practical in nature and in keeping with Hippocratic decorum, Hippocratic principles and the tradition that says that only an efficient doctor is a good doctor. There are no identifiable references or allusions to the Hippocratic oath (e.g. the prohibition on abortion). E. HirscuFELp, Deontologische Texte des friihen MA, in:

AGM 1928, 358-359; E.Frrro, La medicina medievale, 1972, 32-35 (Italian trans.); L.C. MacKrnney, Medical

was an A. spring (Paus. 4,31,6), in the Messenian As-

clepieum there was, amongst other things, a painting of A. (Paus. 4,31,11f.). The relationship of the Messenian

maeon,

who deserted her and was

murdered

by her

brothers Pronous and > Agenor. As she did not sanction the deed, she was despatched by them to Tegea as the alleged murderer (Apollod. 3,87ff.). {1 4] Wet-nurse of > Orestes whom she brings to Strophius for his safety (Pind. Pyth. 11,17; 35; Aesch. Cho. 733, in Stesich. fr. 218 PMGF and Pherec. FGrH 3 F 134 she is called Laodamia). [1 5] Daughter of king Nicocreon of Salamis (Cyprus), changed into stone by Aphrodite as punishment for unrequited love (Antoninus Liberalis 39, given a different name in Ov. Met. 14,698ff.; Plut. Amat. 766cd). [I 6] Epiclesis of Aphrodite. In the foothills of Zephyrion near Alexandria — in honour of > A. [2] — Callicratus built a temple of A. Kypris, in which the lock of Berenice’s hair was later preserved (Catull. 66,5 4ff.; Str. 17,1,16; epigram at Ath. 7,318d; 11,4974). O.JESSEN, s.v. A. [23], RE 2, 1281; E. THRAMER, s.v. A. [r9]-[22], RE 2, 1280.

RHA.

Il. HisTORICAL FIGURES [Il 1] Wife of + Lagus, mother of Ptolemy I; according to FGrH 631,11 a great-granddaughter of > Amyntas [x] I (cf. Theoc. 17,26): historical fact or a fictitious invention of her son? [Il 2] A.I. Daughter of > Lysimachus and » Nicaea; was married between 285 and 281 BC to > Ptolemaeus Il, on account of an alleged conspiracy was exiled in 279 to the Theban Coptus. Mother of Ptolemy III (who was, however, officially regarded as the son of A. II), of Lysimachus and of > Berenice. Schol. Theoc. 17,128; PP 6, 14490.

K.SeTHE, Hieroglyphische Urkunden Zeit, 1904, 1, 14.

der griech.- rom.

35

36

[Il 3] A. Il. Born c. 316 BC, daughter of Ptolemy I and Berenice I, married 300/299 to > Lysimachus; before 297 birth of > Ptolemaeus, c. 297 birth of > Philippus, c. 294 of Lysimachus, shortly after this, Ephesus was renamed Arsinoea. In 284/3 A. received as her own property Heraclea Pontica with its surrounding towns (281). In 283/2 Arsinoe succeeded in overthrowing + Agathocles [5] as crown prince and replacing him with Ptolemy (cf. ISE 1, 67). After the death of Lysimachus 281, A. fled from Ephesus to her fortress of

importance attributed to the dynastic element in the policies of Ptolemy II and his successors, whilst the colourful nature of her life is typical of the end of the Diadochi period.

ARSINOE

Cassandria; she then married > Ptolemaeus Ceraunus

— whose aim was the possession of Cassandria -— to gain security for her children (succession to the throne?); after he entered the city, he had both younger sons killed (Ptolemy was probably not there). A. was permitted to go into exile in Samothrace where at an

earlier time she had already dedicated a large tholos. Probably after the death of Ceraunus (in the spring of 279) she departed from there and went to Egypt. Ptolemy II married A. for unknown reasons (dynastic cohesion? rst Syrian War?) and under unknown circumstances (see Arsinoe [II 2] I. !) the date being unknown but some time between her arrival and 2.141.274 (in Callixeinus’ Pompé, in winter 275/4 she was not yet enthroned with Ptolemy II and the 8eoi owthees !). The marriage probably remained childless. A. adopted the children of A. [II 2] I. The scandal of the marriage between full siblings (Sotades F 1 POWELL) was meant to be moderated through her Greek epithet @ihadehdoc, Philadelphos, which conveys the neutral concept of sibling love; simultaneously, however, the

marriage evoked the Egyptian models of Isis-Osiris and Tephnut-Shu (secondarily: Zeus-Hera). A. died in 268 (between 1 and 3 July) A. was equated with Isis during her lifetime and received the Egyptian title of ‘princess of both lands’, thus she stood in her own right as equal to the king. In 272/1 the eponymic cult of Alexander was extended by the cult of the Ogoi Gdeddoi (Theoi adelphoi); likewise A. was probably venerated during her lifetime as Aphrodite Euploia and Zephyritis: all in all, an important step in the deification of the dynasty. The cult commenced immediately after her death; the canephorate of A. Philddelphos (Agowon Pirdderos) is attested to for the first time in 267/6 (cf. also Callim. Fr. 228), and in the 3rd/znd cents. worship of A. spread throughout the entire Aegean where numerous ports were named after her. Posthumous coins show her with the horns of Aminon. Games (Arsinoeia,

Philadelpheia) were performed in A.’s memory, and Fayum as a region was called ‘Arsinoites’. By royal decree A. became the synnaos thea (ovvvaoc ec) of all Egyptian gods (Mendes Stele), later on, together with Ptolemy II, she was revered as a deity of the Ooi owtvvaou; in addition, Egyptian Arsinoeia were established. Frequently a special political significance is ascribed to A.; but apart from one remark, (IG II? 687, 1é6ff.) there is no evidence for this. Her high cultic honours and posthumous popularity are proof only of the

S.M. Burstetn, A. II. Philadelphos: A revisionist view, in: W.Apams, E. Borza (ed.), Philipp I, Alexander the Great and the Macedonian Heritage, 1982, 197-212; H. Havu-

BEN, A. I. et la politique extérieur de l’Egypte in: E. vAN’T Dack et al. (ed.), Egypt and the Hellenistic World, 1983, 99-127; H.HEINEN, Unt. Zur hell. Gesch., 1972;

G.HOLBL,

Gesch.

des Ptolemaerreiches,

1994,

94ff.;

G.Lonceca, A. II, 1968; M.PRaNGE, Das Bildnis A. II. Philadelphos (278-270 v.Chr.), in: MDAI(A) to5, 1990, 197-211; G. WEBER, Dichtung und h6fische Ges., 1993,

254ff.

{11 4] A. I. Daughter of Ptolemy III and Berenice II, before Oct./Nov. 220 BC married her brother, Ptolemy IV; from this date onwards, in the Egyptian milieu she was included in the cult of the Oeoi miromdtoges, from 216 in the Greek cult; it is also clear that she came to be equated with Isis and Aphrodite. In 217 A. took part in the battle of Raphia; on 9.10.210 birth of Ptolemy V. There are signs of an estrangement between her and the king (exile?), after the death of Ptolemy IV she was murdered in 204 by the group centred around > Agathocles [6]. From 199/8 there is evidence of an eponymous priestess of A. Philopator. PP 6, 14492. H.Jucker, Drei etr. Inschr. in Berner Privatbesitz, in: Hefte des arch. Seminars der Univ. Bern 5, 1979, 28-31;

E. Lanciers, Die Vergéttlichung und die Ehe des Ptolemaios IV. und der A. III., in: APF 34, 1988, 27-32.

[II 5] Daughter of > Sosibius, canephore 2145/4 BC PP 2/9, 5027.

[II 6] A. IV. Daughter of Ptolemy XII, born after 69 BC; was worshipped from 31.5. 52 at the latest, together with her siblings as the Oeoi véou pdderoor. In Oct. 48 Caesar made her, together with her brother Ptolemy (XIV), queen of Cyprus. From besieged Alexandria she fled with her nutricius - Ganymedes to the army of > Achillas where she reigned as counter-queen. Nothing is known about her position after the assumption of command by Ptolemy XIII. In 46 she is part of Caesar’s triumphal procession, she is then allowed to live on in Ephesus in exile, where in 41 at the wish of Cleopatra VII and on the order of Marcus > Antonius [I 9] she was killed in the Artemisium (sepulchre extant?). PP 6,

14493. G. Tur, A. IV., eine Schwester Kleopatras VII., Grabinhaberin des Oktogons von Ephesos, in: OJh 60, 1990 >

43-56.

W.A.

Ill. PLaces [III 1] According to Steph. Byz. (125,23-24) mOdAtc Lueias év AVA, also located in Bega (Str. 16,756), in the Jordan valley or Wadi |-‘Araba (Euseb. On. 14,2224; 16,1—4).

KB.

317

38

[Il 2] Town in Middle Egypt, chief place of the Fajjum, today Kom Faris near Medinet el-Fajjum (Diod. Sic. 1,33); Egyptian name Sdyt, Greek name (since Herodotus) Crocodeilonopolis, later also called A. According to legend (Diod. Sic. 1,89) founded by > Menes, mentioned in Egyptian texts since the Old Kingdom. A. first becomes important in the r2th dynasty, whose kings commenced agricultural cultivation in Fajjum. The town’s main patron, Amenemhet III, was still venerated in Roman times as a local god. Little is known about the history of the town in the time of the pharaohs. The relics (amongst other things, numerous papyri) from the tell, which was originally very extensive, derive predominantly from the Graeco-Roman age when the Fajjum was put to more intensive use and settled more densely. The chief deity of A. is the crocodile god Sobek (Greek Souchos). The keeping of sacred crocodiles in A. is described by Str. 17,811-812. F.Gomaa, LA 3, 1254f.; L.Casarico, in: Aegyptus 67, 1987,

127-70; E. BERNAND, Recueil des inscriptions grec-

ques du Fayoum, vol. 1, 1975, 11-6.

KJ-W.

[Il 3] Today Maras Harabeleri, 15 km north-east of + Anemourion on the coast of > Cilicia Trachea (Str. 14,553; Plin. HN 5,92). According to evidence from

inscriptions (230 BC), A. was founded under Ptolemy II in the territory of > Nagidus after the expulsion of the indigenous people by Aetus, the Ptolemaic — strategos in Cilicia, named after > A. [II 3]. A. then appears to have surpassed Nagidus, is still a bishopric in 519 BC, but is then superseded by Syce in the north as a bishopric. In the Middle Ages, retreat to Kastron Syke, today Sik (Softa Kalesi). G. HirsCHFELD, s.v. A. no.8, RE 2, 1278; 1. OPELT, E. Krr-

STEN, Eine Urkunde der Griindung von A. in Kilikien, in: ZPE 77, 1989, 55-66; C.P. JONES, CHR. HaBicnt, A Hellenistic Inscription from A. in Cilicia, in: Phoenix 43, 1989, 317-346; A. CHANIOTIS, Nagidos und A., in: EA 21, 1993, 33-42;

H. HELLENKEMPER, F. HILD, s.v. A., in:

Isaurien und Kilikien (TIB 5), 1990.

F.H.

Arslantag Settlement with citadel c. 20 km south-east of Karkamis in northern Syria. Possibly this was the location of a late Hittite (Luwian-Aramaean) colony, to

which no buildings, but probably pictures in the late Hittite style from the time before and during the Assyrian conquest under Salmanassar III (?), can be attrib-

uted. Known from Assyrian inscriptions of Tiglatpilesar III as the provincial capital Hadatu. Remains of the Assyrian, nearly circular, city wall were uncovered beginning in 1928 (French excavations). Important is the palace from the time of Tiglatpilesar III with orthostate reliefs, gate lions and wall paintings, as well as the batiment aux ivoires (Bit Hilani-type; Phoenician/ Egyptian ivories, etc., with Aramaic inscriptions, second half of the 9th cent. BC). Finding place of ~ bilingual inscriptions and trilinguals (still unpublished). Assyrian and Hellenistic temples; storage locations: Istanbul, Aleppo, Paris.

ART H. Donner, W.ROLLIG, Kanaandaische u. aram. Inschr., *1968; H.F. Russe Lt, in: Anadolu Demir Caglari 1987, 56-69.

Ars memorativa see

AW.

> Memoria

Art (téyvn, téchné, Lat. ars). I. GREEK II. ROMAN

I. GREEK No single term available to us today is able to express the concept of art as understood in antiquity; it extended from craft-related activities to the sciences, and included the activities described by us as ‘arts’, but without attaching to them any special significance. Etymologically, téchné derives from the unattested *téxtova (*tékt-sna), the skill of the téxtwv (tékton, ‘carpenter’) [1]. In Homer, the concept of art already refers to the skill of craftsmen in general. The specialist activities related to it are there seen as components of an unchanging social order. In contrast, in a most persuasive conception which took on significance during the 5th cent. BC, culture was seen as the outcome of a process of development from an earlier, uncivilized condition [2], brought about by discovery and by the progressive evolution of the arts towards a state of perfection. The arts became the quintessence of everything that distinguishes humanity from the rest of creation (Soph. Ant. 332-367). Humanity’s inherent gifts are set against acquired artistic abilities, and the products of nature against artefacts. In developed form, these two contrasted pairs later became subjects for philosophical debate. Aristotle, like Socrates before him, remarked that a capacity for the arts was a distinguishing feature of human nature (Aristot. Part. an. 687a 7ff.; cf. Xen. Mem. 1,4). Aristotle and Plato expressly emphasized that art and nature resembled one another in that they were directed towards a purpose. But whereas Plato, in comparing nature with art, regarded it as the product of a divine craftsman (> Demiourgos [3]) (Pl. Ti. 29a), Aristotle turned the comparison around: art imitated and perfected nature (Aristot. Ph. 199a 8-20). The sth cent. BC also saw the first systematic reflections on the nature of individual arts, sophists like Protagoras taking on a leading role [3]. The general conception emerged that art was knowledge in a particular specialist area, enabling the artist to achieve a useful outcome to a specialized task. Art is distinguished from chance (téchné as opposed to tyché), for the promise of art is to liberate the individual from his otherwise inevitable dependence on fate. To this end, an artistic discipline must provide the artist with all the means necessary to his purpose, in such a way that he is able to select those best suited to its realization. This conception provided the criteria by which the claims of practical activities could be measured and distinguished from those of art. They were used to this purpose not only by the sophists (Pl. Soph. 232d) but also by Socrates and Plato,

ART

:

40

39

who (like the sophists) were concerned to understand virtue as a kind of art. The emphasis placed on the cognitive element in artistic skill was of the greatest significance. It was admitted early on that knowledge alone was not suffi-

Il. ROMAN A. Concert

B.Puysics

RIC AND AESTHETICS GRAMME

cient to assure success; a natural capacity to acquire the

A. CONCEPT

requisite knowledge, and practice in applying it, were also necessary (Protagoras 80 Bro DK; Isoc. Or. 15,187—92). As, however, knowledge was the prime component of art, teachability became the essential feature of an artistic discipline. A further consequence was that, once the arts were brought within the compass of a system of rules, they could be set down in manuals, which for their part were called Téchnai or Artes. Moreover it now became possible to maintain that certain typical features of artistic disciplines were not indispensable: e.g. that the distinction between specialist (technités) and layman (ididtés) was not part of the essence of art. Now the way was clear for further areas to be brought into consideration: the capacity to take part in political life, which had to be widely promulgated in order to facilitate life in an organized society; the understanding of human nutrition, of which medicine is to a certain degree merely a refinement; and perhaps even to see the Greek languages as artistic disciplines, as they (like the specialist disciplines) represented bodies of knowledge to be discovered and developed by human intelligence and later passed on by means of teaching (Hippoc. De vetere medicina 3-4; Pl. Prt. 322a; 327¢). On the other hand, the emphasis on the cognitive element also explained why theoretical disciplines, which were far removed from the generally familiar artistic disciplines and the practical advantages it was their purpose to bring about, could still be reckoned among the arts (PI. Chrm. 175a). Aristotle, though, defined ‘art’ as the faculty of the mind aimed at the creation of a product; ‘understanding’ (émothun, epistémeé) on the other hand as the faculty for contemplating eternal truths (Aristot. Eth. Nic. 1139a 16—b 24). But although these definitions may have reflected and influenced a tendency in terminological usage, neither in Greek linguistic usage (Aristotle included) nor in the theories of later philosophers such as the Stoics was this narrower meaning adhered to.

Ars, like the Greek

1 J.KuBe, Téyvyn und age: Sophistisches und platonisches Tugendwissen, 1969, 9-14, 30-34 2 T.Co Lr, Democritus and the Sources of Greek Anthropology, 1967 3 F.HEINIMANN, Eine vorplatonische Theorie der texvn, in: MH £8, 1961, 105-130. W.A. KRENKEL, Technik in der Ant. (Ver6ffentlichungen der Jungius-Ges. 78), 1994; U.KULTERMANN, Kleine Gesch. der Kunsttheorie,

1987 (see ch.1: Vorgesch. und

Alt., pp. 15-38); J.Moravesik, P. TeEMKo (ed.), Plato on Beauty, Wisdom and the Arts, 1982; J.J. Potiitr, The Ancient View of Greek Art. Criticism, History and Terminology, 1974; M.IsNARDI PARENTE, Techne. Momenti del pensiero greco da Platone ad Epicuro, 1966. JA.AL.

C.EtTHIcs

D. RHETO-

E. ARS AS A LITERARY PRO-

téchné, denotes

any craft-re-

lated/physical or intellectual skill, any science or specialist discipline; also the theory it rests upon and knowledge of that theory. Alongside the ubiquitous opposition between art and > nature in philosophy, literature [9. 23ff.| and > ekphrasis [6], the postulate that art can be both taught and learned, and promulgated in a teaching institution or manual (also called ars; cf. + Technical literature) remains essential: hence Ovid’s

endeavour to establish love as ‘art’, and so justify it as the subject of > Didactic poetry (Ov. Ars am. 1,1-30). The ‘fine arts’ become firmly established as disciplines within the educational canon (— Artes liberales).

B. PHysics The image of art is employed in the Stoic proof of the existence of God to clarify the planned and purposeful working of the > logos. According to Cicero (Nat. D. 2,57; 87), Zeno defined nature as artistically creative fire: its main defining feature being the capacity to produce and create. Far more accomplished in this regard than the hands of man, nature becomes the mentor of every individual artist. As with statues and paintings, so

admiring contemplation of the world as the most accomplished of works of art facilitates conviction of the existence of a creative God as the greatest of all artists (> Demiourgos [3]). Within this conception, nature is comparable to art, but it is superior to it, in that its intelligence is not regulated from the outside by an alien substance growing by its own power from within like a Seed: [2 er47oller Gaps Oleyp2 saittenea neta @. ETHIeS Art is reckoned among the natural things that, unlike other possessions, inherently (en héxei) belong to hu-

manity [4. 206ff.]. Art is often employed to characterize > virtue, especially phronésis (> Prudence): the specialist and the sage are comparable in their self-confidence of choosing the appropriate means, reflecting methodically and acting according to practice. The life of the sage thus becomes an accomplished work of art [3. 210ff.]: because of his inner coinposure he does everything better, being aware of the utility of his actions and of the right time and place in which to act. He possesses virtue, which is the consummate art of life (ars vivendi) [8. 6xrff.]. According to Seneca the Younger (Ep. 88) philosophy alone, constantly practising, learning and working, is the only true, free —that is to say liberating— art. In comparison to philosophy, the so-called > artes liberales fulfil a purely propaedeutic function, in that they prepare the soul for the admission of virtue. The wisdom striven for via philosophy, on the other hand, is

41

42

ART,

INTEREST

IN

not knowledge out of books but the formation of char-

1 H.Borcer, Grundziige der Bildungstheorie L.A. Sene-

acter.

cas, 1980 2 P.BoyYANcé, Die stoischen Gottesbeweise nach Cicero, in: G. MAuURACH (ed.), Seneca als Philosoph,

Accordingly,

Seneca

is insistent

in warning

against the accumulation of knowledge for its own sake, which degenerates into an extreme, purposeless obsession with superfluous facts, allowing no room for the learning of essential truths [1. 61ff.]. Contrary to Posidonius’ > origin myths, which define the invention of the artes as an achievement of philosophy, for Seneca (Ep. 90) the civilizing achievements of humanity are purely a product of its own resourcefulness. The emphasis on luxury and greed as negative consequences of the artes, if also as prerequisites for philosophy [1. 95f.], advocates the conception of nature as a model, and the self-sufficiency of the sage.

D. RHETORIC AND AESTHETICS The writers of rhetorical texts show great interest in artistic theory: in his instructions for the universally cultivated speaker (Cic. De or. 1,34,158f.), Cicero places the arts according to the rank they occupy in their concern for the city as the most important duty [5. 194ff.]. Eloquence begins to decline as soon as its association

1961*, 446-488

3 H.Cancik, H. CaNcIK-LINDEMAIER,

Senecas Konstruktion des Sapiens, in: A. ASSMANN (ed.), Weisheit, 1991, 205-222 4 M.ForscHNER, Die stoische Ethik, 1981 5 E.GrLson, Beredsamkeit und Weisheit bei Cicero, in: K. BURCHNER (ed.), Das neue Cicerobild, 1971,

179-207. 6E.LEFEVRE, ROm. Baugesinnung und Landschaftsauffassung in den Villenbriefen, in: Gymnasium 84,1977, 519-541 7H.Mora tes, The Torturer’s Apprentice. Parrhasius and the Limits of Art, in: J.ELSNER (ed.), Art and Text in Roman

Culture, 1996, 182-209

8 K.-H. ROLKE, Die bildhaften Vergleiche in den Fragmenten der Stoiker von Zenon bis Panaitios, 1975 9D. Teske, Der Roman des Longos als Werk der Kunst, 1991 10 R.F. THomas, Callimachus Back in Rome, in: M.A. Harper, R.F. Rectuir, G.C. Wakker (ed.), Callimachus, 1993, 197-215. UL.EG.-G.

Art, interest in A. GREECE ART

B. ROME

C. ANCIENT WRITING

ON

with wisdom is loosened (Cic. Inv. 1,1-4). Petronius’

discussion on the reasons for the decline in eloquence (Petron. Sat. 1-5) corresponds to his theoretical discourse (Petron. Sat. 88) on the decline of the arts, which

he ascribes to people’s increasing greed. Quintilian (Inst. 12,10) proposes a parallel between prominent artists gifted with various aesthetic qualities in their treatment of stylistic genres and the stylistic peculiarities of speakers. The text Peri hypsous, ascribed to + Longinus, seeks to establish the ‘sublime’ as a new aesthetic quality alongside the ‘beautiful’, while, on the subject of the ‘Prometheus’ of Parrhasius, Seneca the

A. GREECE From the Renaissance up to the present day, ancient Greek and Roman art has been consistently held in high regard; overall, however, the attitude of ancient cul-

Culture; > Epistemology; > Encyclopaedia; —> Technical literature; > Origin myths; > Artist; > Art, inter-

tures to their own art has remained rather mysterious until today. There was, for example, no Muse in antiquity for fine art [1. 288]; ‘Art’ is per se a post-classical category of material-visual creation essentially unknown to antiquity [2; 3]. Thus, the character of modern reference and conceptual systems, seemingly timeless and of general validity, is particularly unsuitable to more closely define the position of fine art in antiquity, which was characterized by specific social and historical conditions. With the deciphering of the > Linear-B script, the Mycenaean art was defined as the first that could be described as ‘Greek’. During its prime, the art of the Bronze Age, even though judging its origins and further development is highly problematic, was closely linked to the palace system of the mainland and the islands [4]. Traditionally, Mycenaean art was interpreted on the basis of Homer’s epic writings although the relationship of Homer’s syncretistic texts to the Bronze Age, in principle, is more retrospective than documentary; Elements of contemporary and later cultures from smallscale craftwork [5. 358-383] up to architecture [6. 39-41]) overall suggest a pattern of deliberate utilization of old forms in the context of new social structures. Characteristically Greek phenomena such as temples, monumental tombs or votive offerings were always present and, in their realization, were individually adapted to changed social and political conditions. Always of central importance was the public utilization of these objects; even objects of the ‘private’ sphere such as symposion utensils served collective functions in this

est in; > Art, theory of

context [7].

Elder (Sen. Controv. 10) discusses not only the realistic content (~ Mimesis) and (ethical and aesthetic) limits

of the arts, but also the moral responsibility of the ~ artist to the public which, as his audience, partici-

pates in and consumes the violence and the cruelty [7].

E. ARS AS A LITERARY PROGRAMME With reference to > Callimachus [3], the > Neoteric

poets and the Augustan poets pursue the ideal of the polished, minimal form. A good poet unites natural disposition with careful work (limae labor, ars: Hor. Ars P. 2913; 295; criticism of Callimachus as being less gifted than technically polished in Ov. Am. 1,15,14). Ars and ingenium have an assured place in the > recusatio of other genres, in combination or in deliberate variation on the subject of the poetic calling [1o0. 202ff.]: in contrast to Callimachus (fr. 1,22) and Virgil (Ecl. 6,3-9), Ovid (Ars am.

1,29) names

as the motivating force

behind his artistic creativity his own practical experience (usus), Persius (Prologue 1of.) hunger and lack of

money rather than the call of Apollo. +» Aesthetics; > Artes liberales; > Image;

> Education/

ART,

INTEREST

IN

43

It can be stated that the first documented examination of the fine arts is represented by the Linear B lists of luxury objects. These texts present a syntactic structure very similar to the Homeric epics; however, it is not

clear whether these structures are meaningful or whether they just accidentally result from the process of cataloguing

[8. 99f.]. The description

in Homer’s

Iliad

(Hom. Il. 18,368-617) of the forging of Achilles’ armour, which is generally regarded as the earliest Greek text addressing art in a wider sense, concentrates on the fabrication process and the content of the decorative elements. The lame Hephaestus who regains his ability to move while he works, can be seen in the tradition of the ‘uncanny’ artists and their magic objects [9. 69-92]. The scenes on Achilles’ shield are thematically connected with the epic narration they are surrounded by — this is a general characteristic ofthe literary description of works of art as well as of the tradition of > ekphrasis which right into the 4th cent. AD was not necessarily related to a description of works of art [ro. 9-93]. In Greek literature, objects made by artists or craftsmen are fully integrated into the social process of verbal communication: The andriantopoios (sculptor) and the poet, for example, are rivals in the artful praise of athletic victories (Pind. N. 5,1) [11]; descriptions of present and remembered objects engender appreciation, recognition and common ground (Eur. Ion 1320-1442; Eur. IT 822-830); architectural sculptures induce public discussion and interpretation in the community

44 The continued large demand for works of art while there were only limited quantities of ‘lootable originals’, probably explains the emergence of an extensive fine arts trade and a veritable art industry in the late Republic [20. 158]. The comprehensive functioning of this industry is confirmed by various discoveries of shipwrecks [24] as well as by > Cicero’s letters describing his acquisition of works of art, often with the assistance of friends and agents (Cic. Att. 1,8,2; 1,9,25 1,10,3; Fam. 7,23,1-3). Furthermore, these letters are

witness to the dominant role of art during the Roman acquisition of Greek culture in general [25 ]—a process in which official attitudes and private practice frequently find themselves in stark contradiction as demonstrated by Cicero’s speeches against > Verres [26]. Nevertheless, the negation by Augustus (Verg. Aen. 6,847—8 53) of an active Roman role in the production of art did not delay the use and exploitation of Greek art by the Romans, and during the entire Roman imperial age, an open philhellenism existed alongside the development of an independent Roman art. The obvious employment of fine art for politico-propagandistic purposes increased during the time of Augustus [27; 28], but it must be acknowledged that the complexity of the social and ideological associations of the official monuments extends far beyond any simple, slogan-type propaganda [29] (the development in the private sphere was no less complex, a phenomenon without a parallel in Greek art [30]).

(Eur. Ion 190-219). The existence of in-

scriptions on pictures and sculptures combines viewing

and reading [12], while the specific context of votive and tomb inscriptions [13; 14] forces the viewer into an active participation in important social communication

processes [15. 8-63]. The educational value of artistic representation is rarely mentioned specifically (Str. 1,2,8), but it is recognized at least by Plato (Resp. 3,400). In archaic and classical times, art was able to expressly spread political messages [16; 17], and since the age of Alexander the Great, it undoubtedly and clearly served propaganda purposes.

C. ANCIENT WRITING ON ART While artists and architects since the 6th cent. BC occasionally wrote treatises, the intensive documented examination of fine art only began very much later, namely when the collective wealth of Hellenistic scholarship was brought to bear in an attempt to point out and explain the massive changes in the world. Almost none of these writings still exist, but the modern desire to obtain a basis on which the dispersed material legacy of antiquity could become intelligible has led to

attempts to reconstruct this lost literature on art. By necessity, this attempt to regain ancient attitudes to fine

B. ROME

The exposure of the Romans to Greek culture was decisive for their interest in and concept of art. The military expansion into south Italy and into the larger Mediterranean world led to the predatory acquisition of mainly Greek works of art on a large scale. The plundering of Syracuse in 211 BC and the resultant influx of Greek luxury goods was subsequently regarded by many as the beginning of Rome’s moral decline (Liv. 25,40,1-3; 34,4,1-4) [20. 70-73]; the destruction of Carthage and Corinth in 146 BC marked an even more dubious position in the historiography of Roman victories [21]. Roman art theft and the resultant public as well as private collection and exhibition of these works appears to have been linked equally to both the monetary and symbolic value of the objects as well as their artistic value [22. 53-68; 23] and the specific aims of Roman self-representation [20. 157-168].

art presupposed the existence of a coherent ‘technical literature’ on art in antiquity [31]. While mention of ‘those who have dealt with fine arts in detail’ (Paus. 5,20,2) points to a developed scholarship in art history, the majority of the existing texts nevertheless appear to confirm that there was a conceptionai gap between pure information (normally lists of names and works) and critical historical analysis; the latter formulated elaborately organized conventional and often contradictory appraisals of a small number of prominent artists — opinions that were arranged in the manner of historiographic topoi [32] and after the pattern of ancient histories of literature and rhetoric as well as > literary criticism [33]. For only a short time has there been unity within the research community that it is not possible to extract important facts from textual matrices by following a positivist path; the ancient encyclopaedic lit-

45

46

ART, THEORY

OF

erature, too (+ Encyclopaedia), which, viewed super-

HOFEN, Kunsttheorie und Kunstbetrachtung, in: Le clas-

ficially, has to be placed into the empirical genre, ultimately does not operate in a value-free environment, but is structured according to a certain view of the world [20; 34. 95-173]. Thus, ancient writings on art are firmly embedded in their historical, social and intellectual environment; and this applies to their structure

sicisme 4 Rome aux I'*® siécles avant et aprés J.-C., 1978,

95-138 33 A.A. Dononue, Winckelmann’s History of Art and Polyclitus, in: W.G. Moon (ed.), Polykleitos, the Doryphoros, and Tradition, 1995, 327-353 34G.B. Conte, Generi e lettori. Lucrezio, l’elegia d’amore, l’enciclopedia di Plinio, r99r. AAD.

as well as their content. Therefore, they are under no circumstances a reliable indicator of attitudes, assess-

Art, theory of

ments and practices outside their own sphere.

A. MIMEsis

-> ART ACQUISITION

PRACTICE

1 B. SCHWEITZER, Mimesis und Phantasia, in: Philologus

89, 1934, 286-300 2P.O. KRISTELLER, The Modern System of the Arts, in: Journal of the History of Ideas 12, 1951, 496-527; 13, 1952, 17-46 3 A.BEcQ, Creation, Aesthetics, Market: Origins of the Modern Concept of

Art, in: P.Marrick, Jr. (ed.), Eighteenth-Century Aesthetics and the Reconstruction of Art, 1993, 240-254 4R.Hampg, E. SIMON, Tausend Jahre friihgriech. Kunst, 1980 5 E.J. W. BarBer, Prehistoric Textiles, 1991 6 J.J. Coutron, Ancient Greek Architects at Work, 1977 7 O. Murray, The Social Function of Art in Early Greece, in: D. BUITRON-OLIVER

(ed.), New Perspectives in Early

Greek Art, 1991, 23-30 8 T.B. L. Wepster, From Mycenae to Homer, 1977 9 E.Kris, O.Kurz, Die Legende vom Kistler, 1934 10 E.C. Haran, The

Description of Paintings as a Literary Device and Its Application in Achilles Tatius, 1965 11 L.Kurxe, The Traffic in Praise. Pindar and the Poetics of Social Economy, 1991 + 12J.M. Hurwit, The Words in the Image: Orality, Literacy, and Early Greek Art, in: Word and Image 6.2,1990, 180-197

13 M.L. Lazzarinl, Le formule

delle dediche votive nella Grecia arcaica, 1976

14F.T.

VAN STRATEN, Gifts for the Gods, in: H.S. VERSNEL (ed.),

Faith, Hope and Worship: Aspects of Religious Mentality in the Ancient World, 1981, 65-151 15 J.SVENBRO, Phrasikleia: An Anthropology of Reading in Ancient Greece, 1993 16J.BOARDMAN, Image and Politics in Sixth Century Athens, in: H. A. G. BrIyDER (ed.), Ancient Greek and Related Pottery, 1984, 239-247. 17M.C. Root, The Parthenon Frieze and the Apadana Reliefs at Persepolis: Reassessing a Programmatic Relationship, in: AJA 89,1985, 105-120 18 J.J. Poiuirt, Art in the Hellenistic Age, 1986 J.Ricu, G.Suipiey

19E.Rice, The Glorious Dead, in: (ed.), War and Society in the Greek

World, 1993, 224-257 20J.IsaGer, Pliny on Art and Society, 1991 21 .N.Purcett, On the Sacking of Carthage and Corinth,

in: D.INNEs,

H.HINe,

C.PELLING

(ed.), Ethics and Rhetoric, 1995, 133-148 22 M.Papre, Griech. Kunstwerke aus Kriegsbeute und ihre 6ffentliche Aufstellungin Rom,1975 23 H.GaLsTERER, Kunstraub und Kunsthandel im republikanischen Rom, in: [24], 857-866 24G.H. Sauies u.a. (ed.), Das Wrack, Der ant. Schiffsfund von Mahdia, 1994 25 T. Héxscuer, Hell. Kunst und rém. Aristokratie, in: [24], 875-888 26 G.ZIMMER, Republikanisches Kunstverstandnis: Cicero gegen Verres, in: [24], 867-874 27 J.DEROSE Evans, The Art of Persuasion. Political Propaganda from Aeneas to Brutus, 1992 28 P. ZANKER, Augustus und die

Macht der Bilder, 1987 29 M.Tore.ut, Typology and Structure of Roman Historical Reliefs, 1982 30 E.K. Gazpa (ed.), Roman Art in the Private Sphere, 1991 31 J.J. Potxitr, The Ancient View of Greek Art: Criticism, History, and Terminology, 1974 32 F. PREISS-

B. PHANTASIA D. LITERARY

C. THEORY

CRITICISM

AS

AND

A MODEL

A. MIMESIS

Although in antiquity there was no conceptual term equivalent to the modern understanding of ‘art’, there were nevertheless theories on fine art reflecting on the essence of the artist’s creative act, e.g. instructions on the production of works of art, studies on perception, descriptions of and reactions to works of art, critical assessments of artists and their ceuvre as well as anecdotes and legends on artists at work. The explicit analogies of pictorially creative and non-visual, verbal art, so effectively made in modern

times with far-reaching consequences in LESSING’s ‘Laokoon’ [1], have been ascribed in antiquity to a time as early as the 5th cent. BC. Plutarch (Mor. 346f-3 47a), who was of the opinion that painters and authors would simply represent the same topics in different media (cf. Aristot. Poet. 1447a 17-21), quotes Simo-

nides [2. 240 ad loc.] who reportedly said that painting was silent poetry and poetry verbal painting. The opposing opinion ofthe incomparability of poetic description and visual representation is treated demonstratively with derision by Ion [2] of Chios in a quotation from Sophocles according to a passage in the Epidémiai (fr. 104 LEURINI; Ath. 603e-604b) recorded by Athenaeus. The assumption that artistic creation was an imitating, mimetic process remained dominant during the whole of antiquity. Greek mimeisthai and related terms had their origin in the actual area of imitative copying and were transferred to fine art in the late 5th cent. BC [3]. Visual > mimesis (imitation) in particular was seen

as an ideal aim for activity in the fine arts, even extending to the assumption that non-material qualities, such as states of mind, could be conveyed this way (Xen. Mem. 3,10,1-8).

Praise for a successful creative mimésis conversion can be found all through antiquity and coexisted concurrently with Plato’s critique of attempts to imitate (PI. Resp. 3,391C-403¢; 10,595a-608b) [4. 41-493 5. 106-

132] which was essentially founded on moral principles. While Plato’s actual point of reference was poetry, he nevertheless saw a possibility of influencing the young by comprehensively defined démiurgia, which is why he stood up for a strict control of such artistic and craftwork activities, including architecture and weaving. His theory of eidé (forms, archetypes, ‘ideas’; + Ideas, theory of) shifts the basis of his critique

47

48

towards the general character of imitation: The painted representation of a kline made by a carpenter was three steps removed from the real kline (Pl. Resp. 596e598d). The entire world of sentient perception was subordinate to the ‘real’ world of forms; especially the fine arts are condemned as misleading and hopelessly removed from reality and truth (Pl. Resp. 10,598b-d).

Quint. Inst. 5,12,21), but only fleeting references in Philo of Byzantium (Syntaxis 4,1, p. 49, 20 SCHONE), Plutarch (Mor. 86a; 636c) and Galen (De placitis Hippocratis et Platonis 5; De temperamentis 1,9) give any clues about its nature at all. Until today, there is no consensus regarding the kanon beyond the safely proven fact that it dealt with proportions, while connections to Pythagoreanism and other contemporary social and intellectual developments have also been supposed [11;

ART, THEORY OF

Overall,

Plato’s

extremely

negative

attitude

in this

respect is not easily explained; so far, no convincing

connection could be made between his opinion and contemporary artistic practice |5; 6]. B. PHANTASIA Platonic idealism nevertheless placed the foundation

stone for an alternative explanation of artistic creation: phantasia, a term used by Plato in conjunction with sentient perception and assessment, and by Aristotle in the context of intellectual insight. In late Hellenistic philosophy, the meaning of this term was extended to include ‘powers of imagination’ [7. 4766]. In the early 3rd cent. AD, Philostratus (Ap. 6,19) created for phantasia today’s locus classicus in the area of fine art: in Philostratus’ work concerning the context of a comparison between Egyptian and Greek divine effigies, the wise Apollonius [14] of Tyana specifically rejects mimesis as the basis of Greek sculpture and postulates phantasia instead [4. 52-55; 8. 383-385]. In connection with Philostratus’ reflections on mimesis, phantasia ultimately appears as an element in a comprehensive debate on the respective characteristics of manually creative and verbal art [7. 4766-4769, 4777-4780]. C. THEORY AND PRACTICE The Platonic concept of téchné with its meaning merging with both ‘craft’ and ‘art’ has further complicated dealing with ancient theory and practice of fine art

[4. 32-37;

5-36-57;

9]. Modern

investigations

mainly dealt with questions of form, especially syzmetria, wherein literary remarks on sculpture (Diod. Sic. 1,98,5-9; Plin. HN 34,65) and architecture (Vitr.

De arch. passim) were followed [4. 14-22; 256-258]. As of the 6th cent. BC, artists and architects themselves wrote about their works (Plin. HN 1,3 3-37; Vitr. De arch. 7 praef.), but, with the exception of Vitruvius’ ro books ‘On Architecture’, so little of it has been preserved that it appears hardly possible any more to evaluate the status of these writings within the ancient technical literature as well as its relationship to the then artistic-architectural practice [10; 11]. Great efforts were made by researchers to reconstruct the kanon of ~ Polyclitus which apparently existed both as text as well as in the form of a statue (i.e. it probably also existed ina material embodiment); his ‘Doryphoros’ (Plin. HN 34,55), which has come down to us amongst a series of copies of statues from Roman times (i.a. marble statue from Pompeii in Naples, MN), has been

understood as the exemplary visualization of this central idea [12; 13]. In this context, the kanon was understood as a comprehensive paradigm (Plin. HN 34,55;

14].

Attempts to derive design principles from existing sculptures [15] and works in other media [16] are not convincing. Deviations between planning and execution of building works in antiquity demonstrate, for example, that the architects apparently introduced modifications to plans for aesthetic reasons [x7. 128B-129], and such‘creative liberty may also have been a driving force in other genres [r1. 21f.]. Today, a determining authority inherent in the lost writings appears less clear than their intended connection with a specific social and intellectual environment [18]. Optical theories quite clearly appear to have influenced fine art. In Vitruvius (3,3,11-13), the > optical refinements on Greek temples are declared necessary for the process of seeing. There is, however, no consensus about the essential character of two-dimensional representation; the debate amongst scholars concentrates on texts related to skenographia (— Painting) [4. 236-247; 8.65-127], on the representation of objects in three-dimensional space [20] and especially on the representation of architecture and landscape in Roman wall paintings [21]. Connections to > Euclid’s [3] ‘Optics’ have been repeatedly proposed [22] while ‘floating’ objects in the distance, deliberately diffuse perspectives and the frequently occurring converging lines (in images of columned halls etc.) bring Epicurean theories of seeing to mind (Lucr. 4,3 53-3633; 426-431)

[8. 87-93]. D. LITERARY CRITICISM AS A MODEL

Fine art first appears in the literature of antiquity within the context of the Homeric and ps.-Hesiodic descriptions of shields (Hom. Il. 18,368-617; [Hes.] Scutum). The recorded evidence of observers’ reactions to visual art documents a schematic focussing on the content displayed and on the quality of the imitative execution [4. 63-66]. While the term — ekphrasis has probably been used erroneously [23. 9-93], it nevertheless occurs customarily within the context of descriptions of works of art; the broad, traditional definition of ekphrasis continues to represent a central theme in the interpretation of classical art and literature

[143 25; 26]. It has long been assumed that information about artists and their works conveyed in the written records reflect the analyses and judgements gained from authentically empirical observations and a specific art criticism [4; 8. 424-474]. However, this assumption must be considered doubtful when intensive critique of

4D

50

ARTABANUS

sources and investigations regarding terminology and

Dec. 1985, 126-132

concepts are taken into account. Individual and comparative assessments of artists exhibit structural characteristics, content and also vocabulary that are stand-

bildung, in: Bauplanung und Bautheorie der Ant. (DiskAB

ard in criticism of literature and rhetoric, but have no connection with fine art [27. 341-344]. The existence of a uniform and determining canon of artists is questionable if only for the lack of reliable references to the presumed model, namely a canon of orators [28. 102115]. Dealing with the fine arts was determined by the literary and rhetorical tradition as well as historical circumstances, especially the acquisition of Greek culture by the Romans. The ancient reports on the development of fine art ultimately reflect historiographic structures such as the conventional concepts of origin and development, of decline and revival [29], which are familiar in other téchnai as topoi. These concepts are associated with specific persons, usually rulers, sponsors and clients (27. 343f.], from which a politically structured history of art in antiquity can be derived. Vitruvius characterizes the understanding in antiquity quite well and ‘hits the mark’ when he says that certain artists have gained fame and honour ‘because they produced works of art for large cities or kings or distinguished citizens’ (Vitr. De arch. B. 3 praef. 2). Thus, the historiography on art in antiquity differs fundamentally from the modern understanding where the arts enjoy a far greater independence from social determinants. — Architect; — Architecture, theory of; — Building trade/civil engineering; > Image; > Ekphrasis; > Artist;

Art, interest in; > Literary theory; > Painting;

+ Mimesis; > Optical Refinements; > Phantasia (Imagination); + Proportion; 1 G.E. Lessinc, Laokoon: oder Uber die Grenzen der Mahlerey und Poesie, 1766, in: K.LACHMANN, F. MuNCKER (ed.), Gotthold Ephraim Lessings Samtliche Schriften 9, 1893, 1-177. 2 F. FRAZIER, C. FROIDEFOND (ed.), Plutarque. uvres morales 5.1, 1990 3 G.F.ELsE, »Imitation« in the Fifth Century, in: CPh 53, 1958, 73-90 4 J.J. Pouirr, The Ancient View of Greek Art: Criticism, History, and Terminology, 1974 5 C. JANAway, Images

of Excellence. Plato’s Critique of the Arts,1995 6 W.A. P. CuiLps, Platon, les images et l’art grec du IV° siécle avant J.-C.,in: RA 1994,33-56 7 G.Watson, The Concept of »Phantasia« from the Late Hellenistic Period to Early Neoplatonism,

8 A.RouvereT,

in: ANRW

ancienne. V¢ siécle av. J.-C. — I® siécle ap. J.-C., 1989 9 D.Roocunik, Of Art and Wisdom. Plato’s Understand10 M. FUHRMANN, Das systematiing of Techne, 1996 sche Lehrbuch, 1960 ~=11 J.J. Potuirr, The Canon of Polykleitos and Other Canons, in: [12], 19-24 12 W.G. Moon (ed.), Polykleitos, the Doryphoros, and Tradition,

1995 13H.Beck ua. (ed.), Polyklet. Der Bildhauer der griech. Klassik, 1990 14H.Puivipr, Zu Polyklets Schrift »Kanon«, in: [13], 135-155 15 E. BERGER u.a., Der Entwurf des Kiinstlers. Bildhauerkanon in der Ant. und Neuzeit, 1992 16 W.SCHIERING, Die griech. Tongefa&e. Gestalt, Bestimmung und Formenwandel, 1983 The

19 L.HASELBERGER

(ed.), Appearance

and Essence: Refinements of Classical Architecture — Curvature, 1998 20 W.Poscu, Skenographie und Parthenon, in: AK 37.1, 1994, 21-30 21 W.EHRHARDT, Bild und Ausblick in Wandbemalungen Zweiten Stils in: AK 34.1, 1991, 28-65

22 R. Tobin, Ancient Perspective

and Euclid’s Optics, in: JWI 53, 1990, 14-41 23E.C. Haran, The Description of Paintings as a Literary Device and Its Application in Achilles Tatius, r965 24 D.P. FOWLER, Narrate and Describe: The Problem of Ekphrasis, in: JRS 81, 1991, 25-35 25 S.GOLDHILL, R. OsBORNE (ed.), Art and Text in Ancient Greek Culture, 1994 26 J. ELSNER (ed.), Art and Text in Roman Culture, 1996

27 A.A. Dononue, Winckelmann’s History of Art and Polyclitus, in: [12], 327-353 28 A.E. Douctas, The Intellectual Background of Cicero’s Rhetorica: A Study in Method, in: ANRW I 3, 95-138 29 F. PREISSHOFEN, Kunsttheorie und Kunstbetrachtung, in: TH. GELZER (ed.), Le classicisme 4 Rome aux I'*s siécles avant et aprés J.-C., 1978, 263-277. A.A.D.

Artabannes [1] Commander serving under the Armenian king Arsaces II, who fled to Shapur II and was later appointed, together with > Cylaces, as the governor of Armenia. Both soon went over to the side of Arsaces’ son > Pap, who first found refuge with the Romans, but was assigned to Armenia by > Valens at the request of A. and Cylaces. During a renewed Persian attack, A. and Cylaces along with Pap fled to the mountains. A. then received help from the Romans. Through secret messages, Shapur II was able to stir up Pap’s animosity against his ministers, whom he had executed and then had their heads sent to the Persian king (Amm. Marc. 27,12). [2] Armenian of Arsacid descent who, as leader of an

Armenian army under Areobindas, went to Africa and eliminated the usurper Gontharis, thus winning back the province for the Romans (546). After a period of time in imperial disgrace through his own fault, he was sent to Sicily instead of Liberius. There, he forced the Gothic garrisons to surrender. Later he fought under > Narses in Italy. A.DEMANDT, Die Spatant., 1989; O.SEECK, MANN, s.v. A. 1-2, RE 2, 1290-1.

L.M. HartM.SCH.

II 36.7, 4765-4810

Histoire et imaginaire de la peinture

17 L. HASELBERGER,

4), 1983, 26-30

18 F.PREISSHOFEN, Zur Theorie-

Construction

Plans

for the

Temple of Apollo at Didyma, in: Scientific American 253,

Artabanus

(‘AotéB/mavoc,

“Agtandvys;

Artab/panos,

Artapanés, Old Pers. *Rtabanus, Elamite Irdabanus). [1] Brother of Darius I and uncle of Xerxes, who

warned Darius and Xerxes against the campaigns against the Scythians (Hdt. 4.83) and against Greece (7.10-18) respectively [1]. Xerxes sent him back from

Abydus on the Dardanelles and commissioned him with the regency for the duration of the war (Hdt. 7,46-53). Around 500 BC may have been satrap of Bactria and therefore identical to the Irdabanus of PF 1287, 1555 [2]. [2] Favourite of Xerxes, who murdered Xerxes and his

son with the help of the eunuch Aspamitres (Ctesias 24. 33; Diod. Sic. 11.69; Just. Epit. 3.1).

ARTABANUS

7

51

52

[3] Satrap of Bactria, who rose against Artaxerxes I and was defeated (Ctesias 34).

cording to KAHRSTEDT he might be the same as Cinnamus, who is also named as the ‘adopted son’ of A. (Ios. Ant. Iud. 20.3.2). The slighting of his natural children led after his death (at the earliest 39) to many years of disputes over the throne, and yet the dynasty that arrived on the throne with him, designated as the ‘female Arsacid line’ or as the ‘house of Artabanus’, ruled until the end of the Parthian empire. In Armenian tradition (e.g. Moses Chorus 2.37 and passim) A. appears as ‘Dareh’ (Darius) and therefore bears a name that never appears among the ‘true’ Arsacids, though it does appear in A.’ family and among his forebears on the Atropatenic throne. [6] Son of the former, was murdered, with his family, by A. II’s successor Gotarzes II to eliminate any claims to the throne. [7] A. Ill. A son of Vologaises I, who rose against his brother Pacorus around AD 80 and manifested his claim to rulership by minting coins. It is not known how long he reigned. In western sources he is mentioned only in connection with his support for the ‘false Nero’ Terentius Maximus (e.g. Cass. Dio 76.19.3°).

1 J. BALCER, Prosopographical Study of the Ancient Persians, 1993, 69-70 2R.HALLOcK, Persepolis Fortification Tablets, 1969, 703a.

M.A. DANDAMAYEYV, s.v. Artabanus, in: Enclr 2, 646f.; K. REINHARDT, Herodots Persergeschichten, in: Herodot, 1982, 363-365.

A.KU.andH.S.-W.

[4] A. L. Parthian king, son of Phriapatius. He succeeded

his nephew Phraates I] around 127 BC, but in 123 fell in battle against the Yue-Chi (Tocharians, Just. Epit. A2.2))

[5] A. IL. The first Parthian king who was Arsacid on the

maternal side only (Tac. Ann. 6.42.3). He grew up among the Dahae and was related by marriage to Hyrcanians and Carmanians (Tac. Ann. 2.3.1; 6.36.4), but

was supposed to have been of north-western rather than eastern Iranian origin, as before he came to the throne he was vassal king of Media (Atropatene) (Ios. Ant. Iud. 18.2.4). Nationalist Iranian circles chose him

in AD tro/1r as opposed to + Vonones I, supported by the Romans, against whom he vailed. The conflict with Rome was resolved in negotiations with Germanicus, who was behalf of Tiberius. The king even managed to

who was soon prein AD 19 acting on have Von-

[8] A. IV. Parthian king, who around AD

213 rose

against his brother, the legitimate king > Vologaeses, and restricted him to Babylon. When he refused > Caracalla’s request for the hand of his daughter, the em-

throne of the

peror attacked and devastated Adiabene and Media,

Roman client state of Armenia, removed from this position too. For the following one and a half decades A. reigned undisputed and may have been able to make his direct influence felt in some of the Parthian vassal kingdoms. However, his attempt in 35, after the death of the king there, to convert Armenia into the secundogeni-

but was murdered near Carrhae in April 217. A.’ counteroffensive with a reorganized army encountered the

ones, who

had taken over the vacant

ture of his own house, led to immediate counteractions

by Rome. Tiberius had the mountainous land conquered by the Caucasian-Iberian prince Mithridates and, at the request of Parthian aristocratic circles sent -» Tiridates, another Arsacid living in Rome, who was put up as rival king to A. The latter withdrew to Hyrcania, but soon gathered supporters again, especially as his opponent was increasingly coming under the influence of the Syrian > Abdagaeses. A. was able to remove Tiridates from the field, but not to renew his rulership over

the city of Seleucia,

in whose

constitution

his

opponent had intervened. On the other hand, good relations with Rome were restored at the beginning of 37, probably still within Tiberius’ lifetime, at a meeting with the Syrian governor L. Vitellius (Ios. Ant. Iud. 18.4.4f.). His son Darius was brought to Rome as a hostage at that time (Suet. Calig. 19; Cass. Dio 59.17.5). The situation was still precarious as far as

internal politics were concerned: out of fear of a conspiracy he fled to the court of the vassal king Izates of Adiabene, who was successful in persuading the Parthian notables, who had already elevated a certain Cinnamus to the throne, to reinstate A. The manifold support A. had received during his reign from his Hyrcanian relations apparently moved him to adopt the Hyrcanian ruler Gotarzes and make him his successor. Ac-

new emperor Macrinus, who was beaten near Nisibis

after fruitless peace negotiations in the spring of 217. Renewed negotiations at the end of the year led to a peace, which brought A. high war compensation, but no territorial gains. Internal confusion in the Parthian kingdom and the conflict with the Romans may have prevented A. from properly assessing the Sassanid uprising that was spreading from Persis. On 28. 4. 224 at Hormizdagan in Media he lost the battle, his kingdom and his life against > Ardashir I. Although his brother Vologaeses seems to have continued the battle for a time, with a certain justification A. is considered to be the ‘last Parthian’. A tradition in Tabari 1.823 ff., which

reports an association of Ardashir with one of A.’ daughters and thus makes him the founder of the Sassanids by the maternal side is not historical. F.Cauer,

s.v. A. (4)-(10), RE

2, 1292-1298;

E.Das-

RoWA, La Politique de l’état Parthe a l’egard de Rome, 1983; E.HERZFELD, Sakastan, in: AMI 4, 1932, 1-116; U.Kanrstept, A. III. und seine Erben, 1950; M.KarRAS-KLAPPROTH, Prosopographische Studien zur Gesch. des Partherreiches, 1988; E.KETTENHOFEN, s.v. Cara-

calla, Enclr 4, 790-792; J.MarKwart, in: ZDMG 49, 1895, 635-648; K. SCHIPPMANN, s.v. Arsacids II, Enclr 2, 525-536; M.ScHorrky, Media Atropatene und GrofArmenien,

1989, Register s.v. A.; Dareh; Id., Parther,

Meder und Hyrkanier, in: AMI 24, 1991, 61-134; D.G. SELLWOOD, The Coinage of Parthia, *1980. M.SCH.

53

54

Artabasdus (Artavasdés, AD 742-743). Armenian, brother-in-law of the emperor of Byzantium, Constantine V, who began his rule on r9 June 74. A. revolted against him some time later, supposedly as the defender of image-worship. He was defeated by Constantine in November 743 and overthrown.

Artabe (GetdBn; artabé). Denotes an originally Persian + measure of capacity for dry goods, according to Hdt.1,192 consisting of 51 choinikes (= c. 55 1). From the Ptolemies onwards, the artabe is used in Egypt as the largest unit of capacity for dry goods, and depending on the region consists of 28, 29, 30 or 40 choinikes

ODB

1, 192; I.RocHow,

Kaiser Konstantin V., 1994.

E.T.

ARTAPHERNES

(x choinix varies from c. 0.9-r.5 |).

+ Choinix;

> Measure of volume

F,Hutscu,

Artabazanes Darius I and Xerxes, who (Hdt. 7.2-3); this [z. rso].

Griech.

und

Metrologie,

*1882

(AgtaBatavys; Artabazdnés). Son of a daughter of Gobryas, half-brother of contested his succession to the throne

1199-1214.

A.M.

a Xerxes inscription possibly relates to Artaei (Agtatow; Artaioi). A. was the name, according

1R.G. Kent, Old Persian, 1953.

J.BaLcer, Prosopographical Study of the Ancient Persians, 1993, 109-110; H. SANCISI- WEERDENBURG,

en Persai, 1980, 69-75.

Yauna

A.KU. andH.S.-W.

to Hdt. 7,61, by which the Persians were formerly referred to, by themselves and by their neighbours; Artaeus was also in common use as a Persian personal name (Hdt. 7,22; 66; Diod. Sic. 2,32,6). A. is derived

from the Indo-Iranian noun *4rta-/rtd- = truth, consistency, order; cf. the many

Artabazes see > Artavasdes [2] Artabazus (AotéBatoc; Artdbazos). Old Pers. *Rtavazdah, Elamite Irdumasda. [1] Satrap of Maka at the time of Darius I [1; 2]. [2] Father of Tritantaichmes, satrap of Babylon (Hdt. 1,192). [3] Son of Pharnaces, commander of the Chorasmians

and Parthians in Xerxes’ army (Hdt. 7.66); from 477 BC satrap of Hellespontic Phrygia (Thuc. 1.129-132). The Pharnacids held the satrapy of + Dascylium for over a century. Probably the same A., who in 450 BC with Megabyzus defended Cyprus against the Athenians under Cimon and told the Athenians that the king was prepared to contract for peace (Diod. Sic. 12.4.5-6)

[35 45 5]. [4] Son of Pharnabazus and Apame, from 362 BC satrap at Dascylium, around 352 BC broke away from Artaxerxes III, 345 BC pardoned (Diod. Sic. 16.34. 52); accompanied Darius III on his flight after Gaugamela, after his assassination went over to Alexander and was given the satrapy of Bactria [6; 7; 8]. + Ariobarzanes 1 M.MayrHorer, Onomastica Persepolitana, 1973, 8.617 2R.HALLock, Persepolis Fortification Tablets, 1969, 703b. (PF 679) 3 J. BaLCER, Prosopographical

Study of the Ancient Persians, 1993, 84-85 4A.R. Burn, Persia and the Greeks, *1984, 497-499, 536-540 57.Prerir, Satrapes et satrapies dans |’empire achéménide, 1990, 183-185, 195f., 220-221 (ed.), Dans les pas des dix-milles, 1995

Greek

rém.

O. VIEDEBANTT, Forsch. zur Metrologie des Alt., 1917 J.SHELTON, Artabs and Choenices, in: ZPE 24, 1977, 55-67 W.HELCK, s.v. Mafe und Gewichte, LA 3,

Relations

8 M. Weiskorr,

with The

the

So-called

Persian

6 P.BRIANT 7 R.Moysey,

Satraps,

‘Great Satraps’

1975 Revolt’,

1989.

M.DanpDamMayeV,

s.v. Artabazus,

Enclr

2, 650-651.

A.KU.andH.S.-W.

Persian

personal

names,

formed with this prefix (e.g. Artabanus, Artaphrenes). The relationship between the tribal and the personal name is uncertain (cf. FGrH 4 Hellanicus fr. 60; Hsch. ShvaeAw)e R.ScHmittT, Neues Material zur altiran. Namenskunde, in: BN 3, 1968, 63-68, here 66; Id., Altpers. RTAXAYA und die sog. zweistammigen Koseformen, in: BN 7, 1972,

73-76, here 74.

BF.

Artapanus In the 3rd—znd cents. BC, A. wrote a ‘Moses novel’ in Egypt (Euseb. Praep. evang. 9,18. 23. 27). + Abraham (astrology), Joseph (agriculture, measures), and > Moses are portrayed as the first inventors. Egypt owes all cultural achievements and the animal cult to Moses, who is identified with Hermes-Thot and

Musaeus. Despite certain ‘syncretist’ traits, A. is a Jewish apologist. In his summary of Ex 1-17, A. emphasizes Moses’ superiority to Pharao and to Egyptian magi-

cians through miracle tales; he assumes traits of Hellenistic enlightenment (euhemerism). + Alexander [19]; > Astrology; - Musaeus; > Syncretism; > Miracles EpitT1ons: FGrH 3 C no. 726; N. WALTER, Fragmente jiid.-hell. Historiker, in: JSHRZ I 2, *1980, 121-136; J.J. Co..ins, Artapanus, in: J. H. CHARLESWorTH (ed.), The

Old Testament Pseudepigrapha 2, 1985, 889-896; ScHURER 3. 1, 1986, 521-525.

A.M.S.

Artaphernes (Aotadéovys, Aotapoévyc; Artaphérnes, Artaphrénés, Old Pers. *Rtafarnah, Elamite Irdaparna). [1] In Aesch. Pers. 776f. one of the conspirators who killed > Bardiya. Probably the same as Intaphernes (Vindafarnah) in Hdt. 3.70. [2] Brother of Darius I and governor of Sardes (Hdt. SOAS) [3] Son of A. [2], with Datis commander at Marathon (Hdt. 6.94); leader of the Lydians and Mysians in Xerxes’ army.

55

56

[4] Sent by Artaxerxes I in 425 BC as ambassador to Sparta (Thuc. 4.50).

[5] I. (Artabazanes: Pol. 5,55) of Atropatene, in 220 BC recognized the supremacy of — Antiochus [5] the Great. [6] II. Son of Ariobarzanes [7] |of Atropatene whom he succeeded sometime between 65 and 36 BC. He may have been sovereign for a few years because he appeared to be an ally (and not a vassal) of the Parthian > Phraates IV. The relevant alliance went against Mark Antony and his partner, A. Il of Armenia. The Median A. bore the main brunt of the war because the triumvir came up against the solid line of the Atropatenian capital city Phraaspa and never reached the actual Parthian Empire. When A. was later treated arrogantly by the Great King, he looked to Antony for a settlement, which Antony was pleased to enter into. It resulted in an exchange of auxiliary troops. A. became the victim of Parthian superior strength and was taken prisoner. He later escaped and found refuge with Augustus. He was accommodated as a client king of Lesser Armenia where he died in 20 BC. The coins of a ‘king of kings Artavasdes’ are certainly not attributed to him, rather A. IL of Armenia.

ARTAPHERNES

;

[5] Satrap in Asia (Diog. Laert. 2,79).

[6] Son of Mithridates, paraded in triumph by Pompeius in 61 BC. J.Batcer, Prosopographical Study of the Ancient Persians,

1993;

P.Lecog,

s.v.

Artaphrenés,

Enclr

2.

A.KU. andH.S.-W,

Artarius Old Pers. *Rtaraiva-, according to Ctesias (FGrH 688 F 14. 41-2) son of Xerxes, half-brother of Artaxerxes I and satrap of Babylon. He appears

(as Artareme), together with his son Menostanes, in Babylonian cuneiform texts of the time of Artaxerxes I. J.M. Batcer, Prosopographical Study of the Ancient Persians, 1993, no. 152; M. W. SToLrER, Entrepreneurs and Empire, 1985, 90-92. A.KU.andH.S.-W.

Artavasdes (Aotaovdodne; Artaoudsdes). [1] I. King of Armenia between 160 and 120 BC. He was the son of Artaxias I and father (not brother) of

Tigranes I. Toward the end of his rule, he was attacked

A.BAUMGARTNER,

by the Arsacid

II (Just. Epit. 42,2,6),

1308-1311; H. BENGTSON, Zum Partherfeldzug des Anto-

which led to the handing over of his grandson Tigranes II to the Parthians as a hostage. M.SCH. [2] IL. (also called Artabazes, Aotapatns; Artabazés) as son and successor to Tigranes II. Began his rule as king of Armenia in 55 BC. Sided first with the Romans, promised Crassus at the beginning of his Parthian war (54) to provide an auxiliary army of 46,000 men. When Crassus went against the advice of the Armenian by invading the Parthian Empire via Mesopotamia while A. was being attacked in his own land, A. completely changed sides, which led to a political marriage between the Parthian crown prince Pacorus and a sister of A. In the year 51, Cicero feared that A. was planning a military invasion of Roman regions. At the time of the 2nd triumvirate, the king appeared on Rome’s side again. Having quarrelled with his Median namesake, he made himself available to M. > Antonius [I 9] for his war against the Parthians. Here, too, A. soon withdrew and kept his neutrality; however, he provided sanctuary to the weakened Roman army in Armenia. Antony made A. the scapegoat of his failed military action, marched into Armenia in 34 and took A. captive. He was then brought to Alexandria and, after the battle of Actium, > Cleopatra had him executed. He supposedly also wrote tragedies and produced other writings in the Greek language (Plut. Crassus 33, 564 e; TrGF 165). M.SCH. and F.P. [3] Il. Youngest son of the above. In the last years BC, Augustus nominated him against his nephew > Tigranes IV as a Roman candidate for the Armenian throne; with little success, however (Tac. Ann. 2,4). [4] IV. Succeeded his father Ariobarzanes [8] as king of

nius, 1974; M.-L. CHAUMONT, L’Arménie entre Rome et PIran 1, in: ANRW II 9. 1, 1976, 71-194; M.-L. CHauMONT, s.v. Armenia and Iran 2, Enclr 2, 420ff.;

> Mithridates

Armenia in AD 2, but was murdered shortly thereafter (R. Gest. div. Aug. 27; Tac. Ann. 2,4).

U.WILCKEN,

s.v.

A. (1)-(2),

RE

2,

F. Grosso, La Media Atropatene e la politica di Augusto, in: Athenaeum 35, 1957, 240-256; M. Pani, Roma ei Re

d’Oriente da Augusto a Tiberio, 1972; R.SCHMITT, s.v. A., Enclr 2, 653; M.ScHotrky, Media Atropatene und Grofs-Armenien, 1989; Id., Gibt es Mz. atropatenischer

Konige?, in: AMI 23, 1990, 211-227; Id., Parther, Meder und Hyrkanier, in: AMI 24, 1991, 61-134, 67-73; R.D. SULLIVAN, Papyri Reflecting the Eastern Dynastic Network, in: ANRW II 8. 1, 908-939; U. WILCKEN, s.v. Artabazanes (2), RE 2, 1298. M.SCH.

Artaxata Founded by Artaxias on the advice of Hannibal (188 BC), capital of > Armenia (today Artashat, south-east of Jerewan), on the left bank of the Araxes (today Aras), also called Agtaéicoata (Artaxidsata) by

Str. 11.14.5-6, otherwise attested by App. Mith. 104 (Aotagata 1 Baotdetoc), Plut. Luc. 31.3 (to Twodvou BaotAevov), Cass. Dio 36.51; 1.49.39.3 and Ptol. 5.12.5; 8.19.10; Tac. Ann. 2.56 and passim. B.B.andH.T. Artaxerxes (Agta&éoong, Aotakég&ns; Artaxéssés, Artaxérxés). Name of several Achaemenid rulers.

[1] A. I. Maxooyete (Makrocheir)/Longimanus (465424/3 BC), son of Xerxes and Amastris; ascended the throne in August 465 BC after the assassination of his father (Diod. Sic. 11.69.2-6) [1 ch.14]. A. succeeded in suppressing the Egyptian revolt supported by Athens (460-454 BC). He took in the fugitive Themistocles. In Asia Minor the Persians suffered losses which may have led to the Peace of Callias, which is still disputed by historians (449/8 BC), in which Persia and Athens delimited their spheres of rulership for a time. After the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War first of all Sparta,

57

58

and then later Athens, tried to negotiate with A. Ezra and Nehemiah may have held office in Jerusalem during his rule. Elamite clay tablets and Old Persian inscriptions show that A. built in Persepolis and Susa. [2] A. I. Mvjquwv (Mnemon; 405/4-359BC), also Arses. Eldest son of Darius II and Parysatis; came to power in 405/4 BC with the throne name A. In 401 BC he had to defend the throne against Cyrus the Younger, his brother; Cyrus lost his life in the battle of Cunaxa (Xen. An. 1) Chap 1. 15.1-8]. At the same time (401-399 BC) Egypt was lost to the Persians. The battle for the throne between A. and Cyrus was also the indirect cause of a war between Persia and Sparta, the result of which was the Peace of > Antalcidas (388 BC). A., like his father, had to fight against the Cadusians by the Caspian Sea (Plut. Artoxerxes 24-25), but in 387/6 BC was able to force the Greek cities to accept a peace treaty in favour of the Persians. The so-called ‘Satrap Revolt’ in Asia Minor (366-360) did not noticeably shake Persian power [5]. Inscriptions by A. (also Berosso’s FGrH 680 Frr) show that from the time of his rule the Persian gods Anahita and Mithra played an important role in royal proclamations. A. built in Ecbatana [6. A(2)Hac] and Babylon; in Susa a large palace was erected on the Chaour [7; 8]. Plutarch praises him as a just, mild and brave king. [3] A. IIL. *Qyo¢ (Ochos; Ochus; 359-338 BC) came to

rule as the consequence of several murders at the royal court (Plut. Artaxerxes 30) [1. ch. 15. 9]. His chief suc-

cess was re-conquering Egypt (343 BC), after he had put down a Phoenician uprising under Tennes of Sidon (Diod.

Sic.

16,41-5).

A

Babylonian

chronicle

[9]

reports the fate of the prisoners. The autobiographical inscription by the Egyptian Somtutefnacht throws light on events in Egypt after the Persian victory [10]. In 3.55 BC Athens bowed to A.’ demands; later Athens and

Sparta assured A. of their friendship. A., together with almost all the members of his family, was allegedly poisoned by the eunuch Bagoas (Diod. Sic. 17,5,3). [4] A. IV Arses (338-336 BC), only son of A. III, who survived Bagoas’ assassination attempt. According to

the evidence of a Babylonian text he bore the throne name A. [12]. If it is true that the Xanthus trilingual inscription [13] can be dated to the time of his rule, Lycia would have been under Persian administration at that time. Bagoas is supposed to have also killed A. IV later (Diod. Sic. 17,5,4). +» Achaemenids; > Egypt; -> Antalcidas; -» Athens; + Bagoas; > Cyrus; > Nehemiah; > Sparta; > Trilin-

guals 1 P.Briant, De Cyrus a Alexandre, 1996

2 E. BADIAN,

The Peace of Callias, in: JHS 107, 1987, 1-39

Hoctunp,

Achaemenid

Syria-Palestine,

1992

Imperial 4M.W.

3K.G.

Administration

in

STOLpER, Some Ghost

Facts from Achaemenid Babylonian Texts, in: JHS 108 1988, 196-198 5M. Werskopr, The So-called ‘Great Satraps’ Revolt’, 366-360 B.C.,1989 6R.G. Kenr, Old Persian, 1950/53 7 A. LaBRoussE, R. BoucHarRLAaT, La fouille du palais du Chaour a Suse, in: Cahiers de la Deleégation Archéologique Francaise en Iran 2, 1972, 61-167

ARTAYNTE

8 F. VALLAT, Les inscriptions du palais d’A. II sur la rive droite du Chaour, ibid. 10,1979, 145-154 9 A.K.GraySON, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, 1975, no. 9 10 M. LicutTHEIM, Ancient Egyptian Lit. III, 1980, 41-44 11 E.Bapian, A Document of A. IV?2, in: Greece and the

Eastern Mediterranean,

1977, 40-50

12 A.J. SACHs,

Achaemenid Royal Names in Babylonian Astronomical Texts, in: AJAH 2, 1977, 129-147.

13 H. METZGER (et

al.), Fouilles de Xanthos VI, 1979.

A.KU.andH.S.-W.

Artaxias [1] I. Son of one Zariadris, descended from Orontes. At the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC he ruled the Araxes valley around Armavira under Seleucid sovereignty. After the battle of Magnesia (190 BC), he revolted and

established himself as king with Roman consent. He founded the new capital city Artaxata, allegedly following the advice of Hannibal. Campaigns of conquest against neighbouring countries and peoples increased the power of the king so considerably that he was able to intervene in 179 as a negotiator in the quarrels of rulers in Asia Minor. On a domestic policy level, A. stood out due to his agrarian reforms — verified by Aramaic inscriptions — and his attempt to enforce Armenian as the unifying language. However, his plan to also include the district of Sophene could not be realized until his great-grandson Tigranes II was able to complete it. In 164, he was subjugated by > Antiochus IV, but won back his freedom through Antiochus’ early death. In 162, he supported the usurper Timarchus. A. may have died a short time later, but he is the founder of the Greater Armenian ancient position of power and the progenitor of the ‘Artaxiads’. Armenian history, however, has preserved hardly any memory of him: the first Armenian Artashés in Movsés Xorenac’i is depicted mainly in the image of > Tiridates I. [2] II. In 34 BC after his father Artavasdes II was taken prisoner, he seized power in Armenia and maintained

his hold with Parthian help until he was murdered by relatives in 20 BC. This left the throne open to his brother Tigranes III, who looked to Rome. [3] Ill. (Zenon) Son of Polemon I, king of Pontus, was placed on the throne in AD 18 by ~ Germanicus and ruled Armenia until 34 as the Roman client king. [4] IV. (Called Ardashir: Moses Choren. 3,58), son of King Wramshapuh, ruled from 422-428 as Persian vassal. He was deposed by the Armenian nobility, thus ending Arsacid rule in Armenia. A. BAUMGARTNER, U. WILCKEN, s.v. A. 1-3,RE 2, 1326-7; M.-L. CHAuMONT, s.v. Armenia and Iran 2, Enclr 2,

419-429; R.H. Hewsen, The successors of Tiridates the Great, in: REArm. 13, 1978/79, 99-126; J. RUSSELL, s.v. A. I, Enclr 2, 659/60; M.ScHotTKy, Media Atropatene und Grofs-Armenien, 1989; M.-L.CHAUMONT, in:

Gnomon 67, 1995, 330-336.

M.SCH.

Artaynte (Agtatvm; Artaynté). Daughter of > Masistes, brother of Xerxes I, married to the latter’s son Darius. A fanciful account (Hdt. 9.108-113) tells how

ARTAYNTE

7

Xerxes fell in love with his daughter-in-law and his wife Amestris took revenge on the mother of the girl, leading to a revolt by Masistes. The account has literary parallels in Est and Mt 14.1-12. J.Batcer, Prosopographical

60

59

Study of the Ancient Per-

sians, 1993, 106; H. SANCISI- WEERDENBURG, Exit Atossa, in: A.CAMERON, A.Kuurrt (ed.), Images of Women in

Antiquity, 1983, 20-33.

A.KU. andH.S.-W.

Theokrit-Scholien, AAWG

ZEL, RE 2, 133/1-1332.

XVII 2, 1920, 166; G. WENT-

FM.

[5] Rhetorician from Cnidus, contemporary of Strabo (Str. 14.2.15). His father + Theopompus, a friend of Caesar’s, wrote a Synagogé mython (Plut. Caes. 48). Under the rule of Augustus, A. was greatly honoured, perhaps because he had attempted to warn Caesar shortly before his death (cf. Plut. Caesar 65; App. B Civ.

Artembares (‘Aoteufcions; Artembares).

2,116).

[1] Distinguished Median, whose son was beaten in

[6] of Daldis. Lived in c. 2nd cent. AD, also known by the name of A. of Ephesus. Author of ‘Oveioxoutixa,

play by the young Cyrus and who complained about it to Astyages (Hdt. 1,114-116). [2] Grandfather of Artayctes (Hdt. 9,122). [3] Name of a cavalry leader in Aesch. Pers. 29 and 302. R.ScumitT,

Iranier-Namen

bei

Aischylos,

1978.

A.KU.andH.S.-W. Artemidorus (‘Aotewidmooc; Artemidoros).

[1] Indo-Greek King in rst cent. BC. Coins are the only evidence of his existence, middle Indian Artemitora. BOPEARACHCHI, I10, 316-318.

KK.

[2] Writer of elegies Megi “Egwtog in which, among others, the katasterismos of the dolphin was narrated. He had helped Poseidon win Amphitrite as his wife (Ps.Eratosth. Catasterismus 31 S. 158 ROBERT, cf. schol. ad Germanicus, Aratea, S. 92,2ff. BREysIG = SH 214). Even if this is only a hypothesis, it is highly probable that the astronomer of the same name quoted in the Vita Aratea II, p. 13, 2-3 MARTIN (= SH 213) and the author of the ®atvoueva are one and the same. M.D.MA. [3] Greek geographer from the rst. cent. BC from Ephesus, in addition to lonika hypomnémata (love ‘Yxouviwata) (FGrH 438), he wrote 11 books on Geographoumena (Temyeadobueva) in the style of a > Periplus, of which only fragments from the excerpt of

M.W.

the only ancient treatise on dream interpretation that has been completely preserved. Bks. 1-3 are dedicated to one Cassius Maximus who is possibly identical to Maximus of Tyre; the first two books are a systematic account, followed by addenda in bk. 3. The books written for A.’s son introduce esoteric material for the professional dream interpreter. Bk. 4 deals with selected material from bks.1-3 and again includes additional advice and instructions; Bk. 5 is a collection of dreams that allegedly came true. A.’s interest lay mainly in prophetic dreams, dvetgot, in contrast to évimvia (that contain no prophesying elements and reflect only momentary physical and mental conditions; 1.1). “Ovetgou represent for A. the creations

of the soul, which not only has the natural ability to predict the future, but also the ability to create the dream images for this purpose. (1,2; cf. 2,66; 3,223; 4 praef.; 4,2; 4,27; 5,40). The predicted event can either be represented directly (6. Bewenpatixot) or symbolically (6. &AAnyootxoi); dreams of the latter type require an experienced interpreter. Attempts to classify A. with a philosophical school (usually the Stoa) are misdirected. However, more significant is that he wants to give the impxession of being in possession of a true téyvy (1 praef.). That predictions are made in the dream state is, in A.’s view, an empirical

known. He created the first collection of pastoral poems based on the Theocritus tradition, among others. Fragments of glossographical and_ lexicographical works survived, especially the comedies; he also wrote a treatise about the Doric dialect. Cf. also Callim. Fr. 55 (PFEIFFER).

fact. His success in dream interpretation is founded not only on his comprehensive reading and far-reaching direct experience (1 praef.; 2,66; 2,70; 4 praef.; meloa und étjenoa are favourite terms), but also his ability to differentiate and classify: dreams are coherently and systematically divided into categories and subcategories so as to uncover the semantics of the soul’s expression with a clarity and completeness that was not possible until then. A comparison with FREUD who acknowledges A. in his ‘Interpretation of Dreams’ is possible up to a certain point, although FREUD’s interest in A.’s terminology was not focused on the dveteot, but rather the évisvia. However, perhaps it is more illuminating to compare A.’s approach with Ptolemy’s defence of astrology in the Tetrabiblos and the techniques of allegorical interpretation used by ancient gram-

~» Callimachus;

marians.

+ Marcianus

remain

(GGM

1, 574-576);

— Strabo

used it often. H. BERGER, s.v. A. 27, RE 2, 1329-1330; G. HAGENOW, Unt. zu A. Geogr. des Westens, 1932; J.O. THOMSON, History of Ancient Geography, 1948, 210. K.BRO.

[4] of Tarsus. Greek > grammarian from the rst cent. BC, father of the grammarian Theon. Why Athenaeus calls him ‘Agwotoddvetog (Aristophdneios) or WPevdaoiotopaveiog

(Pseudaristophancios)

is

not

> Theocritus; > Theon

A.v. BLUMENTHAL, RE 5 A, 2022; H. MAEHLER, in: Entretiens XL, 98; PFEIFFER, KPI, 258; F.SUSEMIHL, Gesch.

der griech. Lit. in der Alexandrinerzeit, 1891-1892, II 185-186; C. WENDEL, Uberlieferung und Entstehung der

A.’s works were well known and respected in both his lifetime (Gal. CMG 5,9,1; 129,31-3) and in Byzantine times (Ps-Lucian, Philopatris 21-2). Arab tradi-

tions have been influenced by his way of thought, which

61

62

was partially conveyed through a translation of bks. 1-3, possibly by Hunain ibn Ishaq (died 873). He is currently recognized as a rich source of the ways of thinking and customs of an ancient society. The Suda also ascribes to A. Oiwvooxomxd and Xeveooxomnd; he himself mentions an additional treatise on dreams (1.1) and other works about different topics that are not more closely defined (3,66).

Artemis ("Agteutc; Artemis)

EDITIONS AND TRANSLATIONS: R.PAck, K.v. BRACKERZ, 1979; A.FESTUGIERE, 1975; CoRNO, 1975; R. WHITE, 1975.

1963;

B. REARDON, Courants littéraires grecs, 1971, 274-254;

The Constraints

of Desire,

1990,

17-45. M.T.

[7] of Alexandria. Greek (Carian) physician of Apollonius Dioiketes, lived around 250 BC and is mentioned

by Zenon (PCZ 59044; 59225; 593553 592933 59548). A.’s influence on his master was scarcely second to that of Zenon. In some matters, he had direct access to Pto-

lemy Philadelphus (SB 6748). At times he controlled the volume of petitions that were submitted to Dioiketes (e.g. PSI 340; SB 6819), thus conveying what kind of power a physician might have in politics. [1]. 1 F. KuDLiEn, Die Stellung des Arztes in der rom. Gesellschaft, in: AAWM 6, 1979, 79-81. VN.

[8] Capiton.

(Kaxitwv; Kapiton). Lived around AD 120, published an edition of the Hippocratics that Hadrian greatly valued (Gal. 15.21). He explained the authenticity of certain treatises. However, he disputed the authenticity of the last section of Hippocrates’ Regimen in morbis acutis and ascribed the ‘Epidemics’ to several authors. [4]. The relationship of this edition to that of his contemporary and relative Dioscorides is difficult to determine: Galen quotes them occasionally without differentiating. Although Galen often criticized the works of A. and Dioscorides due to carelessly made changes and lack ofclarity, he does heavily base his own assessment concerning the tradition of Hippocratic criticism on their work. A. made many stylistic changes where he tried to show the original Coan dialect to its advantage. Some of the stylistic changes suggested by A. and discussed by Galen were passed down into the medieval MSS tradition of the Corpus Hippocraticum; others, however, were not [5]. Though speculative, the assumption that the works of Dioscorides and A. form the foundation of the MSS tradition of Corpus Hippocraticum [2] is conceivable. ~+ Hippocrates; > Galen; > Dioscorides 1M. WELLMANN,

s.v. A., RE 2, 1332

2 J.ILBERG, Die

Hippokratesausgaben des A. Kapiton und Dioskurides,

in: RhM 1890, 111-137.

3 F. PrarF,Die Uberlieferung

des Corpus Hippocraticum in der nach-alexandrinischen Zeit, in: WS 1932, 67-82 4 W.D. Smirn, The Hippocratic Tradition, 1979, 235-240 5 D.Manertt, A. RosELLI, Galeno commentatore di Ippocrate, ANRW II Bz

7—MOss: LOM

I. RELIGION

II. ICONOGRAPHY

I. RELIGION A. ETYMOLOGY C. FUNCTIONS

3. Rites

AND EarLy History B. HOMER 1. THE HuNT 2. INITIATION

4.CutrIpots

6. PRIVATE WorRSHIP

5. Ciry GoppEss

D. Post-CLassIcAL DEVEL-

OPMENT

D. DEL

LITERATURE: C.BLuM, Studies in the Dreambook of Artemidorus, 1936; T. FAHD, Le Livre des songes, traduit du grec en arabe, 1964; J. M. FLAMAND, s.v. A., in: Goulet I, 1989; M.Foucautt, Le Souci de soi, 1984, 13-50; J. WINKLER,

ARTEMIS

V.N.

A. ETYMOLOGY AND EARLy History Greek goddess; daughter of Zeus and Leto, twin sister of Apollo. Goddess of transitions — birth and coming-of-age in both sexes—of female death, hunting and game, as well as, in the Greek East, city goddess. Identified especially with Cybele and Anahita in Asia Minor and the Near East, and with Diana in Rome. Etruscan representations, where she is called artume(s), preserve her character as a figure borrowed from the Greeks. It is a matter of dispute, whether her name, which defies all etymology, is behind Linear B atemit- (Pylos) [x]. At least the sanctuary of Hyampolis/Kalapodi, where A. (and Apollo) were venerated in the rst millennium BC, was in uninterrupted use from the Bronze Age (SM IlIC). Previously, it was frequently assumed that both the name and deity originated from Anatolia, particularly Lydia (artimus) or Lycia (ertemi, Aramaic ?tmws), but nowadays, this view is treated with more caution [2]; in any case, numerous local Anatolian goddesses are identified with A. Her popularity in Asia Minor is also evident in theophorous names. B. HOMER Hom. Hymn. Ven. 17-20 names as A.’s chief domains: 1. the bow and hunting in the mountains, 2. the phorminx, dancing and the uttering of female cult cries (ololygat) in groves; and 3. the ‘city of just men’. Later, the distance separating her from political life in the cities is stressed (Callim. Hymn. 3,19). Hunting and the dances of maidens feature in the goddess’ image in early Greek epic. Both spheres are combined in the Homeric image of an A. who hunts boars and stags, but also delights in play with her nymphs (Hom. Od. 6,102-9). Like Athena, A. is part of the chorus of Kore and her maidens when they collect flowers (Hymn. Hom. Cer. 424). Although she, too, is a virgin, erotic tensions are present: the chorus of ‘sounding’ (keladeine) A. and her nymphs (korai, ‘maidens’) invites erotic conquest (e.g. Il. 16,183). In her role as mistress of the beasts (pdtnia theron, Hom. Il. 21,470), she protects the good huntsman (Hom. Il. 5,51), sets wild boars on her enemies (Il. 9,533-40), and kills the hunters + Orion (Od. 5,123f.) and > Actaeon. Like Apollo, she carries a bow, used not only for hunting, but also for the sudden killing of women of all ages: along with visible diseases, A.’s invisible arrow is conceived as a possible cause of death (Od. 11,172; 15,410). Hera, the guardian of married women, calls her a ‘lioness towards women?’ (Il. 21,483f.). Men are killed by > Apollo (IL.

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24,606; Od. 15,410), with the exception of those who have antagonized A. personally, such as Orion, Actaeon or Oeneus (II. 9,53 3-40), and at a later stage

‘outdoors’ are the mythological reflection of these reallife choruses [11]. The goddess is called Limnatis from the stagnant waters, or takes tree names like Kedreatis (‘of the juniper tree’, Paus. 8,13,2) or Karyatis (‘lady of the nut tree’) from the location of the sanctuaries. How-

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all unjust men

;

(Callim.

Hymn.

3,122-4).

Like her

mother Leto and her brother Apollo, she fights on the Trojan side (Il. 20,39f., cf. 5445-7); however, Homer depicts mainly A.’s maidenly inferiority in fighting (II. 21,479-513), and indeed there are few martial aspects to her cults. C. FUNCTIONS A. Tauropolos, with aspects of male martial bonding, was the deity of the armies of the Macedonians and Diadochi; the Spartans sacrificed to A. Agrotera, before going into battle (Xen. Hell. 4,2,20), whereas the Athe-

nians celebrated the victory at Marathon with an annual sacrifice to A. Agrotera and Enyalius (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 58,1): this can be seen as an extension of the hunt and ephebeia [3; 4]. Homer makes a reference to her birth in Ortygia in Hom. Hymn. Apoll. 16. Yet Ortygia, her birth place, is separate from Delos, the island where Apollo was born; Delos later associated with him (Callim. H. Apoll. 59), in the same way, as

A.’s birth was localized on Delos, whose A. temple dates back to as early as around 700 BC. Strabo reports more comprehensively on her birth in Ortygia, a seaside

ever, this is not — tree cult in the strict sense. There was

a well-known cult in Brauron in Attica, a sanctuary lying by the sea at a distance from the town, in which chosen Attic girls would spend some time. Vase paintings give evidence of dances, athletics and bear masks; mythographical sources link the foundation of the cult to the killing of a she-bear sacred to A. [12, 13; 14]. This connects the institution also with the myth of > Callisto, a companion of A. changed into a she-bear as punishment for the loss of her virginity, who became the mother of the Arcadian founder hero Arcas. Callisto’s name refers to a repeatedly established epiclesis of A., Kalliste, ‘the most beautiful’, reflecting the ritual of the beauty pageant. Another aspect of the institution is the role of maiden priestesses, who officiate up to marriageable age (e.g. at Aegira in Achaea, Paus. 7,26,3); the

myth of Iphigenia reflects this type of priesthood. The first parturition marks the definitive entry into the world of the grown-up woman. In mythology, A. protects the virginity of her nymphs, punishing its loss: this corresponds to her role as the patroness of the initiands

grove near Ephesus (Str. 14,1,20; cf. Tac. Ann. 3,61):

‘outside’. Since it is, however, the task of initiation rites

according to him, the Curetes made a din with their weapons in order to keep the jealous Hera away from the freshly delivered mother. This is the aition for the rites of the Ephesian college of kourétes [5]. A.’s birthday is the 6th Thargelion; for that reason, each sixth day is sacred to her (Diog. Laert. 2,44; Procl. in Tim. 200d) [6]: she is also a day older than Apollo. 1. THE HUNT The connection with hunting has left few traces in public cult, but according to ancient and widespread

to turn girls into women, indispensable for society, A. often is also in charge of childbirth. She is given sacrifices in the context of marriage (LSS 115 B), and is appealed to with epicleses such as Lochia or Eileithyia; the latter makes the goddess of childbirth > Eileithyia, an aspect of A. [15; 16; 17]. At her Brauron sanctuary, the clothes of women who have died in childbirth are dedicated to Iphigenia, who is also worshipped there (Eur.

custom, individual hunters dedicate the head, horns or

pelt of their prey to her (e.g. Callim. Fr. 96; Anth. Pal. 6,111) [7]. In this context she is in competition with Pan (Anth. Pal. 6,106), with whom her functions overlap elsewhere, too (Oracle of Didyma at Euseb. Praep.

evang. 7,5,1) [8]. Fishermen also consecrate part of their catch to A. (Anth. Pal. 6,105). 2. INITIATION More important is A.’s status as a goddess of transition between the extremes of wilderness and culture,

addressed in the Homeric agrotéré, (literally ‘of the agros, the cultivated land’ [9]). In the final analysis, A. clearly tends towards a distance from culture, a fact captured by WILAMOWITZ’ s catchy phrase describing A. as the ‘goddess ofthe outdoors’ [10]. This is the basis of her importance for female as well as male initiation. Her central function as the goddess of female initiation rites is addressed already in the Homeric choruses of maidens with their erotic possibilities. Girls’ choral dances for A., taking place in particular on the Peloponnese, in remote mountain sanctuaries and marshy lowlands, are well documented. The nymphs dancing

IT 1463-7).

Other than having a concern for girls and women, A. also presides over male initiation. This is particularly evident at the Spartan sanctuary of A. Orthia, whose bloody rites attracted the interest of educated Greeks and Romans: a young man was whipped to bleeding at her altar (Cic. Tusc. 2,34), apparently replacing an earlier human sacrifice (Paus. 3,169f.). In the 4th cent., though, the ritual still consisted in a competition between two groups who were supposed to steal cheese from the altar (Xen. Lac. 2,9; Pl. Leg. 1,63 3b; cf. Alem.

fr. 56 PMG). There is evidence for A. Orthia in other parts of the Peloponnese as well: in Messene, her cult is connected with female initiation rites. The tradition of human sacrifice is attached also to the sanctuary of A. Tauropolos at Halae Araphenides in Attica, where along with weapon dances performed by young men, a ritual in which blood had to flow is also documented (Eur. IT 1450-1457). 3. RITES

Another ritual, that is repeatedly linked with A., is the burning of several sacrificial animals in a big fire: Pausanias

(7,18,8-11)

reports

extensively

on

the

Laphria in Patrae, to where the cult image and the ritual

65

66

had come from Calydon; the sanctuary of A. Laphria in Patrae is evident from the 7th cent. BC. The same ritual is attested for A. Tauropolos in Phocaea (Pythocles FGrH 833 F 2), as well as by the aition for A. Laphria or Elaphebolos of Hymapolis (Plut. Mor. 244bd; Paus. 10,1,6), furthermore in the cult of Heracles on Mt. Oita and in Thebes (Pind. Isthm. 4,65-7; Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 14). Participants in the ritual experienced it as sinister; for that reason, a connection with European summer solstice bonfires is problematic [18; 19; 20]. 4. CuLtT IDOLS The sinister rites of A. are often related to small,

whose cult was expanded in the latter part of the 3rd cent. BC following an epiphany (LSAM 33). 6. PRIVATE WORSHIP In the private sphere, A. was mainly a helper in need (Séteira), and the same aspect is expressed in the epiclesis Phosphoros, ‘bringer of light’, used in polis as well as private cult. In this function, she is frequently appealed to by women, votive offerings are made to her by women at the bidding of dreams (SEG 18,166f.), and she is in charge of the manumission of women and chil-

extremely ancient cult idols, of a kind which is doc-

umented most often for A. The small wooden figures in Halae and Sparta are seen to be the statue of A. stolen by Orestes from the country of the Taurians, and the same is said about the small, portable image of A. Phakelitis at Tyndaris. During the ritual the image was wrapped in a bundle of rods (hence Phakelitis, from phdakelos, ‘faggot’), just as that of A. Orthia was wrapped in twigs of Vitex Agnus-castus (A. Lygodésmé, Paus. 3,16,11) [21; 22]. For Messene, iconog-

raphy attests a small idol that was carried about during the cult [23], the classical cult statue at Lousi continues geometrical iconography, and at Pellene an archaic idol (brétas) of A. Soteira (‘Deliverer’) that was carried around the walls brought madness to the enemies (Plut. Arat. 1042bc; Paus. 7,27,3). A. Orthia, too, sent madness (Paus. 3,16,9), but on the other hand, A. Hemerasia (the ‘tame’, of Lousi) could heal insanity (Paus. 8,18,8).

These belong to the same group as the numerous idols from Asia Minor, of the type of the Ephesian A., which turn out everywhere to be an archaic statue with removable ornaments and clothes. The ‘breasts’ of the Ephesian A. [24], however, are still a matter of controversy. The Ephesian idol was said to be dedicated by the Amazons (Callim. Hymn. 3,238, brétas). 5. Ciry GODDESS Beside Ephesus, the cult of A. at Perge (Pamphylia) became very important: both cults saw a great expan-

ARTEMIS

dren [28]. It may be that manumission is seen as a ‘pas-

sage’, while other, actual passages would be voyages, for which she is worshipped as A. Ekbateria, and gates, which, like Apollo, she protects as Propylaia. D. Post-CLassicAL DEVELOPMENT

In theological speculation, A. was soon equated with -» Hecate, with whom she shares the torch as an attribute; in Athenian cult, an A. Hecate is known from the sth cent. onwards [29]. The identification with the

moon goddess appears first — and in isolation — in Aeschylus (fr. 170 TGF), but in the wake of Hellenistic theology the identification becomes current (as a learned Graecism) in Roman literature (Catull. 34,1 5f.; Cic. Nat. D.). In Imperial times, A. is identified with various goddesses, especially, as moon goddess, with Isis (Apul. Met. 11,2, cf. Paus. 10,32,13-17), and is therefore addressed in magical papyri. + Brauron; > Religion, Greek 1 C.SouRVINOU, in: Kadmos 9, 1970, 42-7. 2 R. LEBRUN, Problémes de religion anatolienne, in: R. LEBRUN (ed.), Hethitica 8. Acta Anatolica Ephesos Laroche Oblata, 1987, 241-262 3 W.KENDRICK-PRITCHARD,

The Greek State at War 3, 1979, 84, 173-5 Naaquet, Le chasseur noir, *1991

4P.VIDAL-

5 D. KniBBE, Der

Ephesus, ‘mysteries’ of A. Ephesia are documented in

Staatsmarkt. Die Inschr. des Prytaneions, in: FiE [X/1/r, 1981, 70-73 6J.MIKALSON, The sacred and civil calendar of the Athenian year, 1975,18 7 K.MeEuLI, Gesammelte Schriften 2, 1975, 1984-88 8 L.ROBERT, in: CRAI, 1968, 579 9E.ScHwyzerR, Griech. Gramm. 1, 1939, 534 10 WILAMOWITZ, I, 175 11 A. BRINKMANN, Altgriech. Madchenreigen, in: BJ 129/130, 1924/25, 118-146 12 W.SatE, The temple-legends of the Arkteia, in: RhM 118, 1975, 265-284 13 E.BEVAN,

central Anatolia, too [25]. In numerous cases there is an

The goddess A. and the dedication of bears in sanctuaries,

overlap between the Greek A. and an Anatolian city patroness, such as the lady (wdnassa, SEG 30,157) of Perge (A. Pergaia), Kubaba of Hierapolis-Kastabala (A.

in: BSA 82, 1987, 17-22

sion from Hellenistic times onwards, and as well as in

Perasia) and similar Anatolian goddesses [26]. These

deities are related by, on the one hand, being part of nature (repeatedly Anatolian goddesses are called Oreia, ‘the one from the mountain’), and, on the other,

being city guardians — which is what Hom. Hymn. Ven. 20, itself close to Anatolian notions, says of A. This is the origin of, in particular, the role of the great city goddess of Ephesus, known through the account of Paul’s visit (Acts 19,23-49), whose rites are document-

ed, e.g., by the dedication of a procession by Vibius Salutaris [27]. A similar part is played by A. Leukophryéne at Magnesia-on-the-Maeander (Str. 14,1,40),

~=—-14 C.SouRviNou-INwoop,

Studies in Girls’ Transitions, 1988

15 FARNELL, Cults 2,

567n0.40 16 PH. BRUNEAU, Recherches sur les cultes de Délos, 1970, 191f. 17 B.HELLy, in: Gonnoi 2, 1973, 175-96 18 NILSSON, Feste, 218-225 19 GRAF, 410-7 20 Y. LAFonp, A. en Achaie, in: REG 104, 1991, 410-433 21 F.Grar,

Das

Gotterbild

aus

dem

Taurerland,

in:

Antike Welt 10/4, 1979, 33-41 22 C.MONTEPAONE, A proposito di A. Phakelitis, in: Recherches sur les cultes grecs et l’Occident 2, 1984, 89-107

ant. Messenien, 1989, 41 fig. 25

23 N.Kattsas, Das

24 G.SEITERLE, A. —

die grofe Géttin von Ephesos, in: Antike Welt 10/3, 1979, 6-16 25 G.Horstey, The mysteries of A. Ephesia in Pisidia. A new inscribed relief, in: Anatolian Studies 42,

1992, I19-I50 26 A. DuPONT-SOMMER, in: Jb. fir kleinasiatische Forsch. 2, 1965, 200-209 27 G.M. Rocers, The Sacred Identity of Ephesos, r991 28 M.B.

67

68

HaTzopoutos, Cultes et rites de passage en Macedoine,

huntress: bronze statuette from Dodona (rst half of the

1994, 64f.

6th cent. BC), the statuary images of the Versailles-Leptis Magna A. (Hadrianic; original c. 350/340 BC; its assignment to - Leochares disputed), Colonna A. (Roman copy of a probably early Hellenistic original), Rospigliosi-Lateran A. and Louvre-Ephesus (2nd cent. AD, probably from Hellenistic originals). Alongside

ARTEMIS

29 GRAF, 229.

BURKERT, 233-237; G.Bruns, Die Jagerin A., 1929; C.CALAME, Les chceurs de jeunes filles en Gréce archai-

que I: Morphologie, fonction religieuse et sociale, 1977; Cu. CHRIsTOU,

Potnia Theron,

1968;

R. FLEISCHER,

A.

von Ephesos und verwandte Kultstatuen aus Anatolien und Syrien, 1973; K. Hoenn, A. Gestaltwandel einer Gottin, 1946; H. Kina, Bound to bleed. A. and Greek women,

in: A.CAMERON, A,KunrtT (ed.), Images of Women in Antiquity, 1985, 109-127; NILSSON 1, 481-500; G. SCHNEIDER-HERMANN, Das Geheimnis der A. in Etrurien, in: AK. 13, 1970, 52-70. CULTIC CENTRES: L.Kautt, L’A. de Brauron. Rites et mystéres, in: AK 20, 1977, 86-98; L. KaniL, Mythological repertoire of Brauron, in: W.G. Moon (ed.), Ancient

Greek Art and Iconography, 1983, 231-244; A.I. ANTO NIOU, LvuPoAH otiv totogia tot tegod tig Boavewviag ‘Aotéudoc, 1990; H. GALLET DE SANTERRE, Delos primitive et

archaique, 1958; A. BAMMER, Das Heiligtum der A. von Ephesos, 1984; 1. WOHLERS-ScCHARF, Die Forschungsgesch. von Ephesos, 1995; R. FELscH, Tempel und Altare im Heiligtum der A. Elaphebolos von Hyampolis bei Kal-

apodi, in: R. ErreENNE, M. TH. Le Dinaner (ed.), L’espace sacrificiel dans les civilisations méditerranées

de l’anti-

quité, 1991, 85-91; E.Dyceve, Das Laphrion, der Tempelbezirk von Kalydon, 1949; C.ANTONETTI, Les Etoliens. Image et religion, 1990, 244-262; P.C. Bot, Die A.

von

Lousoi.

Eine klass. Wiedergabe

eines friihgriech.

Kultbildes, in: Kanon. FS Ernst Berger, 1988, 76-80; V.MirsopouLos-Leon, Artémis de Lousoi. Les fouilles autrichiennes, in: Kernos 5, 1992, 97-108; R.M. Dawkins (ed.), The Sanctuary of A. Orthia at Sparta,

1929.

F.G.

Il. ICONOGRAPHY In Greek images, A. is represented as Potnia Theron from the early 7th cent. BC, mostly as a winged goddess, accompanied by a variety of animals (bulls on a

Leto, Hermes, and Dionysus, > Apollo is her most fre-

quent companion: in assemblies of the gods (eastern frieze of the Parthenon, c. 440 BC), in the battle against the Giants (Pergamum Altar, eastern frieze, 180/160 BC), against the Centaurs (Apollo Temple, Bassae, c.

400 BC); at the killing of the giant Tityus and the Niobids (Niobids reliefs on the throne of the statue of Zeus

at Olympia: Paus. 5,11,2; Roman sarcophagus reliefs), and the punishment of Actaeon. Iconographical assimilation to other goddesses: cf. the Thracian —> Bendis with a Phrygian cap or a lion’s head; the Anatolian ‘Magna Dea’ of > Ephesus: the most eye-catching characteristic of the extant images of the ‘Ephesia’ (on coins from the 2nd cent. BC, in sculptures from the 2nd cent. AD) is the chest decoration, apparently as a part of the removable attire (according to the example of wooden cult statues, presumably of the 7th cent. BC). E.T. EG1LMeEz, Darstellungen der A. als Jagerin in Kleinasien, 1980; R. FLEISCHER, s.v. A. Ephesia, LIMC II,1, 1984, 755-763; L. KAHIL, s.v. A., LIMC IL,1, 1984, 618753 (with older lit.); E.SIMON, G. BAUCHHENSS, s.v. A./ Diana, LIMC II,1, 1984, 792-855. AL.

Artemisia (Aotewwoia; Artemisia)

[1] Daughter of Lygdamis; prior to 480 BC, took over the rulership of her city of birth, > Halicarnassus, and of a few islands; in 480 joined her ships to the fleet of Xerxes (Hdt. 7.99). Herodotus was related to her. He praised her courage in the battle of Salamis and em-

bronze tablet from Colophon, 7th cent. BC; lion, pan-

phasized her influence on Xerxes (Hdt. 8,68-69). [2] Sister and wife of > Maussollus and after his death,

ther and deer on the Francois Krater in Florence, 570/560 BC). Archaic in style are the ‘A. Ortheia’ of Sparta and the ‘A. Lousoi’ (probably a reproduction of the local ‘A. Hemera’ by Daedalus). It is disputed whether the ‘Nikandre’ of Delos (Paris, Louvre, mid 7th cent. BC) is identical with the goddess A. In various media (vase painting, large sculptures), A. frequently appears as a huntress in a long or short dress, with quiyer, bow and arrow, but also with spears, often accompanied by a hind, cf. also the numerous Roman images of A./Diana. As the mistress of animals and the hunt, standing motionless: the Albani-Lateran type, with deer calf and hunting-spear (2nd cent. AD, original probably c. 450 BC), A. of Ariccia (unverified interpretation; c. AD 100, after an Attic cult statue of c. 440/430 BC), Beirut A. (Trajanic, original c. 350 BC), Dresden A. (Hadrianic, original c. 350 BC, influenced by Praxiteles), Piraeus A. (bronze original, c. 340 BC); see A. of Gabii (from an original of the 4th cent. BC; its equation with Praxiteles’ “A. Brauronia’, attested in Paus. 1,23,7, is problematic). As an actively intervening, moving

queen of the satrapal kingdom of Greater Caria (3 53351 BC). A. actively pursued dynamic politics towards the Greeks, but more careful politics vis-a-vis the Persians (Dem. Or. 15.11). She commissioned some of the most famous artists from Greece in order to complete her husband’s burial monument, the Maussoleum. P.HO. [3] Composite genus whose name in Plin. HN 25.73 more than likely stems from Artemis Eilithyia, despite his decision in favour of the wife uf Maussolus. It covers more than 400 varieties spread over the earth at all altitudes, mostly in dry regions, and with four subgenera: 1) Abrotanon (as &Bedtavov, &Bedtovov and G&Be- for numerous A. varieties, among others, in Theophr. Hist. pl. 6.7,3ff.) with numerous mugwort varieties, such as A. vulgaris. 2) Absinthium (referred to as éapivOvov in Hippocrates, modern Greek np0ud, absinthium since Plautus) with the aromatic A. absinthium and arborescens, still used today for tea and alcoholic distillates (absinth, vermouth; on the making of absinth-wine, Pall. Agric. 11, 14, 17), and the Alpine rueworts. 3)

69

7°

Seriphidium (as osgipov = épivOrov Oakdootov in Dioscorides 3.23.5 [1. 2. 32] = 3.24 [2. 279]) with A. maritima (beach mugwort) santonica and others, valued as a vermicide, 4) Dracunculus with the herb tarragon A. dracunculus, A. campestris and more. According to Theophr. Hist. pl. 4.5.1, dapivOuov is characteristic of cold northern regions. 1M. WELLMANN (ed.), Pedanii Dioscuridis de materia medica 2, 1906 repr.1958 2 J. BERENDEs (ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre tibers. und mit Erl. versehen, 1902, repr.1970. C.HU.

Artemisium (Agteuicwov; Artemision).

[1] A. was probably the ancient name for the entire coastal strip of Euboea facing the -» Magnesia peninsula (Plin. HN 4,64). Close to the modern village of Artemision, above the bay of Pevki, are the remains of a small temple of Artemis ‘facing towards the east’ (Proseoa), which as an amphictyonic sanctuary also formed the cultural centre of the region around > Histiaea. The famous bronze statue of Poseidon (nowadays in the National Museum in Athens) was found in the sea near A. In 480 BC, the first naval battle between the Greeks and the Persians was fought in these straits (Hdt. 7,175f.; 183; 8,1ff.; Plut. Themistocles 8,2). The sanctuary was destroyed by Avars in the 6th cent. AD. s.v. A., in: LAUFFER,

Griechenland,

13 f.

H.KAL.

[2] Modern Malevos, mountain (1771 m) on the border between Argolis and Arcadia between the massifs of Lirkio and Ktenias. The > Inachus rises on it northern slopes. According to Paus. 2,25,3, a sanctuary of > Artemis. PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 3,1, 1959, 35, 241.

Gans

Artemius [1] Was the last vic. urbi Romae, deputy praef. urbi Romae in the year AD 359 (Amm. Marc. 17.11.5; after 25 August: CIL VI 32004). [2] Flavius A. Was an officer of the Arian religion under Constantine II. As dux Aegypti, he proceeded against the pagan cults in AD 360. In 362, he was condemned and sentenced to death by Julian due to his complicity in the murder of Gallus (Amm. Marc. 22,11,2ff.; Theod. Hist. eccl. 3,18,1). He was later honoured as an Arian

martyr as evidenced by a rich tradition of hagiographic literature. J.Dummer, FI. A. dux Aegypti, in: APF 21, 1971, 121-

144;

F.Havxin,

1957, nO. 169-174.

dated to the 2nd half of the 2nd cent. BC. Of his works Athenaeus cites: Tei Biphiwv ovvaywyiis, Meoi Bipdiwv xonoews, TMeoi tot Atovuotaxod

Bibliotheca

Hagiographica

Graeca,

ovotyuatos as being

his. An almost contemporary namesake from Pergamum, the commentator on Pindar (FGrH 569), possibly is the same person; A. from Clazomenae (FGrH 443), on the other hand, is older. A., the editor of the Aristotelian letters (Demetrius, elocutiones 223), is difficult to identify. + Aristotle; > Demetrius; > Dionysius Scytobrachion; + Pindarus P.CuHrRON,

[4] see > Dianium

E.FREUND,

ARTEMON

Demétrios.

Du

style,

1993,

xXxv-xxxviill;

FHG IV, 340; J.M. Rist, Demetrius the stylist and A. the compiler, in: Phoenix 18, 1964, 2-8; J.S. RusTEN, Dionysius Scytobrachion, 1982, 82-84; WEHRLI, Schule I, 69-70; G. WENTZEL, RE 2, 1446-1447; FGrH 443, 569 (Commentary). F.M.

[2] Rhetor from the early imperial period, known to us only through references in Seneca the Elder (Suas. 1,11: here a short fr.; Controv. 1,6,12; 7,18; 2,1,393 35233 751,263 9,2,29; I0,1,15; 4,20). He imitated the Asianists > Glycon and > Nicetes; his style is characterized by exuberance and exaggeration. 1 H.Bornecque,

Les déclamations et les déclamateurs

d’aprés Sén. le pére, 1902, repr. 1967, 153 SELL, Greek declamation, 1983, 8.

2D.A.RusM.W.

[3] 6th cent. BC. Subject of satirical attack by > Anacreon (388 PMG), who calls him xovyeds for being a parvenu who abandoned his lowly upbringing for a life of indulgent luxury. Anacreon also calls him TEQLPOENTOS (372 PMG), which is interpreted by Chamaeleon (Ath. 12,533f.) to mean that he was carried around on a chair, even though the adjective probably means simply ‘infamous’. The words became proverbial: Aristophanes speaks satirically of Cratinus (Ach. 850) in calling him 6 xeQupdentos ‘Aotéumv. Ephorus said that the engineer A. who helped Pericles at the siege of Samos was called megupdentos because he was lame and had to be carried around ina sedan chair (FGrH IIA

70 F 194). C.G. Brown, From Rags to Riches: Anacreon’s Artemon,

in: Phoenix 37, 1983, I-15.

E.R.

[4] Epigrammatic poet to whom are ascribed two pederastic poems from the ‘Garland’ of Meleager that however both bear the problematic heading GdnAov, ot dé *Aotéumvocs (Anth. Pal. 12, 55; 124). The fact that the person addressed is an Athenian youth named Echedemus strengthens the supposition that this otherwise unknown A. also came from Athens. GA

11,44; 2,112-114.

ED.

W.P.

Artemon (Aotéuwv; Artémon). [1] From Cassandreia. Greek - grammarian. As he makes mention of ~ Dionysius Scytobrachion, he is

[5] From Athens, son of A.; tragedian who won the Museia of Thespiai in the 2nd cent. AD as writer of a new tragedy (DID A 8,3). MetTTE, 60

TrGF 189.

F.P.

ARTEMON

7a

[6] From Pergamum. Grammarian to whom the five comments by an ‘Aotéuwv in the Pindar scholia can be traced back (schol. Pind. Ol. 2,16b; Ol. 5,1b; p. x inser.

a; p. I, 31¢; p. 3,52b; I. 2 inscr. a). As the Aristarchian Menecrates of Nysa polemicized against him (schol. Pind. Ol. 2,16b), A. can be dated roughly to the 2nd cent. BC. He may possibly be identified with the grammarian A. of Cassandreia. He is not, however, to be confused with A. of Magnesia, who composed tv xa’ GOETH yuvalel MEeMOQyWaTEVUEVaYV SujyNnWaTa. ~» Artemon [1]; > Grammarians; > Menecrates [13] of Nysa EpiTions: FGrH 569. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

SANDYS

I}, 160; F.SUSEMIHL,

Gesch.

der griech. Lit. in der Alexandrinerzeit, II 13, 1891-1892; G. WENTZEL, s.v. A., RE 2, 1446-1447.

FM,

Artes liberales A. CONCEPT

B. CANON OF SUBJECTS

C. HISTORI-

CAL DEVELOPMENT

A. CONCEPT Artes liberales (AL) is the expression that became

canonical in late antiquity for a curriculum of educational subjects, the study of which befitted the rank of a freeman. Cassiod. Inst. 2 praef. 3-4 and Isid. Orig. 1,4,2 no longer understand this derivation; they derive

liberalis from liber, book. Essentially, it involves adopting the Greek éyxbxdtog matdeia (> enkyklios paideia) [1. 366-375; 2. 3-18]. For the time being there was no set name [3. 196-206]. The expression AL, evidence of which was first found in Cicero and only once in his writings (Inv. 1,35), is hardly a technical term during

this period. Numerous combinations like artes, quae libero dignae sunt, honestae, humanae,

ingenuae and

analogous combinations with disciplina, doctrina, eruditio etc. compete with each other; however, the most

common is the expression bonae artes. This classifies the AL with the ideal of the vir bonus (bonae artes is more inclusive from time to time). An anti-educational

pithy exception is to be found in Sallust (lug. 63,3). B. CANON OF SUBJECTS

The ‘seven free arts’ are grammar, rhetoric and dialectics (called trivium by the Schol. Hor. ars P. 307308), arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and music (Boeth. De institutione arithmetica 1,1 quadrivium — actually termed quadruvium), with the subject order varying within the two groups [2. 59-64]. — Varro appears to have treated the complete canon in seven books of the Disciplinarum libri |z. 26]. He also writes about medicine and architecture: did he have high hopes that the two disciplines would contribute to the educational goals of the AL [1. 387-388]? But enkyklios paideia/AL and encyclopaedia are not one and the same [4. 227-233]. ~ Cato Censorius (and his successor Cornelius Celsus) sought with his Libri ad filium about agriculture, medicine, rhetoric and warfare to even replace the enkyklios paideia with a specifically

72

Roman

educational

programme

[2. 52-55;

5-115

under 2(e)]. In this way Varro, too, probably wanted to equip the layman to keep a sharp eye on the experts in two important spheres of life— health and investment of important assets [2. 65-66]. This view of the relationship between the educated person and the expert is of Aristotelian origin [2. 126-127]. The following also supports the assumption of a strongly developed canon: if we collect the passages in which Cicero makes passing reference to subjects of the AL —he is not interested in systematically developing this matter — we have the complete catalogue [2. 28]. The study of history, jurisprudence and philosophy that he — and after him Quintilian — also requires of an orator, only follows the propaedeutics of the AL [2. 26-31; 83-85]. However, Cic. Off. 1,150-151 is wrongly enlisted as evidence for the AL (e.g. [2. 4]), which has led to some confusion especially in legal history [3. 224-228]: here it is not a question of which artes, but which artificia et quaestus, i.e. ways of earning a living are befitting to the senatorial rank. Ultimately Vitruvius, too, is no counter-authority. He requires of a prospective architect knowledge not just of the subjects of the AL — with philosophy instead of dialectics (cf. [2. 34-3 5]) — but also of medicine, drawing, jurisprudence and history— partly for professional needs, partly influenced by Cicero’s ideal of the orator — and subsumes all this under the concept encyclios disciplina (Vitr. De arch. 1,1,12), to which he, however, attributes the meaning of comprehensive knowledge that was not originally associated with enkyklios paideia (6 praef. 4: non ... sine litteratura encyclioque doctrinarum omnium disciplina) |2. 25-26; 89-90; 140-142]. He does not use this to describe a general education as such but the preliminary education of an architect. Recently, the predominant views on the AL have been called into question [6]: the AL are considered to be an educational concept that initially emerged in late antiquity from Neoplatonic ideas; Hellenistic like Roman education is said to consist only of grammar and rhetoric; there is no proof that Varro’s nine-volume encyclopaedia not only treated medicine and architecture but also the seven AL. Criticism of this argument [7; 8] rightly links up with the last point: a credible alternative to the AL as content of the seven books — especially in the case of probable treatment of one discipline per book [6. 157] — cannot be demonstrated. It seems far-fetched to assume that » Martianus Capella’s (9,891) explicit exclusion of medicine and architecture from his works would not be a recourse to Varro,

but might depend on Plato’s and Aristotle’s high regard for medicine and architecture [6. 94°’; 150; 157f.°]. Because this has nothing to do with educational curricula but is comparable, for instance, to the high regard for the helmsman’s art. But if Varro has treated the AL this means that there was an already existing Greek conception; to be found in > Isocrates at the latest.

73

74

C. HIisTORICAL DEVELOPMENT The theory and practice of education in the AL diverged greatly from the outset. The quadrivium was neglected and after Plato, it was not until the > Neoplatonists (4th-5th cents. AD) and, influenced by Neoplatonism, > Augustinus that its significance for education was again emphasized [2. 69-70; 6. 63-136]. However, in the Latin-speaking area, the educational conception of Isocrates became and remained decisive

against A. by declaring him and his entire lineage as dishonoured and as an enemy (dtimos, > Atimia). This measure was probably requested by > Cimon and applied not only in Athens, but also in the territories of its allies. The civic resolution was published ona bronze stele on the Acropolis. The orators of the 4th cent. used this event to repeatedly remind Athenians of the good old days when the city knew how to severely punish traitors (Plut. Themistocles 6.3; Dem. Or. 9.42ff.;

[9. 47; 10. 42-56]. Grammar — i.e. the study of Greek and Latin authors — and dialectics laid the foundation for the study of rhetoric; they could be supplemented by studying philosophy (not considered to be an integral part of the enkyklios paideia [2. 35, annotation 3) that was the crowning achievement of education if studied with considerable intensity [2. 34-35; 84-85; 86] (ex-

19,271; Din. 2,24-25; Aeschin. In Ctes. 25 8f.).

amples: Cicero, Brutus, Virgil, Horace, Thrasea Paetus, Helvidius Priscus, Persius, Seneca). As the last pagan

encyclopaedist Martianus Capella passed down the seven AL to the Middle Ages [6. 137-155; 9. 47-49]. At about the same time Augustine drew upon the AL for insight into the gods (as Plato had placed the mathematical disciplines at the service of philosophy) and in this way legitimized the acquisition of pagan culture by Christians [1. 391-395; 2. 67-69; 98-993 6. 117-119;

9. 50]. At the close of antiquity, Cassiodorus and Isidorus integrated the AL into manuals comprising all the knowledge relevant to Christianity [1. 395-396; 2. 69-70; 6. 191-214; 9. 51]. Initially they were subjects in convent and Latin schools, but in the late Middle Ages they became the curriculum of the Faculty of Arts which became the propaedeutics to the specialized courses in theology, medicine and jurisprudence. When philology began to flourish in humanism, it helped the AL to attain equal rank as humanities subjects and assisted the advancement of the Faculty of Arts to become the philosophical faculty [9. 64-67]. — Education; ARTES LIBERALES; EDUCATION

ARTICHOKE

Buso_t/Swosopa, 231 with n. 1; R. MeiccGs, The Athenian Empire, 1972, 508-512. E.S.-H.

Arthur (Artus). The question of historical authenticity has been made more difficult due to the creation of the legend that began as early as the roth cent. (annales Cambriae). The overlap of the Arthurian tradition with the history of the Anglo-Saxons in Britain makes it probable that Arthur was an army commander who obtained a regional position of power due to his successes against the Saxons at the end of the 5th cent. AD. However, it remains unclear to which region of Britain this protection referred. The mention of A. in the Welsh poem Gododdin (early sections originated around 600) must be considered interpolated. Not until 831 is A. mentioned in Nennius’ Historia Brittonum (56). Now

begins A.’s connection with the victory against the Saxons at Mons Badonis (c. 500). Gildas writes in his work (De excidio et conquestu Britanniae 26; before 547)

that this was the beginning of a period of peace. Each attempt to find in A. a cavalry leader (Norman concept of chivalry) or, based on Nennius’ term dux bellorum, to filter out an institutional power basis remains dubious. W.A. Cummins, King A.’s Place in Prehistory 1993, repr. 1994; D.N. DUMVILLE, Sub-Roman Britain, History and Legend, in: History 62, 1977, 173-192; K.H. Jackson, The A. of History, in: R.S. Loomis (ed.), Arthurian Literature in the Middle Ages, 1959, 1-11; T. JONES, The

1 H.Fucns, s.v. Enkyklios Paideia, in: RAC 3, 365-398 2 F. Kuunert, Allgemeinbildung und Fachbildung in der Antike, 1961 3 J.CurisTes, Bildung und Ges., 1975 4H.I. Marrou, Saint Augustin et la fin de la culture antique, 41958) 5 Id., review of Friedmar Kihnert, Allge-

Arthur Legend see > Arthur

meinbildung und Fachbildung in der Antike, 1961, in: Gnomon 36, 1964, 113-116 61.Hapor, Arts libéraux

Artichoke The name that is derived via Spanish alcar-

et

philosophiques

dans

la

pensée

antique,

7 M. BaraTIN, in: REL 64, 1986, 269-271 8 E.Rawson, in: JRS 77, 1987, 214-215

1984

9 CURTIUS,

81973 10 F.KUHnert, Bildung und Redekunst in der Antike, KS, 1994. jie

Arthmius

(“Ag@ut0c; Arthmios). Son of Pythonax, probably proxenos of the Athenians in his home town of Zeleia in Propontis. Between 477 and 461 BC, he worked in the service of the Persians and was sent with bribe money to the Peloponnese in order to fan the flames of resentment against the Athenians and thus reinforce the rivalry between the Greek cities. Following this expedition, the city of Athens took measures

Early Evolution of the Legend of A., 1964, 3-21.

— C.KU.

chofa and Italian articiocco, carciofo from Arabic al-

harsuf describes the Cynara scolymus L. that is widely grown in the Mediterranean because of its edible bract scales; it is a subspecies of the Cynara cardunculus L. (Italian cardoncello) that was cultivated even earlier as a leafy vegetable. It is probably identical to the oxddvpos in Hes. Op. 582ff. and Alc. fr.94 D. (quoted in Plin. HN 22,86f.), Theophr. Hist. pl. 6,4,7 (edible root; cf. Plin. HN 21,96), Dioscorides 3,14 [1. 2. 21 = 2. 271] (root as a medicine for bad body odour) etc. The XVVAO, XIVEEd, xVVAEOE, txavOa (hence the name of the island Cynara), cynara, ci- in Columella 10,23 5241 and passim, mentioned by Sophocles in Ath. 2,70a, refers, however, only partly to species of the thistle

ARTICHOKE

75

genus Cynara, and partly to other prickly composites (like Scolymus hispanicus) and the carline species (carline thistle), furthermore to sea hollies (geuvyytov, Eryngium maritimum) and even wild roses (xvvooBatoc; description: Theophr. Hist. pl. 3,18,4). 1M. WeELLMANN (ed.), Pedanii Dioscuridis de materia medica 2, 1906, repr.1958 2 J. BERENDES (ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre, bers. und mit Erl. versehen, 1902, repr.1970. C.HU.

Artists I. UNDERSTANDING AND MODERN

ERARY TRADITION RESEARCH

OF THE CONCEPT

TIMES

II. IMPORTANCE

OF THE LIT-

MASTERS Eventually in the late roth cent., more and more

refined techniques of text analysis were applied to reports about artists, and the now firm emphasis on such expertise encouraged attempts to rediscover lost works of artists referred to as exceptional in those texts: analysis of copies, an essentially text-based approach to sculpture, became equivalent to the analysis of sources [6]. MorELL1’s method, which enabled scholars to differentiate between individual artists on the basis of purely visual criteria, was adopted by BEAZLEY and dominates research on vase painting until today. In most recent times, this research approach is beginning

IV. LITERARY REPRESEN-

to shift in that attempts are made to identify ‘masters’ within genres, too, that were neglected by the literary tradition [7; 8]. In parallel to the ‘research on masters’ and first in art history, methods emerged wherein a wider perspective in matters of style attained precedence over the identification of individual artists. WOLFFLIN’s idea of an ‘Art History without Names’ [9. 15f.] found its most rigorous application in CARPENTER’S attempt to present Greek sculpture ‘as an anonymous product of an imper-

TATIONS AND ANCIENT REALITY

V. STATUS

IN

SOCIETY

]. UNDERSTANDING

III. ANALYSIS OF COPIES AND RESEARCH ON

OF COPIES AND

III. ANALYSIS

ON MASTERS

IN ANCIENT

76

OF THE CONCEPT IN AN-

CIENT AND MODERN TIMES Just as the term ‘art’ did not exist in antiquity, there was no term for ‘artist’ either. Only the changed conceptions of the artist in post-classical theory of art and artistic practice have formed the modern interpretation of the materia! and non-material legacies of antiquity in relation to their ‘creators’ — be they buildings or craftwork. To that extent, reflections on the artist in antiquity are always intertwined with post-classical ideas characteristic of their respective time. Il. IMPORTANCE OF THE LITERARY TRADITION Within this framework, the literature of antiquity, which was available long before material relics became known, played a most important role. On the one hand, these texts documented lost works of art and, on the

other hand, served as a key for understanding available works. In this way, ancient texts played an important role in the artistic practice of the Italian Renaissance. Dealing with the achievements of individual artists or local workshops, as is the case in VASARI’S biographies [1], consolidated the authority of ancient authors such as Pliny (HN 33-37) whose reports reinforced the above-mentioned importance even further. In the study of antiquity in the r7th and r8th cents., the understanding of ancient artists was largely based on the study of text sources [2], and even WINCKELMANN’S ‘History of Art in Antiquity’, while consciously not organized along biographic lines, was founded on literary traditions [3]. The emergence of systematic archaeological research forced the examination of a growing quantity of real objects in all categories; much of it, though, proved to be unimportant or incompatible with written records. A central issue with far-reaching consequences was the insight that many of the preserved classical sculptures were not originals but ancient copies [4] even though they had been attributed to famous masters. The prevailing answer to this complication arising from the growth of archaeological activities, was the confirmation of the position of ancient texts and literary information as ‘sources’ [5].

sonal craft’: [10. v]. Questions as to the nature of artis-

tic creation, today located between a Benjaminian ‘aura’ and postmodernism [11], have brought about an intellectual climate that is receptive to evidence of ancient techniques in production and reproduction: longcherished ideas of creativity and originality are being questioned [12], although the traditional research on masters is still being carried out as before [13]. IV. LITERARY REPRESENTATIONS AND ANCIENT

REALITY The ancient evidence about the creators of representational art is fragmentary and contradictory. The literary sources

comprise various mythological, philosophical and quasi-documentary texts which, overall, reflect and form the social contexts of production on the one hand, but also deviate considerably, on the other hand, from the material and thus actually documented legacy [14; 15; 16]. Attempts to overcome the incompatibility of these trains of thought often run into difficulties due to the non-existence of common conceptional and practical framework conditions, since each cultural situation presents a new set of questions [17]. For a long time, the Aegean Bronze Age was interpreted on the basis of Homer’s works, but this epic view of artistic activity is compatible neither with the complex social network of relationships nor with the highly developed Mycenaean production system of the 3rd and 2nd millennia BC, as is witnessed by the Linear B documents [18]. Combinations of cultural retrospection and connections to the Near East appear to be responsible in the 8th and 7th cents. BC for the emergence of the divine and supernaturally gifted, legendary figures of craftsmen such as Hephaestus, Telchines and Daedalus. In classical times, these gods and heroes

Ve

78

asserted themselves as the founders and patrons of the

versial in discussions until today: the essence of artistic activity and the position of the artist in society. Even though the fine arts have their place amongst the technai, they are not associated with a muse [33. 288], for the type of their activity belongs directly to the field of physical work, of the despised banausoi (cf. e.g. Xen. Oec. 4,2-3). Plato’s hostile attitude to the arts, especially the performing arts, had great influence on the way they were viewed in later times even though his view is a long way from being monolithic [34]. The lack of a clear borderline between the categories of an esteemed ‘art’ and, on the other hand, a ‘craft’ of relatively lesser value in antiquity has led to simplified and also anachronistic points of view [35. 77-104]. The wealth and the social recognition attained by some craftsmen [22. 120-133] contradicts the simplistic assumption that craftsmen and artists were universally despised [36]. Pre-Platonic conceptions have to be distinguished from later, negative ones; there is clear evidence that art is regarded in a positive light, which is confirmed, for example, by Hephaestus’ divine patronage and by the recognition of the social value of art [16]. The field of techne comprises not only manual work, but equally also mental exertion [34. 294-295; 37]. Positive and negative appreciation of artists and their activity developed constantly within specific groups of text. The ‘iconoclastic’ topos of the lowly artist simultaneously reduced the divine effigies to plain matter, to a thing [38. rorf.]; Lucian’s comparison of the frightfully bland Hermoglyphike téchné, the sculptor’s craft, with the glorious Paideia (Somnium 6-16) may have served as an allegorical image within the framework of rivalry between the fine arts and rhetoric [39]. The elevation of the artist by the theory of the phantasia, the luminous gift of creativity, is just one of the many aspects of philosophical idealism [24. 52-55; 40]. The ambivalence of attitudes in antiquity even towards the most esteemed artistic activities becomes especially evident in Plutarch’s remark (Plut. Pericles 2) that no ‘talented’ youth would wish to become a sculptor or a poet. Various comments show that, even in a slave-owning society, the attitude towards manual work was not uniformly negative; the records permit a great number of modern social and political interpretations [41; 425 43; 44]. Actual documents about artistic production exist in too small a number to obtain any coherence, and the specific character of documentary reports lets the core points, in particular, of the work remain obscure. The preserved records of public building projects

visual arts; their excellent, but often uncanny works of

art continue to be part of legends about artists right up to modern times [19; 20]. Since Greek archaic times, examples illustrating the practical environment of artists and craftsmen can be found in articles from excavated workshops, images of potters and sculptors at work [21; 22. 107-112], inscriptions with names of potters [22. 112-116] and sculptors [23], inscriptions with lists of craftsmen, materials used, work and tasks to be done, as well as

payments [14], and this picture deviates considerably from the presentation given by > Plinius the Elder and other authors. Books 33 to 37 of the Naturalis historia by Pliny, long regarded as definitive, formulate a historical and systematic framework in which great and lesser masters (in regional or local schools within a functioning network of pupils, teachers as well as rivals) contribute to the development of the various genres in art by their individual achievement. It was assumed that Pliny’s numerous citations of specific sources indicated that his information — directly or indirectly — originated from practising artists and therefore were essentially reliable [24. 73-81]. While Pliny, due to the richness and systematic approach in his presentation, is undoubtedly the dominant figure in literary tradition, the testimonia on artists contain a considerable amount of material which has been collected from historical, rhetorical, poetic, technical and travel writings as well as from > ekphrasis. Traditionally, the individual references are taken out of their context and the information is evaluated in respect of its accuracy; however, with such a positivist approach, even the information provided by Pliny remains inconclusive. It is known from numerous pieces of evidence in epigraphy and monuments that, in archaic Athens, sculptures were produced by smaller workshops of little specialization in which connections with the political activities of the time can be demonstrated to a far lesser degree than has been assumed for a long time [25]. Thus, the celebrated ‘Rhodian school of sculptors’ later turned out to be purely a desired ideal in historiography [26; 27]. The solution cannot lie in the idea to dismiss the sources as ‘inaccurate’, but to understand them as

texts. Even apparently straightforward biographical and technical information on artists and their works is characterized by its context: Pliny’s moralizing analysis of human activities [28] as well as the repetitive historiographic patterns in ancient reports on the development of the technai, the ‘arts ofcivilization’ [29; 30]; the relationship between artists and politicians (the very thing that enabled art to become historically visible at all [31. 3.43f.]); and finally the at times marginalizing and formulaic-rhetorical character of treatises on artists [32].

V. STATUS IN SOCIETY In classical Greek times (5th/4th cents. BC), the fundamental themes emerge which have remained contro-

ARTISTS

clarify details of contracts, organization, construction

practice and payment, but they throw only little light on the contradiction between the general contempt for artists and craftsmen and the social success many of them achieved [453 46; 47; 48]. The same also applies to work in the private sphere: letters from Zeno’s archive regarding the decoration of a richly furnished house in Ptolemaic Egypt of the 3rd cent. BC describe complicated negotiations with various specialist craftsmen; but no generally valid conclusions can be drawn from

79

80

this [49]. There are even fewer treatises in existence that were written by artists or architects and are also cited in existing ancient sources [24. 73-81]. It is not clear to

Original? The State of the Question, in: K.PRECIADO (ed.), Retaining the Original. Multiple Originals, Copies,

ARTISTS

what extent these texts went beyond special matters of interest and contributed to a more broadly defined intellectual context. External material for comparison, such as ancient treatises on mechanical objects, appears to indicate a limited range of subjects with a narrow focus [50; 51]. However, Vitruvius’ statement that architecture requires a broadly based knowledge (1,1; 6, praef.) is considerably reinforced by the content of his own work which certainly does not merely relate to buildings in the strictly technical sense [52]. The question related to position and reputation of the artist in ancient Rome is being complicated by the almost complete silence of the written sources on this subject as well as the Roman self-concept according to which ‘Romans do not produce art’ (Verg. Aen. 6.847-8 53) and, in contrast to the Greeks, have little interest in doing so either (Cic. Ver. 2,4,132). During

the late Republic, the fine arts as part of the /uxuria (‘luxury’, ‘licentiousness’), which had entered Rome in the wake of art looted during war, had negative connotations and were often regarded as the beginning of the moral decline (e.g. Liv. 25,40,1-3). Nevertheless, works of art in all media and in large quantities continued to be produced and consumed. In many instances, this involved imitating Greek models, often by artists with Greek names. It appears certain that sculptures of this type were regarded as Roman and the sculptors were more than mere ‘copyists’ of Greek works [53]. Technical investigations, which have proven series production processes even for bronze statues, put a question mark over the traditional understanding of ‘originality’ and elucidate ancient practices not described in the literary sources [12]. The written records on painters and their works also hardly refer to the considerable quantity of Roman paintings in particular [54]. Overall, the written evidence, preserved in numerous instances, about Roman artists and their works

does not offer a comprehensive picture. + Architect; > Architecture; > Building trade/civil engineering; > Image; Concept of Image; — Copies; ~ Art, interest in; > Art, theory of; > Sculpture; > Reproduction techniques; > Vitruvius; 1 G. Vasarl, Le vite de’ piu eccellenti architetti, pittori et scultori italiani, 1550,*1568 2 FRANCISCcUs JUNIUS, De pictura veterum, 1637; Catalogus architectorum, mecha-

and Reproductions,

1989, 7-11

12 C.C. Marruscu,

Classical Bronzes. The Art and Craft of Greek and Roman Statuary, 1996 13 O.Paracia, J.J. Poiuirr (ed.), Personal Styles in Greek Sculpture, 1996 14 A. BURFORD,

Craftsmen in Greek and Roman Society, 1972 15 F.CoareLtt (ed.), Artisti e artigiani in Grecia, 1980 16 H. Puiipp, Handwerker und bildende K. in der griech. Ges. von homer. Zeit bis zum E. des 5. Jh. v.Chr., in: H. Beck, P.C. Bot, M. BUCKLING (ed.), Polyklet. Der Bildhauer der griech. Klassik, 1990, 79-110 17 P. BRUNEAU,

Situation méthodologique de l’histoire de l’art antique, in: AC 44, 1975, 425-487 18R.LAFFINEUR, P.P. BETANcourt (ed.), TEXNH. Craftsmen, Craftswomen, and Craftsmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age, 1997

19 F. Frontisi-Ducroux, Dédale. Mythologie de l’artisan en Gréce ancienne, 1975 20E.Kris, O. Kurz, Die Legende vom K., 1934 21 J.Marcapé, Recueil des

signatures de sculpteurs grecs,

1953-1957

221. SCHEIB-

LER, Griech. Topferkunst, 1995 23 G. ZIMMER, Ant. Werkstattbilder, 1982 24 J.J. Potuitr, The Ancient View of Greek Art, 1974 25 D. Viviers, Les ateliers de

sculpteurs en Attique: des styles pour une Cité, in: A. VERBANCK-PIERAND, D. Viviers (ed.), Culture et cité. L’avé-

nement d’Athénes a |’€poque archaique, 1995, 211-223 26 G.S. MERKER, The Hellenistic Sculpture of Rhodes, 1973 27 J.IsAGER, The Lack of Evidence for a Rhodian School, in: MDAI(R) 102, 1995,

115-131

28 Id., Pliny

on Art and Society, 1991 29 A. KLEINGUNTHER, Protos Heuretes (Philologus Suppl. 26.1), 1933 30 F. PREtssHOFEN, Kunsttheorie und Kunstbetrachtung, in: Le classicisme a Rome aux lers siécles av. et ap. J.-C., Entretiens 25,1979, 263-282

31A.A.DoNOoHuE, Winckelmann’s

History of Art and Polyclitus, in: W.G. Moon (ed.), Polykleitos, the Doryphoros, and Tradition, 1995, 327-353 32 T.PeKARy, Die griech. Plastik in den r6m. Rhetorschulen, in: Boreas 12, 1989, 95-104

33 B. SCHWEI-

TZER, Mimesis und Phantasia, in: Philologus 89, 1934, 286-300 34 P. VipaL-NaqueT, Etude d’une ambiguité: les artisans dans la cité platonicienne, in: Id., Le chasseur noir, 1981, 289-316 35 M. Vickers, D. GILL, Artful

Crafts.

Ancient

Greek

Silverware

and Pottery,

1994

36 L. NEESEN, Demiurgoi und artifices, 1989 37 F. FRONTISsI-DucRoux, Die technische Intelligenz des

griech. Handwerkers, in: Hephaistos 11/12, 1992/3, 93105 38 A.A. DoNoHUE, Xoana and the Origins of Greek Sculpture, 1988 39 D.L. Gera, Lucian’s Choice: Somnium 6-16, in: D.INNEs, H. Hine, C. PELLING (ed.), Ethics and Rhetoric, 1995,237-250 40 G.Warson, The

Concept of ‘Phantasia’ from the Late Hellenistic Period to Early Neoplatonism, in: ANRW II 36.7, 4765-4810

Art, 1991 3 J.J. WINCKELMANN, Gesch. der Kunst des Alt., 1764 4A.D. Potrs, Greek Sculpture and Roman Copies I, in: JWI 43, 1980, 152-173 5 OVERBECK

41 R.MONDOLFO, The Greek Attitude to Manual Labor, in: Past and Present 6,1954,1-5 42 C. Mossé, Le travail en Gréceeta Rome, 1966 43 J.-P. VERNANT, Le travail et la pensée technique, in: Id., Mythe et pensée chez les Grecs, 1971, vol. 2, 5-64 44 P.GaRNsEy (ed.), NonSlave Labour in the Greco-Roman World, r980 45 R.H.

6 A. FURTWANGLER,

nicorum, sed praecipue pictorum ..., 1694, in: K.ALDRICH, P. FEHL, R. FEHL (ed.), The Literature of Classical

Plastik,

RANDALL Jr., The Erechtheum Workmen, in: AJA 57,

1893 7D.C. Kurtz, Beazley and the Connoisseurship of Greek Vases, in: Greek Vases in the J. Paul Getty Museum 2, 1985, 237-250 8 H. HOFFMANN, In the Wake of Beazley, in: Hephaistos 1, 1979, 61-70

1953, 199-210 46 A.BurFoRD, The Greek Temple Builders at Epidaurus, 1969 47 N. HIMMELMANN, Zur Entlohnung kinstlerischer Tatigkeit in klass. Bauinscnr., in: JDAI 94, 1979, 127-142

9 H. WOLFFLIN, In eigener Sache (1920), in: Id., Gedanken zur Kunstgesch., 41957, 15-18 10R.CARPENTER, Greek Sculpture, 1960 11 R. Krauss, Retaining the

und Lohn am Erechtheion, in: AA 1985, 55-65 49 E. VANDERBORGHT, La maison de Diotimos a Philadelphie, in: Chronique d’Egypte 17, 1942, 117-126

Meisterwerke

der

griech.

48 B. WESENBERG, Kunst

81

82 50 M.FUHRMANN, Das systematische Lehrbuch, 1960 51J.W. Humpurey, J.P. Ovesen, A.N. SHERWOOD,

ARVAD, ARWAD

ingratum. Proceedings of the International Symposium on Vitruvius’ De Architectura and the Hellenistic and Republican Architecture, 1989, 13-21 53 B.S. Rripeway, Roman Copies of Greek Sculpture: The Problem of the

[2] Tunius A. Rusticus, Q. In AD 66 as tribunus plebis he wanted to intercede in the Senate on behalf of Thrasea (Tac. Ann. 16,26,4f.); 70 praetor, 92 suffect consul (AE 1949, 23). Executed by Domitian in 93 or shortly thereafter, supposedly for writing laudes to Thrasea. His book was burned (Tac. Agr. 2,1; 45,1; Plin. Ep. 1,5,2; 5,1,8; PIR* J730). Brother of Junius Mauricus (Plin. Ep. TAs tite LIRR IZ). WE.

Originals, 1984 54 H.ErisTov, Peinture romaine et textes antiques: informations et ambiguités, in: RA 1987,

Arum

Greek and Roman

Technology: A Sourcebook,

1998

52 P.H. SCHRIJVERS, Vitruve et la vie intellectuelle de son temps, in: H. GEERTMAN, J.J. DE JONG (ed.), Munus non

109-123 55 J.M.C. ToYNBEE, Some Notes on Artists in the Roman World, 1951 56 M.-T. OLszewsxt, Fabriquer des images (xouetv éyahuata): A propos du métier du pictor, remarques et réflexions, in: E.M. MooRMANN (ed.), Functional and Spatial Analysis of Wall Painting, 1993, 184-186.

A.A.D.

Artist’s signature see > Signature, artist’s Artorius, M. Doctor, and follower of Asclepiades of Bithynia (Caelius Aurelianus Morb. acut. 3,113), was

in Philippi with Octavian where a dream saved the life of the future emperor (Plut. Antonius 22; Brutus 47; Val. Max. 1,7,2; Vell. Pat. 2,70,1). He was honoured by the Athenians (IG IJ/III* 4116), probably on the occasion of a journey to Delos (IDélos 4116), and died around 27 BC in a shipwreck (Hieron. Chron. Olymp. 127). A. believed that rabies first attacked the brain and that it spread to the stomach and caused hiccups, ungquenchable thirst and bilious vomiting. The inscription CIG 3285 from Verona that connects A. with Smyrna and gives his cognomen as Asclepiades is a fake from the 18th cent. — Asclepiades [6] T.Rurrt, Iscrizioni nel museo maffeiano di Verona, 1981,

(éeo0v; dron), in Hippocrates, Aristotle, Theophr. Hist. pl.7.12.2 and Dioscorides 2.167 [z. 1. 233ff.] = 2.197 [2.245], also do0v (dron),

OeEovtiov (ordntion), aron in Plin. HN

19.96; 24.142

and passim, represents several species of the Araceae genus Arum (esp. Arum italicum), Arisarum (GQ.wdeov; arisdron, Dioscorides 2.168 [1. 1.234] = 2.198

[2. 245]), Dracunculus (SQaxdvuov; drakontion, Dioscorides 2.166 [1. 1. 231ff.] = 2,195-196 [2. 243ff.]: rotting carcass smell of the inflorescence kills the embryo [3rd fig. 365ff., 371]) among other things. According to Theophrastus the tubers and leaves were eaten, boiled in vinegar. According to Plin. HN 19.96 and 24.143, this probably refers to Arum Colocasia L. introduced in the Roman Imperial period via Syria and Egypt, a tuber vegetable still grown in southern Europe today (Arab. golqas, Indian katchu, taro). Plin. HN 24.144-I51 recommends using various Araceae, according to the doctors Dieuches, Diodotus, Glaucias and Hippocrates, both internally and externally to combat, among other things, inflammations, gynaecological problems and snake poisons; Dioscorides recommends it for cancer. According to Aristot. Hist. an. 7(8).17.600b rrff. (= Plin.HN 8.129) and 8(9).6.611b 34ff., bears are supposed to first eat arum after hibernating to open up the bowel.

Art theft, Art collections see > Art, interest of

1M. WELLMANN (ed.), Pedanii Dioscuridis de materia medica, vol.1, 1907, repr.1958 2J.BERENDES (ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre, tibers. und mit Erl. versehen, 1902, repr.1970 3 H.Baumann, Die

Artystone (Agtvotévy; Artystone, Elamite IrtaSduna).

griech. Pflanzenwelt in Mythos, Kunst und Lit., 1982. C.HU.

Ioo.

V.N.

Daughter of Cyrus II, favourite wife of Darius I, mother of + Arsames and - Gobryas. Darius had a golden statue made of her (Hdt. 7.69). She owned extensive property in Persis (Kukkannakan, Randu), which she administered herself. Elamite administrative documents from Persepolis are sealed with her seal; A. is also

mentioned there together with her son Arsames. M.Brostus, Royal and Non-royal Women in Achaemenid Persia, 1996, 81, 125-127. A.KU.andH.S.-W.

Arusianus Messius Teacher of rhetoric in late antiquity, author of an alphabetical phraseology of model idiomatic expressions published in 395 (Exempla elocutionum). The excerpts from — Vergilius and ~ Sallustius, > Terentius and Cicero forma quartet—asa classicist stretto of the canon — which from time to time in late antiquity was considered to be the quintessence of pagan culture (quadriga Messii). There is evidence of only two Carolingian codices; a Bobiensis text

Arulenus [1] Caelius Sabinus, Cn. Suffect consul in AD 69. Very

influential jurist at the time of Vespasian (Dig. 12,2553); successor to > Cassius Longinus as head of the Sabinian law school, he wrote a commentary Ad edictum aedilium curulium. R.A. Bauman, Lawyers and Politics in the Early Roman He: 2 PIRI’ 1194. Empire, 1989, 142ff.

discovered in 1493 and copied by G. GALBIaTI (today in Naples IV.A.11) was preserved. EpiT1ons: GL 7, 439-514; A. DELLA Casa, 1977 (with trans. and comm.). BIBLIOGRAPHY: SCHANZ/Hostus 4,1, 183f. P.L.S.

Arvad, Arwad see > Aradus [1]

ARVALES FRATRES

:

Evidence of the collegium is found for the first time

Arvales fratres A. CuLt

B. History

84

83

C. EXCAVATIONS

A. CULT The Roman fraternity of the Arvales fratres (AF) consisted of twelve priests of senatorial! rank who were co-opted to their office for life. At the head of the collegium was a magister elected annually, who each year was aided by a flamen. It appears from their names (Varro, Ling. 5,85) as well as from the rites carried out by them that the duties of the AF were connected to the fertility of the fields They celebrated the cult of the -» Dea Dia and maintained her grove which was situated about 7-8 km west of Rome and was the principal site of the collegium. In Rome itself the AF gathered either in the house of the magister of the time, or in the vestibule of a temple, usually that of Concordia. The sacrifice to the Dea Dia was publicly announced each year in January by the AF and usually celebrated at the end of May (on 17th, r9th, 20th or on 27th, 29th, 30th). On the first and the last day it was opened and closed in Rome in the house of the magister by epulaea; on the second day the fraternity went to the grove, and there, crowned with garlands of wheat ears, they sacrificed a lamb to the Dea Dia. After the sacrifice the priests recited an ancient carmen with a three-beat rhythm (tripudium), the text of which is extant (> Carmen Arvale). After the ensuing sacrificial meal for the priests, horse racing took place in the Circus ad deam Diam. The sacrificium deae Diae celebrated the goddess of the good heavenly light who allowed the grain to ripen unhindered. During the sacrifice the ripening of the grain was ritually represented on several occasions. Alongside this primary duty, the AF also maintained the grove of Dia and offered up there the expiatory sacrifices associated with their work (piacula). Moreover they participated, like all other sacerdotal collegia, in the vows of pro salute imperatoris on 3 January, and in special vows and sacrifices held for the emperor and his family. B. History

It is assumed that the AF and their cult were very old. This assumption of great age is based on the position of the grove of the Dea Dia on the border of the ager Romanus antiquus. However, there is archaeological evidence and attestation through inscriptions of the use of the place and of the adjacent Fors-Fortuna shrine only from the 3rd cent. onwards. The form of the fraternity appears to be older than that of the four great sacerdotal collegia; but this proof has only limited validity as we know almost nothing about sodalities in the Republican period. Ultimately the AF declaim a carmen, the language of which indicates it was written before the end of the 4th cent. BC, so one can assume that the fraternity was at the latest already in existence then. The aition of the AF connects them with Romulus and Acca Larentia, but it should be considered as an interpretation of the cult and not as evidence of its great age.

in Varro. From the end of the Civil War (c. 28 BC) the

fraternity appears as a senatorial priesthood. The reasons for the favour shown to it by Augustus were, on the one hand, the connection with the founder Romulus, and on the other hand, the agrarian cuit of Dea Dia, which was meant to show the lofty piety and legitimacy of the princeps. Between 20 BC and AD 241 there is evidence for nearly all members of the fraternity. After 241 the sources do not mention it any more; the last reference to it is from the year 304. Apart from calatores, the AF occupied servi publici and an aedituus. In the epulae they were served by boys of senatorial rank whose parents were both still alive. The AF are famous for their acta or rather commentarii. Each year the magister had all actions and decisions of the brothers written into a codex by a commentariensis. From the time of Augustus, each year an extract of this codex was written on marble plaques which covered one of the walls in the grove of Dea Dia. These copies of the codex which with time became ever longer are partially preserved and they constitute the sole extant evidence — precise and covering a substantial time — of a priestly commentary. This makes the AF model for public religion in Rome of the High Imperial Age. The grove of Dea Dia lay at the fifth milestone of the via Campana west of Rome on the right bank of the Tiber (today La Magliana vecchia). The actual grove, situated on a slope, contained the aedes of Dea Dia as well as a number of arae temporales of deities which assisted the Dea Dia in the performance of their duties and in her grove. At the foot of the hill stood a Caesareum (or tetrastylum) with the statues of the Imperial genius, the Divi and Divae (in total 16 in the year 183 and 20 after 224), in which the AF gathered and ate the sacrificial meal. The so-called papilliones (cells, rooms?) were connected to the Caesareum of the AF

and a balneum. The entire shrine was partially rebuilt under Caracalla and Elagabalus. C. EXCAVATIONS The Arval inscriptions were published in an annotated form for the first time by G. Marini [r]. After excavations in La Magliana, in which a large number of fragments of the commentarii as well as parts of a calendar and of Fasti consulares and praetoriani were found, W.HENZEN published a new annotated edition, which remains definitive to this day [2]. The grove has recently been excavated [3]; a new edition of the commentarii is also available [4]. 1G. Marini, Gli atti de’ fratelli Arvali, 1795 2 W. HENZEN, Acta Fratrum Arvalium quae supersunt, 1874

3 H.Brotse, J.ScHEtp, Recherches archéologiques a La Magliana. Le balneum des fréres arvales, 1986 4 J.ScHEID, Commentarii fratrum arvalium, 1996.

E. Norben, Aus altrém. Priesterbiichern, 1939; I. PALADINO, Fratres arvales. Storia di un collegio sacerdotale romano, 1988; J. SCHEID, Romulus et ses fréres. Le collége

85

86

des fréres arvales, modéle du culte public dans la Rome des empereurs, 1990; SCHEID, Recrutement; SCHEID, Collége.

Js.

Arverni Celtic tribe in the Auvergne, neighbouring the Segusiavi and the Haedui, separated from the Helvetii by the Cebenna mons (Caes. B Gall. 1,31; Str. 4,2,2; Ptol. 2,8,17). In the 6th cent. BC, the A. participated in the raids of Italy (Liv. 5,34,5). Their king > Bituitus was defeated and captured by Domitius and Fabius in 122/21 BC (Liv. per. 61). In 52 BC, the Avernian king

~ Vercingetorix led all of Gaul in revolt. After their subjugation, Rome treated the A. with leniency; Plin. HN 4,109 classified them as liberi. Their capital was the newly founded Augustonemetum, their tribal sanctuary the temple of > Mercurius Arvernus (also Dumias/Arvernorix) on the peak of the Puy-de-D6me (1465 m); under Nero, > Zenodorus created a colossal statue for this temple (destroyed in the 3rd cent. AD) (Plin. HN 34,47). In the 2nd cent. AD, Lezoux, in the territory of

the A., was a centre for > terra sigillata (production and export). C. JULLIAN, Histoire de la Gaule 3, 1909.

Arvina Cognomen (from arvina, ‘bacon’) in the fami-

lies of the Cornelians and Papirians. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 91, 340.

K-LE.

ARYBBAS

Aryans The peoples of ancient India and ancient Iran, who spoke Aryan languages referred to themselves as A. (cf. Old Indo-Aryan arya-, Iranian *arya-; etymology disputed). In the roth cent. the until then purely linguistic terms A./Aryan were for a time used synonymously with Indo-Europeans/Indo-Germanic and in this way came to be used in anthropology and ethnology, which in the Nazi era perverted them with an anti-Semitic bias into the positive counterpart of Jews/Jewish. Linguistic and religious-historical reasons support the belief that the A. were an originally, unified (nomadic) ethnic group (with central Asia as its ‘homeland’), which split into Indo-A. and Iranians at the latest at the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC. Indo-Aryan groups played a role in the Hurrite Mittan(n)i kingdom in Upper Mesopotamia in the 17th/ 16th cents., where their influence was particularly reflected in the names of rulers and gods, and also technical terms of horse-breeding. Probably around the middle of the 2nd millennium Indo-A. migrated in several phases to north-west India and won through on the subcontinent in the battle against the non-Indo-European original population, the Dasa (or Dasyu) of Vedic texts. The immigration of Iranian ‘tribes’ into the Iranian highlands seems to have taken place at the latest at the end of the 2nd millennium. The proto-Aryan legacy consists of numerous terms and institutions of political, religious, social and economic life common to both the Indo-A. and Iranians; Indo-A. and Iranians were also

Arx Gerontis Place name, originating from Geron/ Theron, a king of > Tartessus (fani est prominens et ... Gerontis arx est eminens: Avien. Ora maritima

261;

263; 304). The sanctuary was supposedly located within the delta area of the — Baetis [1. 237], the Arx Gerontis to the south of it, possibly on the Salmedina peninsula, of which these days only a few cliffs remain, washed over by the sea [2. 39, 41, map 1; 1. 236f.]. According to a later source (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 2,767), the place was also called Gxea Taabxov (adkra Glaukou), showing the identification of King Geron with the water god > Glaucus [2. 41]. From 139 BC, the lighthouse Caepionis monumentum stood on top of the dangerous cliff [1. 237]. 1 A.ScHULTEN, Landeskunde

1950.

1, 1955

2/Id., Tartessos,

P.B.

Aryandes (‘Agudavdys; Arydndeés). Satrap of Egypt under Cambyses II and Darius I, suppressed an uprising in Libya (Hdt. 4.200-203). Executed by Darius for high treason, because he is supposed to have tried to imitate royal coins (> Dareikos), minting high-value silver coins (Hdt. 4,166); to date not archaeologically attested. J.BALCER, Prosopographical Study of the Ancient Persians, 1993, 93¢. A.KU. andH.S.-W.

linked by a particular predilection for poetry passed on by verbal tradition and performed by singers, mainly ordained by religion and mythology. In Iran this resulted in the early Sassanid era in the development of a specific political, religious and ethnic idea of Iran as the ‘Kingdom of the A.’ (EranSahr). A.KAMMENHUBER,

Die A. im Vorderen

Orient,

1968;

M. MayrHoF ER, in: Investigationes philologicae et comparativae. GS Kronasser, 1982, 72-90; R.SCHMITT, s. v. Aryans, Enclr 2, 1987, 684-687; G. GNOLI, The Idea of Iran, 1989. JW.

Aryballos (Gebpaddoc; aryballos). {1] Leather bag. [2] Technical term for spherical containers of ointment (> lekythos), worn on an athlete’s wrist; they have survived in clay, faience, bronze and silver. Originating in Corinth, the form reached Sparta and Rhodes in the 6th cent. BC, and subsequently Attica. N.Kuniscu,

Eine

neue

Fikellura-Vase,

in: AA

1972,

558-565 (typology); G.ScHwarz, Addenda zu Beazleys “Aryballoi”, in: JOAI 54, 1983, 27-32. LS.

Arybbas (Aoippac; Arybbas). Son of Alcetas (Plut. Pyrrhus 1,5; Paus. 1,11,1ff.), he became the sole king of the Molossi in about 360 BC after the death of his brother Neoptolemus, with whom he seems to have shared rule, married Neoptolemus’ daughter Troas and took over the guardianship of her siblings > Alexander

87

88

[5] and > Olympias. No later than 357, he gave the latter as a wife to the Macedonian king Philip II (Just. Epit. 7,6,10ff.), who then campaigned against him in 350, drove him out and installed Alexander as ruler (Dem. Or. 1,13; Trog. prolog. 8; Just? Epit. 8,6,4ff.; Oros. 3,12,8). A. found refuge in Athens where he, like

As Originally the expression for ‘one’ or ‘unit’; in the Roman system of measurement the basic unit in measures of length (1 pes = 29.57 cm), measures of area (1 iugerum = 2,523 m*) and of weight (x libra, ‘pound’ = 327.45 g). In inheritance and property law the entire estate is called as; the heir to the estate is thus called heres ex asse. In the system of weights the as is divided duodecimally, some part units also representing de-

ARYBBAS

his father and grandfather before him, was made a citi-

zen and also received other honours (Syll.3 228). He died in about 3 42 (Diod. Sic. 16,72,1). R.M. Errincton, A. the Molossian, in: GRBS 16, 1975,

41-50; J. HEsKEL, The political background of the A. decree, in: GRBS 29, 1988, 185-196.

M.Z.

nominations

of coinage (> Aes grave). However the

quincunx, bes, dodrans and dextans denominations occur infrequently [1. 39]. The earliest libral standard asses cast in a bronze-lead alloy (denomination I), accompanied by the smaller denominations (aes grave), are dated to 290-275

Arycanda Lycian town in the Arycandus valley north of Finice. Finds (sepulchres, ceramics) commence in the classical period, but the place name indicates a greater age. Verified as a polis at the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC [2. no. 1], A. minted Lycian confederate coins after 167 BC. Excavations prove A.’s prosperity in the imperial age [1]. A copy of the petition of AD 312 by Lycians and Pamphylians against Christians was found

BC [7. 19; ro. 64]. Initially ir-

regular, from about 240 BC the heads ofJanus, Saturn, Mars, Hercules, Mercury and Roma together with the appropriate value are firmly assigned each to one denomination [7. 21ff.]. The asses in the various series “2 as %(=%2) Y%(=%2)

Uncia Sextans Quadrans

27529 8 54,588 81,86 2

in A. [2. no. 12]. From the sth cent. AD bishop’s seat;

Y%,(=%2)

last mentioned in the 14th cent.

2 as

Quincunx (quinque uncias)

136,11 g

Y%(=%2)

Semis

163,132

7h2 as

Septunx

191,02 g

% (=%2)

Bes (binar [partes] assis)

218,308

%(=%2) % (='%2)

Dexians

"Ys as I as 2 asses 3 asses 5 asses toasses

Deunx Libra Dupendius (Dussis) Tressis Quincussis Decussis

1 P.KNOBLAUCH, CHR. WITSCHEL, Arykanda in Lykien, in: AA, 1993, 229-262 2 5.SAHIN, Die Inschr. von Arykanda, in: IK 48, 1994. C.SCH.

Arzawa This country, situated in western Asia Minor in the 2nd millennium BC and bordering the sea, belonged to the > Luwian language area (originally Luwiya), though its exact location is disputed [1. 220f.; 4.325]. Known from cuneiform texts, mostly from Bogazkoy, and from Egyptian hieroglyphic inscriptions [2. 28off.]. There are few indications in the 16th/15th cents. In phases of actual or aspired independence from the Hittite kingdom contacts of A. with Egypt and + Achijawa have been handed down [3. soff., 97ff., 240f.]. After A. was destroyed by the Hittite king Mursili I (after 1320 BC) there were three or four Hittite vassal states in A. [3. 23 9ff.]. 1 O.R. Gurney, Hittite Geography, FS Alp, 1992, 213221 2 W.HeEtck, Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Vorder3 S. HEINHOLDasien im 3. und 2.Jt. v.Chr., 71971 KRAHMER, A., in: THeth 8, 1977.

J. Freu, Luwiya, 1980, 255-305; E.R. JEwELL, The Archaeology and History of Western Anatolia During the Second Millennium B.C., 1974. S.H-K.

Triens

109,15 g

Dedrans

249,398 272,88 g

300,16 g 327,452 654,908 982,358 1637,26 & 3274,508

(e.g. Apollo / Apollo = c. 398-287 g; Minerva/bull ROMA = c. 336-225.5g) and those issued outside Rome

in Etruria, Picenum, Latium and Apulia differ

from each other in weight, frequently falling below the basic libral standard [7. 28ff., 36f.]. The relative chronology of as issues is largely known [7. roff.]. The financing of the rst Punic War leads to an insidious reduction in the weight of the as. Eventually, on the eve of the 2nd Punic War and during the disputes between Carthage and Rome, the weight of the as falls rapidly, although research is not yet unanimous on precise dates. Around 230 or 217 BC the as sinks to below the half-libra standard (1 as = 6 uncia), to be followed in

215/214 or 211 BC by the sextantal standard (1 as = 2 uncia), and perhaps

Arzus (‘AgCoc; Arzos). River in Thrace, modern Sazlijka; at its mouth into the > Hebrus (not the Propontis, cf., however, Ptol. 3,11,4), there was a statio of the same name (It. Ant. 136,7; Tab. Peut. 8,2), modern Kalugerovo, district of Haskovo, in the territory of

Augusta Traiana (IGBulg 3,1704-1706). Fortified by > Justinianus. IGBulg, 3,2, 131.

soon

afterwards

the one-uncia

standard [13. 8f.]. Whereas previously 2 ‘/, asses (later 3) make up one > Didrachmon [ro. 3 5ff.], the denarius, introduced ca. 211 BC, is worth ro sextantal asses, now struck rather than cast [13. 364]. With the establishment of the uncial standard, by 14x BC at the latest, 16 asses make one denarius (table of denominations) [9. 613, 624f.]. During the 2nd cent. BC, however, in actual fact the as is minted for the most part below the

89

90

uncial standard, although vain attempts were made to return to the uncial standard. Eventually, on the eve of the Social War, by the terms of the lex Papiria of 91 BC the as is minted to the semuncial standard [9. 75ff., 596f., 611]. The politics of expansion and the civil wars in Rome call for such large amounts of currency that the reduction in the weight of the as is called upon to mask the need for the minting of more coinage. From its former status as full currency it is reduced to that of token money, and gradually disappears from transactions. In 82 BC Sulla entirely ceases minting in bronze for more than 30 years. The rare asses minted by the fleet prefects of M. Antonius during the Civil Wars weigh below the semuncial standard [rr. 284ff.]. Under the Augustan reform of the coinage, from the reopening of the Roman mint c. 23 BC the as is now minted as a copper token coin of 129 g, with 30 asses to the pound [5. 12,40; 8. 3f., 31f.]. Instead of the portraits of gods, the new asses bear on their obverse the likeness of the ruling emperor wearing a laurel wreath, infrequently bareheaded. On the so-called mint master asses the reverse comprises an SC (for > Senatus Consultum), with the annually appointed tresviri monetales named in the circumscription [3; 9]. Along with the socalled altar issues (reverse: altar) from Lugdunum (Lyon) [8. 57f.] and the rather heavy Nemausus as (reverse: a crocodile chained to a palm-tree) [8. 5 rf.], these provide an appropriate basis for dating the castella on the Rhine and Lippe (Haltern, Oberaden, etc.), as well as the recently discovered site of the Varus battle, northeast of Osnabriick [12]. Already under Tiberius, > personifications or personal political motifs of the emperor displace the SC legend, so that it becomes an increasingly subordinate part of the design. A slight reduction in weight occurs after the death of Tiberius. Under Caligula the provincial Roman mints in Spain, Sicily and Africa, which since Augustus had issued bronze and copper coins of the same weight as the as, were closed on grounds that are still not understood [11. 18f.; 66]. The resulting shortage of > small coin possibly provoked — unofficial coinings in the western provinces, and is not corrected until Nero in c. AD 64. In his shortlived reform the as is minted in brass, briefly with the value I on the reverse and without the legend SC [8. 3f., 136f.; 6. 37ff., 144ff.]. The weight of the as remains unaltered until about AD 200, the copper content hardly changing. After the introduction of the > Antoninianus by Caracalla in AD 215 and the subsequent reduction in weight, asses are minted less often and at a lesser weight. By Aurelian (AD 275) at the latest the as is no longer issued [1. 41; 4. 569]. + Aes grave; — Antoninianus; + Aureus; — Bes;

ASARHADDON

Zschr. 46/47, 1951/52, 28-55 3 1d., Das Enddatum des Legionslagers Haltern, in: BJ 155/156, 1955/56, 95-111 4 M.H. Crawrorp, Finance, Coinage and Money from the Severans to Constantine, ANRW

1976 6D.W. MacDowa Lt, The Western coinages of Nero, 1979 7B.K. THuRLOw, I.G. Veccut, Italian cast

coinage, Italian aes grave, Italian aes rude, signatum and the aes grave of Sicily, 1979 8RIC,*1984 9RRC, 1987 10 A.Burnett, The Beginning of Roman Coinage, in: Annali dell’Ist. Italiano di Numismatica 36, 1989, 33-64 11RPCI,1992 12 F.BERGER, in: W.SCHLUTER (ed.), Kalkriese Romer im Osnabriicker Land, 1993, 211-230 13 J.SEIBERT, Forsch. zu Hannibal, 1993.

H. Writers, Gesch. der rom. Kupferpragung, 1909 M.H. CrawForb, Coinage and Money under the Roman Republic, 1985. A.M.

Asander (‘AocvdQ0c; Asdndros) [1] Son of a certain Philotas, probably related to > Parmenion, under Alexander [4] the Great the commander of the > Prodromoi

and > Paeones (so in Diod. Sic. 17,17,4), IN 334-331 BC satrap of — Lydia; he participated in the conquest of > Caria. In the winter of 329/28 he led troops to Alexander and then is no longer mentioned. BERVE, 2, no. 165; HECKEL, 385.

[2] Son of Agathon, after the death of > Alexander [4] the Great satrap of > Caria, changed sides to > Antigonus [1] in 320 BC, but in 315 joined > Ptolemaeus and -» Cassander. Apparently he was driven from Asia Minor and fled with some ships to Cassander via Athens. The latter sent him back with an army under > Prepelaus which however was decisively defeated by Ptolemy. A. submitted to Antigonus but soon revoked the contract and was driven from Caria by him (Diod. Sic. 18,3,393; 19,62,68f.; 75). EB. [3] Was named governor by the Bosporan king Pharnaces [2], when the latter was preparing to conquer the kingdom of his father Mithridates [6] VI in 48 BC. As Pharnaces’ campaign was still only beginning, A. rose against him, hoping for Roman support (Cass. Dio 42,46,4). When Pharnaces fled back to his country, the -» Regnum Bosporanum, having been defeated by Caesar, he was destroyed by A. (App. Mith. 120; Cass. Dio 42,47,5). A. then prevailed against Mithridates [8] of Pergamum, intended by Caesar to become the Bosporan king (Cass. Dio 42,48,4; Str. 13,4,3). He legitimized his rule by marrying Pharnaces’ daughter > Dynamis (Cass. Dio 54,24,4), and like his predecessor ruled as far as the Tanais

~ Coinage; > Decussis; > Denarius; > Deunx; > Dex-

to the usurper

bii 17).

1 SCHROTTER, s.v. As, 38-42 2K.Krart, Zur Dat. der rom. Miinzmeisterpragung unter Augustus, in: Mainzer

(Str. 11,2,11).

Acknowledged

by

Augustus, in around 18 BC A. succumbed in his old age

tans; > Didrachmon; - Dodrans; > Dupondius; > Iugerum; > Libra; Pes; > Quadrans; > Quadrigatus; + Quincunx; > Quincussis; > Semis; — Sextans; > Tressis; > Tresviri monetales; > Triens; > Uncia

2. 2, 1975, 560-593

5 C.H. V. SUTHERLAND, The Emperor and the Coinage,

Scribonius

[II 1] (Ps.-Lucian

Macro-

M. SCH.

Asarhaddon Assyrian king (680-669 BC). Assyrian AsSur-ahu-iddina, biblical Asarhaddon, younger son of + Sanherib and Zakiitu (Aramaic Nagia), father of -» Assurbanipal and S$ama8-sumu-ukin. The murder of

91

92

his father by a brother and the circumstances of his seizing power are mentioned in the Bible (2 Kg 19.37; Jes 37.38). Under A. Egypt was conquered. Even Cypriot minor states recognized Assyrian rulership. In the Iranian highlands Medes and > Cimmerian or > Scythian incursions constituted the greatest danger. The

M. Forses IrviNG, Metamorphosis in Greek Myth, 1990, 309f. E.G.

ASARHADDON

anti-Babylonian politics of his father were abandoned,

the cult of Marduk restored in Babylon and the > Esagila sanctuary rebuilt. Besides numerous Assyrian royal inscriptions, sources are a pro-Assyrian Babylonian chronicle [1], contracts with Median princes and Zagrus states on the subject of the succession (SAA II 6), a trade contract with Baal of Tyre (SAA II 5) and oracle requests to the sun god on the subject of future military and political events (SAA IV; VIII). Letters to A. contain

information on political and religious happenings and observations by Assyrian and Babylonian scholars (SAA VIII; X) on terrestrial and astronomical events and their meaning for king and dynasty. Greek tradition [2] has only a few details about A. (Aoagidwos; Asaridinos:

Ptol. Canon, “Acogdav; Asordan:

LXX),

such as length of reign and the circumstances of his seizing power. An Aramaic novel and sayings are associated with the person of > Ahigar, the protector of his seal. ~ Divination; > Mesopotamia 1 J.-J. GLASSNER, Chroniques mésopotamiennes, 1993 no. 18 2P.SCHNABEL, Berossos und die babylon.-hell. Lit., 1923, 268-269. A.K. Grayson, *CAH III/2, 1991, 122-141; SAA = State

Archives of Assyria, 1987ff.

H.KE.

Asbestos (oBeotoc; asbestos), according to [r. 171] in

Dioscorides 5,115 [2. 85f.] = 5,132 [3. 539] the name for burnt lime, also \tO0¢ Glavtos, or, according to the main site of discovery, Kagvottos, is the well known

fibrous variety of the hornblende that, being fire-resistant, was made into fabrics and lamp-wicks. According to Plin. HN 19,r19f. this supposed species of flax from India was very precious; according to Dioscorides 5,138 [2. 99] = 5,155 [3. § 50] the amiantus stone from

Cyprus supplied woven robes (b@aouata) cleansed by fire. Such robes were found during excavations

[3- 550]. 1D.Go.rTz,

Studien

zur Gesch.

der Mineralnamen

in

Pharmazie, Chemie und Medizin von den Anfangen bis Paracelsus, 1972 2M. WELLMANN (ed.), Pedanii Dioscuridis de materia medica vol.3, 1914, repr.1958 3 J. BERENDES (ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre ubers. und mit Erl. versehen, 1902, repr.1970.

CHU. Ascalabus (AoxddaBoc; Askdlabos). Son of Misme from Eleusis. When Misme gave Demeter the kykeon to drink while she was in search of her daughter, A. mocked the goddess who was drinking voraciously. She poured the rest of the drink over him and changed him into a spotted lizard (askalabos; Nic. Ther. 486 ff.; Ov. Met. 5,446-61; Ant. Lib. 24).

Ascalaphus (‘Aoxéhadog; Askdlaphos). [1] Demon of the Underworld, son of Acheron and Gorgyra (Apollod. 1,33) or of the nymph Orphne of the Avernian lake (Ov. Met. 5,539 ff.). He gave witness that in the Underworld > Persephone had already eaten of the pomegranate and thereby belonged to Pluto. Persephone (Ov. ibid.) or Demeter (Apollod. ibid.) transformed A. into an owl (éoxdéAahoc) when Hercules lifted the heavy rock that had been rolled onto A. [2] Son of Ares and Astyoche, with his brother Ialmenus he was leader of the Boeotian Minyans at Troy (Hom. Il. 2,511; 9,82), killed by Deiphobus (Hom. Il. 13,518 ff.). Ares was held back with difficulty by Athena from avenging A. (Hom. Il. 15,1 ro ff.). Argonaut and suitor of Helen (Apollod. 1,113; 3,130; Hyg. Fab. 81). Character in pre-Homeric poetry [1]. 1 W.KULLMANN, in: Hermes (Einzelschriften 14), 71. F. DUMMLER, s.v. A., RE 2, 1608f.

Kee:

Ascalon Arabic ‘asgalan, to the west of modern derech

ha-nizachon, situated

16 km north of Gaza on the Mediterranean and on the via maris, was an important port and trade city connecting Egypt with Canaan/ Syria and via Byblus with Mesopotamia. In the 2nd millennium A. was under Egyptian influence. In the rst millennium A. belonged continuously to the Pentapolis of the Philistines (1 Sam 6.17) and was never in the hands of Israel. The thoroughly hostile relationship of Israel to A. in Judges 1.18, Jos. BI 3.2.1-3 and 3.9-28 (and passim) is attested to by prophetic threats (i.a. Am 1.8; Jer 25.19f.). After the fall of Niniveh Scythians are said to have plundered the temple of Aphrodite Urania (Hdt. 1,103—106). Nebuchadnezzar destroyed the city in 604/03BC. In Persian times A. belonged to Tyre (Sach 9.3-5 with Scyl. Periplus 1.78), then initially to the Ptolemies, but from the time of Antiochus II] became Seleucid. In 104 BC A. won its independence (with its own calendar (Plin. HN 5.68) and coinage). From 325 A. was a bishopric, until the city was finally destroyed by the Arabs in the Crusades in 1270. In classical times A. was famous not only as a banking and commercial centre, but also for its sanctuary dedicated to Atargatis/ Derketo (+ Dea Syria) with its own festival productions (Diod. Sic. 2.4.2-6; Paus. 1,14,7; Antoninus Placentinus CSEL 39,210 G). Antiochus, head of the Acad-

emy in Athens, and the grammarian Dorotheus came from A. Orte

und

Landschaften

der

Bibel

NEAEHL, vol. 1, 1993, 103-112.

Ascanius see > Iulus

2,

1982,

49-75; MK.

93

94

Ascesis/Ascetism (From Greek coxnouc; dskésis). In Hellenic philosophy, ascesis indicates the exercises to be practised in order to attain the virtuous ideal. In Homer, the word doxeiv (askein) means ‘to work material skilfully’ (Il. 3,388; 10,438 and passim); in Herodotus it still has the meaning ‘to embellish something’ or ‘perform something’ (Hdt. 3,57,4; 7,209,2). In the classical period the definition expands to mean ‘to endeavour, strive’, ‘to practise an art’, ‘to exercise a skill’ (e.g. Xen. Cyr. V 5,12; Thuc. 2,39; 5,67). Usage is extended in Pindar (Pyth. 3,110) and Isocrates (Busiris 26) to cover religious practice. The Sophists’ use of the term in the sense of mental and moral self-discipline (aoxfjoa puxnv; askésai psychén) is attested by an epigram ona statue of Gorgias (EpGr 875a). This usage for the concept also appears, if only incidentally, in Plato (Euthd. 283a; Grg. 527d) and Aristotle (Eth. Nic. 9,9,1170a 11); however, the notion of ‘philosophical exercises’ is clearly present in Socrates, Plato and Aristotle. Ascesis in the sense of spiritual exercises — and also to some extent in the sense of renunciation— plays a central role in Cynicism, Stoicism, Scepticism, Middle Platonism and Neoplatonism. Diog. Laert. 6,70-71 recognizes a dual, mental/physical ascesis [1]. Musonius and Epictetus describe stages of self-discipline under the heading regi Goxroewe (peri askéseds; Musonius fr. 6 HENSE, cf. [2]; Epict. diss. 3,12, cf. [3]); similar conceptions are to be found in Sextus Empiricus, Plutarch and Porphyrius. coxetv (askein) figures only once in the NT, likewise in the sense of an exercise (Acts

24,16). The Christian concept of ascesis is strongly influenced by Philo (e.g. Praem. Poen. roo; Abr. 129). In

the Christian ascesis of the Middle Ages, the exercise aspect finally gives way to the idea of renunciation [4]. —» Ethics 1 M.-O. GouLet-CazeE, L’ascése cynique, 1986 2A.C. VAN GEYTENBEEK, Musonius Rufus, 1963 3 B.L. HyMANS, AZTKHSI5, 1959 4 P.Hapor, Exercices spirituels

et philosophie antique, *1987. J.pE

Gurpert,

M.OLPHE-GALLIARD,

M.VILLER,

S.v.

Ascése, ascétisme, Dictionnaire de la Spiritualité, 1937, 916-981; R. Hauser, s.v. Askese, HWdPh, 1971, 538541; B. Louse, Askese und Moénchtum in der Ant. und in

der alten Kirche,

1969; P. NAGEL, Motivierung der Askese

in der alten Kirche und der Ursprung des Ménchtums, 1966; H. STRATHMANN/P. KESELING, s.v. Askese, RAC 1, 1950, 749-795; M.VILLER/K.RAHNER, Aszese und

Mystik der Vaterzeit, 1939.

C.HO.

Ascia Tool of woodworkers and bricklayers, described in Isid. (Orig. 19,19,12); it had a short handle and a blade set crosswise; its other end was usually given the shape of ahammer. Suited for lopping branches and for crude shaping. A custom of sub ascia dedicare, said in relation to tombs, is attested in the west through funerary inscriptions; its interpretation has not yet been fully established. Preference should be given to the view that by this formula the tomb was placed immutably at the disposal of its bestower (cf. the expression hoc monumentum heredem non sequitur).

ASCLEPIADES

1 G.KLINGENBERG, s.v. Grabrecht, RAC 12, 590-637 2 B. Mattsson, The ascia symbol on Latin epitaphs, 1990 3 F.De VisscHer, L’ascia funeraire, in: RIDA 10, 1963, 312-320 4Id., Ascia, in: JbAC 6, 1963, 187-192 SId., Le droit des tombeaux romains, 1963, 277-294.

P.H.

Asciburgium Modern Asberg near Moers (etymologically ‘Eschenberg?’ — ash mountain; cf. Old High German ask). In this location opposite the mouth of the river Ruhr (CIL XIII 2,2,8588-8597), five phases of an auxiliary fort, from 12/11 BC to its abandonment in AD 83/85, with an area of 1.6 to 2.3 ha. have been verified, as well as an Augustan > vicus, and a harbour which was silting up at the end of the rst cent. AD. After the withdrawal of the military, A. remained an important staging post between Castra Vetera and Novaesium with > beneficiarii. Its military tasks were taken over by the small fort of Duisburg-Rheinhausen, later by a Valentinian > burgus in the area of Asberg still called ‘Burgfeld’. > Auxilia; > Castellum T. BECHERT, Die Romer in A., 1989.

K.DI.

Asclepiades (Aoxdnmadys; Asklépiddes) [1] Of Samos. Epigrammatic poet of the ‘Garland’ of Meleager, who addresses him in the preface by the dark pseudonym Xixedidyg (Anth. Pal. 4,1,46; cf. Hedylus, GA I 1, ror 6, 4; Theoc. 7,40); an outstanding representative of the Ionian-Alexandrianschool, he lived

around the turn of the 4th/3rd cent. BC. A. was highly praised by Theocritus (7,39-41), but attacked by Callimachus (schol. Flor. Callim. Fr.1,1). From the latter he differed, among other things, through a diametrically opposed appraisal of the Lyde of Antimachus (9,63, cf. Callim. Fr.398). A. also was the composer of melic, choliambic and epic verse, possibly of hymns (SH 215-220) too, which now all are lost. His 33 epigrams (apart from 13 that are disputed) are predominantly erotic, and treat the most varied aspects of love, from an invitation to pleasure to anger over a missed rendezvous, from scorching desire to rebetlion against Eros, from laughter to tears, jealousy and a depression that sometimes even clouds the meaning of life (Anth. Pal. 12,46). In spite of transparent irony, passion sometimes seems

to

penetrate

‘down

into

the

fingernails’

(5,162,2), even when in the end one can always seek

solace in wine, the natural ally of love (12,50). The carpe diem motif is directly opposed to the abhorrent idea of death (5,85), while tender, almost sentimental notes (5,145; 12,135; 12,153 etc.) form a counterpoint

to the jokingly lascivious tone of a good many epigrams (e.g. 5,203). Although A. proclaims the superiority of pederasty, one also finds astounding descriptions of feminine beauty: amongst the themes that later were to become very widespread, it is that of the ‘Eros also found in wrinkles’, i.e. of feminine charm that resists time (7,217), and the defence of a dark-skinned woman

ASCLEPIADES

‘

96

95

—a theme developed in a famous epigram (5,210) — that deserve mention. In all probability, the images of Eros the archer (12,50,3; 75,1 etc.), of Aphrodite shoot-

ing her arrows (5,189,4; 12,161,2 etc.), and the famous paraklausithyron (5,164; 189) that became one of the most popular themes of Greek and Latin love poetry, all derive from A. The clear, stripped-to-essentials form of

[5] Son of Hicesius; tragedian who won the Sarapieia in

Tanagra (DID A 7, 90-80 BC; possibly also mentioned in CAT B 1, 16, c. around roo BC). METTE, 53ff.; TRGF 140.

FP.

[6] Of Bithynia A. LirFE

B. MEDICAL TEACHINGS

C,. INFLUENCE

these poems, as well as their humorous, ironic, but at

the same time melancholic and even decadent gracefulness were to be frequently imitated — unsuccessfully for the most part. The sober, concise style is evident in fresh, spontaneous diction, sometimes simply in its careless, obviously unrestrained elegance: it is the product of an extremely meticulous labor limae, but also of an effort to open up the epigram for everyday forms of expression and, with minimal resources, to achieve maximum effect and verisimilitude. It is no coincidence that there occasionally appear short scenes of dialogue from everyday life (with questions, exclamations and responses), which consume the whole poem, that then bears all the hallmarks of a miniature mime

(5,181;

185; cf. Posidippus Anth. Pal. 5,183). GA

E.D.

[2] From Adramyttium. Otherwise unknown author of

a pederastic epigram of which it is uncertain whether it ought to be assigned to the ‘Garland’ of Meleager or that of Philippus (Anth. Pal. 12,36). The suggestion of amending the entry ‘AoxAnmddov “Adgamuvtivou (an obvious error for —uvttnvod) to Aoxi. (oi dé Atotiov>

"Ado. is astute, even if we do not know whether this Diotimus, who is mentioned in Aratus (Anth. Pal. 11,437, cf. Steph. Byz. 199,3 M.), wrote epigrams. E.D/T.H.

[3] From Phleius. Ever since their studies together, first with > Stilpon in Megara and then with — Anchipylus and > Moschus in Elis (Diog. Laert. 2,126), linked in lifelong friendship with> Menedemus from Eretria; later, after they had married a mother and her daughter (Diog. Laert. 2,137) linked also through family ties. Thanks to the excerpts from the ‘Life of Menedemus’ by ~ Antigonus from Carystus that are extant in Diog. Laert. 2,129-132 and 137-138, we know a number of details of their life together in Eretria and elsewhere. According to Cic. Tusc. 5,113, A. was blind in his old age. Ep1iT1ons: SSR III G. LITERATURE:

K.DORING,

1997/8, § 18. Ba

Menedemos,

in: GGPh

2. 1,

K.D.

[4] Tragedian who may have won the Lenaea festival in 351 BC (DID A 3b, 54); possibly identical with the A. of Tragilos who is mentioned in Photius (bibl. 260, 486b 40) as compiling in his Tragodoumena a systematic portrayal of the myths treated by tragedians (FGrH Ia,12 T a) METTE, 183; IRGF 81.

below). Coming to Rome allegedly as a teacher of rhetoric (Plin. HN 7,123-4), he there enjoyed a good reputation as a result of skilful publicity and remarkable success in medical treatment (Apul. Florida 4,19). In Cic. De or. 1,14,62, L. Crassus (fictitiously in 91 BC)

says that he had called on A.’s services as a friend and doctor on several occasions in the past. Based on that, A. would have arrived in Rome in the 120s BC and died (at an advanced age) by 91 BC [10; 12; 13; 15; 16],

which would also explain why Cicero does not mention A. in his letters. On the other hand, Themison, who

11,44-56; 2,114-151.

GANS 5.65250 50:

A. LIFE A., from Cius in Bithynia (Prusias ad Mare), Greek doctor in Rome; the dates for his life are uncertain (see

EP.

studied under A., would then have to be dated to a very early point, which would lead to a gap between him and other followers of Asclepiades, like Antonius Musa. Alternatively, Cicero [1.9; 11; 14] could be interpreted to mean that Crassus was referring only to his own treatment and that his remark about A.’s manner of expression (dicebat) applied not to that time in which A. was no longer practising in Rome, but to the period when he had been close to Crassus. On the basis of that chronology, A. might have lived up until the late 70s BC. At any rate, there is no doubt whatsoever as to his influence on Rome in the early rst cent. BC or the significance of his theories. B. MEDICAL TEACHINGS

According to A., the body consists of invisible particles, its health being dependent on their unrestricted and

well-balanced

movement

through

(theoretical)

pores [3; 6; 7; 8]. Illness was the result of an unbalanced, restricted or increased particle flow. Once the cause of the disturbance was established, the treatment proceeded logically from that (and hence the doxographers listed A. among the Dogmatists). Against this background, nosology and symptomatology, too, could be simplified. A. rejected humoral-pathological or teleological patterns of explanation and argued that nature often acted in a dangerous fashion. He advocated mechanistic explanations and spoke of particles shifting to what was finer, warmer and more exotic, instead of being attracted or repelled by natural forces [6; 13]. His explanation of kidney and bladder functions is criticized by Galen in De facultatibus naturalibus as mechanistic and materialistic. Although to a large extent A.’s theories derived from earlier Hellenistic thinkers, especially > Erasistratus and > Heraclides of Pontus, he certainly was no Epicurean, as Galen thought him to be. He was no Hippocratian, but wrote

OU

98

commentaries (?) on the aphorisms as well as ‘On surgery’ and criticized earlier commentators for their ignorance of Hippocratic language. A.’s slogan for treatment was ‘quick, safe and pleasant’ (Cels. De med. 3,4);

amongst his opponents he was notorious for liberal prescription of wine and light sporting activity. He unswervingly favoured musical therapy for mental illness and paid attention to the overall healing process and immediate treatment [15; 16]. Although he was cautious in his use of certain strong medicines, e.g. hellebore, and applied one well-known substance, oxymel, only to snakebites, he was by no means fundamentally opposed to medicinal treatment (cf. however Scribonius Largus, praef. 3-4). He was famous for the introduction of five basic therapies: regulating the consumption of both food and wine, massage, exercise, and rocking devices as a passive form of exercise for those who could not undertake any strenuous activity. He attached particular importance to bathing. He recommended several kinds of hydrotherapy but warned of the danger of excessive cold-water therapy and developed a type of ‘suspension bath’ [9]. His predilection for prescribing wine to his patients won him the nickname of ‘wine merchant’ (cf. ILLRP 799: a contemporary doctor from Tralles with the same nickname). His Opponents censured him for spoiling his patients. Celsus (De med. 1-3, 4, 3), however, recounts that he also appeared as a ‘torturer’. Caelius Aurelianus shows that A. introduced emetics, enemas, bloodletting (De

morb. ac. 1,116-154), acupuncture for dropsy (De morb. chron. 3,127, 149) and even pharyngotomy (De morb. ac. 3,34). C. INFLUENCE

A.’s significance for having introduced Greek medicine to Rome cannot be overemphasized. Pliny (HN 29,6) was outraged at the success of this upstart who deceived gullible Romans with Greek eloquence and his fantastic inventions. Galen’s attitude was ambivalent but, on the whole, negative. Celsus was more benevolent, but others, especially followers of the Methodist

ASCLEPIADES

1632-1633; id., A. von Bithynien von einem herrschenden Vorurteil befreit, in: Neue Jbb. fiir das Klass. Alt. 1908, 684-703 61.M. Lonig, The anarmoi onkoi of Heraclides of Pontus, in: Phronesis 1964, 156-164 7H.B. GoTTscHALk, Heraclides of Pontus, 1980 8 G. Haric, Die philos. Grundlagen des medizinischen Systems des A. von Bithynien, in: Philologus 1983, 43-60 9 J.BENEDuM, Die balnea pensilia des A. von Prusa, 1967, 93-107 10 E.D. Rawson, The life and death of Asclepiades of Bithynia, in: CQ 1982, 358-370 11 J. PiGeaup, Sur le Méthodisme, in: MPalerne 1982, 181-183 12 D.Gourevitcn, Asclépiade de Bithynie dans Pline: problémes de chronologie, in: Pline Ancien, temoin de son temps, 1987, 67-81 13J.T. VALLANCE, The lost theory of Asclepiades of Bithynia, 1990 14 J.P1GEauD, Les fondements du Méthodisme, in: P. Mupry, J. PIGEAuD, Les écoles médicales 4 Rome, 1991, 42-47 15 D.GoureEvitcH, La _ pratique méthodique, in: P.Mupry,

J.PiceauD,

1991, 50-81

Les écoles

médicales

4 Rome,

16J.T. VALLANCE, The medical system of

Asclepiades of Bithynia, in: ANRW

II 37. 1, 1993, 693-

PGE

V.N.

[7] A. Described in schol. Aristoph. Nub. 37 as ‘AdeEavdgevs. The substance of the fragment suggests not so much a commentary on Aristophanes as a work on the (constitutional) history of Athens. Thus, we may apparently see in him the A. cited by Plutarch (Solon 1,1) and Et. Gud. (355, 408.v. xbeBes) as the author ofa work on Solon’s Axones (and in the process also establish a terminus ante quem), against which Didymus wrote an &vwyeadn; but it appears difficult to apply to the same person the details of the Suda 4173 and Steph. Byz. 475,3 concerning an “A. Nixaevs (to be distin-

guished from A.of Myrlea), as JAcoBy does. On the other hand, it is quite possible to attribute to this A. of Alexandria the comments in schol. Aristoph. Av. 368, 567, Ran. 1270, 1276, 1331, 1344 and in Hsych. x

3309 by an A. without epithet; in that case we would also have grounds for seeing in him an exegetist of Aristophanes. FGrH

339;

1854, 399;

M.Scumipt,

Didymi

Chalc.

G. WENTZEL, RE 2, 1631.

Fragmenta, F.M.

school (as e.g. Caelius Aurelianus) were more enthusi-

astic. A. certainly had followers in Gaul (ILS 7790) and even in Asia Minor in the 3rd or 4th cents. (DAWW 1970, 65). Throughout the whole of late antiquity he remained an almost legendary figure. His theory of corpuscles, even if substantially modified by Themison, might well be seen as the foundation of later Methodism. A.’s theory and practice, however, were far closer to those of his Hellenistic predecessors, and much more refined than the Methodism of a Thessalus of Tralles. -» Artorius; > Antonius [II 19] Musa; > Dogmatists; ~» Medicine; > Methodists; > Themison EpITIONS:

1 C.G. Gumpert (ed.), 1794 (fragments)

[8] From Myrleia. Bithynia. Greek

His works include: treatises on grammar and the grammarians (Iegi yoapmatixtis, Meat yoaupatux@v); exegetical writings on Homer, Theocritus and Aratus; mono-

graphs on Nestor’s cup and, influenced by Crates of Mallus, the Pleiades; local histories of Bithynia and

Turdetania. -» Aratus; > Crates of Mallus; > Theocritus Epitrons:

K.LeHrs,

1903

(Engl. trans.)

BipL1oGRAPHY:

Asclepiades of Bithynia, ANRW

II 37. 1, 1993, 711-27

(complete list of sources). BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4 A.Coccui, Discorso primo sopra Asclepiade,

1758

5 M.WELLMANN,

s.v.

A., RE

2,

De A. Myrleano, in: Herodiani

scripta tria emendatiora, 1848, 428-448; FHG III 298301; FGrH 697; A.B. MULER, De Asclepiade Myrleano,

2 R.M. Green, Asclepiades. His life and writings, 1955 3 J.T. VALLANCE, The medical system of

> grammarian of

the 2nd/rst cents. BC; spent time in Rome and Spain.

A. ADLER, Die Commentare des A. von

Myrlea, in: Hermes 49, 1914, 39-46; R. BLuM, Kallimachos und die Lit.verzeichnung bei den Griechen, 1977, 19 n. 14, 22 n. 26, 266; Entretiens XL, 98, 198, 252-291,

305; F. MonTanart, L’erudizione, la filologia e la gram-

ASCLEPIADES

=

matica, in: G. CAMBIANO et al., Lo spazio letterario della Grecia antica I 2, 1993, 277f.; PFEIFFER, KPI, 198, 203,

329f.; G.M. Rispo.t, Lo spazio del verisimile. Il racconto, la storia, il mito, 1988, 170-204; W.J. SLATER, A. and historia, in: GRBS 13, 1972, 317-333; G. WENTZEL, RE 2, 1628-1631.

I0o

99

F.M.

sion for Mnason, the tyrant of Elatea, may have been based on cunning composition as well as the gain in prestige for the patron. G. BROKER, s.v. Asklepiodoros no. 2, AKL

5, 424; N.

Hoescu, Bilder apulischer Vasen und ihr Zeugniswert fiir die Entwicklung der griech. Malerei, 1992, 45-50; OVERBECK, no.1954-1956 (sources); A. ROUVERET, Histoire et

[9] A. Pharmakion. (Pagquaxiwv; Pharmakion). Greek author of pharmacological writings in the last quarter of the rst cent. AD (in Rome?), as he quotes > Andromachus [5] the Younger (Gal. 13,53) and — Dioscorides (Gal. 13,51) and is referred to by Archigenes. He was a pupil of Lucius and teacher of a pharmacologist named Moschion (Gal. 12,745; 13,528). Along with his writings on theriac and on gynaecological disorders (Gal. 13,441), he wrote ro books on medicines that Galen cited as the primary source for his own pharmacological writings in the case of hundreds of remedies. A.’s books on medicines consist of two sets of five books each: those medicines to be applied externally are listed under the title of Markella (the name of the person to whom the books were dedicated?), those to be taken internally, under the name of M(n)ason (Gal. 13,441f.). The meticulous cataloguing of the name of each medicine earned Galen’s praise (13,441). A. generally describes the preparation of his medicines, and frequently gives directions for their use. A.’s precise presentation and Galen’s accurate practice of quotation firstly offer an insight into the diverse world of practical pharmacology in the rst cent. AD and a familiarity with the remedies used by ordinary, practising doctors, by teachers, commercial travellers, lay people and women, and also major representatives of Greek and Roman medicine. Secondly, they give us a picture of the pharmacological tradition: thus, all the quotations of Scribonius Largus in Galen derive almost exclusively from the writings of A., who may have read Largus in a Greek translation rather than the original Latin. We have no information at all as to whether A. belonged to a particular school, as his books, like those of Largus, probably only contained remedies for specific illnesses. ~ Pharmacology; > Scribonius — Galen; Largus; ~+ Archigenes; > Lucius Cathegetes 1M. WELLMANN,

s.v. A., RE 2, 1633f.

2H.SCHELENZ,

Gesch. der Pharmazie, 1904, 163f. 3 C. FABRICIUS, Galens Exzerpte, 1972, 192-198, 247-253. VN.

Asclepiodorus Greek painter from Athens, mid 4th cent. BC, celebrated by Plut. as an important representative of the Attic school of painters (Mor. 345f346a). According to Plin. HN 35,80, his colleagues admired the particular strength and balance of composition in his paintings, achieved by proportionate

spatial arrangement of motifs in two dimensions, in order to create the impression of spatial perspective. A. wrote a theoretical text on a compositional method perhaps relying on grids. The high price for his only surviving painting, the Assembly of the 12 Gods, a commis-

imaginaire de da peinture ancienne, 1989, 285.

N.H.

Asclepiodotus (‘Aoxinmdot0c; Asklepiddotos). [1] After 305 BC Ptolemaean governor (?) of Caria. R. BAGNALL, The administration of the Ptolemaic possessions outside Egypt, 1976, 9of.

W.A.

[2] Author of a treatise in 12 chapters on military theory (AoxAnmodotov pirooddou taxtixa xedarata; transmitted in the cod. Laur. LV—4 (F) and 11 other MSS

dependent from it) and identified with a listener of Poseidonius mentioned in Seneca (Sen. Q Nat. 2,26,6; 30,13 §,15,13 6,17,3; 22,2). Accordingly, his work

should be dated to the rst cent. BC. His relationship to the lost treatise of Poseidonius on tactics, which is mentioned in Aelianus 1,2, cannot be elucidated. However, mention of battle chariots and elephants, which were

no longer used in the rst cent. BC (Aoxdymiodotov Hiroodhov taxtxd xeparaa 8; 9), indicates that Hel-

lenistic armies were used as a model or that it was based on a text of that period. The work is theoretical in orientation and of almost no practical use. It describes the phalanx, its divisions and positioning in strongly schematized form but also discusses other categories of troops suchas the peltasts and the cavalry. Terse in style and content, without examples and historical references, this treatise is of value to our knowledge of military terminology in the Hellenistic period. 1 W.OLDFATHER,

1928,

repr.1986

2 L. POZNANSKI,

Asclepiodote, Traité de tactique (éd. et trad.), 1992. LB.

[3] Neoplatonic philosopher, born in Alexandria (Suda I, p. 383 ADLER; Zacharias, Vita Severi p. 16f. KUGENER), student of > Proclus (died AD 485) in Athens.

Proclus dedicated his Parmenides commentary to him as ‘his dearest friend’, and Simplicius (In Phys., p. 795,13f. DreLs) called him Proclus’ best student. Damascius in his Vita Isidori draws a less favourable image of A.: that he was more interested in natural sciences, medicine and music than metaphysical problems, which in the view of a Platonist was a deficiency. However, Olympiodorus on the other hand (In Meteor., p. 321,26-29 STUWE) mentions a Timaeus commentary of the ‘great philosopher’. A. was active in Aphrodisias for some time (Suda I, p. 383 ADLER) before returning to Alexandria. None of A.’s writings are preserved. Regarding a possible partial confusion with his father-inlaw Asclepius cf. [1]. 1R.Goutet, Asclépiodote 1989, 626-631.

d’Alexandrie,

in: GouLeT, P.HA.

102

IOI

Asclepius (Aox)ymocg; Asklépios) I. RELIGION

what was later Epidaurus and abandoned it there; in the forest it was suckled by a goat and guarded by a shepherd’s dog until the shepherd Arethanas found the child and brought it up. The prophecy of the Delphic oracle

II. ICONOGRAPHY

I. RELIGION A. MytTHotocy

B.History

C. Cur

A. MyTHOLOGY The most important Greek healing hero, son of Apollo and of a mortal woman, in cultic reality he soon became a god, in Rome venerated as Aesculapius. It is hard to interpret the Greek name from an etymological perspective.

The usual form of the myth — and it is not certain that it derives from the Hesiodic ‘Catalogues’ [1; 2] — makes A. the son of Apollo and of Coronis, the daughter of the Thessalian

Phlegyas;

in contrast

to this,

Hesiod calls his mother > Arsinoe, daughter of Leucippus, granddaughter of the early Messenian king Perieres (fr. 50). During her pregnancy she married the mortal Ischys; the enraged god shot her dead, saved the child from the funeral pyre and gave it to the centaur Cheiron to raise; and he made the raven — which had revealed the breach of faith — black (Hes. fr. 60). A. became the ‘irreproachable doctor’ (since Hom. Il. 4,194) whose sons Machaon and Podalirius at Troy led the contingent from Tricca, Ithome and Oechalia (south-western Thessaly) (Hom. Il. 2,729-733). However, when he brought mortals back to life (lists in Hyg. Fab. 49; Apollod. 3,121; schol. Pind. Pyth. 3,96), Zeus killed him with lightning. In fury Apollo then killed the Cyclopes who produced the lightning (according to Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 35, their sons); Zeus wanted to exile Apollo to Tartarus as punishment, but instead, at the request of Leto, he bound him to serve Admetus of Pherae for ten years (Hes. fr. 51; 52; 54b,c). The description of Pausanias (2,26,7; 4,31,10f.) places A.’s mother Arsinoe, in Messenia, where Perieres already belonged (Apollod. 1,87; 3,117f.), however the outline of the myth remains unclear. A further version of the myth from the Epidaurian shrine is a variation on the Thessalian myth (Paus. 2,26,3—6): Phlegyas had visited the Peloponnese with Coronis who was already pregnant by Apollo; Coronis had given birth to her child in Spring (7

)

® ® ) Hall for incubation

aes O temple i

area .O fiz

[3], passed down by Pausanias (2,26,7), shows that the claims of Epidaurus to be the successor of the Thessalian cult conflicted with those of Messenia.

B. History The early history of the cult of A. is uncertain. The discussion as to whether A. is to be regarded as a hero or as a real person is obsolete [4]: the myth makes of hima hero. Heroes are usually connected with a specific place; the connection to two localities, already attested to in the archaic period, is unusual. For Thessalian Tricca, the Epidaurian hymn of Isyllus (1. 30) from the period about 300 BC provides attestation of the cult in an adyton; for Messene the excavations in the impressive, formally characteristic A. precinct do not suggest pre-Hellenistic times. The painting by Omphalion described by Paus. 4,31,11f. dates from the end of the 4th cent. In the 8th cent. the attestation of the cult itself leads only to Arcadian Gortys, but without directly attesting to A. (A. image of Scopas, Paus. 8,28,r) [5; 6]; in Titane near Sicyon there is evidence of very ancient cult images and the remarkable hair sacrifice to Hygieia (Paus. 2,11,6). The expansion of the cult is considered as dating from the sth cent. and originating in > Epidaurus. Here in the late archaic period at the foot of the hill [7; 8] the sanctuary of A. became affiliated with the shrine of Apollo Maleatas on Mt. Cynortion, where already in the middle of the 2nd millennium worship occurred, and which continued intermittently into the first millennium. In the 5th cent., branches were established by the Epidaurian cult in Sicyon (Paus. 2,10,3),

Corinth (connection to a precinct of Apollo), Aegina (Aristoph. Vesp. 122f.) and especially Athens. The god arrived here by boat in 421/20 and moved into the first sanctuary on the eastern side of the Zea harbour until a certain Telemachus about one year later led him in a cart to his second sanctuary on the slopes of the Acropolis above the theatre of Dionysus [9; ro]. It is also said that Sophocles was the first to receive the god into his house, for which reason he was later revered as the hero Dexion (‘receiver’) (Etym. Mag. s.v. Dexion);

remnants of a paean to A. by Sophocles are extant (IG I? 4510). In the course of the 4th cent. further branches were established, for instance in Erythrae (paean from 380/360, I. Ery. 205) [11], in Cos — perhaps in the already existing grove of Apollo Kyparissios (cypresses also in Sicyon, Paus. 2,11,6) [12] — or in Pergamum [13]. A plague in the year 293 brought A. to Rome from Epidaurus (amongst others, Ov. Met. 15,622-744). He had, however,

Athens, Asclepieum. Eastern part of the Asclepieum as reconstructed by TRAVLOS in the form ofadual sanctuary; 4th cent. BC.

ASCLEPIUS

been known

earlier in Italy: a Greek

dedication to Aischlapios (the Epidaurian form, which with anaptyxis leads to the Latin form Aesculapius [14]) from the late 5th cent. comes from Etruria (IGA 549), but the precinct at the Latin colony of Fregellae was established in the 3rd cent. Added to this was an expansion into the entire Mediterranean area, from

ASCLEPIUS

Gallia (where the healer Apollo who had become superimposed on indigenous deities remained a serious competitor [15]) through to the east, where A. became equated with indigenous deities (Eshmun, Imouthes, cf. POxy 1381); the sanctuary in Cilician Aegae [16] became especially famous in the Imperial Age. In many locations, detailed introductory reports in a set typology are known [17]: A. arrives in the form of his snake by boat (Epidaurus Limera: Paus. 3,23,6f., Rome) or in a cart (Sicyon), introduced by a healed worshipper

104

103

(Athens,

Sicyon,

Pergamum);

sometimes

the snake seeks out its exact place itself (Epidaurus Limera, Rome). Behind this is the propaganda of the cult, as reflected also in reports of miracles, preserved in inscriptions from various locations (Epidaurus, Pergamum, Lebena on Crete, Rome). Especially comprehen-

sive are the Epidaurian reports, two steles, the remnant of the six which Paus. (2,27,3) had still seen [18; 19; 20].

The ascent of this healing hero is the result of the changed religious needs of the individual, for whom the polis religion could provide no help. The most impressive documents are the diaries (hieroi logoi) of > Aristides from Smyrna [21; 22]; personal devotion to A. is also reported of Proclus, the last head of the of the Academy, (Marinus, Vita Procli 30, cf. 32). As a result

of the constantly increasing veneration, the hero became a god at an early stage: even the iconography of the bearded healer approximated that of Zeus, and in the Imperial Age Zeus A. is attested in Epidaurus, Pergamum and Lebena [23]. Apollo, who shared many shrines with A., correspondingly moved into the background. Indeed the hair sacrifice of the ephebes was directed to A. (Paros IG XII 5,169. 173/5; Pergamum: Stat. Silv. 3,4), nevertheless, the official documents did

not dispense with the priority accorded to Apollo. This popularity contributed to the fact that A. only slowly lost ground to Christianity: in 326 Constantine person-

ally saw to the destruction of the temple of Aegae (Eus. Vita Constantini 3,56; Sozom. Hist. eccl.2,4f.), in the Athenian Asclepieion, incubation was still practised in 484 (Damasc. Vita Isidori fr. 218 ZINTZEN). At some places the Asclepieia were handed over to a Christian saint, for instance at the Hagius Demetrius in Thessalonica or S. Bartolomeo on the Tiber island in Rome where the springs were still regarded as health-giving in the r2th cent. [24]. As part of the process of emphasizing the individual element, A. is surrounded by his entire family; this can as be seen as a reflection of the social ideals of his worshippers. At all of the cultic sites he was venerated together with his wife > Hygieia; the connection is attested from the middle of the 5th cent. BC onwards through the dedications of Micythus from Rhegium in Olympia (Paus. 5,26,2; dated by Diod. Sic.11,48 after 467). A.’ sons - Machaon and -> Podalirius, who were already

named in the Iliad, were independently venerated as well as in the Asclepieia; only here is there evidence of the daughters > Aceso, > Iaso and Panaceia (‘healing’, ‘cure’, ‘all-heal’).

CeCorr Among the factors that distinguished the cult of A. from other cults was the uniform appearance of its shrines and the basic cult practices. The significance of the usual blood sacrifice as the main ritual of the veneration of A. is non-specific, whilst the specific difference is simply that the sacrifice of goats is prohibited at most sites of worship: for this ban—impractical at least in the mountains of Epidaurus — justified by the myth of the goat which nurtured the child A., the difference from Apollo is decisive, to whom the goat is expressly sacrificed. Nearly always the sanctuary has a temple with a cult image, which is protected from visitors by a barrier [27]. The sacred animals, serpents and dogs, were also part of the sanctuary, the latter justified by the Epidaurian myth. Asclepieia are usually located outside settlements, occasionally on river banks or on the sea

shore; statements from antiquity justify this by means of practical and religious considerations (Vitr. De arch. 1,2,7; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 94,286d). Water installations and the incubation room

(enkoimétérion) are specifi-

cally associated with healing. Water plays a major role in this healing cult, all Asclepieia have ready access to a source of fresh water, including those located at the sea

[28]. The central healing rite is the healing sleep (— Incubation) in which A. and his helpers appear in a dream, perform miraculous cures or communicate rem-

edies; for this ly a hall-like from outside. of the details nary sacrifice

purpose there is the enkoimétérion, usualbuilding which cannot be seen directly In Pergamum where a law informs people [29], the worshipper first brings a prelimiduring the day, casting the healing fee into

the thesauros; prior to entering the incubation room in

the evening, the worshipper offers up cakes outside the hall to Mnemosyne amongst others, who helps the person to remember the dream; inside he makes offerings to Themis who has ensured the validity of the dream [30]. The worshipper had to refrain from sexual intercourse, goat meat and goat’s cheese. Inside the room, the person took off the olive wreath which was worn to the sanctuary and lay down ona stibds, a bed of strewn rushes. The structure of this ritual guided the individual through two stages, firstly into the sacred room of the external sanctuary, then into the still more sacralized environs of the incubation

room, an area

reserved for contact with the deity. > Hygieia 1 U.v. Witamowi7z, Isyllos von Epidauros, 1886, 57-77 2M.L. West, The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, 1985,

69-72 3 J.FONTENROSE, The Delphic Oracle, 1978, 342,Q226 4 FARNELL,GHC 234-45 5 M.Josr, Sanctuaires et cultes d’Arcadie, in: Etud. Pélop. 9, 1985, 20210 6.66 M.E. Voyatzis, The Early Sanctuary of Athena Alea at Tegea and Other Archaic Sanctuaries in Arcadia, 1990, 35-37. 7 V.K. LAMBRINOUDAKIS, in: Praktika 1975, 162-175 bis, 1992, 44-52 81d., in: Archaiognosia 1, 1980, 39-63 9L.Bescut, Il monumento di Telemachos, fondatore dell’Asklepieion ateniese, in: AnnSAAt 29/30, 1967/68, 381-436

ducing New Gods, 1992, 116-35

10R.GARLAND, Intro-

11 L.KApPpet, Paian.

105

106 Stud. zur Gesch. einer Gattung, 1992

12 §. SHERWIN-

Wuire, Ancient Cos, 1978, 334-339 13 E.OHLEMUTZ, Die Kulte und Heiligtiimer der Gotter in Pergamon, 1940, 123-125 14 LEUMANN-HOFMANN, 69, 102 5 HX

ROUSSELLE, Croire et guérir. La foi en Gaule dans l’antiquite tardive,

1990,

183

16 F.GRAF,

Maximos

von

Aigai, in: JoAC 27/28, 1984/1985, 65-73 iif IE ScHMIDT, Kultiibertragungen, RGVV_ VIII/2, 1909 18 M. GuARDUCCI, in: Epigrafia Greca 4, 1978, 143-66 19 R. HERzoG, Die Wunderheilungen von Epidauros, in: Philologus Suppl. 22/3, 1931 20 H.MUtteEr, Ein Heilungsbericht aus dem Asklepieion von Pergamon, in: Chiron 17, 1987, 193-233 21E.R.Dopps, Pagans and Christians in an Age of Anxiety, 1965, 39-45 22H.O. SCHRODER, Publius Aelius Aristides. Hl. Ber., 1986 23 H.ScHwaB., RE to A, 280f. 24M.Besnier, L’ile tibérine dans l’antiquité, 1902, 20of. 25 M.H. JaMe-

SON, Sacrifice and animal husbandry in classical Greece, in: C.R. WHITTAKER (ed.), Pastoral economics in classical antiquity, MDNM 1988, 176 26 C. HABICHT, M. WorrLE, Altertiimer von Pergamon VIII.3. Die Inschr. des Asklepieions, 1969, 179 ref. 57 27 GRAF, 63

28 V.Boupon, Le role de l’eau dans les préscriptions médicales d’Asclépios

chez Galien

et Aelius Aristide, in:

L’eau, la santé et la maladie dans le monde grec, in: BCH

Suppl. 28, 1994, 157-168 30 C. MARINELLA, Themis. Grecia antica, 1988, 107.

29 see ref. 26, no. 161 La norma e l’oracolo nella

C.BENEDUM, Asklepiosmythos und arch. Befund, in: Medizin. histor. Journal 22, 1987, 48-61; A. COMELLA,

Riflessi del culto di Asclepio sulla religiosita popolare etrusco laziale e campana di epoca medio e tardo repubblicana, in: Atti Fac. Lett. Perugia 6. 1, 1982/83, 215-244; L.DEUBNER, De incubatione capita quattuor, 1900; EDELSTEIN, Asclepius; F.GraF, Heiligtum und Ritual.

Das Beispiel der griech.-rom. Asklepieia, in: O. REVERDIN, B. GRANGE (ed.), Le sanctuaire grec. Entretiens sur |’An-

tiquité 37, 1992, 159-199; G.LoreENTz, Apollon, A., Hygieia. Drei Typen von Heilgéttern aus der Sicht der vergleichenden Religionsgesch., in: Saeculum 39, 1988, 1-11; G.SOLIMANO, Asclepio. Le aree del mito, 1976. CULT CENTRES: G. WELTER, Aigina, Roescu, Le sanctuaire d’A. Alipheira

1938, 121; P. en Arcadie, in:

BSABR 3, 1985, 22-32; S. B. ALESHIRE, The Athenian Asklepieion, 1989; R.A. ToMLinson, Epidauros, 1983; F. CoarELLI (ed.), Fregellae 2. Il santuario di Esculapio, 1986; Id., I santuari del Lazio in eta repubblicana, 1987, 24-33; C. RoEBUCK, The Asklepieion and Lerna. Corinth XIV, 1951; M.Lane, Cure and cult in ancient Corinth, 1977; R. HERzoG, Kos. Ergebnisse der dt. Ausgrabungen und Forsch. 1, 1932; L.PERNIER, L.Banti, Guida degli scavi italiani di Creta,

1947,

68-75; A.K. ORLANDOS,

Neoteoat éoevvai év Meoonvnt (1957-1973), in: U. JANTzEN (ed.), Neue Forsch. in griech. Heiligtiimern, 1976, 9-38; O.RuUBENSOHN, Paros III. Das Asklepieion, in: MDAI (A) 27, 1902, 199-238; P. RoEscH, Le culte d’Asclépios aRome, in: G. SABBAH (ed.), Médecins et médecine dans l’antiquité, 1982, 171-179. FG.

II. ICONOGRAPHY Portrayals of A. are first evident in Greek iconography of gods and heroes with the increasing spread of the cult of A. at the end of the 5th cent. BC. Numerous Attic votive reliefs from this period show A. — often accom-

ASCONIUS

PEDIANUS,

Q.

panied by Hygieia — in adoration scenes and healing the sick. Examples passed down to us on coins from Epidaurus, Tricca, Pergamum, similarly to the votive reliefs, represent the types we see in sculpture; however, the reconstruction of the prototypes on which the many variations are based remains difficult. Basically, two schematic representational forms can be distinguished: A. as an enthroned god —a type which is traced back to a cult image by > Thrasymedes in Epidaurus (c. 370 BC) — and A. standing, supported by a staff with a snake coiled about it, by far the most commonly used type, known in many variants: cf. the extensive group of Giustini A. (c. 380 BC, together with the types dependent on this, i.e. the Athens-Macerata, c. 330 BC, London-Eleusis, mid 4th cent. BC, and Amelung, probably 2nd cent. BC) and the likewise widely distributed Este type (4th cent. BC). The latter is considered to be associated with the original colossus head ‘Blacas’ from Melos, the date of which was recently proposed as being in the Late Hellenistic Age around 80/70 BC. To date no one has been able to clarify to which type the Pergamenian A. by > Phyromachus can be traced back. Characteristic of A. iconography is long, curly hair (frequently with a wreath or band), a beard (together with only a few examples of a youthful, beardless A. passed down to us) and, in the case of the standing type, a cloak drawn up to the armpit, leaving the chest and one shoulder free. B. ANDREAE et al., Phyromachos-Probleme, in: MDAI(R)

suppl. 31, 1990; E. BERGER, Ant. Kunstwerke aus der Slg. Ludwig lI — Skulpturen, 1990, 183-210; A. BORBEIN, Zum ‘A. Blacas’, in: Kanon. FS E. Berger, 1988, 211-217; B.FEHR, Die ‘gute’ und die ‘schlechte’ Ehefrau, in: Hephaistos 4, 1982, 37-65; B. HOLTZMANN, s.v. As-

klepios, LIMC

2, 863, 863-897 (with older literature);

P. KRANZ, Bemerkungen zum ‘Bonner A.-Pinax’, in: FS N. Himmelmann, 1989, 289-295; Id., Die A.-Statue im

SchlofSpark Klein-Glienicke, in: JDAI 104, 1989, 107-

155; M.Meyer, Erfindung und Wirkung. Zum A. Giustini, in: MDAI (A) 103, 1988, 119-159; Id., Zwei A.Typen des 4. Jh., in: AntPl 23, 1994, 7-55; V. UHLMANN, Wandel einer Gottergestalt, in: Hefte des Arch. Inst. Bern 8, 1982, 27-37.

Asconius Pedianus, Q. Of Padua

ALL.

[6. 1524; 7. 26],

probably lived from AD 3 to 88 [7. 27-30]. Writer of an historically oriented commentary (for his sons, see Mil. p. 38,22) on a number of speeches of Cicero [7. 2-25], extant in Pis., Scaur., Mil. (here A. provides informa-

tion about the actual course of events), Pro Cornelio, In

toga candida (both to be reconstructed on the basis of A.). A. draws for the most part on the information provided by Cicero himself, yet he draws on other sources, critically selected, to provide corrections, with an unusually exact method of citation [5; 7. 39-61]. The extant documents are divided into three MSS (Madrid, Pistoia, Laurent.) which derive from an MSS found in 1416 by Pocarto in St. Gallen, which was later lost. The commentary to div. in Caec. and Verr. 1-2,33 likewise contained in these, was clearly not written by A.

ASCONIUS PEDIANUS, Q.

107

108

[6. 1526; 7.1]. Other writings, now lost: Contra obtrectatores Vergilii (see Donat. vita Vergilii p. 66,2 Retre), Vita Sallustii (see Ps.Acro in Hor. Sat. 1,2,41; uncertain, see [1. ix-x]) and a work about longevity (Suda a 3213; Plin. HN 7,159).

Asebeia (do¢Peia; asébeia). The Greeks punished vio-

EpiTions:

1A.KresstinGc, R.SCHOELL, 1875

2A.C.

CLARK, 1907. 3. S. SQUIRES, 1990. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 4J.N. Mapvica, De Q.A. Pediani com-

mentariis, 1828

5 C,LICHTENFELDT, De Q.A.Pediani

fontibus ac fide, 1888 6 G. Wissowa, s.v. A., RE 2, 1524-1527. 7B.A. MarsHa tt, A Historical Comm. on Asconius, 1985. CHR.KU.

Ascra (“Aoxoa; Askra). Boeotian village at the north-

eastern foot of Mount Helicon in the valley of the Muses, home of > Hesiodus. The acropolis was located on the hill of Pyrgaki (— Ceressus), adjacent to it a settlement area of about 20 ha., extending into the fertile valley (modern Episkopi). Politically, A. was a > kome of Thespia (about 7 km to the north-west), by which it was destroyed in the 7th or 4th cent. BC. A. was inhab-

lations of the reverence due to the gods. Theft from temples (> Hierosylia) was subject to particular sanction; desecration and mockery of divine objects were together treated as asebeia. In Athens, as a political measure, accusations of asebeia for irreverence towards the state gods were particularly levelled against natural philosophers and sophists. Their project of explaining the world and putting in question all traditional assumptions seemed to threaten the order of the state. Anaxagoras, Diagoras, Protagoras and Socrates were condemned, Aspasia acquitted, in asebeia trials. The legal basis was created in 432 BC. > Atheism D. Couen, Law, Sexuality and Society, 1991, 203ff.

G.T.

Asellico Nickname (‘the donkey drover’) in the family of

the Sempronians. KaAJANTO, Cognomina, 323.

K.-LE.

ited into the rst cent. BC. Paus. 9,29,1-2 only mentions

the ‘tower of A.’. Resettlement commenced in the 4th cent. AD

(Hes. Op. 639-40;

Plut. Mor.

fr. 82; Str.

9,2,25. 1G VII 1883). FossEy, 142-145; A.SNopGrass, The Site of Askra, in: La Beotie antique, 1985, 87-95. KF.

Asculum Important town in Picenum in the Tronto (an-

cient Truentus) valley on the > via Salaria, modern Ascoli Piceno. According to Fest. 235,16f., it was founded by the > Sabini. Following its defeat by the Romans in 268 BC (Eutr. 2,16), it became a civitas foe-

derata. The uprising of A. in 90 BC was the beginning of the > Social War. A. was besieged and captured (Vell. Pat. 2,21,1). It became a > municipium, later a > colo-

nia (with > duoviri, belonging to the > tribus Fabia) of the Triumvirs or of Augustus. Parts of the Roman temples have been integrated into the churches of S. Gregorio and S. Venazio, remains of the theatre and several bridges, amongst them the Ponte di Cecco. N.ALFIERI, s.v. A. Picenum, PE 99f.; G.Conta, 1982; U. Larri, M. Pasquinuccl, A. 1, 1975.

A. 2, G.PA.

Asellius [1] Aemilianus. Among other offices praetorian legate of Thracia between AD 176 and 180, cos. suff. around 177 [1. 262]. Consular governor of Syria about 188 [2]; proconsul of Asia in 192/193. As a relative of Clodius Albinus he remained neutral between Septimius Severus and Pescennius Niger, for a longer period; but was finally defeated by Septimius in the summer of 193 as a genera! of Niger and executed soon after (Herodian 352,23 6; Cass. Dio 74,6,4; SHA Sept. Sev. 8,16; [3]). [2] Claudianus. Senator, according to SHA Sev. 13,1

executed by Severus; probably identical with A(ulus) Sellius Clodianus (AE 1974, 11; [2. 313.35]. 1 ALFOLDY,

Konsulat,

rgof.,

259

2 LEUNISSEN

3 A. BirLEY, Septimius Severus, 71987, 241 A.12.

W.E.

Asellus {1] Diminutive of asinus, nickname in the families of the Annians and Claudians, also common in the Imperial period. KaJANTO, Cognomina, 87, 325.

[2] see > Donkey

As de pique see > Southern Italian script

Ash(tree) The most common species of ash in the Medi-

Asea Town in southern > Arcadia, halfway between Megalopolis and > Tegea on the small plateau of Frangovrysi near the sources of the Alpheius and the Eurotas

terranean is the flowering ash, Fraxinus ornus L., which is widespread in warmer locations reaching far to the south; less common is the higher-growing ‘narrowleafed ash’, Fraxinus angustifolia Vahl, that requires

(Str. 8,3,12). The settlement on the acropolis can be

more moisture. The ‘common ash’, Fraxinus excelsior

traced back from the Neolithic to the Middle Helladic

L., that is the most frequent and highest growing one in the rest of Europe, retreats in easterly direction to north-facing mountain slopes because of its great need for water (in the south it reaches to the central Apennines, northern Greece and Trojan Ida); in ancient nomenclature it was not distinguished from the very similar F. angustifolia, which stretches further south. While

and Hellenistic periods (town walls); in 368/67 BC, it

was integrated into the new foundation of Megalopolis; at the time of Pausanias (8,44,3), A. lay in ruins. The

settlement of the classical period has not been localized. E.J.HOLMBERG, The Swedish excavations at A. in Arcadia, 1944; M.Jost, Sanctuaires et cultes de l’Arcadie, in: Etudes Péeloponnésiennes 9, 1985, 193-195.

Wile

109

IIo

the Greeks called all species by the one name of peda (melia), and only the Macedonians differentiated the high-growing kind (using an intensifying prefix), as Bovuptedia (boumelia) from the F. ornus (see Theophr. Hist. pl. 3,11,3—5), in Latin there was sharp delineation between the flowering ash, the ornus, that is noticeable in spring through its fragrant white panicles, and the two high-growing species with inconspicuous flowers, the fraxinus (e.g. Plin. HN 16,74). Because of its toughness and elasticity, the wood of the ash was used particularly for spears — Achilles’ famous spear came from the summit of the Mount Pelion, hence it was probably made from F. angustifolia (Hom. Il. 16,140-144). The composition of the wood and its uses explain the myths that tell of the origin of man from ash-trees (first in Hes. Op. 145). B.HE.

Asia [1] Continent. see > Asia Minor

[2] Roman province. The > provincia A. was established in 129 BC when Rome took possession of the kingdom of > Pergamum, which was bequeathed to the Roman people by its last king > Attalus III (died 133 BC) (Liv. Per. 58f.). The Romans first had to assert themselves against > Aristonicus, the illegitimate brother of the departed king. But the majority of the Greek cities had remained loyal, which earned them their ‘freedom’ (AE 1991, 1500). > Ephesus was named the capital city of the province. The province earned enormous income for the state treasury: a tenth of the agricultural income and toll income (AE 1989, 681; 1991, 1501) was leased to > publicani-societies. This exploitation stoked the hatred that caused the massacre of 80,000 resident Italics in 88 BC; they were slaughtered at the order of King > Mithridates VI on one day (FGrH 434: Memnon

1,22,9).

~» Sulla subdued the rebellion and demanded high reparations from the province. He divided the cities into 44 tax districts, which lasted a long time. > Lucullus and > Pompeius secured the peace agreements, one against Mithridates, the other against pirates. Pompey reorganized all of Anatolia and created a network of client-kings, in order to secure the provincial territory. A golden era for the publicani societies began. Since > Augustus, the province was led by a > proconsul, who— theoretically for one year determined by lot — had three > /egati and one — quaestor at his side to help him administer the public moneys. The most important task of the proconsuls was adjudication. They travelled around in the various > conventus, large legal districts, whose main towns functioned as places of adjudication (in the imperial era 13: [1. 64ff.]). They had to count on the influence of the > koinon, which

was composed of the provincial elite and could limit their authority. The state income was soon placed under a > procurator, who came from the equestrian order and was supported by an imperial freedman: they formed a substantial counterbalance to the proconsuls (Tac. Ann.

ASIA MINOR

13,1). The province remained

a unit financially, al-

though — Phrygia, under a procurator (who was a freedman) with a seat in > Synnada, eventually became the most important region. Ephesus, the starting point of a road to central Anatolia and the seat of administration, became even more important. The era of Augustus experienced the beginnings of the > ruler-cult, and in 9 BC a calendar reform ensured that the beginning of the year fell on the ruler’s birthday (23 September). From this point onwards, the cities vied to receive a temple for the ruler-cult, which would make them the provincewide centre of the cult and make them > neokoroi. From the middle of the 3rd cent. AD, the province was subdivided administratively. First a province Phrygia-Caria was formed in AD 250, which was transferred to a > legatus Augusti pro praetore of consular rank, while a new district was created for financial administration under a procurator from the equestrian class. Under > Diocletianus and his immediate successors, the break-up of the province increased so much that the Veronese provincial register (3) for the years 310-315 indicates seven new administrative units instead of the one old province: Phrygia I, Phrygia II, Asia, Lydia, Caria, Insula, Hellespontus, which, aside

from Asia, were all ruled trian class. Together with dia they formed, under praetorio of the dioecesis

by governors from the equesLycia-Pamphylia and — Pisione > vicarius the praefecti Asiana.

1 C. HaBicut, New evidence on the province of A., in: JRS

65, 1975, 64-91. Macaig; S. MITCHELL, Anatolia 1/2, 1993; R.SYME, Ana-

tolica: Studies in Strabo, 1995.

M.CHR. andT.D.-B.

Asia Minor I. NaME II. GEocrArHy III. History IV. RELIGION V. LANGUAGES VI. ALPHABETIC

SCRIPTS I. NAME

Strabo was the first to refer to the peninsula of Asia Minor (AM) west of the > Taurus (Str. 2,5,243 12,1,33

cf. Plin. HN 5,27f.; Ptol. 5,2) as a single unit by the name of Asia in the narrower sense, as opposed to the continent of Asia. The term of Asia minor in this sense is first used in Oros. 1,2,26 (early 5th cent. AD). I]. GEOGRAPHY AM is the westernmost part of the Asian continent

between 36° and 42° northern latitude, and 26° and 44° eastern longitude, stretching from the Aegean to the Euphrates (c. 1,200 km), and from the Black Sea to the Mediterranean (c. 600 km). Within the Eurasian fold

belt, AM forms part of the Mediterranean mountain chain, which is divided into two coastal ranges (the Northern Anatolian mountains on the Black Sea coast, and the Taurus range on the Mediterranean coast);

these converge in the east and together encircle the central Anatolian massif (Kirsehir massif), also referred to

ASIA MINOR

THIeE

II2

as the Anatolian highlands (900/1,000 m high). The

interior basin with some shallow lakes in a steppe-like

northern

environment such as Tuz Golii (Tatta limne) and Van

Anatolian

mountains

(‘Pontic Mountains’,

Koroglu Daglari, Isfendiyar Daglari, Karadeniz Daglari: Hypius and Olympus, Olgassys with Carambis, Paryadres with Teches) extend from the mouth of

the Sakarya/Sangarius in a northward curve to the mouth of the Kizil Irmak/Halys, reaching a height of 2,565 m with Ilgaz Daglari/Olgassys; they extend further in a southward curve to the mouth of the Coruh/ Lycus (Acampsis or Harpasus) as well as to that of the Rioni/Phasis, with Kagkar Dagi (Rize Daglar1) as their highest peak at 3,937m. Few water gaps link the narrow coastal strip north of the mountains with the interior (Sakarya, Kizil Irmak, Yesil Irmak/ Iris).

South of the westward sloping central Anatolian plateau (‘Menderes Massif’), across which several eastwesterly river valleys connect the interior with the

Golii; the mountainous region in the east of the central Anatolian plateau is characterized by karst phenomena, with various lakes such as Aci Gol (lake of Anaua) and the lakes of Buldur (Askania Limne), Beysehir (Karalis Limne) as well as Egridir (Limnai: together with Hoyran Golii?). The climate of the coastal plains is dominated by the Etesian winds, resulting in humid winters and dry summers; only along the Black Sea coast, there is also rainfall in the hot season — the fur-

ther east, the more rain. The central Anatolian plateau has a continental climate with large variations in temperature, early summer precipitation, and dry summer seasons. In the mountainous regions, the more frequent

precipitation often falls as snow. Maps: TAVO, parts A and B.

coastal plains (Gediz Nehri/Hermus, Buytik Menderes/ Maeander), the Taurus range rises in a north-easterly direction to a height of 3,085 m (Ak Dag / Bey daglari);

PuysicaL GEOGRAPHY.: O.EROL, Die naturraumliche Gliederung der Tirkei, 1986; W.-D. Htrrerotn, Tirkei, 1982; S. MITCHELL, Anatolia, 2 vols., 1993.

between Karaman/Laranda and Silifke/Seleucia, the Taurus is lower in the Toros Daglari region, only to rise again to the Cakit Cayi water gap and in several ridges to the Bolkar Daglari (Medetsiz 3,585 m), reaching a height of 3,734 m with Kaldidag in the Ala Daglart. Here, too, only a small number of water gaps link the interior (Gilek Bogazi/Kilikiai Pylai, Seyhan Nehri/ Sarus) with the coastal plain, which only widens in its

Torponomastic:

D.J. GEorGacas, The Names of the

Asia Minor Peninsula, 1971; J.TiscHLER, Kleinasiat. Hydronomie, 1977; P. WitreK, Von der byz. zur turk. Toponymie, in: Byzantion ro, 1935, 11-64; L.ZGusTa, Kleinasiat. ON, 1984. HisTORICAL

GEOGRAPHY:

Macie;

W.M.

RAMSAY,

Historical Geography of Asia Minor, 1890.

F.O.

eastern section (Cilicia Pedias). Inland, the ridges of the

eastern Taurus rise towards the mountainous region of Iran, where both coastal ranges join to form a richly structured mountainscape. The highest mountain chains rise in the south-east to peaks of up to 4,168 m (Antitaurus with Cilo Daglar1), and in the north-east to 5,165 m (central eastern Taurus with Buyik Agr Dagi/ Ararat).

The tectonics of the Anatolian peninsula show a deep fault system: the pressure exerted by the Arabian plate from the south on the Anatolian plate causes a westerly deviation of the Anatolian block along the northern Anatolian axis of lateral displacement; this very active earthquake zone, the North Anatolian fault, more or less follows the line Erzincan/Aziris-Kelkit Cayi/Lycus — Gok Irmak/Amnias — Gerede/Cratea — Bolu/Bithynium — Dizce/Dusae — Izmit/Nicomedia. In western Anatolia, this pressure is passed on to the Menderes Massif, another region known for its proneness to earthquakes. Two volcanic axes, which were active into recent geological periods, run through Anatolia from the south-west to the north-east: the first in western Anatolia from the Karaca Dag to the Erciyas Dagi (Argaeus, at 3,916 m the highest peak of AM; Str. 12,2,7 reports of solfataric activities in the area around this mountain), the other in eastern Anatolia from the

Nemrut Dagi by the Van Goliti (Lake Van) (3,050 m; Thospitis limne) to the twin peaks of Mount Ararat. Enclosed by the rain shadows of the coastal mountain ranges, whose windward sides are exceedingly fertile, the central Anatolian plateau is predominantly an

Ill. History A. NEOLITHIC TO BRONZE AGE 1. NEOLITHIC (c. 9000-6000 BC) 2. CHALCOLITHIC (c. 6000-3200

BC)

3. EARLY BRONZE AGE

4. MIDDLE BRONZE

AGE B.HITTITE EMPIRE C. HITTITE SUCCESSOR STATES 1.History 2.ART D. EARLY IRON AGE E. PERSIAN PERIOD AND ARCHAIC IONIA 1. INTRODUCTION 2. ACHAEMENID POLITICS IN

AM

3. PERSIANS IN ASIA MINOR

4. CULTURAL

CONTACTS F. THE TIME OF ALEXANDER THE GREAT G. HELLENISTIC PERIOD H.UNDER

ROMAN RULE J. LATE ANTIQUE AND BYZANTINE DEVELOPMENT

A. NEOLITHIC TO BRONZE AGE 1. NEOLITHIC

(c. 9000-6000 BC)

The earliest evidence that groups of epipalaeolithic game hunters had become sedentary are found in the south-east Anatolian settlement of Hallan Cemi Tepesi (end of the roth millennium BC, all dates based on calibrated C14 data). In the following (from about 8500 BC), cultural groups of the aceramic Neolithic with strong links to the Syro-Levantine region (Pre-Pottery Neolithic B) developed in the foothills of the Taurus. These are distinguished by their large settlements with monumental buildings, their early use of copper, and the collective burial of skulls (Cay6nii Tepesi, Gobekli Tepe, Nevali Cori). These settlements were the first to rely on a production economy based on arable farming and cattle breeding. In the central Anatolian

113

114

steppe, large aceramic settlements (Agikli Héyiik) also appeared. Pottery is first evident from c. 7500 BC. One of the notable settlements of this period is Catal Hoyiik with finds of numerous - wall paintings, reliefs, female statuettes, and house burials with copious grave gifts (see below IV. Religion). However, this settlement still lacks the socio-economic foundation for it to be called a

evident (Demirciho6yuk). A number of technical innovations points to an intensification of production pro-

town.

creased importance of the martial element.

Far-reaching

trade systems

were

in existence

from the Aceramic Period; it was predominantly > obsidian from the central as well as the eastern Anatolian deposits that was traded as far as southern Iran, the southern Levant, and Cyprus. 2. CHALCOLITHIC

(c. 6000-3200 BC)

Whereas the neolithic settlements apparently preferred the open steppes of central Anatolia, from about 6500 BC sedentary groups began also to open up the mountainous lake district of south-western Anatolia (Kurugay, Hacilar), also Thrace (Hoca Cesme), the Marmara region (Fikirtepe culture), the northern mountains of central Anatolia (Orman Fidanligi, Buyuk Gilliicek), and finally the coasts of the Black Sea (ikiztepe) and the Aegean (Kumtepe). These settlements are significantly smaller than the contemporary tell settlements in the Konya plain (Catal Hoyiik-West, Can Hasan). The spread of production economy into these new regions was presumably made possible by the development of new subsistence techniques. Especially in the north-western regions of AM, strong similarities with the cultural development on the Balkan become apparent (Karanovo culture, Vinéa culture). In contrast, the cultural development in Cilicia and south-eastern Anatolia was strongly influenced by the Syro-Mesapotamian Halaf (Tilkitepe, Mersin), Obeid (Degirmentepe, Mersin), and Uruk cultures (Arslantepe, Hassek Héyiik). From the late Obeid period (from c. 4500 BC) and particularly during the late Uruk period (from c. 3500 BC), the development of settlements in this regions adopts clear urban features (fortifications, temples, palaces, indications of administrative activities). At the same time, the first complexly cast metal artefacts of arsenic bronze appear (Arslantepe VI A). Finds of a comparable age have been made in northwestern Anatolia (Ilipinar). 3. EARLY BRONZE AGE

ASIA MINOR

cesses metal lazuli Apart ons

(introduction of the potter’s wheel, split-mould casting). Exotic materials such as tin and > lapis confirm trade relations as far as central Asia. from fortifications, several finds of metal weap-

(lance tips, swords,

battle-axes)

indicate an in-

The Caucasian Karaz culture (also known as Kura Araxes, or Khirbet Kerak culture) spread across eastern Anatolia, and was to expand as far as Palestine by the middle of the 3rd millennium BC. 4. MIDDLE BRONZE AGE The middle Bronze Age (c. 2000-1600 BC) is also known the ‘Karum Period’ (chronology after karum kanes IV-I; texts originating from levels II-I, dating from c. 1900-1700 BC), named after the Old Assyrian term for trading posts (karum) in central Anatolia, particularly represented by karum kanes (Kiltepe), with further settlements i.a. in Bogazkéy (karum Hattus) and Alisar. The numerous clay tablets found in Kane§ are the first proof of writing used in Anatolia. The presence of Assyrians is only evident in the texts; the material evidence they left behind differs in no way from that of the native Anatolians. The texts allow the reconstruction of a system of independent small states, ruled by their own sovereigns. The period following the Karum Period (c. 1700-1680 BC) is archaeologically largely unknown. It is still a matter of controversy whether the Old Hittite period (from c. 1680 BC; > Hattusa II) should be assigned to the middle or late Bronze Age. In western Anatolia, the ancient early bronze age settlements acquired urban dimensions (Troy VI, Beycesultan, Limantepe), but there is no evidence of the use of script. Along the Aegean coast, Minoan settlements were established, followed in the late Bronze Age by Mycenaean ones (> Aegean Koine). In western as well as in central Anatolia, the development of the archaeological material displays a continuity of culture from the end of the early Bronze Age through the middle and finally into the late Bronze Age. + Alisar; > Hattusa I; > Malatya; > Mesopotamia; ~ Troy

under strong

K. AtimMov et al., Prahistor. Zinnbergbau in Mittelasien; in Eurasia Antiqua 4, 1998, 137-199; N.Briscu, K. BarTL, Die altassyr. Handelskolonien in Anatolien, in: K. Bart, R. BERNBECK, M.HE1Nnz (eds.), Zwischen Euphrat und Indus, 1995, 134-147; J.G. DERCKSEN, The

Syro-Mesapotamian influence. Apart from monumental buildings (Norsuntepe, Hassek Hoyiik) and fortifications (Lidar Héyiik, Tepecik), it is the richly furnished graves that allow a first grasp of social elites (Arslan-

Old Assyrian Copper Trade in Anatolia, 1996; S.HarMANKAYA, O. TANINDI, M.OzBASARAN, Turkiye Arkeolojik Yerlesmeleri, 2. Neolitik, 1997; Id., Turkiye Arkeolojik Yerlegmeleri, 3. Kalkolitik, 1998; H.KLENGEL, Gesch. des Hethit. Reiches (HbdOr 1/34), 1999, 17-32;

In south-eastern Anatolia and Cilicia (Tarsus), the

trend towards

urbanization,

discernible

in the late

Chalcolithic, continues in the early Bronze Age (c. 3200-2000

BC). The region remained

tepe). In western and central Anatolia, too, an increas-

ingly complex social structure becomes apparent, albeit ona somewhat lower level. Fortifications (Troy, Limantepe, Alisar), monumental architecture (Troy II) and rich grave finds (Alaca Hoyiik, Horoztepe) appear slightly later than in south-eastern Anatolia. For the early Bronze Age, planned village-like settlements are

M. KoreMann, A. BAYKAL-SEEHER, S. Kitic, Anatolien in

der Frithen und Mittleren Brz. (TAVO Beih. B 73), 1994; Id., H.KUune, Kleinasien. Friihbrz., Ostteil. Westteil (TAVO B II 13), 1993; B.KuLL, W.ROLLIG, Kleinasien.

Mittelbrz. Beginning

(TAVO B II 14), 1991; M.OzpoGan, The of Neolithic Economies in Southeastern

Europe: An Anatolian Perspective, in: Journ. of European

Archaeology 5/2, 1997, 133; W. ORTHMANN, K.R. VEEN-

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Hellenistic states (with map)

ASIA MINOR

the province of > Galatia 25/4 BC; vassal states: Archelaus in Cappadocia, Tarcondimotus or rather his dynasty in the Amanus mountains, Mithridates III of Commagene, Tigranes II and his successors in Greater Armenia, Polemon and Pythodoris in Pontus. From then on, the history of AM presents itself as the history of administration within the Roman Empire; within this setting, the imperial court reacted to internal (road system, — cursus publicus) and external (Parthians or rather — from AD 227 — Sassanids, Armenia)

problems and changes. The borders of these provinces were subjected to more frequent changes than anywhere else within the empire; new provinces were formed from existing or from newly acquired territories (> Cappadocia AD 17, > Armenia AD 104). The importance of urban centres within the imperial administration grew steadily, as they assumed the role of administrative centres; their wealth increased, and their new social elites modelled themselves on the imperial court. This development very clearly happened at the expense of the rural population. In the countryside, population and settlement structures remained, in their basic set-up, unchanged from most ancient to modern times. In contrast with fast-moving urban life, elements of traditional culture survived in rural areas, especially with regards to language and religion. Christianity took root in AM in the 3rd cent. AD latest, and absorbed essential aspects of its diversity. Macite; C. Marek, Stadt, Ara und Territorium in PontusBithynia und Nord-Galatia, 1993; lia, 2 vols., 1995.

$.MITCHELL, AnatoE.O.

Maps: I.Prrt-RADEMACHER et al., Vorderer Orient. Romer und Parther (14-138 n.Chr.), TAVO B V 8, 1988;

L.BALLESTEROS Pastor, Mithridates Eupator, 1996; E.V.Hansen, The Attalids of Pergamon, *1971;B.F. HaRRIS, Bithynia: Roman Sovereignty and the Survival of Hel-

E. KETTENHOFEN, Ostl. Mittelmeerraum und Mesopotamien. Die Neuordnung des Orients in diokletianisch-kon-

lenism, in: ANRW

E. Meyer, Die Gren-

stantinischer Zeit (284-337 n.Chr.), TAVO B VI 1, 1984;

zen der hell. Staaten in K., 1925; T.B. MirForRD, Roman Rough Cilicia, in: ANRW II 7.2, 1230-1261; W. ORTH,

Id., Ostl. Mittelmeerraum und Mesopotamien. Spatrém. Zeit (337-527 n.Chr.), TAVO B VI 4, 1984.

II 7.2, 857-901;

K6niglicher Machtanspruch und _ stddtische Freiheit, 1977; KWdH; M.Scuotrxy, Media Atropatene und Grof-Armenien in hell. Zeit, 1989; R.D. SULLIVAN, The

J. LATE ANTIQUE AND BYZANTINE DEVELOP-

inces: ruler cult, tax system, foundation of colonies, urbanization, ~ Hellenization, caritative measures; b)

MENT The basic problem of the post-antique history of AM, namely how a Christian-Greek region was changed into a predominantly Islamic-Turkish one (extensively only in [1]), currently attracts very different views within historians. There is unanimity in the assumption of a late antique cultural and economic bloom [2]; at that time, the region was Graecized, with the exception of the Syrian and Armenian border regions. However, the importance of the Sassanid and Arab expeditions for the later developments is a matter of controversial debate: VRYONIS [1] sees AM after the Byzantine reconquest as a blooming region; on the contrary, BRANDES [3] was able to prove that the Sassanid incursions especially, which had struck > Cappadocia as early as the 3rd cent. AD [3. 46], had devastating consequences for the region after the death of the Em-

by measures outside of the provinces: establishment of

peror > Justinian [1]: in AD 615, the entire Byzantine

Dynasty of Cappadocia, in: ANRW

II 7.2, 1125-1168;

WILL.

H. UNDER ROMAN RULE Pompey’s new order of the eastern provinces took

effect in AM in 64/3 BC: the Roman provinces of Asia and Cilicia, now enlarged by Cilicia Pedias in the east, were joined by the new province of + Bithynia et Pontus, consisting of parts of the AM regions of the Pontic kingdom. Both Caesar and Antony instigated a number of administrative reforms, both also relinquished parts of the imperial territory in favour of certain dynasts, 1.a. Cleopatra [II 12] VII. Augustus, too, reformed AM in

the summer of 20 BC, a) by measures within the prov-

ASIA MINOR

147

defence structure collapsed [3. 50], > Calchedon was occupied by the Persians, in AD 620 the late antique + Ancyra suffered such destruction that not even a single Bible survived. The successes of > Heraclius [7] provided AM with only a short breathing space; the first Arab incursion took place in AD 637 [3. 53]. After that, there were almost annual raids from the south-east up to Constantinople, sometimes led by the caliph in person (AD 653/4); the islands (Rhodes, Cos) were also affected. Ancyra, Ephesus, Halicarnassus, and Smyrna were also captured, if only temporarily, by — Muawiya. In the following period, only the southern regions came under Arab rule for longer periods of time (> Cilices, » Cappadocia). Between both empires lay a devastated border zone (referred to as tugur, ‘incisors’, or

‘awasim, ‘defensive points’ [4]), which the Byzantines

only managed to recapture in the course of the great reconquest in the early roth cent.; the important city of Amorium was captured as late as AD 838. The economic consequences were catastrophic, the late-antique urban culture disappeared or was at least noticeably diminished [3. 81ff.; 5; 6]: altogether, a process of concentration began. Through the theme system [7] (> Thema), first evident in AM, Byzantium succeeded in reconquering lost regions and rebuilding devastated ones, but only on a much lower level. The mass

settlement of Syrians and Armenians in the southern regions [8] led to an increase in religious tensions. For that reason, the comparative ease with which the Turks conquered AM after AD ro4r(battle of Manzikert) — they established their first permanent settlements in the interior and the eastern regions — may have its explanation in the late antique cultural discontinuity. The century-long fight against the Arabs is still alive in folklore today, although in mythicized form, preserved in the epic of Digenis AKRITAS. ~ Byzantium (with map) 1S. Vryonis JRr., The Decline of Medieval Hellenism in Asia Minor and the Process of Islamization from the Eleventh through the Fifteenth Century, 1971 2 ODB, s.v. Asia Minor 3 W.BRANDES, Die Stadte Kleinasiens im 7. und 8. Jh., 1989 4 ODB, s.v. ‘Awasim and Thughtr

148 IV. RELIGION A. PREHISTORIC TO EARLY BRONZE AGE B. HITTITE PERIOD (c. 1600-1200 BC) C. Post-HITTITE PERIOD D. RELATIONS WITH GREECE E. GRAECO-ROMAN PERIOD

A. PREHISTORIC TO EARLY BRONZE AGE The oldest evidence of religious life come from the preceramic megalithic buildings of Nevali Cori, Cayoni, and Gobekli Tepe in the environs of Urfa (Edessa [2]), and date from the roth millennium BC. The find-

ings seem to indicate that the veneration of ancestors was at the centre of the cult. Archaeological finds from the neolithic settlement of Catal Héyiik (6th millennium BC) in the Konya plain point to a complex ritual for the dead, an ancestor cult, as well as a to a pantheon of deities, consisting at the very least of a weather god in the shape of a bull, representing virility, an earth and mother goddess — the common constellation for the agrarian cultures in the areas of rain-fed agriculture in the Mediterranean region and the Middle East — and also a goddess associated with leopards. The town and palace buildings of the early Bronze Age (2300-1900 BC), such as the ruins of Héyuk near Alaga, and Alisar Héyiik and Horoztepe in central Anatolia, already display some of the religious phenomena, which later appear in the Hittite tradition. B. HITTITE PERIOD

(c. 1600-1200

BC)

The religious concepts of the Hittites or rather the population of AM and northern Syria in the 2nd half of the 2nd millennium BC is known from thousands of cuneiform tablets on those topics from > Hattusa and various local archives. The great importance of the Hittite literature with regards to religious history lies in the enormous

number

of ritual instructions,

interwoven

with myths. In parallel with the historical development of the Hittite state, the cults and deities of the Hatticspeaking proto-population of the Old Hittite empire (1600-1450 BC) form the oldest layer of the pantheon of Hattusa. In this early phase, the traditions of southern Anatolia (> Kizzuwatna) as well as those of north-

5 M.F. HENpy, Stud. in the Byzantine Monetary Economy c. 300-1450, 1985 6 C.Foss, Archaeology and the ‘Twenty Cities’ of Byzantine Asia, in: AJA 81, 1977, 469-486 7R.J. Liuie, Die byz. Reaktion auf die Ausbreitung der Araber, 1976 8 G.DAGRON, Minorités ethniques et religieuses dans l’Orient byzantin a la fin du X° et au XI° siécle: L’immigration syrienne, in: Travaux et mé-

western Syria — with the expansion of the Hittite sphere of influence from the reign of Hattusili I (around 1560 BC) — entered the Hittite state pantheon. At its head stood the sun goddess of the town of Arinna, bearing solar as well as chtonic features. Her parhedros was

moires 6, 1976, 177-216.

depicted as a bull or as standing on one. A number of deities of vegetation, of whom Telipinu (‘strong youth’) had its own myth, were seen as their children. In ad-

JN.

the weather god (Hittite-Luwian Tarhun), frequently

dition, there were deities of sexuality, of war, of diseases, a great number of nature deities (spring, river, and mountain deities), as well as tutelary deities of

game animals and hunting. Amongst the most important text is the purulliya- (rites of the New Year festival), containing the myth of the snake Illujanka and the weather god as well as the aetiology of the sacral monarchy.

149

150

In the Middle Kingdom (c. 1450-1345 BC), the state religion expanded significantly through the absorption of + Hurrite gods, cults, and myths. By then, the most important deities were the Hurrite weather god TeS(5)up, his sister Sawuska, and his wife Hebat. The size of the state pantheon was thus roughly equivalent to the Hittite term of the ‘thousand gods of Hatti land’. During the period of the Great Empire (1345-1150 BC), the priests used syncretism in an attempt to create some sort of order with the almost indeterminable pantheon of gods and goddesses. A depiction of the pantheon is found in the rock chamber of Yazilikaya, near the metropolis of HattuSa. In the course of a comprehensive

D. RELATIONS WITH GREECE Through Mycenaean trade activities, which had reached the mouth of the Halys in the 14th cent. BC, Hittite religious concepts had made their way to Greece, for example in the story of the Golden Fleece, described in the Old Hittite myth of the god Telipinu (+ Jason) as both guaranteeing and symbolizing the sacral monarchy. The succession myth in > Hesiod’s ‘Theogony’, too, has its origins in the Hittite-Hurrite succession myth of the barley god ~ Kumarbi. The myth of Illujanka and the weather god appears in a new guise in the tale of Typhon (> Typhoeus, Typhon) by

restoration of the state, the economy,

as the connection between goddess and bee, which in the Hittite tradition existed between the goddess Hannahanna and the ‘sun goddess of the earth’ and which

and the cults,

especially under the Great King Tudhalija IV (c. 1200 BC), mandatory cultic regulations were laid down for the entire empire, i.e. the Hittite equivalent of an ecclesiastical calendar. The rituals, which in their original form had surely been fairly simple and only bound by a small number of rules, were, once the Hittite state had adopted them, collected, expanded, and set out in a consistent pattern by the priesthood. In line with the increasing bureaucratization of the state, the rituals over time became more complex and scholarly so that in the end they could only be carried out under the direction of a priesthood that was competent, expert, and functionally differentiated. From then on, each public appearance of the king was governed by most strictly regulated rites. An Indo-European heritage, as proclaimed by some scholars, is hardly ascertainable in the Hittite religious tradition. Only the Indo-European celestial god *dieu-, appearing as the Luwian sun god Tijaz, was venerated in the ancestor cult of the Hittite royal dynasty (under the name of siu(z)-). The Papaya-Istustaya group of goddesses, who are spinning the fate of the king, may also be regarded as an Indo-European concept. C. Post-HITTITE PERIOD After the collapse of the Hittite empire (c. 1200 BC),

some of its cults lived on in the Luwian successor states. In Phrygia, the names of the deities changed, but many of the old cults survived in Phrygian guise, as proven by the continuity of cult sites. Into the Phrygian cult of + Cybele of > Pessinus was absorbed the Hittite-Hurrite myth of Ullikummi, the stone monster, which lives on in the Pessinian legend of + Agdistis, born of a rock. Furthermore, the relationship of Cybele-Rhea, the + Artemis of AM, and — Aphrodite Urania with leopards also dates back to ancient Anatolian tradition. The cult of the weather god from AM and Syria — depicted as standing on one or on two bulls — was under the name of -» Jupiter Dolichenus spread by the Roman legions from Commagene to as far as England and central Europe.

ASIA MINOR

Apollod. (1,6,3,7ff.). The veneration of the bull as well

can also be found in Crete, Rhodes, and Thera, as well as in the cult of Artemis in AM, seems to have been based on an Anatolian substratum. V.Haas, Gesch. der hethit. Rel., 1994; M.Popxo, Reli-

gions of AM, 1995.

V.H.

E. GRAECO-ROMAN PERIOD The religions of post-bronze age AM in some places, esp. in the Luwian successor states, perpetuated bronze age tradition (see above). In the course of the Helleni-

zation of AM, these non-Greek traditions were adopted or transformed in various ways; characteristic for the religions of that era is the great variety in the ways that indigenous local traditions interlocked with or were overlaid by those of the Greek. The Syrian-Anatolian Kubaba (3rd millennium) and subsequent Phrygian ‘Mountain Mother’ (matar kubeleja) as well as the related Lydian Kuvav became Hellenized as > Cybele and Cybebe. From archaic times, the cult of the Phrygian goddess spread from her sanctuary in Cyzicus via the Ionian coastal towns towards the Greek west. In cultic records, the goddess is generally addressed as Meter, specified by a local epiclesis (frequently Meter oreia, ‘Mountain

Mother’); from Pergamum,

it even-

tually reached Rome in 205/4 BC, under the name of + Magna Mater. The Romans also adopted the Phrygian iconography, with the goddess either standing face on or seated in a > naiskos (sometimes between two lions), as well as some specific cultic rituals, such as the self-castration of the priests. Other indigenous deities were identified with Greek ones; this applies in particular to the indigenous goddess of the Lycian town of Xanthus (‘Mother of the Region’), who was identified with + Leto, thus also involving > Apollo and > Artemis. Occasionally, only the Greek names appear in epichoric inscriptions, as for the Lydian deities

Bacis (Dionysus Bacchus) or Arti-

mus. Thus it remains uncertain whether they were adopted from the Greek pantheon or whether they represent an — interpretatio graeca.

The main documentary evidence of the post-Bronze Age religions in AM is epigraphical; most of it dating

151

T572)

from the imperial age after the complete Hellenization of indigenous settlements. These inscriptions generally tend to represent a complete interpretatio graeca. Indigenous characteristics only survived in the epiklesis; only the god > Men (‘moon’) is obviously an entirely nonGreek deity. However, the indigenous heritage is also evident in the dominance of Zeus (probably as a de-

the 2nd cent. was to be found in Cappadocia, in the 4th cent. home of the Early Church Fathers > Basilius [1], + Gregorius [3] of Nazianzus, and > Gregorius [2] of Nyssa. Accordingly, AM continued to play an important role, be it as the birthplace of a several other important writers and theologians (> Meliton of Sardes, 2nd cent. AD, > Eusebius [7] of Caesarea), as the starting-point of -> heresies such as -» Montanism, or as the location of early church councils (e.g. the meeting of the bishops of AM against Montanism; the first ecumenical council of Nicaea in AD 325).

ASIA MINOR

scendant of the storm and weather gods of AM), Apollo, Leto, and Artemis. In contrast, specific rituals

are particularly well preserved in the ‘confessional inscriptions’ of eastern Lydia, but also e.g. in the ordeal of Zeus of Tyana (Philostr. VA 1,6).

Furthermore, indigenous traditions are often preserved in the location and layout of sanctuaries, but most particularly in the local iconography, as seen in votive reliefs and even more so on coins; this applies to the large cultic centres — to the Carian sanctuary of Zeus Labrandeus of Mylasa (+ Labrys), to Hecate of Lagina, or the Letoon of Xanthus — as well as to numerous small local ones. A number of gods are attributed with the double-axe, probably as retinue of the Anatolian weather god. More striking are the Lycian reliefs of the 12 main gods and goddesses, or the iconography of > Artemis of Ephesus, detectable for several of the Anatolian and Syrian deities. In contrast, no indigenous influence can be perceived in either the Greek colonies of western AM

R. Gusmant, Le religioni dell’Asia Minore nel primo millennio a. C., in: P. Taccur VentTur! (ed.), Storia delle reli-

gioni 1937; (ed.), 1928,

2, 1971, 295-341; L. ROBERT, Etudes anatoliennes, J. Kem, Die Kulte Lydiens, in: W.H. Buckie et al. Anatolian Studies Presented to Sir W.M. Ramsay, 239-266; A. LAUMONIER, Les cultes indigénes en

Carie,

1958; R. FLEISCHER, Artemis von Ephesos und ver-

wandte Kultstatuen aus Anatolien und Syrien, 1973; S.R. F. Price, Rituals and Power. The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor, 1984. E.G.

V. LANGUAGES

A. ANATOLIAN

INDO-EUROPEAN

B. NoN-INDO-EUROPEAN

LANGUAGES

LANGUAGES

C. FURTHER INDO-EUROPEAN

LANGUAGES

(some of

which dating back to the Bronze Age) nor those on the southern banks of the Pontus, disregarding such deities as Cybele or some rare local traditions. In the Hellenistic period, their influence on the cults of the Seleucid and Pergamene rulers was substantial, similarly from the Augustan period on that of the Roman emperors (Ephesus had a temple for Roma and Caesar, since 27 BC also one for Augustus etc.). At the same time, ancient sanctuaries such as the oracles of Apollo in ~ Clarus and > Didyma, or the sanctuary of Asclepius of > Aegae rise to supraregional fame in the imperial age. In the early 2nd cent AD, Alexander [27] of Abonutichus founded the new oracular cult of — Glycon [3], which also grew to supraregional importance. Christianization: from the early imperial age, the large coastal cities (Smyrna, Ephesus, Miletus, or Antioch) in particular, but also many of the smaller towns,

had in their population Jewish congregations of considerable size and wealth, both evident in their synagogues (e.g. the one in Sardis). Comparatively early on, as a result of St. Paul’s missionary work, they were joined by Christian congregations (cf. Paul’s important epistles to the Ephesians and the Galatians). By the early 2nd cent. AD, Christianity had become the dominant religion in some towns, as shown in the report on Bithynia by the provincial governor Pliny the Younger (Plin. Ep. 10,96); by order of Emperor Trajan, he oversaw the first persecutions of Christians in his province, later, under Emperor Marcus Aurelius (AD 161-180), followed by further such actions in the province of Asia (Melito of Sardis in Euseb. Hist. eccl. 4,26,5f.; martyrdom of Polycarp of Smyrna). A similar level of Christianization in

A. ANATOLIAN INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES Ancient AM is unique in its variety of languages. From the 16th to the 4th cents. BC, the Anatolian (previously also: Hittite-Luwian) language family was the dominant one, forming the earliest ever documented branch of all of the > Indo-European languages. In the 2nd millennium BC, this family consisted of > Hittite (roughly within the great bend of the Halys), > Palaic (to the north and north-east of it), and finally > Luwian with all its dialects (in the southern regions of northern Syria, across the south-east of AM to Lydia. and presumably even in the Troad). From about 1580 to 1200 BC, the Hittite language is recorded in Babylonian ~ cuneiform script on clay tablets, predominantly from the capital + Hattusa (Bogazk6y, Bogazkale); Palaic and cuneiform Luwian are known from proverbs and glosses that were inserted into Hittite texts. Hieroglyphic Luwian is recorded in the Hittite hieroglyphic script (> Hieroglyphic scripts, AM), obviously invented by Luwians. The Hittites of the Great Empire, but also the Luwians of the successor states ii1 south-eastern AM and northern Syria (12th to 7th cents. BC), used this language and script i.a. for representative stone inscriptions and seals. Several linguistic neighbours of Greek in the rst millennium BC also belonged to the Luwian languages, such as > Carian, which has only been deciphered in the last two decades of the 2oth cent. It has its own alphabetic scripts; most of its surviving records come from stone inscriptions in Caria (4th— 3th cents. BC) and Egypt (7th—-4th cents.). > Lycian is better known as a language, especially from numerous grave inscriptions of the sth and 4th cents. BC, written

E53

154

ASIA

MINOR

Asia Minor during the Hittite period (1580-1200 BC) Hittite Luwian

Presumably Luwian Palaic

(approximate linguistic boundaries)

Asia Minor c. 270 BC Anatolian languages: Luwian languages

KAN Lydian Languages introduced through later migrations:

(ZZ) Phrygian and Mysian |

Galatian

(approximate linguistic boundaries)

Greek spoken along the coasts 300 km

in its own alphabet. Closely related to it was Milyan, also known as Lycian B, of which only two texts are extant. Another language with its own alphabet was ~ Sidetan, used in Pamphylia; it is known from only a small number of texts from the 3rd cent. BC. Another Luwian language was - Pisidian, extant in grave in-

scriptions from northern Pisidia (probably 2nd — 3rd cents. AD); these only contain (inflected) personal names. In Isauria, Luwian personal names are evident even into the 5th cent. AD, and Luwian place names, such as [kkuwanija (> Iconium, modern Konya), have

survived to the present day. An independent member of the Anatolian language family (> Anatolian languages) was > Lydian, again predominantly known from stone inscriptions from the Lydia of the 5th and 4th cents. BC. Its script is related to the Greek. It is likely that the settlement area of the Lydians in the 2nd millennium extended further north and north-east than the later Lydia.

B. Non-INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES Of the > Semitic languages, Old Assyrian and Babylonian (> Akkadian), as well as — Phoenician and

+ Aramaic are attested. The Old Assyrian language and cuneiform script was used by the Assyrian merchants of the Cappadocian trading colonies, whose centre was at > Kanes near the modern Kayseri. Babylonian as the international language of communication is much in evidence in Hattusa. In the 9th and 8th cents., Phoenician is manifest in Sam’al and eastern

Cilicia. Furthermore, > Aramaic (also with an alphabetic script) is also evident in Sam/’al; later, as the lan-

guage of communication of the Achaemenid empire, it appears on Persian inscriptions in various regions of AM.

Of completely different origin are the oldest known languages of AM; they are non-Indo-European and possibly belong to the + Caucasian language family. The languages in question are > (Proto-)Hattic, spoken in central AM prior to the Hittite and extant in proverbs in Hittite texts, and > Hurrian (similarly preserved, but

ASIA MINOR

155

a greater wealth of data), which was spoken in eastern AM and upper Mesopotamia. From the 16th to the 14th cents. BC, the > kingdom of the Mittani existed in northern Syria, in which a small Indo-Iranian elite ruled over a Hurrite population. The region around Lake Van was occupied from the gth to the 6th cents. BC by the state of > Urartu, its language related to Hurrian. Later that area was settled by > Armenians (> Armenian). The Urartians used an Assyrian cuneiform as well as a hieroglyphic script. During the Hittite period, Palaic was displaced by the non-Indo-European Kaska language, known to us from names only. C. FURTHER INDO-EUROPEAN LANGUAGES After the collapse of the Hittite empire in around 1200 BC, the northern part of AM was lost to the Anatolian languages during the so-called Dark Ages. From the 8th cent. BC, there is evidence for > Phrygians (and Mysians, who were related with them) on inscriptions of north-western and central Anatolia (> Phrygian). They spoke a non-Anatolian Indo-European language and were, as correctly observed by Herodotus, immigrants from the wider Macedonian region. PaleoPhrygian stone inscriptions, in an alphabetic script closely related to the Greek, date from the 8th to the 3rd cents. BC, the Neo-Phrygian ones in Greek script from the rst to the 3rd cent. AD. A further Indo-European language (apart from ~ Greek and —> Latin) arrived in AM in around 275 BC, when the Galatians settled in northern Phrygia (+ Celts, with map). They spoke Celtic (> Celtic languages) and left no direct written records. The languages of western AM had presumably become extinct in everyday communication in Hellenistic times, those of central AM in the Roman or early Byzantine periods. H.C. MELcuHert, Anatolian, in: F. BADER (ed.), Langues indo-européennes, 1994, 121-136; N.O§ETTINGER, Die

Gliederung des anatol. Sprachgebietes, in: ZVS 92, 1978, 74-92; P. FREI, CH. MAREK, Die kar.-griech. Bilingue von Kaunos, in: Kadmos 36, 1997, 1-89; C. BRIXHE, Le Phrygien, in: F. BADER (ed.), Langues indo-européennes, 1994,

165-178; J. KLINGER, Unt. zur Rekonstruktion der hattischen Kultschicht, 1996; E.Neu, Das hurrit. Epos der Freilassung 1, 1996; G. WILHELM, The Hurrians, 1989; G. NEUMANN, Kleinasien, in: J.UNTERMANN (ed.), Die Sprachen im rom. Reich der Kaiserzeit, 1980, 167-185. N.O.

VI. ALPHABETIC SCRIPTS Written records are extant of several languages of AM, which used alphabetic scripts. No final statement can yet be made on the origins of the Sidetan and the Carian scripts, as the records of the first are very sparse, and the deciphering of the latter not yet complete. All others are probably derived from the Greek alphabet. The Phrygian alphabet is its closest relative, Sidetan and especially Carian the most distant. The table contains a selection of letters from the five most important alpha-

Asia Minor, alphabetic scripts =p hoe ee TT Transliteration

Greek

Phrygian

Lydian

been @

Lycian

eee

r

Sidetic

ees ™m

Rea

}

x

Peed

|

|

oe:

:

We

See

K 14,

ple

ees

/\

Rear

op a

:

Carian

i

ee

|.) eel

ne ee

Hides)

|

| |M Seat mizinl-

betic scripts, i.e. Phrygian (according to [1]), Lydian

(according to [2]), Lycian (according to [3]), Sidetan (according to [4]), and Carian (according to [5]); the Greek alphabet is included for comparison — like Latin, it is also found on many inscriptions of AM. + Carian; > Lydian; > Lycian; > Phrygian; > Sidetan 1 C. BRIxHE,

M. LEJEUNE, Corpus des Inscriptions Paléo-

Phrygiennes 1: Texte, 1984,280

2R.GusManl, La Scrit-

tura Lidia, in: ASNP III/VIIl 3, 1978, 833-847 3 O. MoRKHOLM, G. NEUMANN, Die lyk. Munzlegenden, Nachr. der Akad. der Wiss. Gottingen, Phil.-hist. Klasse, I,1, 1978 4 G.NEuMANN, Die sidetische Schrift, in: ASNP III/VIII 3, 1978, 869-886 5 1.-J. ADIEGO-LAJARA,

Studia Carica. Investigaciones Lengua Carias, 1993.

Sobre

La Escritura

Y N.O.

Asianism The designation Asiatici for orators occurs for the first time in Cic. De or. 3,43 and is used again with a negative connotation in Brut. 51 and Orat. 27. In Sen. Controv. 1,2,23 and Quint. Inst. 12,10,1 the form

Asiani is encountered. This designation arose about the middle of the rst cent. BC., and derives from its contrast to Attic language and eloquence, when it was fashionable to imitate the old Attic orators (Cic. Brut. 51). Such a devaluation of Hellenistic eloquence, practised in Rome before Atticism, is also found, apart from = Cicero (Bruty 325) sane oantrae (@uintaminse: 12,10,16), > Dionysius of Halicarnassus (De oratori-

bus veteribus 1, 1, p. 47 U.-R.), in > Seneca the Elder and > Quintilianus. Cicero, who was himself an Asianist, appears— in order to exonerate himself —to have exaggerated the difference between Asianic bombast and his own Rhodian oratory. Asianism, in fact, was nothing other than the Hellenistic development of the preceding eloquence and corresponded to the linguistic usage of koine [10]. The late Republican polemic against Asianism could have been argued either by Greek grammarians living in Rome [5] or already in Greece [2]. Among the most famous Asianists were

LEE

158

> Demetrius of Phalerum (Cic. Brut. 38; Quint. Inst.

Asiaticus Honorary name that replaced the older form Asiagenus/-genes in the Augustan period, common among the Cornelii Scipiones, in the Imperial period also among the Valerians; first adopted as a victor’s title

10,1,80) and — Hegesias. In Rome ~ Hortensius was

the most famous representative of Asianism; he also wrote a history of the Social War and hence confirmed the connection of Asianism with Hellenistic — historiography. Despite the criticism, Asianism was able to stand its ground (e.g. M. > Antonius [I 9], Plut. Antonius 2,4; but cf. [8. 299]). At the time of Seneca the Elder it reappeared as a reaction against > Atticism (correctly, [9. 260-273]; otherwise, [6]). 1 F.Biass,

Die

Rhythmen

Kunstprosa, 1905

der asianischen

und

r6m.

2G.CaLBo.t, Asiani (Oratori), in:

F. Detia Corte, Dizionario degli Scrittori Greci e Latini I, 1987, 215-232

3 G.Calboli, A. e Atticismo, in:

A. PENNACINI, Studi di retorica oggi in Italia, 1987, 31-53 4 J.D. DeNNisTON, Greek Prose Style, 1952, repr. 1979 5 A. Dine, Der Beginn des Attizismus, in: A&A 23, 1977, 162-177 6J.FAIRWEATHER, Seneca the Elder, 1981

7 K.HELDMann,

Ant. Theorien tiber Entwicklung und

Verfall der Redekunst, 1982 8 G.A. KENNEDY, The Art of Rhet. in the Roman World, 1972 9 Norben, Kunstprosa, 51958 (Italian with Nota di Aggiornamento 1989) 10 U. von WILAMOWITZ-MOELLENDORFF, A. und Attizis-

mus, in: Hermes 35, 1900, 1-52 (KS 3,223-273) 11 P. W. WaxBank, History and Tragedy, in: Historia 9, 1960, 216-234.

G.C.

Asiarchy Provincial office, exercized by members of the regional elite, extending back to the Roman Republican period, well attested in the Imperial period by literary, numismatic and especially epigraphic evidence [z. r6orff. and 1604ff., supplemented by 2. 42 A.3 and 3. 112¢f.]. The ‘provincial council’ (> Koinon) of Asia was active for the province from 29 BC in the cult of Roma and Augustus and generally in the > ruler cult. After 26 there were several towns with temples of the provincial Imperial cult in Asia and several ‘high priests (archiereis) of Asia’ attached to them. The asiarchy was defined as an ethnic priestly office, i.e. under Roman rule an office of the province, not the town. One of the duties of the asiarch was the organization of games. The high priest’s office and the asiarchy were allotted annually; several existed simultaneously in Asia and, each related to the temple of the Imperial cult in a specific city. The wife of the asiarch was often referred to as the ‘high priestess’. Because of these factors, the identification of the asiarch with a high priest should be preferred to that with a ‘provincial council delegate’ or an urban honorary title without reference to the Koinon [1. 449f.] [2], possibly with a differentiation of title and function [4] or of two functions with one officeholder (Str. 14,649; Tac. Ann. 4,153 373 55f.5 Cass. Dio 51,20; Aristid. 26, rorff.; Dig. 27,1,6,14). 1Macie

2 J. DeininceEr, Die Provinziallandtage der

rom. Kaiserzeit, 1965

3 P. Herz, Asiarchen und Archie-

reiai, in: Tyche 7, 1992, 93-115 4M.Rossner, Asiarchen und Archiereis Asias, in: Studii Clasice 16, 1974, IOI-142.

A.ME.

ASINE

by P. > Cornelius Scipio Asiagenus (cos. 190), then

continued by his descendants. F. MUNZER, s.v. Cornelius [337], RE 4, 1474f.

K-LE.

[1] Aristocrat from Gaul (dux Galliarum), who fought for Julius Vindex in AD 68; executed by — Vitellius upon the soldiers’ wish in 69 (Tac. Hist. 2,94,2; PIR* A 1215). [2] Perhaps a Valerius Asiaticus (A. Vitellius), a freed-

man of Vitellius, who admitted him immediately after taking power into the equester ordo. He had great influence with Vitellius; crucified by Mucianus late in AD 69 (Tac. Hist. 2,57; 953; 4,11,3; PIR* A 1216).

Asina

Nickname

(‘she-donkey’)

in the

W.E.

Cornelian

family.

K-LE.

Asine (‘Aoivy; Asiné) [1] Important prehistoric settlement from the Early Helladic period, located on the rocky headland of Kastraki c. 8 km south-east of > Nauplia on the bay of Tolon; it was taken to be a town of the Dryopes (> Dryops) (Hdt. 8,73; Paus. 4,8,3; 34,9-12). In around 700 BC, the town was destroyed by > Argos [II x], but the temple of > Apollo Pythaieus survived. Its inhabitants were resettled in Messenia by Sparta: + A. [2]. A new foundation with town and castle walls was still inhabited in the Hellenistic and late Roman periods; the fortifications were renewed under Venetian rule (Hom. Il. 2,560; Diod. Sic. 4,37,2; Str. 8,6,1; Ptol. 3,16,20; Paus. 2,36,4-5). New finds: Opuscula Atheniensia II, 1975, 177-1833 13, 1980, 85-89; 14, 1982, I19-128;

15, 1984, 79-107;

17, 1988, 217-224;

18,

1990, 241-2433; 19, 1992, 59-68, 13 5-142. I. and R. Hace, Excavations in the Barbouna area at A., 1973; C.G. StryRENtIus, $.Dr1eTz, A. II: Results of the

Excavations East of the Acropolis 1970-1974; Acta Instituti Atheniensis Regni Sueciae 24, 1976-1983.

[2] Spartan perioikoi town on the Messenian peninsula, a new foundation to replace the destroyed town of > A. [x], modern Koron(i). Arcadian attack and destruction of the suburb in 368 BC (Xen. Hell. 7,1,25). A. was a member of the Achaean Confederacy (— Achaea). Extant are the walled circle, mole, cisterns, and graves (Eid (837452; Dhucs 45 1355; 96,9353;) Pol 18,425) Str 8,4,1; 4; 8,6,11; Ptol. 3,16,8; Paus. 4,34,9-12; IG V 1,

1405-1416; SEG 11, 985-987; 998-1000; HN, 418,

432). E. MEYER, s.v. Messenien, RE Suppl. 15, 198.

[3] Spartan perioikoi town on the western coast of the Laconian Gulf between Psamathus and > Gythium, in the bay of Skutari; an exact localization is impossible (tite, Zap Sins Isl ysepise Wolk GogenGe Sse 8,5,2).

ASINE

159

E.S. Forster, Gythium and the N.W. Coast of the Laconian Gulf, in: Annals of the British School at Athens 13, 1906/1907, 235.

Link.

Asinius Plebeian family name, documented in Rome since the rst cent. BC (on the derivation of asinus [1], on Etruscan parallels [2]). The family, whose most famous name-bearer was Asinus Pollio, originally came from Teate Marrucinorum (modern Chieti), was a member of

the patrician class since the Augustan period and was particularly prominent in the rst cent. AD. I. ReEpuBLic

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

I. REPUBLIC {I 1] A. Senator, supporter of Antony at Mutina in 43 BO @tembiniltenan 3). 1 A. Hus, s.v. Spitznamen, RE 3 A, 1829

129.

2 SCHULZE, K.-L.E.

[I 2] A. (Marrucinus ?), Cn. (?) perhaps identical with

[I x] and older brother of [I 4], recipient of Catullus’ jesting poem 12 (Marrucine Asini), and possibly identical with ‘Cn. Asinius Cn. f.’ in the Senate resolution regarding Aphrodisias of 39 BC and, therefore, a praetor in the 50s; perhaps a proconsul of Asia in the 30s. E. BapIAN, Notes on a New List of Roman Senators, in: ZPE 55, 1984, 107-109; MRR 2,411; 3,26; G.STUMPF,

160

al; since about 40, his friends Virgil and Horace considered him an author of tragedies (cf. Verg. Ecl. 3,84ff.; 8,6ff. [11]; Hor. Sat. 1,10,42f.). Hor. Carm. 2,1,9ff. is especially dedicated to the Historiae, which continued the work of Sallust and extended in 17 books from the rst triumvirate to the battle of Philippi; their traces have been sought in later historiography. Similarly, A.’s oratory (usually defences), including an invective against + Catullus [12] and an apologia contra maledicta Antonti, were famous also in later times. A commentary on Virgil is also attested for him [13]; a grammatical work particularly. criticized Sallust’s archaisms and Livy’s patavinitas, harsh judgments that — together with the evaluation of Cicero’s death in the Historiae — were attributed to the contumacia (ferocia) of A.’s nature. His style, which was considered clumsy and anti-

quated with a preference for dated forms of inflection, drew similar criticism. Fr.:

1FPL BLANsporr, 242f.

224

3 ORF, 516ff.

2HRR

2, 83ff., 67ff.,

4 GRF, 493ff.

BIBLIOGRAPHY: 5PIR*Ar1241 6J.ANDRE, La vie et Poeuvre d’ A.P., 1949; supplementary REL 24, 1946, 5 mts 25) LOA TepMo2 26, Lo4Shezm Sit. ame, MARRY:

266; 280; 300; 306; 310; 327; 3435 3725 377f5 3876. 8 G.ZeEccHINI, ANRW 9 SCHANZ/Hostus, 24-30

II 30.2, 1982, 1265ff. 10 J.-P. NERAuDau, ANRW

II 30. 3, 1983, 1732ff. 11 J. FARRELL, in: CPh 86, 1991, 204ff. 12 W.C. McDermott, in: AW 2, 1979, 5s5ff. 13 A.GRrIsarT, in: Athenaeum 42, 1964, 447ff. P.L.S.

Numismatische Stud. zur Chronologie der rom. Statthalter in Kleinasien, 1991, 80-83.

{I 3] A., Herius. Praetor Marrucinorum, killed in the Social Wars in 90 BC as leader of the Itali (Liv. per. 73 etc.).

K.-LE.

{I 4] A. Pollio. C. Born in about 76 BC as the scion of an Italic family of new citizens, was one of the prominent

personalities during the transition from the Republic to the Principate. His first mention by > Catullus (12,6ff.)

in about 60 BC characterizes the milieu of his contacts and interests. To this homo novus, Cicero’s career probably served as a model— but his plans fell apart with a defeat in a trial against the younger M. > Porcius Cato in 54. A. decided upon tollowing a military career and

following — Caesar, participated in the crossing of the Rubicon and other important campaigns of the civil war. After Caesar’s death he opted for the > triumvirate, was especially active in land distribution in Upper Italy on Anthony’s behalf from 42/41 to the Perusian war [I 9], and after the peace of Brundisium (autumn of 40 BC) was rewarded for his mediation with a short consulate (see Verg. Ecl. 4,11ff.). He concluded his proconsulate of 40/39 in October 39 with a triumph over the > Parthini, remained in Rome and — despite the attacks by Antony — away from the battle of Actium. A. dedicated the 2nd half of his life (he died in about AD 5) to the muses: he was renowned as an art collector, founded the first public library in Rome and participated in the declamation traffic (> declamationes). His interest in occasional poetry [1] remained ephemer-

{1 5] A. Quadratus. Author of an epitaph in honour of soldiers who, heroically fighting against the Romans, died in a cowardly ambush (Anth. Pal. 7,312) — an event that, according to the lemmatist (badtov Zia), occurred under Sulla’s consulate, i.e. in 88 BC. This information cannot be ignored and, therefore, precludes the attribution of the mediocre epigram, which perhaps actually was an inscription (= GVI 36), to the A.Q. who in the 3rd cent. AD wrote a ‘Thousand-year History of Rome’ (‘Popaixh ydudas) from the origins to Alexander Severus (FGrH 97). FGE 86f.

ED,

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD {Il 1] A. Agrippa, M. Son of A. [II 5]. Cos. ord. in AD 25, died in 26 (PIR* A 1223). {If 2] A. Atratinus, M. Cos. ord. in AD 89 (AE 1949, 23;

PIR* A 1319).

[II 3] A. Celer, Ser. Son of A. [II 5], cos. suff. in AD 38; amicus of Claudius; executed by him (PIR? A 1225 [ro. 141ff.]). [II 4] A. Gallus. Son of A. [II 5]. Attempt at a conspiracy

against Claudius in 46, thereafter merely exiled (PIR* A 1228); CIL VI 1351 perhaps refers to him [1o. r4off.] {II 5] A. Gallus, C. Son of the consul of 40 BC, C. > Asinius [I 4] Pollio; III vir monetalis in 23/22 BC, participated in the secular games of 17 BC as XV vir sacris faciundis, in 8 BC cos. ord., in 6/5 BC procos. Asiae; amicus of Augustus; allegedly called unsuitable

161

for the principate by him (Tac. Ann. 1,13,2) [1]. When Tiberius was forced to divorce Vipsania > Agrippina [x] in 12 BC, she married Gallus. Tensions with Tiberius after AD 14; closely allied with L. > Aelius [II 19] Seianus, after whose fall sentenced by the Senate, kept imprisoned for three years, died in 33. Talented orator, who was repeatedly mentioned in Tacitus’ Annals (PIR* A 1229) [2].

[Il 6] A. Lepidus. Cos. suff., consular governor of Cap-

162

ASKIOI 11 P. HERRMANN, Inschr. von Sardes, in: Chiron 23, 1993, 233-266.

W.E.

Asisium Town of the > Umbri on the slopes of Mount Subasio, modern Assisi. From 89 BC > municipium of the tribus Sergia, later regio VI (Str. 5,2,10; Plin. HN

3,113; Ptol. 3,1,53). Birthplace of > Propertius. Wall ring in opus quadratum with an irregular course (2.5 km), remains of a gate in the west. The town was laid

padocia in AD 222 or 226 (AE 1941, 163) [3; 11. 258]. [II 7] A. Lepidus Praetextatus, C. cos. ord. 242; son of

out in terraces, with a central forum with a temple, al-

{II 6] (PIR? A 1230). {II 8] A. Mamilianus, M. Senator of probably praeto-

the other three sides (rst cent. BC), cistern, nearby an arch (not to be construed as the remains of a theatre).

rian rank, mentioned in a S.C. of AD 19 (AE 1978, 145); probably related to [II 5] [4]. [I 9] A. Marcellus, M. cos. ord. in AD 54; descendant

Luxurious domus underneath S. Maria Maggiore with Greek epigrams. > Circus from the republican period and an amphitheatre immediately east of the town walls. Monumental > Nymphaeum in Santureggio. On Mount Subasio, a sanctuary of the 5th cent. BC (bronze figures) has been discovered.

of C. > Asinius [I 4] Pollio, cos. in 40 BC (Tac. Ann. 14,4052. DIR@ACT2 32) [1110] Marcellus, M. cos. ord. in AD

104 (PIR? A 1233); descendant of [II 9]. [1111] A. Marcellus, Q. Suffect consul under Trajan, patron of Ostia, named with his wife Ummidia in the Fasti Ostienses (PIR* A 1236) [5]; (FOst 48; 111ff.). [II 12] A. Pollio, C. Son of [II 5]. In AD 20 praetor peregrinus, in 23 cos. ord., proconsul Asiae not until 38/39 because his father was an enemy of Tiberius (PIR* A 1242; [2. 298ff.]). {11 13] A. Protimus Quadratus, C. Procos. of Achaia and cos. suff. under Septimius Severus, probably identical to the historian Asinus Quadratus (PIR* A 1244-46; [6; rr. 233ff.] {1 14] A. Rufinus Fabianus, Sex. Son of [II 15]; his senatorial career late in the 2nd cent. is known up to his praetorship (AE 1909, 176 = ILAfr. 297).

{11 15] A. Rufinus Valerius Verus Sabinianus, M. From Acholla in Africa; admitted to the praetorians by Commodus; rose to a suffect consulate (no later than 185;

AE 1954, 58) [73 8]. {Il 16] A. Triarius Rufinus A. Sabinianus, M. Probably the son of [II 14]. Cos. suff. in about AD 225; procos. Asiae in 238/9 or 239/40 (PIR* A 1251) [8. 283f.]. {Il 17] A. Rufus Nicomachus Julianus, C. cos. suff. and procos. Asiae (IGRR 1, 502; [11. 262 with note 98}).

[II 18] (A.) Salonius. Allegedly the son of Asinius Pollio and brother of [If 5] (PIR* A 1252) [9]. [11 19] A. Salonius. Son of [II 5] and Vipsania Agrip-

pina, engaged to a daughter of Germanicus, died in AD 22 (Tac. Ann. 3,75,1; [10. 127ff.]). [II 20] A. Turcianus, C. procos. of Sardinia, maybe in-

legedly of Minerva, on its northern side, and arcades on

M.L. Manca, Osservazioni sulle mura di A., in: Annali

della Facolta di lettere e filosofia, Universita degli studi di Perugia 15, 1977/78, 98-123; M.GuaRDUCCI, in: Memorie della R. Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1979,

269ff.; M. J. STRAZZULLA, A., Problemi urbanistici, in: Les Bourgeoisies municipales Italiennes, 1983, 151-64; Id., A. romana, 1985; L. SENs1, Assisi. Aspetti prosopografici, in: Les Bourgeoisies municipales Italiennes, 1983, 165-73; M.A. ToMEI, in: Les Bourgeoisies municipales Italiennes, 1983, 393f.; A.AMBROGI, Monumenti funerari, in: Xenia 8, 1984, 27-64; G. FornI, G. BINAZzZ1, Epigrafia lapidarie romane di A., 1987. Gu;

Asius of Samos. Son of Amphiptolemus; author of genealogical epics from various legendary cycles in the style of the Hesiodic ‘Ehoiai’. In addition to several hexameter

fragments,

two

distichs

are

extant

(Ath.

3,125bd). A fragment (Ath. 12,525e) of roughly seven hexameters describes the luxury of the Samians and their tendency to tovdy (tryphé). EpGF 88-91; IEG 2, 46.

CS.

Askania Limne (‘Aoxavia Aiuvn; Askania limneé). Ascanian Lake, also known as Lake > Nicaea in > Bithynia (modern Iznik Gélii); the name was applied to the lake and the surrounding region, the western part of which was taken as belonging to Mysia, the eastern one to Phrygia (Str. 12,4,5; Plin. HN 5,40,8). W.RuGg, s.v. A., RE 2, 1610.

terred in Rome under Trajan (CIL X 7516 = ILS 5352) [ro. 120ff.]. 1 R.SyMeE, Ten Studies in Tacitus, 1970, 30ff. 2 VOGEL-WEIDEMANN, 300ff. 3 LEUNISSEN, 234f. 4 SENSI, in: EOS 1, 515ff. 5 W.EcK,s.v. Q.A. Marcellus, RE Suppl. 14, 62 6 H.Branpt, Die Historia Augusta, in: ZPE 104, 1994, 78-80 7 W.Eck,s.v. M.A. Rufinus Valerius Verus Sabinianus, RE Suppl. 14, 62f. 8 Id.etal., Inschr. aus Ephesos und Umgebung, in: ZPE 91, 1992, 283-295 9SYME, RP 1, 18ff. 10 G.ALFOLDy, Studi

sull’epigrafia augustea e tiberiana di Roma, 1992

Askaules see > Musical instruments Askioi (“Aoxtot; Askioi). The ‘shadowless ones’ is the

name given to the inhabitants of those zones of the earth, within which the sun on certain days of the year is at its zenith so that the > gnomon does not cast a shadow, such as on the day of the summer solstice in Syene (Poseidon.

fr.

t15

EDELSTEIN-KIDD);

Onesicritus

ASKIOI

163

164

(FGrH 134 F ro) told of such ascia loca in India. In the system formulated by Posidonius (fr. 208 EDELSTEINKipp) the people between the tropics of Cancer and Capricorn are called Gudioxioi (amphiskioi), whereas those between the polar circle and the tropics are called

and of a comprehensive metrics in 4 books, which was already mutilated at the start as early as late antiquity and was combined with the beginning of the grammar of > Marius Victorinus (but cf. GL 6,173,32); furthermore A. may be the author of supplements to Horatian metrics and of metrical definitions (174-184). His teachings combined the derivation theory — conveyed to us by > Terentianus (and Thacomestus?) and others — of - Caesius Bassus with the Alexandrian prototypes (> Juba). The materia! handed down is based in particular on three Carolingian MSS, which derive from an earlier archetype from late antiquity.

eteodoxtot (heterdskioi; their shadow tell throughout the entire year only towards either the north or the south), and those living from the poles to the polar circles were called xegioxtot (periskioi; e.g., on days of the midnight sun). G. KAUFFMANN, s.V. A., RE 2, 1617.

E.G.

Askoliasmos (GoxwAtaoudc; askdliasmos). ‘Hopping on one leg’ (PI. Symp. 190d with Schol.; Aristoph. Plut. 1129 etc.), also ‘hopping on a wineskin’. Mentioned by Eratosthenes (fr.22) and Didymus (Schol. in Aristoph. ibid.) at Attic grape harvest festivals as dances on a wineskin made of the skin of a pig or pelt of a goat that was filled with air or wine and —as Poll. 9,121 writes — oil was rubbed into it to make it harder to stand. The festival Askolia mentioned from time to time was invented by the grammarians. Eubolus (fr.8) mentions the askoliasmos also as an Attic folk entertainment. According to Verg. G. 2,382-384,the askoliasmos was also common in Roman vintage festivals. The wineskin dance was represented only rarely in ancient art (Satyr scenes).

Deubner

117f., 135

K.LaTTE, AZKQAIAZMOS,

in:

Hermes 85, 1957, 385-391 M.Kunze, W.D.HEILMEYER etc., Die Antikensammlung im Pergamon-Mu-

seum, 1992, 226f., no.115.

RH.

Askos (dox6c; askos). [1] Leather wineskin. [2] Collective archaeological term for closed vessels with stirrup handle and spout (— Vessel forms). Larger ‘sack pots’ as early as the Bronze Age; askoi in the form of birds and ducks mainly in the 8th cent. BC, also present in Etruria. Loops handles suggest flasks, pictorial representations, drinking vessels. The small, black-varnished or red-figured askoi of the 5th—4th cents. BC in the form of skins, or lenticular or ring-shaped, probably held cooking oil. Southern Italian askoi of the 4th-3rd cents. BC bear relief decoration. Functionally comparable to the askos is the guttus, a drip-pourer with long spout and ring handle. > Vessel forms H.HOFFMANN, Sexual and Asexual Pursuit, 1977; L. Masset, Gli Askoi di Spina, 1978;J.BOARDMAN, Askoi,

in: Hephaistos

3, 1981,

23-25;

F.GiLorra,

Ancora

sull’uso dei gutti, in: AION 9, 1987, 221-224; P. MIscH, Die Askoi der Bronzezeit, 1992. LS.

Asmonius (Apthonius the communis opinio, but see Prisc. gramm. 3,420,1-7 and GL 6,80,30-81,3; [3. 62-68]). Aelius Festus Asmonius, Latin grammarian of the 4th cent. AD; author of a lost grammar dedicated to Constantius II (Prisc. gramm. 2,516,15—-16)

EpITIons: GL 6,3 1-184, 345. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1 P.L: Scumipr, HUTS 57 /25-0 2 I. Marrorti, Marius Victorinus, Ars grammatica, 1967, 47-50 3P.Hapot, Marius Victorinus, 1971 4G.More.u, Ricerche sulla tradizione grammatica latina, 1970

5 G.Morelli; Per una nuova ed. del ‘De

metris’ di Aftonio, in: BollClass

11, 1990,

185-203. P.L.S.

Asoka (Ashoka). Maurya emperor of India (269/268233/232 BC), also called Piyadassi/Priyadarosi (Greek Tlodaoon¢; Pioddssés). Famous for his edicts, many examples of which have been found in many parts of southern Asia, written in Middle Indian dialect, and in the north-west (today Afghanistan) also several fragments in Aramaic, and also an Aramaic-Greek bilingual inscription [3] and a Greek fragment [4] in Kandahar. The edicts convey a lively image of A.’s empire and its administration, and also its close relations to the rich Hellenistic kingdoms are mentioned [1; 2]. 1 G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI et al., Ser. Orientale Roma 29, 1964 (Engl.) | 2D.SCHLUMBERGER, in: JA 246, 1958, 1-48 3 E. BeNvENISTE, A. DUPONT-SOMMER, in: JA254,

1966, 437-465 4R.THAapaR, Asoka and the Decline of the Mauryas, 1963. KK.

Asopodorus Writer of iambics, from Phleius, 4th or 3rd cent. BC. Athenaeus is familiar with ot xatahoyadnyv tauBot (prose mixed with verse?), that are characterized by compound nouns (445b), and a work about Eros (639a), from which he however transmits no fragment, but just an anecdote (63 1f.). E.BO. Asopus (‘Aows0c; Asopos).

[1] Small river, flowing to the north out of the > Oete range. Before flowing into the plains of Heraclea and Trachis, it forms a deep gorge, passable only in summer (c. 2.5 km in length, up to 200 m deep, with a width of 6 m at the entrance, and about 30 m at the exit). At the time of the Persian Wars, the A. still had its own delta into the sea (Hdt. 7,200), today it flows under the name

of Karvunarja into the > Spercheus. In 480 BC, the Persians bypassed > Thermopylae by marching through [2. 194f., 203, 208] or rather along the right bank ofthe gorge [1. 38-41] on a bridle path which still exists today. During the Byzantine period, the gorge was integrated into the defence system of the Oete region.

165

166

1 Y.BEQUIGNON, La vallée du Spercheios, 2 F.STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924.

1937

Des Pedanios

Dioskurides

Arzneimittellehre

tibers. und

mit Erl. versehen, 1902, repr.1970.

J.Koper, F.Hrp, Hellas und Thessalien (TIB 1), 1976, 126.

ASPASIA

P. WAGLER, s.v. A., RE 2, 1710f.

HE.KR.

Aspar see > Ardabur [2] The main river of southern Boeotia, rising about 3 km from > Leuctra and about 2 km north of the mod-

ern Kaparelli. In antiquity, its upper course formed the border between — Plataeae and — Thebes. It flows from west to east across the eastern Boeotian basins of Thebes and — Tanagra, and finally, west of the modern Skala Oropu, into the southern Gulf of Euboea (Hom. Il. 4,383; Hdt. 6,108,5f.; Thuc. 2,5,2; Str. 9,2,2.4; Paus.

95454) D. Mutter, Top. Bildkomm. zu den Historien Herodots, 1987, 455f.; E.OBERHUMMER, s.v. A. 2, RE 2, 1705f.; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN, I, 319, 500f., 503, 506, 512, 514, 516f., 544, 667, 974; TIB 1, 126. PF.

[3] Rising in the Megalovunia, flowing through the territory of > Phleius and > Sicyon, and discharging into the Corinthian Gulf—a river of a total length of about 80 km,

its lower

course

(Asopia)

a narrow,

steep

banked valley: Str. 8,6,24; Paus. 2,5,2. The supposition

that the A. was a continuation of the Phrygian > Maeander has been handed down by Ibycus fr. 41 PAGE. PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 3, I, 35, 160ff.

Git.

[4] Spartan perioikoi town on the western side of the ~ Parnon peninsula (Str. 8,5,2). It was located close to the sea near > Cyparissia, about to km from > Acraea (Paus. 3,22,9-10). Its identification with Plitra in the bay of Xyli has been verified by dedicatory inscriptions. (IG V 1, 968-974). Coins: HN, 433. Ancient remains: BCH 80, 1957, 550; BCH 104, 1980, 607; BCH 107, 1983, 762. E.Kourinou,

Lakonia,

Y.PiKoutas,

in: Horos

South-Eastern

An inscription

7, 1989,

125-127;

Laconia, in: ABSA

from A. in

A.J.B. Waceg,

14, 1907/1908,

163f.

ail. Aspalathos (GoxéAa00c, aspdlathos) was the name given in particular to the common gorse Calycotome villosa (modern Greek ondAa0os, omahabue) and to C. spinosa (Italian sparzio spinoso) that were widespread in the Mediterranean macchia, as well as thorny species of broom (e.g. Genetha acanthoclados, modern Greek &dava) and aspalathoides and even ~ acacia or the rosewoods belonging to other families (Lignum rosae, L. thuris). In Pl. Resp. 10,616a the Erinyes whip tyrants with it in the Tartarus, in Theoc. 24,89 snakes killed by Hercules are burned with it and other briers. According to Dioscorides 1,20 ({1. 1. 26f.] = 1,19 [2. 48f.] = Plin. HN 24,112f.) it has warming and astringent power and heals, among other things, ulcers. Its root is used to make ointments (cf. Plin. HN 12,110; there location in

Egypt). 1M. WettMann medica

Vol.1,

(ed.), Pedanii 1907,

repr.1958

Dioscuridis

de materia

2 J.BERENDES

(ed.),

Asparagus Of the approximately 100 species of the Liliaceae genus Asparagus growing in the warmer countries of the Old World, several Mediterranean wild species like A. tenuifolius, acutifolius [1. 85-88 and fig. 158: sacred, thorny garland plant dedicated to Aphrodite, described by Theophr. Hist. pl. 6,4,2 as dopagayos; asphdragos) and aphyllus have been collected and eaten as young plants from prehistoric times up until the present. Dioscorides 2,125 [2. 1. 197f.] = 2,151 [3. 220f.] = Plin. HN 20,r08-111 recommends the rock asparagus as, among other things, a diuretic. With reference to Cato Agr. 6,3-4 and 161,1-4, Plin. HN 19,145-151 and in even more detail Columella 11,3,43-46 and Pall. Agric. 4,9,r0-12 describe the growing of genuine asparagus, A. Officinalis L., that was cultivated from the wild (corrudus) asparagus and has been highly regarded up until today (cf. Pall. Agric. 3,24,8); it was probably used in Egypt as early as about 3000 BC. 1H.Baumann, Die griech. Pflanzenwelt in Mythos, Kunst und Lit., 1982 2M. WELLMANN (ed.), Pedanii Dioscuridis de materia medica 1, 1907, repr.1958 3 J. BERENDEs (ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre tubers. und mit Erl. versehen, 1902, repr.1970.

C.HU.

Aspasia A highly educated woman from Miletus known for her persuasive powers, who probably came to Athens early in the 440s; the wife of > Pericles, with whom she had a son also named Pericles. After Pericles’ death in 429 she consorted with the livestock trader + Lysicles (Plut. Pericles 24,2-6; Schol. Pl. Menex. 23 5e, Harpocr. s.v. Aspasia; Suda. s.v. A.). The date of her death (in Athens?) is unknown, biographical data is sparse. Her contact to the intellectual greats of the age (Plut. Pericles 24,2; 5-7; Suda s.v. A.; Harpocr. s.v. A.) was filled in by the Socratic tradition [1]. Comedy, the only contemporary

source,

branded

her as a > hetaera,

whore and brothel madam, whose influence on Pericles had grave consequences for Athens: supposedly she

triggered the Peloponnesian War (Aristoph. Ach. 523ff; cf. Duris, FGrH 76 F 65: A. responsible for the Samian War). A. is equated with ~ Omphale, Deianira and Hera (Eupol. fr. 98K; Krat. fr. 241K; Plut. Pericles 24,9;

schol. Pl. Menex. 23 5e). In part, the attempt to defame the policies of Pericles was behind this topical and biased characterization [3. 19-28], in part it reflects prejudices against foreigners and women: as a resident alien, who could not enter a fully valid marriage, and as a publicly noticeable participant in the intellectual processes she violated the conventional image of women; this suggested a genderizing reinterpretation of her be-

167

168

haviour. A trial (in about 432) against A. for ungodliness and matchmaking (Plut. Pericles 32) fits this pattern and, unless it is an invention of the comedy, [2. 49-51] can also be explained as an attack on Pericles. Later sources, among them Plutarch (e.g. Pericles 24, 4: A. equated with Thargelia) followed the hetaera cliché without, however, doubting her intelligence and talent. In research, especially on the literature and art of the 5th cent., A. is often considered a representative of those highly educated courtesans who were supposedly typical of Athens. The special type of the intellectual hetaera however to a large extent derives from A. and does not match with ancient testimonials of other female erotic entertainers [4. 80-85].

Philostr. VS 2,33 celebrates his apéAeva (aphéleia) and his persistence, but criticizes his lack of power and weight, his retaining his professorial chair in Rome into old age (where he taught during Philostratus’ creative period), and the pomposity and lack of clarity of his letters in his office as ab epistulis Graecis. The latter are also the target of the epistolographical work of Philos-

ASPASIA

+ Woman 1B.EH ERS, Eine vorplatonische Deutung des sokratischen Eros. Der Dialog A. des Sokratikers Aischines, 1966 2 L.-M. GUNTHER,

A. und Perikles, in:

M. DETTENHOFER

(ed.), Reine Mannersache?, 1994, 41-67

3 E. HENRY,

Prisoner of history. A. from Milet and her biographical tradition, 1995 4 C.REINSBERG, Ehe, Hetaérentum und Knabenliebe im ant. Griechenland, 1989. isis

Aspasius [1] Commentator on Aristotle, rst half of the 2nd cent. AD; teacher of - Herminus. His works were read in the

school of Plotinus (Porph. Vita Plotini 14). A.’ commentary on the ‘Nicomachean Ethics’ [1] is the earliest surviving extended commentary on an Aristotelian text, and influenced the treatment of the ‘common books’ 5-7 as Nicomachean; although the theory in [2. 29-36] that he was responsible for the inclusion of these books has been questioned by the ‘Eudemian Ethics’. A. ascribed only instrumental value to physical, external goods, and rejected the Stoic tendency to intellectualize emotions. + Aristotle, commentators on; ~ Herminus 1 CAG 19. 1, 1889 Ethics, 1978.

II 36.7,

2 A.J. P. Kenny, The Aristotelian

Philostratus

the Lemnian;

5365-96;

H.B.

GorrscHaLk,

36. 2, 1079-1174; MORAUX

2, 1984, 226-293.

1969, 92.

E.BO.

[4] Name of two gem-cutters, whose dates are disputed [r. 30ff. (Republican); 2. 199 n. 37, 285, 322 n. 104, 341; 4.27. (time of Hadrian)], and who are distinguished by a rounded or an angular sigma in their signatures. Signed with a rounded sigma are three intaglios in dark red jasper: the celebrated ‘Aspasius Stone’ with a bust of Athena after the Parthenos of Phidias (Rome, MN), a fragment with Sarapis head (Florence, MA) and a stone with a herm of Dionysus (London, BM) [2. 322, n. 104, pl. 96, 1-3]. The Aspasius signature with angular sigma is on a cornelian with a man’s portrait en face (New York, MM) — identified i. a. with Commodus [2. 323 n. 107 pl. 96,7; 3.28 n. 84]. The ‘Aspasius Stone’ especially was at the centre of the scientific development of gemmology in the 18th cent., reproductions of it being used as illustrations in various specialist works (e.g. [3. 73 pl. 8,1 and passim}). + Athena; > Phidias; > Commodus 1 M.L. VOLLENWEIDER, Die Steinschneidekunst und ihre

Kunstler in spatrepublikanischer und augusteischer Zeit, 1966 2Zazorr, AG Cuigesa, G.M.Faccuini,

3ZAzoFF,GuG Gemme romane

II RS.

MEOL OTAOEMV EOYNUATLOLEVOV, LEAETAL, TEXVELL, DITOLVI-

vata, Aaktiar and éyxmuta, i. a. one to Hadrian (Suda a 4203 ADLER). Interpreter of Demosthenes (Syrianus 1,66 RABE); cited in rhetorical tradition as an example

expression:

Schol.

4G.SENAdi eta impe-

riale, in: ANRW II 12. 3, 1985, 3-31. Bollettino di numismatica

14/15 Ser.1, 1990, 219-248,

S.MI.

Aspect A. DEFINITION

B. GREEK

C. LATIN

Aris-

[2] From Byblos. Sophist of the 2nd cent. AD, contemporary of P. Aelius Aristides. He wrote xegi BupAov,

and unclear

KAYSER

G. W. Bowersoek, Greek Sophists in the Roman Empire,

fig. I-17.

totelian Philosophy in the Roman world, in: ANRW

of ignorance

(probably

2,257—-8), whose dispute with A. was long-lasting, and reached from Rome to Asia (cf. Suda « 4205 ADLER). > Philostratus; - Second Sophistic

G. BORDENACHE BaTTaGLiA, La Gemma di Aspasios, in:

F.Beccut, Aspasio e i peripatetici posteriori: la formula definitoria della passione, in: Prometheus 9, 1983, 83104; F. BEccHI, Aspasio, commentatore di Aristotele, in: ANRW

tratus

Rhet.

A. DEFINITION Aspect as technical term in the early roth cent. from Russian ‘vid’ (‘view’) conveyed further via French ‘aspect’ [1. 172], has links with > aspectual classes but is not identical to it. It serves to reproduce distinct types of occurrences from the ‘perspective’ of the speaker (author) within the framework of given contexts. Aspect, with different details, is a feature of many languages — including unrelated ones — in the sphere of the verb [2].

Graec. 5,517,233 6,94,113 7,951,24 WALZ; Schol. Dem.

20,460 DInDoRgE; Aeschin. 24 DinDoRF; cf. Phot. bibl.

492 a 39. [3] From Ravenna. Sophist, son of Demetrianus, pupil of Pausanias and Hippodromos (2nd to 3rd cent. AD).

B. GREEK There are two-tiered or multi-tiered aspect systems: e.g. that of the Slavs with the antithesis between (a)

perfect and (b) imperfect aspect that is primarily ex-

169

170

pressed through their so-called ‘dual verbs’; that of

Aspectual classes/Aktionsart Since AGRELL [1] and his successors, it has been considered imperative to distinguish between Aktionsarten (also ‘modes of duration’ and similar terms) as components of meaning inherent to verbs, on the one hand, and aspects on the other hand— despite the interrelationships between the two concepts. Aktionsarten comprise duratives such as Greek Cntetv ‘to look for’ to be differentiated from punctatives (in Greek these are often in the aorist) such as the Homeric etetv ‘to find’, as well as inchoatives, terminatives (used for the beginning or end stage of procedures), iteratives, etc. Some scholars [2.300-304 with bibliography] further differentiate between purely semantic ‘verbal character’ and morphologically determined Aktionsart in the narrower sense. Thus they see

Greek with the differentiation of (a) the confect (also ‘perfect’), (b) infect (also: ‘imperfect’) and (c) perfect aspect, expressed in (a) the aorist stem, (b) present stem and (c) perfect stem, so in each case also in the pertain-

ing infinitives, the moods and participles. (a) called non-running recorded events, i.e. in detail as completed, total complexes, at a beginning or end point (Homeric daxovoa ‘burst into tears’ on the one hand, yYa.cdi¢ wé0¢ “hit the ground’ on the other hand) or neutral with regard to the course of events, i.e. as ‘actions pures et simples’ [3. 183]; (b) those that appear to be running; (c) those that appear to have flowed into a condition. In addition to such categorial aspect functions of (a) and (b) — in opposition e.g. Hdt.1,130,3

(Koos ... éBaothevoe, ‘K. ... became king’) and Hdt. 4,120,2 (... tig €Paotheve Dxwsmaouc, *... over which S.

was king’) — there is in (a) a context-dependent variant of the regulatory type: Hdt. 1,16,1 Dadvattmg ... éBaoiievoev étea Sum@bdexa, ‘S. ... was king for twelve years’ (aorist of durative in adverbial indication of time duration [4. 197-216]). As (c) was originally only intransitive and indicated a condition that befell the subject (e.g. dAMAa ‘am lost’), the old perfect initially had not just the quality of aspect but also that of diathesis. C. LATIN After the coincidence of (a) and (c) of the pre-individual language ternary aspect system (in this regard otherwise [5]), that is extant in Greek — in the perfect (for instance véxi ‘drove, brought’ from (a), perii ‘am lost’ from (c)), there is a binary antithesis of infect (with present, imperfect, future I) and perfect (with perfect, pluperfect., future II), and Varro, Ling. 9,96-1o1 already commented on this. In this, aspect and time categories appear combined [6. 150]: alongside the continuants of the older aspect system (Latin present/imperfect for descriptions of the course of events or background, ‘historical’ and ‘present’ perfect for retelling events and conditions) there arose a subsystem — realized from that further developed subsystem, preferably in hypotactic complex sentences — of relative tempora to differentiate occurrences of the same time and previous time that are related to each other, organizing them into the time phases of present, past and future

ASPENDUS

different kinds of Aktionsart in, for example, the following pairs: Latin adire, with verbal prefix, ‘to go up

to’, and the simplex re ‘to go’; and between dréscere ‘to dry out’ (derived with the suffix -sce/o- ), and the basic

verb drére ‘to be dry’; or in Greek — similarly with a suffix — between distributive-iterative Homeric preterite otaoxe ‘wounded

(in turn)’ and the basic verb,

Homeric otta ‘wounded’ (Il. 15,745 and 746 respectively). > Aspect 1 S.AGRELL, Aspektanderung und A.bildung beim polnischen Zeitworte, 1908 balen Pluralitat, 1968.

2 W.DReEssLER, Studien zur verRES?

Aspendioi Kitharistai see > Musical instruments

5 O.SZEMERENYI, The Origin of Aspect in the IndoEuropean Languages, in: Glotta 65, 1987, 1-18

Aspendus ("Aomevdoc; Aspendos). Town in > Pamphylia (modern Belkis) on the table mountain by the + Eurymedon (modern Koprii Cay1). The name of Koprii Cay1 on coins dating from the 5th and 4th cents. BC is a possible indication of a Hittite foundation by King Asitawandia at the end of the 8th cent. BC. According to Greek tradition, it was founded by Argive settlers (Str. 14,4,2) in the r2th cent. BC (cf. Hdt. 7,91). First mentioned in Scyl. ror, at the end of the 6th cent. BE (cf. also Thuc. 8,81,33; Xen. An. 1,2,12; Xen. Hell. 4,8,30). In 469 BC, the Athenian Cimon gained victory over the Persians at A. (Thuc. 1,100,1; Plut. Cimon 12f.); in 334 BC, it was occupied by Alexander the Great (Arr. Anab. 1,26,5; 27,1); from ror BC, A. formed part of the province of > Cilicia. It was an important commercial centre (salt, oil, grains, wine, horses). No traces of settlements from the pre-Roman period; a very well- preserved theatre from the Roman imperial age (middle of the 2nd cent. AD), stadium and thermal baths on the plains; on the fortified plateau, an agora with large stoas and nymphaeum; aqueduct.

6 A. MEILLET, Esquisse d’une histoire de la langue latine, 34933 7 M.LeuMANN, J.B. HOFMANN, A.SZANTYR, Lat.

E. AKuRGAL, Ancient Civilisations and Ruins of Turkey,

[7- 548-554]. -» Aspectual classes; + Aorist 1 KNOBLOCH, instalment 3, 1965 2 B.Comrikg, Aspect, 1976 3 P.CHANTRAINE, Grammaire homérique II, 1953

4K.SrruNK, Histor. und deskriptive Linguistik bei der Textinterpretation,

Gramm. Il, 1965.

in:

Glotta

49,

1971,

191-216

KS.

1985, 333-336; G.E.Bean, Kleinasien 2. Die tirkische Siidkiiste von Antalya bis Alania, 31984, 15-17, 58-69; K. GraF LANCKORONSKI, Stadte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens 1, 1890, 85-124; J.WAGNER, Sudtiirkei. Von Kaunos bis Issos, 1991, 213-218. W.MA.

ASPER

172

na

Asper see > lulius; -» Aemilius; > Sulpicius

Aspis see > Shield

Asphalt see > Pitch

Aspledon (‘Aomindav, Exhndmv; Asplédon, Splédon). Boeotian town, 20 stades north of > Orchomenus on the other side of the Melas; because of their climate, A. and its surrounding area were renamed Evdeiedog (‘the sunlit’, Str. 9,2,41); the settlement was abandoned because of water shortage (Paus. 9,38,9). A. has been localized near Pyrgus (formerly: Xeropyrgos) (Hom. Il. 2,511; Plin. HN 4,26; Steph. Byz. s.v. ‘A. and s.v.

Asphaltitis limne ‘Asphalt Lake’ is the name of the 1000 km? rift valley lake, which does not drain away and in its northern part is approximately 400 m below sea level, into which the Jordan flows, mentioned in Diodorus (2.48.6ff.; 19. 98f.), Josephus (BI 4.43 6-482) and Plinius (HN 5.72). Tectonic movements had caused the pure bitumen (oxydized petroleum) lying in great quantities at the bottom of the Asphaltitis limne to rise to the surface, where it was gathered in lumps (Str. 16.42f.; Jos. BI 4.8.4; Nabataeans’ asphalt trade[r]). The older biblical names ‘Sea of the Steppe’, ‘Salt Sea’ and ‘Eastern Sea/Front Sea’ factually describe the large salt content (Aristot. Mete. 2.3 59a and Gal. 4.20) or its site (Joel 2.20; Sach 14.8). The rabbinical name ‘Sea of Sodom’ (cf. 4 Esr 5.7; Jos. Ant. Iud. 5.81) and the Arabic names ‘Sea ofLot’, ‘Sea of Zoar’ stress the judgement of God on these cities of exemplary godlessness in Genesis 19, by which the name fluvium diaboli is still defined in the time of the Crusades. The name ‘Dead Sea’, customary today, probably goes back to Trogus (in Just. Epit. 36.3), but is explained by Galen in that no life exists in this lake (4.20; cf. Paus. 5.7.5 and the illustration of the fishes on the mosaic map of Madeba). 1 PH. C. HAMMOND, The Nabataean Bitumen Industry at the Dead Sea, in: Biblical Archaeologist 22, 1959, 40-48. R.J.Forses, More Studies in Ancient Petroleum History,

1959; Orte und Landschaften der Bibel 2, 1982, 23 5-247. MK.

Asphodelos do65eh0¢ (asphdédelos) is said to refer to that of the seven white- and pink-flowering species of the Liliaceae genus Asphodelus most frequent around the Mediterranean, Asphodelos microcarpus, which has been mentioned since Homer (Od. 11,539. 5733 24,13) and Hesiod (Op. 41) among others as native to the meadows of the earth and the underworld [1. 68 and fig. ro8-111]. With reference to Greek authors, Dioscorides 2,169 ([2. 1. 234ff.] = 2,199 [3. 245f.]) and Plin. HN 22,67-72 praise it as a medicinal plant of manifold use. The albucus of Plin. HN 21,109 has been interpreted as Asphodelos fistulosus. The yellow-flowering species of the genus Asphodeline are related. The root bulbs, which are rich in starch, were made into bread in times of need, as is mentioned not just by

Hesiod but also already by Theophr. Hist. pl. 7,12,1 and in the more precise description 7,13,1-3. As a sacred, foul-smelling plant of the kingdom of the dead, dedicated to Persephone, it was planted on graves. 1H.Baumann,

Die griech.

Pflanzenwelt

in Mythos,

Kunst und Lit., 1982 2M. WEeELLMANN (ed.), Pedanii Dioscuridis de materia medica 1, 1907, repr.1958 3 J. BERENDES (ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre bers. und mit Erl. versehen, 1902, repr.1970. P. WAGLER, s.v. A., RE 2, 1730ff.

C.HU.

“Yyttoc; Nonnus, Dion. 13,94). Fossey, 360-363;

J.KNAuss,

B. HEINRICH,

H.KaLcyk,

Die Wasserbauten der Minyer in der Kopais, 1984, 45-49; J. Knauss, Die Melioration des Kopaisbeckens durch die Minyer im 2.Jt. v.Chr., 1987; N.D. PAPACHATZIS, Ilavoaviov “Ehkadocg Teouyynots 5, 71974-1981, 244; PRITCHETT 4, 104-107; P. W. WALLACE, Strabo’s Description of Boiotia, 1979, 163-165. P.F.

Aspona ("Aonova, “Aommva; Aspona, Aspona). Border town of > Galatia north of the Tuz Gol, modern Sarihityiik. Statio on the pilgrim route, in the 4th cent. AD

civitas,; documented as a suffragan diocese from AD 342/343. Fortified hill with evidence of settlement as early as prehistoric times. K.BELKE, Galatien und Lykaonien, TIB 4, 1984, 135; S.MITCHELL, Regional Epigraphic Catalogues of Asia Minor 2, 1982, 403-405.

K.ST.

Asprenas see > Calpurnius; > Nonius Aspurgos

(Aonoteyos;

Aspourgos).

Although

this

Bosporan king is unknown to literary sources, his reign can be attested for AD 10/11-3 8/9. A. was therefore the (direct?) successor to his mother > Dynamis, who reigned until AD 7/8. The name of his father is given in inscriptions

as “Aod&vdgoyoc/Asandrochos (IOSPE II 36), doubtless a variant of > Asander [3]. A. was not acknowledged by Rome until he appeared there in person [1. 337 with n. 8]. A. was the father of the later Bosporan king Cotys [II 1] (IOSPE II 32 and 37), and so also of his brother > Mithridates [9] VIII. After A.’s death the Romans, in a further attempt to forestall the establishment on the Bosporus of a dynasty tracing itself back to Mithridates [6] VI (the grandfather of Dynamis), installed Polemon [5] II. (Cass. Dio 59,12,2). 1 V. F. GajpuKevic, 336-340.

Das

Bosporanische

Reich,

1971, M. SCH.

Assaceni Indian people in today’s Swat, west of the Indus, with capital Massaga, subjugated by Alexander (Arr. Anab. 4, 23ff.; Ind. 1,1). Called Aspagani by Plin. HN and in Pali called Assaka, from Old Indian asva-/ Iranian aspa ‘horse’. O.v. Hintser, Arrian. Der Alexanderzug —

Indische

Gesch., ed. and translation by G. Wirtu, O.v. HINUBER,

1985, 108rf.

K.K.

173

174

Assarion (&oode.ov; assdrion). Greek term for the Latin as [4], with 16 assaria corresponding to 1 denar-

Assembly buildings

ius [2. 32]; attested epigraphically and from stamps. In the course of the Imperial period and until the cessation of bronze coining in c. AD 275 the bronze assarion develops alongside the chalkos and the obolos to become the most important coin of the Greek East, meeting the need for small coinage in that region. Conversion of the three bronze denominations was variously implemented; in Chios for example 1 obolos = 2 assaria = 8 chalkoi [1. 192, n. 8]. There are denominations of 7,1, 17/,, 2, 3, 4, 4 /,, 5 and 6 assaria (4 assaria = 1

sestertius), established by weight, size of coin and/or reverse motif; particularly during the 3rd cent. AD these values were increased to 7-12 assaria by means of different values at time of minting or by countermarks (e.g. O = 9, IB= 12) [1. 33; 2. 245ff.; 4. ror], while the coin was reduced in weight. Particular cases are e.g. the silver coins of Nero in Caesarea (Cappadocia), bearing the legends AC (CARIA) IT(ALIKA) KD (24 Ital. asses) and AC IT IB (12 Ital. asses), and worth 1 '/, and i denarii [x. 32; 3]. + As; —>Chalkos; —> Denarius; — Countermarks;

~ Obolos; > Sestertius 1 K.ButcHEer, Roman Provincial Coinage: an Introduction to the Greek Imperials, 1988 2 J. NoLLé£, Side. Zur Gesch. einer kleinasiat. Stadt, in: Ant. Welt 21, 1990, 244265 3 RPC I, 1992, 556, 3635f., 3643, Plate 144 4R.Z1IEGLER, Methodische Uberlegungen zur Rekon-

struktion von Nominalsystemen der stadtischen Aes-Pragung im Osten des rém. Reiches, in: Litterae Numismaticae Vindobonensis 4, 1992, 189-213. D.O.

A. Kose,

As und Assarion, in: JNG

36, 1986,

A.M.

IOI-I05.

Assectator Adsectari/assectari (to stubbornly follow close behind) also describes the elements of the statutory offence of persecuting a respectable person in need of protection contra bonos mores (Gai. 3,220; Cod. lust. 47,10,15,19 ff.). In the political and societal realm, assectator denotes the party supporter, adherent or loyal companion for the most part of a person seeking public office. In his self-portrayal of patrons, Cicero (Mur. 70) differentiates three groups of clients in the adsectatio: una salutatorum, cum domum veniunt, altera deductorum, tertia adsectatorum. A lex Fabia de numero sectatorum from 66 BC and a senatus consultum from 64 BC against an excessive use of adsectatores system were apparently without success. — Clientes; > Ambitus; > Petitio Kaser, RPR, 1, 624; MOMMSEN, RoTONDI, 378f.

Staatsrecht,

1, 54 ff.; C.G.

I. DEFINITION

ASSEMBLY

II. Greece

BUILDINGS

III. ROME

I. DEFINITION Assembly buildings (AB) are in the following defined as any building of Greek and Roman antiquity, which within the framework of the social, political, or religious organization of a community served as the architectonically defined location for interaction and communication. However, it is not always possible to define the function of an AB unambiguously nor to assume its exclusive usage. Sometimes, buildings or parts of buildings fall under the above definition, which according to ancient (and modern) understanding for the most part served other functions: > theatres with their > cavea or the andrones (— Andron [4]) of > house and > palace as the interfaces between — private sphere and public sphere. There is a fluid transition from an architectonically unfashioned, but topographically prominent assembly place in the open air, such as the Greek + agora or the Roman — forum, via an unroofed architectural enhancement to the erection of a complete building; it is thus impossible to establish a stringent typology of AB.

Il. GREECE The oldest AB in the Greek cultural sphere has to be the > megaron mentioned several times even in the Homeric epics (Hom. Od. 2,94; 19,16; 20,6 and passim) — the rectangular or square central hall within a wider range of rooms (e.g. within a Mycenaean palace)

or a free-standing, single-roomed building with an anteroom and a central fireplace (in the Greece of the early rst millennium BC), around which the comparatively small group of aristocratic decision-makers within a community assembled (— Aristocracy; > Aristokratia) or rather the > priests who were largely identical with the former. In the context of an increasing social and organizational differentiation within a Greek — polis, the need for larger assembly rooms arose with the space to accommodate greater numbers of citizens or even the entire citizenship. > Theatre type buildings, which from the late 6th cent. BC initially with only basic architectural embellishment were set into natural slopes, lent themselves to serving as assembly places alongside their cultic-ritual uses and their original purpose as places for performing arts (documented as a meeting-place for supraregional alliances i.a. in > Dodona and > Megale Polis). From this kind of theatre, characterized by its radial and rising rows of seats (> cavea) around a central stage, a variety of larger, some even fully circular AB for the citizen’s assembly developed, which were probably never used as theatres; some sported at their centre a > rostrum or a podium. However, a standard design never evolved: the > Pnyx in Athens; ekklesiasteria (> ekklésiasterion) in Metapontium, Acragas, Paieonium, Posidonia, Rhegium, Cassope and possibly Sparta.

ASSEMBLY

BUILDINGS

175

Different types of bouleuteria from Asia Minor (ground-plans) TT

TM

oe.

me

om

ees

mw eeeeeeee#eoeee

Miletus [2] (175-164 BC)

Priene (2nd cent. BC)

Cretopolis (2nd cent. BC) =: LS Ea Heraclea [5] on the Latmus (3rd—2nd cents. BC)

The architectural embellishment of Greek sanctuaries from the early 6th cent. BC launched a further spectrum of forms for AB — as a gathering-place for priests as well as groups of visitors, such as politicaldiplomatic or religious delegations. Amongst the better-known examples of such assembly buildings are the + Prytaneion and the Theokoleion in — Olympia (I. C.2.), the > Telesterion of > Eleusis, which was designed to accommodate a large cultic congregation (ELeusis with illustration), as well as other AB devel-

oped from these; i.a. the ‘hypostyle hall’ in the Apollo sanctuary of > Delos as well as similar manifestations in Dodona and—of remarkable size— in Megale Polis. The link of the latter to a sanctuary, however, is uncertain; the same applies to the ‘Odeum of Pericles’ in Athens — similar in form, but in its function not clearly definable (cf. > Athens, with Acropolis illustration).

Into the same category of AB within sanctuaries also belong the numerous banquet or dining-halls of such establishments — either attached to larger building complexes (the > Pinakotheke in the Propylaea of the Acropolis in Athens; cf. > gates, with illustration) or as

a free-standing building (> Lesche of the Cnidians in > Delphi; AB in > Labraunda). In addition, colonnaded halls (+ Stoa [1]) also served as AB: within sanctuaries, but also within the

secular sphere of the poleis (e.g. as bouleuterion; see

below). Finally, side tracts of the > gymnasium could also be used as assembly rooms, e.g. for meetings of trade or craft associations (~ Associations). In the course of developing its organizational and administrative framework from the late 6th cent. BC onwards, the Greek polis produced specialized AB, at

times with very striking ground plans; as a rule, they were situated within or in the immediate vicinity of the + agora. Alongside colonnaded hails (i.a. the Stoa Basilius in Athens; cf. > stoa [1] with illustration), it became common to have specialized buildings for the prytaneis (> prytaneion; for magistrates) and bouleutai (bouleuterion; for council members), but also buildings for court hearings (— heliaia). The latter, the same as

the prytaneion, did not evolve into a specific architectural form —a prytaneion generally presents itself as a representatively decorated, recognizably ‘public’, not private, > house, containing the communal hearth or banqueting room, offices, and the > peristylion (exception: the Athenian > Tholos, built around 460 BC). In contrast, initially a bouleuterion commonly took the form of a long double-naved apsidal hall (e.g. in > Olympia, with illustration; building phase I) or that of a shortened stoa (Orchomenus [1]; Olynthus), later, the basic form of the > odeum with a semicircular (Miletus [2]) or circular (Cretopolis) or nearly square and accordingly diagonally placed cavea (Athens; Pri-

177

178

ene; Heraclea [5]/Latmus) prevailed, sometimes with the addition of a peristyle courtyard at the front (Miletus). The overall size was limited by the — roofing which was always present; dependant on the total

prehensively restored, but not so the comitium complex. The type of curia building found i.a. in Pompeii (rectangular building with an > apse opposite the entrance) as an architecturally integrated assembly room

number of citizens, a bouleuterion could accommodate

entered the repertoire of palace and villa architecture

between 200 and 1,500 people. It is peculiar that architectural expenditure was reverse-proportional to political importance: the splendour of public AB within the poleis increased precipitously from the late 4th cent. BC

(aula regia; + palace; > villa). In addition, the Roman

(Miletus; Priene), while at the same time the former autonomy and often the democratic constitution (> démokratia) of the city states— the original reason for the very existence of these buildings— became nothing but fiction in view of the rise of the Hellenistic monarchies (+ monarchia), albeit one that was held in high esteem, as evident in such building programmes.

ASSERA

+ basilica was also an important assembly building, especially in the administration of justice. For club-houses of Roman associations and guilds as well as the katagogeion type of building, see > schola

[4]. + Curia (see addenda); > Polis; > Private sphere and public sphere; > Constitution; > Assemblies J.Cu. Batty, Curia ordinis: recherches d’architecture et

d’urbanisme antiques sur les curies provinciales du monde romain, 1991; P. CaraFa, Il comizio di Roma dalle origini all’eta di Augusto, 1998; R. Er1eNNE, Le Prytaneé de

Ill. ROME The most important political AB of Roman antiquity was the architectural complex comprising the > Curia, comitium and rostra (+ Rostrum) in Rome (cf. +> forum with illustration), which largely lost its republican character in the course of restructuring the — Forum [III 8] Romanum after fire damage in the 2nd half of the rst cent. BC. The comitium as the assembly place of the Roman — comitia consisted of a circular, stepped, and roofed structure with the rostrum (and the

Monumental Political Architecture in Archaic and Classical Greek Poleis, in: D. WHITEHEAD (ed.), From Political Architecture to Stephanus Byzantius (Historia ES 87), 1994, 23-90; M. HULSEMANN, Theater, Kult und birgerlicher Widerstand im ant. Rom. Die Enstehung der architektonischen Struktur des rom. Theaters, 1987; A. [ANELLO, I bouleuteria in Sicilia, in: Quaderni dell Istituto di

graecostasis) on its southern side, on its western side the

archeologia della Facolta di lettere dell’Universita di Mes-

senaculum (the open-air walled-in assembly place of the senators; cf. > senatus) and the Curia building to the north. The references for this reconstruction are only to a lesser extent provided by the sparse building remains extant in Rome, but rather by analogous structures in Paestum (> Posidonia) and Cosa, dating from the 3rd cent. BC. The Roman Curia as a self-contained rectangular AB for the Senate was ascribed to the legendary King Tullus Hostilius [4]. In line with the enlargement of the Senate, the building was successively extended; after the fire of 52 BC, it was slightly relocated to the south-east, where its massive brick building stood into late antiquity as one ofthe architectural landmarks of the city of Rome. There were other assembly places in Rome also known as > curia, e.g. the curia Pompei(t)

sina 9 (1994), 1996, 63-98; G. C. IzENouR, Roofed Theatres of Classical Antiquity, 1992; F. KoLs, Agora und Theater, Volks- und Festversammlung, 1981; C. KRAUSE, Zur baulichen Gestalt des republikanischen Comitiums,

within the porticus of the > Theatrum Pompei(i) (with

illustration), where in 44 BC Julius Caesar was murdered. The building structures of the city of Rome were transferred to the newly founded colonies (— coloniae) especially of the 3rd cent. BC (> Alba Fucens, Posidonia/Paestum,

Cosa

and

many

others);

in non-Latin

Délos, in: REA 99, 1997, 305-324; D. Gnersz, Das ant.

Rathaus:

das griech. Bouleuterion

und

die frihrom.

Curia, 1990; P. Gros, L’architecture romaine, vol. 1, *2002, 261-269; M.H.HAnNsEN, T.FISCHER-HANSEN,

in: MDAI(R) 83, 1976, 31-69; F. KrIscHEN, Ant. Rathauser, 1941; H. Lauter, Die Architektur des Hell.,

1986, 156-166; W. MACDONALD, The Political Meeting Places of the Greeks, 1943; S$. G. MILLER, The Prytaneion. Its Function and Architectural Form, 1978; T. L. SHEAR Jr., Bouleuterion, Metroon, and the Archives at Athens, in: M. H. Hansen et al. (ed.), Stud. in the Ancient Greek

Polis (Historia ES 95), 1995, 157-190; B. TaMM, Audi-

torium and Palatium: a Study on Assembly-Rooms in Roman Palaces, 1963. C.HO.

Assera (Assa). Localized by Hdt. 7,122 on the northern

coast of the Gulf of Singus, it was identical with the A. of the tribute lists of the > Delian League and was located at the seaside south of the modern Gomation. In 432 BC, A., together with other Chalcidians, seceded from Athens and, for a while, belonged to the Chalcidic

state, later to the Chalcidic Confederacy (FGrH Theo-

pompus 115

fr. 147). With the demise of the confedera-

towns, the citizens’ assemblies would at times meet in

cy, A. became Macedonian; last mentioned around 200

theatre-like buildings (e.g. the cavea of the Fortuna sanctuary in > Praeneste). In the provincial towns of the imperial age, the assembly buildings were always centred around the > forum; as shown by the example of + Pompeii, less attention was paid to the comitium as the place where elections were held than to the seats of municipal magistrates and administrations: after the earthquake of 62 BC, the curia was quickly and com-

BC in a list of Delphian theorodokoi. F.PapazoGciou, Les villes de Macédonie a l’époque romaine, 1988, 433; M.ZAHRNT, Olynth und die Chalkidier, 1971, 162-166. M.Z.

ASSESUS

5

180

179

Assesus (‘Aconods; Assésds). Proto-Greek settlement

ation’), and/or economic nature (representatives of a

with Carian name within the territory of the polis of -» Miletus (Steph. Byz.s.v. A.), about 6.5 km south-east of the metropolis, home to the important extra-mural sanctuary of > Athena Assesia, which had been burned down by the Lydian king Alyattes in the 6th year of his

certain trade), in each case with consequences regarding the purpose and composition of the membership. In all of this, the boundaries remain fluctuating regarding composition, motive and organization of individual associations.

reign (shortly before 600 BC), but later rebuilt by him at the behest of the Delphian oracle (Hdt. 1,19-22). Town and sanctuary were discovered in 1992 east of the Men-

gereb Dag above the defile, the course of the road from Soke to Milas. Sondages within the Athena sanctuary yielded finds from the protogeometric to the archaic period. Following its destruction by the Persians in 494 BC, it apparently lost importance. Close by in a westerly direction, remains of the fortifications (5th cent. BC) of the town of A. (its location inhabited from the Neolithic) are still preserved in an area of several hundred square meters. The importance of A. in the late Classical, Hellenistic and imperial age is still largely unresolved; in the early Byzantine age, the town experienced a second bloom. L. BURCHNER, s.v. A., RE 2, 1746; F. HILLER V. GAERTRINGEN, s.v. Miletos, RE 15, 1589; P.HERRMANN, Inschr., in: AA 2, 1995, 282-292; O. KERN, s.v. Kabeiros und Kabei-

roi, RE 10, 1402, 1407f.; H.LOHMANN, Survey in der Chora von Milet. Vorbericht iber die Kampagnen der Jahre 1990, 1992 und 1993, in: AA 2, 1995, 293-328; O.Rayet, A. THomas, Milet et le golfe Latmique, 1877, map 2; U.v.WiLaMowi1Tz-MOELLENDORFF, KS 5,1, 1971, 374. H.LO.

Assimilation see > Phonetics

II. GREECE Alongside the unequivocally political organizations of classical Greece, such as the > phyles, > phratries, or demes ( démos [2]), there is knowledge mainly of associations dedicated to religious purposes (> orgeones, ~ thiasos). The association status of the > hetairiai remains ambiguous; their activities were social as well

as political. The same applies to the activities of the local associations of young men (> néoi, > ephébeia), as they were generally organized by their respective + polis, and also to the associations of ‘those of the gymnasium’ (ot G0 tov yunvaciov; > Gymnasium II.)

beg ae III. STATE AND ASSOCIATIONS IN THE ROMAN REPUBLIC The oldest trade associations in Rome (collegia)

were allegedly founded by ~ Numa (Plut. Numa 17). They have to be differentiated from the public servants’ associations (— viatores, > apparitores, + scribae, -» lictores), which are quite ancient themselves. For the

early years of the Republic, a basic freedom of association probably existed for — sodales, as long as no public interests were touched upon (as stated in Lex XII tab. 8,27 = Gai. Dig. 47,22,4). The earliest verifiable associations

Assinarus (‘Acoivagoc, ‘Acivagoc; As/s]Jinaros). River in Sicily, modern Noto, south of the Erineus, about 25

km from Syracuse, famous for the capitulation of the Athenians who sought safety there after the siege of Syracuse in 413 BC (Thuc. 7,84f.; Diod. Sic. 13,19,2; Plut. Nicias 27; Paus. 7,16,5). Endowment of a festival. E. A. FREEMAN, History of Sicily 3, 1892, 706f.; E. MANNI,

Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, Kokalos Suppl. 4, 1981, 100; M. Marcanl, Alcune questioni relative alla battaglia dell’ Asinaro, in: RFIC, 1930, 189-202.

GI.MA.

Associations I. DEFINITION

III. STATE AND REPUBLIC _ IV. IMPERIAL PERIOD: LEGAL POSITION V. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION VI. ASSOCIATIONS OF THE IMPERIAL PERIOD VII. STATE AND ASSOCIATIONS IN LATE ANTIQUITY

ASSOCIATIONS

II. GREECE

IN THE ROMAN

(2nd/rst cents.

BC) were those founded by groups of Italian traders (+ negotiatores), who on Delos set themselves up as the association of Mercury worshippers (Mercuriales, Greek Hermaistai), harking back to examples from Campania [4]. In line with other associations (e.g. the Poseidoniasts of Berytus), they had clubhouses and funds. Some of the reasons for the state’s increasing distrust of associations are cited in the > senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus (ILS 18; 186 BC): unauthori-

zed meeting and sacrifices outside of the city limits, lack of control over their leaders and members [5].

The increasingly violent political disputes of the late Republic resulted from 64 BC onwards ina whole series of association laws (leges de collegiis), aimed at fighting the barely controllable associations. These developments reached a peak with the tribunus [7] plebis P. > Clodius [I 4] (58 BC) and his lex de collegiis restituendis novisque instituendis; this ‘law about the reconstitution and founding of associations’ contributed considerably to the political destabilization of the state.

I. DEFINITION

Associations are defined as more or less permanent organizations of people in groups for the pursuit of a common end. The reasons for this could be of topographical, religious (cultores, ‘venerators’ of a deity— hence the anthropological concept of a ‘cult associ-

IV. IMPERIAL PERIOD: LEGAL POSITION

The associations of the imperial period had their legal basis in the (Caesarean or Augustan) lex Iulia de collegiis, which differentiates between officially allowed, tolerated, or banned associations; decisions on

181

182

individual associations were in the remit of the Senate. This is apparent e.g. in CIL VI 4416 (regarding a collegium symphoniacorum, a ‘collegium of cult musi-

even slaves (Augustales in Ostia: CIL XIV 367); joining fees, membership subscriptions (stips menstrua) and ~ endowments added to their wealth. From the time of

ASSOCIATIONS

cians’; cf. also CIL XIV 2112). The cult associations of

Marcus [2] Aurelius (AD 161-180), associations were

oriental deities were under the legal supervision of the Roman priestly college of the > quindecimviri sacris faciundis, who granted permission to the priests regarding the use of their cultic insignias (CIL XIII 4751). In the Roman provinces, it was the governor who exercised legal supervision of any associations (cf. Marcia-

also allowed to receive bequests officially (Dig. 3 4,5,20; ~ legatum). The money from the endowments was i.a. used to contribute towards regular cenae (‘banquets’), +> sportulae, or birthday celebrations [8; 9; ro].

nus

Dig. 47,22,1;

Ulp. Dig. 47,22,2).

The

Roman

state’s fear of barely controllable associations is evident in Plin. Ep. 10,33 f., in which Emperor Trajan rejects the institution of a collegium fabrum (- fabri) of at most 150 members as a fire brigade for Nicomedia, because he was afraid of the illegal foundation of a hetairia.

VI. ASSOCIATIONS OF THE IMPERIAL PERIOD Simple soldiers were not allowed to form associations, but from the Severan emperors (AD 193-235) onwards, alongside older local > veterans’ clubs, asso-

ciations of non-commissioned officers (e.g. optiones) and certain ranks with special functions (such as signiferi, ‘standard

bearers’) become

evident. These had

their own relief funds, which paid an anularium or a viaticum, when a soldier left the army (— missio) or was

V. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION

The internal structure of Roman associations was modelled on public institutions with membership lists (album), communal assets (arca), statutorily elected

redeployed; they also had their own assembly rooms (> schola) within a military camp [11].

cultores Dianae et Antinoi (‘worshippers of Diana and

In many places, young men got together in associations of the > iuvenes. They concentrated mainly on sports and social activities, but would occasionally assume the role of a local militia [12]. However, it is important to distinguish between the associations of the iuvenes in the urban communities of e.g. Italy and the iuventutes of the Batavians or Raetians; the latter described a tribe’s entire youth contingent available for military service. Supraregional organizations were those of the > technitai, in which stage artists (> Stage plays) and > athletes associated; they were set up as cultic associations for Dionysus or Heracles. From the time of Augustus, their privileges were guaranteed by the emperors as their patrons; these associations not only possessed a central office in Rome, but also local organizations in locations of important — agones (see addenda) [13]. The ancient associations ofcivil servants probably remained untouched by the legal restrictions, as did those of the tradesmen (such as the > negotiatores frumentarii/‘grain merchants’, > suarii/‘pig merchants’ i.a.), shipowners (— navicularii) or selected

Antinous’, CIL XIV 2112 = ILS 7212), the collegium

trades (bakers, pistores); initially, these were voluntary

Aesculapi et Hygiae (‘worshippers of Aesculapius and Hygieia’; CIL VI 10234 = ILS 7213), the eborarii and citronarii (‘wood turners’; CIL VI 33883 = ILS 7214). They provide information about membership subscriptions, conduct at meetings, but also the payments and provisions for funerals. Even the collegia funeraticia were more than just ‘funeral clubs’ [7. 58 ff.]; financial support (funeraticium), provision of burial sites, or the assistance of the club in the > burial of members constituted only a part of its remit; cf. the statutes (lex) of the cultores Dianae et Antinoi. Whereas even slaves were allowed to join an association, Roman women are only evident in honorary offices (mater collegii, literally: ‘mother of the association’). Associations with official recognition could own considerable assets, consisting of cash, property, and

associations, but because of their close co-operation with the state (> praefectus[4] annonae) and their ensuing privileges from that (— immunitas munerum, ‘ex-

magistrates (magistri or quinquennales, curatorl cura, > quaestor or > arcarius), an ordo, honorati, immunes and clerks (— viator, > scriba). Like on entry into the ordo decurionum (-— ordo II.), special summae honorariae (‘honorary fees’) had to be paid on

admission into an association or for the investiture into an office. The assets of an association constituted a ‘communal property’ (res communis) of the members and was strictly separated from private assets (cf. Dig.

3545751). In line with communities or individuals, associations, too, sought the patronage of influential persons within their respective communities or the state as a whole (+ patronus); for important associations, these

were high-ranking magistrates or members of the equestrian or senatorial order (ordo equester/senatorius) [6].

Important sources for the Roman associations are the statutes (/eges) of various such institutions, e.g. the

emption

from

contributions’;

cf.

> munus,

munera

II. B.) they became increasingly official in character [14]. The restrictions also did not apply to selected groups in conjunction with the annona (mensores frumentarii; > mensor; > cura annonae) nor to local associations assuming public duties such as firefighting (> Fire brigade). Religious (> dendrophori) as well as trade associations

(— fabri, centonarii) were enlisted

for such duties, in exchange for privileges. The slaves and freedpersons of a family (not least those of the imperial court) or an important individual person might also form an association.

ASSOCIATIONS

-

VII. STATE AND ASSOCIATIONS

IN LATE ANTIQ-

UITY From the time of the Severans (see above), the statutory options for leaving a privileged association became more and more restricted, resulting finally towards the end of the 3rd cent. AD in compulsory corporization. Membership in late antique associations (corpora) of the navicularit, pistores, suarii, etc. was based on property ownership; they were obliged to perform certain public duties (functio), but in return enjoyed immunitates (‘exemption of duties’) and the right to set up an internal system for redistribution of charges. Whoever left such an association, had to abandon all claims on its

tied assets [15]. Similar regulations also applied to the associations of craftsmen (fabricenses, purpurarii, barbaricarii i.a.), who with their workshops were tied to their profession indefinitely, but who, like public servants, received annonae (‘grain rations’).

~» Professional associations; > Collegium geones; > Schola; > Sodales; > Technitai 1 F. Potanp,

Gesch.

des griech.

[1]; > Or-

Vereinswesens,

2.N.F. Jones, Public Organization

1909

in Ancient Greece,

1987 31d., The Associations of Classical Athens, 1999 4N.K. Raun, The Sacred Bonds of Commerce, 1993 5 J.-M. ParLier, Bacchanalia, 1988 6G. CLEMENTE, Il patronato nei collegia dell’impero romano, in: Studi classici e orientali 21, 1972, 142-229

7F.M.AusBUTTEL,

Unt. zu den Vereinen im Westen des rom. Reiches, 1983 8 A. SturBer, Heidnische

und christl. Gedachtniskalen-

der, in: JoAC 3, 1963, 24-33 9S. Mrozek, Les distributions d’argent et de nourriture dans les villes italiennes du Haut-Empire romain, 1987. 10 J. D’ARmMs, Memory, Money, and Status at Misenum, in: JRS 90, 2000, 126144 11H. ScCHULZ-FALKENTHAL, Die Unterstiitzungs-

tatigkeit in einem Militarkollegium der legio II] Augusta in Lambaesis und das Problem der Sozialleistungen im rom. Vereinswesen, in: H. J. Diesner et al. (ed.), Afrika

und Rom in der Ant., 1968, 155-172 12 P. GINESTET, Les organisations de la jeunesse dans l’occident romain, 1991 13 P. FriscuH, Zehn agonistische Papyri, 1986 14L.De Satvo, Economia privata e pubblici servizi nell’impero Romano. | corpora naviculariorum, 1992 15 P. Herz, Stud. zur rom. Wirtschaftsgesetzgebung. Die

Lebensmittelversorgung, 1988. W. Cotter, The Collegia and Roman Law, in:J.S. KLopPENBORG, S. G. WILSON (ed.), Voluntary Associations in

the Graeco-Roman World, 1996, 74-89; U. EGELHAAFGalIserR, A. SCHAFER (ed.), Rel. Vereine in der rom. Ant., 2002; O. M. DE Nur, The Civic World of Professional Associations in the Roman East, 1997; F. M. De RoBER-

TIS, Storia delle corporazioni e del regime associativo nel mondo romano (2 vols.), 1972; H. JANKUHN et al. (ed.),

Unt. zu Handel und Verkehr der vor- und friihgesch. Zeit in Mittel- und Nordeuropa. V. Der Verkehr. Verkehrswege, Verkehrsmittel, Organisation, 1989. P.H.

Assorus Hellenized town of the — Siculi in the interior

of Sicily between

Henna

184

183

and Agyrium

(Diod. Sic.

14,78,6) north of Dittaino (ancient > Chrysas; personification on Roman coins from A.), modern Assoro.

Listed among the Delphian — theorodokoi in around

200 BC. From the fanum on the road to Henna, ~ Verres tried in vain to steal the statue of Chrysas (Cic. Verr. 2,4,96).

L. BERNARBO Brea, Assoro, in: Notizie degli scavi di antichita, 1947, 249f.; R. CatctaTt (ed.), Corpus Nummorum Siculorum 3, 1987, 259f.; G.C. GENTILI, Assoro, in: Notizie degli scavi di antichita, 1961, 217-222; HN, 127; G. MANGANARO, Citta di Sicilia e santuari panellenici nel

III e I sec. a. C., in: Historia 13, 1964, 415-439; J.P. Moret, Recherches archéologiques et topographiques

dans la région d’Assoro, in: MEFRA 75, 2, 1963, 263301; Id., Scavi e ricerche archeologiche, in: BA 51, 1966,

93f.

GI.MA.

Assos (“Aoooc; Assos). The location of what was to

become A.—a trachyte rock (up to 234 m in height) on the south-western coast of the Troad, modern Behramkale — had been inhabited from the Bronze Age onwards. For that reason, attempts have been made to

localize the Homeric > Pedasus within the settlement area of the Leleges [3. 245f.]. The Aeolian colony of A. was a Methymnian foundation (Str. 13,1,58). A. itself was the starting point for the foundation of Palaia Gargara, and soon seems to have attained economic prosperity. With a tribute of one talent, it was a member of the > Delian League. There is no mention of A. in the context of the Greek-Persian conflicts of the 5th and 4th cent. BC. In the Satrap Revolt, however, the town was of great strategic importance. In 366 BC, the insurgent

satrap Ariobarzanes entrenched himself in A., where he was besieged in vain (Xen. Ages. 2,26; Nep. Timotheus 1,3; Agesilaus 7,2; Polyaenus, Strat. 7,26). After that, A. was ruled by Eubolus, whose successor + Hermias of Atarneus, from about 350 BC, developed A. into a cornerstone of his sphere of control. > Aristotle’s [7] three-year stay in A. falls into this period. After Hermias was overcome by > Memnon in around 345 BC, A. returned to Persian rule (Str. 13,1,57). In the Hellen-

istic period, A. seems to have formed a > koinon together with the other Aeolian colonies of Lamponeia and Polymedion in its surrounds, which were later absorbed into A.’s territory [3. 248f.]. It was most likely under Pergamene rule that A. was renamed Apollonia (Plin. HN 5,123; Anth. Pal. 9,679) [1. 1748]. As an important harbour before the circumnavigation of Cape Lecton and as a junction of the coastal road with that from the interior, the town retained its great importance and its prosperity into late antiquity, as demonstrated by the opulent tombs from the imperial period [4. 3]. In the Byzantine age, A. was a bishop’s seat and belonged to the thema of the Aegean Sea. The town decreased in size, but habitation continued without interruption into modern times. As late as AD 1306, the Byzantines defended the citadel of A., which by then was centred on the acropolis, against the Turks. A. was famous for its abundance of grains and also for its local stone which accelerated the decomposition of corpses laid out in it (Plin. HN 36,131). Probably, this refers less to the material of the sarcophagi but to a certain

185

186

kind of quicklime [5. 20f.]. Of the ancient town, which is partly built over by the modern village of Behramkale, several buildings have survived. The town’s fortifications, with clearly discernible phases of construction, is largely extant along its length of about 3 km, with rectangular or semicircular towers and gates. The dating of the various phases is disputed: the surviving walls, originally about 19 m in height, probably originate from the 3rd cent. BC [6. 41]. The temple of Athena was probably built in around 530 BC; the temple’s terracottas, at least, date from that period. Well preserved are the theatre, the bouleuterion, the gym-

[2] City god of the city of A. and chief god of the Assyrian pantheon. Attested to in cuneiform texts from the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Initially seen as the personification of the city of A. [4], in the 2nd millennium he is often equated with > Enlil, the chief god of the Babylonian pantheon. On neo-Assyrian reliefs he can be seen as an archer with a > horned crown in a > winged sun. In the conflict with Babylon A. occupies in literature (~ Enuma elis) and cult [5] the role of ~ Marduk. After the neo-Assyrian era there is no secure evidence of his cult again until the time of the late Arsacids [6. 41-61]. As before, the name ofthe god was a theophoric component of many personal names from the city of A. ~ Mesopotamia; > Burial

nasium, the Roman baths, as well as the Byzantine church, which was built on top of the temple of Athena,

and parts of the port installations. From 1881 to 1883, that area of the town was targeted by several excavation campaigns under American control [2]. Since the early 1980s, excavations have resumed; the main interest so

far has been focussed on the necropoleis. 1 Z.BURCHNER,

s.v. A., RE 4, 1748

2J.T. CLARKE,

F.H. Bacon, R. KoLDEWEY, Investigations at A., 1902/21

3 J.M. Cook, The Troad, 1973,

4. U. SERDAROGLU, Zur

Gesch. der Stadt A. und ihrer Ausgrabungen, Minor Studies 2, 1990, 1-6

in: Asia

5 Id., R. STUPPERICH (ed.),

Ausgrabungen in A. 1990, 1992 6 F.E. WinTER, Problems of Tradition and Innovation in Greek Fortifications in Asia Minor, in: REA 96, 1994, 29-52.

R. MERKELBACH, Die Inschr. von A. (IK 4), 1976; U. SERDAROGLU, R.STUPPERICH (ed.), Ausgrabungen in A. 1991, 1993. E.SCH.

Assur [1] AsSur (today Qal‘at Sergat), on the right bank of the Tigris. Cult site of the eponymous city god. Religious and until 9th cent. political centre of the Assyrian empire, see excavation by the Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft [1]. The old city, 55 hectares in size, was extended to the south in the mid 2nd millennium BC by a new city of 20 hectares. In the north were the ‘Old Palace’ and the temples of the chief gods (to the east on a raised spur the Temple of Assur), and to the south of these the residential districts. The oldest archaeological find is the Temple of I8tar (mid 3rd millennium BC). At the beginning of the 2nd millennium centre of acommercial network with offices in Anatolia (> Kanes). In mid 2nd

millennium part of the kingdom of Mittani. After independence under AdadnirariI (1305-1274 BC) A. was greatly extended. In spite of losing its function as capital, in the 9th cent. BC it still remained the cultural and ceremonial centre of the Assyrian state. In 614 BC destroyed by Medes and Babylonians. In the rst cent. AD A. became the seat of Arsacid administrators (Parthian palace). The city probably continued to be called A., not Kainai or Labbana (Libanae, Sabbin), as often assumed. Little resettlement after the Sassanid conquest around AD 241. [2]. South of A. was an early Islamic caravanserei. In the r2th to r4th cents. AD A. (al-‘Aqr) was a stopping-place for pilgrims [3. 255-259].

ASSURBANIPAL

1 W. ANpRAE, Das wiedererstandene A.,*1977. _2.S.R. Hauser, Die Grabungen der FU Berlin in Assur I. Die Arsakidenzeit, WVWDOG 3 S. HEIDEMANN, Al-‘Aqr. Das islamische A., in: K. BARTL, S.R. HAusER, Continuity and

Change in Northern Mesopotamia, 1996, 251-277 4W.G. LamBertT, The God AS&ur, in: Iraq 45, 1983, 8286 5 B.PONGRATZ-LEISTEN, ina Sulmi irub, 1994 6B. AccouLa, Inscriptions et graffites araméens d’Assour, 1985.

Assurbanipal

S.HA.

(Assyrian

AsSur-ban-apli;

Greek

Laedavanar(A)oc, Taedsanahkoc; Sardandpal(l)os, Sar-

dapalos). The last important king of the Assyrian empire (669 to c. 627 BC). Although not the eldest son of the king, he was appointed by his father > Asarhaddon to be the successor to the Assyrian throne and his elder brother Samas-Sum-ukin to be king of Babylon. Sovereignty of Babylon was, however, subject to A. A. was able to maintain the territory only by constant campaigns. Egypt, however, was lost in 655 BC. At times even Lydia recognized Assyrian sovereignty. A. supported Gyges against the Cimmerians and fought successfully against the Mannaeans. An uprising by the Babylonians, lasting four years and led by his brother Samas-Sum-ukin, ended in 648 BC with the capture of Babylon and the suicide of Samas-Sum-ukin. In the following years A. was able to break the power of Babylon’s allies (Elamites, Chaldaeans, Arabs) in savage campaigns of revenge. Sources say nothing about the last years of A. A., probably originally educated as a scholar, had the most important > library of the ancient Orient installed in his palaces at Niniveh, decorated with magnificent reliefs, which was also planned for his personal use. The actual root of the idea, going back to Ctesias, of A. as a ‘weakling’ (~ Arbaces) may be that A., unlike his forebears, did not take part personally in the important campaigns. Other ancient myths about A. are legendary or are based on confusion with other kings. + Mesopotamia; > Sardapalus R.Borcer, Beitr. M.STRECK, A., 1916.

zum

Inschr.-Werk

A.s,

1996; S.M,

187

188

Assyria The name Assyria goes back to Assyrian matA&8ur ‘land (of the city of) > Assur’. In the narrower sense, understood as the heartland of the Assyrian empire to the west and, above all, to the east of the Tigris (today approximately northern Iraq); in post-Assyrian times the term is often used in a wider sense. The Medes may have already taken over A. as the name of the conquered non-Babylonian regions of the former Assyrian empire. The Achaemenid inscriptions use Old Persian AOura (Accad. ASSur, Aramaic ’twr), partly more comprehensively for the non-Babylonian north Mesopotamian territory including north and central Syria, partly, for administrative purposes only, for the province of Syria (ebir nari), since the Assyrian heartland belonged to the Achaemenid satrapy of Babylon. The abbreviated use of A. to Syria and the separation of the two terms in Greek sources have their roots here. Herodotus (3.155) understands as A. the whole of Mesopotamia with Babylon; used in a wider sense also in Strabo (16.1-4), who also uses “Agoveia (Arouria; Aramaic) for the heartland. The politico-geographical designations Hdhayab (Syrian) and Adiabene (Greek/Latin) and Nod- Siragan/ ArdaxSiragan (Parthian/Middle Persian) gradually replaced the traditional name of A. for the region. Iranian sources also mention another province, AsoOrestan, which now means central Babylon. The Greek version of the great Shapur inscription still uses A. for this (Syria 35.305 II 2). The ambivalence of the term A. is also found in Ammianus Marcellinus (23.6), where on one occasion A. means the Sassanid province and another time geographically the whole of Babylon, including southern Mesene, yet the former designation of A. for > Adiabene is also known to him. Aramaic ?twr on the other hand is now used only for Syria. In AD 115 Trajan erected a Roman province of A., forfeited again by Hadrian (Eutr. 8.3.2; 6.2; Rufius Festus, Breviarium 14; 20). Its expanse is said to have corresponded approximately to the fomer Assyrian heartland. + Mesopotamia

and it was presumably a member of the ~ Delian League from 478/7 BC[x]; in 43 5/4 BC, it was colonized by Athens. In about 405 BC, under Doedalses, it fell under Bithynian rule for the first time. Besieged by Zipoetes I in 315 BC, it was freed by Antigonus [1] Monophthalmos. After is capture by Zipoetes in 301 BC, the town was destroyed in the course of his conflict with Lysimachus. Zipoetes had a new town built nearby, opposite A., which, as a new foundation, his son Nicomedes | established as his capital under the name of Nicomedia (Paus. 5,12,7 [23 3]). The inhabitants of A., their cults and traditions, were transferred to Nicomedia [4]. Evidence of minting before 435 BC

ASSYRIA

[5]. 1 FGrH 3b, 276f. 2 Cu.HABICHT, 10 A, 449-451 3ATL 4,1953,13f. 2, 1969, 1319-1325

s.v. Zipoites, RE 4 ROBERT, OMS

5 W.H.WappincTon, E. BaBE-

LON, TH.REINACH, Recueil général des monnaies grecques d’Asie Mineure, 2, 265f. 6SNG 6923. J.BoarpMaN,

1939,

471f.;

Kolonien

und Handel,

K.HANeELL,

1981, 2; ATL

Megarische

Stud.,

1,

1934;

R.Meiccs, Athenian Empire, 1979, 198; W.RUuGE, s.v. AG RE aagate K.ST.

[2] Town on the western coast of Acarnania, founded by Cephallenians (Steph. Byz. s.v. A.). Under tyrannic rule during the > Peloponnesian War, it was fought over by Athens and Corinth (Thuc. 2,30,1; 33,1; 102,1). Inthe 4th cent. BC, it was the destination of the Peloponnesian envoys (IG *IV 95; SEG 36,331).

Member of the Acarnanian > koinon. Safe harbours (Scyl. 34; Str. 10,2,21), also in the south near Hagios

Pandeleimon (the ancient Marathus? Steph. Byz. s.v. A.; Eust. Dionys. Per. 914 [2. 35; 1. 55-62]). The an-

cient town was situated about 2 km north of the modern A. [1. 66-81]. In the Middle Ages, this was the location of Dragameston. Early Byzantine remains have been found on the plains [3]. ~ Acarnania; > Cephallenia

A. BERTINELLI, I Romani oltre |’Eufrate nel II secolo d. C.,

1 W.M. Murray, The coastal sites of Western Akarnania, 1982 2 E.OBERHUMMER, Akarnanien, 1887 3 P.Soustat, Nikopolis und Kephallenia (TIB 3), 1981,

in: ANRW II 9. 1, 1976, 3-45; C. BEZOLD, s.v. A., RE 2, 1751-1771; M.Danpbamay_Ey, s.v. A Il, Enclr II 816;

LAUFFER, Griechenland, 139.

L. DILLEMAN, Haute Mésopotamie Orientale et pays adjacents, 1962; P. GiGNoux, Glossaire des Inscriptions Pehlevies et Parthes, 1972; T. NOLDEKE, ‘Aoovetos, Dbews, DLvooc, in: Hermes 5, 1871, 443-468; R. GysELen, La géo-

graphie

administrative

de l’émpire

Sassanide,

1989. K.KE.

Assyrian see > Akkadian

Assyrian law see > Cuneiform legal texts Astacus (Aotaxdc; Astakos, ‘lobster town’). [1] Town on the eastern end of the Gulf of A. or of

> Nicomedia, in an unhealthy region; its exact location is unknown. Its foundation in 712/11 BC was initiated by > Megara (Memnon, FGrH 434 F 12; Str. 12,4,2),

144.

D.S.

Astae

(Aotai; Astai). Thracian tribe in south-east Thrace, between Apollonia [2] and > Salmydessus in the Strandza mountains, with the royal capital of + Bizye. Politically independent after the decline of Odrysian rule at the end of the 4th cent. BC, the A. increasingly gained in importance following the withdrawal of the Celts in 278 BC (Ps.-Scymn. 729; Pol. 13,10,10). They had good relations with the Greek colonies (IGBulg 312). The A. fought alongside the

Maduateni, the + Caeni, and the > Corpili against Cn. Manlius Vulso (Liv. 38,40). During the 2nd cent. BC, they extended their territory, i.a. incorporating Cabyle. Prior to the Third Macedonian War, they were on

189

190

Rome’s side (172 BC). They were annexed by the state of the Astae and Sapaei in AD 45. Their name was preserved in the strategia of Astike; in the Hellenistic period, it probably referred to two areas: one around Perinthus (IGRom 1,677; 8or), the other in the Strandza mountains. At the beginning of the 2nd cent. AD, an Astike with a more limited territory was created (Ptol.

travesty (Ajax and Cassandra,

3,11,6). Cur. Danov, Die Thraker auf dem Ostbalkan von der

hell. Zeit bis zur Griindung Konstantinopels, in: ANRW II 7-1, 21-185; B. GERov, Zum Problem der Strategien im

rom, Thrakien, in: Klio 52, 1967, 123-132.

Lv.B.

Astarita Crater Late Corinthian crater with red background from c. 560 BC (-» Corinthian vase-painting; Vatican, from the Astarita collection). Above an animal

frieze, the singular depiction of the demand for the return of Helen by Menelaus, Odysseus and Talthybius in Troy: Theano the priestess of Athena, followed by women and a train of riders, approaches the heroes, who are seated on a step (the design continues on the reverse; the numerous name captions sometimes fail to match). The episode is related in the ‘Cypria’; Homer mentions it (Il. 3,205-224; 11,138-142). The role of Theanos is also stressed in the 15th dithyramb of Bacchyl.: “ANTHNOPIAAI

“H

“EAENH®

’AIIAITHSIS,

quoted by BEAZLEY. Amyx, CVP, 264, 576 no. 74; AMyx, Addenda, 78; J.D. BEAZLEY, ‘EAENH®’ATIAITHESS, in: Proc. of the British Acad. 43, 1957, 233-244; K. SCHEFOLD, Gotter- und Hel-

densagen der Griechen in der frith- und hocharcha. Zeit, 1993, 308, 310.

MST.

Astarte The goddess A., symbolized by the evening star, appears many times in the > Ugarit texts [1: I. 43.1-8;

I. 47.25;

1.92.2

and passim].

There

— Phlyakes vases) A. named the persons depicted, and in one case (Hesperids lekythos: Naples, MN 2873) gave the scene a title. On one phlyakes vase (Berlin, SM F 3044) he is evidently referring to a contemporary stage-play. A. preferred Dionysian

illustrations,

scenes

with women,

erotic,

mythic and phlyakes scenes. Vessel types most frequently used are bowls, bell kraters, lekanai, lekythoi and askoi. Typical of his style of painting are the ‘A. flowers’, ground-hugging tendrils as seats and foot supports for his characters, frequent use of white and red secondary colours, delight in detail in clothing (crenellated decoration), objects and plants. Draped youths often decorate the reverse of his vessels. His figures often have curly long hair, are depicted seated or bent forwards, and sometimes gesture ina lively fashion. His portrayals of animals are also very successful. Other vase painters, some of high quality, worked with him and Python in the same workshop. TRENDALL, Paestum, 62-135.

RH.

Asteria [1] see > Precious stones [2] Titaness, daughter of Coeus and Phoebe, sister of

Leto, wife of the Titan Perses (Perseus, Persaeus). By Zeus, mother of > Hecate (Hes. Theog. 409; Apollod. 1,8; 21). In the battle of the giants in the Pergamene altar frieze she is inscribed between Leto and Hecate. A

Delian myth explained the earlier names of the islands Asteria (Pind. Paean. 5,42) and Ortygia through the fall of A. into the sea and her transformation into a quail (Pind. Paean. 7b,48; Callim. H. 4,37-40; Apollod. Te 2) H.PAPASTAVROU, s.v. A., LIMC 2.1, 903f.

F.G.

are

traits in her of the Babylonian IStar. In Phoenician religion she is found in the panthea of Tyre (KAI 17) and Sidon (KAI 13; 14). There is evidence of her cult in the Mediterranean islands as far as Spain, and also in Israel. Her domains can be ascertained as love, fertility and war. In Hellenistic-Roman times she is subsumed with — Anat into the Dea > Syria. 1 M. Dietrich et al., Keilschriftalphabet. Texte aus Ugarit, 1976. C.BonneT, A., 1996; M.DeEtcor, s.v. A, LIMC 3.1, 1077-10853 3. 2, 739-741; E. Lirinski, Dieux et déesses

de Punivers phénicien et punique, 1995, 105-108, 128134, 281f.; H.-P. MULLER, s.v. “Strt, Theologisches Wb. zum AT 6, 453-463; W.ROLLIG, s.v. Astarté, DCPP, 46— 48; N. Wyatt, s.v. A, Dictionary of Deities and Demons,

203-213.

ASTERISK

H.NI.

Asteas Leading representative of Paestan red-figured vase painting (+ Paestan ware), and along with ~ Python the only southern Italian vase painter who signed his name; he was working c. 360-330 BC. Most importantly, on the eleven signed vases depicting various myths (Telephus, Heracles, Europa i.a.) and mythic

Asterion (‘Aotegiwv; Asterion).

[1] Cretan king, who married > Europa and adopted her children by Zeus (Hes. fr. 140; Bacchyl. fr. 10; Apollod. 3,5; 8). [2] Son of Pasiphae with the Cretan bull, thus > Minotaurus (Apollod. 3,11; Paus. 2,31,1). FG. Asterisk (Gotegioxos). Symbol of textual criticism in

Alexandrian philology. It is not clear what meaning + Aristophanes [4] of Byzantium attached to it when he introduced it; for > Aristarchus [4] of Samothrace, it marked a repeated verse: he used an asterisk for repetitions that he regarded as appropriate, and an asterisk with an obelus for those that he regarded as interpolations. In ‘editorial’ usage the asterisk marked the end of an ode in lyric poetry: in the edition of Alcaeus, Aristophanes marked a metrical change with an asterisk, while Aristarchus used it to mark a switch to another poem (Hephaestion 74,5-13). > Critical signs C.Pace, L’asterisco di Aristofane di Bisanzio, in: Eikas-

mos 5, 1994, 325-328;

A. GUDEMAN, RE 2, 1921-1923;

Pfeiffer, KPI 221, 230-231, 267.

P.M.

191

192

Asterius (‘Aotégtoc; Astérios). {1] A Cretan epiclesis of Zeus, attested to only in the Byzantine writers; it arose through euhemeristic inter-

Astigi(s) The modern Ecija on the Genil river (province of Seville), capital of one of the four conventus of the Baetica (Plin. HN 3,12); after 27 BC, it became an Augustan colony with the epithet Firma (CIL II 1471;

ASTERIUS

pretation of the myth of Asterion [1]. In contrast to this view, evolutionist interpretations regarded him the origin of that hero. H.ScCHWABL, s.v. Zeus I, RE ro A, 281.

E.G.

[2] Sophist from Cappadocia, belonged to the circle of students of Lucianus of Antioch (martyr AD 312) from whom came the spokesmen for the first phase of the Arian controversy. A., as lapsus of the Diocletian persecution, was without clerical office; he achieved a high

profile after the Council of Nicaea (325) — Arius and Eusebius of Nicomedia were on the defensive — with his motor (epistolé) and/or his ovvtayydatiov (syntagmation), in which he defended Eusebius in particular.

Probably the writer of the important so-called second formula of the Council of the Dedication at Antioch (341). A. emphasized the separate existence of Father, Son and Holy Ghost and the descending hierarchical order of their rank and dignity. They were united by the congruence of their will. He shared the dogma of the two logoi (the actual logos in God and that of the Son as second logos). The Son was the unalterable image (amagdAdaxtos sixmv) of the uniqueness, perfection, etc. of the Father and thereby was fundamentally differentiated from created beings. He did not differentiate between the title and name of Christ according to His pre-existence and incarnation. The homilies on the psalms discovered in 1935 and edited in 1956 (authenticity is disputed) reveal a ‘new’ A. The overall interpretation remains a task for further research. + Arianism; > Lucianus of Antioch W.Kinzic, In Search of A., 1990 mann, VigChr 45, 1991, 194-203); A. Ignotus? Eine Antwort, VigChr M.RicHarp (ed.), Asterii Sophistae

Kappadokien — Die theologischen Fragmente, 1993; Id., Gottes Wesen, Logos, Weisheit und Kraft bei A. von Kappadokien und Markell von Ankyra, VigChr 47, 1993, 170-191; Id., Die Gegner 1m Schreiben Markells von Ankyra an Julius von Rom, in: ZKG 105, 1994, 285-328; tory of Arianism?,

strated by the numerous broken amphorae found on Monte Testaccio in Rome. In late antiquity, A. was an important diocese, whose bishops attended most of the Hispanic councils. J.RemesAL RopriGuez, La annona militaris y la exportacion de aceite bético a Germania, 1986; TOVAR 2, 1976, 111-113; R. WreGeELs, Die Tribusinschr. des rom. Hispanien, 1985,17f. P.B.

Astrabacus (Aotodpaxoc; Astrdbakos). Spartan hero,

Agiad, son of Irbus, brother of Alopecus. His shrine was situated next to the house of king Ariston; according to the Spartan tradition, modelled on Pharaonic myth, A. was the real father of Ariston’s son > Demaratus (Hat.

6,68f.). According to the Hellenistic aition for the flagellation ritual for Artemis Orthia, A. and Alopecus had

found

the Taurian

cult

image

of Artemis

(Paus.

351 6,3-9).

W. BurKERT, Demaratos, A. und Herakles. Konigsmythos und Politik zur Zeit der Perserkriege, in: MH 22, 1965, 166-177 (Id., Wilder Ursprung. Opferritual und Mythos bei den Griechen, 1990, 85-95); GRAF, 83-90. F.G.

Astraea (Aotoaia; Astraia, Latin: Astraea). In the Myth of the Ages in Hes. Op. 197-200, Aidos and Nemesis desert humanity in the Iron Age; in Arat. Phaen. ro5 it is Dike, and Ovid Met. 1,149f. calls the constellation Virgo Astraea (cf. Fast. 1,249: Iustitia), as

(review: K.-H. UtheId., A. Sophista oder 45, 1991, 388-398; Commentariorum in

Psalmos quae supersunt, 1956; M. VINZENT (ed.), A. von

M.F. Wires, R.C. Grece, A.:

1630), part of the tribus Papiria. A. was probably the most important exporter of oil in Hispania, as demon-

A New Chapter in the His-

Juv. 6,r9f. later also does when he calls A. the sister of Pudicitia (Aidaec).

Verg. Ecl. 34,6 had imagined the return of Virgo at the beginning of the new Golden Age. All the Roman representations are based on Arat. Phaen. 96-98 which equates Dike with the constellation of Virgo (Parthenos) and designates her as the daughter of > Astraeus. Mart. Cap. 2,174 then goes further, calling A. + Themis and > Erigone because Erigone is also set among the stars as Virgo (Hyg. Poet. Astr. 2,4).

BG.

in: Arianism, edited by C.GrEG«G,

1985, III-151.

K.SE.

[3] As comes Hispaniarum AD 420 he took the side of

the > Suebi and expelled the Vandals from Gallaecia to Baetica; then appointed as a patricius (PLRE 2, 171 A. 4).

HLL.

Asteropaeus (Aotegomatoc; Asteropaios). Son of Pele-

gon, grandson of the river god Axius, leader of the Paeonians who were allies of Troy, killed by Achilles. Physically he was the tallest of the Trojans and Achaeans (Hom. Il. 21,140-83; Philost. Heroicus 48,14-22). A. Kossatz-DEIssMANN, LIMC f. 1, 132, n0. 556.

FG.

Astraeus (‘Aotoaioc; Astraios). Titan, son of the Titans

Creius (Crius) and Eurybia. With Eos he begot the winds (Astraei fratres, Ov. Met. 14,545) which blow at the first light of dawn, the morning star and the other stars (Hes. Theog. 375-82; Apollod. 1,9). Besides that he is a giant, son of Tartarus and Ge (Hyg. praef. 4). E. Simon, s.v. A., LIMC 2. 1, 927.

E.G.

Astragalos (coteéyaiog; astragalos). [1] see

> Ornaments

[2] Playing-piece (talus). Knucklebones from calves and sheep/goats, also those made of gold, glass, marble, clay, metals and ivory, mentioned already in Hom. II.

193

194

23,85-88 as playing-pieces. Astragaloi were used as counters for games of chance, ~ dice and throwing games, including the games ‘odd or even’ (Pl. Ly. 206e)

nation) through the stars and also through other means (e.g. haruspicy). Some incantations are spoken before the stars and rites are also carried out before them. The stars’ influence is supposed to make healing remedies particularly effective. This is the expression of the high status of stars for the people in Mesopotamia in the rst millennium.

or nevta0a (pentdlitha,

Games of dexterity). In the

astragalos game the individual sides had varying values: the convex side was marked with 3, the concave with 4 and the two flat ones with 1 and 6 (x@ov — yioc). In addition to astragalos players mentioned in myths (e.g. Apollod. 3,176; Apoll. Rhod. 3,112-155), there were historical players who achieved fame (Cic. De or. 3,84). Adults and children of both sexes played with astragaloi (e.g. Plut. Alcibiades 2,3; ‘Knucklebone player’ in Rome, Palazzo Colonna; vase paintings). Astragaloi as grave objects and dedications in sanctuaries are very common. In addition, astragaloi were used as oracles (Astragalomanteia). ~ Sotades Painter R. Hamre, Die Stele aus Pharsalos im Louvre, 107, Berli-

ner Winckelmannsprogramm, 1951 G.ROHLFs, Ant. Knochelspiel im einstigen Grofgriechenland, 1963 K. SCHAUENBURG, Erotenspiele, in: Antike Welt 7, 1976,

H. 3, 39-40

S.Laser, Sport und Spiel, in: ArchHom T,

1987, 117-123.

R.H.

[3] Vase form. Imitations in ivory, bronze, precious metal, stone. Salve vessels of clay; unusual a larger astragalos painted in the style by > Sotades; another astragalos is signed by Syriskos. L. Curtius, Der A. des Sotades (SHAW 4), 1923.

LS.

Astral deities Some, (but by no means all) gods in the religions of Mesopotamia, Syria and Egypt are represented by astral bodies: the sun (+ Samas in Mesopotamia and > Re and > Aton in Egypt) and the moon (> Sin and > Thot) are gods. They are viewed and worshipped as part of the cosmos— both in the form in that they appear in the cosmos and as anthropomorphous figures. Their inherent power and the resulting effects, their influence on cosmic events and human destiny are thematized in myths and mythologems. In this way the Egyptians saw the stars as divine powers, ema-

nations of the goddess of the sky. In Mesopotamia, Inanna/Istar (+ Astarte) is manifested in Venus, and Ninurta in Sirius. There are, however, different names for the gods and their astral bodies; and several stars can correspond to

the same god. On the other hand, stars are often described as divine (by qualifiers used in the script), even when no god (with another name) is intended; the salutation »gods of the night«, encompassing all of the visible stars, is in this vein. MUL.APIN [1] and various other texts contain lists of the gods affiliated to a number of > constellations. There are prayers to stars as well as those to gods in their astral manifestation. Some gods are represented by images on boundary stones [4], which could correspond to constellations. The gods send omens to humans (> Astrology; > Divi-

ASTRAPSYCHUS

> Gods, names of 1 H. Huncer, D.Prncree, MUL.APIN, An astronomical compendium in Cuneiform, 1989 2 E.OrTTOo,s. v. Gotter, kosmische, LA 2, 65rf. 3 E. Reiner, Astral Magic in Babylonia, 1995 4 U.SEIDL, s. v. Kudurru, RLA 6,

275-277.

H.HU.

Astra(m)psychus (Astrapsucus). Legendary magician whom the Lydian Xanthus (according to Diog. Laert. prooem. 2) numbered amongst the famous uwcéyot like Ostanes, Gobryas and Pazatas from the time prior to Alexander’s arrival in Persia. A. was still regarded as the writer of texts on the subject in the Byzantine period: two dream books in verse, and an astrological text [1], but especially a book of oracles which was widely read well beyond antiquity, the Sortes Astrampsychi. Although written in c. AD 300 (probably in Egypt), this latter work, in an accompanying letter to Ptolemy, presents itself as a prophecy which is supposed to have helped Alexander to take control of the world. The parts of this work that are extant, partly in codices, partly on papyrus [2; 3; 4], are 92 questions about everyday subjects, which are numbered from 12 to 103 for disguise, each with ro answers, among which the writer has slipped in ‘blanks’. The person seeking counsel initially is required to think of a number between 1 and ro for his question and add it to the code found in part r. The numerical value that this produces corresponds to a number in red on a table in part 2 (Kedddava émegmtmjoews), which in turn becomes the reference number of the block of to answers in part 3. Finally within this block, under the number decided upon earlier by the enquirer, there is the answer. A. is also claimed for Egypt in the ‘love-magic of Astrapsucus’ (AD 4th/5th cents; see PGM 8, 1-63), whose prayer to Hermes-Thoth places the old heritage of Egypt alongside new elements [5]. The lack of skill in the amalgamation becomes especially clear in the concluding formula: for both of the ‘true names’ of the god, the writer combines the reference to the old Egyptian lunar month of 30 days with ABoaod§ (> Abraxas), ‘which has the number of the 7 regents of the world and the numerical value 365 from the days in the year’. —+ Abraxas; > Hermes 1 E. Russ, s.v. Astrampsychos, RE 2, 1796f. 2G.M. Browne (ed.), Sortes Astrampsychi, 1983ff. 3G.M. Browne, The Papyri of the Sortes Astrampsychi (Beitr. zur Klass. Philol. 58),1974 4 G.M. Browne, The Composition of the Sortes Astrampsychi, in: BICS 17, 1970,

95-100

5 R.REITZENSTEIN, Poimandres, 1904, 20f.

195

196

G.ByOrxk, Heidnische und christl. Orakel mit fertigen Antworten, in: Symbolae Osloenses 19, 1939, 86-88.

10 Sententie astrolabii, ed. J.M. MiLLAs VALLICROSA, Assaig @historia ..., 1931, 275ff. 11 Ibn as-Saffar, Lat. trans. Joh. Hispalensis, ed. J. M. M1LLAs VALLICROSA, Las

ASTRAPSYCHUS

-

C.HA.

traducciones orientales ..., 1942, 261ff. Tivoli, ed. R. Lorcn et al., in: FS Heribert

Astrolabium A. BABYLONIA

12 Plato von M. Nobis (Al-

gorismus, H. 13), 1994, I, 125-180 (Lat. trans.) 13 A.Tinon, Les traités byzantins de l’astrolabe, 19.

B. GREEK CULTURE

Internat. Congr. Hist. of Science, Zaragoza

A. BABYLONIA

stract Symp. 20,no.6)

The cuneiform script texts called astrolabia (oldest example c. 1100 BC) are lists of constellations with the ancient name “The three stars each’. For each month

1993 (Ab-

14D.A. Krn«, in: Bulletin of the

Scientific Instrument Society 31, 1991, 3-7 (part of a large scholarly project for the cataloguing of all extant astrolabes in Frankfurt).

PK.

three constellations are named, which ascend (helia-

cally). Four planets are also included, the risings of

Astrology (Goteohoyia; astrologia).

which do not remain in the same month; this results in

A. TERM B. ANCIENT ORIENT C. GREECE AND ROME 1.SYSTEM 2. HISTORY

schematization. Some examples organize the stars in a circle divided into 12 sectors. Many texts also contain explanations of the star names or numbers, which vary parallel to the length of the day [1]. H.HU, B. GREEK CULTURE Ptol. Syntaxis 5.1 describes as astrolabon organon (GotEoAGBov deyavov) a form of armillary sphere made of partly fixed, partly rotatable rings for determining the ecliptical coordinates of stars. Another form of astrolabe is a two-dimensional representation of the celestial sphere: above fixed ‘disks’ with a representation of the horizon of the earth (in each case for a specific latitude) and its parallels up to the zenith is a rotatable representation of the sky (‘spider’, ‘net’) with zodiac and indicators for a selection of bright characteristic stars. On the back is an indicator (‘alidade’) with visor plates for detecting the height of the stars. With the astrolabe, among other things, the hours of day and night, the positions of stars and also the height and depth of earthly objects (mountains, buildings, wells) can be determined [2; 3; 4]. The oldest tangible descriptions to date of the flat, planispheric astrolabe come from Johannes Philoponus, 6th cent. [5; 6; 7], and also (in Syrian) from Severus Sebokht, around 660 [8]; indirect references appear to reach back to Theon (4th cent.) [7. 22f.]. From the 8th to 9th cent. the Arabs took on the knowledge of the astrolabe. From them at the end of the roth cent. [ro] and in the r2th cent. [11; 12] it was passed on to western Europe, where astrolabes were constructed up until the 17th cent. A Byzantine astrolabe (from 1062) [11] and also c. 750 Arabic-Islamic and approximately the same number of European astrolabes are still extant today [14]. ~ Astronomy; > Gnomon 1 F. WaLker, H. HuNGER, Zwolfmaldrei, in: MDOG rog, 1977,27-34 2J.D.Nortn, The Astrolabe, in: Scientific American 230, 1974, 96-106

3H.MIcHEL, Traité de

Pastrolabe, 1947, repr.1976 4A.J. TURNER, Early Scientific Instruments —- Europe 1400-1800, 1987

5 H. Hasg, in: RhM 6, 1839, 127-156 (ed.) 6 J. DRECKER, in: Isis

11, 1928, 15-44

7 Jean Philopon,

Traite de Jlastrolabe, trad. A.P. SEGONDs, 1981 8 F. Nau, in: Journal Asiatique 1899, 58ff., 23 8ff. (ed. and trans.) 9 W.HartTner, Asturlab, EI 1, 1960, 722-728; repr. in W. HaRTNER, Oriens-Occidens 1, 1968, 312-318

A. TERM

Astrology is the original and more natural name for the study of the heavens in general; until well into late antiquity it was not strictly demarcated from its rival word astronomia, which is closely linked to the Platonic school [24]. According to current understanding astrology is concerned with forecasts according to a specific position of the stars and, according to the mythical way of thinking, has available for this a comprehensive categorization system of space and time [ro]. WH. B. ANCIENT ORIENT Astrology in the Ancient Orient is based principally on omens derived from celestial phenomena. This does not mean the effects of the stars on people, but announcement of future events by signs given by the gods. In the first half of the 2nd millennium BC, astronomical omens principally from lunar phenomena are attested not only in Mesopotamia, but also in Elam, Syria and in the Hittite kingdom [1. 32]. The astrological omens were extended in Mesopotamia into an extensive collection, called after its opening words Enuma Anu Enlil (= EAE); examples include those in the library of > Assurbanipal. EAE comprised more than 70 tables, relating to the moon, eclipses of the moon, the sun, weather phenomena and earthquakes, planets and stars. Letters from omen experts to Assyrian kings are extant from the 7th cent. BC. In these letters omens from EAE are quoted, which seemed to the experts to fit

in with their observations. By interpreting star names as ‘code names’ for planets they found in EAE a suitable omen for observation. A star can therein be replaced by a planet of the same colour. In some of the letters applications of the omens to the situation of the king are found. Announced dangers could be avoided, e.g. by installing a substitute king who would die if the death of the king had been forecast [2]. The letters also show the astronomical knowledge of their authors, who could forecast, e.g. eclipses of the moon, even if only a few days beforehand. It remains unclear whether they also wrote astronomical diaries (> Astronomy).

197

198

~ Horoscopes are a late form of forecasting from the stars. Examples of astral magic are often found in Babylonian literature. These practices lived on in other cultures [3]. There is a recognizable influence of Babylonian omens in Demotic texts [4] and in India [5]. H.HU.

time of Posidonius with the pantheistic cosmology of the Stoics (ciwaguévyn, ovumdBera, uixeoxdop10¢), while Panaetius rejected the doctrine, as did Eudoxus, the Epicureans, Academics and Sceptics. In spite of many astrologers having been condemned or expelled after 139 BC [r1. 58. 233-248], astrology was used privately or as propaganda by all the Roman rulers from Caesar onwards (exception: Trajan). We know little about the partially pseudepigraphic Greek works of the Hellenistic period (Nechepso-Petosiris [fr. ed. 30], Hermes Trismegistos, Asclepius), slightly more about the Paranatellonta of Teucer of Babylon [7; 25. 92146]. Of the didactic poetry of Dorotheus of Sidon we possess, apart from a few scattered verses and prose paraphrases (in Anubion, Hephaestion of Thebes), an

C. GREECE AND ROME 1. SYSTEM The more original génos katholikon relates to peoples, cities and countries (or the king as their representative), the thema mundi (Firm. Mat. 3.1) even to the entire world, the génos genethlia(log)ik6n, increasing from Hellenism onwards, to single individuals. Birth or (more rarely) conception horoscopes ask about the fate of an entire life, xataeyat (katarchai) about the most favourable time for starting a specific public or private action. The forecasts use a strict classification of planets [x7] and signs of the zodiac [22; 15] and interpret the positions of the five true planets and the luminaries, later also the Draconite nodes of the moon [19], according to an easterly or westerly position, declination and specific aspects (angular distances: conjunction — opposition; square, trine or sextile aspect), or distances

from the ascendants, according to which xAfgot (k/éroi; sortes) are calculated and further the position of the signs of the zodiac within a scheme of coordinates with 12 sectors of 30° (dodecatropos [26]) dependent on the seven geographical latitudes [20]. The planets rule the signs of the zodiac either as a whole or in smaller sections (6e.a/horia or SmMdexateuogua/dodekatemoria = twelfths of 2.5° each) and are ‘raised’ or ‘lowered’ by single degrees. The signs of the zodiac are additionally differentiated in degrees or sections by characteristic individual parts, simultaneously rising prominent individual stars or constellations (Paranatellonta [7]), special names and details about brightness and weather [25] or decans [16]. Melothesia [21] and geography [x2] are organized either by planets [28] or by zodiacs. The purely zodiacal doctrine of the tutelage of the gods is found only in Manil. 2.433-452 [7. 472-474]. 2. HISTORY Forecasts according to the motions of the stars are already noted by the Babylonians (cuneiform script texts from 562 BC), from whom the Greeks adopted the naming of the planets after gods and some of the constellations [7. 181-208; 14]. The most important mediators were the priest of Bel, Berossus, then Hystaspes, Ostanes and Sudines. Egyptian influence can be established in Nechepso-Petosiris, Teucer and Manilius and particularly in the doctrine of the decans [16]. The most successful do1a system can also be traced back to the Egyptians. Individual signs of the zodiac are first found in the MUL.APIN text (c.1000 BC); the zodiac is

first encountered as an independent reference scheme shortly before 400 BC in Mesopotamia; it was also known to Callippus and Eudoxus in the 4th cent. Pythagoreans and Orphics were involved in fleshing out the doctrine before astrology became fused from the

ASTROLOGY

(inaccurate) Arab. paraphrase.

The heyday of ancient astrology comes in the 2nd cent. AD.: the “Av@ohoyiau of Vettius Valens and the “Anotehconatixd (Tetrabiblos) of Ptolemy (comm. by Porphyrius, paraphrase by Ps.-Proclus), later to become canonical, are almost entirely extant. To the late 4th cent. belong the “AmoteAeouatixa of Hephaestion of Thebes (largely following Dorotheus and Ptolemy) and the Eioaywyixe of Paulus Alexandrinus (with scholia, comm. by Olympiodorus). In the 7th cent. Rhetorius became a melting pot; his relationship to Antiochus needs more precise elucidation. In Latin only the Astronomica of the didactic poet ~ Manilius are worth mentioning, the earliest intended to be a complete representation of astrological doctrine, and the Mathesis of Firmicus Maternus with the only horoscope still extant in the Latin language (Firm. Mat. 2.29.10-20). Astrology found its way into medicine, Neoplatonic philosophy and Christianity, which invented numerous adaptations well into the late Middle Ages [23]. It became widespread in Byzantium (Johannes Lydus, Theopilus of Edessa, Leo, Stephanus Philosophus), became combined there, too, with Neoplato-

nic mysticism and had an effect on the Classicism of early Humanism (didactic poetry of Johannes Kamateros). In the 6th to 7th cents. it came to the Syrians and Arabs and further to the Persians and Indians and from there worked its way back to Europe via Sicily and in particular Spain through Latin translations, before experiencing a new heyday in the Renaissance, when the art of poetry and cosmology joined forces again (Bonincontri, Pontano). Even the Copernican turning-point and counter-Reformation enthusiasm could not ultimately do it any harm. Astrology, with refined methods, still exists today.

+ Antiochus [23]; > Astronomy; > Iatromathematics; ~ Paranatellonta ANCIENT ORIENT: Babylonian

Celestial

1 F.ROCHBERG-HALTON, Aspects of Divination,

1988

2 S. PARPOLA,

Letters from Assyrian Scholars, 1983 3 E. REINER, Astral Magic in Babylonia, 1996 4R.PARKER, A Vienna

Demotic Papyrus on Eclipse- and Lunar-Omina, 1959 5 D.PINGREE, Mesopotamian Astronomy and Astral Omens in Other Civilisations, in: H. J. Nissen,J.RENGER

ASTROLOGY

(ed.), Mesopotamien

und seine Nachbarn,

1982, 613-

631.

ANCIENT WORLD: Vastronomie grecque, 7 F.BoLt, Sphaera,1903

6G.Aujac, in: RHS

Le zodiaque dans 33, 1988, 3-32 8 F. BOLL,C.BEZOLD,W. Gun-

DEL, Sternglaube und Sterndeutung, 41931

9 A. BOUCHE-

LECLERCQ, L’astrologie grecque, 1899 10 E. CASSIRER, Philos. der symbolischen Formen II, 1925 11 F.H. CraMER, Astrology in Roman Law and Politics, 1954 12 F. Cumont, La plus ancienne géographie astrologique, in: Klio 9, 1909, 263-273 13Id., L’Egypte des Astrologues, 1937. 14 F.GOssMaNN, Planetarium Babylonicum

(= A.DEIMEL,

Sumerisches

15 H.G. GuNDEL, Zodiakos, 1992 Dekane und Dekansternbilder,*1969

Lexikon

IV),

1950

16 W.GUNDEL, 17 W.undH. Ptolemy in the first astrological manual of the Greeks (Ptol. Tetrabiblos 1.1), for which Sextus Empiricus (Adversus mathematicos 5.1-2) then also attempts a terminological definition: astronomy = astrologia (many also said astronomia), astrology = genethlialogialastronomia (the Chaldaeans [‘astrologists’] calling themselves astrélogoi, however). Terminological consolidation is first attested for the 6th cent. AD in Neoplatonic Aristotle commentators, who

in the tripartition of the ‘study of the heavens’ into ‘physics’ (‘nature’ of the celestial bodies), astronomy (motions) and astrology (effect and forecasting of it), for astronomy choose the term astronomia and for the latter astrologia (Olympiodorus In meteor. 1.3; Simpl. In phys. 2.2; Cassiod. In psalmos 148.14) [1] — the Middle Ages then again uses both terms largely as mutually synonymous and only since the late Renaissance has the terminology in the current sense been uniform. 1 W.HUtpner, Die Begriffe ‘Astrologie’ und ‘A.’ in der

Astronomy

Ant., 1989.

A. EXTENT, DEFINITION AND TERM B. PRE-GREEK ASTRONOMY 1. BABYLONIA [MESOPOTAMIA] 2. Ecypt C. GREEK ASTRONOMY

A. EXTENT, DEFINITION AND TERM Astronomy is the description, causal justification and forecast of celestial phenomena, the latter on the basis of repeatable and repeated observations or calculations based on these — and periods derived from them. In Greece astronomy originally comprised all the uetewoa (metéora, celestial bodies; Thales fr. A 2; Gorgias fr. B r1, 13 DK), at the latest since Aristotle the metéora conceived as sublunary were largely excluded. Besides, in the pre-Classical period exclusively, in Aristotle and by preference (synonymously) in the Hellenistic period the name for astrology is Gotookoyia (astrologia), whereas Plato, probably following older Pythagoreans and their idea of mathematical ‘laws of nature’ (Aristot. Cael. 1.1: vouog tig pvoews) exclusively uses Goteovouia (astronomia). This name then first gained acceptance after a tripartition of ‘astronomy’,

on the basis of the adoption of Babylonian > ‘astrology’ as the description and forecast of the effect of the stars on the sublunary domain, under Neoplatonic influence in late antiquity for the description of the motions of the stars. This description took place mathematically, already at the time of the ‘Babylonians’ arithmetically

200

199

(s. B.r) and among

the Greeks

since

F.KR.

B. PRE-GREEK ASTRONOMY t. BABYLONIA [MESOPOTAMIA|

In Mesopotamia lists of stars are attested since the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC, though this cannot yet be called astronomy. Whether the observations on which the so-called Table of Venus of Ammisaduqa is based, served astronomical (a.) purposes, is uncertain; they have been handed down within omens. The same applies to descriptions of eclipses of the moon in omens for political events at the end of the 3rd millennium BC. Towards the end of the 2nd millennium lists of stars are found arranged according to heliacal risings. A) THE ‘PLOUGH’

A summary of astronomical knowledge c. ro00 BC is offered by a text, called after its opening words MUL.APIN, ‘the plough’[r]. It contains 1. A catalogue of stars, subdivided into three groups, the so-called ‘paths’ of the gods Enlil, Anu and Ea. In total 60 constellations are named in the three “paths”; in addition there are six circumpolar constellations and five planets. 2. A list of the heliacal risings of 35 constellations, though in a schematic calendar year of 12 months each of 30 days. 3. A list of simultaneously rising and setting constellations. 4. Lists of stars located at their culmination (approximately) in the zenith. These stars were

201

202

used for precise indication of points of time during the night, e.g. for an eclipse or a starry sky [2]. 5. The 17 constellations which the moon touches in its orbit; so there is still no mention of a twelve-part zodiac. There follows a list of the five planets and the sun, which move “in the path of the moon”. 6. Description of the phenomena of the planets and the times when they are visible and invisible. The times indicated are only rough estimates. 7. Rules for leap years. As 12 moon months do not make a full solar year, as necessary (c. every three years) a month is inserted, to align the calendar with the seasons. The rules for leap years cite ideal calendar dates for heliacal risings of specific stars; if the risings are late compared with these dates, there should be a leap. 8. Shadow table. How long the shadow of a rod takes to reach a certain length is cited for the equinoxes and solstices. There is a plan for this, which in part results in impossible data. 9. Water clock. The varying length of the days is expressed by the amount of water in a water clock. The longest day is in a ratio of 2:1 to the shortest. This ratio does not fit anywhere in Mesopotamia and is to be understood as a rough approximation. The mathematical-astronomical texts use the bet-

after new moon or the time intervals between sunrise and sunset or the rising or setting of the moon around

ter, but likewise not measured, ratio 3:2. From the first

half of the rst millennium BC there are further astronomical texts, approximately ona par with MUL.APIN

[3]. B) OBSERVATIONAL TEXTS

From the mid 7th cent. until the rst cent. BC so-called astronomical diaries are attested in Babylonia [4], containing the following observations: length of the month, times between the risings and settings of sun and moon around full-moon and new moon and eclipses. Details about becoming visible, stationary points and disappearing are given with dates for the planets. Further cited is the so-called passing of moon and planets by specific stars near the ecliptic and the distance from them. The diaries contain reports on the weather, prices of goods, the water level of the Euphrates and noteworthy events. Derived from them are compilations of observations under various points of view, including collections of eclipses. Calendar-like texts with pre-calculated astronomical events are probably based on the diaries [5]. Cc) MATHEMATICAL

ASTRONOMY

Calculations of astronomical phenomena begin with schemes for the length of the day and the night. There are attempts at this from the first half of the 2nd millennium. Tables in MUL.APIN make the length of the day vary linearly between a minimum and a maximum, depending on the season . This so-called zigzag function is applied later in many variants in the table texts. The arithmetical texts begin in the 5th cent. BC. Over 400 mostly fragmentary clay tablets from Babylon and Uruk contain tables and instructions for calculation for moon and planets. The instructions do not give any explanations of the contents. Only numbers are used in the operation; geometry plays no part. The target of lunar calculation is the first time the moon is visible

ASTRONOMY

full moon; eclipses can also be calculated (+ Moon). With the planets disappearance and becoming visible and being stationary as well as opposition are observed. For these phenomena date and length in the ecliptic are calculated. Therefore it is not the position of the planet depending on the time that is being sought, but the date and position of a phenomenon of the planet. The time and distance (in the ecliptic) between successive occurrence of the same phenomenon vary within certain limits. Zigzag functions or so-called step functions are used for computational representation of this variation. Calculation of the astronomical phenomena combines several functions of this kind. The results largely coincide with modern calculations and ancient observations. Success depends on the very precise periods. Mathematical astronomy is a great independent achievement of the Babylonians. Parameters of Babylonian astronomy

are found in Greek astronomers

(Ptolemy,

Hipparchus); it is uncertain how they obtained this knowledge. They at any rate had Babylonian observations at their disposal. Babylonian mathematical-astronomical tables are found on papyri of the Roman period in Egypt. This proves direct transference of Babylonian astronomy into another culture [6]. Elements of Babylonian astronomy can also be traced in India [8; 9]. 2. EGYPT There was no arithmetical astronomy in Egypt before the Hellenistic period. Stars whose risings were ten days apart were (before 2000 BC) combined in lists; these stars (‘decans’) therefore indicate (very approximately) the beginning of the hours of the night. Later the passing of stars past specific markings was used for measuring time; although in principle workable, this

method

was

so imprecisely handled

that no astro-

nomical findings emerged [7]. 1 H.HuNceER,

D.PINGREE,

SCHAUMBERGER,

MUL.APIN,

Die ziqpu-Gestirne

1989

2

nach neuen

Keil-

schrifttexten, in: ZA 50, 1952, 214-229

3 D.PINGREE,

E. Remner, A Neo-Babylonian Report on Seasonal Hours, in: AfO 25, 1978, 50-55 4A.J. Sacus, H.HuNGER, Astronomical Diaries and Related Texts from Babylonia, 1988ff. 5 A.J. Sacus, Babylonian Observational Astronomy, in: The Place of Astronomy in the Ancient World, 1974, 43-50 6 O.NEUGEBAUER, A Babylonian Lunar Ephemeris from Roman Egypt, in: FS Sachs, 1988, 301-304 7 O.NEUGEBAUER, R.PARKER, Egyptian Astronomical Texts, 1960/69 8 D.PINGREE, Babylonian Planetary Theory in Sanskrit Omen Texts, in: FS Aaboe, 1987,91-99 91Id., MUL.APIN and Vedic Astronomy, in: FS Sjoberg, 1989, 439-445.

O.NEUGEBAUER, Astronomical Cuneiform Texts, 1955; Id., History of Ancient Mathematical Astronomy, 1975.

H.HU. C. GREEK ASTRONOMY The Greeks have also used certain star constellations since time immemorial, in particular heliacal risings

ASTRONOMY and

settings

203 of stars

and

constellations

(Pleiades,

among others), so-called star phases, for determining time for agriculture and navigation [1] (didactic poetry of + Hesiod, > Thales, > Aratus [4], scientific treatises by Eudoxus, — Hipparchus, Hypsicles, > Ptolemy), while in events of long periods they initially went back to Babylonian (less Egyptian) knowledge and methods — for instance Thales in his forecast of an eclipse of the sun (possibly for the year 584 BC) probably to the Babylonian ‘Sarus period’, or Meton to a 19-year leap year cycle which he introduced c. 430 BC in Athens. From the heyday of Babylonian astronomy also comes the introduction of the main celestial circles (twelvepart zodiac; early 5th cent. BC [2], horizon, equator)

and the extension of the sexagesimal system — with later so-called degrees (‘parts’), minutes, seconds, etc. —to subdividing them. Among other things taken over by the Greeks were additionally the division of day and night into 12 ‘hours’ each and also the > gnomon principally for determining the points of the year (> Anaximander) and also the longest and shortest (light) day and the geographical latitude associated with it (Eudoxus, Hipparchus) [3]; Greek papyri (P. Hibeh 27, c. 300 BC; P. Par 1, c. 180 BC) also, however, used the

Egyptian basic fractions [4] for calculating the lengths of days. Even Ptolemy still very often went back to observations by the Babylonians (the earliest 721 BC) for calculating periods. The Babylonian methods with arithmetical differential rules (zigzag functions) were also initially used by the Greeks (Hypsicles, 2nd cent. BC) and then in particular in the likewise adopted (even if transformed) astrology partially retained for location calculations [5; 6] into the Roman Imperial period. Up to the time of the Ionian Revolt knowledge flowed in via the Greek colonies on the Asia Minor coast, in particular Miletus (Thales, Anaximander, et al.) and after Hellenization the Chaldaeans, so-called by the Greeks, (neo-Babylonian astronomers, principally astrologers) principally served as mediators; known by name and from individual fragments are > Berossus (3rd cent. BC) and Seleucus of Seleucia (2nd cent. BC).

Babylonian influences, such as knowledge of the planets and the zodiac (the identification carried out in the Ptolemaic period, of ancient Egypt. calendar stars with constellations on the Babylonian zodiac is astronomically pointless and false; as ‘decans’, though, they played a large role in Hellenistic and Imperial period ~ astrology), are also found in Hellenized Fgypt, as are planet tables in the sexagesimal style of writing numbers using the differential methods on Demotic and Greek papyri of the Imperial period (dates from 16 BC until AD

134). However, the scientific centre of the Greek world, the place of work of many Greek astronomers (Ptolemy, Theon of Alexandria, et al.) had been in Egypt since the first Ptolemies (until it was destroyed by the Arabs in 642) in the Mouseion in Alexandria). Here it was discovered that the heliacal rising of Sirius (Sothis), already mentioned on an ivory tablet of the rst dynasty as the ‘bringer of the new year and the floods’,

204

in the Egyptian calendar, which comprised 12 months of 30 days and 5 additional days (epagomenai), in four years started a day earlier; a decree from Canopus therefore provided in 238 BC for the addition of a sixth additional day every four years, which first became effective, however, under Augustus. The astronomers of Alexandria (and in their wake astronomers up to the 17th cent.) for practical reasons (use of whole numbers), instead of or besides this ‘Alexandrian calendar’ (corresponding to the length of year of the Julian calendar), continued to use the ‘Egyptian’ year for their calculations. The Egyptian calendar originally made the year (rst Thoth) begin with the heliacal rising of Sirius; because the length of the year was too short, this event moves through the calendar year, however, until after 1460 Alexandrian or 1461 Egyptian years (Sothis period) it again falls at the start of the year, e.g. in the year 139. Theon of Alexandria (4th cent.) was the first to

work out this so-called apokatdstasis for the years 4241, 2781 and 1321 BC; appropriate backdatings in later texts cannot therefore serve to infer a great age of Egyptian astronomy. The Greeks were able to adopt observational material, in particular from the Babylonians, but always made it serve the cause of a cosmogonic explanation of the world; they were interested from the start in a rational, physical explanation of celestial phenomena. Anaximander had already created, with borrowings from Hesiod’s theogony, a cosmogonic philosophy with (still speculatively gained) quantified dimensions [7]. In the middle of the crystal (transparent) celestial globe is suspended the earth’s disc; on the other side of it are the funnels of moon and sun, formed from nebula and filled with fire, in the form of spoke-less wheels,

which rotate about the earth in the rhythm of their rising and setting, so the inner fire issuing from one hole in each case pointing towards the centre, as from a trumpet, produces the nightly or daily phenomenon of moon (the phases are supposed to be based on sooty patches in the hole) and sun. The rising and sinking of the moon and sun in the sky (seasons) is supposed to be based on the rocking of the two wheels caused by winds (the basis was formed by the inclination of the ecliptic, which according to Plin. HN 2.31 = Anaximand. fr. A 5 he supposedly first recognized, while the signs were introduced in Greece by Cleastratus). In this way Anaximander already founded the principle of Greek astronomy of letting the complex motions of the celestial bodies which appeared originate from several real (circular) components, here from the daily and annual or monthly ones, the bringing about of which is still explained physically in each case. He also found followers with his quantitative structuring of the cosmos: the diameter of the earth’s disc was three times its height, the inner/outer radii of the inner sky, moon(wheel) and sun(wheel) came to 9/9+1, 2x9/2x9+1 and 3x9/3x9+1, in other

words */,,, ‘*/,, and *7/,, earth radii. To determine the points of the year and the inclination of the ecliptic he used a gnomon with a hollow hemisphere for the pur-

205

206

pose of reproducing the movements of the heavens; he is also said to have designed a model of the heavens (probably a celestial globe), as well as a first map of the earth. > Anaximenes, who regarded the stars as flat, fiery

vouetv) as the actual goal of astronomy and condemns the mathematical astronomy arising in the following period, which takes phenomena into account. Plato again composes the motions of the planets of two components and interprets the respective proper

objects (created from air) suspended on the air, already

speaks of further stars, moving in relation to the fixed star heavens (among which comets were also sometimes counted). The number of thus appearing — compared to the ‘fixed stars’, which did not move in relation to one another — ‘wandering stars’ (mAavftat, planétai) then becomes from the time of Democritus canonically five again (apart from sun and moon, which also count

as ‘planets’). Linked to the mathematical speculations of Anaximander then is the attempt by older Pythagoreans at the end of the sth cent. (> Archytas et al.) — starting from the orbit periods of the seven planets and the fixed star sphere, which are supposed to generate different tones corresponding to the speed of their orbit (> Acoustics),

and the postulate that these harmonic tone intervals altogether produce a “music of the spheres”? (~ Harmony of the spheres) — to gain evidence of the order and relative distances of the celestial bodies. Plato (Rep. 10,13ff.) takes up this idea again and implements it in respect of the relative distances in a description of the view from the tip of the world’s axis, which he compares to a spindle and its ring-shaped whorls, on which sirens supposedly sat, singing in harmonious unison. Plato also sees as equally Pythagorizing his grandiose idea of a world structure by means of harmonics integrated into the plan of the world-builder, which he develops in the Timaeus (8-10) and which would later

still inspire one such as Johannes Kepler. The result of mathematical divisions is two strands of the mixed forms of existence, one of which is constructed of harmonic intervals according to the principle of oneness and, formed into a circle, rotates uniformly (made visible by the fixed star sphere allocated to it, which thereupon carries out a constant motion), while the other, divided according to the principle of duality and otherness into unharmonious ratios, represents both the principle of multiplicity and non-uniformity. It is also formed into a circle (though moved in the opposite direction) and corresponding to the inclination of the ecliptic fitted diagonally into the other circle, by which it is entrained, but, corresponding to the number of planets, multiplied by seven, so the planets attached to these circles in the order moon, sun, Venus, Mercury, Mars, Jupiter, Saturn move

both non-uniformly

on

their own circle and differently by comparison with one another. The non-uniformity of the planet motions derived from the underlying principles must therefore be real and the ‘physically’ explained phenomena did not basically need to be “rescued”’. The circular motions instead corresponded to the thinking of the world soul, which the astronomer thereupon could identify. The Neoplatonic Proclus (Hypotyposis astr. pos., prooem.) still sees this comprehensive, pre- and transempirical ‘study of the heavens’ (ovgavot tregaotgo-

motion in contrast to Democritus’

ASTRONOMY

vortex theory —

according to which the speeds become greater with greater distance from the centre of the earth, so the outermost planet, Saturn, moves fastest, because it falls behind the fixed star sphere by only one revolution in 30 years, and the moon slowest— as a motion running counter to the daily (fixed star) motion, so Saturn circulates most slowly, because it returns only once in 30 years to the same point in the heavens, etc. Vitruvius (9.1.15) illustrates this with ants running on a potter’s wheel against the direction of rotation in seven concentric grooves. Out of considerations of perfection the spherical shape of the earth is also inferred by Pythagoreans and then quickly undergoes empirical confirmations (circumpolar stars, shape of the moon phases, etc.), but also, possibly by Philolaus, a tenth world body, supplementing the dekas, is inferred (‘counter-earth’, which on its orbit, seen from the earth, is always on the far side of the central fire) or by the Pythagoreans Ecphantus and Hicetas (5th cent. BC) a moving earth. However, conception of the world remained geocentric since Plato and Aristotle; the earth in the centre as the starting point is simultaneously a con-

sequence of the physics of Aristotle, which remained valid into the modern age — even for astronomers (s. Ptol. Syntaxis mathem. 1.5). Separating a mathematical-kinematical astronomy which takes into account the phenomena then takes place following on from Plato’s study of the heavens, in that a member of his academy, > Eudoxus of Cnidus, also breaks down the non-uniform components of the proper motions in each case into uniform, periodic circular motions (title of his treatise: Megi tay@v), which he sees as carried out by concentric mathematical spheres supported in one another by their rotational axes: in

the case of Saturn, e.g., the outermost ‘sphere’, rotating about the celestial pole, takes over the period of the fixed star heavens (daily motion), the second, oppo-

sitely moved and supported in the first sphere with its rotational axis about the angle ofthe ecliptic inclination diagonally to the rotational axis of the first sphere, the (sidereal) period of the proper motion, while a further pair of spheres supported with the outer sphere displaced about a right angle in the second is supposed to reproduce the loop motion, in that the planet located on the ‘equator’ of the innermost sphere, seen from the centre, describes the figure of a reclining eight (hippopede, horse-fetter), which overlies the sidereal proper

motion. Callippus improved this ‘system of homocentric spheres’ by supplementing it by a further sphere, which in combination with the two inner ones, as well

as the loop movement also hides the non-uniform speed of the proper motion in the opposite direction. In both cases these are purely mathematical theories for analy-

ASTRONOMY

-

207

208

zing the appearing non-uniform planetary motions as

At the latest since Ptolemy of Alexandria, who in his manual (ovvtakic uabnuatixh, also peyiotn ovvtaéic/ megisté syntaxis, from which has come almagestum via Arabic) set out in summary the knowledge of the mathematical astronomy of the Greeks, the epicycle and eccentric theories have been summarized for reproduction of the phenomena of the two anomalies of the individual planets: in the outer planets (Saturn and Jupiter) the epicycles are assigned the opposite direction of rotation and in the inner planets the same. For the moon Ptolemy, in contrast to Hipparchus’ epicycle on a concentric eccentric (as he adopts for the sun), had to allow the eccentric centre point itself to orbit on a small concentric circle (Syntaxis mathemat. 5.2), which admittedly guarantees better reproduction of the motion in length, but interpreted as real would result in a false apparent variation in the size of the moon’s disc (this was the starting point of the criticism in N. Copernicus). In spite of everything the theory satisfied the parameters of planetary motions, defined more precisely since Hipparchus, only after Ptolemy had doubled the eccentricity of the deferent in respect of the sidereal length movement. As this could not take place, however, in relation to the synodic period of the epicycle, he performed this doubling only seemingly by designing an imaginary ‘compensating point’ on the apsidal line (seen from the earth at the same distance on the far side of the eccentric centre point), related to which the epicycle centre point orbits uniformly on the deferent. On the basis of this compensation theory corresponding to the second Kepler Law of planetary motions and reproducing the phenomena more precisely than any other before JOHANNEs Kepler, the eccentric centre point, however, moves on the eccentric itself non-uniformly — a motion which could not be represented physically by means of rotating spheres, so COPERNICUS in particular wanted to remove this deviation from the principles of astronomy. He therefore took up a criticism already originating from Ptolemy’s younger contemporary Sosigenes, who, on the basis of the ringshaped eclipse of the sun of 164, which besides the total ones known to date signified a change in distance from the moon and/or the sun, declared for the Peripatos, though, at least non-concentric spheres as empirically given (reconstruction of the work from Simpl. De caeio p. 488ff. in [1r]). The mathematical aids of spherical geometry (Autolycus of Pitane, Euclid, Theodosius, Menelaus) and trigonometry (Hipparchus), adapted to the geometrical models of the Greeks, had in the meantime matured to such an extent that the initially used arithmetical methods of the Babylonians completely disappeared from mathematical astronomy and the geometrical models allowed constant calculation of the locations at any points and at any times. For this the individual components (anomalies) were represented in tables for specific time intervals since Hipparchus as estimates, so the summary of the values of several tables resulted in the desired location. Ptolemy’s ‘handy tables’ were for the

the resultants of several uniform sphere rotations. For Aristotle, who had interpreted the uniform rotation of the heavens consisting of ‘ether’ differently, this system was very opportune as conforming to his theory; he therefore changed it into a ‘physical’ one (Metaph. 12.8), by turning the ‘mathematical’ spheres into material spheres consisting of ether and allowing a series of so-called rolling-back spheres with identical periods, but running in the opposite direction and compensating the proper proportion of the outer planet, to follow on from the sphere system of a planet, before the system of the planet following inwardly adjoins. For this he needs a total of 55 ether spheres. This physical system then formed until into the 16th cent. (N.COPERNICUS wanted to restore it) the basis of all cosmologies, even if

the observed deviations in the form of additional ‘anomalies’ (apparent changes in size in the apogee and perigee) forced a movement away from the strict concentricity of the spheres for the mathematical description of the phenomena while retaining the circularity and uniformity of the components of the motion. After attempts in Heraclides Ponticus (in whose work no signs of heliocentricity are found [8]) for Venus, the epicycle theory was additionally developed by Apollonius of Perge (died c. 170) for the anomaly of the synodic period, according to which the planet is moved in the synodic period ona small circle (‘epicycle’, subsidiary cycle), the centre of which is in turn guided uniformly on a large carrier circle, concentric to the earth (deferent) in the sidereal period from west to east round the earth. According to Theon of Smyrna (Expositio rerum mathematicarum p. 188) the epicycle theory goes back to Hipparchus, however; this means that he was the first to combine the eccentric theory created by him specially for the sun, according to which, though the sun runs through its orbit uniformly, it is positioned eccentrically to the centre of the world (earth), so from this the unequally long seasons arise between the points of the year, with epicycles for the planets (as sidereal

components). Out of physical considerations he saw the epicycle theory as rather corresponding to nature and the eccentric theory as simply a mathematical reproduction of the anomalies. He could already see the kinematical equal value of the two theories in respect of the resultants describing the phenomena under specific conditions

(epicycle radius = eccentricity, rotation of

epicycle and deferent in the same direction and period) (Ptol. Syntaxis mathemat. 3.4; [9] infers this from Ptol. Syntaxis mathemat. 12.1 and 4.6 already for Apollonius); however, it was not proved mathematically until around the turn of the first cent. AD by Adrastus of Aphrodisias and also c. AD 100 by Theon of Smyrna (Expositio rerum mathemat. p. 166). Also the direction of the epicycle rotation does not seem to have been clear at first; at any rate in Pliny’s only half-understood report (HN 2.63-79) and in the astrological P Mich. 149 (c. AD 150) the wrong direction of rotation is assigned to the epicycles of the outer planets [ro].

209

210

following period for a long time the unsurpassed model, though remains of ‘astronomical tables’ of this kind on a geometrical basis in inscriptions and papyri have also been handed down from earlier periods. The working out of the method for parallactic distance determination of sun and moon, objects near to the earth, by Aristarchus of Samos and Posidonius, the discovery of the precession of the spring point by Hipparchus (its value of 1° in 100 years, which Ptolemy assumed as constant, is too large, though), of the rotation of the apsidal line for the planets by Ptolemy and also of spherical refraction by Cleomedes and Ptolemy had increased observational accuracy in the same way as the first fixed star catalogue of Hipparchus, which Ptolemy applied almost unchanged to his period [12] and provided with size categories representing the beginning of photometry. From the post-Ptolemaic period the commentaries on writings of Ptolemy by Pappus and Theon of Alexandria (4th cent. AD) deserve mention; the latter points in his ‘Small commentary on the handy tables’ to a periodic variation of the precession (in relation to the imprecise value of Hipparchus), which was later interpreted as ‘trepidation’ overlying the precession [13]. As the theories of mathematical astronomy deviated from the strict homocentricity of the system of ‘celestial physics’ and it was even immaterial whether a description of a motion was done by means of eccentric or kinemati-

cally equivalent epicycle theory, they were regarded, in particular by physicists, since this alternative in emphasis of the dual division by Aristotle, simply as mathematical descriptions of the accidental motions (Hipparchus) and since Posidonius (but not since Eudoxus or Plato [14]) also in a positivist sense as simple hypo-

theses, to save the phenomena, namely the appearing non-uniformities

(G@v@padlat,

anomalies),

(omCew ta

doawvoueva) [15] — by the combination of various uniform circular motions corresponding to the principles of ‘physics’ — even models and analog calculators like the machine of Anticythera therefore had to work with uniform circular movements (s. Pappus, Collectio 8.3). The ‘anomalies’, according to Aristotle, were not to be regarded as real, but as simply appearing so; real were the circular and uniformly shaped ethereal spheres (after JOHANNES KEPLER, the anomalies on the other hand came to be regarded as real). Expressly as such a hypothesis, > Aristarchus of Samos also suggested that the phenomena would also be ‘saved’ by exchanging sun and earth. Physical reality could not be achieved by this, so Ptolemy, for instance for the arrangement of Mercury and Venus below the sun, only had to say that otherwise the intervening space between moon and sun, the distances of which were in principle determinable by means of Aristarchus’ method, (in spite of the values which were far too small) remained too large. On the basis of moon and sun deferent, and also by perfect adjoining of the in principle only relative scale of the mathematical planetary systems using deferent and epicycle, Ptolemy does in fact obtain a value of 20,000 earth radii for the radius ofthe fixed star sphere limiting

ASTURA

the cosmos, which is located on the far side of the outer

limit of Saturn’s sphere totalling 19,865 earth radii (Ptol. Hypothesis planet. I, in the second part extant only in Arabic [16]). 1 O. Wensxus, Astronomische Zeitangaben von Homer bis Theophrast, 1990 +2 G.J. TOOMER, in: Gnomon 44, 1972, 130 (on D.R. Dicks, 1970) 3 A.SzABO, E.Mauta, Enklima — éyxAwa: Unt.en zur Frithgesch. der griech. A., Geographie und der Sehnentafeln, 1982 4 O. NEvGEBAUER, A history of ancient mathematical astronomy, 1975,706f. 5 Id., The survival of Babylonian method in the exact sciences of antiquity and the Middle Ages [1963], in: Id., Astronomy and history, 1983, 157-164 6 A. AaBogr, On the Babylonian origin of some Hipparchian parameters, in: Centaurus 4, 1955/56, 122-125 7 F.KRAFFT, 1971, 92-120

8 O.NEUGEBAUER, On the

allegedly heliocentric theory of Venus by Heraclides Ponticus [1972], in: Id., Astronomy and history, 1983, 370f. 9 Id., The equivalence of eccentric and epicyclic motion according to Apollonios [1959], in: Id., Astronomy and history, 1983, 335-351 10 Id., A history..., 1975, 801808 11 M.ScHRAMM, Ibn al-Haythams Weg zur Physik, 1963, 32-63 12 G.GrassHorFfF, A history of Ptolemy’s star catalogue, 1990 13 O. NEUGEBAUER, A history..., 1975, 631-634 14J.MrtTrerstTrass, Die Rettung der Phanomene,

1962

15 F.KraFFT, Der Mathematikos

und der Physikos. Bemerkungen zu der angeblichen Platonischen Aufgabe, die Phanomene zu retten, in: Beitrage zur Geschichte der Wissenschaft und der Technik, Issue 5, 1965, 5-24 16B.R. GoLpsTEIN, The Arabic version of Ptolemy’s Planetary hypotheses, 1967. T. Heatu, Aristarchus of Samos, the ancient Copernicus:

A history of Greek astronomy to Aristarchus, 1913 (1959, 1966);

O. NEUGEBAUER, The exact sciences in antiquity,

1952, ?1970; D.R. Dicks, Early Greek astronomy to Aristotle, 1970; F.KRrarrt, Geschichte der Naturwissenschaft, I: Die Begriindung einer Wissenschaft von der Natur durch die Griechen, 1971;

O. PEDERSEN, M.PIH1,

Early physics and astronomy, 1974; O PEDERSEN, A survey of the Almagest, 1974; O. NEUGEBAUER, A history of ancient mathematical astronomy, 1975 (3 vols.); W.G.

SALTZER, Theorien und Ansatze in der griech. A. im Kontext benachbarter Wissenschaften betrachtet, 1976; O. NEUGEBAUER, Astronomy and history: Selected essays, 1983; A.Le BoguFFLe, A., astrologie — lexique latin, 1987; B.L. vAN DER WAERDEN, Die A. der Griechen, 1988.

Astura

F.KR.

River in Latium

(Fest. 418,20f.:

Stura; Str.

5,356), modern Torre Astura, running from > mons Albanus through the Pomptine marshes to the coast between Antium and the Circeius mons, its mouth opposite the island of the same name (Plin. HN 3,57; 81). In 338 BC, this was the site of the battle of the consul Maenius against the Latini and Volsci (Liv. 8,13,5; 12). Cicero owned a villa there, his retreat after the death of his daughter; also, a villa of Augustus and Tiberius (remains of a large-scale fish pond and a pergola on the island — then linked by a bridge, nowadays joined directly to the mainland). — Statio on the via Severiana. F. CasTAGNOLI, A., in: Studi Romani 11, 1963, 637-443 G. SCHMIEDT, II livello del mare Tirreno, 1972; F. PiccarR-

ASTURA

212

Z20T

RETA, A., 1977; G. TOMASSETTI et al. (ed.), La Campagna Romana antica, medioevale e moderna 1, 1979, 6ff.; 2,

341ff.

Medes and the Persians and the Achaemenid Empire to the Death of Cambyses, in: CAH Bd. 4, *1988, 1-52.

G.U,

A.KU. andH.S.-W.

Asturia Region on the Atlantic coast of northern Spain. It corresponds with the modern provinces of Asturias, Leon and Valladolid. The Astures split up into tribal groups (populi), first reported by Posidonius (in Str. 3,357). Like the + Cantabri, they were subjugated by Augustus. The gold reserves of the country were legendary. In the town of Astorga, there was a military unit under the command of the procurator metallorum (Flor. Epit. 2,33,60; ILS 912 5ff.).

Astyanax (‘Aotvdvaé; Astydnax). Son of + Hector and

F,J. Lomas SALMONTE, Asturias preromana y altoimperial, 1989; N.Sanros YANGuas, Astures y Cantabros: Estudio etnogeografico, in: M.ALMAGRO-GORBEA, G.Ruiz ZApPaTERO (ed.), Paleoetnologia de la Peninsula Ibérica, 1992, 431-447; TOVAR 3,1989,103-109. P.B.

Asty (Gotu; dsty). In a general sense, it means ‘town’ (also physically, in contrast with > polis = citizenry), in — Attica, it refers in a stricter sense to > Athens. In the classical period, of a total of 139 demes, about 42 belonged to the asty (one to eight per phyle, in three phyles — Aeantis, Antiochis, and Pandionis — the asty-trittys consisted of only one deme each) [2. table ro, map 1]. The asty demes were largely rural in character; only for a small number of them can a dense urban habitat be assumed [1. 37]. They supplied a total of about 130 bouleutai to the > boule; without any doubt, their citizens were clearly over-represented in the institutions and self-governing bodies of the polis, because of their better opportunities to participate; as a rule, their bouleutai are mentioned 1.5 to 2 times more frequently (‘deme ratio’ = number of verified name per bouleutes)

than those of rural demes [2. 65ff.]. 1 A.W. Gomme, The population of Athens in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries B.C., 1933 2 TRAILL, Attica. H.LO.

~ Andromache; called Scamandrius by his parents, and A. (‘lord of the town’) by the Trojans in honour of Hector (Hom. Il. 6,402f., 22,506f.). According to the

Ilioupersis, the young A. was hurled from the walls of Troy — the Achaeans making the decision to do this (Paus. 10. 25) —to ensure that he could not grow up to take revenge on the conquerors (Clem. Al. Strom. 6,2,19); Stesichorus

recounts the same

story (fr. 25

PMG). The tragic poet used by Accius in his A. has the seer Calchas give the order to murder A. in order to get favourable sailing winds (Serv. Aen. 3,489). Euripides (Tro. 719-725) and Seneca (Tro. 1063-1103) took up the motif of his being cast down from the walls, both likewise ascribing a leading role to Odysseus in these events (according to Euripides, it was Odysseus’ plan, according to Seneca he carried out the deed himself). In the Iliad it is precisely this fate that Andromache fears will befall the child (24,734-736). According to the ‘Tlias parva’ in the night of conquest, Neoptolemus slew the child out of a sheer lust for murder (Paus. 10,25,9); the Attic vase images even portray how Neoptolemus

assaults the very elderly Priam with A. [1]. According to a later extant legend, A. remained alive and founded a

new Troy (Schol. Il. 24,735). TST

yi roo LIV

Grier

W.KUuLLMANN, Die Quellen der Ilias, 1960, 187.

Astydamas (‘Aotvdduac; Astyddmas). [1] The Elder. Tragedian from Athens; according to Suda a 4265 son of Morsimus and grandson of Philocles; according to Diod. Sic. 14,43,5 his first production was in 398 BC. Even in antiquity he was confused with his son [2]. TRGF 59.

Astyages (Aotuayng; Astydgés, Akkadian Istumegu). Last king of the Medes, who, according to Hdt. 1.130 reigned for 35 years. He is said to have tried in vain to kill Cyrus, the son of his daughter Mandane and the Persian Cambyses by exposing him (Hdt. 1.108). According to Hdt. 1.123-129 and Babylonian chronicle reports Cyrus II rose against A. (550 BC), perhaps reflected in the Harpagus legend in Hut. Cyrus II’s victory and the conquest of Ecbatana signified the end of the Median kingdom. Ctesias (Persica 4f.) offers a different version of the end of the Median kingdom. In Xen. Cyr. 1.2.1 A. is the next to last king of the Medes. — Arbaces A.K. 1975,

Grayson,

Assyrian and Babylonian

106; H.SaNnctsi-WEERDENBURG,

Herodotus’

Medikos

Chronicles,

The Orality of

Logos, in: Achaemenid

History 8,

1994, 39-55; R.ScHMiTT, Medisches und persisches Sprachgut bei Herodot, in: ZDMG 117, 1967, 119-145, especially 134; T.C. Younc, The Early History of the

HG:

FP.

[2] The Younger. Tragedian from Athens, son of A. [x]. His first victory at the Dionysia came in 372 BC (DID A 3a,44 und D 1), further successes in 347 (DID A 1, 2712),

in 341 with Achilles, Athamas and Antigone (DID A x, 292 and A 2, 1) and in 340 with Parthenopaeus and Lycaon (DID A 1, 304 and A 2, 16); his first victory at the Lenaea in 340 (DID A 3b, 42). The Suda names eight plays; his Alemeon is mentioned by Aristot. Poet.

1453b 32. Mette 30ff., 89ff., 150, 162, 182; Musa Tragica, ed. by B. GAuLy (et al.), 1991, 60; IrGF 60. EP.

[3] Tragedian; in 279/78 BC he represented the Attic theatrical profession, the technitai of Dionysus, in Delphi (Syll.3 399, 33). PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE/GOULD/LEWISs,

96.

282, 308

TRGF

FP.

213

214

Astydameia (‘Aotvdaueia; Astydameia). [1] Daughter of the Dolopian king Amyntor, by Hercules mother of Tlepolemus (Hes. fr. 232; Pind. Ol. 7,24). In Homer she is Astyocheia (II. 2,658), in Apollod. 2,149 and Hyg. Fab. 162 Astyoche, daughter of Phylas of Ephyra (Apollod. 1,166). [2] Wife of > Acastus of Iolcus, who purified Peleus from his accidental killing of > Eurytion. When Peleus rejected her love, she slandered him to his wife > Antigone [2], who hanged herself, and to Acastus, who deserted him on Pelion during a hunt (Apollod. 2,164-67). [3] Daughter of Pelops, wife of > Alcaeus and mother of + Amphitryo and Anaxo in one of three genealogies (Apollod. 2,50).

E.G.

Astymedes Rhodian, son of the nauarch Theaedeton (Inscr. Lindos 216f) [1. 1524; 2. 1887], supported Rhodian military aid in the 3rd Macedonian war as a representative of the friends of Rome (Pol. 27,7,3) [2. 187; 3. 183], in 167-166 BC he defended Rhodes’ stance in Rome with explanations that were sharply criticized by Polybius (30,4-5,223 Liv. 45,22-24; Diod. Sic. 31,5,1) [I. 22-23, 153; 2. 206; 3. 197], but only regained amicitia in 164 with a more humble speech (Pol. 31,6,1. 7) [1. 160-161; 3. 205-211]. As a nauarch in the Rhodian-Cretan war he once again returned to Rome in 153

(Pol. 33,15,3) [3.224]. 1H.H. Scumitt, Rom und Rhodos, 1957 2: J. DEININGER, Der polit. Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland, 1971 3R.M.BERTHOLD, Rhodes in the Hellenistic Age, 1984.

L.-M.G.

Astynomoi (Gotvvopot, ‘municipal administration’). This office is mostly found in Ionian communities. In his survey of officials required by a town, Aristotle mentioned the astynomoi immediately with market supervisors, the agoranomoi (Pol. 6,1321b 18-27), as responsible for the proper state of public and private buildings, the repair and maintenance of buildings and roads and for boundary disputes. There could also be special officials for the walls, wells and ports. In Athens 10 astynomoi, who were annually determined by lot, officiated in the 4th cent. BC, five in the city and five in the Piraeus. They saw to the cleanliness of the streets and sanctuaries as well as the removal of obstacles, but also to compliance with certain sumptuary laws (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 50,2). An inscription from

the 2nd cent. AD contains a law passed in the 2nd cent. BC, regulating the duties of the astynomoi in Pergamum (SEG 13,521). PLR.

ASTYRA

[3] Daughter of an > Actor, through Ares mother of Ascalaphus [2] and Jalmenus, the leader of the contingents of Aspledon and Orchomenus at Troy (Hom. II.

2,513; Paus. 9,37,7). [4] Daughter of Phylas of Ephyra, through Hercules mother of > Tlepolemus of Rhodes (Hom. Il. 2,657f.).

She is otherwise called Astydameia (Hes. fr. 232; Pind. Ol. 7,42 with schol.) or Astygeneia (Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 80). E. Simon, s.v. A., LIMC 2. 1, 938f.

F.G.

Astyochus (‘Aotvoyoc; Astyochos). Spartan nauarch in 412/11 BC. In the summer of 412 his attempt to gain Lesbos failed (Thuc. 8,22f.); his operations between Lesbos, Chios, Erythrae and Clazomenae were luckless (8,3 1-33). Dissatisfied with his administration, Sparta sent ‘advisors’ with extraordinary powers to his headquarters in Milet in the winter of 412/11 (Thuc. 8,39,1f.). After advances as far as Cnidus and Rhodes he signed the third Spartan-Persian contract in the spring of 411, in which Sparta surrendered Ionia to the Persian king for subsidies (Thuc. 8,40,3-44; 58). Towards the end of his period of office A. was barely able to save himself from the violence of his soldiers who accused him of lack of action, arrogance and an inscrutable attitude towards the satrap > Tissaphernes (Thuc. 8,78f.; 83-85). K-W.W. Astypalaea (Aotundiouia; Astypalaia). Dodecanese island (97 km?; circumference according to Plin. HN 4,23: 88 milia passuum), situated between > Amorgus, + Anaphe and Calymnus. A. consists of two parts, joined only by a 100m wide isthmus. Evidence of early Bronze-Age settlements has been found on the eastern part, especially in the bay of Vathy. Mycenaean chamber tombs have been excavated in the western part and also near Armenochori. The location of the ancient polis was that of the modern capital of Chora. Discoveries on the acropolis hill included Byzantine remains, churches and a castro. In historical times, A. was settled by > Dorians, in the sth cent. BC it was a member of the > Delian League, and in the 3rd cent. BC, a Ptolemaic possession. From A. came > Phalaris, later tyrant of Acragas, and Onesicritus. In Roman times, A. was a

civitas libera et foederata. After the Fourth Crusade, A. came under Venetian, and in AD 1269 under Byzantine rule (coins: HN, 63o0f. inscriptions: IG XII 3, 167-246). E.B. FRENCH, Archaeology in Greece 1993/94, 69; H. KaLETSCH, s.v. A., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 139-142.

H.KAL. Astyoche (‘Aotvdyn; Astyéché). Common mythic-epic woman’s name, which is easily adapted to the hexameter, for instance: [1] Sister of + Agamemnon and Menelaus, wife of the

Phocian Strophius, who was the father of Pylades (Hyg. abr). [2] Daughter of > Laomedon (Apollod. 3,146), wife of Telephus, mother of Eurypylus, whom she sent to help Priam (Apollod. Ep. 5,12).

Astyra (“Aowvga; Astyra). [1] Greek polis on the south-western coast of the Troad (Scyl. 98), a member of the > Delian League. After that, the importance ofthe settlement declined (Str. 13,1,65). However, A. is still mentioned in the customs tables of Ephesus [2. 63]. The sanctuary of > Artemis Astyra in

ASTYRA

AI

A. was subordinate to the nearby Antandrus (Str. ibid.; Xen. Hell. 4,1,41). An exact localization of A. has not yet been achieved [1. 267]. 1 J.M. Cook, The Troad, 1973 D.KnipBeE,

2 H. ENGELMANN,

Das Zollgesetz der Prov. Asia, in: EA

14,

1989.

L. BURCHNER, s.v. A., RE 4, Troad, 1923.

1877; W. LEAF, Strabo on the E.SCH.

216

erally, as a asyl, such as Delphi, the Artemisium of Ephesus and the shrine of Poseidon in Taenarum. Already in the Persian Empire the asylon ofcertain sanctuaries was guaranteed by the state, and this practice was continued by Alexander and the Hellenistic kings [2. 71-80; 5; 6. 118-138]. In the Hellenistic age many poleis attempted — by reference to a Delphic oracle, with royal support and in connection with a festival— to have a sanctuary recognized as an asylon, sometimes even the entire territory [2. 71-84; 4. 226-230, 266—

[2] Town in the mountainous region ofthe Troad, south

of Abydus. A. had quite early lost its autonomy to Abydus. As gold mines were located in the vicinity of A. (Str. 13,1,23), it might be equated with Cremaste, according to Xen. Hell. 4,8 the location of the mines of Abydus. In this case, A. is localized close to these mines in the defile

of the Koca Cay, ona

rocky spur by the name of Gavur

Hisar [1. 290]. However, there is an absence of ancient

remains [2. 135]. 1J.M. Cook, The Troad, Troad, 1923.

1973

2 W. Lear, Strabo on the E.SCH.

Asylia (aoviia; asylia). Protection of persons and things, at first within the sanctified precincts of the isodv Govhov

(hieron dsylon). The foreigner, E€voc (xénos), was in especial need of asylia because he was subject to another legal jurisdiction, and had to obtain legal protection in the host country in order to be safe from violent attack. In this connection cf. the bilateral agreement between Oeanthea and Chalium in c. 450 BC [1; 2]. It is possible that all secular asylia and even the wetoumta (metoikia) had their origins in the sacral asylia. [3; 4]. 1H. BenctTson, StV II,*1975,n0.146

2H.VAN EFFEN-

TERRE, Nomima I, 1994, no. 53. 3 E.SCHLESINGER, Die griech. Asylie, 1933 4G.THUR, H. TAEUBER, Prozefsrechtliche Inschr. der griech. Poleis: Arkadien, 1994, no. 36.

G.T.

Asylon (isgov toviov; hieron dsylon). An inviolate sacred area (& and ovAGv, ‘remove’, ‘practise self-help’),

from which it was not permitted to forcibly remove either objects or people seeking asylum. This institution which is well attested in Greece since the early period has its roots in the widespread idea (Ancient Near East, Egypt, Israel) [1] that persons at a sacred site are safe from their persecutors. Their forced removal, which was in effect robbery of a part of a sacred site, was regarded as a sacrilege and incurred divine punishment. With the secularization of the law, a

difference gradually developed between the sacred protection ensured by each sanctuary and connected

to

cleansing rituals, (biketeia) [2. 38-52; 3; 4. 226-230]

and the protection personally guaranteed by a place, a state or through legislated citizens’ rights (> Asylia) [2. 53-68; 4. 219-226, 230-266]. Actually every sanctuary was an asylon, yet certain shrines were acknowledged in wide circles, or even gen-

282; 6. 118-138; 7. 156-173]. Here the protection of the state and the citizens from pirates was the primary concern, not the protection of refugees from their persecutors. The practice of Hellenistic kings was followed by that of the Roman commanders [8. 78-80; 9]. In order to limit the abuse of asylum by slaves, debtors and criminals, Tiberius in AD 22 ordered that the Senate revise the rights claimed by the individual poleis [10. 164-180]. Moreover, on the basis of the emperor’s right to grant a pardon, each cult site of the imperial cult was regarded as an asylon [11. 130f.], and to the chagrin of the lawyers, many people often sought refuge at the shrine of the emperor to escape

punishment

(Tac. Ann.

3,36; Dig. 48,19,

28,7). In Rome itself there were only two places of asylum, in the anticline of the Capito! and in the temple of Julius Caesar. The asylon protected the guilty and the innocent alike (cf. Eur. Jon. 1315; Str. 14,1,23). The difference between intent and negligence in secular law led to the view that only victims of unjust persecution or negligent offenders should have the right to asylon (Thuc. 4,98,6); various

measures

were

designed

to prevent

misuse ([12. 61f.; 13. 839; 14]; IG I? 44; LSCG Suppl. 115 b 50; LSCG 124 |. 10). Not the entire area of the sacred site was regarded as asylon but rather, depending on the case, it was only the altar, the temple, the temenos, a region designated by boundary stones or sometimes the entire area of a town. Some sanctuaries had facilities which enabled large numbers of suppliants to stay for a long period [1. 391-401; 15]. The asylon of Greek and Roman sanctuaries became the asylum provided by churches, these however were independent of the discretion of the state. The imperial edicts were regulations for the implementation of a principle which was connected with the bishop’s duty of intercession and which was fundamentally confirmed by the state in 419; infringements of this right were treated as high treason. However, in the 6th cent. efforts were made to exclude criminals (including heretics) from the asylum ofthe church [13. 840-844; 16]. ~ Asylia 1 L. DeLexar, Asylie und Schutzorakel am Zionheiligtum 1967 2 E.SCHLESINGER, Die griech. Asylie, 1933 3J.GouLp, Hiketeia, in: JHS 93, 1973, 74-103 4 PH. GAUTHIER, Symbola, 1972

5 F.von Woess, Das

Asylwesen Agypt. in der Ptolemaerzeit und die spatere Entwicklung, 1923 6 P.HERRMANN, Antiochos der

Grofe

und

7L.Ropert,

Teos,

in:

Documents

Anadolu d’Asie

9,

1965, Mineure,

25-159 1987

>

2007

218

8 J. REYNoLDs, Aphrodisias and Rome, 1982

9 P. HERR-

MANN, Rom und die Asylie griech. Heiligtiimer, in: Chiron 19, 1989,127-164 10G.G. BELLONI, Asylia e santuari greci dell’Asia Minore al tempo di Tiberio, in: M.SorDI (ed.), I santuari e la guerra nel mondo classico, 1984, 164-180 11 T.PExKAry, Das rém. Kaiserbildnis in Staat, Kultur und Gesellschaft, 1985 12 K.Larre, Hl. Recht, 1920 6.13 L.WENGER, s.v. Asylrecht, RAC 1, 836-844

14 K.A. CHRISTENSEN, The Theseion: A Slave Refuge at Athens, in: AJAH 9, 1984, 23-32 15 L. DELEKAT, Katoche, Hierodulie und Adoptionsfreilassung, 1964 16 L. WENGER, “Ogot Goviias, in: Philologus 86, 1931, 427-454. ALG:

Asyndeton

(déovvdetov). ‘Unconnected’, cf. Aristot. Interpr. 17a 17 or Rh. 1413b 29; Latin correspondences: dissolutio (Quint. Inst. 9,3,50) or solutum (Aquila Rhet. 41). Conjunctionless stringing together of at least two coordinated syntactic constructions (individual words, groups of words, parts of a sentence or sentences) that are related to each other from the point of view of content and logic. Accordingly, differentiation is made between the word and the sentence asyndeton anthithesis: + polysyndeton. Functions: enumerative (additive, climax or anticlimax), adversative, summative,

consecutive,

explicative

or

causal.

Examples:

cxnxoate, EwQduate, memdvOate, Eyete’ SixdCete (Lys. 12,100). Praeterea, milites, non eadem nobis et illis

necessitudo inpendet: nos pro patria, pro libertate, pro vita certamus; illis supervacuaneum est pugnare pro potentia paucorum (Sall. Catil. 58,11). -» Style, stylistic figures; > Syntax LAUSBERG, 353-355

KNOBLOCH,1193-196

J.B. Hor-

MANN, A. SZANTYR, Lat. Syntax und Stilistik, 1965, 828831 SCHWYZER/DEBRUNNER (see subject index). RP.

Atalante (Atoi\davt; Ataldnte). A. MytH

B. ICONOGRAPHY

A. MyTH

Mythological daughter of Schoeneus or of Iasius and Clymene. In a Boeotian version she is allowed to remain a virgin, but to do so she has to defeat all suitors in a race (Hyg. Fab. 185). + Hippomenes receives three golden apples from Aphrodite, which he drops in A.’s way during the competition, and which she picks up

ATARAXIA

nauts (Diod. Sic. 4,41,2; 48,5, Apollod. 1,112) and takes part in the funeral rites for > Pelias, where she defeats + Peleus in wrestling. Her son is Parthenopaeus (Aesch. Sept. 532f., Soph. OC 1320f.; Hyg. Fab. 70). The two versions of the myth are hard to separate (cf. Apollod. 3,106ff.). J. BoarDMaN, G. ARRIGONI, s.v. A., LIMC 2.1, 940-950; J. EscHEr, s.v. A., RE 2, 1890-1894 Fic.: J.BOARDMAN, G.ARRIGONI, s.v. A., LIMC 2.2, 687-700.

R.HA.

B. ICONOGRAPHY More than half of all A. representations depict the heroine as a huntress: in vase paintings of the 6th—4th cents. BC (Francois crater, Florence, 570/560 BC), Etruscan bronze mirrors (4th/3rd cents. BC), Roman wall paintings (rst cent. AD), mosaics (1st—3rd cents.

AD) and sarcophagus reliefs (2nd/3rd cents. AD). Her weapons are bow and arrow, lance, axe or sword; often

she is wearing a short > chiton or a > tunic and boots. The plot nearly always refers to the ‘Calydonian boar hunt’. As an athlete, A. appears especially on vases from the 6th/5th cents. BC: as a wrestler struggling with Peleus (neck amphora from Vulci, around 500 BC, Munich SA.), in the palaestra with Peleus, Hippomenes or by herself (earliest example: bowl by the Euaeon Painter, 475-450 BC, Paris LV), as a runner (lekythos of ~ Duris, 500-490 BC., Cleveland Mus.). Her typical athletic dress is the short chiton in early vase paintings, from the late 6th cent. BC predominantly the perizoma, an apron or girdle usually worn by dancers, acrobats and Doric athletes; as a palaestrian she is also depicted with a bustier (> strophium) and athlete’s cap; she is seldom depicted naked. G. ARRIGONI, Le Donne in Grecia, 1985, 5 5-201; C. BERARD, La Chasseresse traquée. Cynégétique et érotique, in: Kanon. FS E. Berger, 1988, 280-284; J.BOARDMAN, S.v. A., LIMC II, 1, 1984, 940-950 (with older literature);

G.Kocu,

Die myth. Sarkophage.

ASR

XII, 6, 1975;

A.Ley, Von der Athletin zur Liebhaberin. Ein Beitr. zum

Rezeptionswandel eines myth. Themas auf Vasen des 6.— 4. Jh. v.Chr., in: Nikephoros 3, 1990, 31-72; W. RAECK, Modernisierte Mythen, 1992, 71-98; A. SCHNaApPP, Images et Programme: Les Figurations Archaiques de la Chasse au Sanglier, in: RA 1979, 195-218. AL.

(Hes. fr. 72-76 M-W, Ov. Met. 10.560-680), whereby

he wins. The pair consummate their union in a sanctuary of Cybele or Zeus and are, as punishment, turned into lions. In the Arcadian version, A. is abandoned asa newborn, nursed by a bear and raised by shepherds. She roams the mountains as a huntress of Artemis, defends herself against suitors (Thgn. 1287-1294), until she finally succumbs to Meilanion (Aristoph. Lys. 785ff., Prop. 1,1,9ff., Ov. Ars am. 2,185ff.). She takes part in the ‘Calydonian Hunt’, where >» Meleager awards her the head and skin of the boar, because she was the first to hit it (Eur. Phoen. rro6ff.; Callim. H. 3,215ff.; Ov. Met. 8,316ff.; Hyg. Fab. 174). She joins the > Argo-

Ataraxia (a&taeaéia; ataraxia) designates in philosophy the freedom from every kind of excitement, peace of mind. The term appears to have been used first by ~» Democritus (second half of the 5th cent. BC) as a circumlocution for eudaimonia (A 167 DK 68). As a

central term, ataraxia is then used by Pyrrho (c. 365275 BC) and his school. The highest goal of Pyrrhonism is the bliss of the individual, and it is equated with ataraxia. In the self-représentation of the Pyrrhonians he was originally excited by the conflict of opinions and began to philosophize in order to discover the truth and thus find peace. Since he failed, he paused (éméoyev),

ATARAXIA

219

and then ataraxia suddenly came to him (Sext. Emp. Pyrrhonei hypotyposeis 1,29). It appears, therefore, to be a consequence of the sceptical > epoché; thus scepticism becomes the king’s way to happiness. For all unhappiness, that is all excitement, originates from engaged activity, which in turn is activated by the belief in true goods. Because the sceptic does not believe himself to be in possession of any true cognition, he retains a universal indifference against all things and thereby secures his ataraxia. Of course this cannot be sustained throughout, because there are ‘affects that are forced upon us’ (xatyvayxaouéva 10), which will not allow themselves to be completely ignored. Therefore, the Pyrrhonians formulate a more modest goal: ‘ataraxia in the things that rely on dogmatic belief, in those forced upon them, by contrast, moderate suffering’ (Sext. Emp. 1,30;[1. 149ff.]). Also for Epicurus (3 42/1-271/o BC), the bliss of the individual is the highest goal and lies in ataraxia. On the other hand he displaces it in pleasure (Epicurus Menoeceus 128f.). But this is not a

220

Here she was worshipped alongside Hadad and a cult standard. Dietary rules, prohibitions on killing and castration rituals are attested for her cult. Via Hierapolis, A. became known as > Syria Dea in northern Mesopotamia (Edessa [2], Harran, Hatra [1]), Syria (Damas-

cus, Palmyra, Dura-Europus, Hauran, al-Biqa‘), Nabatene (Hirbat Tannira), Asia Minor, Greece, Egypt, Italy

and the provinces of the Roman Empire. ~ Syria Dea 1P.-L.vAN

BerG,

Corpus

cultus

Deae

Syriae,

1972

2 L. Dirven, The Author of De Dea Syria and His Cultural Heritage, in: Numen 44, 1997, 153-179

3H.J.W.Drijvers, Cults and Beliefs at Edessa, 1980, 76-121

263-266

41d.,s. v. Dea Syria, LIMC 3.1, 355-358; 3.2,

5lId., s.v. Hierapolis (Mabbog), RAC

15,

27-41 6 CH. Fossey, Inscriptions de Syrie, in: BCH 21, 1897,39-65 7M. Hori, Dea Syria,1979 8Id., Dea Syria — Atargatis, in: ANRW II 17.3, 1984, 1536-1581 9 TH. NOLDEKE,

Beitr. zur Kenntnis der aram. Dialecte,

in: ZDMG 24, 1870, 95-109 Lucian’s De Syria Dea, 1977.

10R. A. ODEN, Stud. in H. NI.

contradiction. For pleasure for him consists of the freedom from displeasure; the highest pleasure is, therefore, the complete freedom from displeasure. Displeasure is inner excitement, therefore the highest pleasure is equal to ataraxia. This is permanently sustainable, because all displeasure can be avoided. Its sources are fear (of gods and death), excessive desire and bodily pain. However, the fear of gods and death is unfounded; desires, which go beyond the —at any time satiable— basic needs are empty, and bodily pain is either short or easy [2. 5 rff.]. Epicurus, like Pyrrho, compares ataraxia secured through such insight with yadivn (galené), the pleasant

Atarneus (Atagvets; Atarneus). Located in the region of the same name on the coast opposite to > Mytilene, north-east of the modern Dikili, A. was an Ionian polis in Aeolis (Aeoleis) (Plin. HN 37,156), according to Steph. Byz. s.v. “Atagva (Atarna) on the border between > Lydia and > Mysia. Like Assus, the town was centred around a hill of about 200 m in height, upon which the acropolis was situated (modern Kaléh Agili). The safety of the town was ensured by a triple walled circle, dating from the Hellenistic period, parts of which

calm of the sea. In the later > Stoa, ataraxia (Lat. tran-

are still visible today [1. 682]. Under Persian rule, Her-

quillitas animi) is — rightly — used synonymously with apatheia (> Affects) (Epict. Encheiridion 12,2).

mippus, the tyrant of A., took part in the military campaign of > Darius (Hdt. 6,4). > Xerxes passed through A. on his way to Europe (Hdt. 7,42). In 407 BC, A. fell into the possession of Chians (Diod. Sic. 13,65,4), who were driven out by Dercylidas in 397 BC (Xen. Hell. 3,2,11). However, A. reached its greatest importance in

1 M.HOoSsENFELDER, Stoa, Epikureismus *1995 21d., Epikur, r99r.

und Skepsis,

M. HossENFELDER, Sextus Empiricus, Grundrifs der pyrrhonischen Skepsis, 31993. M.HO.

Atargatis (Atagydatc; Atargdtis: Isidorus [2] from Charax GGM 1,249; “AttayaOn; : [9. 109]; “Atagaty Atargaté: Simpl. in Aristot. Ph. 641,33 f.; “Ataoyaty [6 59 f.]. The goddess A. is documented from the 4th cent. BC in northern Syria. Her name is explained in the literature as a combination of the names > Astarte and + Anat (Aramaic ‘atar‘at(t)a). A. shows characteristics of a warlike and erotic goddess, the ‘mistress of the beasts’ (+ Potnia théron), the mother of the gods (+ Mother goddesses), a ‘mistress of the sea’, > Tyche and goddess of fertility. She was represented iconographically sitting on a lion throne and wearing a mural crown; ears of corn indicate her fertility aspect. Her main cult centre and place of pilgrimage was Hierapolis/-+ Bambyce (the modern Manbig) in northern Syria.

the 4th cent. BC, when > Hermias chose the town as his

residence and, from there, exercized control over the entire region between A. and Assus. After Hermias was

executed by the Persians, A. lost its dominant position despite its good economic resources, i.e. its mineral resources (Str. 14,5,28; Plin. HN 37,156) and fertile farmland (Hdt. 6,28). A.’s desolation was supposedly hastened by a plague of mosquitos (Paus. 7,2,r1). According to Pliny, A.’ status declined from > oppidum to > pagus (HN 5,122; 37,156). During the reigns of the emperors Augustus and Antoninus [1] Pius, A. minted coins. Ptolemy no longer mentions A.. The existence of another town called A., in the region of —> Pitane, is disputed. 1 F.E. WInTER, Notes on Neandria, in: AJA 89, 1985,

680-683. L. BURCHNER, s.v. A., RE 4, 1897.

E.SCH.

224

222,

Ataulfus Brother-in-law of Alarich (+ Alaricus [2]), AD 410-415 king of the West Goths. Probably by order of Alarich active as army commander in Pannonia, A. was summoned by him in 408, reached Italy in 409 and was named comes domesticorum equitum by the usurper > Attalus [11]. After the death of Alarich in 410 he gave up Alarich’s African plans and in 412 on the advice of Attalus travelled to Gallia to the usurper > Iovinus. A. soon came into conflict with him and in 413 handed him over to Dardanus, the Gallic praefect of the Emperor Honorius. A treaty with Honorius was not honoured: grain deliveries did not occur, the permanent colony in Aquitania was made dependent on the release of the emperor’s sister Galla Placidia (since 410 prisoner of A.). After the severe devastation of southern Gallia by A., in 414 matters apparently reached equilibrium and A. and Galla Placidia were married according to Roman ritual. According to the view of Orosius, A. thus demonstrated his readiness to place himself and his people in the service of the Roman Empire (7,43,3-5). Nevertheless, > Constantius [6], the comes of Honorius, forced the Goths to retreat to Spain, where A. died

in 415 in Barcelona, a victim of a blood feud. PLRE 2, 176-178. D.CiaupE,

Gesch.

der

Westgoten,

1970,

H. WoLrraM, Die Goten, +1990, 168-175.

Atax

Coastal

river in Gallia Narbonensis,

19-21; W.ED.

modern

Aude. It rises in the Pyrenees, and discharges into the Mediterranean south of Narbo. lt

ATEIUS

1 FRISK, CHANTRAINE s.v.

2.J.GRUBER, Uber einige

abstrakte Begriffe des friihen Griech., 1963 3 G. MutLER, Der homer. A.-Begriff und Solons Musenelegie, in: Navicula Chiloniensis, 1956, 1-15 4 K. WERNICKE, s.v. A.,RE2,1898 5H.MetTTE,LFE,s.v. 6 J.STALLMACH, A., (1950) 1963 7 WitamowiTz I, 1931 8E.R.

Dopps, Die Griechen und das Irrationale, (1951) 1970 9 N. YAMAGATA, Homeric Morality, 1994. P.D.

Ateas

(‘Atéac; Atéas; Lat. Atheas, on silver coins ATAIO2). Scythian king, who in 339 BC at an age of more than go years fell in battle against the Macedonian Philip II near the Ister (Lucian Macr. 12,10). Designated by Strabo (7,3,18) as ruler over large sections of the Barbarians on the northern coast of the Black Sea, but the extent of his power is disputed. The minting of A. in Callatis and the conflicts with the > Triballi (Frontin.

“Strat:

254,20;

Polyaenus,

Strat:

754451),

Byzantium (Clem. Al. Stromateis 5,31,3) and the Histriani, which led to the war with Philip II (Just. Epit. 9,2; Oros. 3,13,5-7; Plut. Mor. 174E), document his expansive ambitions. J.R. GARDINER-GaRDEN, A. and Theopompus, in: JHS 109, 1989, 29-40; K.JORDANOV, Thraker und Skythen

unter Philipp II., in: Bulgarian Historical Review 1991, 3,

37-59.

UL.

Ateius Italic proper name [1. 347, 426], traceable in the public life of Rome since the rst cent. BC, not very common. [1] A. Legate (?) of M. > Antonius in Gallia in 41/40 BC (MRR 3,26).

Ate ("Atn; Até). Verbal noun of &d&w (ad), the etymology of which is unknown ([1]; wordplay in Hom. Il. 19,91;1429). In most passages in Hom., A. originally refers to (e.g., Il. 19,270ff.; Od. 11,61) a cluster of ideas

typical of early Greece, from which evidently as a secondary process specific meanings can be abstracted by a conceptual contraction process: the confusion of the senses sent by the gods — the consequent misdeed and the damage that arises from it [2. 56ff.; 3. xff.; thus already 4]; a primary basic meaning of ‘injury’ postulated from Doric legal terminology (laws of Gortyn). [5; 6. 7ff.] cannot be proven [3. 1f.,1; 2. 56,1]. A. appears hypostasized or ‘personified’ [7. 25f. 346] in Hom. (Il. 19,91ff.: A. myth) as Zeus’ venerable daughter, whom he casts from Olympus to the Earth having himself been tricked, likewise Il. 9,502ff. together with the Litai (Pleas), the daughters of Zeus who can only slowly follow the nimble-footed A. [8. 2ff.; 9. 4off., but without knowledge of 2; 3; 6]; Hes. (Theog. 230; cf. Emp. B 121; Panyassis EpGF fr. 13; Aesch. Ag. 1433) includes her among the children of Eris. This conceptual narrowing, commencing with Homer (injury, expiation, punishment) continues after Homer [2. 6r1ff.; 3.6f.; 8. 25ff.]: Hes. Op. 230f.; Sol. fr. 13 W. [3. 7ff.]; Hdt. 1,32,6; Aesch. Cho. 383 (botegomowoc, hysterdpoinos); net of A.: Aesch. PV 1078. Ilium on the hill of A.: Apollod. 3,143; Lycoph. 29. ~ Eris; > Personification

[2] A., M. centurio, distinguished himself during the

storming of Athens in 86 BC (Plut. Sull. 14,3). 1 SCHULZE.

K-L.E.

[3] A. Capito, C. Fought as tribunus plebis from 5 5 BC together with his colleague — Aguillius [1 14] Gallus against the politics of the triumviri (— Triumvirate) Pompey, Caesar and Licinius Crassus. He failed in his attempt to prevent the lex Trebonia (C. > Trebonius), which awarded Crassus Syria and Pompey Spain as provinces for five years (Plut. Cat. Min. 43, Cass. Dio 39532533 35-38). When Crassus departed for his province in November, A. tried, unsuccessfully, to prevent this [1]. Later A. appears to have placed himself in the service of the victorious Caesar (Cic. Fam. 13,29,6; ATTICH 1 3531354)

[4] A. Capito, L. 52 (?) quaestor (MRR 2, 236; 246); the date of the praetorship (Tac. Ann. 3,75) is not handed down. Perhaps identical to the A. who in 54, together with the tribunus plebis C. Memmius, brought a repetundae case against A. > Gabinius (Cic. Ad Q. Fr. Bike5))= 1 DRUMANN/GROEBE 4, 107.

WW,

[5] A. Philologus, L. A famous scholar as well as a teacher of grammar and rhetoric (Suet. Gram. to). A.

was born in Athens, enslaved (probably in 86 BC) and

ATEIUS

224

223

later released. Student of > Antonius [I 12] Gnipho. A. maintained that he wrote 800 books and gave himself the name Philologus as a sign of his diversified erudition (the cognomen ‘Praetextatus’ rests on a false conjec-

the term isotéleia is sometimes used (e.g. in Athens, [IG

ture). Writings are not preserved, but sources mention

Atella Oscan town in Campania, between S. Arpino

an epitome of Roman history compiled for > Sallustius, rules of style compiled for > Asinius Pollio (who criticized him), a work about rare and outmoded words (liber glossematorum), a literary catalogue (Pinaces) and a treatise on the question An amaverit Didun

and Fratta Minore. Roman from 313 BC, A. changed sides in 246 BC in support of Hannibal (Oscan ADERL on coins), leading to its punishment by Rome in 211 BC: its inhabitants were driven out, most of its territory

Aeneas? Ep.: GRF, 136-141. LITERATURE: HLL § 279; R.A. Kaster, Suetonius, De Grammaticis et Rhetoribus, 1995, 138-148. R.A.K.

[6] A. Capito, C. Jurist, student of > Ofilius, suffect consul in AD 5, died in AD 22. Zealous supporter of the rule of Augustus (Tac. Ann. 3,75), in the arena of civil law atraditionalist (Dig. 1,2,2,47). Just like > Antistius [II. 3] Labeo, he gathered a group of students (secta) around himself, from which the school of law named after his successor > Sabinus developed [2]. His predominantly public law-related Coniectanea (at least nine books), De iure pontificio (at least six books), De officio senatorio (one book) and additional works (Epistulae) are only handed down in indirect citations, hardly in the digests, sooner in lexicographies and antiquarians, especially Festus (excerpt from Verrius Flaccus) and A. Gellius [1]. According to Tac. Ann. 1,79 in the year 15, the senate is supposed to have refused a plan worked out by A., as curator aquarum, with Arruntius to move the riverbed of the Tiber. PIR* A 1279 1 W.STRZELECKI,

C. Atei

Capitonis

fragmenta,

1967

2 R.A. BAUMAN, Lawyers and Politics in the Early Roman Empire, 1989, 27ff. Te.

Il? 53, ateleia; 287, isotéleia). > Proxenos

PJLR.

confiscated (Liv. 22,61,11; 26,16,5; Pol. 9,45). Muni-

cipium of the tribus Falerna in 60/50 BC (Cic. Fam. 13,7; Cic. Leg. agr. 2,86; Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 2,14,3). Monuments: two thermal baths, remains of residential buildings. Around the town centre, Samnite and Roman necropoleis. D.Romano, Note critiche e filologiche (Virgilio ad A.), in: PdP 37, 1982, 39ff.; C.BENCIVENGA TRILLMICH, S.v. A., in: EAA, Suppl. 2,2, 1994, 494. B.G.

Atellana fabula (Term documented first since Cicero and Varro; later also Atellania, thus always Gellius). Originally Oscan farce, supposedly arose in Atella (Samnium) (Liv. 7,2; Val. Max. 2,4,4; Euanth. De com.

p. 7 R.; Diom. 1,489f.; Tac. Ann. 4,14; Porphyrio ad

Hor. Epist. 2,1,145). The affiliation with /udi not identified in the Augustan period (Str. 5,3,6) and the appearance of the manducus, who also belonged to the festive pompa

(Varro, Ling. 7,95; Paul. Fest. 115 L),

suggests origins in cultic use and the influence of the Etruscan cult of the dead. The generally alleged influence especially of southern Italian and Greek phlyakes farce depicted in the vase paintings of the 4th cent. limits itself to the role of Pappus and the parody of tragedy, which, according to [5] first entered the Atellana fabula (AF) when they were written down; in the parodies the personae Oscae are typically missing. The remaining

[7] see > Terra sigillata

Ateleia (GtéAeva; atéleia). Freedom

from obligations, especially from taxes and other financial obligations, was regarded as a privilege, which the state could bestow in order to honour someone. This term and the adjective atelés were used in Athens in connection with

characteristics are varied: the phlyakes farce is lacking the three other Oscan standard roles, the AF the phallus costume. Here there is a preponderance of graphic everyday scenes with peasants and tradesmen, greed and sexuality of every kind [13; 5]. Significantly, ~ Caesius Bassus (Gramm. 6,312) distinguishes Rhinthonica, which was probably associated with the phlyakes, from the AF and the > mimus. The ancient sources

the freedom from liturgies (Dem. Or. 20,1, etc.), from

(Diom.; Mar. Victor. Gramm. 6,82, Porphyrio ad Hor.

contributions in the Delian League (ML 65) and from

Ars P. 221) do not recognize any influence, at the most a similarity with the Greek satyr play. The AF was taken over after the conquest of Campania (middle of the 4th cent.; Atella 313 BC) as an extempore play in Rome and after the introduction of the literary Greek comedy (first palliata performance by Livius Andronicus in 240 BC) connected by Roman youth with the native custom of reciting mocking verses in alternation and similarly with the satyr plays performed as exodia after the tragedies and comedies of Greek origin performed by pro-

the metic tax (Top, 178). Other examples include else-

where the freedom from sales taxes (Syll.3 330, Ilium), from import and export taxes (Syll. 348, Eretria), from duties that were levied against visitors (Syll.3 ro45, Arcesine), from military service (Syll.3 399, Delphi) and often from ‘each and every’ (Syll.3 195, Delphi). A resolution of the Aetolian federation determined that none of the synoikoi (= metics) should be atelés in Delphi even if he had received the ateleia from the city of Delphi (Syll.> 480). Non-citizens sometimes received ateleia from the usual burdens of non-citizens in order to place them on equal footing with citizens. In this case

fessional actors

(Cic. Fam.

9,16,7; Liv. 7,2,11; Juv.

6,71; Suet. Tib. 45,1; Lydus, Mag. 1,40). Because the youthful amateur actors performed with masks and did

225

226

not discard these even at the end of the performance, they did not lose their rights as citizens (Paul. Fest. 238 L; Liv. 7,2,12; Val. Max. 2,4,4; [x1]). The influence of the AF on the comedies of > Plautus is evident from his joy in rough comedy, in wordplay and alternating sarcastic speeches, in the motif of the greedy parasite, in the mockery of the besotted old man and in the connection of his own name with the AF role of Maccus (As. prol. 11; [7; 5]). In the rst cent. BC the AF were rendered more literary by + Pomponius and + Novius and they came thereby under the influence of the artistically higher-standing palliata, as is evident from the roles (see below) and the typically comedic title form -aria. Additional AF poets were > Aprissius (xst cent. BC) and

Mummius (rst cent. AD); the Lat.

satyr comedies which have been attributed to Sulla (Nic. Damas., FGrH 2,90 fr. 75), were probably likewise AF. The AF was displaced from its role as exodium already in the Caesarian era by the mimus (Cic. Fam. 9,16,7 from 46 BC). In the place of its origin, the Oscan AF appears to have lived on until the end of the rst cent. BC [zr. 141-148]. In the early imperial era the flavour of the coarse play came into favour once again. Mummius is supposed to have given the long-neglected AF new life (Macrob. Sat. 1,10,3), but the lack of restraint led already under Tiberius in 23 to the expulsion of actors from Italy (Tac. Ann. 4,14). Performances by professional actors are documented

also the pannuceati in the patchwork costumes (from pannus, patches) and sanniones (from sanna, grimace,

cf. Ter. Ad. 276, Eun. 780; Cic. De or. 2,251, Fam. 9,16,10; cf. odvvas in Cratinus [Photius] and od&vvogoc

in Rhinthon [Hesych.]), who appear to continue through Byzantine tCavvdg to the zanni of the Commedia dell’Arte [3. 236f.]. In addition, there were peasants and wine dressers, tradesmen of all kinds, especially the fullones Noviani proverbial for Tertullian (De pall. 4), soldiers and gladiators, priests and prophets, hawkers, doctors, innkeepers, hardly any officials and certainly no noble characters. Mockery of foreigners also appears (Galli Transalpini of Novius). The numerous roles for women — girls, the always ugly wives, prostitutes — were, as in the palliata, played by men. Slaves, according to the evidence of the fragments, appear to be rarer than in comedy. 1 M.BreBer, The History of Greek and Roman Theater, 1961 2G.BonrFantTeE, La lingua delle A. e dei mimi, in: P. FRAssINeTTI (ed.), A.F.e, V-XXIV 3 A. DIETERICH, Pulcinella, 1897, 236f. 4 P.FRAssINeTTI (ed.), A.F-.e,

1967

5 B.HOTTEMANN, Phlyakenposse und Atellane, in:

G. Voct-SpirA, Beitr. zur mundlichen Kultur der Romer, 1993, 89-112 6LEo, Anh.: Die rom. Poesie in der sullanischen Zeit, 1967, 370-372, 507-517. 7J.C.BLoweE, Plautus’ Parasites and the A., in: VoGT-SprRa, as annotation 11, 161-169 8 F.Marx,s.v. A. f., in: RE 2, 1914-

1921 9 A.MaRZULLO, Le origini italiche e lo sviluppo letterario delle A.. 1956 10K.MetsTER, Altes Vulgar-

in the era of Tiberius,

latein, in: Indogerman. Forsch. 26, 1909, 87 Hi late PETERSMANN, Mindlichkeit und Schriftlichkeit in der A., in: G. VocT-Sprra, Studien zur vorlit. Periode im friihen Rom, 1989, 135-159 12R.RreEKs, Mimus und A,, in: E, LEFEVRE, Das rom. Drama, 1978, 348-377

Caligula, Nero and Galba; AF verses about the emperor were coined by actors and the public (Suet. Tib. 45,1; Calig. 27,4; Nero 39,3; Galba 13,1). In the course ofthe + Archaism of the 2nd cent. AD, Marcus Aurelius read AF in addition to the Republican comedies and orators

13 D. ROMANO, A.F., 1953

14 SCHANZ/Hostus 1, 245-

253.

in order to school his style (Fronto ad Caes. 2,8,3; 351753; cf. Laudes fumi 1,2; SHA Hadr. 26,4). The

Christians mention them with disgust because of their obscenity (Arnob. 7,33; Jer. Ep. 52,2). In the 6th cent. AD the genre, in contrast to the still lively mimi, counted as extinguished (Lydus, Mag. 1,40). The oldest known genre characteristics of the AF are their coarse jokes (Diom.; Sen. Controv. 7, 3,9; Quint. Inst. 6,3,46f.; Fronto ad Caes. 4,3,2), their small number of actors (Ps.-Ascon. on Cic. Div. Caec. 48) — explicable from their origins as extempore plays— and the four types of role (Oscae personae, Diom.) with their conspicuous — surely comic — double consonants, which appear in 18 AF utles with or without attributes: most frequently Maccus, the dunce or clown (related to waxxodw, to be dumb or foolish, cf. Apul. Apol. 81); Bucco, the portly glutton or braggart (from bucca, Isid. Orig. 10,30, cf. the comedic role of the parasite Gnathon) and yokel; the hunchbacked schemer Dorsennus, who is also gluttonous, greedy and obscene; and the only role with a purely Greek name, Pappus, the simple old man (pdppos in the New Comedy is the designation for an old man, Poll. Onom. 4,143), called casnar (cf. Lat. cascus, old, Varro, Ling. 7,29) or mesius in Osean (ibid., 7,96). As group designations there are

ATENE

JU.BL.

Atene (Ati; Atené). Attic paralia deme of average size (three > bouleutai) of the phyle Antiochis on the south-west tip of Attica; name pre-Greek. Thus far the only deme which has been examined completely within its ancient borders. A. borders Anaphlystus in the north, » Amphitrope in the east (berder inscription on the Megalo Baphi). The area of the deme covers, with the valleys of Charaka, Hagia Photini and Thimari, as well as the island Gaidouronisi,

around

20 km*, of

which only 22% (= 440 ha.) is agriculturally useful. In prehistoric times still not settled, in Late Helladic II] a village-like (2) settlement appears in the Charaka valley. Scattered traces of newer settlement activity occur after the ‘Dark Ages’ first at the end of the 6th cent. BC. A. is thus not a Cleisthenic, but instead a classical deme. Flourishing and increasingly dense settlement in the 5th/4th cents. BC accompanied wide-ranging measures to

improve

the

infrastructure

(ditch

construction,

roads, mule tracks) and a significant expansion of the acreage through terracing for oil production. Documented were 33 individual homesteads, but no habitat with the density of a village. A., which in the sth/4th cents. had c. 400-450 inhabitants, therefore formed a

ATENE

227

purely scattered settlement. A. was depopulated from the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC, probably asa result of the Chremonidean War (267/62 BC), when the Ptolemaic admiral Patroclus established a fortress at Gaidouronisi (destroyed 1975). Brief flourish in the early Byzantine era (5th/7th cents. AD). C.W. J. Extot, Coastal Demes, 1962, 125ff.; TRAILL, Attica, 14, 54, 59, 68, 109 (No. 20), tables 10, 12, 14; Id., Demos and Trittys, 1986, 135, 144ff.; H.LOHMANN, A., 1993; Id., Ein Turmgeh6ft klass. Zeit in Thimari (Sudat-

228

+ Atesis, which flowed through it, and was located on

the road from Bononia to Aquileia (Anonymus Ravennas 4,31: Adestum, Ptol. 3,1,30: Atéote; It. Ant. 281,6; CIL VI 2429,

37199:

Atesta), modern

Este. Roman

intervention in A.’s affairs is documented for the demarkation of the border between A. and Vicetia in 135 BC with four cippi (CIL I’ 636), and for that between A. and Patavium in 141 or 116 BC (CIL I* 633634). In 89 BC, A. was granted the ius Latii; between 49 and 42/41 BC, it became a municipium of the tribus

H.LO.

Romilia (CIL V 1184). After 31 BC, it was a colonia (Plin. HN 3,130; Actiacus M. Billienus: CIL V 2501; L.

Aternius Name of a Patrician gens, disappeared early, in Imperial times occasionally the name for slaves and freedpersons (SCHULZE 269; ThIL 2,1022). In 454 BC, consul A. Varus Fontinalis enacted a law regarding the payment of penalties; in 448, he allegedly became a tribunus plebis though he was a patrician (Liv. 3,65,1; MRR 1,42f.; 50). K-LE.

Saulicus Proculus: CIL VI 37567); decuriones: CIL V 2522 or rather decuriones adlecti: CIL V 2395, 2501, 2524, 2860; duoviri: AE 1906, 76; aediles, quaestores: CIL V 2524, quaestores aerariu: CIL V 2875.

Aternus River in Samnium (CIL IX 3337-8), flanked

Athalaric (Athalaricus). Son of — Amalasuntha (daughter of Theoderic the Great) and of Fl. Eutharicus

tika), in: MDAI(A) 108, 1993, rorff.

by the via Claudia Nova from Amiternum to its confluence with the Tirinus, and by the via Claudia Valeria (CIL IX 5973) to Ostia Aternus (port of the Vestini, vicus and mansio at the junction with the coastal road along the Adriatic, modern Pescara). Bibl. Top. 13, 1994, 477-488.

GU.

Atesis Northern Italian river, modern Adige; attested

by numerous literary sources (Plin. HN 3,121; Vibius Sequester 11; Ennod. 1,46; Paul. Hist. Lang. 3,23), also called Athesis or similar (Verg. Aen. 9,680; Liv. Per. 68,6; Val. Max. 5,8,4; Sil. Pun. 8,595; Flor. Epit. IG Sea Claud Catmer2 wiry @assloda Vakaan4 ouch Plut. Marius 23,2: Attowv; Tab. Peut. 4,3/4: flumen Afesia; Anonymus Ravennas 4,36,22: Astago; CIL V 3348: trans Ath(esim)). Rising in the Raetian Alps, and having absorbed the Isarco, one of the northern arms of the Atesis turned east, south of Verona, and, running through Montagnana, Saletto and Ospedaletto Euganeo, finally reached the town of Ateste, named after it, where the ancient course of the river is archaeologically verified. Below Ateste, the river presumably branched once again before discharging into the Adriatic. After the inundation of AD 589 (Paul. Hist. Lang. 3,23), the river is said to have left its original course towards Ateste at Veronella (‘La Cucca’), and flowed into a smaller branch further to the south, thus adopting its modern course. L.Braccesi, Adige (Athesis), EV 1, 1984, 29; L. Bosio,

L’agro atestino in eta preromana Antica, 1993, 173-204.

e romana,

in: Este E.BU.

E.Bucut, Venetorum angulus, 1993; L.Capuis, | Veneti, 1993. E.BU.

Cilliga, brother of Mathasuntha, born AD 516. On his deathbed in 526, his grandfather Theoderic designated A. as his successor as king of the Goths and Romans. His mother ruled as regent for him (Iord. Get. 304; Rom. 367; Excerpta Valesiana 16,96). She settled dif-

ferences with the senate and the Catholic clergy of Italy that arose at the conclusion of Theoderich’s rule and gave A. a philosophical-rhetorical education. The expression of her politics is the so-called Edictum Athalarici (Cassiod. Var. 9,18). The Gothic army was commanded by Tuluin, who had been elevated to patricius praesentalis in 526, who was married to an Amal woman and who was, in addition, a member of the senate (Cassiod. Var. 8,9-11). In terms of foreign and military policy, however, the position of the Italic East Gothic Empire was substantially weakened after the death of Theoderic. It had to recognize the independence of the West Gothic Empire in 526, where A.’s cousin Amalarich seized control. In 532 the Franks temporarily took control of East Gothic Arles in the course of conquering the Burgundian realm (Procop. Goth. 1,4f.; Cassiod. Var. 11,1). Probably because of this and because A. was then 16 years old, a group of prominent Goths tried to take A. from the influence of his mother, and had him educated according to traditional Gothic customs as a warrior. Amalasuntha, who had already prepared exile in Constantinople, overcame a conspiracy by murdering three of its leaders, probably including Tuluin (Procop. Goth. 1,2). Her son appears to have withdrawn further from her influence, but he died already on 2.10.534 from tuberculosis (Procop. Goth. 1,3f.; Agnellus Lib. pontif. eccl. Rav. 62). (PLRE 2,

17 5£.) Ateste Venetian town

(Plin. HN

17,122; Tac. Hist.

36,23; Mart. 3,38,5; 10,93,3: Atestinus/a), the centre of

a wide plain, whose northern border was formed by the Euganean hills; the town took its name from the river

1 L. HARTMANN, s.v. A., RE 2, 1926-1928

RAM, Die Goten, +1990, esp. 333-337.

2 H. WoLr-

A.SCH.

229

230

Athamania (A®auavia; Athamania). Region in the south-east of Epirus, in the Pindus range (Str. 7,7,8),

bordering on Thessaly in the east (later counted as Thessalian: Str. 9,5,11; Steph. Byz. s.v. A.). During the 4th cent. BC, the “A®opavec (Athamdnes) joined the League of Corinth and Second Athenian Confederacy (Diod. Sic. 14,82; Nep. Tim. 2), and in the 3rd cent. BC, it was a member of the Epirote League. Under the rule of kings Theodorus and -» Amynander (Pol. 4,16; Str. 9,4,115 [1]), A. became particularly important in the Macedonian Wars [2]. > Koinon in the 2nd/rst cents. BC (IG IX 2, 613). Inscriptions: WELLES 3 5; StV 3,550; SEG 3,451 [x. 173]- Coins: [3. 15—26]. 1 M.-L. Bastez, La monarchie athamane 4 la fin du III* siécle et au début du II® siécle, in: P. CaBanes (ed.), L’

Illyrie méridionale et |’Epire dans l’antiquité, 1987, 167173

2K.-W. Wetwe1, Amynanders d6voue. tic Baothetac

und sein Besuch in Rom, in: Historia 14, 1965, 252-256 3 P.R. FRANKE, Die ant. Mz. von Epirus, 1961.

P.Capanss, L’ Epire, 1976; N.G. L. HaMMonpD, Epirus, 1967.

DES:

Athamas (AOduac; Athdmas). Son of the elder + Aeolus and Enarete, born in Thessaly (Apollod. 1,51), ruled in Halus and Orchomenus and was married to Nephele, Cadmus’ daughter > Ino and Hypseus’ daughter Themisto. The preserved myth stems at least partly from lost plays of Aeschylus (TrGF 3.1-4), Soph. (IrGF 4.1-10; 721-723) and Eur. (TGF 398-427; 819-838). Since the curse on A.’s house is mentioned in Hdt. 7,197, one can assume that the myth came from northern Greece to Athens during the time of the Persian Wars. Because Ino wanted to get rid of her stepchildren, she let the seed be spoiled by singeing it (connection with agricultural ritual?). A. asked for advice in Delphi, but Ino bribed the messengers and had them tell A. that he had to sacrifice > Phrixus and > Helle to Zeus Laphystius. Because > Nephele rescued the children, A. was supposed to be sacrificed instead; but he was rescued by Heracles [1. 2,4-7]. After his assumed separation from Ino, Themisto bore him two (Eur.) or four [1. 1,58 fn. 3] children and also wanted to get rid of her stepchildren, but due to the cunning of Ino, who without Themisto’s knowledge was a slave in her household, Themisto inadvertently killed her own children and then committed suicide. In his frenzy, A. killed Ino’s elder son Learchus while hunting. Then Ino killed her younger son Melicertes, jumped into the sea with the corpse and became the goddess Leucothea (cf. Hom. Od. 5333-335). Melicertes was swept ashore in Isthmia and honoured there as Palaemon. A. is a ‘lay figure’ [2], the forefather of one of the tribes which settled in central Greece. If the connection of his name with Athamania [3] is correct, his people could have spoken north-west Greek and therefore been the Boeotian people, who invaded at the end of the Bronze Age. The cult of Zeus Laphystius, by contrast (related to that of Zeus Lycaeus), must be much older lite SenwerZAral:

ATHANARIC 1 SCHACHTER

2 Cu. SCHWANZER,

s.v. A., LIMC

2.1,

950-953 3 M.L. West, The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, 1985, 67 fn. 87. M.P. Nitsson, The Mycenaean origin of Greek mythology, 1932, repr. 1972, 133-136. A.S.

Athanadorus Son of Agesander; sculptor from Rhodes. Worked with + Agesander and > Polydorus; his marble copies of Hellenistic bronze groups were celebrated even in antiquity. The workshop’s creative period was at first set in the mid rst cent. BC, on the basis of

Rhodian inscriptions, but after the discovery of the extensive sculpture complex of Sperlonga, most probably going back to the time ofTiberius, it can be fixed in the early Imperial period. The Scylla group is signed. Also by him are the ‘Blinding of Polyphemus’, the ‘Theft of the Palladium’ and a reconstruction of the so-called Pasquino group with Odysseus and Achilles. All aspects of this ‘Odyssey in marble’ go back to originals from the high point of the Hellenistic period, developed in Rhodes and Pergamum. The same team created the extant copy of the > Laocoon group, praised by Pliny and widely discussed since its rediscovery in 1506. Other signed bases of A. are either missing or suspect. Signatures on honorific statues, mentioned by Pliny as portrayals of noble ladies, were found on Rhodes itself. B. ANDREAE, Praetorium Speluncae, 1994; Lorwy, no. 203, 480, 520; P.Moreno, Scultura ellenistica, 1994, passim; OVERBECK, nos. 2031-2034 (sources); J.J. PotLitt, Art in the Hellenistic age, 1986, 120-126 fig. RN.

Athanaric (Athanaricus in Amm. Marc. 27,5,63 31,3543

Jer. Chron. 327F; Hydat. Chron. s.a. 381). Iudex of the Gothic Tervingians, head of their royal clan (Zos. 4,34), probably the elder —> Balthi, died on 25.1. AD 38x in Constantinople. His father exacted from him an oath never to tread on Roman soil (Amm. Mare. 27,9; 31,4,13). This should be understood as an expression of the sacral function of the Tervingian izdex, who was also the supreme army commander of the gens [1. 76]. In 366 because of his kinship with > Constantinus [1], the Tervingians sent the usurper Procopius supplementary troops against Emperor — Valens, who took them prisoner (Amm. Marc. 26,10,3; 27,4,1-5,13 31,3,43 Eun. fr. 37). This led to the war of 367-369, which finally ended in the autumn of 369 with a peace agreement between A. and Valens on a ship on the Danube (Amm. Marc. 27,5,6-9; Them. Or. 10,134f.). There followed in 369-372 a persecution of Christians organized by A. under the Tervingians, which was only ended by > Fritigern’s desertion ofA., with the support of Valens (Vita S. Sabae; Vita S. Nicetae; Basil. Epist. 164f.; Socr. Hist. eccl. 4,33; Sozom. Hist. eccl. 6,37; Aug. Civ. 18,52; Prosp. s.a. 370 = MGH AA 9 p. 458). Defeated by the Huns in 375, he was deserted by the majority of the Tervingians and retreated to the upper Aluta Valley on the southern edge of the Carpathian mountains (Amm. Marc. 31,3f.). He was driven from

there at the end of 380 and received with honour by

23a

232

Theodosius I on 11.1.381 in Constantinople, where he died 14 days later and received a state burial (lord. Get.

PG 26-28; H.-G. Opitz (ed.), A. Werke, 1934ff. (published as far as III/1, 19410); G. MULLER, Lexicon Athanasianum, 1952; CHR. BuTTERWECK, A.-Bibliographie (Abh. Nordrhein.-Westf. Akad.), 1995. K.M.

ATHANARIC

142-145; Them. Or. 15,190D-191A; Socr. 5,10; ConSulanian @omnsta Svaenso0.)ZOSsi4.3 454i OLOSa said475 Amm. Marc. 27,5,10). PLRE 1, 120f.

Athanis ("“AOavic; Athanis). A. from Syracuse, name

1 H. WoLrraM, Die Goten, *1990. O.SEECK, s.v. A., RE 2, 1934f.; E.A. THompson, The Visigoths in the Time of Ulfila, 1966; H. WoLFRAM, Got.

Studien I., in: MIOG 83, 1975, 1-32.

ASCH,

Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria from 328, born around 295, died 2 or 3 May 373. He deserves credit for the defence and implementation of the creed of the Council of Nicaea, which remains the common

basis of nearly all Christian churches. Especially his dispute with > Arianism is decisive for church history. He paid for his involvement with 17 years of exile. At the Council of Nicaea (325) he is still deacon and secretary of the Bishop Alexander of Alexandria; upon Alexander’s death (330) A. was elected his successor and took over the conflicts surrounding the Melitianians

form Athanis in Ath. 3,98d and Plut. Timol. 23,6; Athdnas in Diod. Sic. 15,94,4; Athenis in Theopomp. FGrH r15 F 194. He took part in the expedition of > Dion to Sicily and was together with > Heraclides and Archelaus of Dyme prostdtés tés poleos (‘Director of the City’) in Syracuse in 356. A. continued the work of > Philistus (FGrH 556), which reached as far as 363/2, and described in 13 books the further destinies of the younger > Dionysius, the events around Dion as well as the history of Timoleon at least until his resignation in 337/6 (fr. 3). FGrH 562 (with commentary). K. MersTEr, Die griech. Geschichtsschreibung, 1990, 69;

D.P. Orsi, Atanide, Eraclide e Archelao, prostatai della citta, in: Chiron 25, 1995, 205-212; L. PEARSON, The Greek Historians of the West, 1987, 31f. K.MEI.

(> Melitius) and the Arians, who always had a dispute

with the current emperor. A. knew how to hinder the reacceptance of the presbyter Arius who had been sentenced in Nicaea, something for which Constantine strove for the sake of the unity of the church; he could successfully defend himself against the accusations of the Melitianians; but at the imperial synod ofTyre (33 5) he was sentenced to exile. After Constantine’s death (337) A., like other banned bishops, returns, but can only remain there until 339; he then flees from the party of Eusebius to Rome, where he finds church political support, which the western church cannot enforce at the imperial synod of Serdica (342). Constans forces A.’s return in 346, but after the death of Constans, Constantius manages to have A. sentenced at the synods of Arles (353) and Milan (355). A. escapes imprisonment by fleeing; monks hide him. Under the rulership ofJulian the Apostate he can return in 362; he is, however, banned again in 363, a last time under Valens (365/66). These periods of exile do not seriously hinder his operation: under his leadership the synod of Alexandria was convened in 362, which eased the return of the opponents of the Nicaenum; infighting within the Nicene encampment was quelled. After the death of A. the Arian conflict was ended with the second ecumenical Council of Constantinople in 381. The conflict about the position of the Holy Ghost in the Trinity was also decided according to A.’s intentions. At the centre of his writings stands God, who is inclined towards men from the very beginning. Already at the time of the Creation, the future Fall and only possible salvation of mankind is premeditated, which con-

nects human nature with that of God: the incarnation and the crucifixion of the /ogos. For the soteriological aspect with respect to ontological questions, the position of the Son must be defended first and foremost against any attack; the duooboto¢g (homoousios) of the

Nicaenum offers the formula for this.

Athaulf see > Ataulfus

Atheism Modern atheism appeals to ancient models as its authority in its repudiation of the (Christian) religion; it even creates martyrs. While atheism in modern times turns against monotheism

and institutions de-

rived from it — the term atheism first appears in the 16th

cent. —,

the ancient

terms,

including

GO¢o¢

(atheos, ‘god-less’), were part of apolytheistic system of local god-persons, which was realized in cultic forms and does not assume a verbalized, conceptual credo. Therefore, one must distinguish for ancient atheism: r.

The destruction of the cultic place makes a polis godless and provokes people who have become cultless to criticize the gods (Eur. Tro. ro6off.; Diagoras after the destruction of his home Melos in 416 BC: Melanthius FGrH 326 F 3; 342 F 16 [1; 2]; on the atheism trials ~ asebeia |3]). 2. With the desertion of one’s own local

pantheon, one becomes a non-citizen and loses cultic competence (regional atheism); this alienation allows

verbal atheism (Gorgias). 3. In the theatre individual roles, often in connection with the godless situations 1 and 2, express atheism against particular gods (particular atheism). This is, however, no avowal on the part of the poet to atheism [4; 5; 6; 7; 8; 9]. 4. Since

omnipotence and other divine attributes are not a part of — polytheism, the many anthropomorphic gods (> Anthropomorphism) cannot serve as the final justification for ethical norms (Hom. Od. 1,1-79). The deficits of theology, which are revealed especially with the delocalization in Hellenism [cf. 2], try to make up for god-less ethics with philosophy, especially the fear of the world

of the dead, which

has become

godless

(+ Epicurus; > Lucretius). 5. The atheism of the (Io-

nian) natural philosophy is first a critique of the anthropo-morphe (human-form; -» Xenophanes, > Anaxa-

233

234

goras). 6. Accusations of atheism against imageless (aniconic) cults like those of the Jews and Christians. + RELIGION, CRITIQUE OF

Minoan house snake is still not a binding conclusion. Rather, a Mycenaean derivation should take into consideration the political and military function of the goddess in her relationship to the prince.

1B.SMarczyk,

Unt.

zur

Religionspolitik

und_

polit.

Propaganda im Delisch-Att. Seebund, 1990, 278-287 2 Cur. AUFFARTH, 1995 (see below) 3M.Ostwatp, From Popular Sovereignty to the Sovereignty of Law, 1986, 137-171 4R.SCHLESIER, Gétterdammerung bei Euripides?, in: H. Zmnser (ed.), Der Untergang von Religionen, 1986, 35-50 5 M.LeFKowi1Tz, Was Euripides

an Atheist?, in: SIFC 5, 1987, 149-166

6 Id., Impiety

and Atheism in Euripides’ Dramas, in: CQ 39, 1989, 7082

7H. Yunis,

A New Creed, Hypomnemata 91, 1988

8 Cur. AUFFARTH, Der Opferstreik, in: Grazer Beitrage 20, 1994, 59-86 9J.D. Mixarson, Honor Thy Gods, 1991, 69-164.

W.FAHR, Ogovs vouiCew: Zum Problem der Anfange des A. bei den Griechen. Spudasmata 26, 1969; P. GARNSEY,

Religious Toleration in Classical Antiquity, in: W.SHEILS (ed.), Toleration and Persecution, in: Studies in Church History 21, 1984, 1-27; M. Wintarczyk, Bibliographie zum ant. A.: 17. Jahrhundert bis 1990, 1994; CHR. AUF-

FARTH, Aufnahme und Zuriickweisung ‘Neuer Gotter’ im spatklass. Athen, in: W.EDER, Demokratie, 1995, 337-

365.

CA.

Athena (A@qvn/A0nva; Athéné/Athénd). A. ETYMOLOGY AND ORIGIN B. MYTHOLOGY C. FUNCTIONS 1. PROTECTRESS OF THE CITY 2. WAR, EPHEBEIA, YOUNG CITIZENS 3. WOMEN’S LIVES 4. RITUAL 5. CRAFTS D. SUMMARY E. ICONOGRAPHY

A. ETYMOLOGY AND ORIGIN

Central Greek polis deity, daughter of Zeus and Metis, born from her father’s head, virginal patron of war, crafts and female work (Hom. Hymn. Ven. 7); her common epithet, Pallas, is understood to mean ‘girl’ (CHANTRAINE S.v. maAAax}). The Romans identified her with > Minerva

(Etruscan, Menrva), the Greeks

with numerous Eastern deities, for instance the Lycian Maliya [1], the Egyptian > Sais (Hdt. 2,28), the Ugarite + Anat or the Palmyrene Allat. Like many Eastern goddesses, she belonged to the type of the armed goddess [2].

An early form of A.’s name is Atana Potinija in a Linear B text from Knosos. Amongst the various inter-

ATHENA

B. MYTHOLOGY A.’s birth has been recounted

since Hes. (Theog.

886-99, 924-26, cf. fr. 343). Zeus married > Metis;

when she was pregnant with A., Gaia prophesied that a son born of Metis would depose him; Zeus swallowed Metis and with the help of Prometheus or Hephaestus (Apollod. 1,20) gave birth to A. from his head. Zeus received a similar prediction when he sought to marry Thetis (Aesch. PV 75 5-876; Pind. Isthm. 8,27-3 5). The motif of the peculiar birth comes from the East (> Kumarbi); with adroit symbolism it links A. with the spiritual capabilities of her father (cf. Hes. Theog. 896). Many myths closely link A. with individual heroes. In Homer, Achilles (from Il. 1,194-218) and Odysseus (e.g., Od. 1,48f.) in particular, as well as Diomedes for instance, receive her assistance (Il. 5,826); in writers

other than Homer, she helps heroes like Hercules, Per-

seus or Jason. In Athenian mythology she has a dispute with Poseidon regarding the ownership of the city and receives it on account of her gift of the olive tree (Apollod. 3,179); this is the reason not just for A.’s Athenian cult but also for the significance of the cultivation of the oil crop, and in another version of the myth (Varro at

Aug. Civ. 18,9) for the social role of women [4]. Anoth-

er Athenian myth reports that Hephaestus pestered her and shed his sperm; this was the origin of the serpentshaped Erichthonius. A. hid Erichthonius in a basket and entrusted him to the care of the three daughters of Cecrops who opened the basket; at the sight of the serpent, two of them fell from the acropolis to their deaths. When he came of age, Erichthonius made himself king, erected the A. statue on the acropolis and established the Panathenaea (Apollod. 3,188—190). The myth connects an aition for the ritual of the > Arrhephoroi (see below) and the > Panathenaea with a complex myth of origin regarding the Athenians. C. FUNCTIONS

t. PROTECTRESS OF THE CITY Fundamental to A.’s functions is her role as protectress of the city. This is shown by the great frequency of

pretations possible ‘Mistress (of a place) At(h)ana’ is

the epicleses Polids and Poliouichos, and the position of

the most convincing [3]. In this process the old question as to whether the deity’s name A. or the place name Athenai is the earlier is answered in favour of the place name: the Homeric form Athenaia/Athana(i)a is understood to be an adj. ‘the one belonging to Athena/(i)’. So an individual name of the goddess is missing in Linear B, and her appearance is only to be understood insofar as she is one of the great feminine deities (Potmiai). It is not necessary to interpret her as a Mycenaean palace or shield goddess. It is only partly true that temples of A. are the continuation of Mycenaean palaces (Mycenae, Athens); the derivation of the snake as a Mycenaean or

many sanctuaries to A. on the Acropolis. The Iliad emphasizes the role of A. as protectress of Athens (2,549f.) and presupposes a temple to A. on the citadel of Troy with a priestess and a statue in a seated position: the women who seek her protection in the crisis make an offering to her of a péplos (garment or piece of cloth) and pledge twelve cows (6,297-3 10). The sanctuary of A. on the Acropolis of Gortyn dates from the early archaic period, with a large stone seated image as does the one on the Acropolis of Emporio on Chios, where next to the > megaron of the princes of the city, her cult is attested since the 8th cent.; from the 7th/6th cents. a

ATHENA

standing, helmeted statue is attested. The protection is provided either by a talismanic statuette of the goddess (Palladium, defined by Hdt. 4,189 as a ‘statue of Pallas A.) or by the warlike deity herself. The myth recounts the link between the survival of Troy and the image; after Odysseus and Diomedes had stolen it, the city fell. Numerous places later claimed to own the Trojan Palladium, especially Athens (Paus. 1,28) and Rome (Liv. 555257 and passim). Such talismanic images do not refer

only to A.; the idea persisted into Byzantine Christianity

[5]. 2. WAR, EPHEBEIA,

236

25S)

YOUNG

CITIZENS

A. is also a goddess to whom ‘strife and war are highly valued’ (Hom. Il. 5,333; Hes. Theog. 926), as indicated by her weaponry in the first place; weapons were dedicated in numerous sanctuaries of A.. As the goddess of war, she was different from -» Ares and Enyalius, the gods of the military action itself whose names are often mentioned in association with hers (e.g.,Hom. Il. 5,430: Ares, A. and — Enyo) insofar as war was her means of protecting the city. As a warrior she looked after young men; this is reflected in the myth in her care for the heroes [6]. Thus the Athenian ephebes swore their oaths in the Aglaureion under the special guardianship of Ares and A. Areia in whose temple the corresponding inscription has been found (Top II 204). In addition to the military aspect there is the aspect of the integration of young men into society. The highly significant festival of the > Apaturia (Hdt. 1,147), already celebrated prior to the emigration of the Ionians at the end of the Bronze Age, was dedicated to

lence (Il. 5,73.4f. and passim), and from Plato onwards,

she was called the inventor of weaving (P]. Symp. 197 B; cf. Diod. Sic. 5,73,8; Ael. NA. 1,21). Apparently the wooden seated image of A. on the acropolis of Erythrae (Paus. 7,5,9) and on that of Ilium held a spindle (Apollod. 3,143); a terracotta sculpture of the unarmed goddess with a spindle comes from her sanctuary on Lindus; coins from several towns in Asia Minor show an armed A. with a spindle [11]. There are weaving weights and spindles from numerous A. sanctuaries from the ancient period, together with other votive offerings of women [12]. This connection finds ritual expression in a girl’s agon in wool-working, attested for Tarentum [13], but especially in the spinning and weaving of the > péplos for the Athenian goddess of the acropolis. The péplos was woven by selected women; the two girls from good families called Arrhephoroi, who had to spend an entire year in the service of A. began the weaving. In the prenuptial institution of the Arrhephoroi, an old ritual of initiation is continued, as it was in the case

of the male child priests [14; 15]. The same applies to Cos where two girls spent a year with A. (Hsch. s.v. agretat). The Locrian girls’ tribute in the temple of A. at Ilium has the same origin [16]. In Troezen A. Apatouria receives the prenuptial girdle offering of the girls (Paus. Beira lc 4. RITUAL

Myrsilus FGrH 477 F 4; Ath. £3,20,565e; 609e). Rem-

More comprehensive interest in the young members of the polis was introduced to the festival, which was important to the polis. The best known are the Athenian — Panathenaea, which unite traditional elements (presenting the young warriors and women, sacrificial festival, new year’s ritual) with a grandiose self-representation of the city of Athens [17; 18]. At the festival, which was celebrated annually and every fourth year as the Great Panathenaea on 28th Hekatombaion (July/ August), the city presented itself with its elite, its warriors and allies in a great procession, in which the péplos which the women had woven for the goddess, was also paraded on the mast of the ship on wheels (on the unresolved questions about the péplos [19]); the procession ended at the main altar on the Acropolis with a mighty sacrifice (thus, Hekatombaion). It is part of a new year’s cycle, which began with the Plynteria (‘washing festival’) on the 25th of the previous month, Thargelion: the old sculpture of A. was undressed,

nants of initiation rites are also a factor behind the child

taken to the sea, washed and reclothed as a clear symbol

priests of A. Alea in Tegea (Paus. 8,47,3), A. Cranaea in Phocis (Paus. 10,34,8) and A. in Siris (Lycoph. 984-90 and Schol. Justin. 20,2,3). 3. WOMEN’S LIVES Just as significant as her connection with young male

of the new beginning [20; 21]. According to the evi-

her as A. Phratria as well as to Zeus Phratrios; this

served to introduce the young members into the phratry (sacrifice: Schol. Aristoph. Ach. 146); Zeus Phratrios

and A. Phratria are the gods through whom the Athenian citizens defined themselves (Pl. Euthd. 302 D). This connection with phratries and similar gentilical associations is also to be found elsewhere: A. Ph(r)atria is venerated in Cos, Lindus and Camirus [7; 8; 9], A. Ph(r)atria in Thasos [ro], and in Cos (Euryanactidae), Thasos (Priamidae) and Lindus (Grennadae) she is con-

nected with groups of gentes. The beauty competition for young men in Elis can be viewed in the same way; the victor was permitted in a procession to present the weapons dedicated to A., whilst the second prize winner presented the sacrificial cow (Theophr. fr. 11;

citizens — which A. had in common with Apollo—was her relationship with young women. She taught them ‘magnificent works’ (Hom. Hymn. Ven. 14f.); hence in many places she was called Ergdné, ‘worker’. The most important work done by women was spinning and weaving: for Homer, A. is the divine weaver par excel-

dence of the Ionian name for the month, Plynterion, the

festival was very widespread [22]. On the 16th Hekatombaion there followed the Synoikia to commemorate the synoecism, the development of the Athenian state from its individual villages; a sacrifice was made in honour of A. on the acropolis. The Panathenaea concluded the circle from dissolution (Plynteria) to affirmative self-portrayal (Panathenaea). Similarly, the Pamboiotia, which are harder to understand and which were

celebrated in the sanctuary of A. Itonia with a sacrifice

237

238

and an agon [23], must have represented in a festive

become secure: the myth also explores the forces of an intelligence active in civilization, which has the power of Zeus, but the locus of which is beyond nature. ~> Greek religion; > Healing cults

manner the Boeotian League. In general from the Hellenistic period onwards there were splendid polis festivals for A. which were held in numerous places and which were sometimes also called Panathenaea. These develop to fit in with the increased need for representation felt by the Hellenistic polis [24]. 5. CRAFTS However A. (Ergane) did more than just supervise women’s work, she was the patron of all the crafts. Here her sophisticated cleverness, (7étis) [25] inherited from her mother was expressed. Her inventions were not only valuable in time of war, like the trumpet she conceived of (Etym. Mag. 708,2; Schol. Lycoph. 915) for which she was also called A. Salpinx (Argus: Paus. 2,21,3). She also taught the art of constructing wagons (Hom. Hymn. Ven. 12f.) and harnessing horses (for Bellerophon she harnessed Pegasus, Pind. Ol. 14,63-87), consequently in Corinth she was called Chalinitis, ‘she of the bridle’ (Paus. 2,4,1) [26]. In her connection with horses (often as A. Hippia) she was in competition with the master of horses, Poseidon (Hippios), who at the very least taught Antilochus the art of training horses (hipposyne) (Hom. Il. 23,581-4). She helped Jason to build the first ship, the > Argo, (Apoll. Rhod. 1,18; Apollod. 1,110). Because of this pragmatic cleverness she is connected especiaily in Athens with Hephaestus, the patron of crafts (especially those associated with the handling of fire). The temple of Hephaestus on the Agora (the so-called Theseum) contained statues of Hephaestus and A. (Paus. 1,14,6), and Athenian craftsmen celebrated the festival of Chalkeia on 30th Pyanopsion (Oct./Nov.) with a sacrificial procession to Hephaestus and A. Ergane.

D. SUMMARY Although the main festivals of the goddess appear to express an easily comprehensible symbolism, the figure of A. is not without strange tensions. She sprang fully armed from the head of her father; she is a virgin and warrior, but also somehow the mother of the serpent child Erichthonius; she is connected with the snake, with the depths of the earth, and the owl that belongs to the night. Earlier research attempted to resolve these tensions in terms of evolution (NiLsson) or by depth psychology (KERENY1); currently a functionalist interpretation of A.’s ambivalent powers predominates (DETIENNE, VERNANT). As a warrior she protects the polis but for this purpose she uses the techniques of the repulsive Ares; her main weapons are the Aegis (the goatskin which Zeus used in his battle with the giants) and the Gorgonium (the head of a monster turned to stone), both of which are surrounded by snakes. She shares this ambivalence with those entrusted to her protection, the girls who are not yet trained and the young warriors who are operating outside the polis. And yet her métis is ambivalent. A son of her mother Metis could have threatened Zeus’ rule; only after Zeus took her into himself, and thereby subjugated her did be

ATHENA

1 R. Lesrun, Problémes de religion anatolienne, in: ibid. (ed.), Hethitica.

8. Acta Anatolica

E.LaRocHE

oblata,

1987,241-262 2G.CoLBow, Die kriegerische IStar. Zu den Erscheinungsformen bewaffneter Gottheiten zw. der

Mitte des 3. und der Mitte des 2. Jts., in: Miinch. Vorderasiat. Studien 12, 1991 3 M.Gf£raRD Rousseau, Les mentions religieuses dans les tablettes mycéniennes, 1968,

44f.

4 P. Vipat-NaqueT, Le chasseur noir, +1991, 285f.

5 H.Bextine, Bild und Kult, 1992 6J.N. BREMMER, Heroes, rituals, and the Trojan war, in: Stud. Stor. Rel. 2, 1978, 5-38 7R.HeERzoG, Abh. Berlin 1928/6 8 Inscription from Lindus 615 9 Tituli Camirenses 127,3 10 BCH 89, 1965, 447 no.6 11 GRAF 210; 213 12 GraF211r 13 M.J. MILNE, in: AJA 19, 1945, 528-33 14 W.BurKerRT, Kekropidensage und Arrhephoria, in:

Wilder Ursprung. Opferritual und Mythos bei den Griechen, 1990, 40-59 15 P.BRULE£, La fille d’Athénes, 1987, 13-175 16 F.Grar, Die lokrischen Madchen, in: Stud. Stor. Rel. 2, 61-79 17 DEUBNER 22-35 18 J. Nerzs (ed.), Goddess and Polis. The Panathenaic Fes-

tival in Ancient Greece, 1992 19 J.M. MANSFIELD, The robe of A. and the Panathenaic procession, diss. Berkeley 1985 20DEUBNER, 22-35 21 W.BuRKERT, Wilder Ursprung, 1990, 78f. 22 GRaF,19 23 A.SCHACHTER, The Cults of Boeotia 1, 1981, 117-27 24 A. CHANIOTIS, Sich selbst feiern? Stadtische Feste des Hellenismus im Spannungsfeld von Religion und Politik, in: M. WOrRLE, P.ZANKER (ed.), Stadtbild und Birgerbild im Hellenismus, Vestigia 47, 1995, 147-172 25 M.DETIENNE, J.P.

VERNANT, Les ruses de l’intelligence, 1974 26 N. YALOUris, Athena als Herrin der Pferde, in: MH 7, 1950, 91Ot. C.J. Herincton, Athena Parthenos and Athena Polias, 1955; I. KaAsper-Butz, Die Gottin A. im klass. Athen. A. als Reprasentantin des demokratischen Staates, 1990; K.Kerényt, Die Jungfrau und Mutter der griech. Reli-

gion. Eine Studie uber Pallas A., Albae Vigiliae, N.S. 12, 1952; W.POTscHER, Hera. Eine Strukturanalyse im Vergleich mit A., 1987; N. ROBERTSON, The origin of the Panathenaea, in: RhM 128, 1985, 231-295;S.V. Tracy, The Panathenaic festival and games. An epigraphic inquiry, in: Nikephoros 4, 1991, 133-154 CULTIC CENTRES : J. BOARDMAN, Excavations in Chios. Greek Emporio. BSA Suppl. 6, 1967; G. R1zzo, V. SANTA Maria Scrinart, Il santuario sull’acropli di Gortina 1,

1969; H.Cassrmaris, L’Athéna de Gortyne en Créte et son culte, in: Akt. des 13. Internationalen Kongr. fur Klass. Arch. in Berlin 1988, 1990, 467ff.; M.E. Voyatzis, The Early Sanctuary of A. Alea at Tegea and Other Archaic Sanctuaries in Arcadia, 1990, 10-28; E.Ostpy, J.-M. Luce, G.C. Norpauist, C. Tarpiti, M.E. Voyat-

zis, The Sanctuary of A. Alea at Tegea. First Preliminary Report (1990-1992), Op. Ath. 20, 1994, 88-141. E.G.

E. ICONOGRAPHY The earliest confirmed genuine portrayals testify to the defensive character of A. with her helmet, spear and lance, with the aegis from c. 575 BC; the gorgoneion appears from c. 600 BC. on her shield, on the aegis from

ATHENA

c. 540 BC. The older so-called Palladium type depicts A. as stationary with a closed leg position (proto-Corinthian vase images, first half of the 7th cent. BC.; clay statuette

240

239

from Gortyn/Crete,

7th cent. BC)With

the

same armour and weapons, but stepping out: the ancient type of A. Promachos, the champion in battle (bronze statuettes from the Athenian acropolis); this type on the > Panathenaic prize amphorae (oldest example: Burgon Amphora, c. 560 BC, London, BM); famous is the lost colossal statue of > Phidias on the Acropolis of Athens, a dedication from the booty of the Persian Wars, c. 450 BC; the Roman Medici A. (Medici

2, 1980,

113-125;

3, 1981,

Lemnia and Lemnos.

55-93;

E.B. Harrison,

Sidelights on a Pheidian A., in:

Kanon. FS E. Berger, 1988, ro1-107; CHR. HOCKER, L. SCHNEIDER, Phidias, 1993, passim ; P. KARANASTASSIS,

Unt. zur kaiserzeitl. Plastik in Griechenland 2, in: MDAI(A) 102, 1987, 323-428; I.KAspeR-Butz, Die Gottin A. im klass. Athen, 1990; A. Linfert, Athenen des Phidias, in: MDAI(A) 97, 1982, 57-77; B.S. Ripcway, Images of A. on the Acropolis, in: J. NeIxs (ed.), Goddess

and Polis, 1992,

119-127;

M. Weper, Zur Uberlieferung

der Goldelfenbeinstatue des Phidias JDAI 108, 1993, 83-122.

im Parthenon,

in: AL.

torso, Paris, LV) is linked amongst other things, with the A. Areia of Phidias in Plataeae (460/450 BC; as a

Athenaea see > Athena

commemoration of the victory over the Persians) and the A. in Elis (of Phidias or > Colotes). The oldest extant seated image of A. is presumably a work of Endius, 530/525 BC (cf. the type of A. Lindia). The c. 12 m high gold-ivory statue by A. Parthenos of Phidias (cf. the Varvakion statuette, Athens, NM), made between 447/6 and 439/438 BC of gold from the Athenian state treasury, is to be understood as a selfrepresentation of Athens in its striving for hegemony within the > Delian League (cf. the graphic reference of the Parthenos to the ancient cult image of Apollo of Delos). The A. Lemnia by Phidias (Dresden/Bologna), c. 450 BC no doubt consecrated by Attic cleruchs on the Acropolis, tends to embody, in the restrained nature of the weaponry, the peaceful aspect of Attic alliance politics. For A. as a representative of Athenian politics, cf.

Athenaeus (‘AOnvatoc; Athénaios). [1] Lacedaemonian, son of Periclidas, contributed in

the document reliefs of the sth and 4th cents. BC The type Cherchel and the A. of Velletri (by > Cresilas?) are equated, amongst others, with the A. Hephaisteia by > Alcamenes (c. 420 BC); cf. also the types Ince and Hope-Farnese. Characteristic types from the 4th. cent. BC are the Giustiniani A. (beginning of the 4th

423 BC to the truce with Athens (Thuc. 4,119), which

he officially announced to > Brasidas a little later together with the Athenian Aristonymus (Thuc. 4,122). M.MEL. [2] A. was, as the youngest son of Attalus I of Pergamum, a member of the ‘Royal Council’; he is also documented as an agonothete (Alt. Perg. 8,3,3; OGIS 315,46; Str. 13,4,624; cf. OGIS 296; 319,16f.; 321). A. helped his ruling elder brothers Eumenes II and Attalus II, as well as the Romans militarily in 189/8 BC after the victory over the Seleucid > Antiochus III against the Galatians, in 167 in Greece after the Roman

victory

over the Macedonian king > Perseus and in 15 4 against the Bithynian king > Prusias (Pol. 33,13; Liv. 38,12,8; 40,8; 45,27,6). In 183 he spoke against Philip V of Macedon before the Roman senate; in 163 and 155 against Prusias (Pol. 23,1,4; 31,9,23 32,28,13 33,13 Liv. 39,46,9). + Attalus [3]-[6]. A.ME. [3] Sophist (according to the Epitome) or grammaticus

cent.), Vescovali A. (second half of the 4th cent.) and

(Suda) from Naucratis (73a; 301¢; 480d), c. AD 190.

Rospigliosi A. (late 4th cent.). The copy ofA. Parthenos in the library of the A. sanctuary in Pergamum (first half ofthe 2nd cent. BC) sets out to provide a programmatic reference to the classical heritage of Athens. The A. with the crossed aegis from Pergamum is regarded as an early eclectic work of Hellenism. The mythical context is passed down to us in numerous portrayals: e.g. the birth of A. (Parthenon, eastern gable, 438-432 BC), the dispute between A. and Poseidon over the control of Attica (Parthenon, western gable, 438-432 BC), A.’s decisive role in the battles with the giants (Parthenon, eastern metope 4, 442-432; Per-

Additional information about his person is not available. Author of ‘About the Syrian Kings’ (meQi tov év Leia Paoevodvtwyv; 211a) and ‘About Thracian Women’ (meQi Ogatt@v, 329c) (both lost), and ‘Scholars ata Banquet’ (Aewtvooogtotai, Deipnosophistat). Ina tradition which begins with Plato’s ‘Symposium’ (of which A.’s introduction reminds one, with its address to Timocrates 1f-2a) and is later represented by Plutarch’s Symposium and ‘Table Talk’ quaestiones convivales, perhaps A.’s inspiration lies in Plut. Mor. 686a-d); A.’s Deipnosophistai exceed by far the known predecessors in both their scope and breadth of themes (~ Buntschriftstellerei). The 29 guests of a banquet in Rome that lasts several days debate questions about philology, political history and cultural history, especially with regard to eating, drinking (and étatoa, hetairai), which A. does not always successfully connect with his sympotic framework. A.’s philological interests mirror those of his contemporaries (cf. the Ono-

gamum

altar, eastern

frieze,

180/160

BC)

A. and

-» Marsyas (Marsyas group by > Myron, mid sth cent. BC), A. as protective goddess of Hercules and other heroes. I.E. Atrripp, Zu den A.-Typen Rospigliosi und Vescovati, in: AA 1996, 83-94; A.DELIvorRIAS, Sparagmata. Aus der klass. Ikonographie der Athena, in: Archa. und klass. griech. Plastik 2, 1986, 149-154; P. DEMARGNE, s.v. A.,

LIMCIL, 1, 1984, 955-1044 (with older lit.); B. Fenr, Zur religionspolit. Bed. der A. Parthenos im Rahmen des delisch-att. Seebundes I-III, in: Hephaistos 1, 1979, 71-91;

mastikon of his countryman

~> Pollux); similarly his

interest in Attic comedy and his detailed citations from it. This makes A. one of our primary sources of comedy

241

242

fragments, as well as many other genres of Greek literature. Critique of the deeds of > Commodus, whom he names as his contemporary (xa0’ hdc), let us assume the composition between Commodus’ death in AD 192 and his rehabilitation by Septimius Severus in 195 [1]. In the characters of those involved, reality and fiction blend with one another. The host of the meal, probably A.’s patron, the refined Roman aristocrat Aagrvotoc, named a priest by Marcus Aurelius (2c), is surely P. Livius Larensius, pontifex minor in CIL VI 2126 (ILS 2932) [2], proconsul of one of the two Moesiae

cites, how much comes from transmission, e.g. through

(Mvuoiac, Ath. 398e) c. 189 [3], procurator patrimonii (SHA Commodus 20,1) and perhaps the friend of Pertinax in Cass. Dio 74,1,2. > Galen of Pergamum,

whose numerous medical and philosophical works are mentioned by A. (re), leads us to think of the historical figure (died in AD 199). The name of the iambic poet and legal scholar Mansurius plays on the Julio-Claudian jurist Masurius Sabinus (PIR M 358); that of the grammaticus Plutarch on the great philosopher; the rhetorician Ulpianos of Tyrus with the nickname neitovuetoc

(keitowkeitos)

because

of his obsession

with literarily verifiable word usage (xettat i) ot xettau; te) is probably not the legal scholar Ulpianus, whose murder in AD 223 (POxy. 2565) by praetorians (Cass. Dio 80,2,2) is therefore irrelevant to Ulpianos’ death (evtvx@>¢, 686c) and the dating of the work. Ulpianos’

opponent, the Cynic Cynulcus, whose disrespectful joking is among the few humorous elements in A., bears a descriptive name. Other names of grammatici, philosophers, rhetoricians and doctors from Asia, Bithynia

and Greece are humorous borrowings from famous figures. A. demonstrates pitilessly, perhaps against Pollux, the Atticism of his characters Pompeianus (Lucian ridicules nine of his expressions in the Lexiphanes) and Ulpianos (Cynulcus rebuts his critique of borrowed Latin words by citing classical borrowings from the Persian (r21f)). A. knows and admires Italy and names Rome émttopi tig oixoupévne (the epitome of the earth, 2ob) and the Romans ot mé&vv’ Gevotor (the very best, 547a, when Republican Rome banishes philosophers), a compliment also for > Hadrianus (574f.; in addition uovoixdtatos 36rf; cf. r15b) and - Marcus Aurelius (2c). He has no patience for philosophers, especially Plato (cf. 215b-221; 504e-508d). A., who offers us a treasure trove of philological and antiquarian information, is obviously less nostalgic than Pausanias, although of the more than 700 cited authors only a few live in his time: the poet Pancrates of Egypt under Hadrian, whom A. knows personally (677d-f); Aristomenes of Athens, a /ibertus of Hadrian (whom he names Atticoperdix) whom Magnus got to know in his youth (1r5b); + Herodes Atticus (99c); his enemies, the Brothers Quintilii (coss. ordinarii AD 151) with their Tewoymd (Georgikd) 649d-e; > Oppianus (‘born a little before our time’; 13b), whose ‘AMtevtixa (Halieutikd) was published in AD 177-180. It remains unclear how much of his extraordinary learning A. takes directly from the texts of authors he

ATHENAEUS

the lexicographers Didymus, Tryphon and Pamphilus (as the ordering according to the alphabet or according to subject sometimes seems to suggest), how much comes from monographs on Homeric questions (as from the one by Dioscorides) or about xwumdobpevor (kOmoidoumenoi; the people ridiculed in the comedy); or (in the case of natural-historical themes) from Alex-

ander of Myndus, perhaps via Pamphilus [5; 6]. The text, consisting of 15 books, of cod. A (Marcianus 447) bears traces of an earlier edition in 30 books, which was used by > Macrobius and — Hesychius of Miletus in his Onomatoldgos (6th cent. AD), although according to PAPENHOFF [7] the r5 books were only divided into 30 by copyists. We do not know which edition was excerpted by Sopater of Apamea (Phot. Bibl. 103a32) and which was used by Iohannes Lydus (De magistratibus populi Romani 3,63). Marcianus 447 (A), which SCHWEIGHAUSER [8] claimed is the archetype of all other MSS, which, however, cannot be proven — was copied by Iohannes the Calligrapher in c. 895-928 for his patron Arethas [9; 10. 129], and brought to Bessarion in Venice in.1423 by G. Aurispa, probably from Constantinople. Today, the MS lacks books 1-2 and the beginning of 3 (up to 73e); 466d-e, 502b-c and the end (700-7014) are damaged. Psellus (c. AD 1050) was familiar with a more complete text, and an undamaged text (probably a related MS rather than A. itself [10. 163, 201-202]) was the basis for a comprehensive epitome (c. 60% of the whole work), which

was first documented by Eustathius (not its author [117; 12; 13]), who cites A. again and again. The editio princeps of Marcus Musurus (Aldina, Venice 1514) was followed by the publication of J. WALDER (Basel 1535). A Latin translation by No£L DEI ConrTI (Venice 1556) was replaced by one by the scholar JACQUES DALECHAMP (Lyon 1583) which was also printed by Isaac CASAUBON in his edition (Genf/Heidelberg 1597) and followed by the fundamental animadversiones of CaSAUBONS

(Lyon 1600). J.SCHWEIGHAUSER

8] was the

first editor to use the MS of A. and offered a complete commentary. 1 G.ZECCHINI, La cultura storica di Ateneo, 1989, 14 2 H.Dessau, Zu Athenaeus in: Hermes 25, 1890, 156158 3PFLAUM,1068 4B.BALDwin, The Minor Char-

acters in Athenaeus, in: Acta Classica 20, 1977, 37-48 5 M. WELLMANN, Dorion, in: Hermes 23, 1888, 179-193

6 Id., Pamphilos, in: Hermes 51, 1916, 35ff. 7 H.PAPENHOFF, Zum Problem der Abhangigkeit der Epitome von der venezianischen Hs. des A., (Diss. Gottingen) 1954 8 J.SCHWEIGHAUSER, edition in 14 vols., 1801-07 9N.G. Witson, Did Arethas read Athenaeus?, in: JHS 82,1962,147-148 10Id., Scholars of Byzantium, 1983 11 M. VAN DER VALK, Eustathius and the epitome ofA., in: Mnemosyne 39, 1986, 400 12 H.ERBsE, Unt.en zu den attizistischen Lexica, in: ADAW 1949, 2 [1950], 73-92 13 P.Maas, KS, 1973, 475-7, 505-20 (against ERBSE).

EpiTIons:

G.KAIBEL,

1887-90; C.B. GULICK, 7 vols.,

1927-41 (KAIBELS text with English trans., Loeb edition); B. 1-2:

A.DESROUSSEAUX

(with French

trans.),

Budé,

ATHENAEUS

1956 (cf. H.ErsBse, Athenée de Naucratis, edd. Desrousseaux et Astruc, in: Gnomon 29, 1957, 290ff.); S.P. PEPPINK, B. 3-15, 1937-39 (Epitome); U. and K. TREU, 1985 (German translation with afterword and notes). BIBLIOGRAPHY:

244

243

W.DITTENBERGER,

in: Apophoreton 1903, chos, in: Eranos 34, Machon, 1965, 25-32; nicienne et polémique

A. und sein Werk,

1-28; I.Dirine, A. och Ploutar1936, 1-13; A.S. F. Gow, in: A. LuKinovicn, Tradition platoantiphilosophique dans les Deip-

nosophistes d’ A., in: Concilium Eirene 16,1, 1983, 2283331d., The Deipnosophistai ofA. ..., in: O.Murray (ed.), Sympotica, 1990, 263-71; J.MARTIN, Symposion, 1931;

K. MenaIs, Die schriftstellerische Technik im Sophistenmahl des A., 1920; L. Ny1Kos, A. quo consilio quibusque usus subsidiis Dipnosophistarum libros composuerit, 1941; F.RUDOLPH, Die Quellen und die Schriftstellerei des A., in: Philologus Suppl. 6, 1891, 109-162.; G. ZECCHINI, La cultura storica di Ateneo, 1989.

E.BO.

[4] Rhetorician in the second cent. BC, contemporary and competitor of > Hermagoras of Temnus (Quint.

2,1,16). He defined rhetoric as ‘a capacity aimed at persuading/convincing the listener’ (Adywv dbvauus otoyxaCouévy tig tov Gxovovtmv melWotc). As opposed to Her-

magoras, he advocated another method: he regarded the Oé0u¢ (quaestio infinita: the general problem, independent of people, places, and circumstances) not as one of the topics of rhetoric equal to the tmd0¢otc (quaestio finita: the concrete case), but instead as just a part thereof (uéo0¢ txo0éoews, pars causae; cf. Quint. 3,555). His division of the otdoetg (— status) differed from that of Hermagoras not only in the terminology, but also in its consideration of the Aristotelian yévyn (Quint. 3,6,47). D. Matrues, Hermagoras von Temnos 1904-55, in: Lustrum 3, 1959, 73, 131.

M.W.

[5] Mechanicus. Author of an undated work about siege engines (negli unyavynudtwv); A. dedicated the work to the Roman Marcellus, who cannot be identi-

fied for certain; he was perhaps M. > Claudius Marcellus, the son-in-law of Augustus. As sources, A. names first Agesistratus (otherwise mentioned only by Vitruvius), in addition works by other Greek siegecraft experts such as Ctesibius. At the beginning, A. mentions two high-capacity catapults of Agesistratus with a range of 3 1/2 and 4 stadia respectively. The particulars appear believable, but shots over such distances were militarily ineffective. A. calls the further described mobile siege galleries, which carried wall borers and battering rams, the siege towers and the drawbridges and siege equipment for ships his own inventions. The drawings that accompany the text are present in medieval copies. Several of these siege machines represented prestige techniques of the Hellenistic era, unrelated to practical use. In Byzantium, A.’s text was taken up into the canon

of poliorcetic works; in the Latin west, the Greek text remained without resonance until the Middle Ages; only in the Renaissance were some transcriptions made.

In the meantime, firearms had revolutionized the art of

siege warfare and the interest in A. was only antiquarian-scientific. Thus the work was first printed in 1693 (ed. M. Thévenot). -» Catapult; > Siegecraft EDITIONS : 1 C. WescHER, Poliorcétique des Grecs, 1867, 1-40 2R.SCHNEIDER, Griech. Poliorketiker III. Abh. der Ges. der Wiss. Gottingen NF 12,5, 1912 (with German translation). 1C.CicHorius,

R6m.

Studien,

1922,

271-279

2 F.Huttscu, s.v. A., RE 2, 2033f. 3 O.LENDLE, Texte und Unt. zum technischen Bereich der ant. Poliorketik, Palingenesia 19, 1983, XIX 4E.W. Marspen, Greek and

Roman

Artillery, Historical

Development,

1969.

D.BA. [6] Of Attalea.

Doctor,

founder

of the Pneumatic

school. If he, as Galen suggests (CMG Suppl. or. 2, 54; 134), was a student of the Stoic Posidonius, he could have lived in the rst cent. BC [1], in which case Cor-

nelius Celsus (c. AD 40) either did not know or skipped over his teachings. If, with his allusion, Galen just wanted to emphasize the influence of Posidonius on A., then the latter could have lived around AD 50 [2; 3]. His

teachings represent a mixture of Stoicism and Hellenistic-dogmatic or Hippocratic medicine. As opposed to Asclepiades (Gal. 1,486; 14,676), he assumes a material cosmos, which is driven by the interplay of the active qualities ‘hot’ and ‘cold’ as well as the passive qualities ‘humid’ and ‘dry’ and which is held together by pneuma (Gal. 14,698). Changes in the pneuma of the body therefore demonstrate changes in its mixture. Illness is viewed as the consequence of dyskrasia. A. regarded the heart, which is supplied by the lungs with absorbed, cooling pseudo-pneuma, as the seat of the pneuma and also of the inborn warmth in human beings. Therefore, A. paid particular attention to a person’s surroundings, including the seasons and the architectural style of his house, in order to achieve the maintenance of balanced

humours in his patients. A. also wrote about water preparation and embryology (Gal. 4,612), dietetics and pulse lore [4]. His most important work was his Boethemata in at least 30 books, which Galen (1,457) praised as the best general medical text by a modern author. Even if A. sometimes made mistakes in Galen’s eyes, he reported the views of his predecessors precisely and paid them proper respect. His clinical work was often based on a clear and simple definition of the individual illnesses (Ps.-Gal. 19,347; cf. Caelius Aurelianus, Morb. ac. 2,53). He recommended the study of medicine to all people, not only because of its practical use, but because it is an intellectual occupation equal to philosophy, which makes it possible for everyone to come into contact with extraordinary historical figures. Among his students are Agathinus and Archigenes. ~ Agathinus; > Archigenes; > Pneuma; —> Posidonius 1 F.KuDLIEN, Poseidonios und die Arzteschule der Pneumatiker, in: Hermes 1962, 419-429 2 SMITH, 231-234 3 M. WELLMANN, s.v. A., RE 2, 2034-2036

4 Harris,

The Heart and the vascular System in Ancient Greek Medicine, 237-242.

245

246 EDITIONS/FRAGMENTS

:

1 F. MatrHai,

graecorum varia opuscula, r808

Medicorum

2M. WELLMANN,

pneumatische Schule bis auf Archigenes, 1895.

Die

V.N.

[7] Choral lyricist, composer of a > paean to Apollo (127 BC) which is preserved in an inscription on the treasury of the Athenians in Delphi, which in addition to the text also gives the notes of the melody of the singing voice: Paeonic-Cretan rhythm, taking-up of the word accent by the melody, highest variability in the use of keys. + Choral lyrics; > Limenius A.Bgéxis, A proposito degli ‘inni delfici? ad Apollo, in: B. GENTILI, R. PRETAGOsTINI (ed.), La musica in Grecia, 1988,

205-218;

E.POHLMANN,

Denkmiler

altgriech.

Musik, 1970, 58-67; M.L. West, Ancient Greek Music, 1992, 288-293.

LK.

Athenagoras

(AOnvayoeacs; Athénagdras) From Athens (2nd cent. AD). From this author surely comes an apologia bearing the inscription noeeoPeia (presbeia) to the Emperors > Marcus Aurelius and - Commodus (CPG I 1070; [1]); whether the work mentioned at the end of this text, about the resurrection ({ 37), is identical to the one handed down in Paris. graec. 451 (CPGI 1071), is controversial. In addition to critical voices, which attribute this identification as well as the statement ‘Philosopher from Athens’ in the Parisinus to the copyist (SCHOEDEL), there are also defenders of its authenticity (BARNARD). The apologia must have been composed between 176 and 180 (perhaps 176 or 177) and it combats traditional accusations against Christianity (atheism, Thyestean meals and incest). The resurrection writing emphasizes the unity of body and soul as the goal of creation and argues therefore for the bodily resurrection (I1,3-25). 1M.Marcovicn,

Patristische

Texte

und

Studien

31,

1990. Ep.: W.R. SCHOEDEL, Oxford Early Christian Texts, 1972; B. POUDERON, Sources Chrétiennes 379, 1992. LITERATURE:

L.W. BARNARD, A., in: Théologie Histori-

que 18, 1972; H.E. Lona, Uber die Auferstehung des Fleisches, in: Beih. ZNTW

66, 1993;

B. PouDERON, Athena-

gore d’Athéns, philosophe chrétien, Theologie Historique 82, 1989.

C.M.

Athenian law A. DEFINITION AND SOURCES B. FUNDAMENTAL POINTS C. TRIAL D. SAFEGUARDING OF THE

LEGAL PROCESS F. PRopERTY

E. PERSON AND FAMILY G. FINANCIAL LIABILITIES

H. MISDEMEANOURS

AND CRIMINAL LAW

A. DEFINITION AND SOURCES Strictly speaking, the correct term is ‘Athenian law’ (AL), because ‘Attic’ designates the landscape, dialect,

art and culture, while Athens, by contrast, refers to the polis and the state; but in German scholarship the desig-

ATHENIAN

LAW

nation ‘Attic law’ has been used since the beginning of the r9th cent. when philologists and jurists occupied themselves increasingly with investigating the trials and law of Athens after the issuance of a prize question by the Royal Academy of the Sciences in Berlin in 1817 [1]. At that time, the court speeches (end of the 5th—4th cents. BC) and philosophical writings of Plato and Aristotle were the only known sources. Still, in the course of the roth cent. the range of sources was expanded to include inscriptions on stone, direct testimonials from Athens in the 5th-4th cents. BC, and the discovery of “On the State of the Athenians’, attributed to Aristotle,

on a papyrus from Egypt; since then, the number of inscriptions has grown, but this has changed little about the total picture. Basically, the material has been developed using the handbooks, both about a century old, of BEAUCHET [2] and Lirsrus [3] (on which also [4] [6] build), but a juristically satisfactory total picture is still lacking (see in the meantime Wo LFF [7] and BiscaRDI

[8]). B. FUNDAMENTAL POINTS AL as the positive law of Athens belongs to the circle of closely related ‘Greek laws’. Thanks to the favourable sources, it is the best known to us (in addition we are familiar with the law of the Cretan polis Gortyn from a lengthy legal inscription from the sth cent. BC and, thanks to countless private documents on papyrus, the legal practice of Ptolemaic Egypt). The laws of ~ Dracon (homicide laws) and —> Solon (trial, family and inheritance laws), preserved only in fragments [9]

and literary fragments [1o], are from the 7th and 6th cents. BC. Basically, law was considered ‘immemorial’: the idea that new, positive law could arise as ‘consuetudinary law’ was unknown. The Athenian democracy of the 4th cent. BC developed a differentiated system of lawgiving: in addition to the simple decisions of the popular assembly (the ‘psephisma’), there was the formal law made by a smaller body (the ‘nomos’). The courts were strictly bound to the positive law by an oath of the jury; for elastic management, a body of jurists comparable to the Roman one was lacking. C. TRIAL Even in Athens, the archaic principle of the ‘enforcing the law oneself’ was still tangible. The court reviewed whether the petitioner (Suoxwv, didkon: pursuer) had a right of access (a dixn, dike) to the defendant (pevyov, pheigon: fugitive). Each of the nine archontes (highest magistrates) also had jurisdiction. Since Solon, every citizen could turn to the court assembly (> Heliaia), which was composed of jurors, with > éphesis. In classical times, the magistrate conducted just a pretrial, the decision was made in a court of assize (> Dikasterion), which for civil trials consisted of at least

201, in criminal trials of 501 members. The jurors (> Dikastes) were chosen by lot on the morning on the day of the trial in the 4th cent. (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 63ff.).

247

248

D. SAFEGUARDING OF THE LEGAL PROCESS Even in AL, one must assume a developed system of records. Wills and contracts were set up in front of witnesses and handed over to a private, impartial keeper. The boundary-stones (/6roi) on the encumbered land and the call of the herald served the purposes of publicity, for example at manumissions.

neion or —> éranos, safekeeping as ~ parakatatheke. Surety (+ Engye) was probably the oldest business of the voluntary financial liabilities.

ATHENIAN LAW

E. PERSON AND FAMILY

Only a citizen had, in addition to political rights, fully-entitled family relationships, ownership of land and the right to trial by due process, yet resident foreign inhabitants (metics) also took part in civil legal procedures. Unfree men often occupied economically important positions, but were shut out of assets and family. The basis of the state was the household (otxoc, o7kos)

as a sacral and economical unit. Family and inheritance law were conceived for the continuity ofthe okos. Only a legitimately born child of a fully valid marriage between citizens was a member of the o7kos. The woman was at any time subjected to the power of a xouoc (kyrios: lord), either her father, nearest relative or husband. Necessary heirs were the legitimate sons; only if such were lacking could one adopt. Daughters, as opposed to sons, had no right to inherit from their fathers; if a father only had a daughter, she served as heiress (> Epikleros) to pass the inheritance to her son. The heiress could be taken as a wife by her nearest male collateral relation, who had the duty to father ‘sons’ (biologically: grandsons) for the deceased. F, PROPERTY AL knew no concept comparable to the Roman one of possession and property. The right to act on a thing (kratésis) and to dispose of it (kyrieia) could be limited functionally or temporarily. Money in foreign hands was also regarded according to the categories of property. Only the actual payment ofthe sale price brought the buyer’s rights into being, even if the thing had already been handed over. Liens were conceived of as divided in its content, only temporally limited rights to the thing. Property was not protected by a ‘property suit’, but indirectly by criminal law.

G. FINANCIAL LIABILITIES There was no system of claims upon which the fulfilment of contracts could be argued. Liability was not founded on mere consensus between the parties, but instead on an offence against the ‘creditor’. The creditor could only bring suit if he had already disposed of parts of his assets and the ‘debtor’ could not thereby achieve the promised success. Through real damage to assets (— Blabes dike), a mechanism of agreed sanctions could be brought to bear. In any case, the debtor was liable to pay back the amount he had received or double that. For this reason, the — drrha was especially important for the sale. Rent and leasehold payments (+ Misthosis) were first binding with collateral, the work contract with prepayment. Loans appeared as > chresis, > da-

H. MisDEMEANOURS

AND CRIMINAL LAW

Property and contracts were secured by means of ‘damages’ (blaébé). Additional civil offences (> Adikema): homicide, theft, assault and slander. Offences against the general public (or against the defenceless) were prosecuted in special processes (-> Eisangelia) or in popular indictments (-» Graphe): > asebeia, > hierosylia, > prodosia, > hybris. The sanctions were ~ atimia, capital punishment, banishment, confiscation of property and fines. 1G. THUR, Juristische Grazistik im frithen 19. Jh., in: FS St. Gagnér, 1991, 521ff. 2L.BEAUCHET, Histoire du droit privé de la république athénienne I/IV, 1897 3 Liprstus

4A.R. W. Harrison, The Law of Athens I/II,

1968/71 5 D.M. MacDoweE Lt, The Law of Athens, 1978 6St. Topp, The Shape of Athenian Law, 1993 7H.J. Wo.rr, Recht (Greek), in: LAW, 2516ff. 8 A. BiscarpI, Diritto greco antico, 1982 9 R.STROUD, Drakon’s Law of Homicide, 1968 10 E. RUSCHENBUSCH, Solons Nomoi, 1966. GT.

Athenian League (Second) (4th cent. BC). The + Delian League had broken up in 404 at the end of the Peloponnesian War. One could remember the power which Athens had had over its allies, but Sparta’s behaviour with respect to the Greeks in the early 4th cent. also led to dissatisfaction. In the King’s Peace of 386, the Greeks in Asia Minor were given over to the Persians and all other Greeks were declared independent. In 384, Athens formed, explicitly in the context of this peace, an alliance with Chios (1G II? 34 = Top 118). In 378, Athens established, after the liberation of Thebes

from Spartan rulership and probably after the acquittal of the Spartan general > Sphodrias who invaded Attica, a new confederacy to ward off Spartan imperialism. A call to join in 377 (IG II’ 43 = Top 123) named the anti-Spartan goal of the confederacy, explained the consequences for the independence guaranteed by the King’s Peace and promised that Athens would refrain from doing various things that had fostered resentment in the Delian League. The confederacy attracted many members, but soon the spirit of the agreements, if not their very letter, was broken. No tribute (phdros) was collected, but soon contributions (syntaxeis) were demanded from the allies. Neither commanders nor troops were supposed to be stationed in the allied states, but some were present already in the 370s and more still in the 350s. Athens was not supposed to interfere in the allies’ internal affairs, but after a revolt in Ceos in the 360s, a few trials were transferred from Ceos to Athenian courts. Similarly, no Athenian was supposed to possess land in the allies’ territory, but since the 360s, cleruchies (+ Klerouchoi) were established, if not in the territory of the states which were included in the call to join that

249

250

ATHENION

Prokonnesos oP a

(Chalcidian League)

=~

er

lf t

Tenedos

Peparethos

ae”

Thermai ermai

ykonos

1.Karthaia

Seriphos.)

2.Poieessa 3.Koressia 4. loulis

& ane) c OS

Siphnos

FSi

eyo A Thera

= @ Gratmos | Leros,

DY 4

ei

Astypalaia = Anaphe

Nisyros

Athenian League (378/377 — 338/337 BC) Theban hegemony and Theban allies

Athenian League THEBAI

Founding member

Perinthos

Members as documented in the

Anaphe

Bad

proclamation (IG Il? 43) Further members

(c. 362 BC) Grae a)

M

——-—-

Athenian territory (for the duration of the League or for part of it)

Other city, state or confederation Battle

Official western border of the Persian empire after the King’s Peace of 386 BC 0

100

Methone

is preserved in inscriptions. The goal of the confederacy, which began as an anti-Spartan alliance with Thebes as a founding member, changed especially after Sparta’s defeat by Thebes at Leuctra in 371, when Athens decided to support Sparta against Thebes: thereafter, the sole goal of the confederacy was the furthering of Athenian interests. A few states sided with Thebes rather than Athens after Leuctra, others left the confederacy after the + Social War of 3 56-355. The confederacy was dissolved when > Philippus II of Macedonia integrated the Greeks into the Corinthian League in 338/37.

Maps:

J.L.

Carcitt,

The

Second

Athenian

League,

1981; P.J. RHopEs, in: R.J. A. TaLBert (ed.), Atlas of Classical History, 1985 (repr. 1994), 60; M.DREHER, Hegemon und Symmachoi, 1995.

Athenias (A0nviac; Athénias) or Athenion (A0yviov; Athénion) of Anthedon, son of Nicarchus; second prize

as poet of a satyr play between 90 and 80 BC at the Sarapieia in Tanagra (DID A 7,33). METTE, 53; IrGF 162.

FP.

J. BLercKxen, Die Athenische Demokratie, *1994, especial-

ly 320-329; J.L. CarGiLt, The Second Athenian League, 1981; M.DreHEeR, Hegemon und Symmachoi, 1995; D.G. Rice, Xenophon, Diodorus and the year 379-378 B.C., in: YCS 24, 1975, 95-130; R.SEAGER, The king’s peace and the second Athenian confederacy, CAH 6°, 163-186. P.J.R.

Athenion (AOnviwv; Athenion).

[1] Peripatetic rhetorician in Athens (different from ~ Aristion [1. 341-343]), only known from the polemic party of > Posidonius (FGrH 87 fr. 36). Sent from

ATHENION

252

Dy

Athens to > Mithridates VI in 88 BC, taken up by him among his ¢idot (philoi, friends), he won the support of the people with Mithridates’ support and had as oteatnyos él ta SAG (strategos epi ta hopla) a decisive influence on Athenian politics (‘tyrant’). A failed raid on Delos seems to have ended his political career. 1 J.Matitz, Die Historien des Poseidonios, 1983, 346356.

J. DEININGER, Der polit. Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland 217-86 v.Chr., 1971, 248-255; B.C. McGING,

The Foreign Policy of Mithridates VI Eupator King ot Pontus, 1986, rorf. E.O.

FUCHS/FLOREN, 335-3373 OVERBECK, no. 314, 315, 318 (sources).

R.N.

Athenocles (A@nvoxit\s; Athénoklés). [1] from Cyzicus. Grammarian. On the basis of Didymus in Schol. Hom. Od. 14,503, where in reference to him the word moonétet (‘has athetized earlier’) is used (see also Schol. Hom. Od. 6,144), he is believed to be older than Aristarchus [4] of Samothrace or at least one of his contemporaries, so that he can also be placed in the 3rd/2nd cents..BC. Ammonius [3] of Alexandria, the student of Aristarchus, published a text Ilg0cg A0nvoxdéa (cited by Didymus in Schol. Il. 3,368a; 7,74)

[2] Cilician, steward of an estate as a slave over 200

people in Egesta and Lilybaion; in the second Sicilian slave war c. 104-101 BC, he organized the revolt on the west side of the island. He divided the rebels into soldiers and workers, consulted the stars, was elected king,

but subjected himself ‘like a general to the king’ > Salvius Tryphon, who led the slaves in the east Sicily. With Salvius he conquered Triocala and kept despite the defeat at Scirthaea, against the propraetor

to of it, L. Licinius Lucullus. After Salvius’ death, A. took over command of the slaves, occupied Macella and raided Messana. In ror he died in single combat with the consul M. > Acilius [I 8]. Later on, rebels like Fimbria and Sextus Clodius were called ‘A.’ (App. Mith. 59; Cic.

against him. Additional fragments can be found in Schol. Il. 6,71 ax (with the title Meoi ‘Ounegov) and in Schol. Il. 22,5 1c. In Ath. 5,77¢ he is cited in the context of a discussion ofthe verse of Hom. Il. 2,409, which A. wanted to delete. + Homerus, Scholia; + Ammonius [3]; > Didymus. L.Conn,

s.v. A., RE 2, 2049; A.Lupwicn,

Aristarchs

Homer. Textkritik, 1884-85, I, 49, 51; M. MUELLER, De Seleuco Homerico, Diss. 1891, 11-14.

F.M.

[2] Comedic poet documented only in inscriptions from the 2nd half of the 4th cent.; Lenaean victor. PCGIVer7:

B.BA.

Verr. 2,2,136; 3,66,125; Har. resp. 6; Att. 2,12,2. Main

source: Diod. Sic. 36,5—-9 after Posidonius). K.R. BRADLEY, Slavery and Rebellion in the Roman World 140-70 B.C., 1991, 75ff.; J. VoGT, Zur Struktur der ant.

Sklavenkriege,

in: Sklaverei

und

Humanitat,

*1983, 23ff.

K.MEI.

[3] Stonecutter in the 3rd cent. BC, signed the masterful Sardonyx-cameo with Zeus who, mounted on a quadriga, is fighting the snake-legged giants (Naples, MN). + Gigantomachy; + Gem and cameo cutters ZAZOFE, AG, 208 ?' (bibliography), pl. 54,8; U. PANNUTI, Cataloghi dei Musei e gallerie d'Italia. Mus. Arch. Naz. di Napoli. La collezione glittica Il, 1994, 95-97, no. 71.

S.MIL. [4] Philos (pthoc) of Ptolemy II, sent as an envoy to

~ Onias II in order to collect tax arrears. Through his intervention, the Tobiad losephus became the tax-farmBe, E. OLSHAUSEN, Prosopographie 1, 1974, 39 nO. 23.

W.A.

[5] Late poet of the New Comedy, probably active in the rst cent. at the court of Juba of Mauritania [1; 2. 71f.|, by whom a long fragment (a cook’s speech) from a comedy, the Samothrakes, is preserved. 1PCGIV, 13-16

2 H.-G. NEsseLraTH, Die att. Mittlere

Koméddie, 1990.

BBA.

Athenodoros (‘A0nvodmooc; Athénddoros). [1] Mercenary commander, from the Athenian cleruchy Imbrus. In Persian service around 360 BC, then in the service of the Thracian king > Berisades, to whom he became related by marriage. In the battle for the rulership in Thrace, A. won for the allied Berisades and + Amadocus the Athenians as symmuachoi against > Cersebleptes. Because of this, the Athenian strategos Chares was able to secure the division of the rulership in Thrace as well as the Athenian possessions on the Chersonesus by treaty in 357/6 (Dem. Or. 23,170-173; IG II’ 126; Stv 303). The city Cius bestowed honorary rights on A. (I. Cius 2). Taken prisoner during the taking of Sardes by Alexander in 334, A. was released at the intercession of Phocion. TRAILL PAA 110950. J.CarciL1, Athenian Settlements of the Fourth Century B.C., 1995, 24-263; 72; 100; 261 No. 37.

W.S.

[2] from Tarsus, called Kordylion, distinguished Stoic of the rst cent. BC, initially head of the library of Pergamum. There he tried to excise passages which had become objectionable from the works of older Stoics and was therefore accused (Diog. Laert. 7,34). In 67 BC, the younger M. > Porcius Cato visited him and won him over; after that, A. lived with him in Rome as his house philosopher; died between 50 and 46 BC (cf. Plut. Cato Minor

10,1-3;

16,1 and Strabo 14,5,14).

K-HH. Athenis Sculptor from Chios, son of > Archermus. He worked in the late 6th cent. BC on Delos, in Iasos, Chios and in Athens with his brother > Bupalus.

[3] Calvus. from Cana by Tarsus, son of Sandon, cer-

tainly identical with the Athenodoros Calvus mentioned by Cicero: Stoic of the rst cent. BC, lived for a

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254

long time in Rome (teacher of Octavian), returned to

The ruler’s seat was transformed in ancient times into the central city sanctuary with the primary deity + Athena. Tiles from clay roofs and the remains of sculpture-decorated architectural elements bear witness to the earliest architecture; two Geometric naiskoi

Tarsus as an old man and died there at the age of 82 (c. 13 or 3 BC). A. investigated the tides like > Posidonius, and in 44 BC provided Cicero with a Poseidonian text about duty. Like most Stoics, he sanctified mantics, but

unlike most, he taught the inequality of errors. Furthermore, he expressed himself about the division of propositions and criticized the Aristotelian teachings on categories. K-HH. Athens (A0fvou; Athénai; Lat. Athenae).

[1] I. GEoGRapHY II. Topocrapnuy IV. CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE

III. History

I. GEOGRAPHY A. is the primary location of the ancient territory of ~ Attica and lies on the plain of the Pedion, surrounded by the mountains > Aegaleos, > Parnes, > Pentelicon and + Hymettus. The plain spreads toward the southwest to the Saronic Gulf. In the ancient city itself rise the limestone hills of the Acropolis, the > Areopagus as well as the Hills of the Muses and of the Nymphs, on its border the Lycabettus and Ardettus. From the Hymettus in the north the > Eridanus and in the south the Ilissus flow through the area, while the > Cephissus, which springs from Pentelicon, flows to the west of the city and takes up the water from the two other rivers. Since the appearance of the picture lexicon of ancient A. by J. TRAvLos (see bibliography; see here for the older literature up to 1970) the rapid expansion of the modern city has significantly extended knowledge about the topography of ancient A. (publication of research and excavation reports yearly in Agxatohoyinov Aektiov, Xgovxé (acropolis and city area), in Hesperia (Agora-excavation), AA (Cerameicus) and BCH (general).

Il. TOPOGRAPHY 1. ACROPOLIS 2. ACROPOLIS SLOPES (PERIPATOS)

3. AREOPAGUS,

HILL OF THE

NyMpHs AND Muses 4.AGORA_ 5. CITY AREA 6. ILISSUS AREA 7. CITY WALLS, GATES AND

NECROPOLEIS ON THE ARTERIAL ROADS EMY

8. ACAD-

rt. ACROPOLIS Plains and slopes of the citadel, in prehistoric times not nearly as steep as later walls and fortifications have made it, served already in the Neolithic period as a retreat area and homestead (shard findings). Fortified with a ring-wall made from gigantic polygonal blocks and additionally protected by a rampart (pelargikon) [1-3], a palace (stone foundations) was built by Mycenaean rulers. The main entrance lay — from then onwards — on the gently sloping west side of the cliff [4]; there were smaller gates on the south-east and north sides. A well on the north-east side supplied water.

ATHENS

(+ Naiskos), which are located in the area of the later

peristasis temple [5], are documented by the presence of roof tiles. The first large temple, according to the newest, still controversial research, was erected in the area of the later — Parthenon (therefore ‘Proto-Parthenon’) around 590/580 BC by using > poros with a few marble decorative elements (+ metopes, later reused for the so-called Hekatompedos-inscription and panelling slabs in the Propylaea, relief figures of panthers and other animals), was already a > peripteros in the Doric order; its gables were decorated with snakelike, round-modelled figures [6—ro]. In the Peisistratid era (2nd half of the 6th cent. BC), an additional poros peripteros (so-called ‘Old Athena-Temple’) was added to this building on the site of the Mycenaean temple. Its gable in the front was decorated with marble figures (+ Gigantomachy) and a sima made of Hymettus marble [11; 12]; Doric elements of a building phase in the early 6th cent. discovered by older research belong, according to their measurements, to the ‘Proto-Parthenon’; on the basis of uniform work traces, it appears that the foundations of the ‘Old Athena-Temple’ were laid in one process. To the north next to this temple lay several naiskoi or cu!t monuments for Attic heroes like ~ Cecrops or > Erechtheus. Likewise already in the later 6th cent. construction was begun on a sanctuary for Artemis Brauronia [13], perhaps on the initiative of the Peisistratids, whose homeland lay near > Brauron. At the end of the 6th cent., probably due to the new Cleisthenic order, in the cella area of the ‘Proto-Parthenon’, anew building (‘Pre-Parthenon’ of Pentelic marble) was begun, which, like the new entrance building on the west side of the citadel (‘Pre-Propylaea’: [14; 15]), was destroyed by the Persians in 480 BC (> Persian Wars). On the tower bastion from the Mycenaean era, there was an open altar area for Athena Nike in front of the Acropolis. After the Persian invasion in 480 BC, the destroyed buildings were initially left unchanged: chunks of the ‘Old Athena-Temple’ were integrated into the north wall of the Acropolis, unfinished column drums from the Pre-Parthenon marked the eastern corner of the Athena sanctuary. Parts of the ‘Proto-Parthenon’ were integrated into the south wall. In the sanctuary of Athena Nike arose a naiskos of finely-worked poros blocks (without traces of burning, therefore post-Persian), which on the basis of inscriptions can be interpreted as a private donation; in the Propylaea there is evidence of a ‘Cimonean’ building phase (+ Cimon). The archaic dedications, especially the dedicatory statues [16-18], were deposited in a layer (so-called ‘Persian debris’ often also mixed with findings from the

high classical era) behind the south wall and north-west of the ‘Old Athena Temple’.

256

2D)e)

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Athens 1. Acropolis (see separate pee 2. lonian amphiprostylos on the Areopagus 3. Habitations on the Areopagus and the Hill of the Nymphs . Agora (see detailed map) . Sanctuary of the demos and the Nymphs NOL H . Location of the citizens’ assemblies (Pnyx)

. Mausoleum of C. lulius Philopappus Roinan Agora . Horologion of Andronicus of won Syne (so-called Tower of the Winds) ‘ Approximate site of the Gymnasium fo) Ptolemy, the Theseum and the archaic agora

. Store- house (imperial period)

. . . .

Library of Hadrian Cistern of Hadrian Olympieum Temple of Apollo Delphinios (?)

21. Klavdmonos Square

. : . .

Stadium ee of Tyche Tomb of Herodes Atticus (?) Ring of walls surrounding Athens

Sacred Gate and street of tombs 25. Syntagma Square (modern) 26. Course of the llissus

. Temple of Ilissus

(modern) 22. Elevtheria Square (modern)

23. ‘Long Walls’

24. Kerameikos with Dipylon,

Agora a. Route of the Panathenaea procession b. Well house c. Circular structure (Prytanikon) d. Altar to the Twelve Gods e. Bouleuterion and sanctuary of the Mother of the Gods

Stoa Basileios . Stoa Poikile (or Stoa of the Herms ?) . Stoa of Zeus Bronze mint

. Cobbler’s workshop of Simus Hephaestieum

. Middle stoa

. Odeum of Agrippa HBL alee ae Library of Pantaenus South - eastern temple e Parthenon. The colossal peripteros [19-23] with 8 x 17 columns, with its harmonious proportions, perfect construction (in only 16 years: 448-432) and rich sculptural decoration, represents a pinnacle of occidental architecture (> Architectural sculpture; Architects: — Ictinus and > Callicrates). Certainly this work arose in the course of various changes to buildings [24], which required, due to the after-the-fact planning of an Ionic figural frieze, a partial deconstruction of the already-begun eastern side of the temple. In the northern pteron (> Temple) a naiskos with its accompanying altar was discovered recently, which in archaic times still stood next to the foundations, in classical times was then moved into the columned hall [25]; this cult monu-

ment is aligned with the frontages of the naiskos of Erechtheus and of the ‘Old Athena Temple’ and therefore marks the east side of the entire Athenaion on the Acropolis. The gold-ivory statue of Athena Parthenos (> Gold-ivory technique) was illuminated in the ~ cella by the light, reflected by columns and walls, which fell through the door and the two of first documented > windows in Greek architecture. A staircase in the east wall of the cella ( scala) provided access to the roof frame for maintenance. The ornamentation of the Parthenon has always been at the centre of researchers’ interests [26-3 1]: the interpretation of the frieze as

a timeless, super-individual representation of the Panathenaic procession in addition to other themes (Arrephoria, etc.) has the best arguments in its favour [32] (by contrast, compare the interpretations based on mythological interpretation [33] and those that combine both interpretations [34]). The heavily-damaged south metopes of the Parthenon, which remained largely intact until the powder depot’s explosion of 1687 (until then it had been first a Christian church, then a mosque), have now been completed thanks to the piecing together of fragments and new findings [3 5; 36]; this has also happened with some of the gable figures. The Propylaea [37], which were designed by the architect > Mnesicles, remained incomplete in their total plan and in their details: on the one hand, they were shortened out of consideration for the Nike sanctuary and never completed on the west; on the other hand, even the individual forms inside them remained

260

originally a banqueting room intended for prominent visitors to the sanctuary); it is built on a foundation of

poros blocks of ancient architecture, underneath those the elements of a preceding building with an apsidal northern termination. The planned mirroring wing on the south side was abbreviated to a facade of columns through which one could enter the sanctuary of AthenaNike, a small, richly-decorated Ionic temple [38; 39]. The Nike cult was taken over by the state in high classical times and received a priestess. The awarding of a contract for a temenos gate to Callicrates led to the hypothesis in older research that he might also be the architect of the whole building, which had to be limited to the tower foundation due to a lack of space. The pronaos and gate walls blend into one another. The complete building plan was carried out in the so-called Ilissus temple as well as in the similar > amphiprostyloi on the Areopagus peak [40; 41] and several times in the Attic countryside. The Mycenaean bastion was covered with poros slabs, whereby one left free a polygonal hole for seeing through to the Cyclopean wall, as a reminder of the mythical past. The edge of the pyrgos was crowned with a marble balustrade, whose reliefs show Nike figures sacrificing bulls. Likewise the Erechtheum represents the Ionic order. It was begun before the > Peloponnesian War and completed at the end of the 5th cent. [42]. This ‘temple with the old cult image’ was supposed to replace the ‘Old Athena Temple’ and integrate numerous other cult monuments which had been in its area since earlier times. From this results its unusual form with a manifold division of space on different levels on the inside (> Cella) and different facades on all sides: the east

front has a six-columned prostylus, behind which in the cella, lit by windows, lay the heroon of Erechtheus on a lower level. On the western side is a two-storey construction with half columns; the richly ornamented north hall of the Poseidon cult lies across from the small south hall with six female figures serving as supports; inside this hall a stairway leads to the shrine of Cecrops; the > Caryatids represent the guardians at the grave of the Attic proto-king [43]. A frieze of Pentelic marble figures on a dark Eleusinian limestone background [44] as well as a lotus palmetto edging embrace the whole building. In the west the Erechtheum includes an open area with a naiskos, which can be identified as the Pandroseion (> Pandrosus) documented in literature.

West of the Parthenon lies a hall for dedications

unfinished (+ Bosses). On the outside, they are outfit-

(bronze objects), the Chalkotheke, first without a col-

ted with a six-columned Doric temple front; on the inside, six slim Ionic columns bridge the substantial height difference between the west and east facades. To the sides of the tive-doored middle area — here and in the Pinakotheke strips of Eleusinian limestone decorate the marble walls — wings were planned, of which only the northern one, designated by > Pausanias as the Pinakotheke, was completely finished (the lighting of the images was probably also served by the windows next to the asymmetrically-placed door; perhaps this was

umned facade, then expanded with such in the 4th cent. (otherwise [45]); and the court of the sanctuary of the Brauronian Artemis. The discovery of the head of the original cult image, a work of — Praxiteles, supports the idea of a temple within the sanctuary, which probably stood in the western half on supports that no longer exist today [46]. On the north side of the citadel there were smaller banqueting halls [47] and a large cistern at the back of the Propylaea [48]. To the east of the Acropolis there was a sanctuary area for the Attic

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proto-king > Pandion and for Zeus, which, on the basis of foundations, can be reconstructed as a courtyard with small naiskoi. In the post-classical era, only a few new monuments were erected on the Acropolis; the focus of construction was limited to the ever-necessary repairs that were undertaken on all the buildings. In the Hellenistic era, Pergamene kings added two pillar monuments as bases for statues, one in front of the north-east corner of the Parthenon, another in front of the Propylaea, which was later rededicated to the Augustan general ~ Agrippa [1] [49]. In front of the Parthenon a monopteros — its ornamentation cites that of the Erechtheum — accommodated statues of Augustus and Roma; its prominent position indicates the dominance of the new

ATHENS

bedecked fagade with corner towers (palace architecture scheme). The orchestra, once rectangular, now

round, was provided with an opus-sectile floor (> pavimentum, Mosaic). The genius architect of this building is unknown, but his plan was immediately adopted all over in the Greek world (summary [53]).

The theatre was part of the Dionysus Eleuthereus sanctuary with an old temple from the time around 530 BC [54]. In the mid 4th cent. there arose to the south a larger new building, in which the gold-ivory statue of ~ Agoracritus was set up. The road leading to the propylon of the > temenos was one of the most magnificent roads of the ancient world, coming from the Eleusinium on the north-west side and winding around the entire north side of the Acropolis, the Street of the Tri-

rulers over Athena, whose statue was visible behind the

pods - Tripods, which were set up here by the victori-

Roman statues through the open Parthenon gate. In the course of the late-antique fortification of the city centre arose a wall close around the Acropolis, which made use of the > spolia of older buildings.

ous choregoi of the theatre festival (> Dionysia) (numerous inscribed bases), lined the street; from about 340 BC the bases of the victors’ prizes took on architectonic form: the most famous are the monument of Lysicrates (round building) at the eastern foot of the citadel,

2. ACROPOLIS

SLOPES

(PERIPATOS)

On a road that winds around the fortress mountain (Peripatos, according also to a stone inscription on the north-east

side) were

erected

(from the north-west,

clockwise) a large well-house (Clepsydra) and numerous sanctuaries: for Apollo and Zeus, Pan, Aphrodite and Eros (in the north), for Aglaurus [2] (in the east), for Dionysus and Asclepius, the Nymphs and Aphrodite Pandemus (in the south and south-west). One of the most important discoveries in past years (through inscriptions) is the location of the Aglaurion, previously

the monument of Thrasyllos (fagade copy of the south wing of the Acropolis Propylaea) in front of the katatome above the theatre koilon and the monument of Nicias (six-columned prostylus) on the west side of the Dionysium; numerous other buildings are known on the basis of foundations next to the Street of the Tripods and through building fragments that have been found

[55]. To the west next to the theatre, the Pergamene king ~» Eumenes erected (using his own workers according

thought to be on the west side of the mountain, in the

to [56];

cave underneath the steep east side of the Acropolis; now it is safe to assume that the ancient prytaneion and

hall. On the slopes of the Acropolis above, near an ancient well-house, an Asclepieion consisting of a temple area and a hall section for pilgrims [57] was built, initially as a private donation by a Telemachus in 420/419 BC. The neighbouring buildings are small ones, which were built as late as the Roman imperial era (e.g. an Iseum [58]). At the same height are the remains of a classical ore-casting workshop, which adjoined the Odeum donated by > Herodes Atticus, which was once covered with cedar-wood timbering. Above, on the south foot of the Nike-Pyrgus, lay the stone foundations of the temple of Aphrodite Pandemus, to which a few scattered elements can be attributed, below the Odeum a nymph sanctuary and numerous remains of houses: the entire south slope of the Acropolis (far into the modern city quarter Makrygianni) was built up with dwellings from classical times until late antiquity

an old, pre-Cleisthenic > agora, which, however, none of the ancient written sources mention, was on the

north-east slope of the Acropolis (in detail [50]; otherwise [51]); according to literary sources, this is where

the ephebes swore their oath (> Ephebeia), so the discovery of the majority of the inscriptions related to ephebes from classical and late antiquity should not be surprising. The as yet unexcavated so-called Odeum of Pericles, a place for assemblies that probably goes back to Themistocles [52], takes its orientation from the early classical Dionysus theatre, which existed as a trapezoidal installation until the middle of the 4th cent. BC. It contains straight rows of seats behind a straight proedria (> Theatre). At the back of the theatre, which was built at the latest around 500 BC in the natural slope and outfitted with wooden seats, ran a straight path (the old Peripatos); above this were residences.

When the koilon was expanded (around 360 to 329/4 BC) to fit the Acropolis cliff where it had been hewn away, the form of the theatre was changed to a round stone structure; the Peripatos, now a path through the koilon, was moved; it formed the only entrance to the theatre from above, as there was no diazoma. Under + Lycurgus (second half of the 4th cent. BC) the original wooden stage structure received a marble, column-

> Construction technique) a long, two-storey

[59]. 3. AREOPAGUS, HILL OF THE NYMPHS AND MUSES

The slopes of the hills on the west of the Acropolis were also covered with residences; in between these

there were also sanctuaries and public buildings. On the peak of the Areopagus stood an Ionic > amphiprostylos in the style of the Nike Temple, the presence of which is documented by a stone staircase and foundations as well as a few building elements [41]. On the

2.63

264

western slope was the building containing the highest court of Attic democracy; on its north slope an early Christian > basilica was erected to honour the Apostle Paul. At the western foot of the Areopagus was located the oldest Dionysium, the Dionysus sanctuary en limnais. The foundations of houses, stores, and streets, which were hewn into the rock [60-63] overrun the Areopagus as well as the Hill of the Nymphs and Muses. In between numerous traces of a branching network of > water pipes have been discovered [64]. The peak of the Hill of the Nymphs, where today the classical observatory from the roth cent. stands, included a sanctuary for Demos and the nymphs [65]. The western part of the Hill of the Muses is dominated by the assembly hall, the > Pnyx, a round building with monumental supporting walls and an outside staircase from the late 4th cent. ( Assembly buildings). The earlier buildings (excavated on the inside) were smaller, the first one was even facing the opposite wall [66; 67]. In the south, a portion of the residential area was cut off from the city in the later 4th cent. by a diateichisma. On the peak of the Hill of the Muses stands the mausoleum of the last king of Commagene, C. Julius Philopappus, a funerary building with Roman relief friezes in the lower and statues of Hellenistic kings and Roman officials in the upper facade storey [68]. The knoll is surrounded by the walls of a Hellenistic fortress.

Persians [71]). On the south-west corner there was a public court (> Heliaea?). In the course of the classical period this plaza was also closed in on othex sides with buildings, especially stoas. On the north side the Stoa Poikile have recently been partially excavated (according to other opinions based on some Herms findings:

ATHENS

4. AGORA

Near the recently documented old — Agora from the 6th cent. BC with the prytaneion (— Assembly buildings) on the north-east foot of the Acropolis there was in the flat terrain north of the Areopagus, an area, which from Mycenaean times to the 7th cent. had served as a burial ground, but since the mid 6th cent. was a publicly used area (summary [69]). Here horse races took place, here in the last third of the 6th cent. rows of wooden seats (ikria) were built for theatre presentations, and here is where the Panathenaea ascended

ona road to the Acropolis. The first buildings were built — perhaps as building projects of the > Peisistratids — in the form of a well-house in the south and a courtyard house in the south-east. On the northern edge of the plaza there was an altar for the 12 gods — the stone building remains, however, only date from the later 5th cent. [70] — and a bothros-like cult area. On the slope of the Colonus Agoraeus there was a bronze workshop. With the Cleisthenic democracy, the character of the plaza changed until it was the political centre of classical A. > Horoi distinguished the Agora from the surrounding area, and on the west side of the plain, the buildings of the Athenian state administration gradually appeared, as well as a few sanctuaries and court buildings. Over the ancient courtyard house a large round building (Prytanikon) was erected, next to it was

the > Bouleuterion and the sanctuary of Meter (> Cybele), the state archive. On the north-west corner, at the entrance to the Agora from the Cerameicus, was the Stoa Basileus (in the foundations of the classical building were remains of the preceding one destroyed by the

Stoa of the Herms). Better researched is the Stoa of Zeus with its annex and the south hall with numerous sales rooms. On the south-east corner American excavators encountered the Athenian bronze coin workshop. In the south-west of the square and beyond the Agora’s borders a shoemaker’s workshop (probably that of Simus, which is mentioned by Socrates) and the state prison were found. The hill to the west of the Agora has been crowned since the time of Pericles (449-432 BC) by the temple to Hephaestus; its sculptural decorations are limited to metopes with reliefs of the deeds of Theseus on the east side and two friezes above the pronaos and the opisthodomos, where the former reaches across the cella to encompass the ptera (as in the Poseidon temple in > Sunium). The frieze (~ Parthenon) and the profiled foot of the wall (see ‘Pre-Parthenon’) are con-

spicuous Ionic elements of this Doric building. On the cult image basis of Eleusinian limestone with pegged-on marble figures, Hephaestus stood together with Athena [72-75]. Along the Panathenaea road upward along the cliff at the junction of the Street of the Tripods lay the Eleusinium, an area with a temple to Demeter, which

drew its importance from the cultic connection with the Eleusinian > Mysteries and since 420 BC with the festival of Asclepius. The Agora, which thus far had not had a regular shape, in Hellenistic times took on an almost orthogonal frame due to the construction of several halls. The south stoa was moved and formed, together with the new middle stoa, a true marketplace. Ata right angle to this arose the hall on the east side donated by the Pergamene - Attalus (under it the remains of a classical court building), while a unifying facade of columns was placed in front of the complex of the Bouleuterion and Metroon. Thus the west side of the Agora attained a nearly closed character reaching from the six-columned prostylos front of the Apollo Patroos temple [76] and the Stoa of Zeus to the Stoa Basileus (with tower buildings). In front of the Metroon stood the monument of the eponymous phylai heroes, which in the Hellenistic and also in the Roman imperial era (each time after the institution of additional > phylai to honour rulers) had to be expanded several times; together with the altar of

the ‘Twelve Gods’, the central point of the Athenian street network, in Hellenistic times it was still the only monument on the square. This changed with the beginning of the imperial era: due to the relocation of three temples from the Attic countryside (from —> Sunium, ~+ Thoricus and in the case of the Ares temple from — Pallene) and the erection of an odeum (reconstruction in the 2nd cent. AD) as well as a few smaller monuments, the free space was almost completely filled up. In the south-east, a > nymphaeum (2nd cent. AD) and a

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266

library (of Pantaenus, around AD roo) framed the Panathenaea street. The richly appointed residences, which were built in late antiquity in front of the so-called Valerian wall, that is already outside the city on the Areopagus slope, were philosophical schools; in the area of the Odeum and of the middle and south stoa there was also a villa (or gymnasium), and the Metroon and the Hephaesteum were transformed into Christian churches; thanks to the latter case, we have one of the best preserved high classical temples in Greece.

archaic house (court building on the Delphinium?), a

5. CITY AREA

A columned with the Roman

street connected the classical Agora Agora further to the east, a facility,

which according to epigraphic findings, was erected in Augustan times. In the east of this marketplace stood since late Hellenistic times — and probably hardly isolated — the eight-cornered Horologion (> Clock) of Andronicus of Cyrrhestus, a combination of several sundials and a time-measuring device driven by water power, whose function has thus far not been completely explained, on the inside [77]. Next door to the south a long hall (Sebasteion?) stretched eastwards [78]. In addition, on the site of the current Plaka lay a gymnasium-like building (‘Diogeneion’), in which the majority of the ephebe inscriptions were found, the Gymnasium of Ptolemy and a storage building from the imperial era. To the north, parallel to the Roman Agora, Hadrian erected (in the first half of the 2nd cent. AD) a

large courtyard with a marble propylon in the west and library rooms in the east. Excavations in recent years in the course of restoring the west facade revealed late Hellenistic houses, which follow another orientation and thus suggest the levelling of an older living quarter for this donation of Hadrian’s [79; 80. 13-25]. In late antiquity, a triconchal building completed the arrangement of the courtyard. _ The civic > water supply was served by several imperial era lines, of which one (coming from the Pentelicon) ended in a Hadrianic > cistern with a columnar facade on the south slope of the Lycabettus (donor inscription today in the national gardens). The area of the Olympieum in the east of the Acropolis [80. 26-53] also belongs to Hadrian’s expansion of A. A high temenos wali enclosed the precinct of Zeus Olympius — probably Hadrian’s Panhellenion —an arch connected it with the ‘City of Theseus’ (inscription on the Arch of Hadrian; east of this classical houses and imperial baths). The large building that had already been begun by the Peisistratids as a Doric — dipterus — recently a Solonic predecessor was reconstructed — was newly designed by the Roman architect -» Cossutius for + Antiochus [6] IV; this Corinthian dipterus was not finished in either Hellenistic nor in Augustan times; finally Hadrian finished it and participated himself in its dedication in AD 131 (summary [81]). 6. ILISSUS AREA About 20 metres under the Olympieum lies the Ilissus’ bed. Between the supporting wall of the Zeus-temenos and the river are the meagre remains of a late

ATHENS

high classical Doric > peripteros (Apollo Delphinios temple?), an imperial-era temple to Cronus and Rhea as well as a large imperial-era hall. On the basis of inscriptions, which relate to Apollo Pythios, the Pythium was probably also located here [82], and in addition, a thus far undocumented hypothesis, based on_ literary sources, wishes to place on this bank of the Ilissus the Dionysium en limnais, which is generally believed to be on the west slope of the Areopagus. On the south side of the river valley, where the Callirrhoe source is situated, a niche was carved out of the standing rock for a Pan sanctuary. A few metres above are the foundations of a classical amphiprostylos, almost completely preserved until the late 18th cent., which was probably dedicated to Artemis Agrotera [83-85; 41]. The bridge over the Ilissus which lies to the east led across to the stadium,

which is embedded in a hollow of the Ardettus; already (from 329 BC), it received, thanks to a donation by > Herodes Atticus, its marble revetment (restored for the first modern Olympiad in 1896). On both sides of the stadium, imperial era buildings crowned the hills — a temple to > Tyche and a building of controversial interpretation [86], perhaps the grave of Herodes Atticus. South of the Ilissus was, in addition, the thus far archaeologically-undocumented gymnasium of Cynosarges [87]. 7. CITY WALLS, GATES AND NECROPOLEIS ON THE ARTERIAL ROADS Of the archaic city walls documented in literature [88-90], there are no extant remains. After the destruction of A. by the Persians in 480 BC, a large ring-wall built of ruins (e.g. ancient grave monuments) was erected around A. at the initiative of Themistocles, the course of which can be ascertained in many places through gate structures. However, parts of these have only been dug up in the Ceramicus (Dipylon to the ‘Sacred Gate’), in the area of the Olympieum, by the modern Klavdmonos Square (north-east) and recently also in the modern Elevtheria Square (north). On the Hill of the Nymphs, two ‘Long Walls’ were added to these city walls, which formed a corridor connecting the > Piraeus. The most impressive gates are found in the Ceramicus area (summary [91]). The Dipylon, a two-part passageway with a deep forecourt that was added in the Hellenistic period, led by a large well-house on the broad dromos to the Agora. South of this is the ‘Sacred Gate’, next to which the Eridanus leaves the city through a specifically secured tunnel. The city wall itself was protected against siege machines by a proteichisma with a moat in front of it (— Fortifications; > Siegeerected under Lycurgus

craft). In the stone construction of the walls there is

evidence of numerous repair phases, each of which formed the base for high mud brick walls (+ Construction technique). Between both gates lay the Pompeum, the starting point of the Panathenaic procession (+ Panathenaea), a courtyard with adjoining dining rooms for prominent people (in Antonine times it be-

ATHENS

267

268

came a storage building; later, after the disappearance of the Themistoclean ring-wall, it was transformed into a colonnade); less prominent people dined in the gate courtyard of the Dipylon. South of the Sacred Gate, classical houses with workshops and a storage building have been excavated in recent years (the so-called build-

late classical building as well as of a late Hellenistic or early imperial era gymnasium [96]. Between the Academy and the Colonus Hippius, which was dedicated to Athena and Poseidon and in whose proximity the Lyceum gymnasium, practice area of the cavalry, may have been [97] (according to most recent excavations a palaestra to the east of Syntagma Square now also in the eastern part of the city), is where Plato’s private house must have been, which became the centre of the Platonic school of philosophy, which existed until it was banned by Justinian (AD 529). > ATHENS

ings X-Z), under which remains of the ancient > necro-

polis came to light. The arterial roads ‘Sacred Way’, ‘Street of Tombs’ and the dromos, which lead to the

~ Academy and on which the démodsion séma can be located, are bordered by numerous prehistorical and early Greek necropoleis (on both banks ofthe Eridanus) and classical grave areas, which in places were decorated with magnificent funerary monuments: with relief stelae, marble grave vases, guardian animals, etc., and, since the end of the 4th cent. BC, also with columns bearing the names of the dead (columellae) or profiled

cubes (trdpezai). Among the individual graves, as a rule family areas with successively erected monuments, there are also a few monuments which have a public character (Lacedaemonian grave on the dromos; envoy graves on the ‘Sacred Way’). The démosion séma has not yet been uncovered due to modern building; known to us are only (in places fragmented) monuments with lists of the fallen; whether there was just one or whether there were several areas on the road to the Academy, is controversial. Roman grave buildings are known thus far only in small numbers, including a brick mausoleum from the late 2nd cent. AD with a large sarcophagus with a reclining figure. In this area there were, likewise, workshops (— Crafts, Trades), potteries (— Potters), bronze foundries (— Sculpting, technique of) and marble sculptors’ ateliers. Outside of the old Ceramicus grave area along the ‘Sacred Way’ during the construction of the metro, the continuation of the necropolis outside this gate was researched; there are also numerous grave sites in the botanical garden, which lies in the west. The same thing applies for several excavation areas on the other arterial roads of the ancient city: on modern Elevtheria Square, in Lenormant Street (both in the north), on Syntagma Square — here bronze workshops, Roman baths and a section of the Eridanus’ bed were revealed and to the south of the Acropolis, necropoleis with graves from prehistoric, Mycenaean [92], early Greek, classical times and late antiquity; also, in between even more workshops, especially those of the pottery industry in A. [93]. Of particular historical interest is, among the new grave findings, the area of the Lycurgus family [94;

95]. 8. ACADEMY The Academy c. 3 km north-west of the city, the starting-point ofthe torch races during the Panathenaea that went up to the Acropolis, was originally an area dedicated to the hero Hecademus (fragment of a boundary inscription from the 6th cent.) and other gods such as Eros, Hephaestus and Prometheus, the Muses and

Athena. Excavations uncovered Neolithic and Geometric remains of settlements and foundations of a large

1S.E. IakoviDEs, ‘H puxnvatxi) Axoomodus tav AOnvay,

1962 21d., Late Helladic Citadels on Mainland Greece. Monumenta graeca et romana 4, 1983 3 P.A. Mounr-

yoy, Mycenaean Athens, i995 4J.C. Wricut, The Mycenaean Entrance System at the West End of the Akropolis

of

Athens,

in:

Hesperia

63,

1994,

323-360

5 C. NYLANDER, Die sog. myk. Saulenbasen auf der Akropolis in A., in: OpAth 4, 1962, 31-77. 6H.DReRup, Parthenon und Vorparthenon, in: AK 24, 1981, 21-38 7 B. KitLericH, The Athenian Acropolis. The Position of Lions and Leopards, in: AArch 59, 1988, 229-234

8 U. H6cKMANN, Zeus besiegt Typhon, in: AA 1991, r123. 9M.Korres, W. Dorpfelds Forsch. zum Vorparthenon und Parthenon, in: MDAI(A), 108, 1993, 59-78

10 Id., in: BCH 118, 1994, 698 fig.1

11 K.STAHLER, Der

Zeus aus dem Gigantomachiegiebel der Akropolis?, in: Boreas 1, 1978, 28-31

12 W.A.P. Curbs, The Date of

the Old Temple of Athena on the Athenian Acropolis, in: W.D.E. Coutson etal. (ed.), The Archaeology of Athens

and Attica under the Democracy, i994, 2-6 13R.F. RuHopES, J.J. DopBins, The Sanctuary of Artemis Brauronia on the Athenian Akropolis, in: Hesperia 48, 1979, 325-341 14 W.B. DinsMoor Jr., The Propylaia to the Athenian Akropolis 1, 1980 15 H. Erretyore, The Entrance to the Athenian Acropolis before Mnesicles, 1995 (Rev.:

T.Tanoutas,

16 L.SCHNEIDER,

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1975 17M.Vicxers, Early Greek Coinage, in: NC 145, 1985, 1-44 18 R. TOLLE-KASTENBEIN, Die Athener Akropolis-Koren, in: AW 23, 1992, 133-148 19A.K. ORLANDOS,

“H Goyitextovxy

tod

Tag8ev@voc,

1977

20 E.BERGER (ed.), Parthenon-Kongress Basel (1982), 1984 21 M.Korres, C.Bouras, Meiéty aroxataoraoews tov Tlagb_evmvoc, 1983 22 M.Korres, N. ToGaNipIs, K.ZAMPAS et al., Mehéty anoxataotdoews tov Tlag8evavoc I, 1989 23 M.Korres, The Architecture

of the Parthenon, in: P. Tournrkrotts (ed.), The Parthenon and its Impact in Modern Times, 1994, 54-97 24 M. Korres, Der Plan des Parthenon, in: MDAI(A) 109,

1994, 53-120

25H.R. Goerre, Restaurierung und

Forsch. auf der Akropolis von Athen, in: Ant. Welt 22, 1991, 170-175 26F.BRoMmeR, Die Parthenonskulpturen. Metopen, Fries, Giebel, Kultbild, 1979 27 A. DeLIVORRIAS, The Sculptures of the Parthenon, in: P. TourNIKIOTIS (ed.), The Parthenon and its Impact in Modern Times, 1994, 98-135 28 O.Patacta, The Pediments of

the Parthenon, 1993 29 R.OsBoRNE, Democracy and Imperialism in the Panathenaic Procession, in: W.D. E. COULSON et al. (ed.), The Archaeology of Athens and Attica under the Democracy, 1994, 143-150 30E. BrerGER, Der Parthenon in Basel. Dokumentation zu den

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Metopen, 1986 31 E. BERGER, M. GisLer-HuwILer, Der Parthenon in Basel. Dokumentation zum Fries, 1996

32 B. WESENBERG, Panathen. Peplosdedikation und Arrhephorie, in: JDAI 110, 1995, 149-178 33 J.B. ConNELLY, Parthenon and Parthenoi in: AJA roo, 1996, 53-

80 34 Sr. D’Ayata VaLva, La figura Nord 5 5* del fregio del Partenone, in: AK 39, 1996, 5-13. 35 A. Mantis,

ATHENS

Athens, 1995 675.1. Rorrrorr, J.M. Camp, The Date of the 3rd Period of the Pnyx, in: Hesperia 65, 1996, 263-294 68 H.R. Goerre, Relieffragment mit Calceus-Darstellung in Athen, in: AA 1991, 394-398 69 J.M. Camp, The Athenian Agora. Excavations in the Heart of Athens, 1986

70L.M. Gapsery, The Sanc-

ANTI, in: MDAI(A) 107, 1992, 187-197 37 T. TANnoutas, M.loannipou, A. Morairou, Study for the Res-

tuary of the Twelve Gods in the Athenian Agora, in: Hesperia 61, 1992, 447-489 71 7T.L. SHEAR, Ioovououg v ‘AOnvas émoujoatev: The Agora and the Democracy, in: W.D.E. Coutson et al. (ed.), The Archaeology of Athens and Attica under the Democracy, 1994, 225-248 72 E.B. Harrison, Alkamenes’ Sculptures for the

toration of the Propylaia [Greek with English resumé],

Hephaisteion,

1994

137-178; ibid., 2. The Base, 265-287; ibid., 3. Iconography and Style, 411-426 73 BOCKELBERG, Die Friese des Hephaisteion. AntPl 18, 1979, 23-50 74 F. FELTEN,

Beitr. zur Wiederherstellung der mittleren Siid-Metopen des Parthenon, in: Beitr. zur Ikonographie und Hermeneutik. FS for N. Himmelmann, 1989, ro9-114 ~—-36 I. TRrI-

381.8. Mark, The Sanctuary of Athena Nike in

Athens, Hesperia Suppl. 26, 1993 39 D. Giraup, Study for the Restoration of the Temple of Athena Nike [Greek with English resumé], 1994 Prehistory and Antiquity. 1987, 31, fig. 2; 37, fig. x

40 M.Korres, in: Athens in Ausstellungskatalog Athen, 41Id., Ein Beitr. zur Kenntnis

1. The Cult Statues, in: AJA 81, 1977,

Griech. tektonische Friese archa. und klass. Zeit, 1984, 57-61 75 E.B. Harrison, ‘Theseum’ East Frieze, in: Hesperia 57, 1988, 339-349 76 H.KNELL, Der jiingere

der att.-ionischen Architektur, in: DiskAB 6, 1996, 90-

Tempel des Apollon Patroos auf der Athener Agora, in:

113

43A.

JDAI 109, 1994, 217-237. 77H.J. Kienast, Unters. am Turm der Winde, in: AA 1993, 271-275 78 M.C. Horr,

SCHOLL, XOH®OPOI: Zur Deutung der Korenhalle des Erechtheion, in: JDAI 110, 1995, 179-212 44 K.GLowacxi, A New Fragment of the Erechtheion

Julio-Claudian Athens, in: AA 1994, 93-117 79 AD 38, 1983, Chron. 12-14 80 D. Wixters, Hadrians panhel-

42 U.SCHADLER, lIonisches und Attisches am sog.

Erechtheion in Athen, in: AA

1990, 361-378

Frieze, in: Hesperia 64, 1995, 325-331

45 L.LA FoL-

LETTE, The Chalkotheke on the Athenian Akropolis, in: Hesperia 55, 1986, 75-87

46G.Despinis, Neues zu

einem alten Fund, in: MDAI(A) 109, 1994, 173-189 47 T. TANOULAS, Structural Relations between the Propy-

The So-called Agoranomion

lenisches Programm,

and the Imperial Cult in

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1990,

13-25

81 R. TOLLE-KASTENBEIN, Das Olympieion in Athen, 1994 82 M.F. ArNnusH, The Career of Peisistratos Son of Hippias, in: Hesperia 64, 1995, 135-162 83H. Bu-

sinc,

Zur

Bauplanung

ion.-att.

Saulenfronten,

in:

84 M.KrRuMME,

Das

laia and the NW Building on the Acropolis, in: MDAI(A) 107, 1992, 199-215 481.TaNoutas, The Pre-Mnesiclean Cistern, in: MDAI(A) 107, 1992, 129-160

MDAI(A)

49 M. JorDAN-Ruwe, Das Saulenmonument,

zur Ikonographie des Frieses vom Ilissos-Tempel, in: W.D. E. CouLson et al. (ed.), The Archaeology of Athens and Attica under the Democracy, 1994, 105-111 86 J. ToBIN, Some Thoughts on Herodes Atticus’s Tomb, his Stadium of 143/4, and Philostratus VS 2.550, in: AJA 97,

45

1995, 38-

50S. MixveEr, Architecture as Evidence for the Identi-

ty of the Early Polis, in: M.H. Hansen (ed.), Sources for

the Ancient Greek City-State, 1995, 201-244

51 F.

Ko ts, s.v. Agora, DNP I, 267-273 52 B. SCHMALTZ, Zum Odeion des Perikles, in: MDAI(A) 110, 1995, 247-

252

53H.R. Goette, Griech. Theaterbauten der Klas-

sik — Forschungsstand und Fragestellungen, in: E. POHLMANN, Studien zur Bilhnendichtung und zum Theaterbau der Antike, 1995,9-48 54 M.Korres, in: AD 35, 1980,

roo, 1985, 159-205

Heiligtum der ‘Athena beim Palladion’ in Athen, in: AA 1993, 213-227.

+ 85K.V. v. ErckstepT, Bemerkungen

1993, 81-89 87 M.F. BiLtLtot, Le Cynosarges, Antiochos et les tanneurs, in: BCH 116, 1992, 119-156 88 E. VANDERPOOL, The Date of the Pre-Persian City-Wall of Athens. ®dgoc. Tribute to B.D. Meritt, 1974, 156-160 89 H. Laurer-BuFeE, H. Lauter, Die vor-themistokleische

Chron. 9-213; 37, 1982, Chron. 15-18; 38, 1983, Chron. to. ©0555 A. CHOREMI, _H 060¢ tov Toimodwv xar ta Yoonyixe wvynuela otnv agyata AOrjva, in: W.D, E. COULSON et

Stadtmauer Athens, in: AA 1975, 1-9 90 F.E. WINTER, Sepulturae intra urbem and the Pre-Persian Walls of

al. (ed.), The Archaeology of Athens and Attica under the

199-204

Democracy, 1994, 31-42

1988 92P.A. Mountjoy, Mycenaean Athens, 1995 93 T. KARAGIORGA-STATHAKOPOULOU, Anooua Egya xaL avacxabeés omy AOnva ta tedevtaia Wevte yeOvua, in: Horos 6, 1988, 87-108 94 A. MATTHAIOU, “Hoiov Avxzovoyou Avxogdeovos Boutcédou, in: Horos 5, 1987, 3 144 95 V. VASILOPOULOU, "ExOeon yia THY avaoxady omy 060 Baowtxwv xa Koatbaov 6, in: Horos 5, 1987,

56 M.Korres, Vorfertigung

und Ferntransport eines athenischen Grofbaus, in: DiskAB 4, 1984, 201-207 57 S.B. ALEsHIRE, Asklepios at Athens, 1991 58S. WALKER, A Sanctuary of Isis on the South Slope of the Athenian Acropolis, in: Papers of the British School at Athens 74, 1979, 243-257 59 P.CasTREN, Post-Herulian Athens, 1990 60 H. LAUTER-BUFE, H.Lauter, Wohnhaduser und Stadtviertel des klass. Athen, in: AA 86, 1971, 109-124 61J.W. GRAHAM, Houses of Classical Athens, in: Phoenix 28, 1974, 45-54 62 J.E. Jones, Town and Country Houses of Attica in Classical Times, in: H. Musscue et al. (ed.), Thorikos and the Laurion in Archaic and Classical Times, 1975, 63-136 63 H.Lauter, Zum Strafenbild in Alt-Athen, in: Ant. Welt 13, 1982, H. 4, 44-52 64 R.TOLLE-KASTENBEIN,

Athens, FS for E. Vanderpool, Hesperia Suppl. 19, 1982,

91U.Knicce, Der Kerameikos von Athen,

149-152

96P.BALaTsos, Inscriptions from the Acad-

emy, in: ZPE 86, 1991, 145-154

97D.G. Kyte, Athlet-

ics in Ancient Athens, 1987. TorpoGRAPHy: TRAVLOS, Athen, passim

Athen,

23-51

(addenda)

Id., Attika, s.v.

Id., M.PETROPOULAKOU,

E. PENTAZOS, AOnvat. Oixtotixa otovyeta. Tlomty éxOeon

(=

Ancient

Greek

Cities

17),

1972

J. TRAVLOS,

Das archa. Wasserleitungsnetz fiir Athen und seine spate-

Tlokeodopmnh e&&ehtEtc tHv “AOnvav ‘1960, repr. 1993 H.R. Goerte, Athen, Attika, Megaris, 1993, 1-127.

ren Bauphasen, 1994 65 U. Kron, Demos, Pnyx und Nymphenhigel, in: MDAI(A) 94, 1979, 49-75 66 B.ForséN, G.STANTON, The Pnyx in the History of

Athen, 1988 L.ScHNEIDER, C.H6ckeER, Die Akropolis yon Athen, 1990 R.F. RHOpEs, Architecture and Mean-

Acropo ts

: U. Muss, C.ScHuBERT, Die Akropolis von

ATHENS

AGP

2a

ing on the Athenian Acropolis, 1995. LITERATURE (ARRANGED ACCORDING TO EPOCH):

tou Havemtotnniov AOnvav 28, 1989, 851-930.

PREHISTORIC, MYCENEAN AND GEOMETRIC ATHENS: M.A. PANTELIDOU, Al xmeoictoeimai “AOnvat, 1975

A.A. PAPAGIANNOPOULOS-PALAIOS, TlokeoSouwx%a coyaohoyia. TO mohEOSopixov TEOBANUG THV AOnVav &E Em0wews Coyaohoyimys, in: Polemon 8, 1965f., 49-88

O. BRONEER, Athens in the Late Bronze Age, in: Antiquity 30, 1956, 9-18.

ARCHAIC PERIOD: I. TRAVLOS, H AOjva nau n EAevoiva otov 8° xat 7° a.X. auvva, in: ASAA 45, 1983, 323-338 F.Ko xs, Die Bau-, Religions- und Kulturpolitik der Peisistratiden, in: JDAI 92, 1977, 99-138.

CLASSICAL ERA: T.HOLSCHER, The City of Athens; in: Space, Symbol, Structure. City States in Classical Antiquity and Medieval Italy, 1991, 355-380 J.W. ROBERTS, City of Sokrates. An Introduction to Classical Athens, 1984

zione, 1988, 7-36. HELLENISTIC ERA: C.Bouras, Hellenistic Athens, Acts of the 13th int. conference for classical archaeology, 1990, 267-274 H.ScHaAaAr, Unt. zu Gebaudestiftungen in hell. Zeit, 1992 K.FitTscHEN, Eine Stadt fiir Schaulustige und Mifsigganger, in: Vestigia 47, 1995, 55-71. ROMAN REPUBLIC AND ‘IMPERIAL ERA: H.A.

THompson, The Impact of Roman Architects and Architecture on Athens, 170 B.C.A.D. 170, in: Roman Architecture in the Greek World, 1987, 1-17 G.R. CULLEY, The Restoration of Sacred Monuments in Augustean

Athens (IG II/III* 1035), Diss. Ann Arbor 1978 M.Horr, The Early History of the Roman Agora at Athens, in: The Greek Renaissance in the Roman Empire, 1989, 1-8 Id., Augustus, Apollo, and Athens, in: MH 49, 1992, 223-232

T.L. SHEAR Jr., Athens. From City-

State to Provincial Town, in: Hesperia 50, 1981, 356-377 Cur. BOHME, Princeps und Polis. Unters. zur Herrschaftsform des Augustus tiber bed. Orte in Griechenland, 1995, 42-75 A.K. ORLANDOS, “Ex@eotg aeQgi avaoxapny BiBALoOHxNs ‘Adoravod xai OWLatxts Gyoeds, in: Archai-

Ephemeris,

1964,

Chron.,

6-59

G.DonrTas,

MEya GOQLAVELOV ZTNOLOV Xai GAAGL OLHOSOLLAG AElparvar Eri ths Od0v ‘Adatavod, in: AAA 1, 1968, 221-224 S.WALK-

ER, The Architecture of the Panhellenion, in: Moaxtuxd tou IB’ AteBvotsg ovvedoiov xAaouns aoxaoroyiacg IV,

1988, 211-214 M.ZAHRNT, Die ‘Hadriansstadt’ von Athen, in: Chiron 9, 1979, 393-398 M.T. BoatWRIGHT, Further Thoughts on Hadrianic Athens, in: Hesperia 52, 1983, 173-176 D.E. E. KLeIner, Athens

under the Romans. The Patronage of Emperors and Kings, in: Rome and the Provinces, 1986, 8-20 A.KOKKOU, ‘Adouaveta toya eis tag AOnvac, in: AD 25,1970, 150-173

A.J. SPAWFORTH, S. WALKER, The World of the Panhellenion, 1. Athens and Eleusis, in: JRS 75, 1985, 78-104

D. Writers, Hadrians panhellenistisches Programm, in: 16. Beih. AK, 1990 des Atticus, 1991

Adriano.

J. ToBIn, The Monuments of HeroD.PLAcipo, La ley olearia de La democracia ateniense y el imperialismo

romano, in: Gerion 10, 1992, 171-179

Neugestaltung

Athens

durch

Hadrian,

D.WILLERS, Die

in: Ant. Welt,

1997, 3-17. LATE ANTIQUITY: A.FRANTZ, Herculius in Athens. Pagan or Christian?, in: Akt. VII. Int. Kongr. fiir Christl. Arch., 1969, 527-530 Id., A Public Building of Late Antiquity in Athens (IG II/III* 5205), in: Hesperia 48,

1979,

AGES AND MODERN

TIMES:

J. Travios, Athens after the Liberation. Planning the New City and Exploring the Old, in: Hesperia 50, 1981, 391— 404

A.PAPAGEORGIOU-VENETAS, Hauptstadt Athen Ein

Stadtgedanke des Klassizismus, 1994. Maps: J. Travios, Bildlexikon zur Topographie des ant. Athen, 1971 J.M. Camp, The Athenian Agora, 1986 M. Korres, The History of the Acropolis Monuments, in: R.Economakis (ed.), Acropolis Restoration. The CCAM Interventions, 1994. HLR.G.

P.MusItoLeK, W.SCHINDLER, Klass. Athen, 1980

E.La Rocca, Introduzione. L’esperimento della perfe-

logike

BYZANTINE ERA, MIDDLE

194-203

P.CasTREN,

Post-Herulian

Athens,

1990 -=«~ Athena was already a

Minoan palace and city goddess [21. 160-177], but the origin of the settlement name cannot be pinpointed in time. Since the Neolithic period there has, without a doubt, been continuous settlement. People preferred to live on the slopes of the Acropolis. The beginnings of proto-Greek language elements appear to date back to an extended infiltration of new peoples of the IndoEuropean language family around and after 2000 BC. In the late Bronze Age, A. belonged to the Mycenaean cultural sphere. In the 13th cent. BC, one of the most powerful Mycenaean fortresses was erected on the Acropolis (cf. Hom. Od. 7,81 [10. 77ff.]). A ruler (+ Wanax) probably lived there who had resources similar to those ofthe rulers of the palaces with Linear B findings (> Linear inscriptions; Linear B). In the time of unrest around 1200 BC the Athenian residence was not destroyed. The position of the wanax who lived there appears to have degenerated in the course of the general devolution of the Mycenaean social order and ruling structures to the position of a settlement leader in a small society with little stratification. Nevertheless, in the ‘Dark Ages’ A. remained the largest settlement in ~ Attica. This was the prerequisite for the growing together of the various regions of this area, where A. became the point of crystallization for the formation of the polis (+ Polis), when, in the context of a large increase in population since the 8th/7th cent. BC, instead of person-bound leadership functions, organs of community life developed, which took over particular public tasks and carried these out regularly, so that they took on the character of institutions [27. 145-181; 32. 185-191].

27,3

274

An indispensable prerequisite to this process was the formation of a class of large landowners who were willing and in a position to assume limited-term offices ona rotational basis. There was not, however, a class structure that opposed the upper class (so-called > aristocracy) and the masses (> Demos) of free people. There were also no family-spanning tribal ties [2. 1367-1394; 24. 15-89]. The origin of the office of the eponymous ~ archontes, who was the actual leader of the community for one year at a time, remains uncertain. The beginnings could lie before the counting of the eponymot (in 683/82 BC). The assumed preliminary stage in the Atthidographic tradition (+ Atthis; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 3,1) of a ten-year archontate is unlikely. A differentiation of the archon’s duties into the functions of the eponymous archontes, of the polémarchos (that is, of the ‘Warlord’), of the sacral

> basilevis and the six

~ thesmothetai, who originally sat as ‘lawgivers’ according to the customary law in judgement of cases, was certainly completed in the late 7th cent. 2. ARCHAIC PERIOD Important steps in the process of consolidating an institutional structure were the codifications of Dracon (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 4,1) and Solon (Plut. Solon 1; Diog.

Laert. 1,49ff. [9. 153-156]). Legal proceedings after unintentional killing, which are documented in a later inscription (IG I> 104), and also the pursuit of a murder, were doubtless regulated by > Dracon (around 624 BC). > Solon (born around 640 BC) sought to over-

come a far-reaching crisis of the polis A. through the liquidation of debts (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 6,1), the removal

of debt bondage and the tribute duty of the > hektémoroi, as well as through numerous other laws. His rulings touched numerous areas of private and public life [r9. 59-68]. He constituted the > héliaia and probably also the council (> Boule) of the 400, in which

according to Aristot. Ath. Pol. 8,4 each of the four old Attic > phyles could send too members yearly, while in the already existing > Areios pdgos (Areopagus) only erstwhile archons were admitted. An additional important innovation was the introduction of the popular grievance (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 9,1; Plut. Solon 18,6). The division of the citizens into > pentakosiomédimnoi, > hippeis, > zeugitai and —> thetes, which was fixed by Solon but obviously harked back to older principles, was important for the military and official capabilities of the citizens (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 7,3; Plut. Solon 23,3). The archontate could, according to Solon, be assumed only by pentakosiomédimnoi. 3. TYRANNIS Even after the Solonic reforms there were tensions due to rivalries among the people competing for the offices and prestige of the ‘leader of the démos’, who relied on hetaireiai. These power struggles came to a temporary end only with the institution of the > tyrannis of — Peisistratus, who, after two failed attempts, managed to attain rulership around 546 BC and maintain it until his death in 528/27 BC, without removing

the organs of the polis (Hdt. 1,59; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 14,1 [27. 193-200]).

ATHENS His sons + Hippias and —> Hipparchus succeeded

him without difficulties (Thuc. 1,20; 6,54; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 16,7; 18,1). The murder of Hipparchus in 514 BC proved to be a turning-point (Thuc. 6,54; 56). Hippias, the actual holder of power, was expelled in 510 BC by

+ Cleisthenes, who plotted an intervention by the Spartan king > Cleomenes I (Hdt. 5,62-65; Thuc. Aristot. Ath. Pol. 19,4).

6,59;

4. THE REFORMS OF CLEISTHENES After renewed rivalries between nobles, the reforms

of Cleisthenes in 508/507 BC provided the important requirements for the formation of Athenian democracy [29. rff.; 30. 168-177; 20. 145ff.; 4. 31-33]. The new order was based on the division of Attica into approximately 139 demes in the three regions of city, inland and coast, which were each subdivided into ro

trittyes (‘thirds’). From the 30 ‘thirds’ Cleisthenes formed to new phyles (> Attica [Map: Attic phyles]) so that he always combined one tritty from the city area, one from the inland and one from the coastal zone to form a phyle (Hdt. 5,66; 5,69ff.; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 21,1-4). Thereby the individual parts of Attica were

bound more strongly to the centre, since each phyle from then on provided 50 members every year (> bouleutat) for the newly-constituted council of 500, which prepared the agenda for the popular assembly (> Ekklesia). The actual resolution had to be passed in a public vote in the ekklésia, which was the central organ of the polis. It is difficult to decide whether, at that time, the —> ostrakismos was also introduced (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 22,3 [14. 85-90]), by which an influential Athenian could be banned for ro years and therefore excluded from politics. In approximately 501/500 BC the office of the ro strategoi was established (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 22,2; 61,1; Plut. Aristides 5). These military commanders, who were always voted into office, gained increasing political significance after 487/486 BC because then the office of the archontes could also be occupied, thanks to a clever combination of drawing lots and voting, by hippeis (second census class). 5. TIME OF THE PERSIAN WARS Already in 490 BC, the Athenian hoplites under the effective leadership of > Militiades had defeated Persian troops, which had landed at > Marathon and were to ‘punish’ A. for supporting the Ionian Revolt (Hdt. 6,102ff.). When the Persian king > Xerxes tried to real-

ize > Darius’ plan for subjugating Greece in 480 BC, the Athenians had, after internal controversies about defence strategies, built a large fleet of triremes at the order of > Themistocles

(Hdt. 7,144; Thuc. 1,14,2; Plut. Themistocles 4,1), which played a decisive part in the Greek victory at the battle of > Salamis (Hdt. 8,86 [13. 81-97, 151-197]). After the failure of the invasion of Xerxes, whose troops had temporarily occupied A. between 480 and 479 BC, the polis was, thanks to its fleet, in a position to make the battle against the Persians an offensive and take over the leadership of the war from Sparta; A. organized its own league, which from then on served as an instrument of Athenian heg-

ATHENS

275

emonic politics (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 23,5; Plut. Cimon 6). cf. > Achaemenids (with the map: military operations in the Aegean). 6. THE DELIAN LEAGUE Most of the members of this league paid contributions to the league treasury, which was first deposited in + Delos and then moved to A. in 454 BC. Only a few larger poleis contributed ships and troops for league campaigns. A. did not tolerate the defection of league members from the > symmachia, but effectively protected the Aegean area against Persian claims to power, while the Athenian ekklesia developed into the most important decision-making body for the entire area of the naval league [25. 87ff.]. Domestic political arguments, which, among other things, concerned A.’s re-

lationship to Sparta, led in c. 471/470 BC to the ostracization of Themistocles (Thuc. 1,13 5,3; Plut. Themistocles 22,4). > Cimon dominated for a long time, but then > Ephialtes placed limitations on the authority of the Areopagus in 462 BC and in connection with this transferred political control functions to the ekklesia, the council of 500 and the dikasteria (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 35 [23. 67-77]). From these reforms, which were continued through the introduction of day rates for jurors and council members, came significant impetus for the further development of the Athenian constitution, for which in the middle of the 5th cent. BC the term ‘democracy’ was first used, so that the unchallenged decision-making power of the démos also manifested itself in political terminology [17. 36-69; 16. 207ff.]. A turning-point in foreign policy came when in 462 BC in the course of the great helot rebellion, the Spartans sent back an Athenian corps under Cimon’s leadership which they themselves had called upon for help (Thuc. 1,102; Plut. Cimon 16f.). Cimon’s ostracization (> Ostracism) in 461 BC is an indicator of the reori-

entation of Athenian politics, which thanks to an offer of alliance from Megara and an Egyptian call for help against the Persians, seemed to offer the chance to wina strategic advantage against Sparta and to significantly weaken Persian power in the eastern Mediterranean.

The intervention in Egypt, however, ended in a catastrophe. Only after Cimon’s return from exile and after the conclusion of a five-year truce with Sparta in 451 BC did A. undertake a new large offensive against Persia, but it was not in a position to significantly alter power relationships in the East. After the death of Cimon and an Athenian victory at Salamis (Cyprus), the battles were halted in 449 BC. In Greece, the war was ended in 446 BC by the so-called 30 years’ peace (Thuc. 1,35,1f.;

115,13; Diod. Sic. 12,7) after the Athe-

nians had lost the positions they had won in Boeotia and in Megara in 460 BC. cf. > Delian League (with map). 7. THE AGE OF PERICLES

The next 15 years were marked by the dominating personality of > Pericles [23. 77-95]. From this point on, A. was not only the trade metropolis of the eastern Mediterranean, but also the spiritual centre of the

276

Greek world. Because of its principle of having all citizens participate equally in public decision-making as well as the unique radiance of the culture that was unfolding there, the classical polis A. had gained universal historical significance. While the institutional structure of democracy was being solidified, its self-awareness was expressed in monumental form in the Periclean building and image programme. On the other hand, Athenian hegemony in the league was developing, due to restrictive politics with respect to protesting league members, as well as to a new division into districts

aimed at intensifying the collection of tribute and other organizational measures, into a partially direct, partially indirect rulership over the symmachy. The power-political problem of Athenian-Spartan dualism was not solved by the peace of 446 BC. 8. THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR Theories of the necessity of conflict between great powers had fateful effects [r2. 297-307] when a crisis, which originated initially at the edge of the Greek world in Epidamnus (+ Dyrrhachium) escalated and in 431 BC led to a great war between Sparta and A. (> Peloponnesian War), which finally initiated the political decline of the polis world (Thuc.; Xen. Hell. rf.; Diod.

Sic. 12,3 8ff.). Pericles’ strategy of conducting an Athenian defence on land and an offensive war on the sea did not fulfil the hopes that had been placed upon it. After battles with varied outcome, a compromise peace (‘Peace of Nicias’) (Stv 2, 188) was concluded in 421 BC, but the Athenian démos let itself be seduced by the demagogy of > Alcibiades into a large-scale intervention in Sicily and thus provoked a renewed military confrontation with Sparta. A. could not overcome the consequences of the catastrophe of the military expedition to > Syracusae in 413 BC (Thue. 6,8,4; Plat. Alcibiades 17; Nicias 12f.), even if the oligarchic putsch in 411 BC could only eliminate democracy for a short while and the operational readiness of the Athenian demos remained impressive until the final phase of the war. After ~ Lysander eliminated the Attic fleet with a surprise attack at — Aigos Potamoi in 405 BC (Xen. Hell. 2,1,21ff.; Diod. Sic. 13,105f.; Plut. Lysander 9,6-13,2),

A. still conducted a desperate defence, but it had to capitulate in 404 BC and forego its territories and its ‘naval empire’ (Stv 2, 211). Democracy was removed by

a small group of determined conspirators. The terror regime of the ‘30 Tyrants’ (+ Triakonta), which developed out of the oligarchic putsch with Lysander’s help, however, was short-lived (Xen. Hell. 2,3,2ff.; Diod. Sic.14,3,4ff. [x8. 81-98]). Democracy, which had already been restored in 403 BC, experienced a number of organizational innovations in the following period [22. 305-320; 1. 262-281]. Daily wages for participants in popular assemblies as well as detailed rulings about the process of political decision-making, the adoption and review of laws, the occupation of the ~ dikasteria and inter-authority control, all made for a fleshing-out of the democratic system, but also for an increasing formalization of the administration of the

27i,

278

polis. In foreign affairs, far-sighted Athenian politicians recognized after 404/403 BC that their polis, given its own military weakness, had to steer a cautious course. The goal nevertheless remained overcoming dependence on Sparta and finally also the renewal of naval hegemony [6. 12]. In the Corinthian War A. was, above all, able to win back its freedom to make foreign policy thanks to the victory of + Conon at Cnidus in 394 BC (Xen. Hell. 4,3,10ff.; Diod. Sic. 14,83,5ff.). Beginnings of a new Athenian hegemonic politics were fostered by Sparta’s display of power aimed at expansion after > Artaxerxes II ‘dictated’ the so-called ‘King’s Peace/ Peace of Antalcidas’ in 387/86 BC (Stv 2, 242) [31. 161-

11. ERA OF THE DIADOCHI The defeats at + Abydus [1], > Amorgus and + Crannon forced A. to capitulate in 322 BC. This meant the stationing of a Macedonian garrison and the end of democracy, in whose place after the expulsion of the thetes an > oligarchy took over, which for a short time was replaced by a democracy in 318 BC, until in 317 BC > Demetrius of Phalerum took over rulership as the trusted liaison officer of > Cassander (FGrH Demetrius 228 fr. 3). In the meantime, A. experienced another significant economic upswing. -» Demetrius Poliorketes formally restored democracy in 307 BC, which meant that he and - Antigonus [1] Monophthalmos were revered as ‘rescuing gods’; after their defeat at > Ipsus in 301 BC, however, neutrality was sought. After the intermezzo of the tyrannis of > Lachares [28. 163] A. was won back in 294 BC by Demetrius Poliorketes, but it fell away from him in 287 BC [7. 48-62]. The oligarchy, extant since 294 BC, was removed (Plut. Demetrius 46; Paus. 1,26,29). In the following years, A. sought support from the Ptolemies and in 279 BC took part in the battles against the Celts. Not only in Salamis and in north Attica, but also in Piraeus, however, there were still the Macedonian garrisons of ~ Antigonus [2] Gonatas, the expulsion of which was an Athenian goal in the + Chremonidean War in c. 268/67-262/61 BC. The failure of this anti-Macedo-

168]. 9. THE SECOND ATHENIAN

LEAGUE

After concluding treaties with various poleis around the Aegean for protection against the Spartan abuse of power, the Athenians succeeded in constituting the second —> Athenian League in 377 BC, in which the member states paid no tribute (> Phoroi), but instead

made contributions (sywtdxeis) and the decision-making occurred through majority resolutions of the approximately 70 league members (Diod. Sic. 15,30,2), which, however, had to be confirmed by the Athenian ekklesia [26. 163-176]. During the ‘general peace’ (koiné eirené: Stv 2, 292) in the Greek motherland after the battle at Mantinea in 362 BC (Xen. Hell. 7,5,8; 23) and the certain equilibrium of forces that immediately followed, A. took pains to build up its positions in the Aegean [11. 96-115]. cf. > Athenian League (with map). ro. THE ERA OF Pui tip II The failure of these endeavours in the so-called Social War of 357-355 BC, through which the Athenians’ realm of influence in the Aegean was significantly limited, as well as the conflict with — Philippus II changed the entire situation completely. A. was, then as before, the strongest naval power, but it could not remove Philip’s pressure on the straits and therefore even with the peace of — Philocrates in 346 BC did not achieve long-term relief. Also in league with > Thebes (Plut. Demosthenes 18), A. was not Philip’s equal on land. After the battle of Chaeronea in 338 BC and the foundation of the Corinthian League in 3 38/37 BC (Stv 3, 403) A. still belonged to the Macedonian realm of influence (~ Macedonia), even if it was not forced by Philip to tolerate a garrison (like Thebes) or to cede territories (like Sparta) [11. 139-197]. The main reason for Philip’s leniency was without a doubt the still intact Athenian fleet. ~ Alexander [4] the Great also acted with diplomatic aplomb towards A. after the uprising of Thebes in 335 BC. A. did not join the anti-Macedonian coalition of > Agis [3] II in 331 BC. Income from Alexander’s Persian campaign brought increased economic activity. In 324 BC A. was prepared to bestow godlike honours on Alexander [5. 276-298], but feared after the death of the king the loss of Samos and rose up at the head of a Hellenic league in the > Lamian War against > Antipater [1] (Diod. Sic. 18,11, 1f.; Plut. Phocion 23).

ATHENS

nian rebellion (Paus. 3,6,4ff.) doubtless sharpened the negative economic and demographic consequences of the troubles of the era of the Diadochi in A. and Attica [15. 251-253]. Political independence could only be won back through the withdrawal of the Macedonian garrison in 229 BC after the death of + Demetrius II. When A. gave up its neutral politics with respect to ~ Philippus V in 200 BC and declared war on him with Roman rear cover (Pol. 16,26,6-8; Liv. 31,15,4), the city was pulled into the course of Roman politics [8. 142-158]. Economically for Athens, the institution of the free harbour in Delos by Rome after the end of the rulership of the Antigonids in 168 BC was a great gain in a time of general depression in Hellas. A long-term consequence was, however, the sharpening of the variations in wealth and the stronger emphasis of oligarchic constitutional elements. cf. also > Diadochi. 12. ROMAN ERA This contributed significantly to why the majority of Athenians let themselves be induced by > Aristion [1] in 88 BC into an alliance with > Mithridates VI (Diod. Sic. 37,28; App. Mith. 24ff.). Sulla’s siege and conquest of the city in 86 BC virtually destroyed it (Plut. Sulla 25; App. Mith. 62f. [3. 248-261]), but the reconstruction soon began and A. remained a cultural centre with the most famous schools of philosophy (— Academy, + Peripatos, > Stoa, > Cepus). A. enjoyed a renewed prosperity under > Hadrianus and the Antonines (2nd cent. AD). After the devastation caused by the > Heruli in AD 267 (Zos. 1,39,1), the so-called ‘Valerian Wall’ was erected. Under and after Emperor > Constantinus (4th cent. AD), the Attic schools once again had a

ATHENS

279

strong allure. In AD 529, the Academy was closed by Emperor Justinian (Johannes Malalas p. 64), which is often interpreted as the end of a great ancient tradition. 1 J. BLEICKEN, Die Einheit der athenischen Demokratie in

klass. Zeit, in: Hermes 115, 1987, 257-283

2 F. Bour-

RIOT, Recherches sur la nature du Genos, 2 Vol., 1976

280 to D. Lewis, 1994; M.OstwaLp,

From Popular Sover-

eignty to the Sovereignty of Law, 1986; J. PAPASTAVROU, s.v. A., RE Suppl. 10, 47-90; P.J. RHopes, A Commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion politeia, 1981; W.ScHULLER, Die Herrschaft der Athener im Ersten Att. Seebund, 1974; R.SEALEY, The Athenian Republic, 1987;

P. StewerT, Die Trittyen Attikas und die Heeresreform des

3 J.DEININGER, Der polit. Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland 217-86 v.Chr., 1971 4 W.Eper, Polis und

Kleisthenes, 1982; J. A. SmiTH, Athens under the Tyrants,

Politai, in: Euphronios und seine Zeit, Kolloquium in Berlin 19./20. Apr. 1991, 24-38 5 J. ENGELS, Stud. zur

W.WeLWEI,

polit. Biographie des Hypereides,

1989

6 P. FUNKE,

Homonoia und Arché, 1980 7 CH. Hasicnt, Unt. zur polit. Gesch. Athens im 3.Jh. v.Chr., 1979 ~—8 Id., Stud. zur Gesch. Athens in hell. Z., 1982 9 K.-J. HOLKEs-

KAMP, Tempel, Agora und Alphabet, in: H.-J.GEHRKE (ed.), Rechtskodifikation

und soziale Normen

im inter-

kulturellen Vergleich, 1994, 135-164 10 Sp.E. IAKovipis, Late Helladic Citadels on Mainland Greece, 1983 11 M.JEHNE,

Koine

Eirene,

1994

12 F. KIECHLE,

Ursprung und Wirkung machtpolit. Theorien im Gesch.Werk des Thukydides, in: Gymnasium 70, 1963, 289-312 13 F.LAzENBy, The Defence of Greece 490-479 B.C., 1993 14G.A. LEHMANN, Der Ostrakismos-Entscheid in Athen,

in: ZPE

Atene,1993

41,

1981,

85-99

15 H. LOHMANN,

16 D.Lorze, Zum Begriff der Demokratie

in Aischylos’ Hiketiden, in: E.A. ScHMrpT (ed.), Aischylos

und Pindar, 1981, 207-216

17 Cu. MEIER, Entstehung

des Begriffs ‘Demokratie’, 1970 18 W.Nippet, Mischverfassung und Verfassungsrealitat in Ant. und friher Neuzeit, 1980

19 P. OLtva, Solon— Legende und Wirk-

lichkeit, 1988

20K.-E.PETzoLp, Zur Entstehungsphase

der athenischen Demokratie, in: RFIC 118, 1990, 145178 21 W.POTSCHER, Hera, 1987 22P.J. RHODEs, Athenian Democracy after 403 B. C., in: CJ 75, 1979/80,

305-323 23I1d., The Athenian Revolution, in: CAH 5, 71992, 62-95 24D.RoussEL, Tribu et cité, 1976

25 W.SCHULLER, Wirkungen des Ersten Att. Seebunds auf die Herausbildung der athenischen Demokratie, in: J.M. BaAtcer, H.-J. GEHRKE et al. (ed.), Stud. zum Att. Seebund,

1984, 87-101 26R.SEAGER, The King’s Peace and the Second Athenian Confederacy, in: CAH 6, *1994, 156186 27M.Srant, Aristokraten und Tyrannen im archa. Athen, 1987

28 J.SEIBERT, Das Zeitalter der Diadochen,

1983. 29G-.R. Stanton, The Tribal Reform of Kleisthenes the Alkmeonid, in: Chiron 14, 1984, 1-41 30 E.SreIN-HOLKEskamp, Adelskultur und Polisgesellschaft, 1989 387/86, 1991

31 R.UrBAN, Der KOnigsfrieden von 32 U. WALTER, An der Polis teilhaben,

1993.

J. BLEICKEN, Die athenische Demokratie, *1994; A. L. BOEGEHOLD,

A.C.

ScAFuRO

(ed.), Athenian

Identity

and

Civic Ideology, 1994; J.CARGILL, The Second Athenian League. Empire or Free Alliance?, 1981; CARTLEDGE/MIL-

LETI/ Topp; E.E. Couen, Athenian Economy and Society, 1992; J.K. Davies, Wealth and the Power of Wealth in Classical Athens, 1984; M. DREHER, Hegemon und Symmachoi, 1995; EDER, Demokratie; M.FarRaGUNA, Atene nell’eta di Alessandro, 1992; HABICHT;

M.H. Hansen, The Athenian Assembly in the Age of

1989; J.S. TRAILL, Demos and Trittys, 1986; TRAILL; K.A., 1992;

WHITEHEAD;

W. WiLL, A. und

Alexander, 1983.

K.-W.W.

13. BYZANTINE ERA

Whether the closing of the Academy by Justinian was as important as was assumed earlier is controversial [1]. After that, the history of A. was uneventful: plundering by Slavs (582) led to no occupation of Athens and Attica; Slavic place names are almost completely lacking. Late Christianization and the re-emergence of pagan cults is verifiable [2]. Despite its reduced significance, A. remained the seat of a bishop. Visit by Constans II in 662/63. Since the end of the 7th cent. A. was part of the theme of Hellas. Arabic piracy, also a mosque, is documented [3]. Empress Irene, the restorer of the cult of icons, was born in A. 1 ODB,s.v. Athens late Roman

2 G.FowDEN, City and Mountain in

Attica, in: JHS

108, 1988, 48-59

3G.

Mites, The Mosque of Athens, Hesperia 25, 1956, 329344. IN.

IV. CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE A., in contrast to the Ionian cities of Asia Minor (> Ephesus; > Miletus), the islands of the Aegean

(> Lesbos; > Paros) and Sparta, emerges only late in art and literature. The first famous artist was -> Solon (> Elegy). The cultural politics of the > Peisistratids (546-510) led to the first pinnacle in literature, vase painting and sculpture. This development increased in the sth cent. BC, when A. became the leading naval power of Attica and in addition to native artists, numerous foreign artists worked in A. > Tragedy and + comedy found their canonical form (> Aeschylus; - Sophocles; > Euripides; > Aristophanes), — historiography began (> Herodotus; > Thucydides), architecture and sculpture blossomed (-> Ictinus; > Phidias),

+ sophists was based in A. Even in the 4th cent. BC no decline was evident: > philosophy (> Plato; > Aristotle) and > rhetoric (— Aeschines; -» Demosthenes; ~ Isocrates) achieved their pinnacle. Although in Hellenism (3rd—1st cents. BC) the intellectual attraction of the city declined, A. remained, alongside Alexandria, Antioch and Pergamum, a well-regarded place of culture; also under Roman rulership until !ate antiquity, A. was the traditional centre of art and science. ~ ATHENS W.ED.

Demosthenes, 1987; HANSEN, Democracy; D.KAGAN, The Fall of the Athenian Empire, 1987; MACDOWELL;

[2] Early settlement in Boeotia; according to Boeotian

Cu. Meter, A., 1993; R.Meiccs, The Athenian Empire,

and Attic tradition, founded together with Eleusis by

1972; J.OBeR, Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens, 1989; R.OsBoRNE, S.HORNBLOWER (ed.), Ritual, Finance, Politics. Athenian Democratic Accounts presented

Cecrops and early on flooded by the climbing water level of the > Copais, but after flood control measures

281

282

by Crates under Alexander [4] the Great it surfaced once again. A. is identical either with the settlement reaching back to the Early Helladic period in Dekedes near modern-day Ag. Paraskevi (earlier: Agoriani) near the old Athena sanctuary of > Alalcomenae [1] or with an early preceding settlement of Orchomenus [r. 6rf.]. Sources: Paus. 9,24,25 Str. 9,2,18; Steph. Byz. s.v. A. 1 J.M. Fossry, The End of the Bronze Age in the South West Copaic, in: Id., Papers in Boiotian Topography and History, 1990, 53-71 2 S. LAUFFER, Forschungen im Kopaisgebiet, in: AA 1940, 184-188. J.Knauss,

B. Hernricu,

H.Katcyx,

Die Wasserbauten

der Minyer in der Kopais, 1984, 35ff., 57ff.; S. LAUFFER, Kopais 1, 1986.

PE.

ATHLETES

lete’ is so clearly contoured in Homer that it can be contrasted effectively with the merchant (Od. 8,159-

164) [5. 20; 6. 68-69]. With the regular holding of +> agones

since

archaic

times,

athletes,

who

often

belong to the upper classes, emerge potently into the public consciousness [7]. This happens not only due to their sporting presence, but also due to the care of their preservation [8] in the form of the epinikion (the relevant complete work of Pindar is preserved, similarly extensive works of Bacchylides, Simonides), epigrams [9], victory inscriptions [ro] and victors’ statues [11; T2003

The reputation of athletes could be so great that it led to heroization [14]. Their public effectiveness is mirrored in the rising critique of athletes, which begins in the 6th cent. BC (Xenophanes, later e.g. also Euripides),

Athetesis see > Interpolation Athingani (A0iyyavou; Athinganoi). The A. (‘Untouchables’, from Ovyyévw) are mentioned as heretics who are

counted as Paulicians, first by Patriarch > Germanus (De haeres. et synodis, PG 98, 85) in the 8th cent. They are called ‘Phrygians’ because of their origins or ‘Manichaeans’ because of their magical and astrological practices. Flourishing in the 9th cent.; found followers even in palace circles (+ Michael II). They supported > iconoclasm. Several attempts to integrate them remained unsuccessful. ~+ Astrology; > Magic; > Mani; > Phrygia J.Starr, An Eastern Christian Sect: the A., in: Harvard

Theol. Rev. 29, 1936, 93-106; G.C. Sous, The Gypsies

in the Byzantine Empire, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 15, 1961, 141-165; I. ROcHOw, Die Haresie der Athinganer im 8. und 9. Jh. und die Frage ihres Problems, in: H. KOpSTEIN, F. WINKELMANN (ed.), Studien zum 8. und 9. Jh. in Byzanz (Berliner byz. Arbeiten

51), 1983,

1973ff. Id.,

Byzanz im 8. Jh. in der Sicht des Theophanes. Quellenkritisch-histor. Komm. zu den J. 715-813 (Berliner byz. Arbeiten 57), 1991, s.v. B. K.SA.

Athletes With their designation by name, athletes step out of the anonymity of prehistoric sports and become individual figures in the history of sports. Examples of early athletes are Pharao Djoser at the Jubilee race (3rd dynasty, 2624-2605 BC) [1.A 6-9] and especially Ame-

nophis II (18th dynasty, 1438-1412 BC) with his accomplishments in archery [2.4450], and Sulgi of Ur (end of the 3rd millennium BC) [3; 4. 46-53] and Sulgigalzu [4. 30f.] should also be placed in this array. As individuals, one can use the wrestlers 3htj-htpw and Tfw from the grave of Ptahhotep (5th dynasty) as early examples [1.L 4]. However, neither the rulers nor the Egyptian combatants mentioned above fulfil the actual literal meaning of &OAntHW¢ (athletes; ‘one who fights for an offered prize’), which occurs already in the oldest literary source about Greek sports. In the Iliad (23,262-897), as well as in the Odyssey (8,96-103; 18,1-1103 19,571-5 81; 21), the main characters in the

epics appear as athletes [5. 6-88]. The designation ‘ath-

and accompanies the history of athletics as a recurring topic [15]. In this context, the topic amateur versus professional athlete is never a subject of debate; in ancient times there was, in contrast to modern times, no ama-

teur problem [16]. Only he who found the time for training and for the time-consuming tournament jour-

neys could achieve success as an athlete. Thus an athlete either had to be economically independent, that is, as a

rule, he had to come from the upper classes; or he had to make his living from the prize money that was offered for the tournaments, or that his hometown had awardd him as a prize for victory. Athens, e.g., paid its Olympic victors 500 drachmas under Solon [17; 18]. In this context, juristic claims could be important, which originated with the official recognition of the newly-introduced agones, especially in the imperial era [19]. Occasionally athletes’ training was supported financially by their hometowns or by private individuals, though not before the Hellenistic era [7.69-70]. In order to better represent their interests, athletes formed (probably from the 2nd cent. BC) as did the + technitai, a local, and later also an international association [20.107-109], which in the imperial era had its seat in Rome and relied on a good relationship with the ruler. For the latter, on the other hand, this good relationship was also important because of the appearance of athletes at festivals connected to the emperor-cult [21]. The signatures of a number of high functionaries of the association, all of them former excellent athletes, have been preserved on a proclamation from AD 194, which confirms the membership and assumption to office of the boxer Herminus, alias Moros from Hermopolis [20. Document 6]. There was an extensive

body of specialized writing about the training of athletes, of which, however, only the text regi yuuvaotixtic by Philostratus has come down to us in its entirety [22]. Some athletes swore by spells and magic, and the interpretation of dreams also played an important role for them [23]. Research is lacking a prosopography of athletes, even if the excellent index of Olympic victors by L. Moretti contains the most famous Greek athletes [24]. It appears that the athletes of Etruria were not freedmen [25.689-692]. For Rome one could also — in

2.83

ATHLETES

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Sy iO) Wa

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Locations of the victories won by the pancratiast M. Aurelius Asclepiades of Alexandria. Late 2nd cent. AD. Probably his active period was AD 178 - 82, between the ages of 21 and 25; in AD 196 - at the age of 39 - he returned once to the stadium of his hometown. (Source: IAG 79.) Olympia Mantineia

Locations of periodic games (Olympic, Pythian, Isthmian and

Nemean Games) and additional agons created in imperial times Locations of other victories (cash prizes and prizes in kind)

contrast to Greece — count the charioteers — Circus as athletes (cf. e.g. CIL VI 10048). 1 W.Decxer,

M.HeErs,

Bildatlas zum

in the

Sport im Alten

Agypt., 1994 2 W.Decxer, Sport und Spiel im Alten Agypt., 1987 3 P.S. VERMAAK, Sulgi as Sportsman in the Sumerian Self-laudatory Royal Hymns, in: Nikephoros 6, 1993, 7-21 4R.ROLLINGER, Aspekte des Sports im Alten Sumer. Sportliche Betatigung und Herrschaftsideologie im Wechselspiel, in: Nikephoros 7, 1994 5 S.LasER, ArchHom T

6J.Latacz,Homer, 1985

7 H.W.

PLExeT, Zur Soziologie des ant. Sports, in: Mededelingen van het Nederlandse Instituut te Rome 36, 1974, 57-87 8 H. BuHMaANN, Der Sieg in Olympia und in den anderen panhellenischen Spielen, Diss. Miinchen 1972 9 J. EBERT, Epigramme auf Sieger an gymnischen und hippischen Agonen, 1972 10 L. Morerm1, Iscrizioni agonistiche greche, 1953. 11 W.W. Hype, Olympic Victor Monuments and Greek Athletic Art, 1921 12 H.V. HERRMANN, Die Siegerstatuen von Olympia, in: Nikephoros 1, 1988, 119-183 13 F.Rausa, L’iinmagine del vincitore, 1994 14 F.BOEHRINGER, Cultes d’athlétes en Gréce classique: propos politiques, discours mythiques, in: REA 81, 1979, 5-18 15 St. MULLER, Das Volk der Athleten, 1995 16 D.C. Younc, The Olympic Myth of Greek Amateur Athletics, 1984 17 I. WEILER, Einige Bemerkungen zu Solons Olympionikengesetz, in: FS R. Muth, 1983, 573-582 18 D.G. KyLg, Solon and Athletics, in: Ancient World 9, 1984, 91-105 19 P. WeIss, Textkritisches zur Athleten-Relatio des Plinius (Epist. 10,118), in: ZPE 48, 1982, 125-131

20P.FRiscH, Zehn

agonistische Papyri, 1986 21 F. Quass, Die Honoratiorenschicht in den Stadten des griech. Osten, 1993

Number of victories

Athlete’s place of origin

22 J. JéTHNER, Philostratos, iber Gymnastik, 1909 repr. 1969 23 W.DeckeEr, Sport in der griech. Ant., 1995 24 L. MorettI, Olympionikai, 1957 25 J.P. THUILLIER,

Les jeux athlétiques

dans la civilisation

étrusque, 1985.

E. RErscu, s.v. Athletai, RE 2, 1896, 2049-2058. Maps: L. Morett1, Iscrizioni agnostiche greche, 1953 (= IAG 79). W.D.

Athlothetes see > Agonothetes Athmonon (“A®uovov; Athmonon). Attic mesogeia deme of the > phyle Cecropis, later of Attalis; five (six?) bouleutai. In A., which bordered > Phlya in the south (2?) (IG Il* 2776 Z. 49; [1; 2]), lay the sanctuary of Artemis Amarysia (Paus. 1,31,5), whose name lives on in the

erstwhile village Marusi (today Amarousio). Here two border stones of the sanctuary (IG I* 865; [2]) were found, as well as a decree of the Athmoneans (IG II?

1203) which relates to the festival of Amarysia, mentions an agon and was set up ‘in the sanctuary’ (of Artemis). Discovery of grave inscriptions of Athmoneans of Amarousio: IG II* 5346f.; 5349; 5359. A deme decree from Amarousio, therefore probably by the Athmoneans, contains 39 names of people who paid tribute to the demos

(SEG 24,197; early 4th cent. BC). Paus. 1,14,7 documents the cult of Aphrodite Ourania and an independent mythological tradition.

285

286

1 A. MILCHHOEFER,

Explanations,

in: E.Curtius, eas

KaupeRT, Karten von Attika 2, 1883, 37f. LER,

A Roman

Monument

2S.G. Mi-

in the Athenian Agora, in:

Hesperia 41, 1972, 70, 92f. TRAILL, Attica, 10, 20f., 50, 59, 67, 109 (no. 21), table 7,

14; Id., Demos and Trittys, 1986, 135; WHITEHEAD, Index s.v. A.

H.LO,

Athos (“A®we; Athés). I. CLASSICAL AND HELLENISTIC

ERA

II. BYZAN-

TINE ERA

I. CLASSICAL AND HELLENISTIC ERA

Highest elevation on the largely forested peninsula of the same name, which in antiquity was mostly called Acte; it is almost 50 km long and averages 6-8 km wide. On its south-east tip a Persian fleet was wrecked in 492 BC and then in 411 BC a Spartan one; its isthmus was penetrated before the advance of Xerxes. The inhabitants of the peninsula (origins largely unknown) were rumoured to be especially long-lived (Makrobioi). The mostly small cities, Thyssus and Cleonae in the south, Dion and Olophyxus on the north coast and Acrothoi on the south-east tip, belonged mostly to the Athenian League in the 5th cent. BC and changed rulers twice between 424 and 422. Later they were, with the exception of Dion, only named in the geographical literature. An architect of Alexander the Great is supposed to have suggested transforming the mountain A. into a gigantic statue of the king (literary and archaeological evidence see [1]). 1 U. Htpner, Die lit. und arch. Zeugnisse uber den vor-

christl. A., in: Antike Welt 16,1, 1985, 35-44

2F.Pa-

PAZOGLOU, Les villes de Macédoine a l’€poque romaine, 1988, 431f. 3 M.ZAuHRNT, Olynth und die Chalkidier, 1971, 150-152, 158, 182-185, 189-191, 194, 208, 253. M.Z.

Il. BYZANTINE ERA The development of the first hermit colonies on A. cannot be dated precisely (first evidence middle of the oth cent.). With the support of Nicephorus II Phocas, Athanasius Athonites established in AD 963 in the south-east of the peninsula (since 1046 “Aytov “Ogos) the MeyaAn Aabea. as the first monastery. Further monasteries followed, where monks of various nationalities of the Byzantine Empire and neighbouring states lived. The monasteries paid no tribute to the imperial coffers and received additional imperial privileges. Le Millenaire du Mont Athos 963-1963, 2 vols., I. MALAMAKOs, aim@vwv, 1971.

1963-64;

TO “Aytov "Ogos (‘AOws) di peoou TOV K.SA.

Athribis (Egyptian Hvwt-[t]-rj-jb, Arabic Tall Atrib). Capital city of the roth Lower Egyptian district, in the southern central delta. Main god Chentechtai in older times honoured as a crocodile, in the New Kingdom

ATIDIUS

mostly as a falcon. A. gains additional significance in the New Kingdom. In the 9th—-7th cents. BC it forms with > Heliopolis an independent principality. Ammianus Marcellinus (22,16) counts it as one of the most important cities of Egypt. P.VerNnus, Athribis, 1978; LA 1, 519-24.

Bibliothéque

d’études

coptes

74, K.J.-W.

Athyras (A0veas; Athyras). Small river, which flows into the Propontis west of Byzantium, today Kara-su (Plin. HN 4,47; according to Ptol. 3,11,4 several branches). In the late Roman era, the fortified harbour settlement (Amm. Marc. 22,8,8) was restored by Justinian (Procop. Aed. 4,8,18). The fortified stone bridge, which was destroyed by Krum in 812, was famous. V.ZLATARSKI, Istorija na balgarskata darzava prez srednite vekove 1,1, *1994, 275.

Lv.B.

Atia {1] Daughter of M. Attius Balbus of Aricia and Tulia, Caesar’s sister. Her marriage to C. Octavius produced two children, Octavia minor and in the year 63 BC C. Octavius, the later Augustus (Suet. Aug. 4,1). After the death of her husband in 59/8 she married L. Marcius Philippus. She died in 43/42, and was honoured by Octavian with a public burial (Suet. Aug. 61,2; Cass. Dio 47,17,6). Tacitus (Dial. 28,5) praises A. because of

her devoted education of her son as an example for the mos maiorum. In Octavian’s battle for power in the state, A. was pulled into the propaganda, since Octavian’s opponents accused her of coming from lowly origins (Suet. Aug. 4,2). Cicero (Phil. 3,15-17) protected her against these accusations. The legends about the miraculous birth of Augustus were also associated with A. (Suet. Aug. 94,4; Cass. Dio 45,1,2-3). HSS. [2] Sister ofA. [x]. She married L. > Marcius Philippus, the son of her homonymous brother-in-law. With him she had a daughter named Marcia. Like her daughter later on, A. appears to have been acquainted with the third wife of the poet Ovid (Ov. Pont. 1,13 6-142; Fast. 6,802).

J.G. Frazer, Publii Ovidii Nasonis Fastorum Libri Sex, Vol. 4, 1929, 348-351. HS.

Atidius (Attidius), seldom used proper name (cf. the municipium Attidium in Umbria, SCHULZE 558; ThlIL 2,1174). [1] Senator, exile at the court of > Mithridates VI,

killed by him in 67 BC (App. Mith. 410). [2] A. Geminus. Governor in Greece (praetor Achaiae, Tac. Ann. 4,43,3) under Augustus after 29 BC, whose K.-L.E. decision the Messenians cited in AD 25. [3] (Attidius). A. Cornelianus, L. Praetorian governor of Arabia in AD 150. Suffect consul in 151 (unpublished military diploma; reference D.Isac), consular governor of Syria at least from 157 until 162; defeated by

ATIDIUS

the Parthians and killed in 162. [1. 328, 312]. (PIR* A 1342). 1 THOMASSON,

I.

W.E.

Atilia Daughter of an (Atilius) Serranus, first wife of M. ~ Porcius Cato (Uticensis), who separated from her in the early 60s BC (Plut. Cat. Min. 7,3; 24,6; family tree

in [1. 333]). 1 MUNZER.

K.-L.E.

Atilicinus Jurist, probably a student of > Proculus (Dig. 23,4,17), only known through 28 indirect quotations in later legal compilations. PIR* A 1292. O. LENEL, Palingenesia iuris civilis, 1889 (repr. 1960), vol. Thy WAS C.A. Mascut, La scienza del diritto all’eta dei

Flavi, in: Atti Congr. Intern. Studi Vespasianei I, 1981, 64ff. T.G.

Atilius Widespread plebeian gentilicium, verifiable since the 5th cent. BC, alternative form Ateilius, Greek “Atethos, Atiddtos (Ateilos, Atillios; SCHULZE 1513 440;

ThIL 2,1172f.). A M.A. under Tarquinius Priscus (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,62,4) is fictional. The most important families are in the 3rd cent. BC the Atilii Reguli, in the 2nd and rst cents. the Sarani (in the newer form Serrani). In the imperial era the significance of the bearers of this name declines in public life. K.-LE. I. Repusiic

Il. IMPERIAL ERA

I. REPUBLIC {1 1] Author of > palliata comedies as well as tragedies. Lived in the 2nd cent. BC, soon after Ennius, perhaps identical to — Aquillius [I 16]. Only two titles,

Muooyuvog (‘The Misogynist’, after Menander)

and

Electra (Cic. Fin. 1,5: 1st trans. of Sophocles), two co-

medic and one tragic verse have been handed down. In the canon of comic poets by > Volcacius Sedigitus he occupies the 5th place, after Plautus, but before Terence. Varro (frg. 40 GRF) admired him because of his pathos. Cantica from his Electra were recited at Caesar’s funeral (Suet. Caes. 84). Cicero judged him poeta durissimus because of his archaic overuse of phonological and syntactic figures (Att. 14,20,3). EDITIONS:

1CRF 32f.

2A.TrRarna, Antologia della

Palliata, 1960, 134 LITERATURE: 3 BARDON 1,38,44 poeta drammatico A., in: Tetraonyma,

47.MANTERO, Il 1966, 181-209.

JU.BL. {I 2] A., C., and A., M. Dedicated the temple of Concordia in Rome in 216 BC as duoviri (Liv. 23,21,7).

{I 3] A., L. Promulgated in 311 BC as people’s tribune with C. Marcius Rutilus a law about the selection of military tribunes by the people (Liv. 9,30,3). [I 4] A., L. Quaestor in 216 BC, fell at Cannae (Liv. 22,49,16).

288

287

(15] A., L. Was as praef. the commander of Locriin 215 BC (Liv. 24,1,9).

[I 6] A., L. As tribune of the people in 210 BC put through a plebiscite about the Campanians; perhaps also author of a lex Atilia about the appointment of guardians (MRR 1,279; 3,26f.). [17] A., L. praetor in Sardinia in 197 BC (MRR 1, 333). [18] A., M. Supposedly in 387 BC the first man slain by the Gauls (Val. Max. 3,2,7). [1 9] A. (Serranus ?), M. Fought as praetor in Hispania ulterior in 152 BC against the Hispanii (MRR 1,453f.). [1 10] A., P. Legate under Pompey in the Pirate War in 67 BC (MRR 2,148). {[11] A. Bulbus, C. cos.

lin 245 BC, [in 235, censor in

ByanINURIRGai 2 tyke te) [L 12] A. Bulbus, M. In 74 BC (?) condemned as a senator for treason (Cic. Verr. 1,37-39) [1. 8of.]. {I 13] A. Calatinus, A. Was involved in the secession of the city of Sora to the Samnites in 315 or 306 BC (Val. Max. 8,1,9; MUNZER 57). [1 14] A. Calatinus (Caiatinus ?), A. Fought in the znd

Punic War against the Carthaginians: as cos. lin 258 BC he conquered various Sicilian cities, though his army narrowly escaped destruction by the Carthaginians (Gell. NA 3,7 i.a.). An offensive on Panormus and the Liparian Islands failed (Pol. 1,24,8-13). In 257, probably as praetor, he celebrated a triumph ex Sicilia (InscrIt 13,1,77). As cos. II in 254 with Cn. Cornelius Scipio Asina he went with a newly-built fleet to Sicily and took, among other places, Panormus; an offensive on Drepana failed (Pol. 1,38,5-r10 i.a.). In 249 as first dictator he led a Roman army outside Italy. Censor in 247. He dedicated the temple of Spes in the Forum Holitorium and one to Fides on the Capitol. His grave lay near the Porta Capena (grave inscription in Cic. Cato 61). He is, especially in Cicero, an often-named example of Roman greatness. {1 15] A. Luscus, L. Consular tribune in 444 BC (MRR T5249)

[I 16] A. Priscus, L. Consular tribune in 399 and 396 BC. [1 17] A. Regulus, C. Fought as cos. in 257 BC in the naval battle at Tyndaris against the Carthaginians (Pol. 1,25,1-4). Although the Carthaginians also maintained that they had won, Regulus celebrated a triumph. (InscrIt £3,1,77). In his 2nd consulate in 250, together with his colleague L. Manlius Vulso, he unsuccessfully laid siege to Lilybaeum (Pol. 1,41-48; Diod. Sic. 24,1,I-4). [I 18] A. Regulus, C. As cos. in 225 BC, put down a rebellion in Sardinia (Pol. 2,23,2) before he fell, on his return, at the battle of Telamon against the Gauls, where the Romans were victorious (Pol. 2,27f.). {I 19] A. Regulus, M. Received as cos. in 335 BC the assignment to advance against the Sidicini (Liv. 8,16).

[I 20] A. Regulus, M. Probably the son of A. [I ro], battled the Samnites as cos. in 294 BC. While the triumphal fasts (InscrIt 13,1,73) proclaim his triumph, it was denied him, according to Liv. 10,36,19 because of

289

290

the large number of Romans lost. In 293 Regulus was

sia with separate seats for the senators (MRR 1,343). As praetor in 192 he commanded the fleet off the Greek

praetor (MRR 1,179). [121] A. Regulus, M. Vanquished the Sallentines as cos. in 267 BC (conquest of Brundisium, Liv. 10,36,19) and

triumphed (InscrIt 13,1,73). As cos. suff. in 256 he beat, together with his colleague L. Manlius Vulso Longus, the Carthaginians under Hanno and Hamilcar in the naval battle at Ecnomus (Pol. 1,26-28), and both set out for Africa, where the Carthaginians limited themselves to the defence of their capital city and let the Romans plunder the open land unhindered. After Manlius had returned to Rome and triumphed, Regulus won a victory at Adys, but put excessively hard conditions on the Carthaginians who were prepared to make peace, whereupon they dealt him a crushing defeat under the leadership of the Spartan + Xanthippus. Regulus fell into Carthaginian imprisonment (Pol. 1,29-34 1.a.). Sources differ about his subsequent fate: according to Cicero (Off. 3,99f.; Fin. 5,82; Pis. 43 and passim; Liv.

ATILIUS

coast in the battle against > Nabis, from 191 until his replacement as praef. classis (MRR 1,350; 353). As praetor urbanus in 173 he renewed the treaty of Rome with Antiochus IV; in 172 he tried successfully as an envoy to Perseus to delay the outbreak of war in the interest of the Romans

(Liv. 42,38-43; 47; MRR 1,413). As a legate he occupied Larissa in 171. Consul

in 170. {I 25] A. Serranus, C. Fought as praetor in 218 BC

against the Boii in Upper Italy; probably augur before 217 (MRR

1,238; 283).

[I 26] A. Serranus, C. praetor in 185 BC (Liv. 3.9,23,2). {I 27] A. Serranus, C. praetor at the latest in to9 BC,

cos. in 106 (MRR 1,553), participated in roo in the murder of the people’s tribune > Appuleius Saturninus (Cic. Rab. perd. 21) and was killed in 87 by the Marians (App. B Civ. 1,332). {1 28] A. Serranus, M. Was IIIvir coloniae deducendae

Per. 18; 28,43,13 30,30,23), Cass. Dio (Zon. 8,15) and

to Cremona and Placentia in 190 BC (Liv. 37, 46,11),

App. (Lib. 11-15) Regulus was sent to Rome in 250 in order to negotiate the exchange of prisoners and — according to a few authors — a peace agreement. Although he had bound himself, in case of the failure of his mission, to return to Carthage, he spoke against the Carthaginian suggestions in the Senate and was tortured to death after his return to Carthage. While Polybius does not mention Regulus after his imprisonment,

probably praetor in 174 in Sardinia (Liv. 41,21, rf.).

Diodorus reports (24,12), that after his death in prison,

his widow took terrible revenge on two Carthaginians who were supposed to be vouching for his safety in Rome. Gellius 7,4 reports similarly from C. Sempronius Tuditanus (HRR 1,143f. F. 5 with annotation). Many

indications suggest that this version was supposed to be suppressed by the ‘improved’ version in Cic., who has Regulus represent the position that an exchange would contradict the interests of the state because of his advanced age (Off. 3,99f.), and in Livy, who has Regulus represent the unconditional steadfastness of Rome against the Carthaginian foe. The later authors followed Cicero and Livy. {I 22] A. Regulus, M. Son of A. [I 21], after his first consulate in 227 BC, in 2147 became cos. suff. for C. + Flaminius and also fought with his colleague Cn. > Servilius Geminus in 216 in Apulia (Liv. 22,3 2-3 4,1). In 216 he belonged to the I[Iviri mensarii who were chosen because of the tight financial situation (Liv. 23,21,6). As censor in 214, A. strongly attacked the defeatists with his colleague P. > Furius Philus (Liv. 24,18,I-9).

[I 23] A. Regulus, M. In 213 BC was praetor urbanus and peregrinus (Liv. 24,44,2), in 211 as legate he was present at the conquest of Capua (Liv. 26,6,1) and in 210 belonged to a delegation to > Ptolemaeus IV Philopator (Liv. 27,4,10). [I 24] A. Serranus, A. Probably presented as aedilis in 194 BC the first scenic performances in the > Megale-

{I 29] A. Serranus, Sex. praetor at the latest in 139 BC;

as cos. in 136 with his colleague L. Furius Philo, carried out the surrender of C. > Hostilius Mancinus to the Numantians (MRR 1,486); in 135 procos. in Gallia Cisalpina (ILS 5945). [I 30] A. Serranus Gavianus, Sex. guaestor in 63 BC; in 57 as tribune of the people strongly but ultimately unsuccessfully resisted — supposedly bribed — with his colleague Q. > Numerius Rufus Cicero’s recall and was therefore sharply attacked by him (also because of his adoption from the insignificant gens Gavia) (Cic. Sest. 72s 7A teas MRR 2.20mi.) 5 1 ALEXANDER, Trials.

K.-L.E.

Il. IMPERIAL ERA [11 1] P.A. Aebutianus. Praetorian praefect of the em-

peror - Commodus, received senatorial rank: clarissimus vir (ILS 9001); killed at the order of Cleander. (PIR? A 1294).

[II 2] Q.A. Glitius Agricola. see > Glitius. [Il 3] C.A. Barbarus. cos.suff. in AD 71 [1. 21]. (PIR* A

1295). 1 DecRAsst, FC.

[1 4] A. Clarus. procurator Asiae in 202 (I. Eph. 3, 621a) [1. 403-412]. 1 E. VARINLIOGLOU,

D.H.

FrRENcH,

A new

Milestone

from Ceramus, in: REA 94, 1992.

[I 5] A. Cosminus. Consular governor of Syria Coele in 249/251 (Frag. Vat. 272; Cod. lust. 8,55,1; P. Dura 95; Gh), lig FalOR De ZAZA 1 THOMASSON”

2 MILLAR, Emperor, *1992.

[Il 6] A. Crescens. amicus of Pliny the Younger (Epist. 6,83 1,9,83 2,14,2) [1. 449f.]. PIR? A 1300. 1 SyME, RP, Vol. 5.

291

292

{fl 7] T.A. Maximus. procos. Asiae, s. T. ~ Statilius

relevant law: in public trials for serious offences it often entailed death or banishment.

ATILIUS

Maximus.

[II 8] M.A. Metilius Bradua. Probably patrician, cos. ord. in ro8. Under Trajan/Hadrian governor of Germania (inferior?) and Britannia (ILS 8824a). Son of A.

A.R. W. Harrison, The Law of Athens II, 1971, 8rf.

CT,

[II ro]. PIR* A 1302.

Atimia (étuiia; atimia). Dishonour in the sense of abro-

[II 9] A. Metilius Bradua Cauci[dius Tertullus ...], M. Senator, procos. Africae probably under Antoninus Pius (IRT 517); Polyonymous, on family context

gation of rights of citizenship; it had to be declared in court in order to have legal effect. Atimia may be the set punishment for certain types of offence (desertion, corruption of officials, a third instance of bearing false wit-

[1. 183-226]. 1 G. D1 Vira-Evrarp, Le proconsul d’Afrique Polyonyme IRT 517, in: MEFRA 93, 1982.

{Il 10] A. Postumus Bradua, M. Father of A. [II 8], cos. suff. under Titus (2), procos. Asiae under Domitian (I. Bphne7s 0.3009) un 3 22) eb IRS AGT 303; 1 W.Eck,

Jahres- und Provinzialfasten,

in: Chiron

12,

1982.

ness, abuse of parents et al.), or declared in the course of

+ dokimasia (personal examination) prior to the appointment of officials, when émituytia, (epitimia, citizenship) is examined. Epitimia may be annulled in the case of mental illness, profligacy or prostitution. Infringement of a popular resolution often incurs atimia (IG P 46,27). Debtors of the state are &tuog (atimos) until payment or remission of the debt. The dtimos may not propose laws, bring a court case or be a witness, nor

[If 11] A. Rufus, T. cos. suff. under Vespasian, consular

be a soldier, official or testator; he is excluded from all

legate of Pannonia in 80, of Syria c. 83/85, where he died, probably in the early part of 85 (Tac. Agr. 40,1). [r. 302ff.]. PIR* A 1304.

military, legal and cultic functions within the civic community, until such time as his epitimia is restored by popular resolution. Cf.; Andoc. 1,73-76 (disputed). Aeschin. 1,19ff.; 28ff. (also > hypothesis); 3,175f.; Lys. 6,24f.; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 57,4; 1G P 104,26ff.

1 W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten,

in: Chiron

12,

1982.

[II 12] A. Rufus Titianus. cos. ord. in 127; in the Fasti Ostienses his name is erased (FOst*, 49), because he

strove for rulership under Pius; punished by the Senate (SEUAVPiusi7-4)) PIRSAur 305 [Il 13] A. Scaurus. Friend of Pliny the Younger (Epist. 6s2.5 50) URGAGT

A OF.

{fl 13a] C. A. Serranus. Suffect consul alongside Carminius Gallus AD 120. W. Eck, P.Wetss,

Hadrianische

Suffektkonsuln:

Neue

Zeugnisse aus Militardiplomen, in: Chiron 32, 2002 (in print); PIR* A 1308.

W.E.

{Il 14] A. Severus, M. Praetorian governor of Arabia and cos. suff. in the last years of Marcus Aurelius (CIL II 14149,2) [1]; banned by Commodus A-0t)) DIRS AstZ2O9.

(SHA Comm.

1 ALFOLDY, Konsulat, 19of.

[Il 15] A. Vergilio. Standard-bearer of the praetorian cohort who accompanied Galba immediately before his death (Tac. Hist. 1,41,1). PIR* A 1310.

E. RUSCHENBUSCH, Unt. zur Gesch. des athenischen Strafrechts, 1968. Gat.

Atina [1] City of the Volsci in Latium at the source of the Melpis, on the via Latina between Casinum and Sora, today A. (Frosinone). Praefectura (Cic. Plane. 8), then municipium of the tribus Teretina. Monuments: parts

of the city wall, remains of an ancient building below S. Marco, Roman mosaic, aqueduct. NSA 1950, ro8ff.; E. BERANGER, A. SORRENTINO, La cinta muraria di Atina, 1979; E. BERANGER, Testimoni archeologici dall’agro Atestino, in: Doc. Alb. s.2, II (1980), 7593; H.SoLin, Iscrizioni, in: Epigraphica 43, 1981, 45102; Supplementum Italicum 3, 1987. GU.

[2] Lucanian city on the Tanagro (Plin. HN 3,98), today Atena Lucana. Municipium of the tribus Pomptina, praefectura before the Civil War (Liber coloniarum 1,209). Cults for Aesculapius, Iupiter, Penates and Magna Mater (CIL X 1 no. 330-333). Necropolis.

[II 16] A. Verus. centurio of the legio V Macedonia, later primipilus of the legio VII Galbiana, who fell in 69 at

W. JOHANNOWSKY, s.v. Atena Lucana, in: BTCGI 3, 1984, 336-338; Id., s.v. Atena Lucana, in: EAA, Suppl. 2,2,

Cremona (Tac. Hist. 3,22,4). PIR* A 1311.

1994, 494-496.

W.E.

Atimetos agon (atiwnytos &yiv; atimétos agon). Primarily in Athens, a trial in which the accused could make no counterplea (—» Antitimesis) regarding the severity of the penalty. After a guilty finding no further decision was necessary as to the degree of the punishment: the trial was tiuntos, ‘beyond judgement’. The severity of the penalty was already established by the

BG.

Atinius Plebeian gentilicium (also Attinius). The most

important gens, verifiable since the end of the 3rd cent., came from Aricia (Cic. Phil. 3,16; SCHULZE 69; ThIL

yang Wie) [1] A., tribune of the people in the 2nd cent. BC and author of a lex Atinia about the acceptance of tribunes of the people in the Senate (Gell. NA 14,8,2).

293

294

[2] A., C. tribunus militum in the 4th legion in 194 BC, praetor in 188 in Hispania ulterior (MRR 1,344; 365),

A. and High A. enclose the Moroccan meseta. Between the Tell A. and the Sahara A. lies the highland of the Scotts. Hanno, Peripl. 7 (GGM I 6) knows the A., without calling it by name. Hdt. 4,184,3f. mixes geographical and mythological elements in his description. Str. 17,3,2 (otherwise, however, 17,3,5f.) lets it stretch from Kates (Koteis) to the Sbetetc (Syrteis). Pliny the Elder (HN 5,5-7, 11-16 and 6,199 [Pol.]) collects the proof for the A., whereby he considers especially the works of > Juba from Mauretania. Ptolemy (4,1,1; 23 4) speaks of them with errors (cf. in addition Diod. Sic. 3,60,1; Mela 3,101; Max. Tyr. 2,7). According to Str. 17,3,2 the natives called the A. Avetcs (Dyris; Plin. HN 5,13: Diris; Sol. 24,15: Addiris). Even today adrar

where he remained as propraetor until 186 and died in battle against the Lusitanians (Liv. 39,21,1-3). [3] A., C. Tribune of the people in 197 BC; he or A. [6] was the author of a law about establishing colonies on the Italian coast (Liv. 32,29,3f.); probably praetor in 195 [1. 225], cf. also A. [6]. [4] A., M. praef. in Thurii in 212 BC (Liv. 25,15,7-17). [S] A., M. praef. socium, fought in r94 BC in Gallia

(Liv. 34,47,2). [6] A. Labeo, C. As tribune of the people in 196 BC was

possibly the author of a lex Atinia de usucapione against the usucaption of stolen goods [2; 3. 284f., 420]; probably praetor in 190 in Sicily (Liv. 37,2,8). cf. also A. [3]. [7] C.A. Labeo Macer. Tribune of the people in 130 BC,

not supposed to be accepted by the censores into the Senate and thereafter wanted to push the censor Q. > Caecilius [I 27] Metellus Macedonicus off the Tarpeian Rock (Cic. Dom. 123; Liv. Per. 59; Plin. HN 7,143). He is probably identical to the governor of Asia documented in 122/1 [4. 6-12]. 1 J. Briscor, 2 E.BERGER,

A Commentary on Livy Books 3 1-33, 1973 s.v. lex Atinia, RE 12, 2331-2335

3 WIFACKER, RRG 284f.

4 G.Strumpr, Numismatische

Studien zur Chronologie der rém. Statthalter in Kleinasien, 1991.

K.-L.E.

Atintani (Atwtdavec, Atwtavot; Atintanes, Atintanot). The localization is controversial because of contradic-

tory details supplied by ancient authors: according to App. Ill. 7, an Illyrian, according to Str. 7,7,8; Scyl. 26, an Epirotic tribe. [1] therefore identifies two tribes: the Atintani east of Epidamnus (Polyaenus, Strat. 4,11), in 229 BC in alliance with Rome (Pol. 7,9), after 205 be-

longing to Macedonia (Liv. 27,30; 45,30; Steph. Byz. s.v. Axaovavia); the Atintanes, by contrast, north-west of the Epirotic Molossi (Thuc. 2,80). [2] among others

recognizes only an Illyrian tribe on the > Aous. 1 N.G. L. Hammonp, The Illyrian Atintani, the Epirotic Atintanes and the Roman protectorate, in: JRS 79, 1989, t1-25 2M.B. Harzopou os, Le probléme des Atin-

tanes et le peuplement de la vallée de l’Aoos, in: P. CaBaNES (ed.), L’Illyrie méridionale et ’Epire dans l’antiquité 2, 1993, 183-190.

DS.

Atius Navius see > Navius

Atlantis see > Oceanus; > Utopia; > ATLANTIS Atlas (“Athac; Atlas). [1] Name of the north-west African Tertiary folded mountain range. From the two Mediterranean coastal mountain ranges of the RifA.and the Tell A. the Middle A. branches off in Morocco; the High A. rises in the south, which on the east borders the Sahara A. The Anti A., which extends south of the High A., do not belong to the Tertiary mountain range of the A.; Rif A., Middle

ATOMISM

means ‘mountain’ in Berber. J. DESANGES,J.RISER, s.v. A., EB, 1013-1026;J.DESPots,

R.RayNnaL,

Géographie

de l’Afrique

du Nord-Ouest,

1967; K. WERNICKE, s.v. A. 3), RE 2, 2119-2133.

W.HU.

[2] Mythic giant, son of the Titan Iapetus and of Clymene, the daughter of Oceanus (Hes. Theog. 507ff.), or Asia (Apollod. 1,8), brother of Prometheus. Where day

and night meet, he stands at the borders of the earth by the Hesperids in the west (Hes. Theog. 517-519; 746749) or by the Hyperboreans in the north (Apollod. 2,113) and carries the skies on his head and hands (Hes. Theog. 519), on his shoulders (Aesch. PV 3 48-350) or on his neck (Eur. Ion. rff.). The burden of punishment has been placed on A. for participating in the Titan rebellion or in the dismemberment of Dionysus (Aesch. PV 347ff.; 427). In vain A. attempts to place his burden for eternity on > Heracles (Phere. FGrH 3 F 16; 17). Hesperids, Pleiades and Hyads are counted as the daughters of A., through whom he is the ancestor of many mortal ruling families. According to another version, he was once a rich king, who through > Perseus’ Medusa head was turned to stone and since then is visible as a high mountain (Diod. Sic. 3,60; Luc. 9,654f.; Verg. Aen. 4,245ff.; Ov. Met. 4,631ff.). Or some see him as creator of the first heavenly sphere, a mathematician and philosopher, from whom — Hesiodus is supposed to be descended. + Dionysus; > Hesperids; > Pleiades A. FURTWANGLER, s.v. A., Myth. Lex. 1, 704-11; B.DE Grino, R.OLmos/J.ARcE, L.J. BALMASEDA, s.v. A.,

LIMC 3.1, 2-16; A. Lesxy, Hethitische Texte und griech. Mythos, in: AAWW, 9, 1950, 148-159 =Id., Gesammelte Schriften, 1966, 356-371, especially 363ff.; J. RAMIN, A. et ’A., in: ABPO 84, 1977, 531-39; K. WERNICKE, s.v. A., RE 2, 2118-2133. 10S,

Atomism After the Eleatic School had rejected the possibility of a coherent representation of daily experience, + Leucippus and > Democritus (2nd half of the 5th cent. BC) presented as a response a doctrine, according to which the world consists of two immutable principles: the not further divisible (topo, dtoma) bodies and the void (xevov, kenon). Later, this representation was taken up by > Epicurus (342/1-270/r) and his school,

modified and defended.

ATOMISM

296

295

Even if atomism received its designation from just the first of the two principles, both are constitutive of it. There were other philosophers who proposed a doctrine about indivisible sizes (@toua ueyé0yn). They are not normally counted as atomists (cf. [1] on Plato and Heraclides Ponticus’ Gvaguot Syxot). This second atomism, understood in a wider sense, can be contrasted

to the principle of unlimited divisibility, which, as Aristotle emphasizes, is the heart of Greek geometry. To the anti-atomistic philosophers belong Anaxagoras, Aristotle and his school (cf. however, Straton’s interesting position on void [2. 58—69]) and the Stoics (even if these

1H.J.

Kramer,

Platonismus

und hell. Philos.,

1971

2 D.SEDLEY, Two conceptions of vacuum, in: Phronesis

27, 1982 3 K.ALGRA, Concepts of space in Greek thought, 1995 4 D.Furtey, Democritus and Epicurus on sensible qualities, in: J.BRUNscHWwiG, M.C.NussBAUM

(ed.), Passions

5 D.SepLEY,

and

Epicurus’

YYZHTHEIS, 1983,

perceptions,

refutation

11-5t

the Greek atomists, 1967.

1993,

72-74

of determinism,

in:

6 D.FurLey, Two studies in 7 R.SORABJI, Time, creation

and the continuum, 1983. Fr. JUrss,

R.MULLER,

E.G.

ScHmipT

(ed.), Griech.

Atomisten. 1973; C. BarLey, The Greek atomists and Epicurus, 1928.

LB.

concede the existence of an extracosmic void, the Stoic

cosmos is a plenum). In atomism, void has a twofold function. First, it is a ‘negative substance’ (wh dv). As the opposite of bodily being, it divides the atoms. Atoms are thus perfectly solid and compact because they do not contain any void. The complementarity of these two principles is not perfect, however. Whereas atoms are numerous, void is always singular, that is, the void is a single entity whose continuity is not broken by the bodies which it contains. Therein exists the second task of the void: it can take solid bodies into itself and therefore offer ‘space’ or ‘room’ for motion (cf. [2; 3. 44-58]). Early atomism was a thoroughly reductionist philosophy of nature: according to atomism, atoms only possessed a form, and the various arrangements of these forms in the void — the only things which really (éteq)) exist — cause the manifold phenomena which only exist on the basis of convention (voua, cf. 68 B 9 = B 125 DK). Epicurus later expanded these claims significantly; instead of eliminating the characteristics of the phenomena, he proposed a causal connection between these and the corresponding configurations of atoms. This change had two consequences. First, Epicurus could free his epistemology in this way from sceptical tendencies and he could claim that sensory impressions were true [4]. In addition, he appears to have been ready to acknowledge retrogressive causal connections of the characteristics of the phenomena, especially between spirit and atom configurations, in order to make room for the efficient exercise of human free will [5]. In the 6th book of the ‘Physics’ Aristotle criticizes atomism with the argument that if bodies are made up of atoms, then space, time and motion must also have an

atomistic

structure.

Later

atomists

(~ Diodorus

Cronus, Epicurus) accepted this argument and assigned all magnitudes a granular structure (see [6; 1]; the Ar-

istotelian argumentation was probably refuted by Straton, see [7.377-379). Epicurus’ revision of atomism led to the introduction of not further divisible minima, the smallest imaginable parts of matter. These cannot be separated from atoms, which remain an indivisible entity and includes a limited number of these smallest parts. +» PHILOSOPHY; > HIsTORY OF PHILOSOPHY

Atomists see

> Democritus, > Leucippus

Aton Before the Amarna era, A. designated the sun disc as a heavenly body or as the seat of the sun god. > Amenophis [4] IV (1364-1346 BC) had a comprehensive new name of A. written in cartouches and established ~ Amarna as the sole cult place for A. The early iconography of the Amarna era still made use of the traditional representation of A. as a falcon-headed man with a sun disc. Until the end of the Amarna era, the representation as a sun disc was used exclusively, with rays that ended in human hands; on the disc hangs an (apotropaic?) Uraeus. Representations of sacrifices show Amenophis IV as high priest, who is assisted by the queen and the princesses; at the sacrifice, the subjects present render homage to the king, not the god. Ideologically, the A. cult probably served to secure the absolutistic rulership of Amenophis IV, who acted as the sole intermediary between his subjects and A. as the creator of the world; the Atonistic belief in an afterlife must have served the same purpose. The A. cult is often interpreted as heno- or monotheism. Indeed, the persecution of other gods was aimed mainly at the Triad of ~ Thebes with the god > Amun at its pinnacle. Freud’s interpretation of the A. religion as a precursor of Biblical monotheism has become popular [r]. [1] S.FrEuD, Wenn Moses ein Agypter war ..., in: Imago

23, 1937, 387-419. E. Hornunc, Echnaton, 1995.

RK.

Atossa (‘Atoooa; Atdssa, Ancient Persian Utauthd).

{1] Daughter of Cyrus II, married in succession to her brothers Cambyses and Bardiya [1], then Darius I (Hdt. 3,88). Mother of four of Darius’ sons, including > Masistes and -» Xerxes. Her name is only documented in Greek sources. Neither Aesch. Pers. (there not called by name, but only designated as the king’s mother) nor Hdt. 7,2-3 prove that she outlived Darius. When her son Xerxes was named successor to the throne is uncertain. Her influential position at court (Hdt. 7,3) was a consequence, not the cause, of his selection. [2] Wife of Pharnaces and female ancestor of the Cap-

padocian royal house; supposedly the sister of Cyrus II (Diod. Sic. 31,19,1).

297

298

[3] According to Plut. (Artoxerxes 23,27) daughter and wife of Artaxerxes II.

Atrax ("Ateaé; Atrax). City in the Thessalian Pelasgio-

R.ScHmirt, Enclr 3, 13-14; H. SANCISI- WEERDENBURG, Exit Atossa, in: A.CAMERON, A.Kunrt (ed.), Images of

the Mycenaean era (finds of pottery sherds), coins since the 4th cent. BC. A fortress under Macedonian ruler-

Women in Antiquity, 1983, 32ff.; M. BRosrus, Women in

ship (from 344), played a significant role in the wars from 198 on (Liv. 32,15,8). Since 196 A. often provided strategoi for the new Thessalian Federation as well as its cult envoys to Delphi. Under Justinian the fortification of the upper city was restored, which probably served until the rsth cent. as the barrier on the road from Larisa to Trikala and as a signal station. In ancient literature ‘Atracian’ is often equated with ‘Thessalian’. Thus the greenish marble (e.g. of the monolithic columns of the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople) is called Atracian, although it was quarried c. 15 km north-east of Larisa. The well-preserved ruins of A. fell victim to land consolidation at the end of the r96os.

Ancient Persia (559-331

BC)

1996, 48-51,

107-109.

A.KU, andH.S.-W.

Atrahasis (‘the extremely wise one’). Protagonist of an Akkadian mythic poem from the ancient Babylonian era (early 2nd millennium BC), of which there were two or three diverging versions. The myth was carried forward in Babylonia and Assyria until the first millennium BC. A newer version arose in the New Assyrian era (7th cent. BC). Texts from > Ugarit and > HattuSa

attest to the spread of the myth in the 2nd millennium BC, even beyond Mesopotamia. It treats the creation of human beings from clay as well as the flesh and blood of a slaughtered god, so that human beings could take over the drudgery that earlier had been handled by the lower gods. Disturbed by the noise of the human beings who had become numerous, the gods attempt to decimate humankind through plagues. Because this fails due to A.’s intervention supported by the god Enki, a deluge (> Deluge, legend of the) is finally to destroy humankind. Only A. with his family, his goods and numerous animals escapes the catastrophe in a ship (ark). The report of the deluge was introduced into the rrth table of the > Gilgamesh Epic and in the history of this motif formed the precursor to the theologically-ethically repurposed deluge story in the OT. ~ Cosmogony TRANS.: B.R. Foster, Before the Muses, 1993, 158-201; W.v.SODEN, in: TUAT 3, 1994, 612-645 (with bibliog-

raphy).

HN.

Atrans Road or postal and toll station, important pass (563 m, today Trojane/Slovenia) through the hills which separate > Emona from -> Celeia, on the border between Italy and Noricum (It. Ant. 129,3; It. Hierosolymitanum

560,9; Tab. Peut. 4,2). Name of a pre-

Celtic position of beneficiarii consulares. Findings from the Roman era: fragments of two gilt statues of horses, inscriptions, small findings, imperial era buildings (restored mansio, sanctuary?); documented in an inscrip-

tion dating from the reign of Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus. ARHEOLOSKA NAJDSICA SLOVENIJE [Archaeological Sites

of Slovenia], 1975, 267f.

M.S.K.

ATREBATES

tis, c. 20 km west of Larisa on the Peneius. Settled since

H. KRAMOLISCH, Die Strategen des Thessalischen Bundes, 1978; T.S. McKay, Ai modes tis Oeooahias, in:

Oeooadixd Hueooroyio 17, 1990, 8f.; V.MILOJCIc, (inspection), in: AA 1960, 170f.; E.OBERHUMMER, S.y. A. T, RE 2, 2137 (literary evidence); D.THEOCHARIS, (findings report), in: Arch. Deltion 21, 1966, chr. 246f.; TIB 1, 129. HE.KR.

Atrebates [1] People in Gallia Belgica, Artois region (Ptol. 2,9,4; Str. 4,3,5), settled in the catchment area of the Scarpe, especially in the area around Nemetacum. After their subjection together with the neighbouring Nervii (in the east) and the Viromandui (in the south-east) by Caesar in 57 BC (Caes. B Gall. 2,4,9; 16,2f.; 23,1) the A. main-

tained a friendly relationship with Rome. Their king + Commius received sovereignty over the Morini (in the north and north-west) and was entrusted with a diplomatic mission to the > A. [2] (Calleva Atrebatum) who had emigrated to Britain (Caes. B Gall. 4,21,7f.).

In 52 BC, however, the A. fought on the side of > Vercingetorix against Rome (Caes. B Gall. 7,76) and in the

following year took part in the uprising of the > Bellovaci (Caes. B Gall. 8,6). A. DEéROLEZ, La cité des Atrébates a l’€poque romaine, in: Revue du Nord 40, 1958, 505, 533. E.SCH.

[2] Tribe in the territory south of the middle Thames (Berkshire, Hampshire and Sussex). Its name is derived from that of the > A. [1] in northern Gallia (a possible result of a late Iron Age migration). ~ Commius, once an ally of Caesar, took over rulership of the A. inc. 51 BC [1. 28]. Further rulers of the A. were Tincommius, Eppillus and Verica. The tribal centre was > Calleva (today Silchester; Ptol. 2,3,12; after that, the Roman

Atratinus Roman cognomen (probably designation of origins [1]) of the Sempronii in the sth/4th cents. BC and in M. > Asinius A. (cos. AD 89). 1 KayANTO, Cognomina, 184

K.-L.E.

city Calleva Atrebatum [2]: Geogr. Rav. 427,17). The

tribal area was probably assigned to Cogidubnus after AD 44 (Tac. Agr. 14,1; CIL VII 11). 1S.S. FReRE, Britannia, +1987

2 G.C. Boon, Silchester,

1974. B. CUNLIFFE, Iron Age Communities

of Britain, +1990.

M.TO.

299

300

Atrek River in south Turkmenia flowing into the > Caspian Sea, in the late 2nd and early rst millennium BC used to irrigate > Dahistan; since the Seleucid era the southern border of the nomadic territory (> Alex-

with his birth father Thyestes (Hyg. Fab. 87; 88). Both men are, however, expelled once again by Agamemnon, who is supported by Tyndareus of Sparta (Aesch. Ag. 1605); the second Atride > Menelaus leaves Tyndareus the rulership in Sparta (Apollod. 3,132; Hyg. Fab. 78) and gives him Helen as his wife, whose kidnapping ultimately causes the Trojan War. According to Vell. Pat.

ATREK

ander’s Wall).

BB.

Atreus (Atoevc; Atrezs), Atrides Son of Pelops and

Hippodamia; the Atreids are his offspring. In Homer, there is mention of the still peaceful succession of A. to Thyestes and finally -— Agamemnon (Hom. Il. 2,105 ff.). Strife among brothers and the curse of the Atreids are obviously post-Homeric. After the murder of > Chrysippus, Pelops’ favourite son by a nymph (Hellan. FGrH 4 F 157; Hyg. Fab. 85), the murderers A. and Thyestes are cursed by their father and flee from Pisa to Midea and Mycenae (Thuc. 1,9), where they

finally inherit rulership from Eurystheus (Str. 8,6,19; Apollod. 2,56). Here begins, according to the Alcmaeonis (PEG fr. 7), the strife among brothers for power. The cause is the golden lamb sent to A. by Hermes. The god is angry with the sons of Pelops, whose father is guilty of killing Hermes’ offspring > Myrtilus (Eur. Or. 990). A. had promised to sacrifice the lamb to Artemis, but he hides it because he understands it as a pledge of rulership (Apollod. Epit. 2,11f.; Schol. Eur. Or. 811). Thyestes seduces his sister-in-law Aerope into adultery and steals the ruler’s insignia with her help (Eur. El. 699ff.; Apollod. Epit. 2,10-12). When A. is supposed to be expelled (Schol. Eur. Or. 811), the stars change their path (Eur. El. 726ff.; IT. 816; Or. to02), and he is reinstated. However, A. has brought down the wrath of Artemis on himself, which will later send his son Agamemnon the lull in the wind in Aulis (Apollod. Epit. 3,21). The expelled Thyestes sends A. a hired murderer, Pleisthenes, whom he raised, but who is actually A.’s own son (Hyg. Fab. 86). At the failure of the attack, A. has him killed without realizing his identity. A. then takes revenge on his brother, who returns willingly (Aesch. Ag. 1587) orenticed by him (Sen. Thy. 297; Hyg. Fab. 88), by serving him his own children at the welcome reception (Aesch. Ag. 1502; 1590ff.; Hyg. Fab. 88). The stars reverse their path at this outrage and Thyestes curses his brother (Aesch. Ag. 1597ff.; 1219ff.). The adulteress Aerope is thrown into the sea (Soph. Aj. 1297). According to Hyg. Fab. 88, Thyestes flees and impregnates his daughter Pelopia in Sicyon (PI. Leg. 8. p. 838c), thus fulfilling a prediction of the Thesprotic oracle of the dead: in > Aegisthus an avenger is thus created (Dio Chrys. 66,6). A. marries Pelopia without knowing her origins and raises Aegisthus as his own son. Agamemnon and Menelaus, the sons ofA. from his marriage to the Cretan Aerope, or his stepsons whose birth parents were Cleola and Pleisthenes (Aerope and Pleisthenes according to Apollod. 3,15), seek out Thyestes at the behest ofA. and attack him in Delphi. A. commands Aegisthus to kill Thyestes, but father and son recognize each other. At this, Pelopia commits suicide with Thyestes’ sword, Aegisthus kills his stepfather A. with the same weapon and thus ascends to rulership in Mycenae

(1,8,2), A. should be considered the originator of the

Olympic Games, which he founded as funeral games for his father Pelops. His grave was shown in Mycenae (Paus. 2,146,6); in Tarentum the offspring of A. were brought yearly sacrifices, from which women were excluded (Aristot. Mir. 106).

-» Eurystheus; > Pelops;

Tyndareus

J.BoARDMAN, s.v. A., LIMC 3.1, 17-18; J. ESCHER, s.v. A., RE 2, 2139-2144; A. FURTWANGLER, s.v. A., Myth.

Lex. 1, 712-715; A. Lesky, Die griech. Pelopidendramen und Senecas Thyestes, in: WS 43, 1922/3, 172-198 = Id., Gesammelte Schriften, 1966, 519-540; A.NESCHKE, L’Orestie de Stésichore et la tradition littéraire du mythe des Atrides avant Eschyle, in: AC 55, 1986, 283-301.

TS:

Atria City in Venetia between the mouths of the Po and Adige, today c. 25 km from the sea, in antiquity one of the most important harbours on the Adriatic (hence the name A.: Str. 5,1,8), especially for the import of Greek and Oriental products; but already at the time of Strabo (ibid.) linked with the sea via a 12 km long canal (Hecat. FGrH 1 fr. 90: Adgia (Adria); Just. Epit. 20,1,9:

Adria, graeca

urbs; Str. 5,1,8; Ptol. 3,1,26: ‘Atola

(Atria); Liv. 5,33,8: Tuscorum colonia; CIL V 2352; 6,

XIII 7o10; AE 1956, 33). In 131 BC connected to the Via Annia (Aquileia-Bononia) (CIL V 1oo08a, 7992; AE

1979, 256-257) and to Ariminum by the Via Popilia (CIL I> 637). Ius Latii probably since 89 BC, since 49/41 BC municipium of the tribus Camilia (CIL V 2394) [1]. From the municipium (CIL V 2315, 2343),

ordo decurionum (CIL V 2314), collegium nautarum (CIL V 2315), curator rei publicae (AE 1956, 33) and TWviri i(ure) d(icundo) qu[ing(uennales)] are known. B.FoRLATI TAMARO, in: Epigraphica 18, 1956, 50 with

notes. E.Bucut, I quattuorviri iure dicundo di Adria e il culto del dio Nettuno, in: Epigraphica, 46, 1984, 65-89.

E.BU.

Atrium 1. Central room in the ancient Italian and Roman house with lateral cubicula (sleeping chambers) and rear tablinum (room serving as passage between the atrium and the peristylion) flanked by the > alae which had no door. Early forms of the atrium are reproduced in Etruscan chamber tombs (Cerveteri), the oldest evi-

dence is represented by Etruscan domestic architecture at the end of the 6th cent. BC in Rome (the Palatine) and in the Etruscan Marzabotto. The early Roman atrium

served patron tral > lected.

as a reception room for the clientes whom received while sitting on the solium. In the impluvium with — cistern the rainwater was Vitruvius (6,3,1ff.) differentiates between

the cencolfive

301

302

types, the atrium testudinatum and the atrium displuviatum with rainproof roofing, the latter with an opening for daylight; the other atria with funnel-shaped roof construction (+ Compluvium), in the atrium tuscanicum free-hanging, in the atrium tetrastylon and atrium corinthium supported by four or more columns. Reproductions of the first two atria in late Etruscan chamber tombs (Perugia, Tarquinia), examples of the atrium with compluvium especially in Pompeii and Herculaneum. EPR. 2. Surrounded by columned halls, mostly almost a square courtyard in ancient Christian and Romanesque

east, a porticus of marble and travertine formed the boundary of the Domus Publica. In 12 BC Augustus gave the Domus Publica to the Temple of Vesta and the vestals, thus creating a new eastern boundary, which was possibly entirely filled by later Imperial period buildings. The large building still standing has been dated by means of tile stamps to the time of Trajan; it included earlier sections of structures from the time of Domitian in the eastern part of the site (themselves possibly necessary after the fire of AD 64). Smaller additions were undertaken in the time of Hadrian. The west wing, which is probably Trajanic rather than Severan, had close access to the Temple of Vesta by means of passages, as under the late Republic. The building that remains seems more akin to a meeting

churches, situated at the west in front of the entrance.

The atrium was a shelter and reception room for the faithful,

sometimes

also

a

burial

ground,

equipped with flowing water.

often

C.HO.

F.Prayon, Frihetruskische Grab- und Hausarchitektur, 1975, 156-160; M.CrisTorant (ed.), La grande Roma dei Tarquini, Ausstellungs-Kat. Rome 1990, 97-99; E. M. Evans, The Atrium Complex in the Houses of Pompeji,

1980; R.FOrtTscH, Archaologischer Komm. zu den Villenbriefen des jiingeren Plinius, 1993, 30-41; R. KRauTHEIMER, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 1965; A.M. SCHNEIDER, s.v. atrium, in: RAC I, 1950,

888-889.

ATTALEIA

house than to an Atrium, and even the dedications to

Vesta, to the vestals and to various emperors indicate a wide spectrum of professional associations (CIL VI, 32413, 32418, 32419, 32423, 32445, 31222). For the

3rd—4th cents. the statues of vestals with honorific inscriptions are particularly significant (CIL VI 501; 32409-32428). RICHARDSON, 42-44; LTUR 1, 138-142.

R.T.

ScoTr

s.v. Atrium

Vestae, RF.

Atrium Libertatis Building to the north-east of the Forum Iulium, used under the Republic as the office of

Atropatene see ~ Media Atropatene

the > censors, whose documents were kept there along with the texts of various statutes (Liv. 43,16,13;

Atropates (Ateomdatys; Atropdtés). Median ruler and

45,15,5); in exceptional circumstances it was also the meeting place of the Senate. In 193 BC a porticus was erected from the nearby Porta Fontinalis to the altar of Mars on the > Campus Martius, where the census was held (Liv. 35,10,12). Extended in 194 BC (Liv. 34,44,5), the Atrium Libertatis was rebuilt in lavish style by Asinius Pollio (Suet. Aug. 29,5), who added to it the first public > library of Rome, including a gallery of portraits of writers (Plin. HN 7,115) and a large collection of sculptures (Plin. HN 36,23-25; 36,33-34). RICHARDSON, 41; F. COARELLI, LTUR 1, 133-135.

satrap of Darius, fought at > Gaugamela and accompanied him in flight. After Darius’ death he joined ~ Alexander [4] and received his satrapy once again. He took a vanquished Median pretender to the throne to the king in 324 BC. Asareward, his daughter was married to ~ Perdiccas at the weddings of Susa. He is supposed to have given Alexander 100 ~ Amazons (Arr. Anab. 7,13). Perdiccas assigned him the satrapy of west Media in 323, where he settled himself as ruler. The land (Atropatene, today Azerbaijan) eternalized his name. BERVE 2, no. 180.

E.B.

RF.

Atropos see > Moira Atrium Vestae The term relates to a precinct of the city of Rome between the Sacra Via and the Nova Via, south and east of the Temple of Vesta, and not solely to the residence of the Vestal virgins (Plin. Ep. 7,19,2; Gell. NA 1,12,9; Serv. Aen. 7,153f.). Early structural remains, probably of small huts from the 7th and 6th cents. BC, are possibly associated with a votive deposit to the Vestals from the 2nd half of the 6th cent. At the end of the 3rd cent. BC a wall was built to separate the Atrium Vestae from the Domus Publica to the east. In the 2nd and rst cents. BC the site of the later structure was occupied by an open space surrounded on all sides by buildings. The north side was moved back in order to align it with a more strongly rectangular orientation of the > Forum Romanum, the remaining space being augmented by buildings to the west and east. To the

Attaleia (AttaAeia; Attdleia). [1] The modern Antalya; harbour town, located on a

rocky ridge on the coast of > Pamphylia, founded in around 150 BC by > Attalus [5] II (Str. 14,4,1), and visited by Pompey on his flight in 48 BC (Plut. Pompeius 76; cf. Ptol. 5,5,2; Acta Apostolorum 14,25). Remains of the Attalid town walls, Hadrian’s gate, to mark the emperor’s visit in AD 130, and a monumental mausoleum (circular building on a cubic base). E.AxurGaL., Ancient Civilisations and Ruins of Turkey, 1985, 324; K.GraF LANCKORONSKI, Stadte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens 1, 1890, 7-32. W.MA.

[2] Town in northern Lydia (described as part of + Aeolis in Plin. HN 5,121; 126), on the right bank of

ATTALEIA

303

304

the Lycus, c. 22 km north of Thyatera near the modern Selcikli (not near the closer Gordiikkale, which is more likely as the location of the fortified fort Meteorion, called A. in the Byzantine period); supposedly located on an older settlement by the name of ‘Ayoosiwa

took over his command and took part in the campaigns in eastern Iran and India. In 325 BC, he marched under Craterus’ command from India to Carmania. Before Alexander’s death he asked - Sarapis about Alexander’s illness. After Alexander’s death, A. married a sister of -» Perdiccas and served under him, lastly as admiral. After the murder of Perdiccas and his sister, he gathered up Perdiccas’ loyal troops, allied himself with + Alcetas [4] and was beaten by > Antigonus [1] and interned in a fortress. He died in 317, perhaps during an attempt to break out of the fortress.

(Agroetra) or Add detec (Alloeira; Steph. Byz.), the town

was founded by Eumenes I (contract with mercenaries OGIS 266), probably in 262 BC, following his victory over Antiochus I at Sardeis (Str. 13,4,2), and named after his grandfather Attalus. In the following period, the town became Hellenized; in the Roman age, there is documentary evidence of a council and a public assembly as municipal institutions (IGR IV, 1167, 1168c). Road map Tirkiye-Turkey, Turkish Ministry of Defence,

BERVE 2, no. 181; HECKEL, 18off., 3 81ff.

E.B.

s.v. A., RE 2,2, 2155;

[3] A. was adopted by his uncle Philetaerus and married

C.Foss, Sites and Strongholds of Northern Lydia, in:

to Achaeus’ [4] daughter Antiochis in 270 BC; A.I was

Anatolian Studies 37, 1987, 81ff., especially 94-99; J.Kert, A.v. PREMERSTEIN, Ber. iiber eine 2. Reise in

their son. A. appears to have died before his adoptive

1994, sheet 2; TH. BURCHNER,

Lydien, in: Denkschriften der AWW 53, 1908, 6of.; MaAGIE 2, 733f., 951, 980; G. RADET, La Lydie au temps des Mermnades, 1892, 3 19 ff.

H.KA.

father (FdD 3,1, 1929, 4323 Str. 13,4,624). [4] A.I. Son of A. [3], received in 241 at the age of 28 years after the death of his cousin (?) Eumenes I ruler-

ship over Pergamum and ruled until his death in 197 (Pol. 18,41,8; Str.

[3] Settlement in Mysia (called Attalia in the Roman Itineraria; "Atte; Attea, in Str. 1 351,51, a name characteristic of Asia Minor), also identified with > Atarneus,

probably a port of Pergamum (29 km to the east) near the modern Dikili. In reality, Atarneus (modern Agil-

kale) is located north of Dikili and again to the north of Attea (modern Seyitler). The existence of an ancient A. (instead of Attea) in the modern Dikili remains open to

question. H. KiepertT, Formae Orbis Antiqui 9; TH. BURCHNER, S.v. Attaia

1)-2), RE

228f.; W.M. Asia Minor, men,

2, 2154f.;

MILLER,

699, outline

no.

CaLper, G.E. BEAN, A Classical Map of 1958; L.ZGusta, Kleinasiat. Personenna-

1964, 108.

H.KA.

Attalids see > Attalus (fig.)

Attalis see > Attalus [4] I of Pergamum Attalus (“Attahoc; Attalos). {1] Friend of > Philippus who did not punish him for an insult inflicted on Pausanias. At the wedding of his niece Cleopatra (II) to Philippus (337 BC) he called > Alexander [4] che Great a nothos (illegitimate son) and was attacked by him, whereupon Alexander and Olympias were banned (Plut. Alex. 9 among others). With his father-in-law

(Curt. 6,9,18) Parmenion,

he comman-

ded the invading army in Asia. After Philippus’ death, Alexander had him killed, although he had proven his loyalty (Diod. Sic. 17,5,1). E.Bapian, The death of Philip IL, in: Phoenix 17, 1963, 244-50; HECKEL, 4f. EB.

[2] Son of Andromenes, involved with his brothers (+ Amyntas [6]) in the accusations against his friend >» Philotas, son of Parmenion, but > Alexander [4] the

Great had them acquitted. After Amyntas’ death, A.

13,4,624). A. refused the tribute paid

by Eumenes to the Galatians and defeated them near Pergamum. That was the beginning of a politics and dynastic self-representation on the part of all Attalids as the protectors of the Greeks and their culture against the ‘Barbarians’ who were threatening them |2. 576; 5. pass.]. With this also went the promotion of the cities [4]. A. already represented this politics directly and also allegorically in many works of art in Pergamum, Athens and Delphi (Syll.3 523; Paus. 1,25,2). Taking advantage of a dispute among brothers in the Seleucid house, A. expelled Antiochus Hierax from Asia Minor (chronology?) and ruled it as far as the Taurus around 227. A.’s success over the Galatians, or probably likelier his first victory over Hierax, was cause for him to take on the surname ‘Soter’; as a sign of independence, he placed the head of his dynastic ancestor > Philetaerus on the Pergamene coins and he took on the title of king, counting the years of his reign beginning in 241 (WILL 1, 298; Pol. 18,41,7; Liv. 33,21,3; 38,16,14; Irog. prol. 27; OGIS 273-280; Pol. 4,48,7; Just. Epit. 27,3,6).

Seleucus III and Achaeus [5] forced A. to retreat into the territory of Pergamum, but A. recouped some of his losses by annexing Greek cities on the north-west coast of Asia Minor with Celtic (!) mercenaries. From 216 on, he was allied with Antiochus [5] If against Achaeus (Pol. 4,48; 5,77-78; 107,4; 111). After 211, A. turned

his attention to the west side of the Aegean. He formed alliances of Panhellenic intent against monarchs who subjugated Greeks [5. 92ff.]. A.’s alliance with the Aetolians — not with the Romans (WILL 2, 98) — in their battle against Philip V won him the island of Aegina; in 209 he became honorary strategos of the Aetolian Federation and conquered Oreus on Euboea (OGIS 281; Pol. 22,8,10; Liv. 27,29,10). After a defeat, A. returned to Pergamum, which was being threatened by the Bithynian king Prusias I. Peace between both rulers came to pass in 205 through A.’s joining of the

305

306

ATTALUS

The dynasty of the Attalids

Seleukos Nikator 00 Apama

=e Antiochos |. Soter

Attalos of Tios 00 Boa (from Paphlagonia)

,

|

be

Philetairos (*c. 340BC)

Achaios

,

Attalos

| Eumenes oo Satyra

|

ene. eae eee I

|

|

Antiochos Il. Theos

oo Laodike I.

|

Antiochis co Attalos

Eumenes (?)

Se Sa

EUMENES |.

ee Eh ae

SA

Philetairos (?)

'

Attalos |. Soter oo Apollonis of Kyzikos

|

| EUMENES II. Soter

ed oo

Stratonike

|Daughter of

Ariarathes IV.

of Cappadocia

|

f

ATTALOS III. Philometor Euergetes

|

co Attalos II. Philadelphos

Philetairos

a = Athenaios

| (with a concubine)

Aristonikos (Eumenes III.) Nabis (Pol. 18,16; Liv. 31,4 5f.; 32,23,1; 39f.). When he, together with the Roman proconsul Flamininus, wanted to win over Boeotia for its joining Philip’s opponents in 197, he was struck down by a stroke in the middle of a speech in Thebes. A. was taken back to Pergamum and died there with the reputation of a hero for the freedom of the Greeks. To his four sons from his marriage to Apollonis of Cyzicus, Eumenes II, Attalus [5] Il, Philetaerus and

Athenaeus [2], he left an invulnerable rulership (Pol. 18,41,9f.; 22,20; Liv. 33,1f.; Str. 13,4,624; Plut. Mor. 480C.). [5] A. Il, Philadelphus. Son of A. [4] I born in 220 BC,

was king of Pergamum from 159 to 138 (Str. 13,4,6245 Lucian Macr. 12). Before that, he continually supported his ruling brother Eumenes II militarily and diplomatically: in 192 he warned the Senate in Rome about Antiochus [5] Il]; in the Syrian War he forced Seleucus

(IV) to withdraw from Pergamum and at Magnesia he contributed significantly to the victory of the Roman side over Antiochus III (t90 BC). He also distinguished himself in the Galatian campaign of Manlius Vulso in 189 (Syll.3 606; Pol. 21,39,5ff.; 43,9; Liv. 35,23,1r0ff.; 37,18f.; 43,5ff.5 38,12, 8ff.; 23,11). Before 183, A. defeated Prusias I of Bithynia and the Galatians; similarly, he fought against > Pharnaces of Pontus and in r8r in Rome, requested interventions against him (OGIS 298; Pol. 24,5; Diod. Sic. 29,22). After the murder of Seleucus IV in 175, Eumenes and A. sponsored the succession of his brother Antiochus [6] IV (OGIS 248). Upon the news of Eumenes’ murder in Greece, A. made the garrison of Pergamum swear allegiance to himself in 172 and married the ‘widow’ Stratonice. When, contrary to expectation, Eumenes returned alive to Pergamum and made accusations against A., A. dissolved his marriage and returned to his former position (Liv. 42,16,8f.; Diod. Sic. 29,34; Plut. Mor. 489e-f). In the 3rd Macedonian War, A. fought on the one hand for the restoration of his brother’s honours with the Achaean League and he fought on the other hand, although the Romans distrusted Eumenes, reliably on their side, lastly in the decisive battle at Pydna in 168. After that he asked the Romans to help his brother against the Galatians (Pol. 27,18; 28,7; 12,7; Liv. 44,36,83 45,19,!-3). When the Roman Senate in its sus-

picion of Eumenes tried to pit A. against his brother, A., however, did not participate and his good relationship with the Romans remained (honours for A. in 163 and 160; Pol. 30,1ff.; 31,1; 32,1; Liv. 45,19f.). When Eume-

nes died in 159, A. became king, according to Strabo

ATTALUS

308

307

(13,4,624), however, he was only guardian of the new king A. III and regent; he finally married Stratonice, who was the daughter of Ariarathes IV of Cappadocia, and brought his brother-in-law Ariarathes V back to his kingdom (Pol. 32,22; Diod. Sic. 31,32b; Zon. 9,24). As a result of his lengthy experience with the great power of Rome, A. valued visible agreement with Rome in its ‘Attalid’ politics ({1. ro5f., 584, 594ff.; 5. 177ff.] OGIS 315,44ff. = WELLES, 61; OGIS 327,4). In 156-154, he successfully ended a war against Prusias II of Bithynia, who periodically had laid waste to the area around Pergamum, through Roman intervention. Taking advantage of succession struggles in the Seleucid empire and in Bithynia starting in 158, he supported Alexander [II 11] against Demetrius I as king and helped Nicomedes Il in 149 at the deposition of his father Prusias II (OGIS PA ION, Beinitamy IDiofals item chisel IWine, Sen Glep wise:

R.E. ALLEN, The Attalid Kingdom, 1983; E. V.HANSEN, The Attalids of Pergamum, 1971; H.-J.SCHALLES, Unt.

zur Kulturpolitik der pergamenischen Herrscher im 3. Jh. v.Chr., 1985; K.STROBEL, Die Galater, 1996; B. ViRGIL10, Fama, Eredita e Memoria degli Attalidi di Pergamo, Studi ellenistici 4, 1994, 137-171. A.ME.

[7] Of Rhodes. Mathematician and astronomer of the

2nd cent. AD, elder contemporary of Hipparchus. He wrote a commentary

on Aratus’ [4] Phainomena, in

which he emphasized Aratus’ astronomical authority. Hipparchus, who had criticized A., transmitted a few fragments of A.’s writings in his commentary on the Phainomena of Aratus and Eudoxus (Ed.: [2. 1-24]). + Hipparchus; > Aratus 2 E. MAass, 1 KNAACK, s.v. A. 25a), RE Suppl. 1, 224f. MF. Commentariorum in Aratum reliquiae, 1898.

13,4,624). Like his predecessors, A. II distinguished his

dynasty and its pro-Hellenic politics through works of art and donations

to various

places; in his honour,

games were held in Delphi and elsewhere and cult societies were established ([2. 573f.] Syll.3 672; 682; OGIS 325f.). At first, A. had work on the ‘Pergamum Altar’ continued, but it was then discontinued because of the

clash of its anti-Roman programme with A.’s Romeoriented politics [6].

[6] A. Ill, Philometor Euergetes. Son of the Cappadocian princess Stratonice and Eumenes II (thus with emphasis [3. 16ff.]) or perhaps also of A. II, was the reigning king of Pergamum from 138 to 133. Since 153, A. had been raised by A. II as his successor: in 153 A. was introduced in the Roman Senate and in Greek cities; later he participated in the awarding of priesthoods (OGIS 331; Pol. 33,18). Inscriptions describe him as a war hero, but he was an eccentric, who, instead

of reigning, studied the botany of poisonous plants, gardening and agriculture and wrote about these and killed friends because he suspected them of murdering his mother and his bride Berenice (OGIS 332,23; Varro, Rust. 1,1,8; Diod. Sic. 34,3; Columella 1,1,8; Plin. HN alithors; mdiceseSswutseetAs ch Lz Ot nS.22: Piuts Demetr. 20,3; Just. Epit. 36,4). When he died young, he

left behind, perhaps because he was acutely threatened by Aristonicus [4] [1. 592ff.; 3. 121ff.], a will favourable to the Roman people; they inherited land and treasure, but A. had declared the city of Pergamum free (WILL 2, 418f.). When the Romans took possession of their inheritance, they confirmed all of his and his predecessors’ disposition (OGIS 338; 435; Liv. Per. 58f.; Str. 13,4,624; Vell. Pat. 2,4,1; Plut. Tib. Gracch. 14; Flor. 1,35 (2,20); App. Mith. 62,254; Just. Epit.

36,4,5). 1 GRUEN, Rome 2 C. Hasicut, Athens and the Attalids in the second century B.C., in: Hesperia 59, 1990, 561577. 3J.Hoppe, Unt. zur Gesch. der letzten Attaliden, 1977. 41. Kerrész, in: Tyche 7, 1992,133-141 5R.B. MacSnaneE, The Foreign Policy of the Attalids of Pergamum, 1964 6 TH.-M.ScuHmuptT, Der spate Beginn und der vorzeitige Abbruch der Arbeiten am Pergamonaltar, in: Phyromachos-Probleme, 1990, 141-162.

[8] Stoic, head of aphilosophical school in Rome, exiled by Seianus (Sen. Suas. 2,12). Also brilliant as a speaker,

he impassioned his youthful listeners for asceticism and moral rigour. He was the most important teacher of + Seneca, whose habits he influenced into old age (Epist. 108). Seneca transmitted significant thoughts of A.; thus he cites him on the themes of friendship, gratitude, the futility of earthly possessions and the godliness of wise men; Seneca also mentions his teachings about lightning as an omen (Q Nat. 2,48 and 50). G. MAuRACH, Seneca, 1991, 21-24.

J.D.

[9] Sculptor from Athens, active in the 2nd cent. BC. Of his cultic statues, an Apollo Lycius in Argus has been handed down and the acrolith of > Hygieia in the Asclepius sanctuary at Pheneus is partially preserved. P. MoreENO, Scultura ellenistica, 1994, 555 (fig.); OVERBECK, no. 2067 (Sources); R.R. R. SmiTH, Hellenistic

sculpture, 1991, 240 (with fig.).

R.N.

[10] Greek grammarian from an unknown mentator on Homer; fragments in scholiall 15,641a; 15, 651b; Etym. m. 584, 14. If this person, he also wrote Iegi magoundy, cited

time, com-

15, 444b; is the same in Hsch. x

3629 s.v. KogivOtoc E€voc.

— Homerus; > Scholia L. Conn, RE 2, 2179; U. FRIEDLANDER, De Zoilo aliisque

Homeri obtrectatoribus, diss. 1895, 81;

G.KNaACK, RE

Suppl. 1, 224; E. Maass, De Attali Rhodii fragmentis Arateis commentatio, 1888, XXV; E.Maass, Commentariorum in Aratum reliquiae, 1898, XIII-XIV, annotation 4.

BM. [11] The pagan Priscus A. came from the east; he lived in Rome, where he was counted among > Symmachus’ circle of acquaintances. Probably at the beginning of AD 409, he became comes sacrarum largitionum, in 409 praef. urbis Romae. Under pressure from Alarich (+ Alaricus [2]), elevated by the Senate at the end of 409 to emperor, but he did not prove to be a willing instrument of the Goths; in the course of the union of

309

310

Alarich and - Honorius he was deposed. Despite his

ATTIC

Sources: for the early era, myths, epic, oral tradition;

conversion to Arian Christianity, his government gave

for the historical

the pagans hope. After his deposition, A. remained with the Goths; Athaulf made him emperor once again in 414, in 415 he was taken prisoner by > Constantius [6], in 416 he was maimed and banned (PLRE 2, 18of.).

authors such as Hecataeus, Herodotus, Hellanicus, Thucydides, Ephorus etc. (FGrH 323a-334).

A. CHASTAGNOL, Les fastes de la préfecture de Rome au

P. HarvIno, A. and Politeia, in: Historia 26, 1977, 148-

Bas-Empire, 1962, no. 116, 266ff.; DELMAIRE, no. 90, 175ff.; v. HAEHLING, 403f. HLL.

Atthidographers see > Atthis Atthis (At0ic; Atthis). Atthis, plural Atthides, refers to

Athenian local histories; Atthidographers are the authors of these works. The Atthides were antiquarian rather than historically oriented; in an annalistic and chronicle-like representation they provided information about myths, religion, history, culture and literature, as well as the topography of Athens and Attica. In general they treated the entire span of time of their respective authors from the mythic beginnings up to the present. The Atthidographers often functioned as Exegetai, interpreters of religious law. This explains the broad consideration of cult and religion as well as the primarily conservative character of these works.

era, archons’

lists, texts

1 U.V. Wrtamowitz-MoELLENDOREF,

of laws,

Aristoteles und

Athen, 1893. 160; F. Jacosy, A., 1949; F.Jacopy,

A Commentary on

the Ancient Historians of Athens, in: FGrH IIIb (Suppl.), Vol. 1, Text, Vol. 2, Notes, 1954; O. LENDLE, Einfithrung in die griech. Geschichtsschreibung, 1992, 14 5ff.; K. MEISTER, Die griech. Geschichtsschreibung, 1990, 76f., 128131; K.MetsTer, Politeiai, A. e Athenaion politeia, in: G.Mapout (ed.), L’ Athenaion politeia di Aristotele 1891-1991, 1994, 115ff.; L.PEARSON, The Local Histo-

ries of Attica, 1942; P.J. RHopEs, The Atthidographers, in: Studia Hellenistica 30, 1990, 73ff.; E. RUSCHENBUSCH, A. und Politeia, in: Hermes 109, 1981, 316-326. K.MEI.

Attia Viriola From a noble family, married to a of praetorian rank. When she was disowned 80-year-old father, Pliny represented her case the centumviri (Plin. Ep. 6,33); cf. [1. 7oof.]. 1370.

senator by her before PIR? A

1 Syme, RP 2.

W.E.

+ Hellanicus of Lesbos, who with his Atthis, which

appeared after 407/6, created the framework and in-

Attic

fluenced the content of the later works, is considered

A. ATTIC OF THE OLDER ERA (UNTIL THE 5TH/4TH

the founder of Atthidography. He reconstructed the

CENTS.) KOINE

Athenian list of kings, completed the list of archontes,

combined the mythical and historical sections of tradition about the past and placed both sections in genealogical and chronological schemata. Thereby, mythical themes and material often became detailed descriptions of historical events in detail. With — Cleidemus, the

first Atthidographer from Athens, Atthidography in the truest sense begins: it is distinguished by political partisanism and the representation of contemporary history. Cleidemus, > Androtion, > Phanodemus, > Demon and > Philochorus took over the chronological framework from Hellanicus (especially the archontes dating!) as well as the historicization of the myths. In the beginning, the emphasis lay on the early Athenian era and the flourishing of the city until the end of the Peloponnesian War. Only with Androtion did Atthidography lose its primarily retrospective character and turn its attention more and more to current events. Philochorus finally published a primarily contemporary work in the formal garb of an Atthis. The Callimachian ~ Ister provided a compilation of the various transmissions about the early period of Athens and Attica in his Attika or Synagogé ton Atthidon (compilation of the atthides). Not accidentally, this collected edition designated the end of this genre of literature. The assumption, advanced at the time by WILAMOwitz [1] in analogy to the development of Roman ~ annalists, that the Atthides relied ultimately on supposed records of the exegetes, is rightfully rejected today.

B. GREAT ATTIC AND TRANSITION TO

A. ATTIC OF THE OLDER ERA (UNTIL THE

5TH/4TH CENTS.) Attic, which occupies a paramount position in literature, is verifiable since the end of the 7th cent. through a plethora of inscriptions: private inscriptions, official proclamations, and also inscriptions on vases and ostraca as well as curse tablets (4th—3rd cents.), which in some cases reflect ‘Vulgar Attic’. Since the foundation of the rst > Delian League (478/7) and during the time when Athens stood at the centre of Greek politics, even official inscriptions found outside Attica demonstrate the development from the local ‘Old Attic’ to the lonicinfluenced ‘Great Attic’ of Athens as a centre of power and culture. The Ionic > alphabet, the use of which can be observed since the middle of the 5th cent., was officially introduced in 403/2, and the old laws had to be rewritten. Attic demonstrates, in addition to an east Greek component

(-ti/—] > -si/-], pj >s

oVai, athematic

[tO00c]; nom.

pl.

inf. to —[e]vat; Ste, Gv, BovAouat,

TMEMtOG, ieedc, eixoot) explicit similarities with — Ionic,

which point to common roots: é/6 (originally noted E, O, then EI, OY) from substitute elongations and contractions (type BovAn, tod), a> d, partly “a, u > a, i, metathesis do > ed (and so-called ‘Attic’ decl. Xew¢) or “éa > ed (noted EQ or EA), earlier the disappearance of u; twe-ec/ bué-ec (> tuets, bueis), 3rd sg. nv ‘he was’, 3rd

ATTIC

pl. aor. of the type #0&-oav; medc, no apocope of the prepositions. Isoglosses with the Doric are: ‘r > ra, thematic inflection of the verba vocalia, “év-s. Admittedly Attic differs from Ionic in specific characteristics: regressive assimilation of 4 after e, i, r (‘alpha purum’: type ved, oixta, YEG); ea, eo, ed > &, 0, O (H, OY, &: étn,

étouc, ét@v); gen. sg. masc. of the type moAitov, the inflection of the -i-, -u-stems (type mOAewc, model), *-ion-/-ios- in the comparative (type wéCous, -w), 2nd sg. ei ‘you are’, rst pl. gopév, participle dv. There are also

isoglosses

with

neighbouring

dialects:

“ti, “ki,

“tu > tt (pres. to -t1tw, téttages: also West Ionic, Boeotian), rs > rr (type 8G4eeo0c: also West Ionic).

Peculiarities of ‘Old Attic’ occur until the end of the 5th cent. in inscriptions: dat. pl. to —€ou, -4ov-ato1, -nLot and —otot, ddgitwv ‘less’ (until 408), imp. 3rd pl. to —oodv, Evv, use of the dual. In the course of the Peloponnesian War, Attic changed significantly, as can be seen from the conservative administrative language of the official inscriptions: since c. 420 only is —atc used, since 404 only —otc; since c. 420 —e06v is preferred, since c. 410 Gvv; since the end of the sth cent. the dual is no longer used (old forms are later used only in formulae, e.g. Evv since 378 only in yvounv EvuporAeoOat, dual until the end of the 4th cent. only in tw Ow). This points to the replacement of Old Attic with a newer form of Attic, which was closer to the Ionic-influenced Attic prose and Ionic. It corresponds approximately to the cultivated vernacular of Athens, which as ‘Great Attic’ had spread in the linguistic territory of the Athenian leagues — originally Ionic, but from the mid sth cent. increasingly Atticized —and in some respects is an immediate precursor of the ~» koiné. In the course of the 4th cent., forms are used in inscriptions that also occur in literary Attic and in Ionic (but hardly in Old Attic) and that live on in the koiné: éOnxav (since 385), imp. to —twoav and —oAwoay (since c. 300), moiv 7) + inf., dmc + subjunctive (since 342),

and iva for Old Attic é0eoav, -vtwv and —oOwv, motv + inf., 6mmco Gv + subjunctive. Spellings such as (= xal, Priv, OTOLYNOW,

xonpwata), which since the middle of the 5th cent. occur primarily in private inscriptions, allow the assumption that the monophthongation of ai, ei, oi and itacism, which are considered characteristic of the koiné, had been implemented by at least a section of the population. Samples: (446/5 BC; oath) tov mogov humotedd AGEvauototy ... HAL YOULUGAXOS Eoowat * (regulations) ... tov hoexov avapeadoat Abéevéor ... * ... homb¢ Sav tayt-

ota THE, hot oteatéyou OvvetEhOoVSv * ... Té¢ OTOATHyOs emtmeheoOar

... homds av ext hdc PedAtiota Adé-

vauois.(c. 422) amaoyecat tow OEovv ... ao tov hexatov ueduvov vé ehattov é hextea ...: eav de tig WAELG xAOTOV Toe E Tlooovto]v € oAELCG, xaTA TOV aUTOV AOYOV amaeyeoOat” ... xa TAEAdLdOvaL Tots htegomoLots Tog Ehevowobev Ehevowaos ° ... evBvVOGNGy ... YLALaLOLW SEaxNEow.(tables from the Academy, end of the sth cent.?) AOwa Aguc ... Auwooo8ey(t]c.

— Greek dialects; > Greek literary languages; ~ Koine

> Ionic;

Sources: IGIIM/MIL, 1877-97; WIN’, 1913-40; P 1, 1981;

P} 2, 1994; P.BALaTsos, Inscriptions from the Academy, in: ZPE 86, 1991, 145-154. BIBLIOGRAPHY: C.BRIXHE (et al.), L’attique, in: REG 98, 1985, 279-284 (research report); A. LOpEz Erre, De Pattique a la koiné, in: C. BRIxHE (ed.), La Koine grecque

antique: I. Une langue introuvable?, 1993, 41-573 Id., Historia del atico a través de sus inscripciones I, in: Zephyrus 47, 1994, 157-188; E.Riscu, Das A. im Rahmen der griech. Dial., ins MH 21, 1964, 1-14 (= KS 222-235); M.S. Rurp£REZ, Esquisse d’une histoire du vocalisme grec, in: Word 12, 1956, 67-81

(= Opera Selecta 63-77);

E. ScHWYZER, Synt. Archaismen des A., 1940 (= KS 443456); THUMB/SCHERER, 284-313; S.T. TEODORSSON, The Phonemic System of the Attic Dialect, 400-340 B.C., 1974; Id., The Phonology of Attic in the Hellenistic Period, 1978 (on this E. Crespo, in: Emerita 48, 1980, 145148); L.THREATTE, The Grammar of Attic Inscriptions. I. Phonology, 1980; II. Morphology, 1996. J.G-R.

B. GREAT ATTIC AND TRANSITION TO KOINE

Attic fulfilled various functions in the course of the history of the Greek language: first (1) as the epichoric spoken dialect of Attica and its ‘capital city’ Athens, then (2) as a regional written dialect, (3) as a literary

language first of Attic comedy and tragedy, later also of prose as a competitor and under the influence of the thus far leading Ionic (Diocles of Carystus, of the 4th cent. BC, was the first to avail himself of Attic rather than Ionic for medical technical prose. Already in 403 BC, the Ionic — Alphabet, which was already in common use, was introduced officially; it differentiated between open and closed long vowels Q/OY or H/EI, for example), (4) as a written and spoken prestige variant of the Greek even outside Attica following the victory over the Persians and the dominance of Athens in the first > Delian League, (5) as the official language at the Macedonian court (the prerequisite for the spread of the koiné) and finally, (6) with Atticism, as the backwards-looking, but recognized, authoritative standard written Greek of the imperial era which persisted throughout the entire Byzantine Empire. The term ‘Great Attic’ refers to the Attic written ‘outside Attica’ (mainly on the Aegean islands since the second > Athenian League) which is strongly shaped by Ionic and stripped of its most specific characteristics; it is of a less conservative stamp than the variation that was written in Attica itself at the time, where innovations pointing to the koiné are visible only with some delay: thus in the Delian inscriptions vadg is documented as early as the 4th cent., in Attica itself only from c. 250; yivowau first asserts itself against yiyvoua in Attica beginning in c. 300, while it is the rule in Attic inscriptions outside Attica already throughout the 4th cent. With this superregionality, which was first limited to Greek lands, the course for the development of the koiné, for the ‘international’ Greek of Hellenism, was set; Great Attic is thus the intermediate stage between Attic in the narrow sense and the koine.

313

314 A. DEBRUNNER, A. SCHERER, Gesch. der griech. Sprache II: Grundfragen und Grundziige des nachklass. Griech., 1969, especially § 36-45,

§ 114-119;

R.HERzoc,

Umschrift der alteren griech. Lit. in das ion. Programm zur Rektoratsfeier der Universitat 1912; J. NIEHOFF-PANAGIOTIDIS, Koine und 1994, especially chs. II.1 and II.2; E.Riscu,

Die

Alphabet, Basel 191, Diglossie, Das A. im

Rahmen der griech. Dial., in: A.Errer, M. Looser (ed.), Ernst Risch. KS, 1991, 222-235; B. ROSENKRANZ, Der

lokale Grundton und die persénliche Eigenart in der Sprache des Thukydides und der alteren att. Redner, in: IF 48, 1930, 127-179; J.SCHLAGETER, Zur Laut- und Formen-

lehre der auferhalb Attikas gefundenen att. Inschr. (Programm Freiburg/ Breisgau),

1908; Id., Der Wortschatz der

auferhalb Attikas gefundenen att. Inschr., 1912; L. THREATTE, Attic Abroad: The language of the Attic Inscriptions at Delphi, in: E. Crespo,J.L. Garcia RAMON, A. STRIANO (ed.), Dialectologica Graeca. Actas del II Coloquio Inter-

nacional de Dialectologia Griega, Miraflores de la Sierra, 19-21 de Junio de 1991, 1993, 323-330.

V.B.

Attica [1] (f Artixn; bé Attike). A. LANDSCAPE

B. PREHISTORIC PERIOD C. MYCENAEAN ERA D. ARCHAIC ERA E. CLASSICALERA F. CuLts G. ROMAN IMPERIAL ERA H. BYZANTINE ERA I. FORTIFICATIONS

A. LANDSCAPE Easternmost landscape of central Greece, which, asa triangular peninsula, protrudes to the south-east between the Euboean Sea and the Saronic Gulf. A. borders Megara in the west, > Boeotia in the north. More than 40 per cent of the surface of A. (2530 km’) is composed of mountains: in the north Cithaeron (1407 m) is the border to Boeotia, where the Megalo Vuno and Mount Parnes (1413 m) continue eastward, also the Hymettus

(1026 m) and Pentelicon (1108 medium height largely determine landscape: the Cerata (470 m) at leos (463 m) between Eleusis and

m). Mountains of the character of the Eleusis, the > Aega> Athens [1] as well

as Mount Paneion (648 m) in the south, the south Attic Olympus (487 m) at > Anaphlystus and the south Atti-

can mountain land of the Laurium. A. possesses four larger and several smaller plains or coastal plains: 1) in the west the large coastal plain of Thriasia with Eleusis, 2) the Attic plain (Pedias, Pedion) with Athens, bounded in the west and north-west by the Aegaleos/Corydallus, in the east by the Hymettus and in the north-east by Penteli, 3) the basin landscape of the Mesogeia and 4) the coastal plain of Marathon. Small but already settled early on were the coastal plains of Anaphlystus (Anavysso), the Vari Valley with Anagyrus and ~ Lamptrae and the Potami plain at > Thoricus. A.’s morphologically relatively stable karst landscape has hardly changed in historical times (Plat. Critias rr1b), but the coasts were, because of the tectonic sinking of the land and glacialeustatic rising of the flooded sea-level, (newer studies on the paleogeography are lacking, for the present [18. 12ff.]). The Mediterranean climate

ATTICA

of A. with dry, warm summers and humid winters, as well as its originally more diverse Mediterranean vegetation had emerged by the beginning of the early Bronze Age. Marked by aridity, (yearly precipitation 377 mm), A. does not have any perennial rivers. B. PREHISTORIC PERIOD The oldest settlement in the Pedion and in the Marathonia by family groups of farmers dates back to the pre-ceramic Neolithic period and remains small in the early and middle Neolithic periods (most important early Neolithic findings in Nea Makri [34. 219, 221f.; 35. 3f.]). Ona larger scale, A. was first settled at the end of the Neolithic and in the Chalcolithic periods. In addition to numerous small settlements, there were fortified settlements on the heights (Kiapha Thiti, Vigla Rimbari, Zagani 4,5 km east of Spata, possibly also the acropoleis of > Brauron and Thoricus [18. 87f.]). Herders living in their own settlements conducted lively trade with farmers on the plains [35. 19]. Of special significance for the Attic Neolithic period are cave finds [37. Vol. 1, 111] like the ones from the Pan grotto at Marathon (Paus. 1,32,7) [34. 218; 37. Vol. 2, 244ff.] and the Kitsos cave in the Laurium [10; 37 Vol. 2, 4ff.]. A monographic treatment of Neolithic A. is lacking (for the present [35. 3-7]). The Early Helladic period (from 3000 BC) is distinguished by more intensive cultural contacts, dispersion of metallurgy and the rise of (fortified) proto-urban centres (Askitario [3 4. 38of.], Plasi [34. 216], H. Kosmas [27; 34. 6ff.]). Many of the smaller coastal locations were possibly seasonal fishermen’s camps [18. 115]. The meaning of the repository of the Laurium for the metallurgy of the Early Bronze Age is controversial [18. 114]. Although the Early Helladic II stage (2300/2000 BC) is only weakly represented in A., an interruption of the colony is unlikely, however, as numerous

pre-Greek toponyms

were

in use [18. 60;

35. 7ff.]. In the Middle Helladic period (2000/1600 BC) dynastic seats arose, which primarily occupied the plains and coastal plains and began to demonstrate a stronger social stratification [18. r16ff.; 35. 23ff.]. C. MYCENAEAN ERA The transition from the Middle Helladic III to the early Mycenaean era (Late Helladic I/II) occurs without interruption. Individual graves and necropoleis determine the image of the Mycenaean A., settlement findings are rare. Nevertheless, there is evidence of a relatively differentiated settlement structure, which, in addition to village-like settlements also included individual farms [18. 116ff.]. The pinnacle of the settlement hierarchy was formed by fortified dynastic seats such as the pit grave era fortress of Kiapha Thiti at Vari [x4; 22]. But in the process of concentration, just as in

+ Argolis, the small, early Mycenaean kingdoms were absorbed into a ruling centre [18. 65f., 118f.] (‘synoikismos of Theseus’? Thuc. 2,15,1f.; [2; 3]) and at the

latest from the Late Helladic IIIB, the acropolis of Athens is the only Mycenaean residence of rank

ATTICA

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[35. 38]. After the collapse of the Mycenaean palace rule around 1200 BC, a slowing of settlement activity is present also in Athens and A.; only the harbour town Perati on the east coast flourishes [6; 7; 35. soff.]. Continuity of settlement in the ‘Dark Ages’ is limited almost exclusively to Athens [3 5. 6off.].

Thoricus was marked by its mining industry. At least 14 demoi had their own theatres [5; 36].

D. ARCHAIC PERIOD Cultic [18. 234f.] and dialectal conditions confirm the key role of Athens in the resettlement of A. from the gth cent. in the course of a domestic colonization initiated by the upper classes [18.66; 28. 340; 35. 87ff.]. The large increase in burials in the 2nd half of the 8th cent. is interpreted as either a rapid population growth or by a famine [1] or as the expansion ofthe custom of grave offerings to include broader social strata [25. 72ff., 216; 35. 85]. The settlement structure of A. in the geometric era is uncertain; in the archaeological findings necropoleis dominate, whose corresponding settlement form would be the closed villagelike settlement; in addition there were probably individual farms [18.67]. At the beginning of the 7th cent. there follows a drastic decline in the number of graves [35. 85]). Settlement findings from the 7th/6th cents. are almost completely lacking (on Lathureza [12; 23] — Anagyrus). E. CLASSICAL ERA

The reforms of > Cleisthenes led to no new settlements at the end of the 6th cent.; instead, they set out a particular number of (first only too: Hdt. 5,69,2) so-

called constitutional + démoi (see map ‘Attic phyles’; — Phyle order), which, according to the number of their citizens, were represented on the council of Athens by -» bouleutai and according to their position were divided into asty-, mesogeia and pardlia-démoi [31; 325 36]. Probably as a result of gradual settlement expansion, the number of démoi increased to 139 by the 4th cent. (> Atene) and the quotas of bouleutai were adjusted accordingly (+ Piraeus). The Attic demes formed territorially well defined administrative units, which, within their clearly defined and at the latest in the Hellenistic era published borders [18. 5 5ff.], could unify varied forms of settlements (see below). As to the question of their location [31. 37ff.; 32. 47ff., 123ff.], after more than roo years of research, no significant further progress can be expected. In the sth and 4th cents. there was a phase of great prosperity and the densest settlement. The basis of the strongly differentiated settlement hierarchy were the numerous individual farms, at their pinnacle the metropolis of Athens as the political and administrative centre of the polis. In between there was a broad spectrum of settlement forms, which, in addi-

tion to herding stations [21], farms and groups of farms also included hamlets, villages and large villages up through urban subcentres with very specific individual character [18. 126ff.]. Eleusis, — Rhamnus and + Sunium had cults of superregional significance and were in addition the locations of fortified garrisons.

ATTICA

The isolated farms (and the towers), which increased greatly in number after the Persian Wars and positively characterized the landscape, are to be seen, because of their costly construction and their positional relationship to individual and family graves, as the permanent residences of an indigenous agricultural population and not just ephemeral field huts [18. 136ff., rérff., 183f.]. The increase in large tower farms in the 2nd half of the 4th cent. suggests a certain concentration of land ownership [18. 228f.]. Not only inthe 5th cent. (Thuc. 2,14; 16), but also in the 4th cent. the majority of Athenians lived as farmers on and from the land, this as a result of high population pressure and despite its limited geopotential (Thuc. 2,65; POxy 12,4f.): stream banks were fortified against erosion from strong winter rains (Cycloborus, > Oenoe, ruts [18. 239ff.]). A dense and well-constructed network of roads connected Athens with all parts of A. [18. 235ff.]. In addition to water and road construction, large hanging terraces for oil cultivation were some of the most impressive evidence of the highly-developed infrastructure of classical A., which assigned an important economic role to the chora [18. 196ff.]. Nevertheless, Athens remained dependent on grain imports (c. 50,000 t/year) to support

its urban population. At the beginning of the 3rd cent. there occurred, however, a long disruption: large parts of A., especially in the south, became depopulated (Atene, Thoriscus). One of the most important sources

for the wealth of Athens and its substantial economic power in the classical era was > mining (cf. map) in the Laurium, which sought lead and silver ore and flourished especially in the 5th and 4th cents. BC, until the deposits were exhausted at the end of the 4th cent. PaGurys In the Iron Age A. was sprinkled with cult places and sanctuaries of the most varied kinds and sizes (cult monuments, peak sanctuaries, rural sanctuaries outside

of and within the deme centres, cult grottoes, etc.),

which were more often than not established on prehistoric sites. A special characteristic of the Attic landscape are the heights sanctuaries and peak cults, which often date back to the late geometric era (Paus. 1,32,2) [15; 18. 220ff.]; also the cult caves for Pan and the Nymphs

(> Anagyrus; > Paeania; > Phyle; — Oenoe). Some cultic places attained super-regional significance (Brauron, Rhamnus, Sunium), others Panhellenic importance, like the mysteries of Eleusis (which were connect-

ed to Athens by a Sacred Way). The number of cults was substantial [30]. The popular gods of the rural population did not dominate; instead, because of close cultic ties to the polis centre as a result of the domestic colonization of A. (see above), the Olympic gods dominated [36. 202]. The cultic calendar of > Erchia documents 46 cults. The sacrifices took place predominantly in the area of the démos, six outside of it, as well as seven on the acropolis of Athens (év mdAeu) [36. 199fF.;

320

ATTICA

&

Gaiduronisi

Fortifications in Attica (5th - 3rd cents.) Fortified cities and towns

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2-7

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Location of other settlements

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Ancient name

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Modern name

18. 133f. annotation 1031] (on other cultic calendars [36. r85ff.]). The démoi honoured their eponymous heroes [36. 208ff.]. At least 14, without exception larger, demoi celebrated the rural Dionysia, which in a few were demonstrably connected with theatrical performances [36. 212ff.]. In the classical era the priests were functionaries of the démoi, who also controlled them

[36. r8off.]. The cults were often financed by land leased by the sanctuaries. The decolonization of many parts of A. at the beginning of the 3rd cent. led to a loss of significance for the rural sanctuaries and for some,

(0) _——

10 es

even to their abandonment; peak cults often lasted into the Hellenistic era. G. ROMAN IMPERIAL ERA While Athens could approximately maintain its population in the imperial era, the Piraeus and many parts of A., especially in the south, but also on the borders with Megaris and Boeotia, were largely depopulated: in the Parnes there were once again wild boars and bears (Paus. 1,32,1), Paus. 1,38,9 saw > Eleuthe-

rae only in ruins, the city of Salamis was decaying

321

BaD)

(1,35,3), Thoricus and Brauron are already for Mela (2,46) just empty names, > Probalinthus and Oenoe do not exist anymore (Plin. HN 4,24). Str. 9,1,17 names ~ Aphidna and Decelea, which Alci. 2,39,1 connected

multitude of Albanian and Albano-Greek [28. 343 ff.].

with pasture farming. Marathon is only named in connection with Herodes Atticus, whose home it was. Rhamnus is occupied (Paus. 1,33,2), but its handsome houses stem from the late classical and Hellenistic eras. There are significant differences in the cults: the Amphiareion of > Oropus as well as the cults of Rhamnus, Brauron and Sunium sink into insignificance, Paus. 1,1,1 confuses the temple of Poseidon of Sunium with that of Athena, temples are moved from A. to Athens {33. 104]. Life and construction are concentrated on Athens [9. 92ff.] and Eleusis, which hits a boom [8. 45, 50]. Thriasia and the Pedion are used agriculturally; here there are, in addition to villages and latifundia, probably also small and medium-sized land holdings. The most important agricultural product was still oil, the honey from Hymettus was at least known, grape cultivation clearly played no large part, and people were still dependent on grain imports. Along with the collection of scattered possessions coming under one person’s control, large (consolidated) latifundia also came into being [8. 46ff.]; the fundus of Herodes Atticus in Marathonia stretched across several old deme borders [8. 58]. Lucian Icaromenippus 18 names land possessions of 80 ha. in > Acharnae as an example of wealth in the Antonine era.

H. BYZANTINE ERA

Many areas around the Mediterranean experience a renaissance in the early Byzantine era (5th/7th cents. AD). The small Attic cities Rhamnus, Sunium and Thoriscus did not prosper again, but the numerous early Christian churches suggest the development of new settlement centres, which often were not connected to the old deme centres [18. 260]. In addition to closed village-like settlements, there were also individual farms. At the same time, large parts of the land were only sought out by nomadic herders with their herds, who left behind many traces on mountain peaks and in caves [18. 254ff.; 28. 341f.; 37. 210ff.]. The Slavs, who apparently did not conquer Athens, left behind hardly any traces in place-names in A.; nevertheless the waves of Slavic migration probably put an end to the early Byzantine flourishing of A. [28. 341]. In the archaeologically hardly researched middle Byzantine era, there was a definite decline after the Arab raids and the pirate problems of the 9th/roth cents. on into the 12th cent. A middle Byzantine village at Anavysso was examined [x8. 7x], in Ovridkastro near Keratea there appears to be a middle Byzantine refuge [20]. With the 4th Crusade and the erection of a feudal state of the western kind as the duchy of Athens under Otto de la Roche in 1204, A. was divided into fiefdoms [11; 18. 71ff.]. After renewed desolation as a result of plague epidemics, Albanian land-taking occurred after the r4th cent., evidence of which can still be seen today in the

ATTICA toponyms

I. FORTIFICATIONS The history of the still relatively unresearched Attic fortresses stretches from the end of the 4th millennium BC until the 8th/roth cents. AD [19]. It begins with fortified Chalcolithic heights settlements (see above), followed by the fortified Early Helladic settlements Askitario near Raphina (see above) and Plasi near Marathon (see above), the Middle Helladic fortifications of Aphidna and Brauron, the early Mycenaean fortress of Kiapha Thiti (+ Lamptrae) and the Mycenaean fortress of Eleusis. Fortifications of the early Iron Age are not known. — Leipsydrium, from which the Alcmaeonids (+ Alcmaeonids) tried to depose the tyrant Hippias, is not identified. In the classical era, the land defences were expanded with the agricultural infrastructure of A. Already before the Peloponnesian War, the most important Attic border fortification — Panactum was erected with a bridgehead function against Boeotia and in addition to the border town > Oenoe, Eleusis was also fortified. The fortifications

of Plakoto and Palaiokastro on the north-west edge of Thriasia date from the later 5th cent. (Peace of Nicias?) [19. 520]. > Phyle on the Parnes was possibly fortified before 404 BC (the preserved installation dates from the beginning of the 4th cent.). The ‘coastal fortification’ of Thoricus (a refuge keep of the Thoricii?) and the city walls of Sunium arose at approximately the same time, namely in 413/09 or 413/12 BC. From then on, A. became covered with an increasingly dense network of extremely varied fortifications. The Dema Wall, which seals off Thriasia from the Pedion, was built in 404/3 BC after the expulsion of the 30 Tyrants [19. 522]. Extensive

construction of fortifications (— Fortifications, with map) distinguishes the 4th cent. In addition to the renovation of the city walls of Athens by Conon, Phyle was (re-?)built at the beginning of the 4th cent., before the middle of this century also Oenoe and Panactum, which the Boeotians had razed despite a treaty in 422/r (Thuc. 5,42). The last great construction of fortifications in A. is the border fortification > Eleutherae in the Kaza Pass (today Gyphtokastro). The fully-developed Attic fortress system of the 4th cent. is highly differentiated, as it is the product of complex historical processes: it includes signal towers, isolated defence towers and small forts such as Plakoto and Palaiokastro, border fortifications such as Panactum, Phyle and Eleutherae. Furthermore, there were fortified démoi such as Oenoe and fortified small cities with garrisons such as Eleusis, Rhamnus and Sunium, as well as the fortifications of the agricultural population [17]. According to a new tactical concept whose beginnings date back to the 5th cent., in the future, A. was not supposed to be defended in Athens, but instead at its borders [29. 51ff.]. Only the Macedonian rulership ends the Athenian construction of fortifications. In the Chremonidean War

ATTICA

(267/2), the Ptolemies occupied the coastal regions sur-

rounding Athens which were allied with it (among others Koroni [16], which was fortified in 286 BC) and built ephemeral encampments [24; 18. 142ff., 248ff.]. The precise time of, and reason for, the Hellenistic

rebuilding of the city walls of Sunium [13. 16f.] (end of the 4th/3rd cent.?) are unknown. No fortifications outside Athens can be attributed to the offensive of the Heruli in AD 267. A reorganization and reactivation of the Attic land defences under Justinian is not recognizable [4. 59]. The Ovridkastro at Keratea dates from the middle Byzantine era (8th/roth cents. AD); from time to time it served a community of stockbreeders as a fortified refuge [20]. As the last fortifications of A., more than 40 medieval tower fortresses were built after AD 1204 under Franconian rulership [xSo7nths x]. 1 J.M. Camp II, A drought in the late eighth century B.C., in: Hesperia 48, 1979, 398ff. 2 J. CoBet, Synoikismos als Konzept fiir die polit. Anf. Athens und Roms, in: Concilium Eirene 16, Proc. of the 16th Int. Eirene Conference, Prag 31.8.—4.9.1982, 1, 1983, 21-26 3 S. DIAMANT, Theseus and the Unification of Attica, in: Studies in Attic

Epigraphy, History and Topography presented to E. Vanderpool, in: Hesperia Suppl. 19, 1982, 38-47 4G. FowDEN, City and mountain in Late Roman Attica, in: JHS 108, 1988, 48-59 5 H.R. GoetTE, Griech. Theaterbauten der Klassik, in: E. POHLMANN (ed.), Studien zur Buh-

nendichtung und zum Theaterbau der Ant., 1995, 9-48 6Sp.E.

JAKovipis,

Ilegatt.

To

Nexgotadetov

1-3,

1969/70 —-7'Id., Perati, in: H.G. Bucuuouz (ed.), Agaische Bronzezeit, 1987, 437-477. 8 U. KaHRsTEDT, Das

wirtschaftliche Gesicht Griechenlands in der Kaiserzeit, 1954 9KiRSTEN/KRAIKER 10 N. LAMBERT, La Grotte préhistorique de Kitsos, 1981

11 M.K. LANGpon, The

mortared towers of central Greece: An attic supplement, in: ABSA 90, 1995, 475-503 12H.LauTeEr, Lathuresa, 1985

324

33-5)

13 Id., Das Teichos von Sunion, in: MarbWPr

1988, 11-33 grabungen

141d., Kiapha Thiti. Ergebnisse der AusII 1 (Die Bronzezeitliche

MarbWPr 1995 (1996)

Architektur),

in:

15 Id., H. LAUTER-BUFF, Ein att.

Hohenheiligtum bei Varkiza, in: FS zum 60. Geburtstag von W. Boser, Karlsruher Geowissenschaftliche Schriften 2,2, 1986, 285-309 16H. Lauter-Buré, Die Festung auf Koroni und die Bucht von Porto Rafti, in: MarbWPr 1988, 67-103 17 H.LouMann, Das Kastro von H. Giorgios (‘Ereneia’), in: MarbWPr 1988, 34-66 18 Id., Atene, 1993 19Id., Die Chora Athens im 4.Jh. v.Chr., in: W. Eber (ed.), Die athen. Demokratie im 4.Jh. v.Chr., Bellagio 3.-7. August 1992, 1995, 515-548 20Id., Das

Ovridkastro Kerateas eine friihma. Fluchtsiedlung?, in: K.FitrscHEN

(ed.), H.G.

Lolling

1848-1894.

Histor.

Landeskunde und Epigraphik in Griechenland. Symposium aus Anlaf$ des roo. Todestages von H.G. Lolling, Athen 28.-30.9.1994,1997 21 Id., Ant. Hirten in Westkleinasien und der Megaris, in: K.-J. HOLKESKAMP, W.EbDERr (ed.), Volk und Verfassung im vorhell. Griechen-

land. Symposium zu Ehren von K.-W. Welwei, 1.-2. Marz 1996 Bochum, 1997.22 J. Maran, Kiapha Thiti. Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen II 2, in: MarbWPr 1990 [1992] (2. Jt.v.Chr.: Keramik und Kleinfunde) 23 A. MazaRAKIS AINIAN, New evidence for the study of the late Geometric-Archaic settlement at Lathouriza in Attica, in: Kla-

dos. Essays in honour ofJ.N. Coldstream, 1995, 143-155

24 J.R. McCreEDIE, Fortified Military Camps in Attica, in: Hesperia Suppl. 11, 1966 25 I.Morris, Burial and Ancient Society, 1987 26 H.F. Musscue, Thorikos III, 1967, 24ff. Fig. 21-27 27 G.E. Mytonas, Aghios Kosmas, 1959 28 J. NreHorF-Panacrotipis, Arch. und Sprachwiss., in: Klio 77, 1995, 339-353 29J.OBER, Fortress Attica, 1985 30S. SoLpeERs, Die auferstadtischen Kulte und die Einigung A.,1931 31 TRAILL, Attica 32 Id., Demos and Trittys, 1986 33 TRavLos, Athen 341d., Attika 35 K.-W. Wet_we!, Athen, 1992 36 D. WHITEHEAD, The Demes of Attica, 1986 37J.M. Wickens, The Archaeology and History of Cave Use in Attica. Greece from Prehistoric through Late Roman Times, 1986.

GENERAL:

E.Curtius, J.A. KAuPERT (ed.), Karten von

A. 1881-1894, 26 Blatter 1:2 5000. Erlauternder Text von A. MiLCHHOEFER, Heft 1-9, 1881-1900; M. PETROPOLAKou,

E.PentTazos,

Ancient

Greek

Cities

21.

Attiki,

1973; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 1/3, 757-939, 971-1068; H.R. Goetre, Athen, A., Megaris, 1993. NEOLITHIC PERIOD: S.IMMERWAHR, Agora 13, 1971. MYCENAEAN ERA: M.BENzI, Ceramica micenea in Attica, 1975; Id., L’Attica in eta micenea, in: P.E. Arras,

G. PUGLIESE CaARRATELLI (ed.), Un decennio di ricerche archeologiche 1, 1978, 139-152; R.Hopre Simpson,

Mycenaean Greece, 1981, 41-51. SETTLEMENTS: H.Lauter, Att. Landgemeinden in klass. Zeit, in: MarbWPr

1991

(1993); R.OSBORNE,

Demos:

The Discovery of Classical Attica, 1985. FORTIFICATIONS:

M.H. Munn, The Defense of Attica,

1993. BYZANTINE

R.ANDREADI,

ERA:

CH.

Bouras,

Churches

of

A. KALOGEROPOULOS,

Attica,

*1970;

A.K.

ORLANDOS, Meoatovixa Mvyueta tic Teduad0g tov “ASHVOV xa TOV xAttTOMV “Yunttod — Tlevtedtxov, Tdevn8oc xa Atyahew, 1933; TIB tr.

Maps: Attic Phyles: J.S. Trartt, Demos und Trittys, 1986; A. DEMANDT, Ant. Staatsformen, 1995, 193ff. FORTIFICATIONS: H.LOHMANN, Atene, 1993; M.H. Munn, The Defense of Attica. The Dema Wall and the Boiotian War of 378-375 B.C., 1993; J.OBER, Fortress

Attica. Defense of the Athenian Land Frontier 404-322 B.C., 1985; R.J. A. TALBERT (ed.), Atlas of the Greek and Roman World, 1999; helpful basic information; J.S. TRAILL, Attica. map no. 59. H.LO.

[2] Daughter of T. > Pomponius Atticus; see > Caecilia Attica. KLE.

Atticism Stylistic tendency, directed against > Asianism and whose most important characteristic was the imitation of Attic speakers (on the connection to the controversial question of the Hellenistic [Alexandrine] rhetorical canon cf. [7. 131-146; 13. 251-265], on the Latin canonization of orators [2. 1071f]). There is in the rhetorical canon a kind of anticipation of Atticism [14. 138ff], but actual Atticism arose in the time of Cicero (1st half of the rst cent. BC), who in Orat. 89 speaks of istis novis Atticis [15.45; 5. 170-174; 16. 76f]. Dion. Hal. also (Opus. 1, p. 6,8—9 USENER/ RADEMACHER) presents Atticism as an innovation. LEEMAN [9. 193-205; 10. 136-167] recognizes three (dismissive [3. 120ff]) steps in the development of Atti-

325

326

cism: one around 60 BC represented by Callidius, Calvus and Brutus in which — Lysias was especially imitated, a second with the imitation of > Thucydides (Asinius Pollio) and a third, archaizing one (Sallust, Cimber, L. Arruntius). Despite their differences, the Atticists appear unified in their effort to avoid Ciceronian and Pre-Ciceronian bombast. Cicero (Brut. 67) advises to imitate > Cato instead of Lysias and > Hyperides. This probably ironic advice was adopted especially by > Sallust [1. 62f.], but > archaism already occurs earlier in the rst cent. BC [7. 97ff.]. Atticism and analogy belong together: Caesar was an Atticist and analogist [2. 1123-1139]. The relationship between Atticism and Stoa should also not be neglected (cf. [12. 94f.]). The most famous Atticists were Atticus, Asinius Pollio, Brutus, Caesar and Sallust. The Atticism that begins with Calvus and the conflict between Atticism and Asianism date, according to WIs-

the tendency to explain Plato with the help of Aristotle [z. 247]. Against the general trend, he associated himself with the teachings of + Plutarch of Chaeronea and taught that the world arose temporally according to

SES’ view, to the time of the declamatores, beyond the

time of Petronius [6. 243-303]. Also in Tacitus (Dial. 21,1-7) one finds a comment by the rhetorician > Aper against the new Atticists, who are regarded as imitators of Calvus [2. 1142]. 1 G. CaLBout, M. Porci Catonis Oratio pro Rhodiensibus,

1978 21d., Nota di Aggiornamento, zu: E. NorDEN, La prosa d’arte antica, 1986 3A.E. Douctas, The Intellectual Background of Cicero’s Rhetorica, in: ANRW 1.3, 1973;,95-138

4A.DiH-eE, Analogie und A., in: Hermes

85, 1957, 170-205 5Id., Der Beginn des A., in: A&A 23,1977, 162-177 6J. FAIRWEATHER, Seneca the Elder, 1981 7K.HELDMANN, Ant. Theorien iiber Entwicklung und Verfall der Redekunst, 1982 8 W.D. LEBEK, Verba Prisca, 1970 9 A.D. LEEMAN, Le genre et le style historique a Rome, in: REL 33, 1955, 183-208 10 Id., Orationis Ratio, 1963 11H.J. Metre, Parateresis, 1952 12 G. MorettI, Acutum dicendi genus, 1990 13 R.Nicorat, La storiografia nell’educazione antica, 1992 14E.NorRDEN, Kunstprosa 15 U.von WiLaAMOWITZ-MOELLENDORFF,

Asianismus

und

A.,

in:

ATTILA

Plato’s view; at the creation of the world, the world soul

was created by joining the pre-existing evil primeval soul and the divine soul; the > demiourgos is identical to the idea of the good; it is mind and soul; the ideas have their place within the soul of the demiurge; before the creation of the world there was not just disordered material and the proto-soul, but also a disordered time; both were ordered by the demiurge [2. 39ff.]. The soul of a human being consists of a rational soul, to which ‘the irrational life principle’ is added; the rational soul itself is, in turn, mixed from a divine and an alogical SOU Dersacttes 4 2Oort|e The influence of A. was great. His commentaries were read in the school of > Plotinus, his teachings influenced the writings of the doctor > Galen as well as those of Longinus; in those of Porphyry, Iamblichus, Syrianus, Hierocles, Proclus, Damascius and Simplicius, they were critically evaluated. A. was esteemed by Christians especially because of his teachings about the creation of the world; he was cited by Eusebius, Theodoretus, Iohannes Philoponus, Aeneas of Gaza and Photius, but his influence reaches still further [2. 5 6f.]. 1 DOrrte/BaAtTEs III, 1993 2 M.Batres, Zur Philos. des Platonikers A., in: H.-D. BLUME, F. MANN (ed.), Platonismus und Christentum, FS H. Dorrie, 1983 (JbAC suppl. vol. ro), 38-57 3 M.Ba tes, Rev. W.Deuse, Unt.en zur

mittelplatonischen und neuplatonischen 1983, in: GGA 237, 1985, 197-213.

Seelenlehre,

E.pes Pxaces, Atticus, Fragments, 1977; GOULET I, 1989, 664-665; J.DILLON, The Middle Platonists, 1977,

247-258; Moravx II, 1984, 564-582; C. MORESCHINI, Attico: una figura singolare del medioplatonismo, in: ANRW II 36.1, 1987, 477-491.

M.BA.

Atticus

[2] Roman cognomen, first verifiable with the consul A. + Manlius Torquatus A. in 244 BC, then with a close friend of Cicero’s, T. > Pomponius A., who received it because of a lengthy stay in Athens and his Greek education (Cic. Cato 1). Additional prominent bearers of this, in the imperial era, widespread surname (s.v. A. 1-20, RE 2, 2239-41; ThIL 2,113 5-38) are in the rst and 2nd cent. the members of the family of Ti. Claudius A. Herodes (> Claudius, - Herodes). K-LE,

[1] (Attixoc; Attikos) Platonic philosopher, mentioned in the chronicle of Eusebios in AD 176 [1. 16, 148], teacher of > Harpocration of Argus, author of commentary on Plato’s Timaeus [1. 50, 215f.], Phaedon (?) [x. 30, 190f.] and Phaedrus (?) [1. 42, 197]; the fragments 40-42 Des Praces, which could refer to a commentary on the ‘Categories’ of Aristotle [1. 248, 25 8f.], come from the tract ‘against those who pretend to be able to explain the teachings of Plato through those of Aristotle’ [x. 64, 247f.]. In his explanations of Plato, A. appears to be a shrewd philologist [1. 180f., 215; 2. 39]. As such, he applied himself particularly against

Attila Son of Mundzuk, from AD 434 together with his brother Bleda king of the Huns as successor to his uncle Rua. After the murder of Bleda in 445, A. is until 453 sole ruler of a Hun empire reaching from the Rhine to the Caucasus, which also includes Iranian and Germanic tribes. The strict central organization of the Hunnish tribes, begun already by Rua, increasingly replaces the earlier, looser federation. Probably after the model of the Roman Empire but not with the goal of its destruction, A. erected a residence which has thus far still not been located as the political centre in Hungary, encour-

Hermes 35, 1900, 1-52 (KS 3, 223-273) 16 J. WISSE, Greeks, Romans, and the Rise of Atticism, in: Greek Liter-

ary Theory after Aristotle, FS D.M. Schenkeveld, 1995, 65-82.

G.C.

Attic Standard see > Coinage, standards of

327

328

aged settlement and replaced the Hunnish tribal leaders in his court with hierarchically structured, sometimes

was denied him, A.’ body retained traces of life in it and became the object of annual rites of mourning. There is a Lydian parallel version attested as from earlier on, adapted to the Phoenician Adonis myth [2. rooff.]: as a young married man, A. (Atys) was accidentally killed on a boar hunt (Hdt. 1,34-45; Hermesianax fr. 8 Po-

ATTILA

even non-Hunnish functionaries in his administration,

diplomacy and military. He acquired. the necessary means for this from 434 onwards through tribute, war booty and pillaging, especially in the east Roman territory. To this were added the usual presents from Constantinople to his frequent delegations and the income of an honorary magister militum, which probably flowed from the western empire. When Honoria secretly proposed marriage to him and Valentinian III refused to hand over half of his empire with his sister, he turned against the west. He destroyed Metz, laid siege to Orléans, but failed in 451 in the Catalaunian Plains against a coalition formed by > Aetius from Roman, west Gothic, Burgundian and Frankish troops. His withdrawal with little booty was followed by the campaign to Italy in 452, where he plundered important cities such as Verona, Aquileia and Milan. A Roman delegation led by Pope Leo I kept him from marching on Rome. He died in 453 during his wedding and shortly before a campaign against east Rome, which had refused him tribute. The immediate disintegration of the empire after A.’s death demonstrates how much the stability of the empire depended on his person. In legend, A. (Middle High German Etzel) was immortalized as a savage ruler, but also a good ‘shepherd of peoples’. PLRE 2, 182f.; stemma no. 47, 1337. A. ALTHEIM, A. und die Hunnen, 1951; O. MAENCHENHELFEN, The World of the Huns, 1973; E.A. THOMPSON,

The Camp of A., in: JHS 65, 1945; Id., History of A. and the Huns, 1948; K. Wats, Friihe Epik Westeuropas und die

Gesch.

des

Nibelungenliedes,

H. Beck, s.v. A., RGA 1, 467-473.

1953;

R.WENSKUS, W.ED.

Attillus Roman mosaicist, signed a figural mosaic found at Oberwenigen near Zurich (Attillus fecit). A. BLANCHET, La mosaique, A., EAA 1, 906.

1928, 56; L.GUERRINI, s.v. C.HO.

Attinius see > Atinius

Attis (“Attic; Attis). A young shepherd of Phrygian myth who died through self-castration, worshipped in a cult shared with > Cybele (Magna Mater). From late Hellenism onwards, both cults also spread throughout Italy and various provinces of the Roman empire [1]. According to Phrygian tradition (Timotheus in Arnob. 5,5-7; cf. Paus. 7,17,9-12), the newborn A. was

abandoned in the wilderness, nourished by the milk of a goat and then brought up by shepherds (A. as a shepherd: Schol. Nic. Alex. 8; Tert. Apol. 15,2; Hippol. ref. 5,9,8). Later he accompanied the castrated > Agdistis on his hunts. When A. wanted to marry the daughter of king Midas in Pessinus, the intervention of Agdistis and Cybele caused him to become insane, with the result that he castrated himself. He died, his blood changed into violets. Although a resurrection in the actual sense

WELL). In a third, euhemeristic version, A. (Papas) was

the suitor of a princess called Cybele whose father killed him (Diod. Sic. 3,58—59). Catull. 63 has reshaped the traditional material in an independent literary manner [6. 3 8ff.]. A. was a mythical projection of castrated Mystery priests (Galloi) who in the A. festivals castrated themselves in cultic ecstasy. The custom presumably arose through the radicalization of self-castration which was normally [3. 269 n.] performed in a merely symbolic way (cf. Clem. Al. Protr. 15) for the purpose of an imaginary gender change in young males before they officially achieved adult status. The castrated priest remained for life in the transitional status of the person seeking initiation, so to speak [4. 45, 78] — an act of demonstrative asceticism which predestined the eunuchs for the role of ideally typical representatives and organisers of initiation rites. The Neoplatonists, guided by ascetic ideals, attributed to the self-castration of A. a soteriological function (Julian Or. 5 HERTLEIN; Sall. de diis et mundo 4 [5. 399ff.]). They were meant to recreate a divine ideal condition which is above all sexual differentiation. The rites of the cults of A. obviously linked the death and rebirth of the person seeking initiation with the agrarian cycle. A festival lasting several days in honour of A. occurred at the time of the spring equinox. In the Roman calendar of Philocalus (CIL I 2 p. 312) after the day of ‘Sanguem’ (24th March) came the day of ‘Hilaria’ (25th March), which indicates a ritual change from mourning to festive joy. The fact that the rites evoked a rejuvenation of the vegetation at the same time as the resurrection of A. [4. 69] is proven by the reaction of Firmicus Maternus who spoke not only of a rebirth of A., but also saw in his cult a demonic imitation of the Christian Easter mystery (Firm. 3; 27,1). The resurrection of A. which is doubted by more recent research, [6. 163ff.] obviously occurred only in the form of metamorphosis: A. became, like + Adonis and —> Osiris amongst others, identified with the grain (Hippol. ref. 559,85 Firm. 3; cf. the equating of A. with the flower in Porph. in Euseb. Praep. evang. 3,11,15-17 and Aug. Civ. 7,25). If this was genuinely an idea of his cult (often unnecessarily denied, e.g., [7. 93]), the young shepherd A. was among those gods who, according to the ritual suggestion, had once created cultivated plants, in that they changed into them after their death. Befitting this interpretation is the fact that the cult of Cybele and A. is an expression of Phrygia’s claim to be the cradle of agriculture (Lucr. 2,612f.). 1 M.J. VERMASEREN, Corpus Cultus Cybelae Attidisque I-VII, EPRO 50, 1977-1989

1,1903

2H.HeEppinc, A., RGVV

3 FRAZER, The Golden Bough IV: vol. 1 (1913)

330

329 repr. 1980, 263ff. 4 B.-M.NAsstrom, The Abhorrence of Love. Studies in Rituals and Mystic Aspects in Catullus’ Poem of A., 1989

5 G.SFAMENT

GasPARRO, Interpre-

tazioni gnostiche e misteriosofiche del mito di A., in: R. v. DEN BROEK,

M.J. VERMASEREN

(ed.), Studies in Gnosti-

cism and Hellenistic Religions presented to G. QuisPEL, EPRO 91, 1981, 376-411 6P.LAMmBRECHTSs, Les fétes ‘phrygiennes’ des Cybele et d’A., in: BIBR 27, 1952, 141-170

7PH.BORGEAUD,

L’écriture d’A., in: C. Ca-

LAME (ed.), Métamorphoses du mythe en Gréce antique, 1988, 87-103.

W. BuRKERT, Structure and History in Greek Mythology and Ritual, 1979, 99ff.; J.PODEMANN SORENSEN, The Myth of A., in: ibid. (ed.), Rethinking Religion, 1989, 23-29; G.SFAMENI GASPARRO, Soteriology and Mystic Aspects in the Cult of Cybele and A., EPRO 130, 1985; G. THomas, Magna Mater and A., ANRW II 17. 3, 1984,

1500-35; M.J. VERMASEREN, Cybele and A., the Myth and the Cult, 1977; Id., The Legend of A. in Greek and Roman Art, EPRO 9, 1966; Id., M.B. DE Borr, A., LIMC

3. I, 22-44.

GB.

Attius Plebeian gentilicium, verifiable since the 2nd cent. BC, in the older form Atius, in the MSS often confused with Accius (on the origin and spread, SCHULZE 68; 423; 551; ThIL 2,1169-71). The gens first achieved prominence with — Atia, the mother of the emperor

Augustus. Early imperial pseudo-genealogy therefore invented an ancestor Atys (Verg. Aen. 5,568 Atys, genus unde Ati duxere Latint). K.-LE. I. REPUBLICAN ERA

ATYMNIUS

L. > Aelius Tubero

(Cic. Lig., passim; Caes. B Civ. 1,31). He fought first unsuccessfully against C. > Scribonius Curio at Utica, who was, however, beaten by king Juba, and A. kept the position (Caes. B Civ. 2,2326; 43f.). After Pharsalus he had to resign the chief com-

mand in Africa to Q. Caecilius Metellus Scipio (Plut. Cat. Min. 56f.i.a.), but he remained there as legatus pro praetore (ILS 5319) and fleet commander until 46 (Bell. Afric. 44; 62-64). After the defeat at Thapsus, he fled to Spain and was beaten there in a naval battle (Cass. Dio 43,30f.) and fell in 45 in the battle at Munda (Bell. Hisp. ayn)

K.-L.E.

[I 6] A. Varus, Q. Cavalry praefect in the end phase of the Gallic War (Hirt. Caes. B Gall. 8,28,2). In the Civil War he served in 48 in the same function under > Domitius Calvinus in Macedonia (Caes. B Civ. 3,37,5).

Il. IMPERIAL ERA [Il 1] A. Alcimus Felicianus, C. After a long procura-

torial career he achieved the praefectura annonae; therein he also represented the praefecti praetorio (CIL VIII 23963 = ILS 1347); first half of the 3rd cent. [z. 843ff.]. PIR* A 1349. 1 PFLAUM,2.

[II 2] A. Clementinus Rufinus, P. cos. suff. end of the 2nd, beginning ofthe 3rd cent. From Ephesus ([1. 45ff.] on the other members of the family). 1 W.Eck, Epigraphische Unt. zu den Konsuln und Senatoren des 1. bis 3.Jh. n.Chr., in: ZPE 37, 1980, 31-68.

II. IMPERIAL ERA

I. REPUBLICAN ERA [I 1] A. Balbus, M. Brother-in-law of Caesar (— Iulia) and grandfather of Augustus (— Atia [1]). In 59 BC, he was chosen as former praet. (time in office unknown)

for a 20-man panel, which was supposed to preside over the division of lands brought about by Caesar’s agrarian laws [r. 64ff.] (Suet. Aug. 4,1; Cic. Att.

[11 3] A. Cornelianus, M. praef. praetorio under Severus Alexander (CIL VIII 26270 = ILS 1334). PIR* A 1353. [II 4] A. Macro, L. Praetorian governor of Pannonia

inferior, subsequently cos. suff. in 134 (AE 1937, 213); [x. 169ff.]. PIR* A 1360. 1 W.Eck,

Jahres- und Provinzialfasten,

in: Chiron

13,

1983, 147-237.

Dia)T.) 1 M. GELZER, Caesar, °1960, repr. 1983.

WW.

[I 2] A. Celsus, C. As praetor in 66 or 65 BC asked Cicero to defend the tribune of the people C. > Cornelius (Ascon. 65C; MRR 2, 157f.). [I 3] A. (Accius?) Paelignus, C. Pompeian, who unsuc-

cessfully defended the city Sulmo against Caesar in 49 BC, but was subsequently pardoned by Caesar (Caes. B Civ. 1,18; Cic. Att. 8,4,3). NICOLET, 2, 756.

{I 4] A. Tullius. (first name = Appius), prince of the Volsci > Appius Tullius. [I 5] A. Varus, P. praetor at the latest in 54 BC, propraetor in 53 in Africa (Caes. B Civ. 1,31,2; MRR

3,29), was a supporter of Pompey from the outbreak of the Civil War until his death in 45. In 49, he tried unsuccessfully to defend Cingulum and Auximum in Picenum (Caes. B Civ. 1,12f.). After that, he went to Africa, demanded the imperium there without authorization and with Q. > Ligarius resisted the new regular propraetor

{II 5] A. Suburanus, Sex. Long procuratorial career, concluding with the fiscal procuratorship of Belgica (AE 1939, 60 =IGLS 6, 2785). Praef. praetorio at the

beginning of the rulership of Trajan (Aur. Vict. Caes. 13,9). After acceptance into the Senate cos. suff. in 101, cos. II ord. in 104; at this time probably city praefect (Pins Bpi7,6,c0ts)s cial Siteiaaelsile 1

E.CHampLin,

1986, 247ff.

Miscellanea

2PFLAUM,1

testamentaria,

in: ZPE

3SyYME, Tacitus,2.

62,

W.E.

Atymnius (Atipvwoc; Atymnios). [1] Son of the Carian king Amisodarus. He and his brother Maris, companions at arms of Sarpedon, were

killed by two sons of Nestor (Hom. Il. 16,317). Later, he is regarded as identical to Tymnius, the eponymous founder of the Carian city of Tymnus [1]. [2] Son of Zeus (of the Phoenix: Schol. Apoll. Rhod. 2,178) and —» Cassiopea, courted by the brothers

ATYMNIUS

331

oo

Minos and Sarpedon in competition with each other. Otherwise Miletus, the son of Apollo and the nymph Areia, is regarded as the cause of the discord, in the wake of which Miletus founds the city by the same name and Sarpedon becomes the king of Lycia (Apollod. 3,6) [2]. The name leads here as in A. [1] to west

Atymnus (“Atuuvoc; Atymnos). Cretan hero, brother of Europa. A funeral in Gortyn commemorated his early death, which Phoebus A. (Adymnus) found as

Private auctions were common in Greece as well as in Rome and the Roman west. A public offeror (praeco) organized the auction and played the part of the auctioneer. > Coactores (cashiers) passed the buyers’ money on to the sellers. Since the second half of the 2nd cent. AD, money changers (argentarii) also appeared at private auctiones in Italy and in the western Mediterranean. They extended credit to buyers and kept the books (tabulae auctionariae or auctionales). The presence of money changers at the auctiones is not documented in either the Greek areas nor at the public auctions. At the private auctions, which were often the result of an inheritance, land, houses, slaves, furniture and livestock were auctioned. Sometimes landowners also auctioned off a part of their harvest (Cato Agr.

charioteer of the sun (Sol. 11,9; TT,L2Sit.s 258: 12,207; 19,080).

example at the Macellum Liviae and the Macellum

Asia Minor. 1 A.Laumonier, Les cultes indigénes en Carie, 1958, 669. 2A.SAKELLARIOU, La migration grecque en Ionie, 1958, 375.

F.G.

R.F. WILLeTTs,

Nonnus,

Cretan cults and festivals, 1962,

Dion. 167.

E.G.

2,7). In a few harbours and.at particular markets (for Magnum in Rome), wares such as wine, fish, slaves and

fabrics were auctioned. 1 J.ANDREAU, Les affaires de Monsieur Jucundus, 1974

2 L.Bove, Documenti

di operazioni finanziarie dall’ar-

Atys ("Atuc; Atys).

chivio dei Sulpici, 1984

{1] Lydian proto-king, son of Manes and brother of Cotys. His sons are Lydus and Tyrsenus, the eponyms of

Cicero, and the Problem of Debt, in: JRS 56, 1966, 128141. 4FR. PRINGSHEIM, The Greek Sale by Auction, in: Scritti in onore di Contardo Ferrini IV, 1949, 284-343

the Lydians and Etruscans (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,27,

cf. Hdt. 1,7; 94). A. is related to the god > Attis of Asia Minor, just as Cotys is with the Thracian goddess Cotys (Kotytto).

E.G.

[2] Son of the Lydian king > Croesus. His violent death in the boar hunt on Mysian Olympus is stylized according to the manner of the Attis myth. Hdt. 1,3 4-45, however, rationalizes it [1]. Historically valuable for the understanding of an Anatolian state is the mention that the Lydian crown prince usually led the army (Hdt. 1,34,3), just like Hector the Trojan and Mursili II the Hittite armies.

3 M. FREDERIKSEN,

Caesar,

5 M.TALAMANCA, Contributi allo studio delle vendite all’asta nel mondo antico, in: Memorie dell’ Accademia dei Lincei VIII, 6, 1954, 35-251 6 G.THIELMANN, Die rom.

Privatauktion, zugleich ein Beitrag zum recht, 1961.

r6m. BankierJA.

1 F.Mora, Religione e religioni nelle Storie di Erodoto,

II. ROMAN LAW The sale price was set by — stipulatio (Cic. Caecin. 16). The seller can argue deficient transfer if at the auctiones a later transfer is not made known (Gai. Inst. 4,126a). The coactor must transfer the proceeds of the auction to the initiator of the auction. He receives a

1986, 139-142.

P.HO.

percentage (centesima) of the sale price (Cato Agr. 146;

I. History In Rome, auctiones, auctions, which were carried

Cic. Rab. Post. 12; 30) or he can transfer the proceeds of the auction to the initiator after subtracting the commission (mercede minus). Augustus subjected the auctiones to a one per cent tax, the centesima rerum venalium, which was reduced by half by Tiberius (Tac. Ann. 1,78; 2,42), then repealed for Italy by Caligula (Suet. Calig. 16) and then reinstated (Dig. 50,16,17,1).

Auctiones I. History

II. ROMAN

LAW

out by a magistrate, were designated as public in order to distinguish them from private auctions where the owner willingly sold part of his property. The magistrates arranged on the one hand the sectio bonorum, the auction of the goods of those who owed debts to the public, and on the other hand, the venditio bonorum,

the forced auction of the goods of other debtors. The venditio bonorum, which is documented since the 2nd cent. BC, was a forcible measure taken by a creditor against a debtor who refused to pay his debts. Independent of the amount of the debts, the auction covered all assets and was given over to a single bidder, the emptor bonorum.

+ Argentarius; > Banks (Rome)

D.SCH.

Auctor ad Herennium see > Rhetoric ad Herennium Auctoratus,

Auctoramentum

An auctoratus

is, ac-

cording to Gai. Inst. 3,199, a dependent person, who is named together with the minor children and wives as well as the indentured servants (iudicati). The position of the auctoratus probably rested on a willing subjection by oath (auctoramentum), perhaps also on a duty of service on behalf of the + pater familias of the auctoratus to the employer. Since the end of the Republic, a free man could commit himself as auctoratus as a > gladiator, which did not protect him from the > infamia

333

334

which was otherwise associated with the position of a gladiator. An obligation to military service as auctoratus is likewise conceivable since the end of the Republic; evidence for this is that an exauctoratio is named as the

the exemption from the laws usually conferred upon the emperor by law (lex de imperio). Here auctoritas describes the sooner political ‘authority’ in the sense of the word today as well as the complex of legally ‘legitimated’ powers (R. Gest. div. Aug. 8 and 34). The auctoritas of the magistratus maiores, that is especially of the consuls and praetors, refers to the power to be auctores in the process of lawgiving, that is to present drafts of laws to the Senate and to the citizens assembled in the > contio and to allow voting on them in the people’s assembly (Cic. Leg. 3,4,r0). Generally for magistrates, auctoritas refers to the power to enact regulations, to make concrete acts of law and to bestow powers on their subjects (Cic. Rosc. Am. 139; Dig. 3555253 49,353). Insofar as these powers applied to the officials of the imperial era — the traditional and the higher officials furnished with an imperial mandate — they are also designated as auctoritas. In late legal language, auctoritas became synonymous with dignitas as an expression of the ‘rank’ and ‘dignity’ of a person of

prerequisite for the torture of soldiers (Dig. 49,16,7). The auctoramentum militiae in Cod. Theod. 9,3 5,1 should probably also be seen in this context. The sources

on the terms auctoratus

and auctoramentum

are, however, so sparse that their interpretation is still extremely controversial today. W.KuNKEL, A., in: Symbolae R. Taubenschlag dedicatae, in: Eos 48, 1957, 207-226; O. DitiBerRTO, Ricerche sull’ ‘auctoramentum’ e sulla condizione degli ‘auctorati’, 1981; MarTINO, WG, 190, 597 n. 10. GS.

Auctoritas I. GENERAL

MEANING

II. Pustic

raw

III. Crviv

LAW

I. GENERAL MEANING Auctoritas refers to the ‘authorship’, ‘affirmation’ and ‘amplification’ of a thing and is derived from the meaning of the verb augere (‘to increase’) and especially from the verbal substantive auctor. In the legal life of Rome, the word designates various extraordinarily important institutions in the private and public spheres. II. PUBLIC LAW In the Republic, auctoritas designates the sovereign position of the > Senate in constitutional law. The auctoritas senatus or auctoritas patrum is the authority to

decide in the Jast instance in crucial questions of politics. It is limited by the lawgiving of the people in the comitia centuriata and the comitia tributa, but important constitutional consuetudinary laws were retained (with modifications, until the end of the Republic). These touch upon emergency

measures,

preliminary

debate and the passage of law initiatives for the people’s assembly, the appointment of provincial promagistrates, delegations and Senate commissions, generally the authority of last instance over war and peace, on important questions of foreign policy and state finances as well as the right to appeal magistrates’ decisions and other important matters of state. The respective political operative consensus of the Senate is — like that of other organs of the state — called auctoritas (Cic. Leg. 2.37; De Or there, where development its opiniones on tradition,

345; Liv. 22,40,2;) lac Amn. 1,42). Even the Senate in the course of constitutional is no longer the authority of last instance, (‘statements’) retain a special weight based which — also by itself— is called aucto-

AUCTORITAS

status (Cod. Theod. 7,7,5; Dig. 1,18,19,1).

Auctoritas also designates the power authentically to determine the law. Connected with this is the established or legally (e.g. by a law court) established validity of a law of the unwritten or written legal tradition and finally also the valid law itself (Dig. 1,3,38; 40,7,36). Furthermore, auctoritas is the legal effect of a judgement which prevents renewed conflict over a juridically-determined matter (auctoritas rei iudicatae, Dig. 1751529553 27595353-)- Finally, auctoritas is the concession, entitlement or instruction given by a magistrate or other official, in the imperial era also the emperor him-

self (Dig. 3,5,25; 49,353). ~» Lex; > Imperium; — Potestas Jones, RGL, 13f., 35ff.; KaSER, RZ, 289ff.;

T. MAYER-

Maty, Studien zur Frithgesch. der usucapio II, in: ZRG

78, 1961, 221-276; MOMMSEN, 88rff., 894ff.

Staatsrecht 2, 125ff., OG

Ill. Crvit Law In Roman civil law, one refers to a person on whom one calls to defend a legal position (‘warrantor’) auctor, the quality of being an auctor, as auctoritas. Whoever wants to assert rights based on a contract against a ward has to be able to claim the auctoritas tutoris, the co-operation of the guardian (> tutela) [2.3.422, 429]. He who gives over a sold item by > mancipatio must stand behind the purchaser if a third party demands the item and he is liable for twice the sales price according to the actio auctoritatis if he does not support him or if he remains unsuccessful [1; 3. 311f.]. The following

ritas (Cic. Fam. 11,7,2; Brut. 1,10,1).

sentences, attributed to the Twelve Tables, probably

In the imperial era, auctoritas designates the sovereign position of the emperor in constitutional law. The comprehensive responsibility for last-instance decisions in important political questions (imperial sovereignty) conceded to him in a normative way on the basis of the actual power relationships in internal politics, is also called auctoritas, as are the official responsibilities and

also refer to the need for upholding one’s right to a thing by referring to the auctor: usus auctoritas fundi biennium, ceterarum rerum annus esto (‘use and warranty

ona piece of land amount to two years, for other items one year’, according to Cic. Top. 4,23) and adversus hostem aeterna auctoritas esto (‘never-expiring warranty with respect to foreigners’, according to Cic. Off.

AUCTORITAS

BAG

I,12,37) as well as the determination of the lex Atinia mentioned by Gellius (17,7,1): quod subreptum erit elus rei aeterna auctoritas esto (‘the auctoritas of a stolen item does not expire’); on this and especially the burden of proof [2. 97; 4]. > Tutela; -» Usucapio 1 H.ANkuM, Der Verkaufer als cognitor und procurator in rem suam im Eviktionsprozef$ der klass. Zeit, in: D.NOrr, NisHiMur4A, Mandatum und Verwandtes, 1993, 285-306 2R.DomINGo, Teoria de la ‘a.’, 1987 3 H. HonseLi, TH. Mayer-Maty, W.SELB, Rom. Recht, 41987 4TH. Mayer-Maty, Studien zur Frihgesch. der usucapio II, in: ZRG 78, 1961, 221-276.

RWI.

Audacia see > Art, theory of Audoin From AD 540/41 held the regency for Walthari (the minor son of King Wacho) and after Walthari’s death (in 547/48) became king of the + Langobards. He led the Langobards to Pannonia, where they were settled by Justinian and probably entrusted with the task of securing the Danube border against the Franks. In the battles against the neighbouring Gepids he was insufficiently supported by Justinian, although A. sent a large army to > Narses in Italy in 5 52. Nevertheless, he achieved victory and concluded a peace agreement with the Gepids. After his death (between 561 and 568) he was succeeded on the throne by his son Alboin, who, with the help of the > Avares, decisively defeated the Gepids. Nevertheless, he gave Pannonia to the Avares and in 568/69 led the Langobards together with other tribes to Italy. There he occupied large parts of Upper Italy, until he was murdered in 572/73, probably at the request of East Rome with the co-operation of his wife Rosemunda. PLRE 3A, 152-153. W.ED.

336 I. REPUBLICAN

calized in the modern Altedena, the Roman settlement of the same name in the modern Castel di Sangro. Taken by the Romans in 298 BC (Liv. 10,12,9), A. only became a > municipium after 49 BC (cf. the ~ duoviri); ILS 5896 (praefecti operi faciundo) provides no proof for the assumption that A. might have been a > praefectura before the Civil War. M. Buonocorg, in: RAL, s. 9 v. 6, 1995, 555-594; F. PaRISE BADONI, M. Ruccert Grove, Alfedena. La necropoli

di Campo Cosolino, 1980.

M.BU.

Aufidius Plebeian gentilicium ([{1]; ThIL 2,1338f.). Bearers of this name are known since the 2nd cent. BC in Rome and occupy important positions, especially in the imperial era.

I]. IMPERIAL

ERA

I. REPUBLICAN ERA [11] Au. Took part in the murder of Q. > Sertorius in 73 BC (Plut. Sert. 26f.). [I 2] Au., Cn. Tribune of the people in 170 BC (MRR 1,420).

[I 3] Au., Cn. praetor before roo BC (Syll.3 715; MRR

3529). {1 4] Au., Cn. praetor around 107 BC in Asia and propraetor there around 106 (IG XII 5,722; MRR 1,551;

553); later blind, he compiled a history of Greece (Cic. Fin. 5,54; Tusc. 5,112). Adoptive father of Au. [I 8] (Cic. Dom. 35). {1 5] Au., T. praetor, probably in 67 BC, and propraetor in 66 in Asia (Cic. Flac. 45; Val. Max. 6,9,7; MRR 2,142f.; 154); failed as co-candidate with Cicero for the consulate in 63 (Cic. Att. 1,1,1). [1 6] Au. Lurco. (‘the sybarite’), M., tried unsuccessfully

as tribune of the people in 61 BC to pass a law against bribery (ambitus) (Cic. Att. 1,16,13); verifiable several] times in literature as a famous connoisseur (cognomen!) (Varro, Rust. 3,6,1; Hor. Sat. 2,4,24; Tert. De pallio

556; [2]; MRR 3,29). 1 SCHULZE, 203,269 1995, 262-279.

2 J.LINDERSKI, Roman Questions, K.-L.E.

[I 7] Au. Namusa. Jurist, student of Servius > Sulpicius Rufus, rst cent. BC. He is supposed to have published a complete edition (probably Digesta; 140 B.) which combines the works of the eight students that were created from the bequeathed responses of their teacher (Dig. 1,2,2,44). In Justinian’s Digests he is only men-

tioned six times, however [1]. 1 O. LENEL, Palingenesia iuris civilis, 1889 (repr. 1960) I,

75f.

Aufidena Excavations of the Italic > necropoleis (6th to 5th cents. BC) in Alfedena (Campo Consolino and Valle del Curino) and Latin inscriptions in Castel di Sangro (Contrada Campitelli and Piano della Zittola) suggest that the Samnite settlement of A. should be lo-

ERA

2 F.WieacKER, RRG, 606f.

ie.

[I 8] Au. Orestes, Cn. Adoptive son of Au. [I 4], praetor urbanus in 77 BC (Val. Max. 7,7,6), cos. in 71 (MRR 2, LOT 4 2Ons)s K.-LE,

I]. IMPERIAL ERA [II 0] A. Bassus. Roman historian (rst cent. AD), probably not of senatorial rank. As he died an old man in Nero’s time, he may have been born in the middle of Augustus’ reign (Sen. Ep. 30). Educated in philosophy, he subscribed to Epicureanism. Quintilian [1] (10,1,102 f.) celebrates his style, and sets him above the historian Servilius Nonianus. A. wrote a Bellum Germanicum (in the reign of Augustus or Tiberius), and probably only after that an annalistic work, which presumably began before 43 BC, as it is supposed to have covered Cicero’s death (Sen. Suas. 6,18; 6,23). It remains unclear at what point it ended. Pliny the Elder began his own annals a fine Aufidii Bassi (‘from the death of A.’: Plin. Ep. 3,5,6). Except in Sen. Suas. 6,18; 6,23 and Plin. HN 6,27, no indication as to its contents has survived (HRR II, 127 ff.). Whether A. was used by Tacitus [1] must remain an open question. SYME, Tacitus, Vol. 1, 274-276. 288; Vol. 2, 697 ff.

Shae

338

[I 1] Au. Chius. Introduced in Frag. Vat. 77 as guarantor of a responsum; whether identical with A. Chius in Martial 5,61,10 remains uncertain; but cf. [1. 135].

AUGEIAS 1 W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten, in: Chiron 12, 1982 2G.Srumpr, Numismatische Studien zur Chro-

nologie der rém. Statthalter in Kleinasien, r991, 28off.

1 KUNKEL.

{If 2] Au. Coresnius Marcellus. Legate of the legio I Mimervia in Bonn in 222 (CIL XIII 8035); cf. [1. 337 A.

180]. Legate of an imperial province (unpublished tabella honestae missionis. PIR* A 1383). 1 LEUNISSEN.

[II 3] Au. Fronto, M. Son of A. [II 6], grandson of Cornelius Fronto. Cos. ord. in 199; in 217, Macrinus re-

fused him the proconsulate of Africa, similarly of Asia;

through Elagabalus procos. Asiae (Cass. Dio 78,22,5; AE 1971, 79); pontifex. His wife was Cassia Cornelia Prisca (AE 1971, 79).

{Il 4] Au. Marcellus, C. cos. II ord. in 226, before that, between 219 and 222, procos. of Asia (CIL III 7195 = IGRR 4,1206). PIR* A 1389.

Aufidus Largest river in Apulia (134 km in length), modern Ofanto. It forms the border between Daunia and Peucetia (Pol. 3,110,9; Liv. 22,44; Str. 6,3,9; Plin. HIN 3,102; Ptol. 3,1,15; Plut. Fab. 15). It rises near

Compsa, flows around Monte Voltur, is crossed by the via Appia at the statio of Pons A., and passes through Canusium, where it is still crossed by an extant bridge of the via Traiana, and through Cannae. The port (ad Aufidum/Aufidena) at its mouth into the Adriatic served as a statio of the coastal road. Civilta antiche del medio Ofanto,

1976; Dizionario di

toponomastica, 1990, 450.

GU.

province Alpes Poeninae, perhaps first half of the 3rd

Auge (Aiyn; Aagé). Daughter of king Aleus of Tegea, who had made her a priestess of Athena [1. 368-385] in order to force her into chastity, as an oracle had predic-

cent. (AE 1993, 1009).

ted that her son would murder her brothers. She was

[II Sa] A. Priscus. Vir perfectissimus, praeses provinciae

raped by > Heracles (Hes. fr. 165 MERKELBACH- WEST, Apollod. 2,146f.). Aleus discovered her pregnancy and had her thrown into the sea, together with her son ~ Telephus. Washed ashore in Mysia, she married king

[II 5] Au. Maximus, C. Praesidial procurator of the

Palaestinae between AD 303 and AD 305; he had two groups of statues of the tetrarchs erected in Caesarea Maritima (AE 1993,16213; 1624 = [1]; also an unpublished inscription); an alae fort was built under his command in Costia (the modern Yotvata) [2; 3]. 1 C. M. LEHMANN, G.Ho.um, The Greek and Latin Inscriptions of Caesarea Maritima, 2001, no. 14; 17

21. Roxt, A Latin Imperial! Inscription from the Time of Diocletian Found in Yotvata, in: IEJ 39, 1989, 239-260 3 W. Ecx, Alam Costia constituerunt. Zum Verstandnis

einer Militarinschrift aus dem siidlichen Negev, in: Klio

74, 1992, 395-400.

W.E.

[II 6] Au. Victorinus, C. Polyonymous; his name and

career are partially preserved on a Roman urban inscription (AE 1934, 155 = ALFOLDY, FH, 38ff.; new reconstruction: Id., CIL VI, new suppl.). The place of origin of the family was Pisaurium (EOS 2, 273f.); together with Marcus Aurelius student of Fronto, whose daughter Cornelia Gratia he married [1]. After praetorian governorship, cos. suff. in 155, numerous consular offices, including Germania inferior and Hispania citerior including Baetica; procos. Africae, cos. II ord. in 183 and city praefect. Mentioned in many of Fronto’s

Teuthras (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 29a, b). According to Soph.

and Eur., Telephus survived separated from A. who was adopted by Teuthras (Hyg. Fab. 99). After the oracle was fulfilled, Telephus, too, came to Teuthras whom he helped and who in turn gave A. to him in marriage. However, both recognized each other just in time. 1M.Jost, Sanctuaires et cultes d’Arcadie, 1985 2 C. BAUCHHENS-THURIEDL, s.v. A., LIMC 3.1, 45-51 3 K. WERNICKE, s.v. A. 2), RE 2, 2300-2306.

ILLUSTRATION: C.BAUCHHENS-THURIEDL, LIMC 3.2, 46-50.

s.v.

A., R.HA.

Augeas Attic comic poet documented only through a short article in the Suda [r. test.]; the Suda counts him as belonging to the Middle Comedy and lists three titles of plays. TRCG IVS

82

uz.

H.-G.NE.

Augeias (Avyeiac, Atyeac; Augeias, Augéas). King of the Epeians (Hom. Il. 11,698), often of the Eleans or of

ably died in 185; at that time a statue of him was erected

Ephyra. His genealogy vacillates — his father is often and from early on > Helius, with whom his name con-

on the Forum of Trajan (CIL VI 414140; Cass. Dio 72,11,1f.). His sons: A. [II 3] and [II 7]. PIR* A 1393.

nects him (from avyéa, ‘shine, beam’); other names mentioned are > Poseidon or Phorbas, his mother is

letters, cf. Fronto Epistulae (Hour, 1988, index). Prob-

1 E. CHAMPLIN, Fronto and Antonine Rome, 1980.

[II 7] Au. Victorinus, C. Son of A. [II 6], grandson of Cornelius Fronto; cos. ord. in 200. PIR* A 1394. [11 8] Au. Orfitasius Umber, Q. Consular governor of Cappadocia-Galatia from 1oo/ro1 —at least until 103 fie, Baynes AIP

Hyrmine, his brother Actor. He is rich in herds of cows like his father Helius; his treasury was built by > Trophonius and Agamedes; to this is connected since the -» Telegony a novella about the master thief (Schol. Aristoph. Nub. 508; cf. Telegony 109 ALL). Heracles must clean his stables in one day; he does this by diverting the Alpheius and Peneius rivers through the stalls. A. with-

AUGEIAS

holds the agreed upon reward, a tenth of his immeasurable herds of cattle, and chases Heracles out of the country. Later Heracles wages war in Elis, is first defeated by the > Actoriones, A.’s nephews, then he kills A. and the Actoriones. The history, which is documented in literature since Pind. Ol. 10,28 and Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 79, is, but for a metope in the Olympic temple of Zeus, very seldom depicted in the visual arts [1]; told completely in Apollod. 2,88-91; 139-141 (cf. Diod. Sic. 4,13,3; Hygin. 30,7; Paus. 5,1,9).

The interpretations of the myth range from euhemeristic attempts [2] to the connection with the cow herds of the sun god [3]. ~ Heracles 1S. Wooprorpb,

340

Ie)

LIMC

5.1, 57-59

2J.M. BAKER, in:

AJA 78, 1974, 149 3 W.BurKERT, Structure and History in Greek Myth and Ritual, 1979, 95. F.G.

5533), the augures populi Romani (Cic. Phil. 1,31) and the augures publici populi Romani Quiritium (CIL VI 5033 5043 §II, etc.) are organized into a collegium, the origin of which can be traced back on the one hand to the augur Romulus (Cic. Rep. 2,9,16; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,22,3), and on the other hand to Numa, the organizer of the priestly offices (Liv. 4,4,2; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,64,4). Thanks to the augur Navius Attus it is said to have attained his important position (scene with Tarquinius Priscus: Cic. Div. 1,32; Liv. 1,36,2-6; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,71, etc..; in Cic. Div. 1,31 and Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,70 folk etymology of the auspices: the observation of birds is said to have allowed Attus to find the biggest grape). The members were recruited by being coopted (cooptare Cic. Brut. 1; nominare Cic. Phil. 2,4; nominatione cooptare ibid. 13,12) and it is said that there were three at the beginning, one per tribus (Liv. 10,6,7; Dion.

Augila (ta Atytha; ta Avigila). Westernmost and largest of the Gali-Oases, modern Augila, according to Hat. 4,172,1; 182, from the oasis of Siwa about ten days’ journey to the west (200 km south-east of Agabiya). Belonging to the > Nasamones, A. was famous for its great number of mighty date palms (Str. 17,3,23; Mela 1,46; Plin. HN 5,26f.; Ptol. 4,5,30; Steph. Byz.s.v. A. (= Apollod.); Procop. Aed. 6,2,14f.). Nowadays, it is the

last retreat of the Berber language in Libya. W.VYCICHL, s.v. A., EB, 1050-1052.

Auginus mons Possibly Cimone worshipped as sacred (Liv. 39,2).

W.HU.

in the Apennines, GU.

Augures The word augures with its derivatives augurium and augustus belongs to the family auctor, auctoritas and also augere (‘to increase’) [1]. The role of the

augures is, however, not just to guarantee the success of an undertaking [2. 57] but to bestow divine power that makes it possible to attain existence [3]: the gods grant a plein de force mystique [4], clearly perceptible in the founding of a city, particularly Rome, or in inauguration (Numa’s model, Liv. 1,18,6-10). Our documen-

tation shows that the imparting of the produces this power itself: he contents tablishing its existence through a sign that is often based on the observation

augur no longer himself with essent by the gods of birds (auspr-

cium). In addition, after the rex augur Romulus (Cic.

Div. 1,35 30; 107), the augur is separated in his public role from the authority figure and subordinated to him; he is only allowed to interpret the auspices (Cic. Leg. 2,8,20: interpretes Iovis O.M. publici augures) and announce its meaning (zuntiatio) but not to make and

implement decisions as to further action (spectio, Cic. Phil. 2,81); this is the area of responsibility of the magistrate who reconciles the auspicium imperiumque (CIL

I*,626=ILLRP 61 for Mummius;

Liv. 40,52,5 for L.

Aemilius Regillus; [5; 6]). For this duty the augures publici (Cic. Leg. 2,8,20; Fam. 6,6,7; Varro, Ling.

Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,22,3), but Livy also speaks of four or six before the lex Ogulnia of the year 300 BC specified the number clearly as nine (five of these were piebeians: 10,6,6-7 and ro,9,2; Lydus, Mag. 1,45). Sulla raised their number to 15 (Liv. perioch. 89), Caesar (Cass. Dio

42,51) to 16. In Imperial times the number was far exceeded through the right of the princeps to nominate supra numerum (already in AD 36 Valerius Messala, Cass.

Dio 49,16; recognized right in AD 29, ibid. 51,20). A duty of the augures was to ‘stride ahead’ at the ritual of the inauguratio of people and places: Cicero (Leg. 2,20) reports that the augures inaugurated the sacerdotes (flamen Dialis: Liv. 27,8,4; 41,28,7; Martialis: 29,38,6; 45,15,10; Ouirinalis: 37,47,8; rex sacrorum: 27,36,5; pontifex: 40,42,8). A second form of inauguration was the founding of cities (Rome: Liv. 1,6,43 5,52,2, etc.), but also places of worship fall within this category (Temple of Jupiter Capitolinus, Liv. 8,5,8; also ibid. 1,55,2). On the other hand, the templum augurale is, as a bird observation area, only a locus liberatus et effatus and not inauguratus [5]. The main duty of the augures was to interpret the signs whenever an auspicium was required (appointment and inauguration of magistrates, decisions of the people’s assembly, beginning of a campaign etc.), whether it was a matter of auguria impetrativa (received from the gods on the basis of requests) or oblativa (unrequested, Serv. Aen. 6,190; 12,259). Festus differentiates five categories of signs (p. 316): ex caelo (thunder and lightning), ex avibus (observation of alites, flying birds, and oscines,, cawing birds, ex tripudiis (behaviour of the sacred chickens), ex quadrupedibus (signs given by animals) and ex diris (threatening premonitions). The art of the augures was strictly regulated — as object of the ius augurale — that were dealt with in special works by authors like Ap. Claudius Pulcher, L. Julius Caesar and M. Valerius Messala. Its handling could block the most important decisions of the state and in this way provided the opportunity for political manoeuvring — which a conservative like Cicero, himself an augur, saw as a useful barrier to the encroachment of the Populares

341

342

[7]. In addition to the public augures there were also private augures who were often of low standing (Cato Agr. 5,4); they appear in the story of Navius Attius but almost nowhere else.

chés IV) the role of mater principis again took the fore

1 WaLDE,

HOFMANN

I, 83

2 ErNout,

MEILLET

3 E. BENVENISTE, Vocabulaire des institutions indo-européennes, vol. 2, 1969, 148-52 4 G.Dumeézit, in: REL 35,1957,126-51 5 A.MAGDELAIN, Jus, imperium, auctoritas, 1990, 209-28 6 Id., in: Hommages J. Bayet, 1964, 427-73 7 F.GUILLAUMONT, Philosophe et

augure, recherches sur la théorie cicéronienne de la divination, 1984. P. CATALANO, Contributi allo studio del diritto augurale, vol. 1, 1960. D.BR.

AUGUSTA

[6]: ILS 8932); from the tetrarchy onwards (— tetrar-

[4. 70]. ~ Augustus [2]; > Female rulers; women of the

> Imperial family,

1H. W. Ritter, Livias Erhebung zur A., in: Chiron

1972, 313-328

2,

2C.M. Perxounie, Livia Drusilla —

Iulia Augusta, 1995

3H. Temporini, Die Frauen am

Hofe Trajans, 1979

=4. A. Pass, Divisio Regni, 1986.

ME. STR. [1] Bagiennorum. Ligurian city on the upper course of the Tanaro, today Bene Vagienna. Founded before 5 BC, regio IX (Plin. HN 3,49; Ptol. 3,1,35), municipium

(CIL V 7135) of the tribus Camilia.

Monuments:

remains of a forum, basilica, thermal baths, theatre,

Augurinus [1] Proconsul of Creta-Cyrenae under Caligula. PIR? A

1397. [2] Introduced in Seneca Apocol. 3,4 as a worthless person, who was supposed to die in the same year as Claudius. PIR* A 1398. [3] Fictional person (cf. in Seneca: Augurinus, Baba, Claudius = ABC). W.E. Augusta (Avyovota, Avyotota; Augousta, Augotsta). [O] First to receive the name A. (‘the Sublime’) was

~ Livia [2], by the terms of the will of her husband — Augustus (Tac. Ann. 1,8,1; Vell. Pat. 2,75,3; Suet. Aug. 101,2), who at the same time adopted her into the Julian family (thus: Iulia Augusta). Hellenistic influence is disputed (in favour [1], against [2. 140-145]); the name LePaort/Sebaste with the same literal meaning was bestowed on the wives of Roman emperors in the Greek-speaking world independently of any conferring of the name of A. in Rome, and had a strong cultic significance. The handing down of the honorific A. made this practically speaking a title, but without giving it any legally founded functional base, any more than was given to the title of Augustus; but it corresponded with the title of > pater-patriae, as it designated its holder mater principis (“Mother of the Princeps’); thus the A. honorific also served as a legitimation of dynastic power. Just as recusatio (‘repudiation’) of the pater-patriae title was practised until > Pertinax (192/3), so > Plotina and > Marciana, the wife and the sister of > Traianus [r], at first declined the title of A. (Plin. Pan. 84,6; [3. 25]). Formal grounds for raising an

individual to the status of A. by SC remained into the 3rd cent. AD the accession of the princeps (+ Faustina [2]; Herennia Etruscilla, see > Decius [II 1]), marriage (> Lucilla; > Iulia [rr] Cornelia Paula) or the birth of a child (+ Poppaea [2], > Faustina [3]). Under the + Soldier emperors of the 3rd cent. AD, owing to the altered grounds for legitimation, being raised to A. was frequently associated with being named mater castrorum (‘Mother of the Camp’) on the occasion of a victory (as early as the 2nd cent. for Faustina [3]: Cass. Dio 71,10,5; Otacilia Severa, wife of Philippus [2] Arabs: ILS 5143; > Magnia Urbica: ILS 610; Galeria Valeria

amphitheatre, aqueduct. Fontes Ligurum et Liguriae antiquae, 1976, s.v. A. B.; Inscriptiones Italiae 9,1, 1948; G. MENNELLA, Cristiane-

simo e latifondi tra Augusta B. e Forum Vibi Caburrum, in: RAC 69, 1993, 205-222; A.T. SarTort, Pollentia ed A.B., 1969. G.GA.

[2] Emerita. Today Mérida, on the Anas in > Lusitania, established as an Augustan colony of the 5th and roth legions

by P. — Carisius [1] (Cass. Dio 53,26,r), quickly developed into one of the most important cities in the land. Its territory was already substantial under Augustus (c. 20,000 km7*), but was constantly expanded, finally by > Otho (Tac. Hist. 1,78,1). As the capital of the province Lusitania, A. received many representative buildings (temples, theatres, thermal baths, bridge over the Anas), which adorn the city even today. The population was cosmopolitan, as the inscriptions teach us; the dominance of military and administration is highly visible. Christianity took hold early in A. and spread out from there. Bishops from A. took part in the councils of Illiberis and Serdica. In the west Gothic era, the city lost nothing of its church-political significance. Its bishops played a large role in the councils of Toletum; in 666 there was a Lusitanian Council in A. (conc.

325ff.). A.Canto, Las tres fundaciones de A. Emerita, in: W. TRILLMICH, P. ZANKER (ed.), Die Monumentalisierung hispanischer Stadte zw. Republik und Kaiserzeit, 1990, 289-297; K.Grewe, A. Emerita/Mérida — eine Stadt

rom. Technikgesch., in: Ant. Welt 24, 1993, 244-255; TOVAR 2, 223-230; W.TRILLMICH, Colonia A. Emerita, die Hauptstadt von Lusitanien, in: Id., P. ZANKER (ed.),

Die Monumentalisierung hispanischer Stadte zw. Republik und Kaiserzeit, 1990, 299-318.

P.B.

[3] Praetoria. Roman colonia in the western Alps in the

valley of the Dora Baltea, today Aosta. Foundation in 25 BC by Augustus after the subjugation of the Salassi (Str. 4,6,7; Cass. Dio 53,25,3-5). Settlement of erstwhile praetorians (Cass. Dio 53,25,5). A. was assigned to the regio XI Transpadana (Plin. HN 3,123). Road connections to Great and Little St. Bernhard. Regular city works, still visible in the city today [1]. Numerous

343

344

remains: city wall with gates and towers, theatre, amphitheatre, triumphal arch, houses.

IIvirale as Iulia Augusta Taurinorum (CIL V 7047; lulia Augusta: CIL V 6954; 7629; Augusta Taurinorum: CIL V 6480; 6991; 7033; XI 3940; XIII 6862; 6370; Ptol. 351,35; lab. Peut. 2,5). Important centre of the regio

AUGUSTA

1TH. LorENz, R6m. Stadte, 1987, 121f. (with fig. 19) 2 P.BAROCELLI, A., in: Forma Italiae, Regio 11, 1, 1948

3 G. WaLseER, Via per Alpes Graias, 1986.

[4] Raurica.

Roman

H.SO.

colonia, today Augst (Switzer-

land), founded in 44/43 BC by L. Munatius Plancus (see archaeological site map of Augusta Raurica). The foundation occurred on the territory of the Celtic Raurici, who lived on the Jura heights in the south of the upper Rhine up to the bend of the Rhine at Basel: because of the mouths of the Ergolz and Fielenbach, as well as the island of Gwerd, the place offered a comfortable river crossing. In addition, the roads from Raetia (Bozberg)

and Lake Geneva (Hauenstein) came together here. Caesar chose the place with an eye to defence (barrier

XI, tribus Stellatina. Furthest point for navigation on the river Padus (Plin. HN 3,123), crossroads for traffic to Gallia. Partially destroyed by fire in AD 69 (Tac. Hist. 2,66). Housed military garrisons (Not. Dign. Oc.

42,56). Bishop’s seat, AD 398 council. Monuments: Porta ‘Palatina’, city wall, theatre, necropoleis, villae rusticae. G.Cresct Marrone, E.CuLasso GASTALDI (ed.), Per pagos vicosque, 1988; V.CASTRONOVO (ed.), Torino

antica e medievale (Storia illustrata di Torino 1), 1992; Quaderni della Soprintendenza archeologica del Piemonte I-12, 1981-94.

G.C.M.

against the Germans) as well as offence (thrust into Ger-

[6] Treverorum. Main civitas of the

mania right of the Rhine). Under Augustus the settlement was renamed: Colonia Paterna Pia Apollinaris Augusta Emerita Raurica. Excavations have uncovered the right-angled :zsulae of the Roman living and craft quarters. The remains of the monumental buildings have been known since the 16th cent.: theatre (Augustan era: scenic installation, in

320-0 VaGe Hlistay4,625

the rst cent. AD reconstruction into an amphitheatre, in

the 2nd cent. again scenic installation), temples on the Schonbihl

(across

from

the theatre),

sanctuary

in

Grienmatt. The main forum with Jupiter temple, basilica and curia and the amphitheatre were only discovered and then worked on in more recent times. The majority of the inscriptions and small artefacts are in the Roman Museum built in 1954/55, including the ‘Silver hoard’ (plate with relief and coins from the area of the usurper Magnentius, buried in 352/53) discovered in Kaiseraugst in 1962. The remains of a city fortress from the Flavian era have been found in the south of the colonia. The city wall was not completed (both installations also include unsettled territory). The confusion of the 3rd cent. caused parts of A. to be abandoned. The original strategic function of the colonia, the defence of the

Rhine border, was transferred in late antiquity to the fort of Kaiseraugst (castrum Rauracense). R.Laur-BELart, Fuhrer durch A.Raurica, 51988 ranged by L.BErRGER); W.Drack, R.FELLMANN,

(arDie

Romer in der Schweiz, 1988, 323-337; H.A. CAHN, A.KAUFMANN-HEINIMANN, Der spatrém. Silberschatz von Kaiseraugst,

1984;

G. WALSER,

Rom.

Inschr. in der

Schweiz, 2, 1980, No. 203-246. Maps: M.ScuHavs, Die Briicke iiber den Violenbach beim

Osttor von A. Rauricorum, Jahresber. aus Augst und Kai-

seraugst 14, 1993, 135-158, especially 154, fig. 26; A.R. FurGER, Die urbanistische Entwicklung von A. Raurica vom tf. bis zum 3.Jh., Jahresber. aus Augst und Kaiseraugst, 15, 1994, 2938, especially 31, fig. 4. GW.

[5] Taurinorum. Area near the oppidum of the Taurini, which was destroyed in 218 BC (Pol. 3,60; Liv. 21,39; App. Hann. 5) by Hannibal, today Torino (Turin). Mu-

nicipium IVvirale at the time of Caesar, after 27 BC

> Treveri (Mela

i723 (btOlwzs9,7 maui Inmate

15,11,93; 16,3,3), today Trier. Established in a gently sloping valley of the Mosel beneath the mouth of the Saar at a ford used at least since the 2nd cent. BC;

nearby on the lower Altbach, a settlement dating back to the early La Téne era. The other areas of the city were not settled before the middle of the rst cent. BC; a larger tribal centre of the Treveri is in any case not verifiable [x]. The traffic-geographic and strategic significance of the area with its long-distance connections to Colonia Agrippinensis, Confluentes and Mogontiacum explains the temporary presence of the Roman military. A unit was on the Petrisberg around 30 BC, a cavalry unit (ala Hispanorum) may have been on the banks of the Altbach. In the context of the reorganization of the two Galliae and the preparation for the wars against the Germani, a wooden bridge was erected across the Mosella around 17 BC and at about the same time a civilian settlement was

established,

whose

west-east

axis (decumanus maximus) formed the street running across the bridge. Whether Augusta Treverorum (AT) resulted accidentally from a statio in the Augustan era or whether Augustus deliberately established AT as the main city of the civitas Treverorum is uncertain. Among other things, two fragments of an inscription in honour of Augustus’ grandsons C. and L. Caesar, which shows that AT already acted as a political body, testify to the latter (CIL Ill 3671;

BRGK

40,

1959,

123, no. 1).

Under Claudius, surely still before AD 69/70, AT would have received the title colonia. It remains a subject of

controversy, however, which kind of colonia status it received. The establishment of a colony by deduction can be ruled out, however. Colonia is probably only applicable to the urban settlement, while alongside it the tribal community of the Treveri (civitas) continued to exist as a form of organization (AE 1968, 321) [2. 174-177, no. 33]. Possibly the ius Latii was conferred on both at the same time. With the increasing political consolidation after the rebellion of the Treveri in AD 69/70 began a 150-year period of prosperity, which manifested itself especially

345

346

AUGUSTA

Wj Castrum Rauracense

Lower town S

Amphitheatre

IN

Augusta Raurica 1 City walls 2 Eastern gate

3 Aqueduct

4 Western gate

5 Temple 6 Baths

7 Forum 8 Basilica and curia

in the realization of large public construction projects. Whether AT replaced Durocortorum as the capital city of > Belgica is doubtful, but at least the financial procurator to whose official territory the two Germanias belonged had his seat here (CIL III 5215). At the crossroads of the cardo maximus (north-south axis) and the decumanus maximus, probably in the Flavian era, on

the site of the old living quarters, a c. 275 m long and 135 m wide forum was added, which included a basilica, large squares, columned halls and rows of shops. In the west, there was a complex of buildings (the socalled ‘Palace of Victorinus’), whose precise designation is unexplained. North of the forum (on what today is called the Viehmarktplatz), at about the same time

AUGUSTA

347

348

Triumphal arch on the Simeonstrake

Ss,

Funerary chapel

x

¢ Horrea ’ (Granaries)

\.

:

at —

Early Christian double church

a IF

(c.AD 330); underneath it

=

the imperial place

i

“

a °

i Temple of

J Asclepius

>;

@/

i

2

i

7 fyAula Plain

‘

fi). »Basilica« (4th cent.)

i

Pry]

*=s.

rm

if

#

“y

Bet pba

i bridge on stone piers | (2nd-cent: (2nd cent.)/

,

Hf

i

|

ij

Gj a: ‘nd cent.

:

f Fi

f

7

4

/

Buildings on the Forum and Palace

Amphitheatre ~ (2nd cent.)

Temple by thd Herrenbrunnchen Romano- Celtic (1st to mid 4th cent.)

8 I

a

gk

f

ae Porta Alba

a

Argentorate

Augusta Treverorum: archaeological ground plan (1st- 4th cent. AD) Roman settlement

bona until mid 1st cent.AD

| Raman settement

GEE

LE A: Graves

EEE] otter are

evve

Ss

Roman city wall

2nd/3rd cent. (restored)

349

350

thermal baths were built, whose capacity was soon insufficient for the quickly growing population, so that before the middle of the 2nd cent. south-west of the forum toward the Mosella a much larger (250 x 170 m),

the men

representative

building (‘Baths of Barbara’) was erected. The stone bridge which still exists today also stems from this time (AD 144-152), after the old wooden bridge had been replaced by a pile-grid construction (stone pillars on a grid of driven-in piles) around AD 71 [3]. The amphitheatre from the era of Trajan forms the eastern

end of the decumanus

maximus,

which

ran

from the bridge along the Baths of Barbara across the forum. Of the circus north-west of this, which may likewise be dated to the early 2nd cent., there are no more visible traces. The construction between AD 160 and 180 of the city wall, which enclosed much more than just the settled area (285 ha.), did not proceed because of an immediate threat, but the unsettled era of the 3rd cent. was already being heralded. The north city gate (Porta Nigra) is regarded as one of the best-preserved from Roman times. After Rome’s conflict with the Gallic usurper’s empire (260-275), whose capital city was probably AT in the last years, and the destruction of the city in 275/276 by Germanic tribes, under Emperor Probus relations stabilized once again. A new, splendid epoch was introduced by the Diocletian imperial reform, when AT advanced to become the imperial residence under Constantius I and received, especially from his son and successor Constantinus I, its decoration. The buildings for the court and administration arose in the north-east part of the city between the Porta Nigra and the decumanus maximus. On the north edge of this zone near the present-day cathedral and the Liebfrauenkirche, construction of a double church was begun around 326, to which an older imperial villa had to yield. Further down is the impressive Aula Palatina (so-called basilica), where receptions and audiences were held. The southern end of the palace quarter was formed by one of the largest thermal baths in the Roman Imperium (‘Baths of the Emperor’), which was obviously never used and, ina smaller form, served other purposes in the 2nd half of the 4th cent. [4]. At the beginning of the 4th cent., AT became, as the seat of a praefectus praetorio Galliarum, the centre of an administrative unit that stretched from Britannia to Africa. AT had obviously ascended to become the politically most important city in the western part of the empire outside of Italy. Evidence of economic prosperity is provided by a double granary (horrea) at St. Irminen on the banks of the Mosel, where there was probably a larger harbour; also by state weapons factories and textile manufacture, as well as places for the production of glass and ceramics, especially in the south of the city. Since the establishment of the tetrarchy, AT possessed one of the most important coin minting operations, which was still functioning in the middle of the 5th cent. The Trier academy had an even longer tradition; among others,

AUGUSTA

(around

of letters and imperial tutors 317) and Ausonius

(367-388)

Lactantius were

active

there. The temple precinct in the Altbach valley with more than 70 buildings in the south-east part of the city suggests the multitude of cults present in AT between the rst and 4th cent. [5]. Further to the east, by the

Herrenbriinnchen, there was a powerful podium temple and on the west side of the Mosella at the Irminenwingert, a temple to Lenus Mars. A Christian community developed in AT from the 2nd half of the 3rd cent. onward; it left behind more than 800 early Christian grave inscriptions. As the oldest bishop’s seat in Germany, AT can demonstrate a list of bishops dating to the pre-Constantine era. In addition to Athanasius and Martin of Tours, the Church Fathers Jerome and Ambrosius belonged to the most important representatives of the Church who resided in AT in the 4th and 5th cents. From the coemeteria (graves) near the suburban villae oratories and memorial churches soon developed to which the present-day churches of St. Eucharius-Matthias, St. Maximin, St. Paulin, St. Marien and St. Martin hark back [6]. Under Valentinian and Gratian (367-383), AT ex-

perienced one last short period of prosperity. When in 395 the court proceeded to Mediolanum and probably at the same time the praefecture was moved to Arelate, the political and economic decline of AT began. After being destroyed several times, AT finally landed in Frankish hands around 470 [7]. 1 K.-J.GrLLes, Neue Funde und Beobachtungen zu den Anfangen Triers, in: Trierer Zschr. 55, 1992, 193-232 2 J. Krier, Die Treverer auferhalb ihrer Civitas, 1981 3 H. Cuppers, Trierer ROmerbriicken, 1969 4D. KRENKER, E.KRUGER, Die Trierer Kaiserthermen, 1929 5 E. Gose, Der Tempelbezirk im Altbachtal zu Trier, 1972 6 H. HErnen, Frihchristl. Trier, 1996 7H.H. ANTON,

Trier im Ubergang von der rém. zur frank. Herrschaft, in: Francia 12, 1984, I-52.

H. Cuprers, Die Romer in Rheinland-Pfalz, 1990, 577647; H. HEINEN, Trier und das Trevererland in rém. Zeit, 1985; Irier— Augustusstadt der Treverer. Exhibition cat. Trier, 1984; Trier— Kaiserresidenz und Bischofssitz. Die Stadt in spatant. und frihchristl. Zeit. Exhibition cat. Trier, 1984; E.M. WIGHTMAN, Roman Trier and the Treveri, 1970; Cf. also Trierer Zschr., the series Trierer Grabungen und Forschungen as well as the series of the Rhein. Landesmuseum Trier. Maps: C.M. TeRNES, Die romerzeitliche Civitas Trever-

orum im Bilde der Nachkriegsforschung, ANRW

II 4,

1975, 320-424 and 182; H. WoLFF, ‘Civitas’ und ‘Colonia Treverorum’, Historia 26,

1977, 204-242; H. HEINEN,

Trier und das Trevererland in rém. Zeit, 1985; H.CupPERS (ed.), Die Romer in Rheinland-Pfalz, 1990, 577-647, especially 581. F.SCH.

[7] Vindelicum. Present-day Augsburg; at the intersection of the Virdo/Wertach and Licus/Lech, at a stra-

tegically important crossroads of imperial roads (Ptol. 2,12,33 8,7,4). Since 8/5 BC, a fort for legionnaires and cavalry can be assumed on the riverside at Oberhausen, which was given up in c. AD 16 because of floods and

AUGUSTA

352

go

then replaced by an auxiliary camp for c. 1,000 men north-east of the present-day cathedral. Uphill from this military encampment, abandoned in the late rst cent., the original vicus spread out quickly; the town elevated to Municipium Aelium by Hadrian [1], had in the meantime, replaced Kempten as the capital city of + Raetia. Around AD 170/189, about 65 ha. had been walled in and the town experienced great prosperity until the beginning of the 3rd cent. AD. A. remained the seat of the Raetic governor even after the arrival of the legio III Italica in Regensburg. Destruction in the 3rd cent. is suspected; in AD 260, a victory over the Iuthungi was celebrated and Aurelius > Probus and + Diocletianus were honoured. With the equites Stablesiani seniores, high-ranking military remained in the capital city of Raetia II which had not been reduced in size (Not. Dign. Occ. 35,14; helmets from the Pfersee). Abandoned in the middle of the 5th cent.; explicit evidence of continuity is lacking. The early medieval city centre developed in the later 6th cent. around the present-day cathedral, where the bishop’s settlement arose in the 8th cent. Around AD 565, Venantius Fortunatus describes (MGH AA 4,1,368) the veneration of the grave of the Diocletian martyr Afra, which, despite the early Christian graves in St. Ulrich and Afra, is still not archaeologically certain. 1 M.ZAuRNT, Zum r6m. Namen von Augsburg, in: ZPE 72, 1988, 179f. L. Bakker, Augsburg, in: W.Czsyz, K.Dierz, Tu. FiscHER, H.-J. KELLNER (ed.), Die R6mer in Bayern, 1995, 419-425; E. BosHor, H. WotrF (ed.), Das Chris-

tentum im bairischen Raum, 1994.

K.DI.

[8] (Advyotota; Augousta). City of Cilicia Pedias on the left bank of the Sarus (Steph. Byz. 68; 145; 313), in the Bryklike (Ptol. 5,8,6) area, founded in AD 20 by Tiberius (beginning of the city era). Since AD 72, part of the Roman province Cilicia, which had been restored by Vespasian; after the provincia! ordering of AD 408 in Cilicia Prima. The ruins identified as A. in 1955, 16 km north of Adana, have been flooded by the Seyhan reservoir.

cent.); production of weapons (Not. Dign. Occ. 9,35).

~ Syagrius [3] was defeated here in AD 486 by > Chlodovechus (Greg. Tur. Franc. 2,273 4,19; 4,21; 8,293 Fre-

degar Chronicle 3,16; 3,18; 3,55). Beginning of Christianity end of the 3rd cent.: martyrs Crispinus and Crispinianus (before 305); burial place of the Frankish kings Chlothar I and Sigibert. B. ANcIEN, M. TUFFREAU-LIBRE, Soissons gallo-romain, 1980; D. DEFENTE, Soissons romain, in: Rev. archéologi-

que de Picardie 3/4, 1984, 205-222.

F. SCH.

[10] A. Viromanduorum. Capital of the > Viromandui civitas, the modern Saint Quentin (Dép. Aisne), on the

right bank of the > Samara (the modern Somme) at the mouth of the Grosnard stream; probably founded in Augustus’ reign. The old tribal centre, 12 km away at the modern Vermand, had lost its status owing to alterations in the road pattern. Strategically significant north-south routes led through A.V., owing to its favourable position at a crossing point of the Samara (Tab. Peut. 2,3; It. Ant. 379,4; Ptol. 2,9,11). From the south came the roads from Andematun({n)um — Durocortorum and A. [9] Suessionum; they led further north, on the one hand to Camaracum (the modern Cambrai) and on the other to Nemetacum, whence the ferry port of Gesoriacum (the modern Boulogne-sur-mer) could be reached. To the west, roads ran from A. V. to Ver-

mand via Samarobriva and to Caesaromagus (the modern Beauvais); to the east there was a link in the direction of Colonia Agrippinensis (the modern Cologne). Archaeological remains of only two mosaics have survived in the town, which was probably laid out on an

orthogonal plan; inscriptions attest to the names of the town (ILS 2096) and of the civitas (ILS 7054), to a pagus not more precisely defined (CIL XIII 3529) and to some Viromandui away from their home country (CIL XII 1465; 1688; 8341 f.). A substantial hoard of coins (several thousand

specimens), the lack of late

Kilikien und Isaurien, TIB 5, 201.

antique fortifications and the cessation of traces of settlement at the time of Gallienus and Postumus show that the town was, if not entirely abandoned, severely reduced in the last quarter of the 3rd cent. AD, and replaced by Vermand as administrative centre, probably in the context of Diocletian’s reforms. Thanks to

MHS.

the cult of the relics of St. Quintinus, who is reputed to

[9] A. Suess(i)onum. Capital of the > Suessiones and civitas, on a terrace on a loop of the Aisne near the confluence of the Crise; the modern Soissons (Dép. Aisne). Re-established by the Romans subsequently to Noviodunum [1] and the oppidum near the modern Villeneuve-St. Germain, on the road between > Durocortorum (the modern Reims) and > Samarobriva (the

have suffered martyrdom in A. V. under Diocletian, at the hands of the prefect Rictiovarus, the city recovered its importance in the 4th cent. In the 8th cent. the old place name was suppressed in favour of that of the vicus Sancti Quintini, which had grown up around the church of the saint; the old name survived only in the quarter of Aouste. The most significant necropolis is in the north of the city.

M.GoueGu, Anatolian Studies 6, 1956, 165ff.; F.HILp,

H. HELLENKEMPER,

modern Amiens; Ptol. 2,9,8-11; It. Ant. 362; 379 f.;

Tab. Peut. 2,4). Orthogonal urban plan. Several phases of construction: stone structures around AD 50; Roman theatre on the Colline St. Jean (2nd half of rst cent. AD). In late antiquity (Notitia Galliarum 6,3) at the centre of the modern city a castrum (end of the 3rd

R. Bepon, Atlas des villes, bourgs, villages de France au passé romain, 2001, 289; J.-L. CoLiart, Le déplacement

du chef-lieu des Viromandui au Bas-Empire a Vermand, in: Rev. archeologique de Picardie 3/4, 1984, 245-258. F. SCH.

353

354

Augustales

[2] The term Augustales can designate various institutions closely connected to the person or office of the

[1] The Augustales, in a few civitates also called seviri Augustales or magistri Augustales (therefore today all usually designated Augustales), were employed from 12 BC onwards in most coloniae and municipia in the western part of the empire to ensure the care of the cult of the + Genius Augusti, - Numen Augusti and + Lares Augusti. Their office is comparable to the urban Roman vicomagistri and is, like it, a reasonably low one. The largest section of the Augustales were freedmen, but ingenui were also documented among them. At their head each year stood several magistri; quaestores, curatores, quinquennales and patroni were

also documented as other officials. The Augustales possessed their own assembly halls and treasury. Much has been said about the inner organization of the Augustales. It has long been assumed that the Augustales were only yearly officials and that their development into a larger organization of all erstwhile Augustales developed only gradually, from the end of the rst cent. AD onwards [1; 2; 3]. Countering this, it has been proven that the Augustales had an overall organization from the beginning [4; 5]. The Augustales are already named as a group in addition to the decuriones in inscriptions from the first decades after the foundation of the institution (AE 1979, 169; CIL VI 29681, 19-21). Before AD 79 in Herculaneum, they are

documented in a fragmentary album of c. 450 Augustales. Even if the Augustales first formed a regular corpus and an ordo in the 2nd cent., their organization resembles that of the ordo decurionum from the very beginning. The regular members were named by the decuriones as yearly officials of the Augustales. To these were occasionally added a certain number of adlecti. The number of members of the Augustales was probably fixed, but in exceptional cases, the numerus could be exceeded (ILS 6553: ...adlecto supra numer(um) sevirum Augustalium). Every four years, the album of the Augustales was rewritten by quinquennales, whereby the honore functi as well as the adlecti were then definitively accepted among the Augustales for their lifetime. The honos of the Augustales gave cause for a summa honoraria and other munera. As a sign of their rank, one finds on the grave monuments of the Augustales the corona and the fasces. 1L.R. Taytor, A., seviri A., and seviri: a chronological study, in: TAPhA 45, 1914, 231-253 2NockI, 1972, 348-356 3R.DuTHoy, Les A., ANRW II 16.2, 12541309 4A.v. PREMERSTEIN, A., in: Dizionario epigrafico, 1, 1895, 824-877 5 A.ABRAMENKO, Die innere Organi-

sation der Augustalitat. Jahresamt und Gesamtorganisation, in: Athenaeum 81, 1993, 13-37. A. ABRAMENKO,

Die munizipale Mittelschicht im kaiser-

zeitlichen It.: zu einem neuen Verstandnis von Sevirat und Augustalitat, 1993; S.E. Ostrow, A. along the bay of Naples: A case for their early growth, in: Historia 34, 1985, 64-101; M.SiLvesTRINI, Augustalita alla luce di una nuova iscrizione per 1 Lari Augusti, in: Quaderni di Storia 35, 1992, 83-105. Ws

AUGUSTALIA

emperor (/udi A.), military or administrative units (Veg.

Mil. 2, 7). The adjectives augustianus, augustalianus have similar meanings (Tac. Ann. 14,15; Cod. Theod. I1,2,3), while augustanus, augustensis or augusteus are

more likely to be connected only with the person of the emperor Augustus (CIL VI 2271: domus; CIL XI 1420: temple; Cod. Theod. 10,2,1: civitas). [3] The title Augustalis for the praefectus Aegypti is unique. According to the model of the Hellenistic kingdom and the Pharonic tradition, the emperor regarded the previously Ptolemaic Egypt, which was integrated into the Roman Empire in 30 BC by Octavian (Augustus), as an area of personal rulership (dominium, deonoteia). Instead of a promagistrate or an imperial legate as was common in larger provinces, in the early imperial era an equestrian — praefectus headed the administration as a representative of the emperor; the Egyptian provincials were even shut out of Roman citizenship and remained personally subject (servi, d0thou)

to the emperor in the > Constitutio Antoniniana (AD 212). The status of Egypt was only aligned with that of the other provinces in the provincial reform of Diocletian. In late antiquity, the governors of Egypt received senatorial rank, but the tradition-rich title of the Augustales was retained (Cod. lust. 1,37). Jones, LRE, 381, 389, 587ff., 675; MOMMSEN,

Staats-

recht 3, 452ff.; STEIN, Prafekten, 167ff.

C.G.

Augustalia The Augustalia were festival days (feriae) in memory of the return of Augustus to Rome in 19 BC. The Amiternum calendar provides precise information for 12 October: ‘Festival days decided upon by the Senate because on this day the Imperator Caesar Augustus returned from the overseas provinces, entered the city and erected an altar to Fortuna Redux.’ [1]. Augustus had indeed been absent from Rome for a long time (since 22 BC), undertaking a great tour in Greece and

the Eastern provinces. He himself refers in the R. Gest. div. Aug. to the fact that the altar was erected in honour of Fortuna in front of the temples of Honos and Virtus near the Porta Capena (i.e. where the via Appia leaves the city district), the Pontifices and the Vestals had to make an annual remembrance sacrifice and 12 October was named Augustalia (R. Gest. div. Aug. 11). Games preceded these festivities from 3 October onwards [2]. The festival was celebrated by the Arvales fratres during the entire early Empire [3]. The festival was still being celebrated at the beginning of the 3rd cent. AD (Cass. Dio 54,34,2) and should not be confused with the annual celebration of Augustus’ birthday. + Games i KG} A (2), Eye

DiBastaw Anite (Che @llsaten2))yaai32))

3 W. HENZEN, Acta Fratrum Arvalium, 1874, 49-50. J.ScueE1p, Romulus et ses fréres, 1990, 421-422; G. WIs-

sowa, s.v. Augustalia, RE 2.2, 2361-2362.

GF.

355

356

Augustinus, Aurelius (Augustine)

which A. also sought to illustrate his intellectual pro-

A. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Lire B. Works 1. AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL PHILOSOPHICAL AND ANTI-PAGAN WORKS DOGMATIC AND ANTI-HERETICAL WORKS EXEGETICAL AND HERMENEUTICAL WORKS PASTORAL WRITINGS C. RECEPTION D. Music

gress over the course of time (Retract. prol. 3); this is

AUGUSTINUS, AURELIUS

A. LIFE In addition to self-testimonials cf. especially the biography by > Possidius. On 13.11.354 birth of A. in Thagaste (northern Africa), the son of a simple non Christian Roman civil servant, Patricius, and a Chris-

tian, Monnica. In 370 commenced rhetoric training in Carthage. 372: reading of Cicero’s Hortensius. From

373-382 follower of Manichaeism, in 374 return to Thagaste; teacher of grammar and rhetoric. 376: teaching in Carthage. 380/t: (lost) first work De pulchro et de apto. 383: teaching in Rome; interest in the New ~ Academy. From 383 onwards, disputes with the Manichaeans (— Mani). In 384 professor of rhetoric in Milan. 386: reading of the Libri Platonicorum; ‘conversion’. In 386/7 origin of the early dialogues in Cassiciacum. On 24.04.387 baptism in Milan; ‘vision of Ostia’; death of his mother Monnica. In 387/8 sojourn in Rome, in 388 return to Africa (Carthage/Thagaste). In 391 ordination of A. as a priest; leave granted for intensive Bible study; life in a monastic community; in 395 ordination as Bishop of Hippo Regius (northern Africa). From 395 onwards, disputes with Donatists. In 396/7 reassessment ofthe doctrine of grace/original sins in De diversis quaestionibus ad Simplicianum. From 412 disputes with the Pelagians. 28.8.430 death of A. B. WorkKS

Characteristic of A. are his education in the pagan tradition and his conversion to Christianity only after reaching adulthood. This and his disputes with various philosophical and theological trends characterize his work [55 6]; likewise a qualitative further development of his thoughts can be seen c. 396/7 (more strongly theocentric) [30]. t. AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL The Confessiones (397-400) describe the life of A. in 13 books, his constant search for the truth culminating in his conversion (bks. 1-10). After analyzing the phenomenon of time (bk. 11) [ro], he examines the first verses of Genesis (bks. 12/13); here A.’s new Christian existence is evident. The self-reflection in the form of a large psalm, enriched with many Biblical quotes, has the function of on excitatio in deum (Retract. 2,6,r). The confession of his own good and bad deeds is linked with praise of God and attains a general dimension through fundamental reflections on the nature of humanity. In this way, A. establishes a new genre (> Autobiography). From 426 onwards A. critically revised his entire literary oeuvre in the (uncompleted) Retractationes [8. 11-255] in chronological sequence, and this too was a genre innovation. His goal was the defence or correction of offensive passages, a process by

why A. also refrained from systematizing his thought. 2. PHILOSOPHICAL AND ANTI-PAGAN WORKS The early dialogues were written in Cassiciacum in 386/7, formally linking up with Cicero’s philosophy. They attempted to provide a Christian response to central problems of pagan philosophy. In Contra academicos A., writing against Scepticism, argued for the option of accessing truth, i.e., accessing the intelligible world through the Incarnation, i.e., the descent of the intelligible into the material world [22]. In De beata vita the highest good for which all people strive is equated with the enjoyment of God (4,34: Deo perfrui) [125 15]. A meditative predecessor of the Confessiones is created by the Soliloquia in which knowledge of the spiritual nature of God is connected with that of the human soul [24]. In this A. follows the Platonic tradition, which he later takes further in De immortalitate animae (387)

and De animae quantitate (387/8). In De diversis quaestionibus LXXXIII (388-397), A. deals with various theological, philosophical and exegetical questions, which in part are also important in his later works; in quaest. 46 he formulates his own concept of ideas [2 T]. De ordine mundi (386) is intended to discuss the hierar-

chical principle of all creation, but it is then limited to the elucidation of the > Artes liberales [14. 101-136] which facilitate insight into this system of order (2,9,26). For this reason, A., following Varro, also pur-

sued the ambitious project of writing a complete representation of the > Artes liberales, of which only De dialectica (387), which reveals knowledge of Stoic semiotics [23], and De musica (388-390) [17] were actually written. The authorship of De grammatica is disputed [18]. In De magistro (389) A. develops, with the help of semiotics [16], a Christian theory of learning, according to which understanding is only possible through the working of the true teacher, Christ. In De libero arbitrio (387/8) A. deals with the question of the origin of evil in connection with the freedom of the human will and the question of > theodicy, which in his later thinking in the discussions with the Pelagians become an ever more central complex of ideas. With De civitate dei (412-426) A. became the founder of the philosophy of history; his work was apologetically directed towards the defence of Christianity in view of the capture of Rome by the West Goths in 410. The first (negative) part (bks. 1-10) is intended to offer proof that the veneration of pagan gods brings no advantage either for this life (bks. 1-5) or for the next (bks. 6-r1o). In the second (positive) part (bks. 11-22) A. describes the overall course of human history from a Christian viewpoint as the continual battle between the civitas dei and the civitas diaboli, the origin of human history (bks. 11-14), its course (bks. 15-18) and the end determined for it (bks. r9-22). A. imitates the universal historical dimension of Genesis contained in the Bible and even the heavenly Jerusalem of the Apocalypse (Civ. 20-22; cf. Rev. 21f.), consistently bearing in

OWA

358

mind the historical horizon of salvation in the battle of both civitates, which are not identical with the Church or state — rather they interpenetrate each other. He interweaves here elements of pagan and Judaeo-Christian thought [20], striving to emphasize the idea of the

cepted by the Christian tradition in this form, e.g., Contra Julianum (421/2), De nuptiis et concupiscentia (418-421), De gratia et libero arbitrio (426/7). Other primary theological themes of A. are not directly related to anti-heretical considerations: in De vera religione (390) Platonic philosophy is differentiated from Christian beliefs. In De utilitate credendi (391/2) A. connects the spiritual exegesis of the OT (anti-Manichaean) with the rationality of the Christian act of faith [26]. In Quaest. Simpl. (396-398) he fundamentally re-evaluates the teaching on grace as the sole and indispensable prerequisite for the salvation of humanity [29]. In De trinitate (about 399-419) A. seeks to demonstrate the oneness of the persons of the divine, initially in a dogmatic section using scriptural evidence (bks. 1-4) and philosophical definitions (bks. 5-7). The second, ‘psychological’, part contains analogies between the divine Trinity and the structure of the human soul (bks. 8-15) [28]. 4. EXEGETICAL AND HERMENEUTICAL WORKS According to Tyconius, Liber Regularum, A. is the second to develop in De doctrina christiana (bks. 1-3, mid 396/7; bk. 3 end/4, 426/7), a self-contained theory of scriptural exegesis, in which the hermeneutic frame of reference is established through Christian caritas (bk. 1) and the methodology is established with the help of the semiotics (bks. 2/3) [31]. In so doing, he integrates the philological methods of > Hieronymus, in continuation of pagan procedures of textual analysis (consideration of various translations; quality of the MSS; pointing out of rhetorical figures) [32]. What is new is the integration into hermeneutics of rhetorical instructions, i.e. how the results of scriptural exegesis should be presented (bk. 4). A. emphasizes the historical relativity of all results of exegesis and the gradual employment of literal and figurative exegesis, depending on the complexity of the Biblical passage. Throughout all his works these theoretical discussions are also practically applied; so in his own commentaries on the Bible, partly allegorical (De genesi contra Manichaeos, 388-390; In psalmos enarrationes, 392-420), partly literal (De genesi ad litteram, 401-416; Locutiones/Quaestiones in heptateuchum, 419), interpretation dominate. His ambitious project to produce a commentary on all the letters of Paul stopped after Im Gal. and the unfinished In Rome (both 394/5). Many such commentaries were initially presented as sermons (see B. 5.). Not just proving the historical relevance of the Biblical statements for the history of salvation was important to A. but so was defending the Bible— against the objection of inconsistencies in the four gospels (De consensu evangelistarum, c. 400) or of the OT and NT (against the Manichaeans in Contra Faustum, 398-400). The sheer quantity of theological, cultural and antiquarian information as well as the question of the understanding of the text behind the practice of exegesis have not yet been fully examined.

universal-historical church (ecclesia from Abel, Civ. 15)

and the sharp separation between the course of history in the inner world and the condition of the eschatological end [19]. 3. DOGMATIC AND ANTI-HERETICAL WORKS The development of A.’s dogmatic thought was influenced to a large extent by his disputes with heretics, especially the Manichaeans (from 383 onwards: matter/spirit) [27], the Donatists (from 395: Church) [7. 131-147] and the Pelagians (from 412: grace) [25]. A. argued against the Manichaeans, especially their materialism, because it was not possible in this way to explain the eternity and unchangeability of God, and also against their dualist idea of an eternal battle between good and evil powers. He opposed in particular their rejection of the OT and parts of the NT, which is why many of his anti-Manichaean texts are strongly exegetic, e.g. his first Biblical commentary, De genesi contra Manichaeos

(388-390), and Contra Faustum

(398-400); among these are also his Contra Fortunatum (392) and Contra Felicem (404). The dispute with Donatism (> Donatus) was of a less dogmatic than institutional nature, as the Donatists denied a world-wide Christian Church and recognized only the Donatists in North Africa as the true Christian Church. For this reason, central points of discussion in the works of A. are the teachings on the sacraments (validity of a sacrament even in the case of the office-bearer administering it being unworthy) and ecclesiology (universal Church as a union between sinners and saints who shall not be separated until the eschaton), e.g., De baptismo, Contra epistulam Parmeniani (both c. 400), Contra Cresconium (405/6), Contra Gaudentium (c. 419). An exceptional case is > Tyconius (excommunicated by the Donatists against his will), whose ecclesiology A. regards as ‘orthodox’ (Epist. 41 and 249) and whose hermeneutics he adapts in Doctr. Christ. 3 [31]. The dispute with the Pelagians primarily concerned the teaching about grace (against — Pelagius) and the teaching of original sin (against > Iulianus of Aeclanum). Pelagius emphasized in Platonic-Stoic tradition the natural tendency of the human being towards good. The grace of God in Jesus Christ makes it easier for a human being (as an addition, as it were) to perfect himself, i.e. by turning to the imitation of the ideal model, Christ, and away from the bad example of fallen Adam. In contrast A. maintained (essentially without predecessors) that the core of human nature had been corrupted since the Fall of Man and the grace of God was the indispensable prerequisite for human goodness, e.g., De peccatorum meritis et remissione (41 1/2) and

De natura et gratia (413-415). The brilliant, systematic thinker Julian pushed A. to formulate too stringently his teaching about predestination which was never ac-

AUGUSTINUS, AURELIUS

AUGUSTINUS,

AURELIUS

5. PASTORAL WRITINGS With De catechizandis rudibus (400 or 404) A. was the first to formulate the pedagogical fundamentals which should enable the catechist to successfully carry out a discussion with non-Christians wanting to join the Church. In this process the different degree of education of these initial enquirers had to be considered, the narrative introduction to the history of salvation was accorded precedence over dogmatic instruction; in addition, two sample catecheses are included (Catech. rud. 23-55) [35]. It is estimated that A. gave 8,000 sermons, of which only a fragment (more than 500 sermons including the new findings of DoLBEAUu [34]) are extant. Often these involve an improvised interpretation of a scriptural text. Of these A. himself published only in psalm. (392-420), in epist. Jh. (c. 407), in evang. Jh. (407-417) and some others. The remainder of these are extant, because they were noted down by stenographers, arranged thematically or liturgically in the form of collections of sermons, and passed down to the

Middle Ages. In addition to linguistic and stylistic details, the sermons contain a large quantity of historical and cultural information reflecting the daily difficulties and concerns at the time of A.. The same is true of the letters of A., of which c. 300 (of the original 2,000) are extant, including the spectacular new findings of Divjak [33]. A large part of this correspondence gives an opinion on the addressee’s exegetical and theological questions. As with the sermons, here there is frequently a more casual formulation of theses from his more rigourously elaborated didactic works. In Hippo A. lived with a community of monks and also gave his opinions on the organization of the community, as in De opere monachorum (401). The authenticity, function and dating of A.’s rules for nuns and monks are partially disputed by scholars [36]. C. RECEPTION Because of his great authority, the influence of A. was already considerable during his lifetime. Because he placed value on the copying and distribution of his works, he made an active contribution to the outstanding influence of his works and this continued uninterrupted into the Middle Ages and the Renaissance and right through to modern times. The generally very rich collections of MSS passed down to us, the excerpts from his works like that of > Eugippius, as well! as the rich +> pseudepigraphy [41], which in drawing upon the canonical validity of A., sought to ensure that works falsely attributed to him became more influential, vividly demonstrate this. Because of his versatility, breadth of vision and the wealth of fields explored in his imposing oeuvre, it is understandable that Catholics as well as Protestants, theologians, politicians, philosophers, men of letters, scholastics as well as mystics, opponents as well as supporters, were stimulated by him. Hence A. is one of the four great church teachers of the West (and amongst these probably the most influential), the only one whose tenet was made into a dogma by the Church

360

without there being explicit evidence for it in the Bible — his teaching on grace at the Council of Carthage in 418. His pupil > Possidius in 43 1-439 wrote an index to his works, as well as his first biography. Institutionally the ongoing reception of A. was ensured through the Order of St. A.. Cassiodorus took up the liberal position of A. (Doctr. christ. 2 end) that a Christian may also consult secular culture and knowledge for an improved understanding of Scripture. It is due to Cassiodorus’ significance for the later tradition of monastic precepts that in the monasteries pagan texts could also be copied and thus protected from being forgotten. In the Middle Ages an indirect reception of A. can also be noted, influenced by the diluting mediation of Gregory the Great. In this way, A. influenced the Middle Ages in three areas in particular [4. 154-160]: through the continued influence of his teaching on grace, in so-called theological Augustinism; in so-called philosophical Augustinism, which posited a perfecting of philosophy in theology and rejected the use of reason independent of faith; so-called political Augustinism interpreted the contrast between spiritual and secular power by means of the antithesis of two realms. Among the medieval thinkers influenced by A. are > Beda, Eriugena, Anselm of Canterbury, Bernard of Clairvaux, Hugo of St. Victor, Joachim of Fiore, Thomas Aquinas

and John Peckham. The Renaissance was directly interested in the original texts and was influenced by A. in a new way. The ‘Confessiones-experience’ of Petrarch [42] is famous. Erasmus, in his works Methodus, Ratio and Enchiridion constantly referred to De doctrina christiana, in order to justify his recommendation that Christians study the pagan poets and philosophers [43]. Dramas were also written about A. The Reformation,

in its struggle for the correct understanding of central aspects of the Christian faith, went back in part to A. Calvin made use of A. through independent study for his own goals. With Luther it is not always clear how far his understanding of A. is moulded by Augustinism, passed down by the Order of St. A., to which he belonged. Even though the supportive references to A. increasingly passed into the background after 1519, the influence of A. cannot be disputed [13; 39]. In the 17th cent. Cornelius Jansen drew in an influential manner upon the Augustinian teaching on grace; he used it against the lax morality of the Jesuits and demanded piety closely following the precepts of the Bible. He was supported in this by Pascal. Whilst the Enlightenment as a rule rejected A. the theologian as narrow-minded, A.’s semiotics influenced (Mag.; Doctr. christ. 2) Herder [40]. The philosopher of religion R.Orro (1869-1937) adopted his way of speaking about God as ‘the one who is totally different’ (Conf. 7,10,16: aliud, aliud valde). Also WITTGENSTEIN’S reflections on language were based on discussions about the ideas of A. [37]; H. ARENDT criticized his concept of caritas. In recent times he provoked DERRIDA [38] and FoucAULT. > AUTOBIOGRAPHY

361

362

AUGUSTODUNUM

EpiT1ons: The works of A. are gradually being made

61,1987,1-24

available in modern critical editions in the CSEL and CCL,

Scholasticism 55, 1981, to4-112

but with many the incomplete edn. of PL still has to be used. The new sermons discovered by DoLBEau will be gradually published [34]. The relevant editions of his indi-

als Quelle Luthers, 1984 40 R.Haxter, Die ‘Zeichen’ und die ‘Zeichenlehre’ in der Philos. der Neuzeit, in:

vidual works are to be found in C.P. Mayer et al. (ed.), A.-Lexikon 1, 1986, XXVI-XL; CPL, 31995; H.J. FREDE >

Kirchenschriftsteller, 41995.

BIBLIOGRAPHY:

Revue des Etudes Augustiniennes (an-

nually). 1 C.ANDRESEN, Bibliographia Augustiniana, *1973 27.L. Mretue, Augustinian bibliography 1970-1980, 1982 2aH.I. Marrou, A. in Selbstzeugnissen und Bilddokumenten, 1984, 166-169 (list of works with Ger. trans).

Lire:

3 P.Brown, A. of Hippo, 1967 ()

4 Cu. Horn,

A., 1995.

Works:

5 H.HAGENDAHL, A. and the Latin classics, 2

vols., 1967 6H.I. Marrou, A. und das Ende der antiken Bildung, 1982 (Fr. +1958) 7 C.P. Mayer, K.H. CuE tus (ed.), Internationales Symposion iiber den Stand der A.-Forschung, 1989. AUTOBIOGRAPHICAL:

1950

8 G.Barpy, S.A., Retractations,

9P.CouRCELLE, Recherches sur les confessions de

S.A., 71968

10 K.FLascu, Was ist Zeit?, 1993

(text,

trans.,comm.to Conf.1r) 11 J.J. O7DONNELL, A., Confessions, 3 vols., 1992. PHILOSOPHICAL-ANTI-PAGAN: 12 W. BEIERWALTES, Regio beatitudinis, 1981 (SHAW 6) 13 U.DucHRow, Christenheit und Weltverantwortung, *1983 14 I. Hapot, Arts libéraux et philos. dans la pensée antique, 1984 15 P.Hapot, Philos. als Lebensform, r991 (Fr. 1981, 21987) 16].HENNIGFELD, A. Auf eres Zeichen und inneres Wort, in: ibid. (ed.), Gesch. der Sprachphilos., 1994, 125-167 17 A. KELLER, A.A. und die Musik, 1993 18 V.Law,

St. A.’s De grammatica:

RechAug

19,

1984,

Geschichtsbewuftsein

155-183

bei A., 1993

Lost or found?, in:

19 CH.

MULLER,

20 J.VAN Oorrt,

38 A.K. Crark, A. and Derrida, in: New

39 H.-U. Dettus, A.

Archiv fiir Begriffsgesch. 4, 1959, 113-157 41 1.MaCHIELSEN, Clavis patristica pseudepigraphorum medii aevi, vol. rA, 1990, 86-562 42 K.STEINMANN, Petrarca. Die Besteigung des Mont Ventoux (Latin-German), 1995

43 P. WaLTeER, Theologie aus dem Geist der Rhet., 1991. KP.

D. Music De musica libri sex, the only one extant of several works on Artes liberales by the author, which is dedicated to the temporal aspect of the musica concept of antiquity (incomplete, as six further books about melody were planned: Epist. ror). A., who in 386 commenced the dialogue which tended to imply didactic and audible performance in verse (bks.1—5) introduced philosophical-theological arguments to it in 389, which investigate the problem of listening in a new manner (bk. 6). A. starts with the definition of Varro: musica est scientia bene modulandi (‘Music is the knowledge of the correct (sound) movement’). Correspondingly, for the musicus, ratio is decisive (for grammarians it is auctoritas, for musicians imitatio, ‘imitation’). Thus he can rely upon the judgement of his hearing in questions of numerus (rhythm) and can shorten or lengthen syllables, where necessary supported by movement beating time. A special feature is the well developed theory of pauses, which ensures that the rhythm of every verse has the same time metre. EDITIONS: G. FINAERT, F.-J. THONNARD, 1947 (CEuvres, I,7/4; with Fr. trans. and comm.); G. MARZI, 1969 (with

Jerusalem and Babylon, 1991 (on Civ.) 21 J. Pépin, A. et Atticus, in: FS P. Aubenque, 1990, 163-180 (on quaest.

Ital. trans. and comm.); C.J. PERL, Musik, 2/1940 (Ger.

46) 22 F.RickEeN, Antike Skeptiker, 1994, 29-67 23 H.Ruer, A. iiber Semiotik und Sprache, 1981

SECONDARY

24 G. Watson, S.A., Soliloquies and Immortality of the

soul, 1990. DOGMATIC-ANTI-HERETICAL: 25 J.P. Burns, The development of A.’s doctrine of operative grace, 1980 26 A. Horrmann, A. De utilitate credendi, 1992 (introd., text, trans.) 27 L.KoOENEN, A. and Manichaeism in the

trans.).

LITERATURE:

H.EDELSTEIN, Die Musikan-

schauung A. nach seiner Schrift De musica, diss. 1929; G. WILLE, Musica Romana, 1967, 603-623; M.BERNHARD, Uberlieferung und Fortleben der ant. lat. Musiktheorie im MA, in: GMth 3, 1990, 14-18; A. KELLER, Aurelius A. und die Musik. Unt. zu “De musica’ im Kon-

text seines Schrifttums, 1993 (Cassiciacum vol. 44); U. STORMER-Caysa, A.’ philol. Zeitbegriff, 1996. FZ.

light of the Cologne Mani Codex, in: Illinois Classical Studies 3, 1978,

154-195

28 D.Pinrarié, Sprache und

Trinitat, 1983 29T.G. Rina, An Simplicianus, 1991 30 B.SrupER, Gratia Christi — Gratia Dei bei A. von

Hippo, 1993. EXxEGETIC-HERMENEUTIC:

31 K.POLLMANN, Doctrina

Christiana, 1996 32 CH. SCHAUBLIN, Zur paganen Pragung der christl. Exegese, in: J.vAN Oort, U. WICKERT (ed.), Christl. Exegese zwischen Nicaea und Chalcedon,

1992, 148-173 PasTORAL:

33 J.Drvyjax (ed.), A. Lettres r*-29*, 1987

34 F. DOLBEAU, Sermons inédits de S.A. dans un manuscrit de Mayence (Stadtbibliothek I 9), in: REAug 36, 1990, 355-359

35 W.STEINMANN, O. WERMELINGER, A. Vom

Augustodunum Augustan foundation at the junction of the basins of the Loire, the Sane and the Rhéne,

modern Autun. Built as a replacement for > Bibracte as the capital of the Haedui, A. became a lively centre of Romanization. Marked by insurgencies in the rst cent. AD (Tac. Ann. 3,43), A. was distinguished by its great prosperity up to the end of the 3rd cent (cf. archaeological finds). Despite its decline after the capitulation to Victorinus (AD 269), A. retained its reputation as a cultural centre, thanks to its schools.

ersten katechet. Unterricht, 1985 36 L. VERHEIJEN, Nouvelle approche de la Régle de S.A., 2 vols., 1980,

P.M. Duvat, Travaux sur la Gaule 2, 1989, 1001-43; M. Pinette, A. ReBouRG, Autun, Guides archéologiques de la France 12, 1986; A.REBouRG, A. OLIvieER, Le thé-

1988. RECEPTION:

atre antique d’Autun, in: Revue Archéologique de l’Est 42, L991, 125-152; A. REBOURG, Carte archéologique de la

37M.F.

BuRNYEAT, Wittgenstein and A.,

De magistro, in: Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society

Gaule, 71/1, 1993.

ae

363

364

Augustonemetum Capital of the > Arverni in Aquitania (Ptol. 2,7,12), built towards the end of the rst cent. BC on an uninhabited hillside around a cult site, mod-

in place of a son (Suet. Iul. 83,rff.). Through a resolution in the Senate, he had A. made a patrician. In view of Caesar’s planned Parthian campaign, A. was designated mag. equitum for the year 44 (App. B Civ. 3,30) and sent ahead to Apollonia, where he arrived in autumn 45 with his friends M. > Agrippa and Q. > Salvidienus Rufus. When he learned of Caesar’s murder and his own adoption after 15 March 44, he crossed over to Brundisium. With the will, he immediately as-

AUGUSTONEMETUM

ern Clermont-Ferrand.

Referred to as Arverni (Amm.

Mare. 1§,11,13) or civitas Arvernorum (Notitia Gallia-

rum 12,3), A. encompassed an area of three ha. within its town walls. Aqueduct, sacred spring (thousands of oblations, especially wooden statuettes). Epigraphical evidence: CIL XIII, 1460-93; Inscriptions latines des trois Gaules, 1963, 194, 197-201. DESJARDINS, 2, 424;

Clermont-Ferrand,

A.LONGNON, 477; P.-F. FOURNIER,

in: Mélanges Vazeilles, 1974,

149-

160; J.-M.SauGET, M. Cu. Pin, in: D.ScHaab, M. VIDAL (ed.), Villes et agglomérations urbaines antiques du SudOuest de la Gaule, 1992, 66-76; J.-M.SAUGET et al., in: D.ScHaab, M.VipAt (ed.), as above 191-198. E.PR,

Augustoritum Capital of the ~ Lemovices in Aquitania, on the Vienne (Ptol. 2,7), founded in about 16 to 12 BC, later called Lemovica, modern Limoges. Archaeological monuments: aqueducts, forum, theatre, amphi-

theatre, thermal baths. In the late imperial age, a castrum of reduced size, churches extra muros. Epigraphical evidence: CIL XIII 1390-1420; Inscriptions latines des trois Gaules, 1963, 174-181. J.PERRIER,

Carte

archéologique

Haute-Vienne,

1993,

79-142; J.-M.SAuGET et al., in: D.ScHaap, M. VIDAL (ed.), Villes et agglomerations urbaines antiques du SudOuest de la Gaule, 1992, 191-198. E.FR.

sumed the name C. Caesar (A. never used Octavianus; it

was used by Cicero-only until November 44). In order to pay out the legacies to the people, he seized Caesar’s war chest and the tribute of the province Asia. On 9 May he was presented to the people in Rome by the tribune of the people L. -» Antonius [I 4] as Caesar’s heir (Cic. Att. 14,20,5).

B. POLITICAL ASCENT AND TRIUMVIRATE Because A. demanded in vain from M. > Antonius [I 9| the surrender of Caesar’s monies, which had been handed to him by his widow, a conflict arose between the two men. A. nevertheless paid the legacies according to Caesar’s will after he had sold off some of his own estates (App. B Civ. 3,77ff.). At the same time, from 20-30 July he organized the ludi Victoriae Caesaris. The sidus Iulium that appeared at that time was interpreted as a sign of the deification of Caesar (Suet. Tul. 88).

Supposedly threatened with death by Antony, A. raised ‘at his own decision and from his own means’ (R.

Augustus [1] A. ORIGIN AND ADOPTION BY CAESAR B. PoLITICAL ASCENT AND TRIUMVIRATE C. FROM PHILIPPITO NAULOCHUS D. THE CONFLICT WITH MarK ANTONY E. THE FORMATION OF THE PRINCIPATE F. THE CONSOLIDATION OF THE PRINCIPATE G. THE NEW ‘SAECULUM AUGUSTUM’

A. ORIGIN AND ADOPTION BY CAESAR Born on 23 September 63 BC in Rome as the son of C. > Octavius and > Atia [i], from an affluent family that did not belong to the nobility. A. lost his father at

the age of four and was raised by his mother, a niece of Caesar (Tac. Dial. 28,5), first in Velitrae, then in the house of his stepfather L. Marcius Philippus (Nic. Damas. FGrH 2 A no. 90 F 127,5, whose biography dates back to the autobiography of A.). In 51, A. made the funerary speech for his grandmother Iulia (Suet. Aug. 8,1). On 18 October 48, he took on the toga virilis and soon thereafter was elected pontifex ([1. p. 53]; Nic. Damas. 127,8; Cic. Phil. 5,46; 53). At the beginning of 47, A. was praef. urbi feriarum Latinarum causa (Nic. Damas.

127,12). The childless

Caesar claimed his great-nephew for himself. A. was allowed to participate in Caesar’s African triumph in autumn 46. In 45, after Caesar fell ill, A. travelled to the Spanish battlefield (Suet. Aug. 8,1; Vell. Pat. 2,59,3). After his return from Spain, Caesar drew up his will, wherein he made A. his principal heir and took him on

Gest. div. Aug. 1,1) an army of Caesar’s veterans, while Antony went to the province Gallia Cisalpina in order to force D. Brutus to cede the province to him. At the beginning of 43, the Senate confirmed the propraetorian imperium assumed by A. at the behest of Cicero and others, accorded him senatorial rank and the voting privileges of a consul and allowed him to assume all offices ten years before the legal time (Cic. Phil. 3,37ff.; 5.45ff.; R. Gest. div. Aug. 1,2f.; App. B Civ. 3,2009f.). When Mark Antony lay siege to D. Brutus in Mutina, A. and soon also the consuls A. > Hirtius and C. > Vibius Pansa travelled to Gallia Cisalpina in order to relieve him. Pansa fell at the end of April in an ambush at the Forum Gallorum, Hirtius on the same day in the battle for Mutina (Suet. Aug. 11,1). After the decisive battle on 21 April, where A. fought bravely (Suet. Aug. 10,4), Antony travelled with his army to M. > Aemilius [I 12] Lepidus in Gallia. A., however, denied Caesar’s murderer D. Brutus any additional support (Cic. Fam. 11,11,4) and retreated to Bologna. He had at his disposal eight legions and controlled Upper Italy when D. Brutus, in his attempt to reach M. Brutus in Macedonia, was killed (App. B Civ. 3,400ff.). Because the Senate did not want to bestow on A. the consulate he demanded, he marched with his army against Rome (App. B Civ. 3,361ff.; Cass. Dio 46,43,6ff.) and on 19 August 43 forced his election as consul, together with his uncle Q. Pedius (R. Gest. div. Aug. 1,1). Through a lex curiata, he ensured the legality of his unusual testamentary

365

366

adoption (App. B Civ. 3,388f.). After ostracizing Caesar’s murderers (Vell. Pat. 2,69,5), A. returned to Bologna. Since Brutus and Cassius were gathering strong forces in the east and Mark Antony and Lepidus were advancing with 17 legions (Plut. Ant. 18) on Mutina, A. sought an agreement with them; thus at Bologna, the second triumvirate was concluded (Liv. Per. 120; Cass. Dio 46,54,3ff.; App. B Civ. 4,4ff.). A., together with Antony, was supposed to wage war against Caesar’s

did not last. In 39, A. dismissed Scribonia, who had borne him a daughter > Iulia and he married > Livia in 38 (Suet. Aug. 62,2f.). In 38, he tried in vain to cross over against Pompey to Sicily (App. B Civ. 5,342ff.). In winter 38/37, Agrippa assembled a large fleet (Cass. Dio 48,49f.). The treaty of Tarentum in September/October 37 with Mark Antony and the extension of the triumvirate by five years strengthened A.’s position (App. B Civ. 5,387ff.; Cass. Dio 48,54). After vicissitudinous battles, Agrippa achieved the final victory over Sex. Pompeius (Suet. Aug. 16) at Naulochus at the end of August 36. Lepidus, who claimed Sicily for himself, was deprived of his power and exiled to Circei (Vell. Pat. 2,80). A. ordered the occupation of Africa (Cass. Dio 49,14,6). On 13 November 36, he held an ovatio (Inscrit 13,1 p. 87). He received the tribunitial sacrosanctitas and the right to sit on the tribunes’ bench (Cass. Dio 49,15). A. declared the civil wars over. The brigandry problems in Italy were brought under control (App. B Civ. 5,546ff.). Virgil, who belonged to the circle of poets around > Maecenas, expressed the new hopes for peace in his Georgica.

murderers and receive Africa, Sicily, Sardinia and Cor-

sica as provinces. He had to agree to the proscriptions and land assignments to the veterans (Suet. Aug. 27;

Plut. Cic. 46). In Rome, those in power equipped themselves with complete dictatorial powers through a lex Pedia as tresviri rei publicae constituendae for the time from 27 November 43 to 31 December 38 (App. B Civ. 27ff.; Cass. Dio 47,2; on this [2]). The praef. classis et orae maritimae (Vell. Pat. 2,73,1f.) Sex. > Pompeius Magnus, who belonged to those who were proscribed, occupied Sicily and began a blockade war against Italy (Cass. Dio 48,17, 1ff.). C. FROM PHILIPPI TO NAULOCHUS At first, A. took part in the war against Brutus and Cassius (App. B Civ. 4,453ff.). After the battle at Philippi in 42, he had the head of Brutus laid in front of Caesar’s statue in Rome (Suet. Aug. 13,1). With a new division ofthe provinces, the Gallia Cisalpina was given to Italy. A. received Numidia and both of the Spanish provinces and was supposed to settle more than 50,000 veterans in Italy, something that gave him a strong power position there later on (App. B Civ. 5, roff.; Cass. Dio 48,1,2ff.; [3]). First, however, because of the land distribution, there were intense disagreements between A. on the one hand and > Fulvia, the wife of Mark Antony, and his brother L. Antonius on the other. The two recruited an army which finally was surrounded in Perusia (Perugia) (App. B Civ. 5,115ff.; Cass. Dio 48,5ff.). The surrender of the city by L. Antonius on 15 March 40 ended the bellum Perusinum (Suet. Aug. 14f.). Three hundred senators and knights were slaughtered at Caesar’s altar. The tensions between A. and Mark Antony which grew out of the war were set aside temporarily in autumn 4o with the treaty of Brundisium, in which Sex. Pompeius also took part. A. received the west, Antony the east, Lepidus Africa. After Fulvia’s death, Mark Antony was given A.’s elder sister, > Octavia, as his wife (Liv. Per. 127). A. married — Scribonia, the sister of L. Scribonius Libo, in order to improve his relationship with the erstwhile republicans (Suet. Aug. 62,2). Mark Antony let himself be consecrated flamen divi Iuli, by which act Caesar’s deification was completed according to sacral law. From then on, A. could call himself imperator Caesar divi filius. In early summer 39, an additional treaty was concluded in Misenum with Sex. Pompeius, whose daughter was engaged to A.’s nephew M. Claudius Marcellus (Cass. Dio 43,36ff.). The peace, however,

AUGUSTUS

D. THE CONFLICT WITH MARK ANTONY From the end of 35 until 33, A. waged war in the Dalmatian-lIllyrian area (App. Ill. 46ff.), while Mark Antony, thanks to his failed Parthian campaign, became ever more dependent on Cleopatra (Plut. Ant. 37#f.). Since after the expiration of the second triumvirate A. did not lay down his plenary powers, both the consuls and 300 senators left Rome at the beginning of 32 and joined Antony in Ephesus (Cass. Dio 50,2, 5ff.). In May, the consulars L. Munatius Plancus and M. Titius defected from Antony and joined A. and informed him about Antony’s will with his gifts of land to Cleopatra and her children (Cass. Dio 50,3,1ff.). A. was able to obtain a declaration of war on Cleopatra from the residual Senate (Cass. Dio 50,4). He was allowed to call upon the consensus universorum (R. Gest. div. Aug. 34). Tota Italia and the western provinces gave him their oath of allegiance [4. 165-180] and demanded him as the leader of the war (R. Gest. div. Aug. 25). Cos. IIT on x January 31, from then on continuously until 23 (cos. XI, InscrIt 13,1 p. 5 roff.). On 2 September 31, the naval battle at Actium and soon thereafter also the capitulation of Antony’s land troops spelled the end of war in Europe (Cass. Dio 50,12ff.; Plut. Ant. 62ff.). A monument [5; 6. 239-48], penteteric games (— Actia), a new era and the construc-

tion of Nicopolis later recalled the victory (Cass. Dio 51,1,1-3;

[7. 81-102]). In 30, A. moved across Asia

Minor and Syria to Egypt. After the fall of Alexandria on 1 August, Antonius and Cleopatra killed themselves (Vell. Pat. 2,87,1). Under an equestrian praef. Aegypti, Egypt became a part of the empire and at the same time the ‘crown land’ of A. [8. 343-82; 9. 383-411]. In Pergamum and Nicomedia, a cult of A. was established in 29 alongside the Dea Roma (Cass. Dio 51,20,6ff.). In Rome at the end of 30, a conspiracy by

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368

the son of Lepidus was quickly suppressed by Maecenas

curia, a golden shield with the words virtutis clementiae iustitiae pietatis erga deos patriamque was displayed (R. Gest. div. Aug. 34,33; [1. no. 22]). From then on, A. surpassed the auctoritas of all other citizens. Oak wreath, duo laurae and clupeus virtutis became the basic elements of monarchic propaganda iconography [15. 351ff.; 23]. After an illness in May (InscrIt 13,1 p.

AUGUSTUS

(Liv. Per. 133; Vell. Pat. 2,88). The Senate bestowed numerous honours on A., some of them sacral (Cass.

Dio 51,19f.). On 11 January 29, the temple of Janus was closed because of the peace in the empire ([T. p. 45]; R. Gest. div. Aug. 13,1; Cass. Dio 51,20,4). From 13-15 August 29, A. celebrated a triple triumph: over the Dalmatians, because of Actium and over Egypt (Vell. Pat. 2,89,1; Cass. Dio 51,21, 5ff.; Inscrlt 13,1 p.

570). E. THE FORMATION OF THE PRINCIPATE The confiscated possessions of his opponents and especially the booty from Egypt (Suet. Aug. 41,1) facilitated for A. not only great donations and the rich minting of coins, but also the settlement of the veterans, the beginning of a generous politics of urbanization and lively building activity in Rome, Italy and the provinces |Hons36tl.. 486th; 45 103 12513; 14.332-353). In Rome on 18 August 29, the Temple of Divus Iulius and

151), A. had the Italian network of roads rebuilt. He

himself took over the via Flaminia and received honorary arches for that (R. Gest. div. Aug. 20,5; ILS 84; Cass. Dio 53,22,1f.).at its beginning (pons Milvius) and end (Ariminum, still extant).

the Palatine Apollo temple, which was connected to the house of A. by means of a corridor [1. 53; 15. 263ff.; 16; 17.871-916]. At the same time, A. began the construction of his mausoleum, which was supposed to become a monument to his dynasty (Suet. Aug. 100,4;

In summer, A. went to Gallia, held a census there and reorganized the province (Cass. Dio 53,22,5); then he went to Spain to organize things there. A. wintered in Tarraco and in 26 began his eighth consulate there (Suet. Aug. 26,3). In Egypt, the praefect C. > Cornelius Gallus was deposed because of insufficient loyalty (Cass. Dio 53,23,5f.). After the outbreak of the Cantabrian War, A. had to leave the battles to the legates because he fell ill (Cass. Dio 53,25,2ff.). A. also began his ninth consulate in Tarraco. The war in Spain was ended after the reclamation of a few Roman ensigns (R. Gest. div. Aug. 29). The colony Augusta Emerita was founded for the veterans; the temple of Janus was closed (Cass. Dio 53,26,1 and 5). A. also ended his autobiography with the Cantabrian war (Suet. Aug. 85,1). While his nephew Marcellus married his daughter Iulia in Rome (Cass. Dio 53,27,5), A. began his homeward journey, during which he began his tenth consulate

Str. 5,3,8; [18]). In 28, A. conducted

(Cassa Drorsae28e0)s

soon thereafter the Curia Iulia were dedicated; in the latter, the Victoria (Augusti) from Tarentum was dis-

played [1. 5of.]. There then followed the restoration of all temples (R. Gest. div. Aug. 20; Liv. 4,20,7; Hor. Carm. 3; 6,1ff.) and on 9 October 28 the dedication of

a census with

Agrippa, in which more than four million Roman citi-

The conspiracy of Fannius Caepio, in which A.

zens were counted (conclusion of the Romanization of

Terentius Varro Murena, the brother-in-law of Maece-

Italy) [19. 23-40]. At the lectio senatus, 190 senators

nas, was involved, falls in his eleventh consulate (23 BC) (Cass. Dio 54,3 under the year 22. On this most recently [24. 471-91]). After their defeat, the republican Cn. Calpurnius Piso became co-consul with A. Then the princeps fell gravely ill. He gave Piso a rationarium imperti and his signet ring to Agrippa, not, as

resigned; in their place, new members were selected and on the basis of the lex Saenia (Tac. Ann. 11,25,2) the number of patricians was increased (R. Gest. div. Aug. 8; InscrIt 13,1 p. 254; Cass. Dio 52,42). The annulling

of all orders of the triumviri at the end of December 28 signalled the restoration of the res publica (Cass. Dio

53525): As cos. VII A. surrendered his plenary powers on 13 January 27 and returned the administrative power over the res publica to the Senate ([1. 45]; R. Gest. div. Aug. 34,1; Ov. Fast. 1,589; Vell. Pat. 2,89,3). Upon accla-

mations, A. declared himself ready to continue protecting the state. He retained the consulate and took on an imperium proconsulare limited to ten years (extended by five years in 18 and 13 BC, then by ten years each time in 8 BC, AD 3 and AD 13) for Spain, Gallia, Syria, Cilicia, Egypt and (until 22 BC) that is, for the provinces that were not completely at peace, in which strong armies stood and in which A. became ‘Lord over war AUGm Peace mlStimili23).25-ml 2Oma Grthinmen lego thal mas against [22. 218ff.]). In thanks, A. received the corona civica on 13 January and on 16 January at the instigation of Munatius Plancus, the name A. was decided.

The gate of his house was decorated, like the dwellings of some state priests, with two laurel trees and in the

expected,

to

his

nephew

Marcellus

(Cass.

Dio

53,30,1ff.; Suet. Aug. 28,1). The question of a possible succession was not solved. But A. recovered again and accommodated the Republican tendency in the Senate when he laid down the consulate in June 23 (InscrIt 13,1 p. 157) and instead assumed the tribunicia potestas for life (R. Gest. div. Aug. 10,1); in addition, he received the right to convoke the Senate, the ius referendi over one item on the agenda and an expanded imperium proconsulare with the right to intervene even

in the senatorial provinces, which was not extinguished when crossing the pomerium (on the controversial definition

of this imperium

see

[25. 1-28]

(Cass.

Dio

53,32,5f.). Agrippa took over the leadership of the eastern provinces, Marcellus died at the end of the year. F. THE CONSOLIDATION OF THE PRINCIPATE In 22, the people demanded, because of a famine that was the result of an epidemic and the flooding of the Tiber, that A. assume the dictatorship, become lifelong

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370

censor or the permanent consul; he declined and assumed only the cura annonae (Cass. Dio 54,1; R. Gest. div. Aug. 5) and provided assistance through the praetorians, In September, A. departed on a journey to the east [26; 27. 158ff.]. First he went to Sicily in order to organize the grain supply (Cass. Dio 54,6,1). In 21, he travelled on to Greece. Because of unrest in Rome, he ordered Agrippa to go there. In order to bind Agrippa closer to him, Agrippa had to marry his daughter Iulia (Cass. Dio 54,6,4ff.; Suet. Aug. 63,2). A. passed the winter of 21/20 in Samos, then travelled through Bithynia and Asia to Syria, where he received the Roman ensigns given back by the Parthian king, which Crassus had lost in 53 (Cass. Dio 54,7,4ff.; R. Gest. div. Aug. 27). Representations: triumphal arch in Rome (15. 224ff.], on the armour of the Prima Porta statue and on the coins (victory monuments in Rome and in Athens? Cf. [28. 18ff.]). In Armenia, Tigranes II was established by Tiberius as king (R. Gest. div. Aug. 27). Continuing the politics of Antony, A. assigned additional client principalities (Cass. Dio 54,9,2ff.). A. passed the winter of 20/19 on Samos (Cass. Dio 54,9,7). Because Agrippa had since travelled to the west, there was unrest in Rome caused by M. Egnatius Rufus, who illegally aspired to the consulate (Vell. Pat. 2,91,3). A. forced the election of Q. Lucretius Vespillo. On the journey home, he was joined by Virgil, who died on 21 September in Brundisium. A. ordered the edition of the Aeneid (Suet. De poetis p. 95ff. RosTaGNi; [29. 281ff.]).

sive against free Germania [15. 530ff.]. The subjugation of the Alpine tribes by Drusus and Tiberius in 15 and 14 also served this goal (therefore the fourth book of the Odes of Horace: Suet. De poetis p. 116 R.). Raetia, Vindelicia and four tribes of the Poenine Alps were subjected to an equestrian praefect (ILS 2689), the

On 12 October 19, A. arrived in Rome (ara Fortunae

Reducis, foundation of the Augustalia) |1. 53]. He declined the cura morum legumque and the censorial power, but he assumed the imperium consulare for life (Cass. Dio 54,10,5; on this [10. 95]). In 18, A. had the imperium proconsulare extended by five years (Cass. Dio 54,12,4). Using his tribunicia potestas, he had the people resolve the leges Iuliae de ambitu, de maritandis ordinibus and de adultertis coercendis (Cass. Dio 54,16,1ff.; Dig. 4,4,37,13 [30. 33ff.]). Ina mustering of the Senate, 200 members were retired, only 600 remained; attacks on his life were the consequence (Cass. Dio 54,13ff.).

G. THE NEW ‘SAECULUM AUGUSTUM’ In order to secure his position, A. adopted Agrippa’s sons C. and L. Caesar as potential successors (Cass. Dio 54,18,1; Suet. Aug. 64,1). After ordering international and domestic relations, A. and Agrippa celebrated the arrival of a new era as X Wiri sacris faciundis from 1-3 June 17 in the Secular Games (ILS 5050); for this Horace composed the carmen saeculare [31. 2554-89]. A. used a slight defeat of M. Lollius by the Usipetes, Sugambri and Tencteri, who had crossed the Rhine, as an excuse to travel to Gallia in order to reorganize relations there from 16 to 13 (including the bestowal of citizenship and the foundation of cities [13]; Cass. Dio 54,20ff.) and to prepare the prerequisites for the offen-

AUGUSTUS

regnum Noricum became a Roman province. On 4 July 13, A. travelled to Rome, where the ara Pacis was

vowed in his honour; it was inaugurated on 30 January 9 BC [1. 49 and 46; 32; 33. 101-57; 34. 97-106]. At the same time, the colossal sun dial dedicated to Sol with an obelisk as pointer was dedicated, the dial of which included both the ara Pacis and the Mausoleum Augusti [3 5]. At the end of 13, upon his return from the east, Agrippa’s tribunicia potestas was extended by five years (Cass. Dio 54,28,1). He was sent to Pannonia at

the beginning of 12, but soon fell ill and returned to Italy. After the death of Lepidus, A. was elected pontifex maximus on 6 March 12 [1. 47]. A few days later, Agrippa died and A. delivered his funeral speech. Drusus arranged a census in Gallia, dedicated on 1 August 12 at Lyons the ara Romae et Augusti (Liv. Per.

139; Suet. Claud. 2,1) and began the war of conquest in Germania (Cass. Dio 54,32ff.). In r1, A. married his

daughter Iulia to Tiberius, who in the future was to take Agrippa’s place (Cass. Dio 54,31,1f. and 35,4). On 4 May 11, the theatre of Marcellus was dedicated (Plin.

HN 8,65). A. also assumed the cura aquarum (Frontin INGE, BS), A. passed the winter of 11/10 BC in Lugdunum (Cass. Dio 54,36,3f.). In 10/9 BC, A. conducted another census and a lectio senatus (Cass. Dio 54,3 5,13 555353): In 9 in Asia, a calendar reform was carried out (the beginning of the year was A.’s birthday: [36. 5—98]), from 12 to 9 Tiberius subjected Dalmatia and Pannonia. After the fatal accident of Drusus, who had advanced to the Elbe, A. delivered his funeral speech (Vell. Pat. 2,97; Cass. Dio 55,2). In 8, A. reformed Caesar’s

calendar (the month Sextilis was renamed Augustus; Macrob. Sat. 1,14,13-15) and had his imperium proconsulare extended by 10 years (Cass. Dio 55,6,1). While A. travelled to Gallia, Tiberius crossed the Rhine, accepted the submission of the Germani and settled 40,000 barbarians on the left bank of the Rhine (Cass. Dio) 553651105 Vell. Rat. 2397.4; Suet. Aug. 21,1),) In Rome, Maecenas (Cass. Dio 55,7), and soon thereafter Horace (Suet. De poetis p. 122 R.), died.

The new division of Rome into 14 regions and 265 vici completed in 7 BC was connected to a reorganization of the cult of the Lares compitales practiced by plebs urbana, in which the Genius Augusti was also included. The vicomagistri were supposed to, in addition to caring for the cult, take care of extinguishing fires (Cass. Dio 55,8,5ff.; InscrIt 13,1 p. 285). In Italy and the western provinces, the cult of A. lay at the latest since 12. BC in the hands of the > Augustales. In 6 BC, the tropaeum Augusti was erected near Monaco (Plin.

HN 3,136ff.). The popularity of C. and L. Caesar and their emergence into public life caused Tiberius to re-

AUGUSTUS

371

treat to Rhodes for eight years. Around this time, Jesus of Nazareth was born. A. assumed the consulate for the twelfth time in 5 BC in order to bestow the toga virilis on C. Caesar in a festive manner; as cos. XIII he bestowed the same honour on L. Caesar in 2 BC (Suet. Aug. 26,2). The knighthood made the Caesars the presumptive successors of A. (who at the latest since Actium was designated princeps) as principes iuventutis (R. Gest. div. Aug. 14). On 5 February 2 BC, at the behest of > Messalla Corvinus, the Senate conferred consentiens cum populo Romano on A. the title pater patriae (Suet. Aug. 58; R. Gest. div. Aug. 35). On 1 August, the Forum of Augustus and the temple of Mars Ultor were dedicated (Cass. Dio 55,10; 60,5,33 [15. 149ff.]). The Forum was decorated with statues of famous men of the Republic (Elogia in InscrIt 13,3; ut ad illorum velut exemplar et ipse, dum viveret, et insequentium aetatium principes exigerentur a civibus:

Suet. Aug. 31,5). His daughter Iulia was involved in a murder conspiracy against A., so he exiled her to Pandateria for offences including adultery (Tac. Ann. 324,23 Cass. Dio 55,10,126f.; Plin. HN 7,149). Already before this, A. had put the praetorians under the command of two equestrian praefecti (Cass. Dio 55,10,10). In x BC, C. Caesar was dispatched against the Parthians (Vell. Pat. 2,10,1rf.). While C. Caesar had some transitory success in Armenia (R. Gest. div. Aug. 27,2),

his brother L. Caesar died on 20 August AD 2 in Massilia (Cass. Dio 55,10a,9). Tiberius returned to Rome in the same year (Suet. Tib. 14,1). In AD 3, A.’s imperium proconsulare was extended by 10 years (Cass. Dio 55512,3). But on 9 September at the siege of the Armenian city Artagira, C. Caesar was so badly wounded that he died on 21 February AD 4 [r. 47]. Therefore, A. adopted Tiberius and > Agrippa Postumus on 26 or 27 June AD 4, after Tiberius had already adopted Germanicus (Suet. Tib. 15,2; [1. p. 49]). With the lex Fufia Caninia (AD 2) and the lex Aelia Sentia (AD 4) A. regulated manumissions and limited their number (Gai. Inst. 13 ff. 28ff.; Cass. Dio 5 5,13,73 [30- 187]). Tiberius received the tribunicia potestas for 10 years and was sent with imperium proconsulare to Germania, which he subjugated once again in 4 and 5 (Vell. Pat. 2,104ff.). For the compensation of the veterans from the then 26 legions, the aerarium militare was created in AD 5 (R. Gest. div. Aug. 17,2; Cass. Dio 55,23 ff.). The introduction of the centuriae for elections [1. no. 94a] subjected the popular vote entirely to the control of A. The dedication of the ara numinis Augusti on 17 January AD 6 also drew both the uppermost classes into the cult of the ruler ({1. 46] on this [37. 39ff.]) in Rome. When in AD 6 a campaign was planned against the Marcomannic Empire of > Maroboduus in Bohemia, there was, as a consequence of Roman demands for tribute, an uprising of the Pannonians and the Dalmatians. The war, in which 15 legions were involved, was ended by Tiberius only in AD 9 (Vell. Pat. 2,r08ff.; Suet. Tib. 16; Cass. Dio 55,28,5ff.). To secure the peace, compulsory conscription was carried out and IIlyricum was divided into two provinces.

37 In AD 5-9 in Rome there were provisioning crises

and hunger revolts, in 6 came the elimination of Agrippa Postumus and the establishment of the cohortes vigilum (Cass. Dio 55,26,4), in 8 came the deposition of Iulia Minor and the exile of Ovid. In AD 9, the Julian marriage law was supplemented and — following protest from the knights — it was partly moderated by the lex Papia Poppaea (Cass. Dio 56,rff.; [30. 13 1ff.]). Five days after the end of the Illyrian War, the news arrived in Rome of the destruction of P. Quinctilius Varus with three legions, three alae and six cohorts in the Teutoburger Forest, which was brought about by the Cheruscan > Arminius (Vell. Pat. 2,117; Cass. Dio 56,23; Flor. 2,30,29ff.). However, A. does not seem to have considered giving up his politics of conquest in Germania (on the supposed consilium coercendi intra terminos imperti see Tac. Ann. 1,11,4, p- [38. 306-28]). The number of the Rhine legions was increased from six to eight. In AD 13, Germanicus was given the supreme command and, as Drusus once did,

he conducted a census in Gallia before his offensive (Tac. Ann. 1,31,2; 33,1). In Rome A. began a census,

which lasted almost two years (R. Gest. div. Aug. 8,4; Suet. Tib. 21,1). His imperium proconsulare was extended by ro years in AD 13. At the same time, Tiberius received an imperium aequum (Cass. Dio 56,28,1).

Since A. suspected that his end was near, he made out his will on 3 April 13, which he deposited in the Vesta temple together with the Res gestae [39; 40]), the

mandata de funere suo and a breviarium totius imperii (Suet. Aug. ror). A. died on 19 August AD 14 in Nola. At the burial, Tiberius delivered the funeral speech in front of the aedes Divi Iuli, his son Drusus on the old rostra (Suet. Aug. 97ff.; [1. p. 40 and 50). A.’s ashes were placed in his mausoleum. On 17 September 14, A. was consecrated (— consecratio) [1. 52]. On the same day, Tiberius became A.’s successor and assumed,

among other things, the perpetual imperium proconsulare (Suet. Tib. 24). With this, the principate was established as a new form of monarchy. 1 V. EHRENBERG, A.H. M. Jones, Documents illustrating

the Reigns ofA.and Tiberius,*1976

2 J. BLEICKEN, Zwi-

schen Republik und Prinzipat, 1990

~©=3: L. Keppig, Colo-

nisation and Veteran Settlement in Italy 47-14 B.C., 1983 4 J. Le GALL, Le serment a l’empereur, in: CCG 1, 1990 5 W.M. Murray, P.M. Petsas, Octavian’s campsite memorial for the Actian war, 1989 6 TH. SCHAFER, Zur

Datierung des Siegesdenkmals von Actium, in: MDAI(A) 108,1993 7 T.HOLSCHER, Denkmaler der Schlacht von Actium, in: Klio 67,1985 8 E.G. Huzar, A., heir of the Ptolemies, ANRW II 10.1, 1988 9 G.GERACI, Enagyia de viv got, ANRW II 10.1, 1988 10 D. Krenast, A.

Prinzeps und Monarch, 1982 (for older literature) 11 M.G. Co in, Les einceintes augustéennes dans |’occident romain, 1987 12 W.TRILLMICH, P. ZANKER, Stadtbild und Ideologie, 1990 13 CH. GoupiNneau, A. REBOURG, Les villes augustéennes de Gaule, r991 14 N.K. Mackig, Augustan Colonies in Mauretania, in: Historia 32,1983 15 W.D. HEILMEYeER (ed.), A. und die verlorene Republik, 1988 16 G.CareTront, Das Haus des A. auf dem Palatin, 1983 17M.Corsier, De la maison

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BMG AUGUSTUS

AUGUSTUS

375

376

104,

fin de la République et au début de I’Empire, in: CCG 3,

1994; G.C. MARRONE, Ecumene Augustea, 1993; F. MILLAR, E. SEGAL (ed.), Caesar A. Seven Aspects, 1984; K.A. RAAFLAUB, M.TOHER (ed.), Between Republic and Empire, 1990; P.SaTTLER, A. und der Senat, 1960; E.SIMON, A., 1986; W.SpEYER, Das Verhaltnis des A. zur Religion, ANRW II 16.3, 1986, 1777-1805; SYME, AA; SYME, RR;

1992

S. WALKER, A. BURNETT, The Image of A., 1981; A. WAL-

d’Hortensius a la curia sur le Palatin, in: MEFRA

1992

18H.v. HesBerG, S. PANCIERA, Das Mausoleum

des A.,1994

19 E.Lo Cascio, The Size of Roman Popu-

lation, in: JRS 84, 1994 20 D.Kienast, KS, 1994 21 J.-M.Roppaz, Imperium: nature et compétences a la 22K.M. GrrarberT, Zur Diskussion um das im-

perium consulare militiae im 1.Jh. v.Chr., in: CCG

3,

LACE-HaApRILL, Augustan Rome, 1993; P. WHiTE, Prom-

1992 23 P.ZANKER, A. und die Macht der Bilder, 1986 24 J.S. ARKENBERG, Licinii Murenae Terentii Varrones and Varrones Murenae, in: Historia 42, 1993 25 W. AMELING, A. und Agrippa, in: Chiron 24,1994 26H.

ised verse, 1993; R. Winkes (ed.), The Age of A., 1986; T. Woopman, D. West, Poetry and politics in the age of A., 1984.

HALEMANN,

The Memoirs of the Emperor, 1986 Drama: A. HAusHoFer, A., 1939. RECEPTION: F.Scripa, A. im Schwarzhemd, I. STAHLMANN, Imperator Caesar A., 1988.

Itinera principum,

1986

27 A. POWELL,

Roman Poetry and Propaganda in the Age of A., 1992 28 R.M.ScHNEIDER,

Bunte Barbaren, 1986

29 H.SrrRas-

BURGER, Studien zu Alten Geschichte 3, 1990 30 A.MettE-DitrMann, Die Ehegesetze des A., 1991 31 J. F. HALL, The Saeculum Novum of A., ANRW II 16.3, 1986 32 E.LA Rocca, Ara Pacis Augustae, 1983 33 G.M. Koeppet, V. Ara Pacis A., 1, Die histor. Reliefs in: BJ 188, 1988

Die histor. Reliefs der rom. Kaiserzeit in: BJ 187, 1987 34 G.M. KoepreL, der rom. Kaiserzeit V. Ara Pacis A., 2, 35 E.BucHNER, Die Sonnenuhr des A.,

1982 36 V.Larri, Le iscrizioni relative all’introduzione nel 9 a.C. del nuovo cal. della Prov. d’Asia, in: SCO 16, 1967 37A.ALFOLDI, Die zwei Lorbeerbaume des A., 1973 38 J.OBeER, Tib. and the Political Testament of A., in: Historia 31,1982 39 E.S. RAMAGE, The Nature and Purpose ofA.’ Res gestae, 1987 (review by D. KrENasT, in:

AJPh rro, 1989, 177f.) 40 B.Stmon, Die Selbstdarstellung des A. in der Munzpragung und in den Res gestae,

1993. EDITIONS: Res gestae divi Augusti, edited and interpreted by H. VOLKMANN, 31969; E. MALcovati, Imperatoris Caesaris operum fragmenta, 51969.

Coins: RRC, 1974, 499ff. no. 490ff.; C.H. V. SUTHERLAND, RIC 17, 1984; Id., C. M. Kraay, Catalogue of Coins of the Roman Empire in the Ashmolean Museum 1, 1975; RR Gor 1992. Portraits: Das rom. Herrscherbild 1,2, 1994 (D.BoSCHUNG); 4, 1982 (A.-K. MASSNER); P. ZANKER, Studien zu den A.-Portrats 1, *1978; K.FITTsCHEN, P.ZANKER,

Katalog der rém. Portrats in den kapit. Museen 1, 1985; W.HausMANN, ANRW II 12.2, 1981, 513ff. W.H. Gross, ebda. 599ff.; E.TouLoupa, in: MDAI(A) rot, 1985, 185ff. (Equestrian statue). BIBLIOGRAPHY: G.ALFOLDY, Studi sull’epigrafia augustea e tiberiana di Roma, 1992; Id., Tradition und Innovation. A. und die Inschr., in: Klio 1991, 289-324; R.BauMAN, Lawyers and Politics in the Early Roman Empire, 1989; G. BINDER (ed.), Saeculum Augustum, 3 Vols., 1987-91; CH. BOHME, Princeps und Polis, 1995; A.K. Bowman, E.CHAMPLIN, A.Linrotr (ed.), The Augustean Empire, 43 B.C.-A.D. 69, CAH X, 71996 (with literature); A. CHASTAGNOL, Le senat romain a |’epoque imperiale, 1992; G.S. Curesa (ed.), Augusto in Cisalpina, 1995; K.CHISHOLM, J. FERGUSON (ed.), The Augustan Age A Source Book, 1981; D. Favro, The Urban Image of Augustean Rome, 1996; V.GARDTHAUSEN, A. und seine Zeit, 2 Vols., 1891; J. GONZALEZ, The first oath pro salute Augusti found in Baetica, in: ZPE 72, 1988, 113-127;

A.E. Gorpon, Album of Dated Latin Inscriptions, Vol. 1, 1957; H.HANLEIN-SCHAFER, Veneratio Augusti, 1985; F. KUHNERT, Die Kultur der Augusteischen Zeit, in: Klio 67, 1985, 118-129; M.A. Levi, Augusto e il suo tempo,

HISTORICAL

NOVEL:

J.BUCHAN,

A., 1937; A.MASSIE,

1995; DK.

[2] (Avyouotoc; Augoustos, LeBaotdc; Sebastos). From

the time of its first bestowal as a honorific on 16 January AD 27 (Feriale Cumanum, R. Gest. div. Aug. 34) on > Octavianus, and its bequeathal by him to > Tiberius [1], the title of A. (‘the Sublime’) became an established titular component of the imperial name, but without at the same time bestowing any legal powers. Elevation to A. by the Senate, in the 3rd cent. often by the army (> Soldier emperors), marked the official installation (dies imperii) of the Roman ruler; the praenomen Imperatoris was added to the title as military counterpart to the nomen A. [3. 167]. When Marcus [2] Aurelius also had his adoptive brother L. > Verus elevated to A., there were for the first time two simulta-

neous Augusti; under the tetrarchy (— Tetrarchés IV) power was further extended to two emperors bearing the title > Caesar (see appendices). > Diocletianus re-

served legislative power for himself as senior A.; it was only Valentinianus [1] who in 364 made his brother Valens [2] A. pari iure (‘A. without reserve’), thus presaging the division of the empire [1. 25; 2. 63]. The semper A. attested under Diocletian and Constantine [1] I demonstrates the formalisation of the name, even more so from Constantine onwards its translation into Gr. as Atyovotoc/Augoustos instead of Lefpaotdc/

Sebastos [3. 70]. In his AD 629 ‘Amendments’ > Heracleius [7] I introduced the title Baotievc/Basilevis (‘king’), up to then avoided owing to the strong Roman repudiation of monarchy, and the title of A. was supplanted. However, during the entire Middle Ages A. was a component of the imperial title, in the Germanic Holy Roman Empire until 1806 in the translated form ‘Mehrer’. ~ Caesar; > Imperator; > Emperor 1 KIENAST 2 A. Passt, Divisio regni, 1986 3 Id., Comitia imperii, 1997. 4 W. HartxKe, Rom. KinderkaiSCL SL 5G. ROscH, Onoma Basileias, 1978

6 MomMSEN, Staatsrecht 2, 748-750.

Aulaeum see > Theatre

ME. STR.

377

378

Aule (ava; aule) In Homer (Od. 14,5) the enclosed,

settlement traces; temple (archaic proportions) from the 5th cent. BC, inscription indicates temple of Artemis, and adjacent buildings. In Roman times the temple was restored, in late antiquity parts were used to builda bath. Sources: Str. 9,2,8; Paus. 9,19, 6ff.

light courtyard of a > house. Since the 7th cent. BC, the aule is a central part of the Greek courtyard house, where the multi-room house is grouped around the aule, which can be used agriculturally, for example as stables. The development of the courtyard house marks an important point in the development of Greek house architecture; it displaces the until that time usual form of the one-room house (megaron, oval and apsidal house). The aule was usually paved; from classical times, it is present in nearly all houses (Lys. 1,17). The combination of rooms surrounding the courtyard is increasingly more unified and integrated into larger urban units (> insula). Courtyards can have rows of columns on one or two sides, but columns can also be entirely lacking. A special form of the aule or of the courtyard house is the peristyle house (Olynthus, Delos), which from the 4th cent. BC can be expanded until it attains palace-like dimensions. In the Roman imperial era, the Lat. term aula derived from aule designated a representative palace room for civic acts (aula regia, — Palace). H.Drerup, Zum geom. Haus, in: MarbWPr

Id., Prostashaus

und Pastashaus,

1962, 1-9;

in: MarbWPr

1967,

6-17; H.Lauter, Die Architektur des Hell., 1986, 227; W. HOEPENER, E.-L. SCHWANDNER, Haus und im klass. Griechenland, *1994, passim (Index s.v. M.KIDerRLEN, Megale Oikia, 1995, 14-19.

223Stadt Hof); C.HO.

Aulerci A people in Gallia Celtica, later Lugdunensis, between the Loire and the Seine, that was divided into four partial tribes (Caes. B Gall. 3,17; 7,753 Plin. HN 4,107; Ptol.Geog. 2,8): 1. The Cenomani who partly

moved to Upper Italy (Liv. 5,35,1) and partly settled around Subdinum (today Le Mans) where they worshipped Mars Mullo [1. 343-348]. 2. The Diablintes/ Diablinti, their main settlement was Noviodunum [2. 454-463; 3]. It was not Caesar but probably Ptolemy (Geog. 2,8,7) who classified them as belonging to the A. 3. The Eburovices [4], who settled mainly in Mediolanum. 4. The Brannovices, clientes of the Haedui (Caes. B Gall. 7,75,2). The exact location of their region, however, remains uncertain. 1 P. WuiLteumier,

2 GRENIER 1,1931 de l’Ouest, 1991,

Inscr.

lat. des trois Gaules,

1963

3J.NAVEAU, in: Rev. archéologique 103-116 4D.CLIcHET, Carte

Archéol. de la Gaule, L’Eure, 1993.

Y.L.

AULOS

S.C. BAaKHUIZEN, Salganeus and the Fortification on its Mountains, 1970, 96-100, 152-156; FOSSsEY, 68-74; N.D. Papacuatzis, Tlavoaviov Ehiddocg Meomynos 5,

*r981, 15 rf.

M.FE.

Aulodes Town in Africa proconsularis, modern Sidi Reiss. A. became a municipium under Septimius Severus. CIL VIII Suppl. 1, 14355. AATun 050, sheet 19, no. 9; C.LEPELLEY, l'Afrique romaine 2, 1981, 75f.

Les cités de W.HU.

Aulon [1] (avdwv; aulon) Common designation for glens and gorges: 13 instances in [1], 17 in [2]. Ath. 5,189 documents for Attica several hieroi Aulones (‘sacred aulo-

nes’), but only that of Dionysus is known [3]. The south Attic Aulon, a small mining area, appears in several mining lease certificates and possibly lay in the territory of the deme > Phrearrhii [4]. 1 PAPE/BENSELER1,176

2 A.MILCHHOEFER,S.v. A., RE

2, 2413ff. 3 J. JESSEN, s.v. Auloneus, RE 2, 2415 4 H. LOHMANN, Atene, 1993, 53, 98f. H.LO.

[2] (Aulona). Harbour in the south of Illyria, protected by the Acroceraunia promontory at the entrance of the bay of the same name, Italian Valona, present-day Vloré in Albania. Settlement traces from Mycenean and Hellenistic times. Since the late Roman imperial era expanded as a harbour for the > via Egnatia |1. 697700]; in the early Middle Ages, A. displaces > Apollonia [1]. Mentioned several times in the It. Ant. and Burdig., in the Tab. Peut. 6,3 and by Hierocles 653,7 and Const. Porph. De them. 93 PERTust. Bishopric belonging to Néa “Haetgoc; bishops verifiable in the correspondence of 457/458 [2] and at the council in 553 [3. 20, 30, 136, 148, r5of.]. Early Christian graves in the area [4. 438f.]; remains of a surrounding wall (6th cent. AD). 1N.G. L. HAMMOND, Epirus, 1967. 2 ACO II 5,95f. 3 E.Curysos, Die Bischofslisten des V. Okumenischen Konzils (553), 1966 4 A.EGGEBREcHT (ed.), Albanien, 1988.

Aulis (Avdic; Aulis). Boeotian coastal town

on the

Euboean Gulf, c. 3 km south of Euripus; with Artemis sanctuary. In the north of A. lies a smaller, in the south, c. 1 km away, a larger bay (Babic Mut, bathys limen). In the epic tradition, the collection point of the Greeks for the journey to Troy and the place where Agamemnon sacrificed his daughter > Iphigenia to Artemis to ensure favourable winds for the journey. In 396 BC, demonstrative starting-point of the campaign to Asia Minor under the Spartan king Agesilaus. Until 387 BC, A. belonged to Thebes, then to Tanagra. Mycenaean

G.Kocn, Albanien, STEN 2,1, 57f.

1989,

283-285;

PHILIPPSON/KiRE.W.

Aulos [1] Aulos, see > Musical instruments [2] Stonemason of the rst cent. BC, son of > Alexas,

brother of Quintus. Signed works: Eros bound to tropaion (amethyst, London, BM), nailing down butterfly (hyacinth, The Hague, MK), bound (cameo, lost), with Aphrodite (carnelian, London, BM); satyr head (intag-

AULOS

lio, lost); Maenad busts (hyacinth, erstwhile Collection Ludovisi); athlete (carnelian, Paris, CM); Poseidon and Amymone (white paste, London, BM and Paris, CM);

also glass pastes after originals by A., e.g. Quadriga (Berlin, PM). -» Gem and cameo cutters ZAZOFF, AG, 285-287''3-'** (Lit.), pl. 80, 1-10.

S.MI.

Aunobaris Town in Africa proconsularis, southsouth-west of Thugga, modern Kern el-Kebch, a municipium since the end of the 3rd cent. AD (CIL VIII Suppl. 1, 15563). Inscriptions: CIL VIII Suppl. 1, 15562-15568; Suppl. 4, 27395-27405; Inscr. latines d’ Afrique sorf. AATun 050, sheet 19, no. 160; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de Afrique romaine 2, 1981, 76.

380

379

W.HU.

Zos. 1,48); in 271 cos.

I and Germanicus

Maximus.

During his second stay in Rome in the winter of 271/72, he began to enclose the city with the wall named after him and he did the same thing in other Italian cities (SHA Aur. 21,9). In early 272, he departed for the east. On the way, he fought in the Balkans against the Goths (Eutr. 9,13; Amm.

Marc.

31,5,17; SHA

Aur. 33,3f.

272 Goticus maximus), then left the province of Dacia to the Goths and other barbarians and created a new Dacia south of the Danube for the expelled inhabitants (SHA Aur. 39,7).

In summer

272 at Emesa

quished the ruler of Palmyra,

(Homs/Syria),

A. van-

Zenobia, who, together

with her son > Vaballathus, tried to establish an independent empire in the East. He laid siege to Palmyra,

which

surrendered

when

Zenobia

was

imprisoned

(Eutr. 9,13; SHA Aur. 25,3ff.; Zos. 1,50-6; 272 Parthicus or Persicus maximus). In winter 272/73, A. was perhaps in Byzantium (Cod. lust. 5,72,2); from there he

Aurelia [1] Probably the daughter of C. > Aurelius [I 5] Cotta and the sister of L. Aurelius Cotta (MUNZER, 327), wife

advanced in 273 against the Carpi, vanquished them and settled a section of the people in imperial lands

of C. > Julius Caesar and mother of the dictator Caesar. She discovered P. Clodius at the > Bona Dea festival at the end of 62 BC in Caesar’s house (Plut. Caes.

mus]). An upheaval in Palmyra forced him in 273 to undertake a second campaign against the city, which he now plundered; finally he quashed a rebellion in Egypt and therewith also prevented, for the time being, the threatened secession of the eastern part of the Roman empire. After his return, he celebrated a triumph in

10.2; Suet. Iul. 74,2, among others). Died before September 54. [2] A. Orestilla. Widow, then lover and since the middle of the 60s BC the second wife, of Catilina (Sall. Catil. T5e2cin Cio Catars TA sAScOnmom@):

K-LE.

Aurelia Aquensis see > Aquae [III 6]

(SHA Aur. 30,4; Aur. Vict. 39,43; [273 Carpicus maxi-

Rome (Zos. 1,60-61).

Already in 274, A. advanced, now as cos. II, to the west, in order to reconquer the remains of the Gallic usurper’s empire, which had existed since 260 (> Postumus). The Gallic emperor, > Esuvius Tetricus, came

Aurelianus [1] Aurelius A. Praetorian legate of Arabia under two Augusti (AE 1965, 23); cos. suff. between AD 180 and 182 (CIL VII 10570=ILS 6870). PIR* A 1424.

[2] Consular senator. His execution, demanded by the soldiers, was at first refused by Emperor > Macrinus (217-18) (Cass. Dio 78,12,4), but was probably carried out soon thereafter (Cass. Dio 78,19,1). PIR* A 1425. [3] Imperator Caes. L. Domitius A. Augustus. Born on 9

September AD 214 in the territory which he later called Dacia ripensis (Eutr. 9,13,1); of lowly origins ({Aur. Vict.] epit. Caes. 35,1). As a cavalry leader, he was a participant in the conspiracy against Gallienus in 268 (Aur. Vict. Caes. 33,21; Zon. 12,25), under Claudius II Gothicus he was still dux equitum (SHA Aur. 18,1). After the latter’s death (in August 270), A. was elected emperor by the soldiers in Sirmium during the brief interregnum of Quintillus in September (SHA Aur. 37,6; Zos. 1,47) and after Quintillus’ death, he was confirmed by the Senate. After a stay in Rome in the winter of 270/71, where he put down a revolt by the monetarii under Felicissimus (Aur. Vict. Caes. 35,6; Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes. 35,4; SHA Aur. 21,5f.), he led campaigns in Upper Italy and on the Danube against the Vandals, Juthungi and Sarmatians (Dexippos FGrH IA 460 F 7; SHA Aur. 18,2;

over to A.’s side in a battle on the Catalaunian Plains (Aur. Vict. 35,4; Eutr. 9,13). In autumn 274, A. celebrated a second triumph and, after the consolidation of the empire, named himself restitutor orbis; his wife Ulpia Severina was elevated to Augusta. There followed important domestic and religiouspolitical measures for the consolidation of the empire, especially a coin reform (Zos. 1,61; see RIC 5/1 265ff. [x]) and the reinvention of > Sol invictus as imperial god. At the end of 274, probably on 25 December, a new temple of the sun god was dedicated in Rome. As cos. III, A. quelled unrest at the beginning of 275 in Gallia and protected the Vindelici from barbarian invasions (SHA Aur. 35,5f.; Zon. 12,27). Because after the integration of the Palmyrene empire protection against the Persians had become the exclusive duty of the emperor, A. armed himself for a Persian or ‘Scythian’ campaign. On the way to Byzantium in September or Oc‘tober 275, A. fell victim to a conspiracy at Caenophurium (Aur. Vict. 35,7f.; SHA Aur. 35,5ff.; Zos. 1,625 Zon. 12,27); thus there were none of the threatened persecutions of Christians (Euseb. Hist. eccl. 7,30,20f.). Perhaps A. was temporarily subject to damnatio memoriae, but was consecrated

PERE ce ar29n.)s

as Divus A. (PIR* D 135;

381

382

AURELIUS

1D. Kienast, Die Miinzreform A.’, in: Chiron 4, 1974,

[I 2] A. Cotta. Tribune of the people in 49 BC (Luc.

547-565 =KS, 1994, 575-600.

3,143).

RIC 5/r, 248-312; KIENAST, 71996, 234-236.

AB.

W.W.

[I 3] A. Cotta, C. Conquered as cos. I in 252 BC, with

his colleague Therma Himera and Lipara (Pol. 1,39,13 ia.) and for this received a triumph (InscrIt 13,1,76f.;

[4] Probably mag. officiorum in AD 392/3 [1. 148], praef. urbis Constantinopolitanae in 393/4, praef. praet. Orientis in 399/400; cos. in 400 (on the precise

date [2. 259ff.; 3. 164ff.], probably praef. praetorio Orientis II in 414/416 (on the assumption of a second Aurelianus [1. 149]) and patricius. Can be identified with Osiris in Synesius’ De providentia [3. 80ff.; 4. 70ff.]; according to this the brother of > Caesarius [3] or > Eutychianus. Often considered one of the antiGermans (but cf. [2. rosf.]). In 399, A. took part in the deposition of > Eutropius and was surrendered to ~ Gaenas in 400, unseated from his office and banned; after the deposition of Gaenas, he was reinstated and endowed with high honours. The Christian A. encouraged monasticism in Constantinople and was an opponent of John Chrysostom; in his second praefecture, he enacted strict laws against the non-orthodox (PLRE 1, TLS ta)s 1 Ciauss, 148f. 2 J.H. W. G. Lrepescuuetz, Barbarians and Bishops, 1990 |=.3. A. CAMERON, J. Lona, Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius, 1993 4 G. ALBERT, Goten in Konstantinopel, 1984. v. HAEHLING, 82f.

HLL.

Aurelius Widespread plebeian gentilicium (ThIL 2,1482-87), which in ancient etymology is derived from Sabine and was derived via the older form Auselius from sol (sun) (Fest. p. 22; from this the modern

derivation from the Sabine *ausel over Etruscan usil ‘Sun god’, cf. [1. 36; 2. 468]). The family attained noble status in the rst Punic War with Aur. [3] and provides

numerous consuls in the 2nd cent. BC from the branches of the Cottae, Orestae and Scauri. This, however,

does not completely explain the building stages and assignment of various viae Aureliae in the 2nd cent. [3; 4]. The late Republican tribunal Aurelium was the place for conscriptions [5. 40of.]. In the imperial era since the 2nd cent. AD and especially after the — Constitutio Antoniniana of AD 212, A., together with Aelius, Clau-

dius and Flavius, A. belonged (also in the form Aurellius and abbreviated AUR.) to the most common names. Since the Emperor Antoninus Pius (138-161), A. is also the family name of numerous emperors until the 4th cent. (see below). I. REPUBLICAN

ERA

II. IMPERIAL

ERA

I. REPUBLICAN ERA [I 1] A., L. procos. or propraetor of Macedonia at the end 2nd/beginning of the rst cent. BC (MRR 3, 30). 1 WALDE, HOFMANN

2SCHULZE

3 G.RADKE,s.v. Viae

publicae Romanae, RE Suppl. 13, 1614f. 4)

E. Fenr-

RESS, Via Aurelia, Via Aemilia, in: PBSR 52, 1984, 72-76 5 RICHARDSON. K.-L.E.

MRR 1, 212). As cos. II in 248, he unsuccessfully laid siege to Lilybaeum and Drepana (MRR 1, 215; Road building [?]: ILLRP 1277; MRR 3, 30f.). Censor in 241 and mag. equitum of the dictator C. > Duilius in 231 (MRR 1, 219; 226).

[I 4] A. Cotta, C. praetor probably around 220 BC, praetor urbanus in 202 BC (designated as praetor iterum ILLRP 75; MRR

3, 31; [1]). As cos. in 200, he

received the supreme command in Upper Italy against the rebellious Celts and the remains of the Carthaginians under Hamilcar, who, however, had been defeated by the praetor L. Furius Purpureo before the arrival of A. against the latter’s will (Liv. 3 1,6,1; 22,3; 47,4-49533 MRR 1, 323). Milestone: ILLRP 1288. [15] A. Cotta, C. Born in 124 BC (Cic. Brut. 301), son of Rutila (daughter of P. Rutilius Rufus) and brother of A.

[9] and [11], defended his uncle in 93/2. As the friend of the tribune of the people M. > Livius Drusus he was accused after his friend’s death in 90 under the lex Varia and went into exile (Cic. De or. 3,11; Brut. 205, and

passim). He returned to Rome after Sulla’s victory, was probably praetor in 81 (MRR 3, 31) and fought as propraetor unsuccessfully against Sertorius in 80 (Plut. Sert. 12,3). As cos. with L. Octavius, in 75 he restored to the tribunes of the people the right taken away from them by Sulla to exercise additional offices (Ascon. 66f.; 78C). Although he did not accomplish anything noteworthy as proconsul in Gallia Cisalpina in 74, he was given a triumph, but he died beforehand (Cic. Pis. 62; Ascon. 14C). His successor in the office as pontifex was Caesar (Vell. Pat. 2,43,1). Although Cicero valued him as an orator together with his contemporary P. Sulpicius Rufus and made him his interlocutor in the dialogues De or. and Nat. D., A. did not publish any of his speeches (ORF I+, 286-291). {I 6] A. Cotta, L. Tribune of the people around 154 BC (MRR 1, 450), praetor at the latest in 147. When, as cos., he argued with his colleague Ser. Sulpicius Galba for the command against Viriatus in 144, Scipio Aemilianus hindered their appointment (Val. Max. 6,4,2). In 138, he was accused by Scipio of extortion, defended by Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus and acquitted (Cic. Div. Caec. 69; Font. 38; Mur. 58; Liv. Per. Oxy. 55). [I 7] A. Cotta, L. Son of A. [6], praetor at the latest in 122 BC, cos. in 119, defied a law of the people’s tribune C. > Marius about the narrowing of the passages for votes in the comitiae (Plut. Mar. 4; Cic. Leg. 3,38), whereupon C. Marius successfully threatened him with imprisonment. [18] A. Cotta, L. Tribune of the people in 103 BC (MRR I, 563), praetor around 95 and criticized by Cicero (Brut. 137 among others) as an old-fashioned and coarse speaker.

383

384

[19] A. Cotta, L. Brother ofA.[5] and [11], as praetor in 70 BC with the lex Aurelia appointed the jury of the quaestiones (- quaestio) by thirds with senators, knights and tribuni aerarii, and thereby ended the battle

II. IMPERIAL ERA {Il 1] A. Antiochus. cos. suff. around AD 275, procos. Africae around 290 (ILAfr. 513). PIR* A 1444; PLRE 1, 72 Ow 3. [112] A. Appius Sabinus. praef. Aegyptiin AD 249-250, led a persecution of Christians (Euseb. Hist. eccl.

AURELIUS

for the courts (MRR 2, 127). In 66, he raised accusations of bribery against the designated consul P. + Autronius Paetus [2] and was elected in his place (Ascon. 75C; 88C; Cass. Dio 36,44). As censor in 64, he

6,40,2); later, obviously a Senator, he was corrector Asiae (ILS 9467). PIR* A 1455.

was prevented by the tribunes of the people from compiling the senatorial list (Plut. Cic. 27,3; Cass. Dio 375954). In 63, he requested a supplicatio for Cicero for the disclosure of the Catiline conspiracy (Cic. Phil. 2,13) and later did not recognize the legality of Cicero’s

{fl 3] T. Cl. A. Aristobulus. praef. praetorio under + Carinus (Aur. Vict. Caes. 39,14), in AD 285 cos. ord. first with Carinus,.then with — Diocletianus (Amm. Marc. 23,1,1). Procos. Africae in 290-294 (CIL VII 4645=ILS 5714; 5290=ILS 5477), praef. urbi in 29 5-6

exile. At the beginning of the Civil War he was neutral,

(1,66 Chron. min. MOMMSEN)

but by 44 he was a supporter of Caesar and X Wir sacris faciundis (supposed prediction of Caesar’s murder: Stet lil79)3.1 ica Divarzy1o). [110] A. Cotta, M. aedilis in 216 BC, in 203-201 envoy to King Philip V of Macedonia (MRR 1, 3133 321).

106.

1 T. CoREY BRENNAN, C.A. Cotta, praetor iterum (CIL I*

61), in: Athenaeum 67, 1989, 467-487.

{[ 11] A. Cotta (Ponticus), M. Brother of A. [5] and [9], praetor at the latest in 77 BC. He fought as consul in 74 with his colleague L. Licinius Lucullus against Mithridates VI (MRR 2, ror); in 73-70 proconsul of Bithynia and Pontus, he conquered Heraclea Pontica in 71 (Memnon, FGrH 434, 47-60). In 67, he was condemned because of embezzlement, lost his seat in the Senate (MRR 2,128) and probably also the surname Ponticus. J. Linperski,

A Missing

Ponticus,

in: AJAH

12,

1987

[1995], 148-166.

PIR* C 806; PLRE

1,

[ll 4] A. Atho Marcellus, M. Tribune of the praetorians, probably in AD 243/44 in the East (P Dura 81) and procurator of Mauretania Caesariensis in 246-249 under Philippus Arabs (CIL VIII 8809=ILS 5785; AE 1908,30 [15 2]). PIR* A 1460. {II 5] A. Basileus. Praef. Aegypti in 242-244 (P Mich. 164\= CRia4sP Bloc 4=|4)))aPIR- Avr467{II Sa] Imperator Caesar M. Aurelius Antonius see ~+ Marcus [2] [II 6] Imperator Caesar M.A. Antoninus Caracalla. see

=a @anacallas 1R.W.

Davies,

1967, 20-22

M. Aur. Atho Marcellus, in: JRS 57,

2PFLAUM, Suppl. 93f.

3 U.WILCKEN,

Chrestomathie, 206.

{Il 7] M.A. Carinus Augustus Imperator Caesar. see ~ Carinus. [Il 8] M.A.

Carus

Augustus

Imperator

Caesar.

see

> Carus. {1 12] A. Cotta, M. praetor around 54 BC (MRR 2, 222), Pompeian, in Sardinia in 49, then in Africa (MRR 212160).

{I 13] A. Opillus. (not Opilius), freedman, teacher of philosophy, rhetoric and grammar, followed P. > Rutilius Rufus into exile in Smyrna in 92 BC (Suet. Gram.

6). {1 14] A. Orestes, L. praetor at the latest in 160 BC, cos. in 157. In 147-145, legate at the rebellion of the Achaean League in Greece (MRR 2, 464; 467f.). [1 15] A. Orestes, L. Son of A. [14], praetor at the latest in 129 BC, fought as cos. in 126 against the Sardinians (MRR 1,508), remained there as procos. and held a triumph in 122 after his return (InserIt 13,1,83). {I 16] A. Orestes, L. praetor at the latest in 106, cos. in 103, died in office (MRR 1, 562). {I 17] A. Scaurus, C. praetor in 186 BC in Sardinia (MRR 1, 371). [1 18] A. Scaurus, M. Perhaps mint master in 118 BC (MRR 3, 32), guaestor around 117 (?), praetor at the

latest in 111, cos. suff. as successor of L. (?) > Hortensius (MRR 1, 548). From 106, legate in the war against the Germani, he was taken prisoner by the Cimbri in ro5 and killed (MRR 1, 557). K.-L.E,

[11 9] M.A. Claudius Quintillus Augustus Imperator Caesar. see > Quintillus. [If 10] M.A. Cleander. Of Phrygian origin, imperial slave, freed by — Marcus Aurelius, treasured by + Commodus. Together with the praef. praetorio Tarrutienus Paternus, he disposed of Saoterus, Commodus’ treasurer, whose position he himself assumed: a cubiculo (CIL XV 8021 = ILS 1737). He took part in the deposition of the praetorian praefect Tigidius Perennis and thus attained great influence. After disposing of the praef. praetorio Atilius II 1 Aebutianus, he himself assumed this position together with two other officials; his title was, however, only a pugione (AE 1961, 280). A. IL 29, who had been demoted by Cleander to praef. annonae, organized a famine revolt against him. Therefore, A. Cleander was disposed of by Commodus. [r. 290ff.]. PIR? A 1481. 1 Grosso, La lotta politica al tempo di Commodo, 1964.

{II 11] Imperator Caesar M.A. Commodus Antoninus Augustus. see > Commodus. {i 12] L. Aelius A. Commodus. see > Verus. {Il 13] A. Cotta Maximus Messalinus, M. Son of M. Valerius Messalla Corvinus, cos. in

31 BC, and an Aure-

385

386

lia [1. 230ff.]. His brother was M. Valerius Messalla Messalinus, cos. ord. in 3 BC, from whom he assumed the cognomen Cotta (Vell. Pat. 2,112,2). A close friend of Ovid’s, who wrote him several letters from exile (Ov. Pont. 1,539; 2,3383 3,255, cf. [2. 117ff.]). In 16 as praetor designatus took part in the trial of Libo, in 17 praetor peregrinus (InscrIt 13,1 p. 297) [2.

147]. In 20, cos. ord.

AUREUS

[If 23] M.A. (Sabinus) Iulianus Augustus, Imperator

Caesar. see > lulianus. [Il 24] M.A. Marius Augustus, Imperator Caesar. see

~ Marius {I 25] A. Merithates. Brother of the Armenian king A. Pacorus, died in Rome at the age of 56 (IGRR 1, 222 = IGUR 2,1, 415). PIR* A 1558.

during the whole year; in the trial of Cn. Calpurnius

[II 26] A. Nemesianus

Piso, he formulated the sentence (Tac. Ann. 3,17,4) [3].

nus. [Il 27] M.A. Numerius Numerianus Augustus, Imperator Caesar. see » Numerianus. [II 28] A. Pacorus. King of Armenia, who probably received Roman citizenship from Marcus Aurelius and lived in Rome (IGR 1,222 = IGUR 2,1,415). Possibly identical to the Pacorus whom L. Verus deposed as king (Fronto ad Ver. 2,1,15 Hout). PIR* A 1566. [II 29] A. Papirius Dionysius, M. Juristically-experienced knight, who served several functions as praef. annonae; after that, named praef. Aegypti; A. Cleander obviously prevented him from taking over this position so that he remained praef. annonae; he instigated a rebellion against Cleander by making food supplies run low. Probably executed in the same year by Commodus. [1. 3 52f.; 2. 472ff.]. (PIR* A 1567).

Influential in the Senate, but also vigourously disliked by some senators. Accusations in 32, buta letter from Tiberius confirmed the friendship. Procos. Asiae (I. Eph. 7,1, 3022) [I. 237; 4. 28off.]. According to Tacitus (Ann. 6,7,1), he caused the downfall of his family; highlighted by Juvenal as a patron of poetry (Juv. 7,94f.). 1SymeE, AA _21d., History in Ovid, 1978 3 W.Eck, A. CABALLOS, F, FERNANDEZ, Das s.c. de Cn. Pisone patre,

1996, toof.

4 VOGEL-WEIDEMANN.

{Il 14] A. Fulvus, T. Senator from Nemausus, accepted into the Senate under Claudius or Nero. Legate of the legio III Gallica in the East, in 69 in Moesia; success against the Roxolani, therefore endowed with the ornamenta consularia by Otho. Probably cos. suff. in 70 [r. 242ff.], governor of Hispania citerior (AE 1952, 122 = Inscr. Rom. de Catalogne 3, 172-174) [2. 196]. Cos. II ord. in 85 together with Domitian (AE 1975, 53; RMD 3, no. 139). City praefect [3. 615f.]. Father of A. II 15, grandfather of Antoninus Pius. (PIR* A 1510). 1 SyME, RP 1

2 W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten, in: 3 SyME, RP 5.

Chiron 13, 1983

[1 15] A. Fulvus, T. Son of A. Il 14, father of Antoninus Pius, husband of Arria Fadilla. Cos. ord. in 89 (AE

1949, 23). Died a short time later. Possibly accepted into the patrician order. (PIR* A 1509). [II 16] A. Fulvus Antoninus, M. Son of Antoninus Pius,

died before the latter’s adoption, later buried in the mausoleum of Hadrian (CIL VI 988=ILS 350). (PIR* A Isit). {1 17] A. Fulvus Antoninus, T. Born 31 August 161,

twin brother of Commodus, died at the age of four. (PIR* A 1512). {Ml 18] A. Fulvus Boionius Arrius Antoninus, T. see — Antoninus Pius. [II 19] A. Gallus, L. cos. suff. c. 129/133 (CIL XVI 173; cf. RMD 3, 157 n. 6). The cursus honorum of CIL VI 1356=ILS 1109 perhaps refers to him [1. 69]. 1 W.Eck, s.v. L.A. Gallus (no. 141a), RE Suppl. 14.

Olympius, M. see

> Nemesia-

1 H.Pavis D’Escurac, La préfécture de l’annone, 1976 2 PFLAUM, I 3J.REA, P. Oxy. 36, 2762 (introd.).

W.E. [II 30] M. Aurelius Probus Augustus, Imperator Caesar

S. see > Probus. [If 31] A. Quietus, T. Governor of Lycia-Pamphylia in 80/81, cos.suff. in 82 [1. 5rff.]. (PIR* A 1592). 1 W.Eck, Epigraphische Unt. zu den Konsuln und Senatoren des 1. bis 3.Jh. n.Chr., in: ZPE 37, 1980, 31-68.

[II 32] A. Valerius Claudius Augustus, M. see > Claudius [III 2] Gothicus. [Il 33] A. Victor see > Victor A.

Aureolus Dacian (Sync. p. 717), cavalry commander under > Gallienus (Zos. 1,40; Zon. 12,24; 25). He defeated the usurper Ingenuus in AD 260 in Pannonia (Aur. Vict. Caes. 33,2), and Macrianus in 261 (Zon. 12,24; SHA Gall. 2,6). He was heristant in attacking

Postumus in Gallia and probably defected to his side [x]. Declared Augustus in Milan, probably in August or September 268 and killed shortly afterwards by + Claudius’ [III 2] troops (Zos. 1,41). PIR* A 1672; PER Eee 3(8. 1 A. ALFOLDI, Studien zur Weltkrise, 1967, rff.

AB.

{Il 20] A. Gallus, L. cos. suff. in 146 (FOst*, 50; CIL

XVI 178; unpubl. diploma from Pannonia inferior). Son of A. II 19, father of A. II 21. [Il 21] A. Gallus, L. cos. ord. in 174, father of A. [II 22]. PIR* A 1516. W.E. [Ml 22] A. Gallus, L. cos. ord. in 198, governor

Moesia inferior between AD

of

202 and 205 (PIR* A

Teyana) LEUNISSEN, 251.

AB.

Aureus Gold coins; infrequent in republican Rome in contrast to the Hellenistic Kingdoms; used to supplement (cf. Liv. 27,10,11f.) the minting of silver coins

when necessary. The first gold coins, which are known as oath scene stater [4. 144 fig. 28/1; 145 fig. 29/1] — the sacrifice of a piglet depicted on the reverse refers to the conclusion of a treaty — are generally assumed to have been minted in 216 BC. Another interpretation,

AUREUS Au Au

Te

Gq

De

2

50)

Sq

San

Dus

Ass

Se

Ou

5 Ol LOO m2 On

OOS

OO 1600

Gq

227/225

eS ONL OO

ZOOMNACO 800

De

ZS

L202

I

2;

4

8

Sq

50

25

2

I

2

4

Sane

L6n

32)

S

100

50

4

2

I

2

4

8

Du

200

100

8

4

2

I

a

4

8

As

400 200

16

8

4

2

I

2

4

64 32 16

Se Qu

388

387

800 400 1600

800

32

~=«16

8

4

2

I

2

64

32

16

8

4

2

I

Au = aureus; Gq = gold quinarius; De = denarius; Sq = silver quinarius; S = sestertius; Du = dupondius; Se = semis; Qu = quadrans

which also considers the depiction of Janus on the face of the coin, suggests dating it to 241 BC [5. r4ff.]. The gold is minted in coins weighing 6 (6.82g) or 3 (3.41) scruples [4. 593]. The second issue (around 211-209 BC) comes during the 2nd Punic War. The coin known as Mars/Eagle gold has a value as per the marking (LX, XXXX, XX) of 60, 40 or 20 Ases (sesterces according to tradition, Plin. HN 33,47) and weighs 3 (3.35g), 2 (2.23g) or 1 (1.11g) scruple(s) [1. r6ff.]. In 196 BC in Greece, T. Quinctius Flamininus exer-

cised the minting rights of a commander to mint unusual aurei with the Attic weight (8.73 g) [4. 544]. More aurei were minted during the Social War by Minius Tegius [2. 95, 643]; c. 84/83 BC by Sulla at 1/30 of a Roman pound (10.75g) [1. 24ff.] and in 71 BC Pompey minted coins at 1/36 pound (8.95g) [r1. r12ff.]. After Caesar had returned to Rome laden with Gallic booty and had confiscated the gold reserves in the > Aerarium, the aureus then started to be minted on a general basis from 48 BC at 1/40 pound (8.56g, later 8.02g), and with a value of 25 denarii, which was retained for the following cents. [1. 30ff.]. With the advent of the 2nd triumvirate, the aureus was minted across the whole of the Roman empire, thereby ousting the last native gold coins (e.g. Ephesus), so that it was not only the only gold currency, but also the only nominal currency used in the whole empire (including Egypt) [9. 49f.]. The reduction in the value of the aureus began during the reign of Augustus (1/42 pound, 7.72g). It continued to be minted only in Lugdunum (Lyons) and Rome [6. 3]. Nero’s coinage reforms in AD 64 set the aureus at 1/45 pound, 7.4-7.25g [6. 4]. Under Domitian, the aureus was briefly increased back to the Augustan level, but was reduced back to Nero’s standard at the beginning of the 2nd cent. AD and then underwent no further changes until the 3rd cent. AD [9. 50]. Gold coinage declined during the rule of Commodus. The decentralization of the minting of gold coins was introduced

under Septimius Severus. Aurei then also began to be minted in the new mint in Laodicea in Syria. Caracalla’s coinage reforms led to a reduction in the aureus to 1/50 pound, 6.55g [10. 404]. During the remainder of the 3rd cent. AD, the aureus was reduced to 1/72 pound and was minted in varying weights with an uneven relationship to the denarius [3. 249ff.] The originally constant proportional gold content of 99% was then reduced [9. rr2f.]. After Diocletian’s seizure of power, the inconsistent gold coins were fixed at 1/70 pound, 4.6g (numeric value O) and, following the reform of AD 294, at 1/60 pound, 5.5g (numeric value =) [3. 292ff.]. It was not until Constantine the Great introduced the new gold coin, the solidus with a weight of 1/72 (4.49) in AD 309, that the gold currency achieved stability which continued for the following cents. [7. 466]. From the time of Caesar the quinarius was minted as a fixed currency unit equivalent to half an aureus; in late antiquity there was an increase in the minting of multiple denominations (binio, quaternio, octonio)

[8. 22ff.]. The pictures of gods on the faces of the aurei produced during the Republic were replaced under the rule of the 2nd triumvirate by a portrait of the triumviri and later by that of the emperor. As early as the rst cent. BC, the reverse of the gold coins served the purposes of political self-promotion. From the time of Augustus the aurei were an essential component

of the emperors’

coin-based propaganda. + Binio; + Coinage reforms; > Coinage; > Octonio;

+ Quadrigatus; > Quaternio; > Quinarius; > Solidus 1M.v. BAHRFELDT, Die rom. Goldmiinzenpragung, 1, 1923 2E.A. SyDENHAM, The Coinage of the Roman Republic, 1952 3S.Bo Ltn, State and Currency in the Roman Empire to 300 A.D., 1958 4RRC 5SH.W. Ritter, Zur rom. Minzpragung im 3.Jh. v.Chr., 1982 6 RIC *1, 1984 7M.F. HENDy, Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy c. 300-1450, 1985 SfaMauG: ToyYNBEE, W.E. METCALF, Roman Medallions, 1986 9 A.BURNETT, Coinage in the Roman World, 1987

10 F.pDE Martino, Wirtschaftsgesch. des alten Rom, 1991 11 W.HOLLsTEIN, Die stadtrom. Minzpragung der J. 78-50 v.Chr. zwischen polit. Aktualitat und Familienthematik, 1993. SCHROTTER, S.v. A., 49f.; L.C. West, Gold and Silver Coin

Standards, 1941; M.H. CrawForpb, Coinage and Money under the Roman Republic, 1985. A.M.

Auridae

(Avgida; Auridai). Attican paralia(?)-deme belonging to the phyle of Hippothontis, and later possibly that of Antigonis; one bouleutes [1. 106]. The location is unknown, but was probably in Thriasion Pedion. 1J.S. Trarii, Diakris, the inland trittys of Leontis, in: Hesperia 47, 1978, 89-109 DidsvAtticay 12-275 267O109 (no. 22), table 8, r1. H.LO,

Auriga see > Agitator

389

390

AUSCI

Aurochs Urus (odeoc; otros in Hadrianus in Anth. Pal. 6.332.3). The extinct wild ox bos primigenius, was first described by Caes. Gall. 6.28 (interpolated) for the Hercynia silva (fig. in [1.1.342]). By Plin. HN 8.38 [2. 55ff.] expressly distinguished in strength and speed from the bison or > wisent and the —~ buffalo. Hdt. 7-126 is the first to mention it for Macedonia. It was found in Germania, the mountain regions of Gallia and on the lower Danube. The large horns as, according to Caesar [3. 137f.], sought-after trophies of the untamable aurochs caught in traps served (set in silver) as precious drinking vessels, in Isid. Orig. 12.1.3.4 accord-

Aurunci Latin tribal name, derived by rhotacism from

ing to Sol. 20.5 (therefore known in the Middle Ages)

the more usual ethnic > Ausones.

for royal tables, in Plin.nat. 11.126 additionally as the tips of lances and luxury objects and, according to Veg. Mil. 3.5.6, the Romans as signalling horns with a silver mouthpiece. According to Macrob. Sat. 6.4.23 the name urus mentioned by Verg. G. 2.374 is of Gaulish origin, according to Serv. Georg. it is etymologically derived from the mountains (in this case the Pyrenees).

> Suessa Aurunca

1 KELLER

2LEITNER

3 TOYNBEE, Tierwelt.

C.HU.

1 P.A. BRUNT, Roman Imperial Themes, 1990, 56, 147f. 2 R.DeELMarre, Largesses sacrées et res privata, 1989,

387ff.

3 A.DEMANDT, Die Spatantike, 1989

LRE, 430, 464

5 J.KARAYANNOPOULOS,

4 JONES,

Das Finanz-

wesen des friihbyz. Staates, 1958, r44ff.

6TH. KLau-

SER, AC, in: MDAI(R)

59, 1944, 129-153

RAC I, 1010-1020

~—-8 W. KuBITSCHEK, RE 2, 2552f.

9 MiLtar,

Emperor,

*1991,

140-142

7Id., s.v., 10 L. NEESEN,

Unt. zu den direkten Staatsabgaben der rém. Kaiserzeit,

1980, 142ff. 11S$.L. WaALLAcE, Taxation in Egypt from Augustus to Diocletian, 1938. EP.

Aurunculeius

Gaus

Plebeian

gentile name

(extension

of

Aurunceius, ThIL 2,1532f. [1. 354]); there are records

of the family in Rome from the 3rd cent. BC, but they ceased to have any significance during the imperial time. [1] A., C. Praetor in 209 BC in Sardinina and propraetor in 208 (MRR 1,285; 291).

Aurora see > Eos

[2] A., L. Praetor urbanus in 190 BC; amongst those sent to reorganize the situation in Asia Minor in 189

Aurum see > Gold

(MRR 1, 3565 363).

Aurum

coronarium

(otedavixdv;

stephanikon,

1 SCHULZE.

K-LE.

otehavatixov; stephanotikon, otehbavixov YQvOLOY; ste-

[3] A. Cotta, L. Commanded

phanikon chrysion), a tax that originated in the Greek practice of honouring a person by crowning or handing over a golden garland; this tax was levied in the Hellenistic monarchies and — passed down through them — in Rome by the victorious Republican imperatores and later by the principes as a tax related to certain occa-

cupying force together with Q. Titurius Sabinus in the winter of 54/3 BC (MRR 2, 225 with all sources) in the region inhabited by the Eburones (between the Maas and the Rhine). A. was killed during the attempt to escape from the attacks of ~ Ambiorix, the king of the Eburones, and the whole army (one legion, five cohorts) was virtually annihilated. It was Caesar’s heaviest defeat up to that time and heralded the bloodiest phase of the Gallic War (Caes. B Gall. 5,24,4f.; 26-37). He explains the catastrophe as being a result of Amborix’s treachery and failure to honour his word — a topos. Caesar makes Sabinus responsible for the mistakes made on the part of the Romans, whilst depicting Cotta as a brave and level-headed commander. According to Ath. 6,273B, A. reported on Caesar’s campaign in Britannia in an otherwise unmentioned book. Ww.

sions, but was nevertheless demanded regularly, without ever completely losing its character of a voluntary gift. The ritual, well documented

during the Roman

empire, of reducing or completely waiving the aurum coronarium (AC), fits in very well with this; in this regard, the Italian cities were regularly placed ina better financial situation than those in the provinces. Rome, on the other hand, never appears to have provided the AC. The occasion for the AC were military victories, in the early Roman empire and particularly in late antiquity the assumption of power of the princeps and his quinquennalia or - decennalia. The city communities were mainly liable to pay and the princeps had the governor announce to them when payment was due (see in this regard Julian: Cod. Theod. 12,13,1; 362). The AC that in late antiquity primarily had to be paid by the curiales was one of the most important means the principes had of procuring the gold needed for donatives. The imperial decrees regarding the AC are compiled in Cod. Theod. 12,13,1-6. On the same occasions the aurum oblaticium was paid by the Senate, and the senators themselves determined how much it would be (Cod. Theod. 6,2,16; 6,2,20; Symmachus, Ep. 2,57). + Donativum

Auruncus used

Roman cognomen

by Postumius

(as legate)

a Roman oc-

(designation of origin)

-» Cominius

A. (cos.

501

BC).

K.-LE. Ausci Iberian people in Aquitania, later the province of Novempopulana; conquered in 56 BC by Caesar (Caes. B Gall. 3,27), invested with the ius Latii (Str. 4,2,2). Later the main town — that was called Augusta Auscorum in the Middle Imperial period and was the successor of a town of the local population on the Gers not located with certainty — was called Eliumberris (-rrum, -rre) (Mela 3,20; Plin. HN 4,108) by its Iberian name.

Epigraphical evidence: CIL XIII 432-501, 11020-89; Inscr. lat. des trois Gaules, 1963, 134-138.

AUSCI

391

J.Lapart, in: D.ScHAaD,

M.VrpAt

(ed.), Villes et ag-

glomerations urbaines antiques du Sud-Ouest de la Gaule, 1992, 30-36; Id., Origines et développement urbain des cités de Saint-Bertrand-de-Commignes, d’Auch _ et d’Eauze, in: Id. (ed.) a. O., 211-221; J. LAPART, C. PETIT, Carte archéologique, Gers, Paris, 1993, 52-106. E.FR.

Auser River in the Apennine Mountains (Plin. HN 3,50) in the territory of the Apuani; rising near Luca, it used to discharge into the Arnus near Pisa; nowadays, it has its own mouth into the Tyrrhenian Sea; modern Serchio. F. CASTAGNOLI,

SE 20, 1948-49, 285-90;

G. CIAMPOL-

TRINI, SE 58, 1992, 53-74; SE 59, 1993, 59-86.

Gu.

Auson (Atiowv; Avzson). Son of Odysseus (or Atlas) and

Circe (or Calypso). First king of the ~ Ausones (Serv. E.G.

Aen. 3,171; 8,328 a.o).

Ausones (Aurunci). The Greeks called southern Italy Hesperia, later Ausonia (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,35,3). Their progenitor was Auson, son of Odysseus and Circe or Calypso (ausonikoi; Serv. Aen. 8,328 and 3,171). The Latin form Aurunci is derived from Avdoovixoi (Serv. Aen. 7,727; rhotacism), extant in Sessa Aurunca (Liv. 9,25,4). The Aurunci were regarded as a prehistoric indigenous population: in the north of Campania

392 cuial, I Campani,

1995, 21-25

4 8B.D’Acostino, Il

mondo periferico della Magna Grecia, in: Popoli e Civilta dell’Italia antica, 2,1974,179-271

artigianato

artistico

nella

5S.DECAaRo, Artee

Campania

antica,

in:

G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), Storia e civilta della Campania, 1991, 6 W.JoHANNOwSKyY, Materiali di eta archaica dalla Campania, 1983, 291-293. UPA.

Ausonian Culture The term Ausonian Culture is used to describe the culture of the Liparian Islands and the north-east of Sicily during the Late Bronze Age and at the end of the Bronze Age. The name is a reference to Auson, the father of the mythical founder Liparus (Diod. Sic. 5,7,5—6; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,22,3). The Italian mainland origins of the > Ausones are generally accepted on account of the similarities between archaeological finds from their culture with those from the Subappenine culture. The ‘Ausonio A’ phase (beginning of the r3th-11th cents. BC) started with the clearly belligerent takeover of the Liparian Islands. The devastated settlements of the previous inhabitants (facies del Milazzese) were abandoned. The only site where settlement can be supposed to have continued, probably under Ausonian rule, is the Lipari acropolis. A small number of finds of Ausonian ceramics have been made on the north-eastern coast of Sicily. The contacts intensified during the ‘Ausonio B’ phase (roth cent.

(Str. 5,4,3), in Nola (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 61), in Sorrento (Diod. Sic. 5,7) [1], in the west of Calabria (Helianicus

BC), when the transition to the culture known as proto-Villanova took place (> Villanova Culture) at the same time as the settlement of the Calabrian west coast,

FGrH 4 F 79; Cato fr. 71 HRR), in Apulia (Lycoph.

which can probably be assumed to have been carried

Alexandra 593f.; 615ff.; 1047) and on Lipara, on the

out by the Ausones. It is still unclear when this culture ceased to be autonomous, as in Sicily it became increasingly influenced by the culture generally known as Pantalica. The following are sites of important finds relating to this phase: Lipari (probably destroyed in the mid gth cent. BC), Milazzo and Lentini. ~» Aeoliae Insulae; + Ausones; > Lipara; > Sicily

Aeolian Islands (Timaeus FGrH 566 F 164) [2]. Today

it is generally assumed that colonists from Euboea called the whole Italian population whom they met here A. Individual elements of this culture may have entered Greek tradition [3]; in the Mycenaean period, however, still very little [4]. In the historical period the Aurunci (identified with the Opici by Antiochus: Str. 5,4,3) settled in the border region between Latium and Campania, especially around the Roccamonfina Massif between Liris and Volturnus (Liv. 8,15,8f.; 16; 9,25). At the beginning of the 5th cent. the Aurunci fought with Rome for the Ager Pomptinus (Liv. 2,16ff.) and suffered a devastating defeat in 314 BC (Liv. 7,28ff.; 8,15; 9,25,9). The various towns of the Fossa culture of Sinuessa and Trebula, the necropoleis of Suessa Aurunca, Cales, Vairano, Rufrium, Pozzilli of Venafrum and Alife and the consecrated places of Mondragone, Minturnum, Cassino, at the mouth of the Garigliano, Panetelle (at the mouth of the Savone) and Presenzano have been linked archaeologically with the Aurunci [5]. It appears that there are also close links with Latium and Etruria (bucchero rosso-ceramics) [6]. 1 A.Livapir, L’eta dei metalli nella penisola sorrentina, in: Napoli antica, 1985, sof.

2L.BERNABO

Brea, Gli

Eoli e Vinizio dell’ eta del bronzo nelle isole Eolie e nell’ Italia meridionale, in: AION 2, 1985, 205f. 3 L. Cer-

L. BERNAO BrEA, Gli Eolie l’inizio dell’eta del bronzo nelle

isole Eolie e nell’Italia meridionale, 1985; R. PERONI, Enotri, Ausoni, Itali e altre popolazioni dell’estremo Sud d’Italia, in: G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), Italia omnium terrarum parens, 1989, 111-189. C.KO.

Ausonius, Decimus Magnus A. Lire B. Work C, EFFECT A. LIFE

A. lived in the 4th cent. AD (c. 3 10-3.94). He was for many years a grammaticus and rhetor in his home city of Burdigala (Bordeaux), before being called to the court in Trier at an advanced age (probably in 367) by Valentinian I to act as tutor to the young Gratian — a classic example of social mobility. This, and specifically the beginning of > Gratianus’ reign (in 375), was the beginning of a political career which led to the eponymous consulship (in 379). He succeeded in securing influential places in office for various relatives. However, power was only concentrated in the hands of the

393 Ausonius

clan (stemma: [1. CXV-CXVIII]; PLRE 1,1134f.) for a few years: this appears to have been directly related to the increase in the influence on Gratian of Bishop + Ambrosius of Milan. Following Gratian’s death (in 383), A. moved back to his estates in Bordeaux.

B. Work His literary works omit any mention of the socio-political problems of the time such as the threat posed by the barbarians, the catastrophe of Adrianopolis (in 378) or the usurper Maximus (in 383) except in terms

of their impact on his personal circumstances. The participation of Valentinian and Gratian in the Alemannic campaign (in 368) leads to the topically themed praise of a blue-eyed girl taken as booty, who is given to the ageing poet (Bissula), and the hexametric epyllium Griphus ternarii numeri, a learned and sophisticated play on the numbers 3 and 9 (the date of which the cento nuptialis cannot be ascertained). Maximus’ reign is reflected in a letter to his son Hesperius (Epist. 20 P. = VII Gr.), but he only mentions his own sensitivities about

the matter; in the same way, in the Ordo urbium nobilium 64-72 Aquileia, where Maximus was executed in 388, is mentioned in conjunction with an expression of

revulsion about the ‘Britannic robber’. The recourse to private and personal matters is best documented in the moralizing Epicedion in patrem, the Parentalia (on relatives who have died), the description of the estate he inherited from his father (De herediolo),

the Protrepticus (with an account of his own life and the arduous life of a teacher) and the Genethliacos written

for his grandson, as well as the description of his daily routine (Ephemeris). The following can also be placed in the same category: the poems written for former colleagues, professors of grammar and rhetoric, and the letter to his father on the occasion of the birth of his first son (Epist. 19 P. = III Gr.) as well as epigrams on his wife Attusia Lucana Sabina, who died at the age of 27 (Par. 9) (Epigr. 39. 40. 53-55 P. = 19. 20. 27-29 GR.). The ‘Preface for the reader’, probably issued with an edition of his work, is significant (I,1). The author

wants to live on as a person in the memoria by means of the continuation and radicalization of an approach initiated by > Ovid, just as the memoria is served in general by his complex body of work that is divided into many small sections. A. represents a culture of conservation and inheritance. On every possible occasion he falls back on Greek and Lat. literature, of which he has supreme knowledge, and shapes highly qualified precious creations, refined in terms of form and full of allusions. This is particularly demonstrated in the ‘artistic poetry’ in the narrowest sense: in the > Technopaegnion, a virtuoso piece in hexameters, the verses of which each end witha monosyllable, whereby this is also identical to the first word of the following verse; in the Virgilian cento (Cento nuptialis, with an important + cento theory) and in the Griphus, the comic self-presentation of the

394

AUSONIUS,

DECIMUS

MAGNUS

seven sages in iambic senarii (Ludus septem sapientum)

and in the poetic description of a mural ina triclinium in Trier (Cupido cruciatur or Cupido cruciatus). The work known as the > catalogue poem provides

a thesaurus of traditional knowledge: in the Caesares (as far as Elagabalalus; the remainder has probably been lost) the main interest is in the collection and arrangement which is put to work for the cause of poetic and epigrammatic skill (Tetrast. 3 f. P. = 44 f. Gr.). The same can also be said for the Ordo urbium nobilium and for the Epitaphia of participants in the Trojan War which supplement the Commemoratio professorum Burdigalensium (as in turn these do the Parentalia), and also for the Fasti (Consularis liber), of which only four

fragments of poetry have been preserved and which is continued in the Caesares. School learning also dominates both collections of the Eclogae, which provide philosophical, mythological, historical and specialized knowledge in the form of verse, often whilst obviously conforming to poetic models. There is as little analysis of religious belief as there is of political actuality and academic and philosophical content. A. is a ‘nominal Christian’. The Christian Precatio matutina and the Versus paschales can easily be used with pagan precationes at the beginning of the consular year, and the ‘triune God’ fits in well with mythical ‘trinities’ such as the Sphinx, Geryones, Chimaera, Scylla or the Sibyls (Griph.). In one of his villas there is a statue of Bacchus Pantheus (Epigr. 48f. P. = 32f. Gr.); Christians are seen as ‘mystai’, though this expression is also used in the Apollo cult (V. p. 2 and Prof. 4,12). This demonstrates a blending of pagan and Christian which aids the assertion of cultural identity. Even the well-known exchange of letters with his previous pupil > Paulinus of Nola should be seen not as a confrontation between the ancient and Christian positions, but instead as expressions of regret and complaint about the abandonment of a kind of existence wherein tradition is integrated. The best insight into this private world of learning and literature, a culturally-formed Roman way of thinking and lack of connection to the current socio-political situation, is afforded by the collection of Greek and Latin Epistulae, which are mainly in verse, and in which the autonomous, self-referential and classic play

on artistic forms is particularly tangible. Even the speech of thanks to Gratian for the conferment of the consulship, A.’s only prose work, is to a great extent limited to a general, literature-orientated catalogue of virtues in respect of the grantee as much as the grantor of the praise. In the same way, it is difficult to accept that there is any topical political/ideological motivation or purpose behind A.’s best-known and most valued work, the Mosella. For dubious and spurious works, see [2. 667-695].

AUSONIUS, DECIMUS MAGNUS

395

396

C. EFFECT Symmachus and Paulinus of Nola compare A. with Cicero and Virgil and his works are valued and used by following generations, particularly in Gallia and Spain, as is evidenced in preserved materials. The Mosella leaves its mark in the Carolingian era, e.g. in the works of Walahfrid Strabo and Ermenrich of Ellwangen. Its use in the Gesta Treverorum (12th cent.) can probably be put down to local interest. A. scarcely plays any role in the Middle Ages, although some individual pieces of his work are in circulation, generally anonymously or under another name (e.g. Virgil or Suetonius). The interest of the Humanists is aroused at the beginning of the r4th cent., perhaps even earlier: eloquent proof of this is provided by the list of works of Giovanni Mansonario [2. 720] published by R. Wess. A. appears particularly as a writer of epigrams, although admittedly always in the shadow of the Greek Anthology (which he is supposed to have translated) and of + Martial. The modern academic preoccupation with the ‘first French poet’ started in France and understandably concentrates in particular on the Mosella. The history of the text and tradition is complicated and shows unsolved problems (author’s variants?). There are three strands of tradition which can be traced back to late antiquity: a Spanish strand, including the most important text evidence, the cod. Leid. Voss. Lat. F rrz (V), another which can be traced back to the

Ausum Castrum of the Numidian > limes, which was

Codex Bobiensis and a collection (Z), which seems to

have been thoroughly reworked and contains interpolations. EDITIONS:

1R.PEIPER,1886

(repr. 1976)

2R.P.H.

GREEN, 1991 (also Prometheus 20, 1994, 150-170). CONCORDANCE:

3L.J. BoLcHazy, J.A.M. SWEENEY,

75 km west-south-west of Biskra; probably the place today known as Sadouri. The military camp protected the area south of the Chott el-Hodna. A. was where the road from Lambaesis met the road that led from Auzia via Doucen to Gemellae. Inscription in honour of + Gordianus (AD 247 [1. 31-33]); it is, however, possible that A. was already in existence before this time. 1J.Carcopino, Le Limes syrienne, in: Syria 6, 1925

de Numidie et sa garde 2 AAAlg, folio 48, no. x

3 J. BARADEZ, Fossatum Africae, 1949, 367, s-v. Sadouri.

W.HU.

Autariatae An Illyrian people of the hinterland of the Dalmatian coast on the upper reaches of the + Naro between the rivers Bathinus (today Bosna) and > Drinus, with their central base on Mount

Romanija

(or

possibly [1. 87-129] further east, above the lacus Labeatis). The A. are mentioned in literary sources in the 4th cent. BC (based on earlier authors, cf. Ps.-Scyl. 24), and in archaeological terms can probably be assigned to the Iron Age Glasinac culture. According to Str. 7,5,11, this people constituted the largest and strongest of the Illyrian races; they were neighbours of the > Ardiaei, with whom they fought over some important salt springs (App. Ill. 3); it is possible that they had no firm ethnic and political identity. Some of them migrated to Dardania in around 310 BC because of a natural disaster. Shortly afterwards, according to Str. 7,5,11, they were subjugated by the Scordisci, and then by the Romans. From the mid Laténe era, their territorium was settled by the > Daesitiates. 1 F. PapazoGLu, The Central Balkan Tribes in Pre-Roman Times, 1978. M.S.K.

Concordantia in A., 1982. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

4 Cu.-M.Ternes,

A., in: BAL

14,

1983, 1-126 (with Etudes Ausoniennes 2, 1986, 5-13) 5 R.ErieNNE, S.PRETE, L.DEsGraves, A., humaniste

aquitain, in: Revue frangaise d’histoire du livre NS 15, 1985, 1-251 (repr. 1986) 6 W.-L.LIEBERMANN, P.L. ScHMIDT, HLL § 554 7M.J. Lossau (ed.), A., 1991 (each with bibliographical references). W-LL.

Autaritus (Avtég.toc; Autaritos). Celtic mercenary in

~» Hamilcar Barca’s army in Sicily; leader in Libya from 241 BC of the largest contingent (2,000 Celts) in the Mercenaries’ War against Carthage; he escaped the defeat at Bagradas, urged the massacre of -» Gescon and other captured Carthaginians and was the negotiator of the surrender at the foot of the Prion, ina hopeless position. As guarantor of the treaty, he was executed in

Auspicium see ~ Augures; > Divination from birds

Tunes with - Spendius and > Zarzas following the breaking of the treaty by the insurgents in 238 (Pol.

Auspicius of Toul Fifth bishop of the city, correspondent of > Sidonius (Epist. 7,10, pre 475). In the epistle to + Arbogastes, comes in Trier, A. praises him for his lineage and noble attitude and warns him of the omnipresent problem of greed. The poetically simple composition (164 iambic dimeters) is an early example of rhythmic hymn stanzas in which the dominating aspect is the accent placed on the words.

1,77-86).

Epition:

MGHPL

BIBLIOGRAPHY: § 784.2.

4,2, 1914, 614.

SCHANZ/Hostius,

4,2,380-382;

HLL J.GR.

Huss, 259-261.

L.-M.G.

Autarkeia (attdoxea; autarkeia). A. ECONOMIC

B. PHILOSOPHICAL

A. ECONOMIC The Greek term autarkeia means self-reliance or the ability to be self-sufficient, as practised by individuals and groups in a personal as well as economic sense, and is closely linked to the idea of -> autonomia (avtovonic; autonomia). Autarkeia was an important concept in the history of Greek philosophy and Christian theology.

397

398

The changeability of the weather and the unequal distribution of the raw materials necessary for a civilized lifestyle meant that self-reliance and self-sufficiency were ideals that no individual, family or community in antiquity could attain. The ideal of never being dependent on others, widespread in rural societies, is expressed in a striking manner by Hesiod (e.g. 471-478). It can be assumed that most farmers in the Greek world, whether rich or poor, attempted to increase their autarkeia, in particular by cultivating only smal] amounts of various crops and keeping production for the market as a sideline, instead of aiming to maximize profits by limiting themselves to the production of certain crops [2. 92]. In Hesiod’s Erga this is directly associated with the attitude of concentrating on one’s own household and with a corresponding lack of interest in the welfare of the community. In terms of the widespread nature of the ideas, there was certainly a tension between the ideal of the autarkeia of a family and membership of a political community. Aristotle, who wanted to consider the > polis as being fundamentally autarchic in nature (Aristot. Pol. 1252b28-29, 1291a1o), emphasizes that autarkeia is more possible

for a polis than for an individual household, and that this is an argument against exaggerated equality within the polis (Aristot. Pol. 126rbrr), whilst also admitting that the growth or internal modification of a polis can increase its ability to be self-sufficient at the cost of political stability (Aristot. Pol. 1326b2~-5). Although even in the case of countries the possibility of attaining autarkeia (Hdt. 1,32,8) was disputed in principle, there

was a basic demand for a greater degree of autarkeia in political thought, moral philosophy and political rhetoric. In Thucydides, Pericles claims that Athens is xat &c¢ TOMEUWOV xal Eo clonVHV avTAaExeotatHV, completely independent both in times of peace and of war (Thuc. ep Groin s4ilail)s Personal autarkeia is emphasized by > Xenophon in the last section of the Memorabilia (Xen. Mem. 4,8,11; cf. 1,2,14) as being a particular characteristic of Socrates, who was capable of making his own decisions as to what was better and what was worse. Socrates achieved autarkeia by reducing his needs to a minimum (Mem. 1,6,10).

Democritus seems to have insisted that aut-

arkeia is linked to the satisfaction of the soul rather than satisfaction in physical terms (B 171 DK) and is more likely to be attained by means of sophrosyné than tyché (B 176; 210 DK); this interpretation seems to refer more

to the moral rather than the intellectual side of autarkeia and to view autarkeia as an aspect of the individual’s relationship with himself and not of his relationship with his environment. This understanding of autarkeia predominates in Hellenistic philosophy: for the Epicureans, autarkeia was an important prerequisite of ~ ataraxia, whilst the Stoa saw the contented individual as indifferent to his environment and unconcerned by the twists and turns of fate (Cic. Tusc. 5; Sen. Epist. 85).

AUTARKEIA

In two important sections of the > Ethica Nicomachea (1,7; 10,7), Aristotle thematizes the concept of

autarkeia within the framework of a definition of happiness (evdautovia, exdaimonia). In 1,7, it is established first that autarkeia does not refer to one individual living alone, but includes his parents, children, wife and also friends and fellow citizens, as people are by nature political (Aristot. Eth. Nic. rog7bro-11); abtagxéc (autarkés) is defined as that which can live for itself alone and has no need of anything else (1097br4-16) which is true for happiness. In 10,7, Aristotle justifies his opinion that happiness is achieved through philosophical reflection (Sewentimn, thedretiké) by pointing out that philosophy has the highest level of autarkeia. The wise man also needs the external goods in life, just as other people do, but in contrast to the just man, who needs another person to whom he can be just, the wise man needs no other people for philosophical reflection

(1177a 27-35). It was

not, however,

the Aristotelian

view

but

instead the Stoic that later dominated Greek philosophy, as defended by Plotinus (Plot. 1,4,4-5; but cf. 5,3,16-17) and taken up by Christian authors (i.e. Greg. Naz. Epist. 32; Ambr. Off. 2,5,18-19) as the idea of the separation of the Christian soul from the earthly world, a concept that was already in evidence in the works of the Evangelists (see Mt 6,19-34) and in the letters of St Paul (x Tim 6). The concept of the self-sufficiency of God

(Acts 17,24-25; Justin, Apol. 1,10; 1,13) was entirely new in view of the pagan gods’ requirement for sacrifices, but, in contrast to the self-sufficiency of Christ (loh. Chrys. Hom. Jo 24,2), needed no detailed explanation. 1R.Kraut,

Aristotle

on

the

Human

Good,

1989

2 P. Mitett, Hesiod and his World, in: PCPhS 30, 1984, 84-115 3P.Wivprert,s.v. Autarkie, RAC 1, 1039-50. R.O.

B. PHILOSOPHICAL Autarkeia (self-sufficiency) is the ability to look after oneself without any help from other people. It first became a goal for human endeavour with the > Sophists, but in the sense that the individual is himself capable of producing everything that he needs. The most radical position was represented by the > Cynic School by reducing needs to a minimum. The autarkeia of virtue became a key issue in terms of ethics; whether virtue is sufficient to achieve eudaimonia. For the > Peripatos, complete eudaimonia also entails external goods (Aristot. Eth. Nic. 7,4,1153b17- 21), the > Stoa, on the other hand, emphasized virtue as being the only value and sole source of happiness (SVF III 49-67.764). According to Aristotle, a person realizes autarkeia not by themselves as an individual but within the polis, which, in order to achieve autarchy, must be as multifaceted as possible (Pol. 1,2,1252b271253a1; 1253a25- 29; 7,4,1326b 2ff.). Only the divine being can have complete aurtarkeia, cf. Pl. Ti. 68e), the Unmoved Mover in Aristotle (Eth. Eud. 7,12,1244b 7-10; Metaph.

AUTARKEIA

13,3,1091b r6ff.; Cael. 279a 20-22). > Plotinus consistently only allowed the individual true autarkeia as the reason for existence (Plot. Enneades 5,5,12,40f.). The autarkeia of God was taken up by Christianity, but in the end and after much dispute, the ideal of (human)

autarkeia was rejected as contrary to the redemptive act of Christ and the mercy of God (Aug. Epist. 155). J. Annas, The Morality of Happiness, 1993; H. KRAMER, Die Grundlegung d. Freiheitsbegriffs in der Ant., in: J. S1MON (ed.), Freiheit, 1977, 239-270 (with older literature);

A.N. M. Ric, The Cynic Conception of avtéexeva, in: Mnemosyne Ser. IV 9, 1956, 23-29. 5.M.-S.

Autessiodurum Town of the > Senones in Gallia Celtica, later Lugdunensis (modern Auxerre). A. was lo-

cated on the left bank of the Yonne (CIL XIII 2920-

2939). R. Kapps, s.v. A., PE, 128.

iv

Authors I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGyptT_

to play down the author’s role in a literary text or — in the sense of an ‘open work’ (U. Eco) to negate it entirely and not to look for any authorial intent, the same does not apply to antiquity and its interest in literature and its producers (cf. Serv. Aen. praef. 1: intentio Vergilii haec est ..., ‘it is Virgil’s intention ...’). Accordingly, in spite of sporadic dissenting voices (Cic. Brut. 71), the beginnings ofliterature are biographically linked with the appearance of the poet Homer (> Homerus [r]) (e.g. Vell. Pat. 1,5,1-2; [1. 76 f.] with extensive references), thus avoiding the supposition that the Homeric epics were the work of anonymous authors. This view is supported by the fact that the ‘Odyssey’ in its first verse emphatically asserts the first-person presence of the author (&vdoa wou évwvere ..., “Tell me, O Muse, of the man’), thus making understandable the search for Homer, the archegetes of poetry, as a biographically tangible figure, including information about his origins, his appearance etc. Homer’s epics provide no biographical elucidation of the author, with the result that concrete knowledge is replaced by suppositions such as that ofhis blindness, deduced from the

II. CLASSICAL

ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT As a rule, literature in the Ancient Orient and in

Egypt was anonymous. It was produced in schools by the > scribes. However, a number of important literary or scholarly works in special list-like compilations are attributed to certain authors, as e.g. the Egyptian wisdom literature [1] or the > Epic of Gilgamesh. The author of the latter, Sin-leqe-unnini [2; 3] rewrote, probably in the 12th cent. BC, traditional material dating from the 18th cent. BC into the form of the text transmitted from the 7th cent. BC; in his text, he occasionally copied his models word for word, alongside verbatim copies of longer or shorter passages from other literary works (which was not perceived as plagiarism). Numerous texts, mainly royal hymns, royal monumental inscriptions, and ‘autobiographical’ reports (> Autobiography) from Mesopotomia, the Hittite kingdom and Egypt convey the false impression that the protagonist was also the author. 1 J. ASSMANN, Gibt es eine “Klassik’ in der ag. Lit.-Gesch., in: ZDMG Suppl. 6, 1983, 35-52. 2 W. F. G. LAMBERT, A Catalogue of Texts and Authors, in: JCS 16, 1962, 59-

77.

400

399

3J.J.A.vAN Dijk, Die Texte aus dem res-Heiligtum,

in: H. J. LENZEN (ed.), Uruk-Warka Vorberichte 18, 1962,

44-52

4l1d., W. W. Hato, The Exaltation of Inanna,

1968.

J. RE.

figure of the blind bard Demodocus [1], and similar legendary traits [2]. + Hesiodus, by contrast, avoided such information deficit; in his Theogonia as well as in his Erga kai hémérai he starts off with the provision of biographical information, emphasizing his poetic mission by declaring himself chosen and privileged by the > Muses (‘poet’s consecration’). Particularly the dispute with his brother Perses [4] about the problem of dtxn/dike (‘right’, ‘justice’) in the “Theogony’ suggests that personal as well as objective motives determined his selection of topics

[3. 6-54]. Later on, the > prooemium or > prologue/praefatio as well as the > sphragis [3] (cf.: [4]) became the main vehicles used by authors to introduce themselves (cf. ~ copyright), as it was easier there to include particular or general remarks even without a direct reference to the actual topic. Linked with the question of integration of self-statements into the poetic work is also the problem of = literality-orality inasmuch as a close connection between the author’s person and his written work at the very least makes it more difficult for others to use it in the tradition of oral poetry. In a complementary development, there is an increasing separation of the creator of a poetic work from the one who only presents it to the public, as is already manifest in the transition from — aoidoi to > rhapsodes. B. THE ROLES OF GREEK POETS AND

II]. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY A. SELF-STATEMENTS BY THE AUTHORS B. THE ROLES OF GREEK POETS AND FICTIONALITY C. SOCIAL STATUS IN ROME

A. SELF-STATEMENTS BY THE AUTHORS

Whereas important trends within modern literary theory such as the research into > intertextuality either

FICTIONALITY The conviction that poets are chosen and placed under divine protection, applies equally to the self-view — reconstructed from Homer and Hesiod — of the aoidoias to the self-styling of Hellenistic poets as priests (biereus) [5] and the > vates-concept of Augustan poetry [6; 7; 8]; it can even still be found in late antique pagan (e.g. [9]) and Christian notions of a poet’s mis-

401

402

sion — of course, the change in religious foundation necessitating a modification in form (cf. e.g. > Prudentius, praefatio and epilogue of his anthology of poems). However, it would be misleading to convey the impression that throughout antiquity there was the same allenveloping unchangeable understanding ofthe status of a poet. The ‘discovery of fictionality’ (see [10]) led to the debate on ‘truth’ in fiction — a problem that was either solved by means of — allegoresis or later with the postulate of a specific poetic truth. In chapter nine of his

enjoy a high social reputation, so that it presented itself in Greek rather than Italic-Roman paradigms (cf. [18] for epic poets as well as dramatists of the 3rd and 2nd cent. BC); only with > Lucilius are members of the ruling classes found among the poets [19]. After the neoteric poetry with its tendency towards apolitical selfcentredness (> Neoteric poets) literature in the Augustan period began to claim comprehensive, almost national recognition [20. especially 207-269]. At the same time, the emergence of the > Principate also raised the question of the relationship between literature and politics [21], i.e. the position of an author within the Roman state with its increasingly monarchist structures; in detail as well as generally (the entire range from > panegyrics to fundamental opposition) it is a

‘Poetics’ (1451a-b), Aristotle defines the difference between prose forms, reporting ta yevoueva (‘what has happened’), and poetry, which states ota dv yévowto (‘what might have happened’). Nonetheless, these boundaries remain fluctuating; in — didactic poetry [x1] for example, the poetical proposition strives to be factually correct and practically useful. By contrast, Greek prose authors claimed from the outset (beyond inappropriate modern notions of objectivity) to inform their public correctly on the topic of their choice. This is evident in the historiographical selfstatements (in the already mentioned chapter nine of the Aristotelian ‘Poetics’, — historiography is being confronted with poetry and can thus be taken as paradigmatic) of such different Greek authors as - Herodotus [1] (especially in his prologue) and > Thucydides [2] (1,20,1) (cf. [12. 36-63, 73-109]).

Even a prose

genre totally rooted in fictionality such as the > novel [13. 40 f.] did not forgo its claim on truth, derived from its formal imitation of historiography (e.g. — Chariton).

However, this does not mean that prose authors were generally and principally held in higher esteem. On the contrary, poets fulfilled a far more important role in defining a community’s understanding of itself: the — aoidoi at the royal courts, the lyrical poets (> Lyric poetry) in the Greek world of aristocracy or private circles [14], the Attic tragedians (> Tragedy) for the self-assurance of the > polis of Athens [15. especially 7-13]. The trend towards political functionalization continued throughout the Hellenistic period, when poets became integrated into courtly society (especially in Alexandria [1]) (~ Court poetry; [16]). Historians and authors of technical prose had no comparable importance.

C. SOCIAL STATUS IN ROME The conditions of authors in Rome (general overview in [17]) were, especially during the Republic and the early years of the Principate, completely different from those of the Greek world. Particularly prose works such as historical treatises or specialist legal writings were the stronghold of the (predominantly senatorial, at least equestrian) Roman elite. Thus, a proximity of this literary form to the state is continued, a phenomenon already evident in the priestly > Annales maximi (one of the rare literary forms which through their attribution to a functional group have almost become anonymous). Latin poetry did not originally

AUTHORS

matter of academic dispute (general account in [22]).

Alongside and in competition with this universal orientation, an author might turn to a certain group or individual (> dedication), whom he either names or generally addresses as readers (Ov. Tr. 4,10,132 candide lector, ‘gentle reader’). Of significance for the entire Hellenistic and Roman literature — namely poetry — is the authors’ continuous immanent struggle, establishing their identity or polemically dealing with their own traditions as literary-historical self-reflection [23]. a tendency promoted by the formation of literary groups or circles, of which the circles of Maecenas and Messalla (cf. > Maecenas [2]; — Valerius [II] 16] Messalla; — Circles, literary) were to be the most influential (cf. [24]). These literary circles of friends were also the primary audience addressed by an author — the ‘Auditorium of Maecenas’ [2] on the Esquiline (> Esquiliae) in Rome can possibly be identified as one of their lecture halls [21]; only after intensive discussions there would he present his works to a wider audience in public readings [25] or sometimes even dramatic performances and thus publish them (> Recitation). The conclusion of this process was the edition of a book, either undertaken by the author himself or a publisher (or an editor: Cicero for + Lucretius [III r]) (cf. > Editions, second), on which the subsequent > textual history was based. Despite the focus on an author’s personality (cf. > biography of poets), the concept of an artistic oeuvre as an entity was unknown in antiquity (cf. [26. 1-14]); an edition was not seen as the conclusion of a productive process, and thus third parties principally had no scruples interfering with an author’s work — e.g. by -» interpolation or even to attribute other works to him in order to profit from the reputation of a famous name ({27]; cf. > forgeries). + Communication; — Literary genre; — Literature; — Literary activity; > Literary theory; -» Muses, acclamation of the; + Pseudepigraphy; — Literality-Orality; > Textual history; > PoETA VATES 1 U. Scumirzer, Velleius Paterculus und das Interesse an der Gesch. im Zeitalter des Tiberius, 2000 2 E. Vocrt, Homer — ein grofer Schatten?, in: J. Laracz (ed.), Zwei-

hundert

Jahre

Homer-Forsch.,

1991,

365-377

AUTHORS

403

3 E. Srern, Autorbewuftsein in der frihen griech. Lit., 1990 4 W. Kranz, Sphragis. Ichform und Namensiegel als Eingangs- und Schlufmotiv ant. Dichtung, in: RhM 104, 1961,3-46 55S. Koster, Kallimachos als Apollonpriester, in: Id., Tessera, 1983, 9-21

6H. DAHLMANN,

Vates, in: Philologus 97, 1948, 337-353 7J.K. NewMAN, The Concept of Vates in Augustan Poetry, 1967 8 B. FEICHTINGER,

Properz,

Vates

oder Haruspex?,

in:

CeM 42, 1991, 187-212 9 TH. KELLNER, Das dialektische Bildungsverstandnis des Staatsdichters Claudian, in: U. ScHMiTzer (ed.), Beitr. zur paganen Kultur des 4. Jh. n. Chr. (in print) 10 W. R6s LER, Die Entdeckung der Fiktionalitat in der Ant., in: Poetica 12, 1980, 283-319 11 E. POHLMANN, Charakteristika des rom. Lehrgedichts,

in: ANRW 13, 1977, 813-901 12 O. LENDLE, Einfiihrungin die griech. Gesch.-Schreibung, 1992 13 N. HoizBERG, Der ant. Roman, 2001

14 W. Ros er, Dichter

und Gruppe, 1980 =.15 C. Meter, Die polit. Kunst der griech. Tragddie, 1988 16 G. WeBer, Dichtung und hdfische Ges., 1993 17 E. FANTHAM, Roman Literary Culture: from Cicero to Apuleius, 1996 18 W. SUERBAUM,

Unt. zur Selbstdarstellung alterer rom. Dichter,

1968 19F.-H.MurscuHter, Zur Bed. des Ritterstandes fiir die Gesch. der rom. Lit. im 2. und 1. Jh. y. Chr, in: WJAN. F. 14, 1988, 113-135 20M. CiTRONI, Poesia e lettori in Roma antica, 1995 21 U. SCHMITZER, Die Macht iber die Imagination. Lit. und Politik unter den Bedingungen des friihen Prinzipats, in: RhM, 2002, 281304 22 Id., Dichtung und Propaganda im r. Jh. n. Chr., in: M. ZIMMERMANN,

G. WEBER (ed.), Selbstdarstellung,

Propaganda, Reprasentation von Actium bis Traian (in print) 23 E. A. ScumipT (ed.), L’histoire littéraire immanente

dans la poésie latine, 2001

Promised Verse, 1993

24 P. WHITE,

25 G. BINDER, Offentliche Auto-

renlesungen, in: Id., K. EHriicu

(ed.): Kommunikation

durch Zeichen und Wort, 1995, 265-332

26 O. ZWIER-

LEIN, Die Ovid- und Vergil-Revision in tiberischer Zeit,

vol. 1, 1999 27 W. Speyer, Die lit. Falschung im heidnischen und christl. Alt., 1971. U. SCH.

Author’s variants Authors often consider alternative formulations in the first draft and also alter texts that have already been issued for publication. The authors of antiquity do not differ in this respect from their modern successors, as we can see from Cicero’s exchange of letters with

his publisher

Atticus

(12,6a,1;

13,214;

44,3). We know that some traditional texts are reworkings of the originals (> Editions, second), and that there must at some point have been author’s variants (AV) in these cases (even if addenda and deletions are more obvious in a second edition than reformulations). Scarcely any > autographs from the time of antiquity have been preserved, although the papyri on which the poems of Dioscorus of Aphrodito are written (mid 6th cent. AD) seem to be an example of an author’s first draft (cf. [1; 2]). In view ofthe fact that authors certainly rework their texts, text critics could be tempted to assume the existence of AV if the MS tradition seems to offer plausible alternatives; even the dictum of G. PASQUALIS that this must be the ultima ratio of the text critic is to be found in a chapter of his ‘Storia della tradizione e critica del

404 testo’ [3] in which he comes out in favour of AV in the cases of, for example, Martial (cf. also [4]), Lucan and Prudentius. D.C. C. Younc’s implausible attempt to prove AV in the MS tradition for Longus [5], is rejected by M.D. Reeve [6]. R.P. H. Green [7] follows G. JACHMANN [8] in rejecting AV in the Ausonius tradition. The assumption that passages from both versions of Aristophanes’ ‘Frogs’ were combined in the preserved text of 1435-66 (cf. [9]) is more plausible. Strong arguments could be put forward for accepting the existence, in the text of the ‘Metaphysics’ (and that of De anima) proofs of ‘various phases of Aristotle’s teaching career’ [ro]; likewise in the ‘Rhetoric’ (cf. [11] in the review of the publication by R.KasseEL [12]). Other cases are highly disputed; a famous example being Plato, Cratylus 437d-438b, where two versions of the ten-line passage are printed in the 1995 Oxford edition [13] as being equally viable alternatives. In Latin, a string of examples are offered by Ovid’s ‘Metamorphoses’, which are still a subject for discussion (in particular 1,544ff.; 8,595ff.; 8,651ff.); the commentaries by F. BOMEr [14] and A.S. Ho tuts ([15], only on book 8) cautiously agree with the hypothesis of two versions (further to R. LAMACCHIA [16] and P.J.ENK [17]); other scholars have come down on the side of an interpolation, in particular H.MaGnus [18] and C.E. Murcia [19]. R.J. TARRANT is of the latter opinion, but recognized in his essays on > interpolation (specifically [20]) that the quality of competitive imitations of the author by his readers could possibly be indistinguishable from his own embellishing formulations, and even comes to the conclusion that ‘the first reader of the ‘Metamorphoses’ to add a ‘collaborative’ interpolation was perhaps even Ovid himself’ [20. 297]. The appearance of literary commentary in late antiquity will have enabled the preservation of AV and also that of plausible interpolations. With their references to revisions ipsius manu (cf. [21] and [22]), the Virgil scholia demonstrate how easily claims of authenticity can become explanations of the inconsistencies in the MS tradition. The incomplete state of the epics of Virgil and Lucan and Ovid’s claim that he left the ‘Metamorphoses’ behind unfinished (Trist. 1,7) caused the supposition of ‘two versions’ to seem quite credible. Other works left unfinished by their authors give rise to similar hypotheses. In the traditional version of Lucretius’ work there are numerous passages that are repetitions of other passages in the poem; they are probably attributable to the activities of his later readers (cf. [23]), although O. REGENBOGEN [24] argued tor considering at least 1,44-9 as a fragment which the poet had not integrated into the text. The term AV is also occasionally used to explain passages that have only been preserved via the > indirect tradition (e.g. Verg. Aen. 2,567-88, see [25]) or only in one section of the MS tradition (e.g. Dem. Or. 9,6—-8 and other passages of the 3rd Philippica; the Oxford fragment of Iuvenal, see [26]). It is for this reason that Cic. Off. 1,40 is often placed in brackets by WINTERBOTTOM [27] as a first

405

406

draft which inappropriately remained in place after its content had been found a better position at 3,113-5. In the Middle Ages, obvious cases of ‘double versions’ of the same work are more frequent (cf. [28]). 1L.S. B. MacCouLt, Dioscorus of Aphrodito, 1988, 2 2 E.Courtney, The Formation of the Text of Vergil, in: BICS 28, 1981, 14 3 G.PasQuatt, Storia della tradi-

zione e critica del testo, *1952, p. 419 4 REYNOLDS, 243-4 5D.C.C. Younc, Author’s variants in the MS tradition of Longus, in: PCPhS 14, 1968, 65-74 6 M.D. Reeve, Author’s Variants in Longus?, in: PCPhS 15, 1969, 75-85 (p. 75, n. 1: a useful bibliography on this subject) 7 R.P. H. Green, The Works of Ausonius, 1991, xlii-ix 8 G. JACHMANN, Das Problem der Urvarianten in der Ant.

und die Grundlagen der Ausoniuskritik, in: Ausgewahlte Schriften, 1981, (Beitrage zur klass. Philol., Heft 128), 470-527

9K.J. Dover,

Aristophanes,

Frogs, 1993,

75-76, 373-376 10R.WaxzeEr, Aristotelis Metaphysica ed. Jaeger, in: Gnomon 31, 1959, 588-90 11 F. SOLMSEN, Rev. Aristotelis Ars rhetorica ed. Kassel, in: CPh 74, 1979, 69-70 12R.KAsseEL, Aristotelis Ars Rhetorica,

1976

13 E.A. Duke

et al., Platonis opera I, 1995

14 F.BOMeErR, P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphosen, Buch I-I, 1969; VIN-IX, 1977. 15 A.S. Hots, Ovid, Metamorphoses VIII, 1970 16 R. Lamaccuta, Varianti d’autore nelle ‘“Metamorfosi’ d’Ovidio?, in: RAL 1956, 379422 17 P.J. ENK, Metamorphoses Ovidii duplici recensione servatae sint necne quaeritur, in: Ovidiana, 1958,

324-46

18 H.Macnus, Ovids Metamorphosen in dop-

pelter Fassung?, in: Hermes 40, 1905, 191-239

19C.E.

Moral, Ovid. Met. 1. 544-547 and the Theory of Double Recension, in: Classical Antiquity 3, 1984, 227-31

20 R.J. TaRRANT, Toward a Typology of Interpolation in Latin Poetry, in: TAPhA 117, 1987, 281-98 21J.E.G. ZETZEL, Emendavi ad Tironem: Some Notes on Scholarship in the Second Century A.D., in: HSCPh 77, 1973,

233-40

22S.Trmpanaro, Per la storia della filologia

virgiliana antica, 1986, 184-95

23 M.DEUuFERT, Pseu-

do-Lucrezisches im Lukrez, 1996 24 O.REGENBOGEN, Lukrez, seine Gestalt in seinem Gedicht, 1932, 69-77

25 G.P. GooLp, Servius and the Helen Episode, HSCPh 74,1970, 101-68

26REYNOLDS 203

27 M. WINTER-

BOTTOM, Cicero, de Officiis, 1994 28 G.ORLANDI, Pluralita di redazioni e testo critico, in: La critica del testo

mediolatino, 1994.

S.H.andN.W.

Autobiography I. ANCIENT ORIENT II. GREEK III]. ROMAN IV. ROMAN LATE ANTIQUITY V. INFLUENCE

I. ANCIENT ORIENT A heterogeneous group of texts exists in the Ancient Orient which are supposed, on the basis of the categories of form (1st person singular) and semantics (reflection on past behaviour in respect of a current or future search for meaning), to be of an autobiographical character. In Mesopotamia this includes on the one hand texts which, written at a later point, give a more or less fictitious report of an episode in the life of great rulers of the past, for instance > Sargon and > Naram-Sin, and either contain didactic instructions on behaviour pleasing to the gods or document the claim to the throne via

AUTOBIOGRAPHY

selection by the gods. On the other hand there are texts which correspond stylistically to the greatest possible extent with the kings’ inscriptions and give an overview of the life of a ruler, like Idrimi’s inscription on his statue, which contains elements of historicism, legitimation

and folklore and also tells of the deeds of the founder of the last independent dynasty of the city state of > Alalah. Adad-Guppi’s inscription, written by her son ~ Nabonid, tells of her services to the cult of the moon god Sin as well as of her death and burial. In addition, the inscriptions of the Assyrian kings - Asarhaddon and -> Assurbanipal contain passages of apologia. The forerunner to this can be seen to be the autobiography (as it is known) of HattuSili III of the Hittites [7]. The autobiographies are addressed to the royal successors. Whilst hitherto in the Ancient Orient the autobiography is only handed down as part of the official royal ideology, in Egypt it belongs in the private sphere and beginning from the 4th dynasty, in the context of tombs the ‘idealized biography’ is developed with the declaration of an ethically exemplary lifestyle via the ‘career biography’ to self-presentation in the service of the king in the New Kingdom. The key issues here are the acquisition of the position, justice and social position; in following centuries up until the 2nd cent. AD, the autobiography becomes progressively more moralizing and philosophical in style. Historical information only appears in the career biography. The plea to pray or to make a sacrifice for the speaker is a typical additional element. Inscriptions are often to be found on tomb walls and, from the time of the Middle Kingdom, also

on steles and cliff-faces and on temple statues in the New Kingdom. The story of Sinuhe, formulated according to the standard model tomb biography, forms part of the political literature of the Middle Kingdom. ~» AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 H.GuxscuH, WESTENHOLZ,

327-336

Konigsdienst, 1994 2 J.GOODNICK Heroes of Akkad, in: JAOS 103, 1984,

3M.LicuTHeEIM, Maat in Egyptian Autobi-

ographies, OBO 120, 1992 4 7.LONGMAN, Fictional Autobiography, 1991 5 2. Orro, in) HbdOr, 155,23; 1970, 179-188 — 6M.A. PowELL, Naram-Sin, Son of Sargon, in: ZA 81, 1991, 20-30 = 7 E.v. SCHULER, Die Einleitung der ‘A.’ HattusSilis, in: J.TISCHLER (ed.), Serta Indogermanica, 1982, 389-400 8H.TapMor, Auto-

biographical Apology in the Royal Assyr. Literature, in: H.TapMmor, M. WEINFELD, History, Historiography and Interpretation, 1983, 36-57 9B.p. WALLE, s.v. Autobiographie, LA 1, 1975, 815-821. B.P.-L.

Il. GREEK In antiquity, in contrast to > biography, autobiography was never seen as a literary genre. Modern examples (ROUSSEAU) suggest making introspective selfawareness a key criterion of autobiography; however, the first comparable examples of this in antiquity are not seen until the works of + Gregorius of Nazianze and > Augustinus. Autobiographical elements appear in many connections; G.MiIscu, in the first two vol-

AUTOBIOGRAPHY

408

407

umes of his standard work [4], examined a large spread of material to investigate the reflective and factual remarks made by the authors of antiquity about themselves. Literary questions are treated as secondary to the spiritual/historical problem of the ‘awareness of the self. Five areas can be summarized as being the sources. 1. Rhetoric: representation of one’s own life and character is customary in court speeches, particularly in the speech for the defence. Examples: > Antiphon of Rhamnus, Apologia; > Isocrates, Antidosis speech and -» Demosthenes, De corona. ~ Plato’s Apologia of Socrates, admittedly probably fabricated, also belongs in this category. 2. Letters (+ Epistles): these also sometimes contain details about the life of the author, with

the purpose ofjustification. Plato, 7th letter ([5. 60-62]; generally in Hellenism [5. 91f.]). 3. Memoirs (> Hypomnemata), and those of political figures in particular: these are common from the time of Hellenism (Demetrius of Phalerum, Pyrrhus, Aratus, Ptolemy VIII, Euergetes II, Herod I [2], > Nicolaus of Damascus and Flavius > Iosephus). > Xenophon’s ‘Anabasis’ can be

included here, although it is written in the third person in the style of a historical monograph. These kinds of memoirs often express the tendency towards justification and self-glorification. There may conceivably be a link to the manner of self-representation used by oriental rulers [5. 35-37]. 4. Authors introducing themselves to their public: writers both of poetry (> Sphragis) and of prose (sometimes in the context of the foreword). Some individual pieces of writing can also be included in this category: — Lucianus, Somnium; — Galen, Teo tig taEews tHv idimv PiBAiwv and Teoi TOV ldiov PiBAiov and > Libanius, Or. 1; 5. The stoic practice of moral self-exploration is expressed in literary form in the work of > Marcus Aurelius; biographical elements can, however, only be found at the beginning of his text. Philosophical and religious documentations of lives usually centre on a conversion ex-

[3. 633-638], political-military reports. From the beginning, however, these had a strong influence on the actual descriptions of lives, which always had a strong tendency towards justification of the individual’s political dealings (from the time of M. Aemilius Scaurus, P. Rutilius Rufus and Q. Lutatius Catulus c. 100 BC). Amongst the many names that could be mentioned here are those of > Sulla, > Varro, > Cicero (in prose and

verse) and > Augustus (his autobiography must be distinguished from his Res gestae). Later emperors also used the autobiography as a means of publicity. None of these political autobiographies have been preserved in full. The precursor of the poetic autobiography are statements about the self in the style of the sphragis (> Ennius) and takes on its own distinct form in + Ovid (Trist. 4,10) and. > Prudentius (praefatio).

Another branch of this style, the informal, chatty selfportrait, which starts with > Lucilius, reaches its high point in the satires and epistles written by > Horatius (see in particular Sat. 1,6). Psychological-ethical observations about the self can be found in > Seneca’s letters to Lucilius, although these are not within any biographical frainework. The type of autobiography centring on a conversion is represented in imperial times by the ‘Metamorphoses’ of > Apuleius, a Latin work taking the form of a novel. > Cyprianus’ Ad Donatum (praef.) isan example of the genre from Christian literature. Perhaps the unusual autobiography of Acilius Severus should be included here; it was presented as a travel report (> Travel literature) and, following the style of Menippean satire, was in prose and verse

[4. 2,405-408]. The high point of the autobiography in antiquity are certainly the Confessiones of > Augustinus, which broaden the base of the conversion autobi-

ography by means of intensive psychological and theological analysis to create a psychological and ideological drama. This work prompted the writing of some of the autobiographies towards the end of antiquity (Paulinus of Pella: in verse, St. Patrick i.a.). Augustine’s Re-

perience. For instance: Lucianus, Bis accusatus, > Dion

tractationes, in contrast, are related to literary autobi-

Chrysostomos, Iegi mvuyfc, Aelius > Aristides, ‘Ieoot

ographies in the style of Galen.

dOyou. This mode of perception of one’s own life is related to the Gnostic way of thinking [4. II 522-537]. It was particularly popular with the Christians: > Paulus (Gal 1,11ff.; 1 Cor 15,8; Phil 3,7ff.); > Iustinus Martyr, Dialogus; Ps.-Clementine homilies; > Gregorius Thaumaturgus, speech of thanksgiving to Origenes. Several of these approaches converge in the poems of + Gregorius of Nazianze, in particular in De vita sua (Carmen 2,1,11) and De rebus suis (2,1,1). They de-

scribe his life and spiritual experiences and, in spite of a fundamental faith in God, with their sorrowing tone and emotional vulnerability reach as far as the edge of resignation and despair. III. ROMAN

Literary self-representations are particularly widely developed amongst the Romans. The autobiography must be distinguished from the —> commentarii

1P.CourcELLeE,

Antécédents

autobiographiques

des

Confessions de Saint Augustin, in: RPh 31, 1957, 23-51

2 FGrH II C: Autobiographien 3 R.G. Lewis, Imperial Autobiography, Augustus to Hadrian, in: ANRW II 34,1, 1993,629-706 4G.Miscn, Gesch. der A., I.1,31949, 2, 31950 5 A.MoMIGLIANO, The Development of Greek Biography, 1971

6 L.NreDERMEIER, Unt. iiber die ant.

poetische A., Diss. 1919

7 G. W. Most, The Stranger’s

Stratagem. Self-Disclosure and Self-Sufficiency in Greek Culture, in: JHS ro9, 1989, 114-133.

IV. ROMAN

H.GO.

LATE ANTIQUITY

The abundance of autobiographical works in late antiquity is best reviewed by separating the passages in literary works (conversion experiences, writings about their own authorship etc.) from the works that can be seen in general to be representations of the author’s own life. All fictitious forms of autobiography (such as

409

410

the novel-like Recognitiones of Ps. Clement) should be put to one side with travel reports, which form their own literary genre (— itineraria). An autobiographical record of Vibia Perpetua, probably originally an independently created work (originally Lat.? [r1]), forms the core of the Passio SS. Perpetuae et Felicitatis. In it, Perpetua tells how as a Christian she argues with her father and how she receives consoling visions whilst in prison. In Perpetua’s vision of the ladder to heaven, many individual motifs are combined to form a ‘Christian myth ofthe passage from one world to the next’ [3,1. 50], from the passio amongst humans to the gloria [1. 52] with God the Father. The example immediately gave rise to imitation; a linguistically unsophisticated description of Saturus (originally Lat.? [7]) is integrated into the same passio;

hexameters, written by > Paulinus of Pella in southern Gallia c. 459; (3) the Confessio of the Irish apostle Patrick (died 461 or 491); (51x) the Eucharisticum de vita sua written between 511 and 521 by the experienced biographer > Ennodius of Pavia. More recent research has paid particular attention to Patrick’s Confessio: his own life story encompasses the conversion of the Irish, and he expresses his Pauline sense of mission in emphatically intensified biblical Latin [3.2, 228-230;

the editor (— Tertullianus?) added to the text and em-

phasized in the introduction the importance of this biography to Christians. The form of the passio created by combining autobiography and report is imitated in the Passio SS. Montant et Lucii (259) and in parts also in the Passio SS. Mariani et lacobi which was written at the same time. + Augustinus introduces the autobiography to Christian-Latin literature as a great genre in several ways at the same time. In the Soliloquia dialogue written in 386 he examines the state of his soul in a conversation with Reason. In the Confessiones, written in c. 400, he switches from a presentation dealing with the rational to one dealing with the affective. Bks 1-9 tell the story of his life until the death of his mother Monica in the year 387, interpreted through the different aspects of the word confessio: c. peccati, c. laudis, c. fidei [6. 13-29; 10]. Bk. to deals with the ingens aula memoriae, the human centre of consciousness (10,14).

Bks 11-13 interpret the creation story from the Bible (Gen. 1). The connection between bks 1-9 one the one hand, and then 10 and 11-13 on the other hand, remains unclear, if autobiography is understood as being limited to the expression of the ‘self-awareness and consciousness of the personality’ [8.1/1, XI]. If the dimension of micro-/ macrocosm is included [4. 68], the whole book can be appreciated as an exemplarily reasoned autobiography. The Confessiones have no precedent in Lat. literature. No Latin author had ever previously reflected on his spiritual sensitivities with regard to God using such a broad format and such a microscopically detailed psychological approach. Augustine’s third and final autobiographical work are his Retractationes. In this, written in c. 428, he reviews his literary work from the points of view of chronology and dogma. The success of Augustine’s Confessiones is reflected in the ‘first wave of confessions to roll across the West’, [8.1/2, 693]: (1) a short, general confessio earlier attributed to the student of Augustine, Prosper of Aquitaine (Incipit: Nato mihi quondam sub lege peccati); (2) the evyaouotixog deo sub ephemeridis meae textu (“Thanksgiving to God for the good fortune in my life’) in 616

AUTOBIOGRAPHY

9). The naufragium, emphatically introduced into 7thcent. life by Gregory the Great (died 604), is the fundamental motif of the Narrationes ofValerius of Bierzo in Galicia (died 695 [3.2, 209]). In the roth cent. a writer of a similar cast of character appears in the person of Bishop Rather of Verona. Not until Guibert of Nogent (died 1124) and his De vita sua does anyone dare to compare their work with Augustine’s Confessiones [5. 272-276]. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1 E,AUERBACH, Literatursprache und Publikum in der lat. Spatant. und im MA, 1958 92C.I. BaLMus, Etude sur le style de saint Augustin dans les Confessions et la Cité de Dieu, 1930 3. W. BERSCHIN, Biographie und Epochenstil im lat. MA, 3 vols, 1986-91 4H.Cuapwick, Augustine, 1986

5 P. CouRCELLE, Les

Confessions de saint Augustin dans la tradition littéraire, 1963 6 Id., Recherches sur les Confessions de saint Augustin, *1968 7 A.Frupu, Le probléme de la passion des saintes Perpétue et Feélicité, 1968 8 G. Miscu, Geschichte der A. 1/1, 31949; 1/2, 31950 (see F. JACOBY, in: DLZ 30, 1909, 1093-1098, 1157-1163, 1421-1423) 9C.MOHRMANN, The Latin of St. Patrick, 1961

10 H. RHEINFELDER,

Confiteri, confessio, confessor im

Kirchenlatein und in den roman. logische Schatzgrabereien, 1968, Une vision de Perpétue martyre CRAI 1982, 228-276 12 M. Pedisequa, 1949.

Sprachen, in: Id., Philo54-67 11 L.ROBERT, 4 Carthage en 203, in: VERHEIJEN, Eloquentia W.B.

V. INFLUENCE

Augustine’s Confessiones had a direct and strong influence and were widely read in all eras. In the Middle Ages they are responsible for many autobiographical accounts of a confessional nature. Moreover, they influenced two authors whose

ideas are central to the

modern conception of ‘self-awareness’: Petrarca (he took Augustine’s Confessiones with him on his ascent of Mount Ventoux) and Rousseau (the influence is obvious in the title and beginning of his ‘Confessions’). Selfreflection also had many other expressions in antiquity other than in the form of the autobiography. Montaigne, therefore, refers to Lucilius and Horace; his thinking is guided by Seneca and Plutarch. + AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1 T.C. Price ZIMMERMANN, Bekenntnis und A. in der Renaissance, in: G. Nicc (ed.), Die Autobiographie, 1989,

343-366.

H.GO.

411

412

Autocles (AitoxAijc; Autoklés). [1] Of Anaphlystus (IG I} 370,17), son of Tolmaeus. Strategos in 425/24 (with Nicias i.a., before Cythera, Thuc. 4,53,1), 424/23 and 418/17 BC (IG ibid.). Together with Nicias i.a., he arranged a truce with Sparta in 423 (Thuc. 4,119,2; Schol. Aristoph. Equ. 796). TRAILL, PAA 239060.

handwriting is not possible. Even the papyri from the library at Herculaneum, which it is supposed that Philodemus had a more or less direct involvement in producing, cannot in general be regarded as autographs. In contrast, there is the special case of the Plit Lond 165 autograph (a medical text commonly known as > Anonymus Londiniensis). Interesting indirect details which lead to the conclusion that some literary (and even poetic) texts may have been written in the author’s own hand can be

AUTOCLES

DAVIES, 2717.

K.KI.

[2] Son of Strombychides from the deme of Euonymon; an Athenian rhetor and strategos. In 372/71 BC, he made a curtly anti-Spartan speech in his capacity as Athenian peace envoy in Sparta (Xen. Hell. 6,3,2; 6,3,7-9).

In 368/67,

as an

Athenian

strategos,

he

supported — Alexander of Pherae (Diod. Sic.15,71,3). Having been sent to Thrace in September 362/61 once again as strategos, in spring 361 he was recalled to Athens and there accused by > Apollodorus of the betrayal of the Athenians’ ally > Miltocythes. The outcome of the trial is unknown

(cf. Dem. Or. 23,104;

Hyp. fr. 55-65 JENSEN). A. thén had no further role in politics. PA and DaviEs, 2727.

ips!

Autocrates Attic author of Old Comedy [r. test. r], the only play of his which is still known, the Tuunavotat, is the source for Aelian’s quote of ro trochaic short verses of a dancing song (fr. 1). The Suda’s claim that A. also wrote Teaywdias moAAGs (‘many tragedies’) [1. test. r],

seems

improbable,

but

is perhaps

a reference

to

xOUMSoTEayMdiat [2.172"*], i.e. a drama mixing comic

and tragic elements, Lat. tragicomoedia. 1PCGIV, 1983, 18f.

2 ScCHMID/STAHLIN I 4, 1946, 172. T.HI.

Autograph The existence in antiquity of MSS of literary texts written ‘in the author’s own handwriting’ is still a controversial subject in current times and is closely connected with the individual authors’ ways of working (+ Copy). The MSS under consideration are those which were claimed to be a copy in the author’s own hand, as well as the evidence of indirect tradition which

lead to the conclusion that a literary work was written in the author’s own hand. The only texts which can be said with absolute certainty to have been written in the author’s own hand are the poem drafts by the notary and poet Dioscorides of Aphroditopolis in Upper Egypt (6th cent. AD); this can be proved by comparison with other handwritten documents from Dioscorides’ notary archive. Eighteen papyri containing the written records of anonymous texts are also regarded as autographs. These are insignificant poems or prose texts that show all the characteristics of an outline or first draft. In none of these cases can the work be proved to be that of the author himself in the same way as it can in the case of the Dioscorides papyri, as a comparison with other sources in the same

tound in the work.of some Latin authors (Ov. Met. 9,

522-9; Plaut. Mil. zoo-7; 214f.; Hor. Sat. 1,10,70-74; Pers. 1,106). These and other sources lead to the con-

clusion that the authors occasionally produced a first draft of their work in their own hand, or that they even preferred to do so. In contrast, in the case of prose works dictation was a more widespread practice, and

possibly even predominant. The limited circulation of autographs in antiquity is also demonstrated linguistically: there is only one case in which the term avtoyoados (autdgraphos) actually seems to occur in the sense of a literary text written in the author’s own hand (Porph. Vita Plot. 20,7—9). Otherwise the adjectives at’tOyoados or autographus generally occur in ref-

erence to émoton (or epistula), as letters were generally written in the author’s own handwriting. The writing of literary texts in the author’s own hand spreads relatively late, both in the West and in the East — probably not until the rrth—12th centuries. We have numerous autograph texts by important authors from the Latin and Byzantine Middle Ages and the Renaissance: amongst those writing in Latin are Petrarca, Boccaccio and Poliziano; and amongst the Byzantine authors are Eustathius of Thessalonica, Matthew of Ephesus and Critobulus of Imbrus. + Author; > Dictation T. Doranpt, Den Autoren uber die Schulter geschaut, in: ZPE 87, 1991, 17-25; Id., in: W. KULLMANN, J. ALTHOFF (ed.), Vermittlung und Tradierung von Wissen in der griech. Kultur, 1993, 71-83; A. PETRUCCI, Minuta, autografo, libro d’autore, in: C. QuEsTA, R. RAFFAELLI (ed.), II libro e il testo, 1984, 397-414; D. REINSCH, Bemerkungen zu byz. Autorenhss., in: D.HARLFINGER (ed.), Griech.

Kodikologie und Textiiberlieferung, 1980, 629-44.

T.D.

Autokrator (Aitoxodtwo; Autokrator). A. GREEK

B. BYZANTINE

A. GREEK The meaning ‘exercising control over oneself? expresses the opposite of subjugation to the will of another. The Thebans used this argument to claim that their support of the Persians in 480 was attributable to a ruling > dynasteia, not to the whole city, which acted as its own autocrator (Thuc. 3,62,3-4). Envoys and

officials are often described as autokratores when entitled to more power than is usual in these positions. This background is evident, for example, when the Athenians declare the leaders of the expedition to Sicily

413

414

in 415 ‘to be autokratores ‘on account of the size of the army and of the entire operation’ (Thuc. 6,26,1). The implications are less clear in other cases, as, for example, when + Alcibiades [3] in 420 in Athens persuades the Spartan envoys to declare that they are not autokratores (Thuc. 5,45), or when the Athenian envoys to Sparta in 392/r count it to their credit that they present the peace terms to the people’s assembly, although they are supposed to be autokratores (And. 3,33). In any case, a people’s assembly could always object to the activity of autokratores, punish them and reject the results. In some cities, strategos autokrator is also used as a title for powerful generals: in 415/4 in Syracuse, + Hermocrates 415/4 demanded a small group of strategoi autokratores (Thuc. 6,72,5), Dionysius appointed himself strategos autokrator in 405 (Diod. Sic. 13,95,1).

2,95 5-961; Plut. Lucullus 23,4; Hyg. Fab. 14,30 seems to present them as being sons of Phrixus and Medea’s sister Chrysothemis). He was worshipped in a cult in Sinope ‘like a god’; when Lucullus conquered Sinope he carried off the cult image, a work by — Sthennis (Str.

In Roman times, autokrator is used to denote the

Imperator and strategos autokrator denotes the Dictator (Pol. 3,86,7). PLR. B. BYZANTINE Byzantine title, Greek trans. of the Lat. imperator,

which places more emphasis on the aspect of autonomous rulership. Reserved for the Byzantine principal emperor from the end of the 8th cent. at the latest, but from the 13th cent. the principal emperor awarded this title to the highest-ranking of the co-emperors on many occasions. ODB 1, 235; F. DOLGER, Das griech. Mitkaisertum, 1936, in: Id., Byz. Diplomatik, 1956, 102-129. FT.

AUTOLYCUS

12535403 Plutwibid.). 1 W. Burkert, Homo Necans, 1972,137

2 .N.F.Rusin,

W.M. Save, Meleager and Odysseus. A structural and cultural study of the Greek hunting-maturation myth, Arethusa 16, 1983, 137-171 3 J.N. BREMMER, Heroes, rituals, and the Trojan war,

1978,

15-23

Studi Storico-Religiosi

40O.ToucHEFEU, LIMC 4.1, 55f.

2,

F.G.

[3] of Pitane. Teacher of — Arcesilaus, the founder of the ‘Middle Academy’ (Diog. Laert. 4,29), lived around

310 BC. Next to his contemporary > Euclides, he is the earliest mathematician and astronomer of whom some works have been preserved. Both of the works by A. are instructional texts concerning the geometry of the sphere and its application in astronomy; they deal with the basic principles of comprehending the motion of the fixed stars in mathematical terms. The book ‘On the movement of the sphere’ (Meo xlvovupevns oaieas), which was written before Euclid’s Phainomena, deals with theorems regarding circles on a sphere rotating on its axis, and provides proofs for them in the style of Euclid. The presentation and the concepts are abstract, but can easily be applied to the most important circles and points of the celestial sphere (the horizon, the Equator, the Tropics, the Zodiac and the Poles). This text can be regarded as the theoretical preparation for the purely astronomical work ‘On the rising and setting of the stars’ (Ileoi émitoA@v xat dv-

Autolycus (AitéAvxoc; Autolykos).

oewv, 2 bks). Here, as in Euclid’s Phainomena, theo-

[1] Son of Hermes and Chione (or Philonis, who also

rems are presented concerning the visible and invisible rising and setting of the stars above, in and below the Zodiac. According to SCHMIDT [5], both books are different versions of the same work. A.’s books were widely known and read thanks to the fact that they are easily comprehensible and a suitable introduction to astronomy. They were incorporated in the ‘Astronomia parva’ and were translated into Arabic, Hebrew and Latin in the Middle Ages (see

bore the singer > Philammon to Apollo, Hes. fr. 64,14). He was included in various mythical family circles, as the father of — Odysseus’ mother Anticlea (Hom. Od. 11,85), of + Jason’s mother Polymede (Apollod. 1,107) and of Aesimus, the father of > Sinon. He gives the newborn Odysseus his name, and it is whilst hunting with his sons on Mount Parnassus that Odysseus receives the wound in his thigh (Od. 19,392-466). Hermes granted him the ability to commit perjury and skill in thieving; he could make his booty invisible (Hes. fr. 67) or transform it (Ov. Met.

711-715), but he was finally outwitted by Sisyphus whilst stealing cattle (Polyaenus, Strat. 6,52; Hyg. Hab. 201; he also appears as a cattle thief in Apollod. 2,129). His figure, with echoes of the ‘werewolf [1. 137] contained in its name, preserves references to IndoEuropean initiation motifs with the theme ofcattle theft and hunting [2; 3]. [2] The mythical founder of > Sinope, son of Deimachus of Tricca, brother of Deileon and Phlogius; taught Hercules the art of wrestling (Apollod. 2,63). The brothers accompanied Hercules on his expedition to the territory of the Amazons; he leaves them in Sinope and the Argonauts take them on their voyage (Apoll. Rhod.

[33 4]). In a text that has been lost, A. dealt with the diffi-

culties concerning the theory of homocentric spheres in relation to the explanation of the differing sizes of the planets (Simpl. in Aristot. Cael. 504,23 HEIBERG). 1 Autolyci De sphaera quae movetur liber, de ortibus et occasibus libri duo ..., ed. F. HULTSCH, 1885

2 A.: Rotie-

rende Kugel und Aufgang und Untergang der Gestirne. Theodosios: Spharik. Trans. and annotated by A. CzwaLINA, 1931

3 J. MoGENET, Autolycus de Pitane. Histoire

du texte suivie de l’édition critique des “Traités de la sphere en mouvement et des levers et couchers’, 1950 4 J.Mocenet, La traduction latine par Gerard de Crémone du “Traité de la sphére en mouvement’ d’Autolycus, in: Archives Internationales d’Histoire des Sciences 2,

1948, 139-164 5 O.SCHMIDT, Some Critical Remarks About Autolycus’ ‘On Risings and Settings’, in: De rr.

AUTOLYCUS Skandinaviske Matematikerkongres i Trondheim

1952, 202-209.

416

415 1949,

MF.

Automata

(avtowata; autémata). In antiquity, the construction of automata as a special discipline of mechanics mainly served the purpose of entertainment. The movements of the automata were almost always aimed at creating amazement in the spectators, who could not comprehend what they were seeing. Automata were not used in production as industrial machinery in antiquity. Avdtouata (autdmata) were devices which worked

independently using a combination of simple instruments (e.g. levers, screws, cogwheels, jacks) to carry out a programme of motions devised by a mechanic using energy supplied by an external source or energy stored in a propulsion device that could be released by an external trigger. In order to repeat the programme, some of the devices had to be exactly reset to their initial position. When Homer described the tripod made by Hephaestus which moved by itself (Hom. Il. 18,372-379), he used the adjective adtouatocs. The development of automata technology can be described in outline from the time of the classical era on the basis of the texts which have been preserved. Archytas of Tarentum is supposed to have produced a mechanical dove which looked deceptively real and was perhaps also able to take flight using some form of pneumatic propulsion

{2] The rotative motion is transmuted into the to-and-fro motion of the hammer (reconstruction).

(Gell. NA 10,12,8-r0). Following the establishment of

mechanics as a scientific discipline in the time of Aristotle, considerable progress was made in the construction of automata in the Hellenistic world. Automata such as the snail created by Demetrius of Phalerum (308 BC; Pol. 12,13,12) or the statue of Nysa displayed in the procession of > Ptolemaeus II Philadelphus (c. 270 BC; Ath. 5,r98f) had the purpose of demonstrating the power of Hellenistic rulers and legitimizing their position in relation to the people. The methods used in the construction of the devices are in many cases related in the texts on automata technology that have been preserved (Philo of Byzantium; Hero). Hero used the traction created by a weight as the propulsion method for the travelling automata, a principle which was also used by Philo in his theatre of automata. This method used the transmission of the movement of a weight on an axis. In some scenes of the automata theatre it was already possible to transform the rotation action into a knocking hammer action. The automata described in Heron’s ‘Pneumatics’ realized certain effects through the use of the expansion of air when heated (for the opening of temple doors; Heron Pneu. 1,39), steam power (loc. cit. 2,6; 2,11) or wind

power (loc. cit. 1,43). Individual pieces of apparatus did have practical uses, such as the water pump for use as a fire-extinguisher constructed by Ctesibius (Heron. Pneu. 1,28; Vitr. De arch. 10,7). There is scarcely any biographical information about the mechanics who constructed the automata; Vitruvius’ remarks about Ctesibius (9,8,2ff.) do, however, demonstrate an inter-

est in the character of individual technicians. During the time of the principate automata were occasionally used at banquets to demonstrate amazing new effects (Petron. Sat. 54,4). Inthe Greek East, a large automaton that was paraded in at least one festival procession was one that > Herodes Atticus had made for [1] Compressive force: a pulley provides the propulsion for a moving automaton, while the weight is slowed down by millet or mustard seeds (reconstruction).

the Panathenaea in the znd cent. AD (Philostr. VS 5 50),

a ship that was reported to move using an invisible mechanism. This was obviously reminiscent of the great era of processional automata during Hellenism. In the

417

418

AUTONOMIA

[2] Epigram writer, of the ‘Garland’ of Philippus (Anth. Pal. 4,2,11),

probably

from

the Augustan

era

(cf.

10,23). The rr poems that have been preserved (7,534 is not his) show him to have been an accomplished satirist, who often had fortunate and original ideas, with-

out doubt the most respected and the most immediate forerunner of > Lucillius (cf. Anth. Pal. 11,29; 50; 3193 324-326; 361). He must be distinguished from Antimedon of Cyzicus, from whom we have a tasteful distich, perhaps also from Philip’s ‘Garland’, on the animality of humans (11,46). GA II 1,168-177 (cf. 12f.); 2,r86—-191 (cf. 17f.).

E.D.

Autonoe (Avtovon; Autondé). Daughter of > Cadmus and -» Harmonia, sister of > Semele, > Agave and Ino (> Leucothea), wife of Aristaeus, mother of > Actaeon (Hes. Theog. 977; Apollod. 3,26; 30; Hyg. Fab. 184). In

Euripides’ Bacchae she leads a thiasos of Theban Maenads (230; 680; Ov. Met. 3,720). Following the death

of her son, she goes to Megara; her tomb is mentioned by Pausanias (1,44,5). A. Kossatz-DEISSMAN,

[3] Steam power: as the water is heated, the expanding air causes the ball to rotate (reconstruction).

Renaissance the rediscovery of ancient literature revived interest in automata and in mechanical creative fantasies. — Mechanics B. CARRA DE VAUX, Le Livre des appareils pneumatiques et des machines hydrauliques par Philon de Byzance, in: Notices et extraites des manuscrits de la Bibliothéque Nationale de Paris 38, 1903, 27-235; W.SCHMIDT(ed.),

Heronis Alexandrini opera quae supersunt omnia, vol. I, Druckwerke und A.-Theater, 1899. 1H.Drets, Ant. Technik, *1920, 57-70 and 192-232 2 A.G. DRACHMANN, Ktesibios, Philon and Heron. A Study in Ancient Pneumatics, 1948 3 B.GILLE, Les mecaniciens grecs, 1980 4H.voNn HEsBERG, Mechanische

Kunstwerke und ihre Bed. fiir die hdfische Kunst des frilhen Hellenismus, in: Marburger Winckelmann-Programm, 1987, 47-72 5 D.HIt, A History of Engineering in Classical and Medieval Times, 1984, 199-222 6 A. SCHURMANN, Griech. Mechanik und ant. Ges., 1991. AS.S.

Automedon (Avtouédmv; Automédon). [1] Son of Diores of Scyrus (Hyg, Fab. 97). Charioteer to Achilles and Patroclus (Hom. II. 9,209; frequent references in books 16 and 17 of the Il.). He is often depicted in this role in vase paintings. In Virgil (Aen. 2,476f.) he is Neoptolemus’ charioteer. From the time of Varro (Men. 257), in Rome automedo is used to denote the reliable personal charioteer (e.g. Cic. Rosc. Am. 98; Juv. 1,61). A. KossaTz-DEISSMANN, s.v. A., LIMC 3.1, 56-63.

FG.

s.v. Autonoe,

LIMC

3.1,

64f. E.G.

Autonomia (attovoula; autonomia). In the sense of ‘having (one’s) own laws’, and not, therefore, being

required to obey the laws of others, autonomia can be used as a synonym

for eleutheria (+ Freedom). This

referred in particular to the freedom in the internal matters of an alliance, the structure of which was hegemonic and whose members hoped that the aforementioned freedom would be maintained whilst they assigned decisions regarding matters external to the alliance. The word autonomia was perhaps therefore supposed to have been coined as the expression of this kind of freedom under the conditions of the > Delian League ([2; 3]). According to Thucydides, its members were ‘initially autonomoi and decided in joint assemblies’, but then became ‘enslaved’ (1,97,1; 98,4); as is well known, he

does not comment the Aiginetes’ complaints that they were ‘not autonomoi as stated in the treaty’ (1,67,2). He records that the Spartans demanded that the Athenians should leave the Greeks as aut6nomoi, and that

Pericles should admit that some were not aut6nomoi (1,139533 140,33 144,2). Athens did not remove the national independence of the members of the League, but intervened in their autonomy in a manner which would have been previously unusual. Following the treaties concluded by Sparta in 418, the cities in the Peloponnese, most of which were under Sparta’s control in the > Peloponnesian League, remained autdnomoi (Thuc. 5,77,5; 79,1) just as the Greek cities had in the King’s Peace of 386 (Xen. Hell. 551,31). In the 4th-cent. > Athenian League, the members had the status of elewtheroi and aut6nomoi (Top, 123). Of the attempts to flesh out the contents of the pledge, (e.g. Thuc. 5,79,1), ToD 123 goes the furthest. Freedom and autonomy continued to be announced by

AUTONOMIA

Hellenistic kings and by Rome: the autonomy of Greek nations of long standing was probably precarious, but often had some substance. 1T.J. Ficuerra, Autonomoi kata tas spondas (Thuc. 1,67,2), in: BICS 37, 1990, 63-72 = Excursions in Epichoric History, 1993, 255-266 2 P.KARAVITES, EdevOeoio. and avtovouia in fifth cent. interstate relations, in: RIDA} 29,1982,145-162 3 M.Ostwatp, Autonomia, 1982. M.H. Hansen, in: Id., K.A. RaaFLaus the Ancient Greek Polis, 1995, 21-43.

(ed.), Studies in PLR.

Autophradates (Avtopeadatns; Autophradates). [1] Identical or related to the satrap of Lydia at the time of the Satraps’ Revolt. As naval commander under + Memmon and then Pharnabazus against > Philippus II and > Alexander [4], he carried out successful actions in the Aegean and supported > Agis [3] both in terms of money and ships. His fleet was disbanded after the battle of > Issus. BERVE 2, no. 188.

EB.

[2] Satrap of a Caspian province; fought at > Gaugamela on > Darius’ side; surrendered to > Alexander [4]

in 330 BC and was given back the satrapy, but was deposed after the death of - Spitamenes and possibly arrested. Following Alexander’s return from India, he was executed with other satraps. BERVE 2, no. 189.

EB.

Autronius Rare plebeian gentile name with usage recorded from the 2nd cent. BC (ThIL 2,160rf.).

[1] A. Paetus, L. Cos. suff. 33 BC.; probably procos. of Africa 29/28, celebrated a triumph in 28 ex Africa (Inscr. It. 13,1,87). PIR I? A 1680.

[2] A. Paetus, P. A friend of Cicero’s in his youth and quaestor together with him in 75 BC (Cic. Sull. 18), in Greece between 73-71 as a legate, probably of M. Antonius (praetor 74) (Syll.3 748, |. 16). Became praetor in 68 at the latest. In 66 he was elected consul for 65 together with P. Cornelius Sulla, but accused of corruption by L. > Aurelius Cotta and he and his colleague were sentenced (Ascon. 76; 78C; Sall. Catil. 18). He then joined forces with Catiline and was actively involved in the plot in 63 (main source Cic. Sull.; Sail. Catil. 47). In Sull. 71, Cicero depicts A. in a very negative light — he is even supposed to have planned Cicero’s murder (Sull. 18). In 62 he was sentenced according to the lex Plautia de vi and was exiled to Epirus, where he stayed until at least 58 (Cic. Att 3,2; 3,7,1); he died before the year 46 (Cic. Brut. 241; 244). K-L.E.

Autumnus The autumn; evidence exists for him personified in illustrative art and poetry from the Augustan era onwards, yet without any proven cult. He is usually associated with the > Horae and therefore often represented as feminine. L.A. Casat, s.v. A., LIMC 5.1, 81rof.

420

419

E.G.

Auxesia, Auxo see > Charites

Auxilia During the last two centuries of the Republic, Rome forcibly recruited or enlisted as mercenaries members of non-Italian peoples with particular military skills e.g. Cretan archers, slingers from the Balearics and horsemen from Numidia, Spain or Gaul. After the Battle of Actium, many of these units remained in the service of Rome either voluntarily or as bound by contract, whilst others went on to serve under their own military leaders in their native country or in its vicinity. Augustus managed to integrate many units from different tribes or peoples into the Roman army and thereby to make use of a large reservoir of soldiers and military skills. In the early > principate the majority of the auxilia were commanded by > centurions or military tribunes. Some bore the name of an earlier commander, such as the ala Scaevae, which was probably named after Caesar’s famous centurion; others bore the name of a district or tribe (e.g. I Alpinorum), and there were also names that were a reference to the weaponry (e.g. Sagittariorum — ‘the archers’). Sometimes the name of the princeps was added (I Augusta Thracum). By the rst cent. AD at the latest, most of the auxilia consisted of soldiers who had been recruited from regions such as Belgica and Pannonia, and later from the estates bordering the military camps. With the exception of a few specialized fighters such as the Syrian archers, thereafter the auxilia gradually surrendered their homogenous ethnic character. In AD 23, the auxilia were apparently as numerous as the soldiers in the legions (Tac. Ann. 4,5). Under the Flavians there were about 180,000 soldiers serving in the auxilia; this number is presumed to have increased to more than 220,000 by the mid 2nd cent. AD. The auxilia consisted of the cohorts of foot soldiers and the alae of the cavalry with around 480-500 men and of partially mounted cohorts (cohortes equitatae) with about 120 cavalry and 480 foot soldiers. It is perhaps the case that larger units of up to 800-1,000 men (milliaria) were established under the Flavians. The soldiers in the auxilia served for 25 years and had the same function as those in the = legions, although foot soldiers in the auxilia were not as well paid. When

Roman

citizens started to serve in the auxilia,

there ceased to be any significant difference between the auxilia and the legions. During the principate, members of the auxilia were skilfully integrated into Roman society by granting > citizenship to them and their descendants, which from the 2nd cent. AD generally accompanied discharge from the auxilia. In late antiquity the auxilia were infantry units that served as > comitatenses or limitanei, whilst alae and

cohortes belonged solely to the > limitanei. 1 Y.LE BoHEc, Les unités auxiliaires de l’armée romaine

en Afrique proconsulaire et Numidie, 1989 21Gok: CHEESMAN, The A. of the Roman Imperial Army, 1914 (repr. 1971)

3 W.Eck,

H. Wo rr

(ed.), Heer und Inte-

421

422 grationspolitik, 1986

4 P.A. HoLper, Studies in the A.

of the Roman Army from Augustus to Trajan, 1980 Kraft,

5 K.

Zur Rekrutierung der Alen und Kohorten

Rhein und Donan, 1951.

an Os

Auximum Town in northern > Picenum (regio V, tribus Velina) between Musone and Aspio, about 12 km from the Adriatic, modern Osimo. Evidence of both Picene (Osimo) and Celtic settlements (S. Paolina, S.

Filippo). From 157 BC Roman colonia (praetores). In 83 BC, it served as a base for Pompey’s levy. Besieged by Attius Varius, A. fell to Caesar in 49 BC. The town was of importance in the Augustan period (as shown by inscriptions and sculptures). Testimonies of early Christianity. Bishop’s seat from the 4th cent. AD. Ofstrategic importance in the war between the Goths and the Byzantines (AD 539). Town walls (opus quadratum, tufa). Archaeological finds in the town centre; outside the town, monumental springs and fountains (Fonte Magna), near Montetorto a villa rustica. G. V. GENTILI, s.v. Osimo, in: EAA 5, 781; G.V.GENTILI,

Osimo nell’antichita, 1990.

S.M.M.

AVENTICUM

quered Sirmium. The successors of Baian extended the area of influence of the A. to the south and to the west. In 791 they were defeated by Charlemagne. At the beginning of the 9th cent. they were partly integrated into the > Bulgari and partly pushed eastwards. A.KOLLantz, H.Mtyaxawa, Gesch. und Kultur eines volkerwanderungszeitlichen Nomadenvolkes, 1970; S.SZADESZKy-Karboss (ed.), Avarica, 1986; W.POHL, Die Awaren, 1988. Lyv.B.andS.R.T.

Avaricum Capital of the > Bituriges Cubi (according to Caesar: 30,000 inhabitants; c. 100 ha.) at the confluence of Auron and Yévre, two tributaries of the Cher,

also the location of an earlier settlement between the 8th and the 6th cent. BC, modern Bourges. In 52 BC, it was captured and destroyed by Caesar (Caes. B Gall. 7,13-28), but subsequently rebuilt. A. was the capital of the civitas; under Diocletian, it became the capital of Aquitania I. Monuments: temple, sizeable colonnades, amphitheatre, thermal baths, aqueducts, workshops. Epigraphical evidence: CIL XIII, 1189-315; 11082150; Inscriptions latines des trois Gaules, 1963, 160164.

Auzia (Avtia; Auzia). Town in > Mauretania Caesa-

riensis, 124 km south-east of Algiers, modern Aumale or Sour el-Ghozlane. Ptol. 4,2,7; It. Ant. 30,6 (Auza);

Amm. Marc. 29,5,44; 49 (Audiense castellum). It is unlikely to be identical with the Av@a (Aaiza) in Menander of Ephesus FGrH 783 F 3 [1. 52], but probably with the castellum ... cui nomen Auzea (Tac. Ann. 4,25,1). A. was an important road junction near the Mauretanian limes (Not. Dign. occ. 30,17 mentions a

praepositus limitis Audiensis). A. was a municipium from the end of the 2nd cent. AD at the latest (CIL VIII 2, 9046), and a colonia since Septimius Severus (CIL

VIII 2, 9062). An Auzius deus was venerated as genius et conservator coloniae (CIL VIII 2, 9014). Inscriptions: CIL VIII 2, 9014-9177; Suppl. 3, 20735-20815; AE 1966, 183 no. 597. Several votive and grave monuments are extant. 1 G. BUNNENS, s.v. Auza, DCPP.

G. Camps, s.v. A., EB,

1187-1189; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités

de Afrique romaine 2, 1981, 534-538.

W.HU.

Avares Turkish tribe partly in the wake of the Huns and driven from central Asia by the Turks, that moved westwards in the 6th cent. AD (Syne. 5,15f.). In 5 58/59 the A. lay north of the Caucasus with c. 20,000 warriors. Constantinople turned them down, whilst under their leader Khagan Baian they embarked on a triumphal march through the southern Russian steppes. Their petition for areas to settle south of the Danube was rejected by Constantinople (Theophanes Byzantius FHG 4, 270b). Between 562 and 566 they attacked the +» Franks twice. After a successful campaign together with the > Langobardi against the > Gepidae in 567 they settled in the Carpathian Basin, in 582 they con-

J.-F. CHEvRoT, J. TROADEC, Carte archéologique, Cher, Paris, 1992, 75-152; Y.ROUMEGOUX, in: D.ScHaAAD, M.Vipat (ed.), Villes et agglomerations urbaines anti-

ques du Sud-Ouest de la Gaule, 1992, 48-58; J.-M. SAuGET et al., in: ibid., 191-198; F. JACQuES, Gallia, 1973, 297-312; 19745255595.

E.FR.

Avedda City in Africa proconsularis, situated to the north of Medjez el-Bab, today Henchir Bedd. A. was a municipium from the time of Caracalla (AD 211-217) (CIL VIII Suppl. 1, 14369; Inscr. latines de la Tunisie 1206). Inscriptions: CIL VIII Suppl. 1, 14369-14376; Inscr. latines d’ Afrique 435-439; Inscr. latines de la Tunisie 1206-1213; AE 1973, 193 no. 602. AATun 0509, folio 19, no. 8.

Avens River in Sabinum, + Nursia (Plin. HN 3,109). the course of the river from and Cutilia to Reate, where

W.HU.

rising at Mt Fiscellus near The > via Salaria followed Falacrinae via Interocrium it joined the Velinus. Gu.

Aventia River in the > Apuani region in Etruria (Tabula Peutingeriana), possibly that known today as the Avenza. GU. Aventicum Roman decreed capital of the > Helvetii in the west of their tribal area, on an ancient highway between Lake Geneva and Aare, modern Avenches. From about 12 BC until into the 2nd cent. AD, the set-

tlement was developed into a Roman town. In AD 69, A. only narrowly escaped plunder by the army of Vitellius (Tac. Hist. 1,69). Emperor Vespasian, whose family had connections with A. (Suet. Vesp. 1,3), permitted the building of a wall ring (5650 m in circumference, partially extant). Excavations from the 18th cent. onwards

423

424

have uncovered the layout of the town with monumental structures: rectangular living quarters, an amphitheatre, scenic theatres, baths, scholae (clubhouses). A. was initially called Civitas Helvetiorum; after Vespasian Colonia Pia Flavia Constans Emerita Helvetiorum foederata (the numerical proportion between coloni and incolae is not known). Its constitution conformed with the model for Roman colonies, with duoviri and

which colours all the fables is in obvious contrast to the socio-critical traits in > Phaedrus, for example. Of the more than roo MSS by A. which have been preserved, the oldest are divided into two text models and the more recent are a blend of these two models. Throughout the whole of the Middle Ages A. was part of the school canon and, together with > Romulus’ paraphrase of Phaedrus, was generally regarded as representing the Aesopian fables of antiquity [5. 58-67; to]. A.’s fables were reworked several times, both in prose form and in poetry, by Alexander Neckam amongst others [6].

AVENTICUM

decuriones; however, the majority of the indigenous

population remained without Roman > citizenship until into the 3rd cent. AD. In AD 259/60, A. first met with destruction during an incursion by the - Alamanni. During the Middle Ages, the Roman buildings were used as quarries; the Cluniac priory of Miinchenwiler, for example, was partially built with Roman spolia. H. Bocut, A., 1984; W. DRACK, R. FELLMANN, Die Romer

in der Schweiz,

1988, 337-348;

E.MeYER,

Die rom.

Schweiz, 1941, 252-268.

GW.

Averruncus Deity with scarcely any attestation, who wards off evil (deus, in Varro, Ling. 7,102, hence 8¢0¢ amotedmaiog Gloss. 3,290,31). The name also exists in the form Auruncus (Gell. NA 5,12,14). EG.

Ep1TioNns:

1A.GUAGLIANONE,

1958

2 F. GAIDE,

1980 (cf. Gnomon 53, 1981, 239-245). SECONDARY LITERATURE: 3 A.CAMERON, Macrobius, Avienus and A., in: CQ 17, 1967, 385-399 4R.ELLISs,

The Fables of A., 1887 (1966) 5 K.GRUBMULLER, Meister Esopus,1977. 6 L. Hervieux, Les fabulistes latins 3, 1894 7N.Houzperc, Die antike Fabel, 1993 8 J.KUppERs, Die Fabeln A.s, 1977. 9 Id., HIL § 622 10 M. Manitius, Beitr. zur Gesch. rom. Dichter im MA, in: Philologus 51, 1892, 533-5353; 61, 1902, 630 11 O. UnREIN, De Aviani aetate, Diss. Jena 1885. J.KU.

Avesta see > Zoroastrianism

Avidia [1] Daughter of Avidius Nigrinus, wife of L. Aelius II 6

Avesta script The Avesta script (AS) is only used in the

Caesar, as deduced from SHA Hadr. 23,10 [1. no. 128]. [2] (A.) Alexandria. Daughter of Avidius [1] Cassius,

sacred texts written in the Avestic language (> Iranian

languages) of the religion founded by Zarathustra (Greek Zmeocotens; Zoroastrés). It was created during the empire of the Sassanids (AD 224-651), using the Pahlavi script as a basis. The alphabet of the AS consists of 53 letters and the script runs from left to right. Some of the letters have been adopted directly from the Pahlavi script, whilst some have been changed by the addition of diacritics. The existence of individual letters to represent vowels is a new development as far as the older oriental alphabets are concerned. It was probably inspired by the Greek used by neighbouring nations. + Alphabet K.HoFFMANN,

Zum

Zeicheninventar

der A., in: W.Er-

LeRS (ed.), Festg. dt. Iranisten zur 2500—Jahrfeier Irans, 1971, 64-73 (= Aufsatze zur Indoiranistik vol. 1, 1975, 316-326). N.O.

Avianus Author of a collection of 42 > fables written in distichs (beginning of the sth cent. AD), which is probably dedicated to > Macrobius. Regarding A.’s name, see [8. to-19]: no attempts should be made to identify A. with the didactic poet > Avienus or with the Avenius who appears in the ‘Saturnalia’ by Macrobius [4. XXIV; 3. 392-396; cf. 11]. The subject matter of most of the fables is taken directly from > Babrius, and is not filtered through a Latin prose paraphrase [7. 71-733 8. 163-191]. The efforts to create a pleasing poetic composition

(metre, classical

references)

con-

trast with the linguistic and metrical licenses of the time [11]. The tendency towards a generally moralizing tone

wife of Tib. Claudius Dryantianus Antoninus (SHA Mare. 26,11f.) [1. no. 129]. [3] A. Plautia. Daughter of Avidius [4] Nigrinus, halfsister of L. Aelius II 6 Caesar, aunt of L. Verus (CIL X 6706 = ILS 8217); married to L. Epidius Titius Aquilinus [1. no. 130]. 1 RAEPSAET-CHARLIER.

WE.

Avidius [1] A. Cassius, C. Came from Cyrrhus in Syria, son of A. [2] (SHA Mare. 25,12). Admitted into the Senate under Antoninus Pius; deputy commander to L. Verus in the Parthian War, in command of the /egio III Gallica and auxiliary troops (Lucian. 31); conquered Seleucia and Ctesiphon (Cass. Dio 71,2,2ff.; 3,1); his contribution to the Parthian War was even recognized in Rome (Fronto Ad Am. 1,6) [1; 2. r41ff.]. Probably suffect consul in 166 [6. r8rf.], also governor of Syria from about 166 [3. 312f.] and granted command over all the provinces in the East from 172 at the latest (Cass. Dio 71,4; Philostr. VS 2,1,13) [2. 284 n. 32]. Declared caesar by the troops in Syria following the false rumour of the death of Marcus Aurelius in 175, also recognized as such in Egypt [4]; it is possible that the ‘rebellion’ was triggered by secret arrangement with — Faustina. Killed by a centurio after three months and six days (Cass. Dio 71,27,2f.). His correspondence was burned by Martius Verus and his family were spared [2. 184ff.; 5. 68off.| 1 G.ALFOLDY,

H. HALFMANN,

Junius Maximus

Victoria Parthica, in: ZPE 35,1979, 195ff.

und die

2A.BIRLEY,

425

426 Marcus Aurelius, *1988 3THOMasson,1 4 A.BowMAN, A letter of A. Cassius?, in: JRS 60, 1970, 20-26 5 SyME, RP vol.5 6 ALFOLDy, Konsulat.

[1a] Cn. A. Celer. In AD 72 praetorian legate of > Vespasianus in the province of Pamphylia et [- --], which was at that time possibly still linked with Galatia (unpublished inscription, personal communication by A. R. Brrey). According to TAM II 1388 his full name includes the additional elements Fiscillinus Firmus, according to the new text additionally Rutilius [---]s Fiscillius Firmus. W. Ecx, Die Legaten von Lykien und Pamphylien unter Vespasian, in: ZPE 6, 1970, 65-75. W.E.

[2] A. Heliodorus, C. Father of A. [1], knight, Epicurean philosopher and rhetor, ab epistulis of > Hadrianus (Cass. Dio 69,3,5) [1. 547ff.; 696f.; 2. 196f.]. Praef. Aegypti between 137-142 [3. 288; 4. 8x]. Connected with Aelius > Aristides (Aristid. Or. 50,75). 1SymMeE,

RP

5

2 A.BiRLEY,

in: Laverna

5, 1994

3 G. BASTIANINI, Lista dei prefetti d’Egitto dal 307 al 299°, in: ZPE17,1975 4 [d., Lista dei prefetti d’Egitto dal 30° al 299?, Aggiunte e correzioni, in: ZPE 38, 1980.

[3] A. Nigrinus. Probably originated from Faventia. A praetorian proconsul under > Domitianus, probably of Achaea (Plin. Ep. 10,66,2); [1. 186]. Plutarch dedicated a text to him and his brother A. [5] [2. 5 rff.]. 1 W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten, in: Chiron 1983

13,

2C.P. Jones, Plutarch and Rome, 1971.

[4] A. Nigrinus, C. Son of A. [3]. It is uncertain as to whether this is the same Nigrinus who was tribunus plebis in 1o5 (Plin. Ep. 5,13,6; 20,6; 7,6,23;4 [Z. 328]), as this would entail a very short gap between this and the suffect consulship in rro. As legatus Aug. pro praetore in Achaea, he was either the governor or a special emissary [2. no. 290; 3.187]. Governor of Dacia c. 114-116; cf. [4. r9ff.]. Supposedly intended by ~ Hadrianus as his successor, he was executed together with other senators at the beginning of 118 on the order of the Senate (SHA Hadr. 7,1; Cass. Dio 69,2,5). Married to a Plautia, his daughter was Avidia [3] Plautia. (PIR* A 1408). 1Syme, RP x

2A.Prassart, Fouilles de Delphes 3,4,

1970 3 W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten, in: Chiron 13,1983 4 Piso.

[5] A. Quietus, T. Brother of A. [3], closely connected with > Thrasea Paetus (Plin. Ep. 6,29,1). Proconsul of

Achaea in approximately 91/2 [1. 319], cos. suff. in 93 and consular legate to Britannia in 98 [2. 85ff.]. Closely connected with Plutarch [3. 5rff.]. Already dead by c.105/6, when Pliny wrote his Ep. 6,29. 1 W.Ecx, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten in: Chiron 12, 1982 2Birtey 3C.P. Jones, Plutarch and Rome, 1971.

AVIENUS

[6] A. Quietus, T. Probably the son of A. [5]. Suffect consul in AD rri (FOst*, 47), proconsul of Asia

125/126 [z. 224f.; 2. 162]. 1 THOMASSON, t 2 W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten, in: Chiron 13, 1983. W.E.

Avienus Postumius (?) Rufius Festus. Roman poet of the mid 4th cent. AD. As an aristocrat of urban Rome,

he is committed to the tendencies of the nobles of the time towards the restoration of paganism. In an inscription dedicated to the Etruscan goddess Nortia (CIL 6,537 = ILS 2944), he mentions Volsinii as his place of birth, traces his lineage back to the Stoic philosopher -» Musonius Rufus and refers to his two proconsulships [Ssinroserer|¢

With his poetic reworking of texts from the fields of Greek science and didactic poetry, A. documents once again the continuity and unity of the Greco-Roman literary tradition, whilst at the same time marking one of the final stages of the didactic poetry of antiquity [11]: 1. The first major work, the geographical didactic poem Descriptio orbis terrae is modelled on the Periegesis, a widely read work written in hexameters by the Alexandrian — Dionysius Periegetes (in AD 124). 2. The work Ora maritima, written in iambic senarii, refers

back to the ancient form of the > Periplous. The initial parts, which have been preserved, describe the Atlantic coast and the Mediterranean coast as far as Marseilles. There is much controversial discussion as to whether A. used ancient periploi as his sources (see Ora 32-50) or later compilations, e.g. those from the Augustan era [cf. 5. 10-133 73 11]. 3. The Arati phaenomena continues the tradition of the Latin reworking of the astronomical didactic poem by > Aratus of Soli, a tradition running to Cicero and Germanicus amongst others, but A.’s work also includes comprehensive expansions referring back to the subject matter of scholia. The Aratea was probably A.’s last work, produced in about 360, but certainly before 387 (cf. Hier. comm. in Tit. 1,12 = PL 26,706; on the general chronology of his works

[6. 38f.]). 4. One of A.’s early works, which has not been preserved, is a poem about Virgil’s legends (fabulae Vergilii) in iambic trimeters (Serv. and Serv. auct.

Aen. 10,272). Itis questionable as to whether Serv. Aen. 10,388 can be held to be a poetic paraphrase of Livy ([9; 6. 36]; on apocryphal small works of poetry [6. 37 f.; II. 327]); the epistle in verse dedicated to > Flavianus Myrmeicus, on the other hand, can be regarded as authentic [6. 29; 11. 326]. In terms of form, A. is in conscious competition with those on whom his work is modelled [6. 40-75; 11]; in the expansions, A. can be seen as a representative of the syncretistic spiritual movements of the paganism of late antiquity (prooemium and conclusion of Ora and Aratea; Arat. 169 ff.; 277-303 i.a. [12; 13]). The works of A. that have been preserved are extant in their complete form in VALLA’s editio princeps (1488); parts of the Aratea have been handed down by

427

428

from the roth cent., on which a

the constitution of the city which had sufetes (CIL VIII

1sth-cent. Ambrosianus is based. At that point the Aratea and Orb. terr. still existed in the former complete form [6. 75-89]. The marks of A.’s works can be determined with certainty in the works of > Paulinus of

1177) from the time of Hadrian (AD 117-138). Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 796-813; 1177; Suppl. 1, 12265— 12284; Suppl. 4, 23875; Inscr. latines de la Tunisie 670—

AVIENUS

one Vindobonensis

Nola and > Priscianus, who draws on the Orb. terr. in his reworking of Dionysius Periegetes’ Periegesis and

specifically gives the prooemium and conclusion a new Christian interpretation. A. was not used in the Middle

1, 797). A. was a municipium

(CIL VIII 1, 799; 800;

675; AE 1989, 290 no. 893.

-» Sufetes AATun o50, folio 34, no. 51; C.LepeLLey, Les cités de Afrique romaine 2, 1981, 73-75. W.HU.

Ages [11].

~» Didactic poetry EDITIONS: 1 A.HoLpeErR, 1887 (1965); Orb. terr. 2 P.vAN DE WOESTIJNE, 1961 Ora: 3 A.SCHULTEN, 1922, 71955 4M.BERTHELOT, 1934; 5 D.STICHTE-

Avitus

Avillius Flaccus, A. Born in Rome, childhood playmate of the caesars Gaius and Lucius, and friend of > Tiberius (Philo, In Flacc. 19,158). Prosecutor of Agrippina the Elder (ibid. 1,9). Prefect of Egypt from AD 32 to shortly before 20 October 38 [1. 477]. Following the death of Tiberius, A. allowed the Greek nationalists free hand against the Jews in Alexandria out of fear of Tiberius, but still fell out of favour with the emperor. He was ordered back to Rome, prosecuted, exiled to Andros

[1] Flavius Eparchius A. West Roman emperor 9.7.45 5-17.10.456, born c. 400 in Clermont. He came from a family of senators from the Auvergne, came to have some influence over the king of the West Goths, ~ TheodericI and, as praef. praetorio Galliarum in 439, he negotiated a peace treaty with the king and persuaded him to join sides in the war against the Huns in 451 (Sid. Apoll. Carm. 7,295-355). In 455, A. was appointed mag. militum praesentalis by the emperor Petronius ~ Maximus and after the latter’s overthrow was himself proclaimed Augustus in Arles with the help of the West Goths and the Gallic aristocracy (Sid. Apoll. Carm. 7,377!.; 571-80). > Sidonius Apollinaris gave the eulogy (Carm. 6f.) for A.’s assumption of the consulate in Rome on 1.1.456. A. was recognized and accepted in Gallia, Italy and Pannonia, but not by the East Roman emperor ~> Marcianus. During the defensive war against the Vandals, > Ricimer distinguished himself and then, having been appointed troop commander by A., rose up against him and, allied with > Maiorianus and the Senate, defeated him at Placentia. A. probably died in 457, following a short period as bishop of

and executed there in the year 39 (main source: Philo, In Flaccum).

Tur. Franc. 2,11; Joh. Ant. fr. 202). PLRE 2, 196-98.

NOTH, 1968; Arat.: 6 ].SOUBIRAN, 1981. SECONDARY LITERATURE: 7 F.Marx, Aviens ora mari-

tima, in: RhM

50, 1895, 321-347

(Id., RE 2, 1896,

8 J.MATTHEWS, Continuity in a Roman 2386-2391) family, in: Historia 16, 1967, 484-509 9C.B. Murcia,

A. supposed

iambic version of Livy, in: Californian

Studies in Classical Antiquity 3, 1970, 185-197 TORURE Mean ot. 11K.SMorax, HLL § 557 12 D. WeBer, Aviens Phaenomena, Diss. Vienna 1986

13 Id., Et nuper A.’, in: Eos 74, 1986, 325-335.

1 P.BureTH, Le préfet d’Egypte (30 av. J.C. — J.C.), ANRW

J.-KU.

297 ap.

II ro.1, 1988.

Aviola Roman cognomen (from avis) used by the Acilii DA

the Calpurnii au)

amongst

A.DEMANDT,

Die Spatant., 1989, 170f.; R.W. MATHI-

SEN, The Third Regnal Year of Eparchius Avitus, in: CPh

B.HENNIG, Zu der alexandrinischen Martyrerakte P. Oxy. 1089, in: Chiron 4, 1974, 425-440; E.M. SMALLwoop, The Jews under Roman Rule, 1976, 236ff. DK.

and

Placentia (Chron. min. 1,304; 2,186 MOMMSEN; Greg.

other

families

(ThLL K.-L.E.

80, 1985, 326-35; J. HARRIES, Sidonius Apollinaris and the Fall of Rome, 1994. K.PJ.

[2] Alcimus Ecdicius. Last representative of the literary culture produced by the senatorial classes in late antiquity in Gallia; recorded as bishop ofVienne in 494, died in 518 (saint). As an ecclesiastical politician, he mediated between the Arian Burgundian kingdom and the Church of Rome and managed to convert Sigismund,

Aviones A Germanic people who according to Tac. Germ. 40,2 worshipped > Nerthus with the Reudigni, Angli, Varini, Eudoses, Suardones and Nuithones; it is not possible to work out their exact location in spite of the etymology ‘water dwellers, island inhabitants’ K.DIL.

the successor to the throne, to Catholicism (516). A.

was also a significant epic poet producing works based on the Bible: his five bks De spiritalis historiae gestis take selected episodes of Genesis and Exodus and create a poetically outstanding work; this text influenced medieval Latin literature (e.g. Audradus in the 9th cent.), bk. 5 (De transitu maris rubri) was translated

Avitta Bibba (‘Aovitta; Aouitta). City in Africa pro-

consularis, on the connecting road running from west to east between Agbia and Pupput; today Henchir Bou Ftis. (Plin. HN 5,30 oppidum Avittense; Ptol. 4,3,31; Tab. Peut. 5,4). The Punic influence is demonstrated by

into Old English by Alfred the Great. Through his introduction of Lucifer as a protagonist, A. can be seen to have had a direct influence on MILTON’s Paradise Lost and to have indirectly influenced the legend of Faust. Following the epic, A. then wrote a book, De virgini-

429

430

tate, addressed to his sister, the nun Fuscina. His 86 letters (some of which were to > Gundobadus) are of

Axilla Roman cognomen (‘armpit’) used by the Sempronii, older form of > Ahala (Cic. Orat. 153). K-LE.

historical and theological importance. Only fragments of his homilies have been preserved. Some Christian poetry written under a pseudonym has been unconvincingly attributed to him [1. 258-275]. > Biblical poetry EDITIONS:

1R.PErPER, MGHAA

6,2

2 D.J. NovEs,

1985 (Spir. hist. 1-3) SECONDARY LITERATURE:

Avit,1909 A., 1938

3 H.GoELzeR, Le Latin de S.

4 M.BurckHarpT, Die Briefslg. des Bischofs 5 M.Danpo, Alcimus A. as the author of De

resurrectione mortuorum, De pascha, De Sodoma and De Iona, in: CM 26, 1965, 258-275 6K.THRAEDE, Epos,

in: RAC

5, 1030

7 D.KartTscHokKE,

Bibeldichtung,

1975, 50-53 8 M.Roserts, Biblical Epic and Rhetoric Paraphrase in Late Antiquity, 1985 9D.J. Nopes, Doctrine and Exegesis in Biblical Latin Poetry, 1993. —_K.SM.

Avroman documents The Avroman documents, as they as known, were found in 1909 in a clay vessel ina grotto on the Kuh-i Salan near the village of Palangan on the Kth-i Avréman in the south-west of Iranian Kurdistan and are today kept in the British Museum. They consist of one Parthian and two Greek parchment documents. Whilst the Greek documents are contracts dating from 88/87 and 22/21 BC providing proof of the sale of half of the Dadbakan

vineyard, the Parthian

document tells (using heterographic spelling) of the sale in AD 53 for 65 drachmas of ‘half of the Asmak vineyard, which is situated near arable land’, by Pataspak, the son of Tirén of Bod to Avil, the son of Basnin and his brother. These texts have become relevant in terms of historical research particularly on account of the names of the persons participating in the legal procedure (the vendor, the buyer and the witnesses), but also because

they provide evidence of the change in the use of ‘language for notarial proceedings’ from Greek to Parthian between 21 BC and AD 53. E.H. Minns, in: JHS 35, 1915, 22-65; H.S. NyBerG, The Pahlavi Documents from Avroman, in: Le monde oriental £7, 1923,

182-230.

J.W.

Axidares Son of the Parthian king Pacorus, who was made king of Armenia in about AD 110 by his father. When Osroes ousted Pacorus, A. also lost his throne to his own brother Parthamasiris. During the subsequent period, he seems to have made efforts to prevent contact being made between Parthamasiris and his Roman sovereign > Trajanus and, in so doing, to gain some recognition for himself. He was unsuccessful in this respect. M. KAarRAS-KLAPPROTH, Prosopographische Studien zur Gesch. des Partherreiches, 1988; A. STEIN, s.v. Exedares, RE 6, r58r.

M.SCH.

AXIOPISTUS

Axiochus (A&ioyoc; Axiochos). Uncle of > Alcibiades

(Pl. Euthd. 275a), and accused together with him in 415 BC of the profanation of the Mysteries in the house of Charmenides, after which he fled from Athens (And.

1,16); his possessions were auctioned. On his alleged amorous adventures: cf. Ath. 12,53 4F—53 5A; 13,574E and [1. 20]. He appears in the pseudo-Platonic dialogue that is named after him. TRarLt, PAA 139755. 1 W.M. Ettts, Alcibiades, 1989.

M.MEI.

Axiom In the same way as postulates, axioms were presumably introduced in conflict with Eleatic philosophy in order to enable the acceptance of the existence of the manifold [1. 322-325; 2; 3]. According to Aristotle, axioms are central to every branch of knowledge, particularly the law of contradiction and the principle of the excluded middle (Metaph. T 3,r1005a19-b27); for the organization of the fundamental principles of a branch of knowledge wherein proof is sought see Aristot. An. post. 1,2,72a14-24. Euclid distinguished axioms

(known

as:

xowai

évvova.)

from

postulates

(aithuata) by stating that postulates contain geometric requirements whereas axioms contain general rulings on logic. 1 F. KRAFFT, Gesch. der Naturwiss.I, 1971

2 A.SZABO,

Anfange des euklidischen Axiomensystems, in: Archive for History of Exact Sciences 1, 1960, 38-106

3 Id., Der

alteste Versuch einer definitorisch-axiomatischen Grundlegung der Mathematik, in: Osiris 14, 1962, 308-369.

MF. Axionicus (‘AEtovixoc; Axidnikos) Poet of the Middle Comedy, of whose life nothing is known. The four play titles that are known (Tuvgenvoc, Pireveittdys, Piva, Xadxtdixdc) and the few fragments that have been preserved, suggest that A. belongs to the Middle Comedy [1; 2. 245ff.]. The monody of the cook in the style of Euripides in ®Ueveutldneg (fr. 4) is particularly charac-

teristic: the comedy is evident less in the mockery of the tragic model and more in the contrast between the dithyrambic language and the everyday activity of preparing a meal [2. 246f.]. 1 PCG IV, 1983, 20-27 Mittlere Komédie, 1990.

2 H.-G. NESSELRATH, Die att. T.HI.

Axiopistus (A€mtotoc; Axidpistos) from Locris or Sicyon. He probably lived in the 4th cent. BC and is the author of two books, Kavwv (Kanon) and TPvapau (Gn6émai), which were published under Epicharmus’ name (Ath. 14,648d = Philoch. FGrH 328 F 79; Apol-

lod. FRrH 244 F 226). Whether or not > Epicharmus had himself made a collection of aphorisms (gn6mai) from his dramas — the fame he had achieved as yvmuixoc, gnomikos (Anon. ap. CGF I p. 7,18 KarBeL)

AXIOPISTUS

432

aor

certainly encouraged the tendency towards forgeries at a very early stage. It is in any case very difficult to specify criteria for differentiating between Epicharmus’ authentic material and that merely imputed to him. It is, therefore, a case of pure conjecture when modern editors want to re-attribute to A. large numbers of aphoristic fragments that have been attributed to Epicharmus since the time ofantiquity (see [1]). In addition, it is assumed that the verses recovered from PHibeh I,1.2 (=

CGFPR 86; 87) belong to the P'v@uai written by A. A. probably provided the inspiration for Ennius’ Epicharmus; see |6]. FRAGMENTS: 1 CGF I, 1889, r4off. (19587, with addenda by K.Larre, VIIff.) 2 CollAlex, 2109ff. 3 A.Oxiviert, Frammenti della commedia greca e del mimo nella Sicilia e nella Magna Grecia, 1930, 9off. (with commentary)

4C. Austin,

Comicorum

Graecorum

fragmenta in papyris reperta, 1973, 78ff. (=CGFPR). SECONDARY LITERATURE: 5 Schmid/Stahlin I, 645f., 649. 6 C.PascaL, Le opere spurie di Epicarmo e PEpicharmus di Ennio, in: RFIC 47, 1919, 54ff.

[2] A. Aelianus (Ionius), Q. Roman knight and provincial official, a curator and procurator in southern Italy, Mauritania, Belgium, Germania and Dacia (between 235 and 238). Patron of the Dacian city of Samizegethusa [1. 851xff. no. 328] (PIR* A 1688). 1 PFLAUM, 2.

TF.

Axones (iEwvec; dxOnes; axes). In Athens the laws of

+ Dracon and ~ Solon were recorded on numbered axones. The term - kyrbeis, the origin of which is unknown, was another name for axones (ML 86; Aristot. Ath. Pol. 7,1; Plut. Solon 25). Probably they were three- or four-sided wooden pillars that were mounted vertically on axes in such a way that a person looking at them could turn them. In the 4th cent. BC it was probably still possible to read and study them, at the time of Plutarch small fragments were still in existence. E. RUSCHENBUSCH, OAwvoc uot, 1966; R.S. STROUD, The A. and Kyrbeis of Drakon and Solon, 1979. P.p.R.

M.D.MA. Axiothea (AEto0éa; Axiothéa) from Phleius. She is supposed to have come to the Academy after reading a

Axum, Axomis (Aksum). City on the Abyssinian plateau. Founded around the time of the birth of Christ,

work by Plato about government and to have attended

during the rst cent. AD the kings of A. already managed to extend their area of influence as far as Adulis by the Red Sea. A. was Christianized by Alexandria under King ‘Ezana in the mid 4th cent. In the 6th cent., King Kaléb Ella Asbeha conquered the kingdom of the Jew-

classes

there

with

Lastheneia

of Mantinea,

whilst

dressed like a man (Diog. Laert. 3,46 = Dicaearchus F 44 W.).

+ Academy T.Doranpi, Assiotea e Lastenia. Due donne all’Academia, in: Attie Memorie Accademia Toscana ‘La Colombaria’ 54, 1989, 53-66. K-HS.

Axius [I] (“AEtoc; Axios). Largest river in Macedonia, today Vardar; rises in Sar Planina and flows into the

Aegean to the west of Thessalonica. Barely navigable owing to its gorges, the A. valley does, however, form the main overland route between the Aegean and the region around the Danube, a route which has been in use from the time of antiquity and is still used today. The A. flowed through the settlement territories of the Dardani, the Paeones and the Macedones (Amphaxitis). N.G. L. HaMmonpn,

A History of Macedonia

1, 1972.

MA.ER. [II] the can [1]

Plebeian gentile name, mentioned in records since 3rd cent. BC and possibly connected with the Etruscity of Axia (SCHULZE, 70; ThIL 2,1640f.). A., Q. Senator (quaestor before 73 BC, SHERK,

RDGE 23, |. 12). He was tribulis to > Varro, who intro-

duces him in Rust. 3,2,1 as a dialogue partner. He was also a close acquaintance of Cicero, who mentions him frequently in his correspondence (one collection of letters, ad Axium, in at least two bks, has been lost [r]). 1 SCHANZ/HOSIUS

1, 477.

K.-LE.

ish king of the Himyars, Yusuf As’ar Yatar (Da-Nu-

was) with Byzantine support. A. ceased to be the seat of the king from the end of the 7th cent., perhaps because of the isolation of the kingdom due to the spread of Islam. Ata

je. height of 2r00m above sea level, A. is bordered

to the north and east by the hills of Beta Giyorgis and Mai Qoho and has two streams that run through it, Mai Lahlaha and Mai Hejja, which in antiquity supplied water all year round. A. had a favourable location at the intersection of two trade routes and, particularly after the fall of the kingdom of Meroé, controlled the ivory trade from Africa to Egypt and the countries around the Mediterranean. A. was also connected with the spice and silk trades via the port of Adulis on the Red Sea opposite the Dahlak Archipelago, as the trade routes ran from Aden

to Egypt and then northwards. Gold was exported from A. itself. There are still many large gaps in our knowledge of A.’s prehistory. There is evidence of Nubian — and later Meritoic — influenced ceramics from the 2nd millennium BC. The linguistic roots that A. shares with the south-western cultures of the Saudi-Arabian peninsula (Saba) and the similar architecture give rise to the supposition that there was some migration in the rst millennium BC — from Arabia to Tigre, according to the most recent theories, although there had perhaps already been some migration in the opposite direction in earlier times. A. is first mentioned in written texts in the

433

434

Periplus maris Erythraei dating from the mid rst cent.

clared itself to be a Monophysite state. In around AD 520, King Kaleb once again pursued comprehensive campaigns in the Yemen against the Jewish King Jusuf Asar Jathar, who probably threatened Axumite interests and also persecuted the Christians. Despite some

AD and in Ptolemy (Temygadiag “Yonynotc) c. AD 160.

According to these sources, A. was founded at the latest in the mid rst cent. AD as the royal seat of the Auxumites. Surveys and excavations show that until the time of the birth of Christ, only small villages and hamlets existed on the Tigre plateau. Urbanization seems to have taken place under the influence of the immigration from the Arabian peninsular. Soon small territories developed with royal seats, ruled by individual tribes. By the time of the birth of Christ, the economically and militarily stronger Axumites subjugated all the surrounding tribes on the plateau and seized the port of Adulis. The first leader mentioned in texts is one Zoscales, who reigned c. AD 50. With the fall of Meroé in the late rst cent. and in the 2nd cent. AD, A. continued to increase its economic interests in the region around

the source of the Nile. The history of A. becomes clearer from about AD 200 onwards. The Axumites were successful in gaining a foothold on the Arabian peninsular and, together with the Sabaeans, in gaining control over trade on the Red Sea from the kingdoms of Himyar and Hadramaut. The Axumite “ADBH (’Azeba?), DIWNS

(Datawnas)

and ZQRNS (Zaqarnas) held on to the territorial gains in the region of present-day Yemen until about AD 300, despite varying alliances and defeats. Under Sembrouthes, who probably reigned for at least 24 years around AD 240, large territorial gains were made in what today is Eritrea. The coins in circulation minted by the Romans and Kuw’an were joined from about AD 270 by gold, silver and bronze coins minted by the kings of A. The coins follow the design of Roman coins in terms of weight and metal content and have a portrait ofthe king on both sides with a circumscription in Greek, later in Ge’ez. The style follows that of the Alexandrian currency, and the iconography is derived from Himyaritic coins, with the sickle moon above the bust of the king as the symbol of the god Mahrem (Ares). In the heyday, the silver and copper coins, which had gilt covering the area around the bust, were regarded as unusual. As based on numismatic evidence, the list of kings began with Endubis. Under his successor Aphilas, who is occasionally treated as identical with Sembrouthes, the kingdom of Meroé was destroyed in around AD 297 by the Blemyes, who were clients of A., which was reflected in coin minting by the adoption of the Meroéan king’s cap. Under the Frumentius, the first bishop of A., King Ezanas was converted to Christianity in AD 333. From that time the cross appears on coins instead of the sickle moon. The request of the Arian sympathizer Constantius II c. AD 356 to extradite Frumentius, who had been ordained by Athanasius and was suspected of heresy, was refused. Ezanas seems to have limited himself to suppressing unrest within the kingdom and to a few forays into Meroé. In the second half of the 4th and sth cents. AD his successors did not apparently pursue any large-scale expansionist policies. After the Council of Chalcedon in AD 451, the Christian A. de-

AYLESFORD

success, Kaleb did not succeed in holding on to the re-

cently conquered territories in the Yemen. The longstanding war ensured the economic and financial ruin of A.; the Yemen was lost completely. Kaleb abdicated and retreated to a monastery. Epidemics, failed harvests, military weaknesses which resulted in the loss of the control of trade in the southern Red Sea, and then finally the conquering of the Arabian peninsular by Islam in the 7th cent. AD all ensured that A. sank back into insignificance. Minting of coins, which had already become erratic, was given up at the beginning of the 7th cent. AD. A. lost its status as a royal seat in the 9th cent. AD at the latest, but remained for some time the place where Ethiopian rulers were crowned. Visible archaeological remains have been preserved in A.: steles up to 33m tall, which probably surmounted royal graves, platforms which were the bases of statues or thrones and the ruins of extensive palace complexes. AM. -» Adulis; > Arabia; > Blemyes; > Frumentius; > Hadramaut; — Homeritae; — Kushan; —+ Meroé; + Monophysitism; > Nubia; + Peripluus; ~— Ptolemaeus; > Saba; > Zoscales H. BRAKMANN, s.v. A., RAC Suppl. 1, 718-810; E. LirtMANN,

Deutsche

Aksum-Expedition,

1-4,

1913;

W.Haunn, Die Miinzpragung des axumitischen Reiches, Litterae Numismaticae Vindobonensis 2, 1983, 113-180; S.C. Munro-Hay, Excavations at Aksum, Memoirs of the British Institute in Eastern Africa 10, 1989; S.C. MuN-

ro-Hay, Aksum. An African Civilisation of Late Antigquity, 1991.

A.M. and J.P.

Axylos (Axylos terra). Treeless grass steppe south of the upper > Sangarius between Emir Daglari and > Tatta (Tuz Gol) —an area characterized by pasture farming in the border zone of Phrygia and Galatia with Lycaonia, (Liv. 38,18,4), cf. Str. 12,6,1). K.STROBEL, Galatien und seine Grenzregionen, in: Asia Minor Studies 12, 1994, 29-65, here: 5 4ff., 59. K.ST.

Aylesford Late Celtic burial ground in Kent which gave its name to the A. culture in south-eastern England; cremation burials of the period between 50 BC and AD 50 are typical, and the burial gifts (Celtic lathe-turned ceramics and fibulae) demonstrate the existence of close connections with the Continent, which are possibly an indication of immigration of the > Belgae. The more sumptuous graves (e.g. Lexden) also contained ornamental bronze vessel fittings decorated in the Celtic style, amphorae and silver goblets. ~ Funerary architecture; > Celtic archaeology R. WHIMSTER, Burial Practices in Iron Age Britain, British

Arch.

Reports 90, 1981,

147 —

166; J.FosTER, The

Lexden Tumulus, British Arch. Reports 156, 1986.

v.P.

435

436

Azaila Cabezo de Alcala, an oppidum of the Sedetani including the lower part of the town and a fortified

graphical centre in the Thriasion Pedion and in the area

AZAILA

around - Eleusis. Str. 9,1,21 mentions ‘ACnveic as be-

acropolis (houses built on Italian lines, paved streets,

ing between Sunium and Anaphlystus, which is, how-

sacellum in antis and the remains of large bronzes) is situated close to the modern location of A. The IberianRepublican city is built on top of an earlier settlement

ever,

(started c. 650 BC, destroyed in c. 200 BC); the new city

seems to have been abandoned after it was conquered in about 80/70 BC, during the time of the Sertorian wars (siege ramp, catapult).

to be emended

to “Atyveis

[1.50f.;

citizeninA.(IGII*378r).

J.A. Asensto EsTeBAN, La ciudad en el mundo prerro-

1 H. LOHMANN, Atene, 1993, sof.

manoen

68, 83, 109 (no. 23), table 8

Aragon, in: Caesaraugusta 70, 1995, 146-167;

J.Casré, Los bronces de Azaila, in: Archivo Espanol de Arte y Arqueologia 1, 1925, 297-315;

(> Atene)

3.144°°]. The same mistake appears in IGII* 1706 Z. 73 [2. 83]. A location south of Kokkini [3. 137*°] is questioned by [x. sof.]. The Azenieis made dedications to Eleusis (IG II* 3492), and the demos of Eleusis worships an Azenieus (IG II? 3517; 3904), > Carneades became a 2 TRAILL, Attica, 52,

3 Id., Demos and Trittys,

1986.

H.LO.

M. BELTRAN LLOo-

ris, Arqueologia e historia de las ciudades del Cabezo de

Azetium Town in Calabria (Plin. HN 3,105: Aezetini).

Alcala de Azaila, 1976; Id., Nuevas aportaciones a la cro-

‘ACntwav

nologia de Azaila, Bol. Mus. Zaragoza 3, 1984, 125-152.

3. 99-116], Ezetium in Tab. Peut. 6,5, and Geogr. Rav. 4,35. Modern Castiello (near Rutigliano). Monuments: large wall ring of the 4th to 3rd cents. BC, graves and other archaeological remains dating from the 6th cent. BC to the 2nd/3rd cent. AD [2; 3. 13f., 66-72]. > Peucetu

M.BL. Azanes, Azania (Atdvec, “ACavia; Azdnes, Azania). Tribe and region (of proverbial inhospitableness, cf. Zenob. 2,54; Diogenianus 1,24) between the rivers of Erymanthus and Ladon, at the border of Arcadia with ~ Elis (Str. 8,3,1; 8,1). (Hdt. 6,127).

~ Paeon was a town of the A.

PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 3, I, 1959, 211.

she succeeded on the

throne for a few months. She had the governor of Chorasan killed and was then overthrown by his son Rustam. (PLRE 3A, 160). Pu. Gicnoux, s.v. Azarmigduxt, Enclr 3, rgo.

bronze

coins of the 3rd cent.

BC

M.SCH.

[1;

1 HN 45

2 M.T. GiaNNOTTA, s.v. Castiello, BTCGI 5,

125-127

3 Il territorio di Rutigliano in eta antica, 1992.

ML.

E.O.

Azarmiducht Sassanid queen, daughter of -» Chosroes II and sister of > Boran, whom

on

Azorus (“ACweoc; Azoros). City belonging to the tripolis of the > Perrhaebi (Str. 7,7,9), near the presentday city of Vuvala, by the Sarandaporos. Although first mentioned as a Macedonian fort in 317 BC (Diod. Sic. 19,52,6), A. appears to date from much earlier. Probably as a member of the Perrhaebi alliance in the 2nd cent. BC, A. managed to settle a border dispute with ~ Mondaea (Syl? 638). Disputed territory in the 3rd Macedonian War(Pol.28,13;Liv.42,53,6344,2,8).

Azenia (ACnvid; Azénid). Attic > paralia (2?) deme be-

F. STAHLIN,

longing to the phyle of Hippothontis, which had its geo-

Das

hellenische

Thessalien,

1924,

of. MA.ER.

B B (linguistically). The second letter in the Greek and Latin > alphabet. Originally, it denoted a plosive (as in New High German Band) but later became a fricative at times (Lat. epigraphy IVVENTE = iubente; Modern Greek). In the Indo-European base language, the sound/ b/ was probably quite rare. In words inherited from Greek or Latin, the letter b rarely harks back to the

sound b (as in Bedtiov) and more often to different sounds: for instance, to g“ in Bote, bds (> Gutturals); to m- in Boeayts, breuis; to bh in lubet; to dh in ruber, iubeo; to du in bis (Old Latin duis). However, b is predominantly kept in Lat. > loan-words from the Greek (bibliothéca) and vice versa (BovAKa). In Greek and Lat-

in, the geminata bb (xéB-Bake < xat-; ab-breuiare < ad-; gibber, obba) was not common, neither did its use in-

crease much through borrowings from other languages (aBBac, oa4BBatov). BE.

B. In Greek numerical systems, f (beta) designates the number 2 in the ‘alphabetic’ system. In the same system, it can also designate the number 2,000 when prepositioned with a diacritical symbol (’B, ,8). In the ‘acrophonic’ system, f’ is the symbol for the fraction */ 3° + Arithmetics; > Numerical systems W.ED.

437

438

Baal (Semitic ba‘l, fem. ba‘lat; Greek Bélos, ‘Lord’, ‘Owner’, ‘Ruler’, ‘Master’, ‘Husband’). Since the 3rd millennium BC, the term B. was used to address God in

agreement on how to interpret other B. designations

the Syrian-Phoenician area (in the sense of ‘B. is almighty, ruler of order over chaos, lord of the heavens and the world and King’). At the same time, B. also designated individual or local deities when combined with toponyms (‘lord’ of a city, of a mountain range etc.) or with natural phenomena (‘lord’ of thunder, of rain etc., namely B. as weather god). In + Ugarit’s lists of gods, B. always follows > El

BAAL

such as B. Hammon as the ‘lord of the Amanus mountains’ or ‘lord of the palace orchestra’ and B. Marqod as ‘lord of dance’ or ‘lord of Margod’. B. is closely tied to the goddesses Tanit as pub‘ (‘face of B.’? KAI 78,2; 79,1.10-11; 85,1 and passim) and Astarte as sm b‘l (‘name of B.’ KAI 14,18) [13]. B. Hammon is positioned

at the top of the pantheon of - Carthago [12]. Furthermore, BaalSamém, B. Zaphon, and (B.) Melkart were

and Dagan [2. 1.47,5, 1.118,4, r 20.24,4]. Six other B.

worshipped there as well. In Palestine, B. is worshipped in Israel and Juda on the one hand, and as B. of Ekron or B. Zebul by the

figures also appear there [2. 1.47,6-11, 1.118,5—10, RS 20.24,5-10]. In ritual texts, B. is often called B. Zaphon, ‘lord of the (mountain) Zaphon’ (> Casium’)

hand. There, we find B. as a part of place names such as B. Meon (Num. 32,38; Jos. 13,17 and passim; cf. also

[2. 1.39,10, 1.46,14, 1.65,10 and passim]. According to myth, B. defeats Jam, god of the sea [2. 1,rf.], then

builds a palace in order to become king [2. 1.1,3f.], but at times loses the fight to Mut, the god of death [2. 1.5f.]. His paredra is the goddess > Anat. In his role as weather god, B. has power over the gifts of rain and the revitalization of vegetation. The north-western temple on the acropolis of Ugarit was consecrated to B. Since B. is portrayed as a fighting god in mythological literature, he is also identified with the ‘smiting god’ type in iconographical depiction. In mythological texts, B. and > Hadad are portrayed as parallel figures, as both refer back to the weather god of Aleppo who is also the source for B.’s motif of fighting against the god of the sea. The only image of B. that is evidenced in an inscription can be found on the Mami Stele [13]. In Egypt, B. was identified with Seth [ro]. During the Late Bronze Age and the Iron Age, a female B. deity stood at the top of the pantheon of Byblus (bt gbl; [5. 68,4, 7354, 7452-35 7553 and passim]. In the > Amarna letters, B. appears as the theophoric part of personal names such as B.-mehir [5. 245,44, 257,35

258,2, 259,2] and Sipti-B. [5. 330,3, 331,4, 332535 33355 3339]. In the Phoenician-Punic religion, the ‘lady of Byblus’ (KAI 5,2?; 6,2; 7,3-4 and passim; Eus. Pr. Ev. 1,10,35)

and B. maintained their status as objects of worship (KAI 26 AI 1-3.8, ATI 6.10.12, A II 11,

CIV 12 and

passim). There were also other forms of B. deities, for instance the god Baal’amém, who was placed at the top of old local panthea and was regarded as the protector of the kingdom (KAI 4,3; 26 A III 18). Religious devel-

opments and innovations in the Phoenician city states during the course of the rst millennium BC led to clear changes concerning the function and morphology of B. figures compared to the previous millennium. Thus, there is evidence of B. figures that are comparable with B. Zaphon, who function as powerful and influential city deities with deeply rooted local traditions, among them B. of Byblus (KAI 4,3f.), B. of Sidon (KAI 14,18; Eshmun) or Tyre (Melkart), B. of Lebanon (KAI 31,1-2) etc. Furthermore, there existed a B. of healing (b/ mrp‘) and a B. of sacrifice (b/ mlg‘). In personal names, B.

often appears as a theophoric element. There is no

Philistines (2 Kgs 1,2f.; 6; 16; 18,1-18) on the other

the Mesha Stele |. 9, 30), B. Hazor (2 Sam. 13,23), B. Gad (Jos. 11,17; 12,7; 13,5), B. Hermon (Judg. 3,3; | Chr. 5,23), B. Zaphon (Ex. 14,2; 9; Num. 33,7), which

all indicate the existence of Palestinian cult sites for a B. deity. Also, B. is the general designation of a weather god, so that JHWH could also be called B. as indicated by Hebrew personal names (cf. Hos. 2,18). In the 9th cent. BC, JHWH was worshipped in Samaria as BaalSamém under the dynasty of the Omrides [3; 6]. The anti-Omridic opposition first expressed itself in the destruction of the B. temple in Samaria and in the polemics against bull images (Ex. 32; 1 Kgs 12,26-30 and passim). The difference between JHWH and B. was emphasized more and more (1 Kgs 18; 2 Kgs 2,1-17; Hos.), so

that B. was made to appear as a foreign god. Asa result of this, deuteronomistic texts from the southern kingdom designated every foreign god as B. since the end of the 7th cent., hence B. became a cipher for ‘false gods’ altogether (Judg. 2,11. 13; 3,7 and passim; 1 Sam. 7,4; 12,10; 1 Kgs 18,18; Jer. 2,8.11; 7,9 and passim; Zef

1,4f.) [9]. In Syria’s Aramaic religion, Baalsamin appears at times as the highest god (KAI 202 A 3.11.12.133 bk. 23 and passim). There is little evidence of B. (for instance B. Smd; KAI 24,15), his role is occupied instead by the weather god Hadad. In > Palmyra, the god Bol dominates the city pantheon. His name was transformed into Bel under the influence of the late Babylonian Bel-Marduk. The original form going back to B. can still be found in the names of the satellite gods Jarhibol and Aglibol; however, notice the name of the younger god Malakbel. The god Bel is a cosmic and celestial deity, portrayed as an eagle in Palmyraean iconography. In Palmyra, however, BaalSamin was worshipped and at times identified with Bel [1; 11]. From the rst to the 3rd cent. AD, > Baalbek was another main place of worship for the god B, where B. Beqa was honoured as Zeus or as Jupiter of Heliopolis [8]. Merchants, soldiers, and slaves brought with them various B. cults from the Levant and North Africa to Greece and Rome, where B. was seen as the equivalent of Zeus-Jupiter, Cronus-Saturn, Helios-Sol and other gods [7. 1066f.]. > Juda and Israel; > Carthago; > Kronos; > Saturnus; — Zeus; > Jupiter

BAAL

440

439

1 R.ComTE

Du MESNIL DU Buisson, Les tesséres et les

monnaies de Palmyre, 1962, 171-225, 305-329 2 M. Dietricn, O. Loretz, J.SANMARTIN, Die keilalphabetischen Texte aus Ugarit, 1976 3 O.EISsFELDT, Ba‘alSamém und Jahwe, in: KS 2, 1963, 171-198 4E.LIPINSKI, Dieux et déesses de univers phénicien et punique, 1995, 79-90, 115f., 168f., 243-264, 308, 315, 360-363 5s W. Moran, The Amarna Letters, 1992 6 H.NIEnR, JHWH in der Rolle des Baalsamém, in: W.Drerricu, M.A. KLOPFENSTEIN (ed.), Ein Gott allein?, 1994, 307326 7¥F.NOTSCHER, s.v. B., in: RAC 1, 1063-1113 8 W.ROLLIG, s.v. B., in: DCPP, 55 9 H.SpreECKERMANN, Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit, 1982, 200-212 10 R.STADELMANN, Syr.-palastin. Gottheiten in Agypten, 1967,91-96 11 J. Terxtpor, The Pantheon of Palmyra, 1979 12P.XeLLA,B. Hammon, 1991 13 M. Yon (ed.),

Arts et industries de la pierre, 1991, 273-344. J.A. DEARMAN, B. in Israel, in: M.P. GRAHAM et al., History and Interpretation. FS J.H. Hayes, 1993, 173-1915

platform). After Constantin closed the temples and the oracle, B. became a centre of opposition against Christianity, even though Theodosius II (408-450) had a basilica erected in the forecourt of the Jupiter temple. After the Muslim conquest, the town coins again show Ba‘labakk instead of Heliopolis since 661. The temple area was extended into a fortress during this period. N.Jrpejian, B.: Heliopolis ‘City of the Sun’, 1975; F.RaGETTE, B., 1980; T. WIEGAND et al., B. L-III, 1921-1925.

a

Babrius Author of a collection of mostly Aesopian fables using a special kind of choliamb, which he himself called mythiambos (prologos 2,7-8). The name B. is Italic [1. VII]. In , the author proclaims to know Arabs well, and in prologos 2,1, he states (as the only Greek)

J. Day, s.v. B., in: Anchor Bible Dictionary, 545-549; W.Fautn, Das Kasion-Gebirge und Zeus Kasios, in: Ugarit-Forsch. 22, 1990, 105-118; J. FOWLER, Theophoric Personal Names in Ancient Hebrew, 1988, 54-63;

that the fable originated in Mesopotamia. His style [4] and particularly his special way of forming verses [6] make it obvious that B. wrote no earlier than in the 2nd cent. AD. The assumption that the actual addressee of

H.Gese,

M. HOFNER,

the work, who in the text is poetically referred to as

K.Rupo.pn, Die Rel. Altsyriens, Altarabiens und der Mandaer, 1970, 119-134, 182-185; Y. Hajar, La triade d’Héliopolis-Baalbek, 1977; W.HERRMANN, s.v. B., in:

Branchos (mythical priest of Apollo) and as ‘son of King Alexander’, is perhaps Heliogabalus (priest of Helios), the adopted son of Caracalla [1249], finds some support in the dating of the oldest textual documents, POxy. 1249 [1. XXIX], and also in the Hermeneumata of Ps.-Dositheus [7. XXXII]. Stylistic similarities between B. and Oppianus point in the same direction as well [4. 44-49]. The quick fame of this work already in the 3rd cent. AD in Syria and Egypt (tabulae ceratae from Palmyra; papyri) may be explained by its dedication to an emperor of the Syrian dynasty [1. XXIX-

Die Rel. Altsyriens, in: H.Gese,

Dictionary of Deities and Demons,

249-263; K.Kocu,

Ba‘al Sapon, Ba‘al Samem and the Critique of Israel’s Prophets, in: G.J. BROOKE et al., Ugarit and the Bible, 1994, 159-174; E. LIPINsKI, s.v. B., in: Dictionnaire ency-

clopédique de la Bible, 172f.; J.C. DE Moor, M.J. MutDER, s.v. b‘l, in: ThWAT 1, 706-727; H. NIEHR, s.v. B.Zaphon, Dictionary of Deities and Demons, 289-293; Id.,

Zur Filiation des Gottes Ba‘al in Ugarit, in: Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages 20, 1994, 165-177; G. PETTINATO, Pre-Ugaritic Documentation of B., in: The Bible World. FS C.H. Gordon, 1980, 203-209; M.S. SMITH,

The Ugaritic B. Cycle, 1994; P.J. vAN ZILL, B., 1972. H.NI.

XXXII.

According to the MS codex A (roth cent. AD) and to Avianus, the work was divided into two bks (to the ro bks in the Suda, see [1. XL]). The alphabetical order in

codex A, which goes by the first letter only, and the

Baalbek Town in the Biga‘ plain between Lebanon and Antilebanon, located at an elevation of 1150 m, 64 km north-east of Beirut. The town’s name was changed to Heliopolis (Str. 753; Plin. HIN 5,80), probably because the Ptolemies of Alexandria identified the god ‘Baal‘ (Haddad) of Biga’ with the Egyptian sun god Ra/Helios. After the temporary rulership of the Seleucids (2nd cent. BC), B. became the cult centre for the Ituraean tetrarchs of Chalcis (too-75 BC). In 16 BC, Augustus encouraged veterans to settle in B., thus it became the colonia Iulia Augusta Felix Heliopolitana. Latin votive inscriptions bear witness to the continuation of the pre-classical cults ofthe triad Baal‘, of ‘Aliyan and Anat as Jupiter, Mercury and Venus. The Iuppiter Heliopolitanus sanctuary became enormously significant in the ancient world as the seat of an oracle (prophecy to Trajan before the Parthian campaign in AD 114) and was enlarged to monumental size especially by Antoninus Pius, Caracalla, and Philippus Arabs (the eastwest axis is 400 m long and consists of propylaea, a hexagonal and a rectangular courtyard, and a temple

metric epimythia are authentic [1. LXIV-LXVIII, XCI-

XCIV; 3. 59-60]. The first book is followed by an Aesopian collection (Babrius prologos 1,15— 17). The damaged 2nd bk., which can be supplemented with fragments or paraphrases [1. LXXXIII-LXXXVIII], refers back to various sources [2. 2663], see 116; 136; 141 (novellas); 128 (from Xenophon); fr. 9 (from the Assyrian ‘history of — Ahigar’); fr. 19 (from the + Aesop romance). The individual pieces comprise four to 100 verses (cf. 8; 14; 39 etc.). The work was used successfully in Greek and Roman schools [5. 77-79]. Emperor Julian enjoyed it and Avianus used it [r. XLVI; 3. 72-74}. Titianus’ paraphrase, however, refers not to B. but instead to Phaedrus [1. XLVI]. The work influenced Byzantine collections in various ways [10]. A poet by the name of Ignatius (perhaps in the 9th cent. AD) used B. for his iambic tetrasticha of Aesopian fables. 1 Babrius, Mythiambi Aesopei, ed. M.J. Luzzarro, A.LA PENNA, 1986

2 0.CRustus, s.v. B., RE 2, 2655-2667

3 N.Horzpere, Die ant. Fabel, 1993, 57-68

4M.J.

441

442 Luzzatro, La cultura letteraria di Babrio, in: ASNP, s. 35551975, 17-97. 5M.J. Luzzatro, Note su Aviano e sulle raccolte esopiche greco-latine, in: Prometheus ro, 1984,75-94 6M.J.Luzzartro, Fra poesia e retorica: la

clausola del coliambo di Babrio, in: QUCC 48, 1985, 97-127. 7K.J. NEUMANN, Die Zeit des B., in: RhM 35, 1880, 301-04 8 M. Nojcaarp, La fable antique II, 1967, 189-365

9B.E. Perry, Babrius and Phaedrus,

1965, XLVII-LXXIII 10 J. Vaso, Babrius and the Byzantine Fable, in: Entretiens Hardt 30, 1984, 197-220. MJ.L.

Babylon Capital of Babylonia, on the river Euphrates south of Baghdad, near today’s city of Hilleh. The Greek form of the name goes back toa place name in an unknown linguistic substratum of Mesopotamian (Babillu), which was interpreted by the popular Babylonian etymology of the Semitic population as Bab-ili(m), ‘God’s gate’. In the 3rd millennium BC it was a scarcely known settlement, but gained more and more political importance as a city state in the early 2nd millennium BC after the fall of the IIrd dynasty of Ur. As the seat of King > Hammurapi (18th cent.), who unified > Meso-

potamia, B. became the political, religious, and cultural centre of the ancient Orient. Hammurapi’s success led to the theological ‘insight’, that B.’s previously insignificant city god > Marduk had been chosen as king by the gods of the defeated city states. Marduk was equated with Enlil, the Sumerian king of gods, and B. was identified with Enlil’s city Nippur, whose traditional cults were largely transferred onto B. As Nippur before, B. was now regarded as the centre of the cosmos. According to the creation myth of Enuma elis, the gods had built the city and the temple for Marduk in gratitude for his victory over the forces of chaos. The Marduk temple Esagil with the stepped tower (— Ziggurrat) called Etemenanki, which was the biblical > Tower of Babel, was

regarded as the axis that tightly connected > apsi, earth and heaven. Marduk’s temple was revered as the home of all gods. There, Babylonians worshipped the ‘sacred hill’, the original place of creation, antedating the world, which previously had been localized at Nippur. During the > New Year’s celebrations, Marduk’s rise to the king of gods was celebrated there, and the Babylonian King received his yearly divine confirmation. B. was believed to represent the earthly world as well, which is reflected in the fact that several parts of the city were named after important Mesopotamian cult cities. After the end of the Hammurapi period, B. did not regain political significance globally until after the fall of the Assyrian empire (612 BC), besides a short time of flourish under Nebuchadnezzar I (12th cent.). From the 13th cent. on, B. often depended on Assyria and was conquered several times. Nevertheless, the city maintained its position as a cultural and religious centre. The Assyrian King > Sanherib tried to break the ‘axis of the world’ in B. by completely destroying city and temple. This was regarded as an act of hubris even by his successors, who rebuilt B. The Babylonian King ~» Nebuchadnezzar II (604-562 BC) turned B. into the

BABYLONIA

most magnificent city of the ancient Orient. In an effort to ruin B.’s status as the centre of the cosmos, > Xerxes had the Marduk

temple razed.

> Alexander

[4] the

Great wanted to make B. the capital of his world empire. He cleverly reclaimed the traditional axis theology

and ordered the rebuilding of the Esagil. Construction was continued still under > Antiochus I. Because of high ground water levels, the German excavation led by R. KOLDEWEY

(1899-1917) was able to uncover only

the later construction phases from the rst millennium BC. This excavation laid open colossal fortifications (exterior walls 18 km long) with eight gates, among them the famous [star Gate of Nebuchadnezzar II (today in the PM, Berlin) finished in colourful enamel tiles. It was connected to the Marduk sanctuary by a procession street that was itself decorated with marvellous lion friezes. Only few remnants from the ziggurat have survived. Also important are: west of the [Star Gate stood a massive, neo-Babylonian palace system with vaults; what we assume are the ‘hanging gardens’ to the north on the exterior wall of the summer castle of Nebuchadnezzar II.; several temples; the Euphrates bridge and the Greek theatre. A.R. GeorGE, Babylonian Topographical Texts, 1992; R.KoLpewey,

Das wieder erstehende B., 51990; E. UN-

GER, Babylon, 1931; F. WeTzet et al., Das B. der Spatzeit,

1957. Maps:

S.M. U.FINKBEINER,

B. PONGRATZ-LEISTEN,

Beispiele

altoriental. Stadte. Babylon zur Zeit des neubabylon. Reiches, TAVO B IV 19, 1993; A.R. GeorceE, Babylonian Topographical Texts,1992, 24.

Babylonia In its lexical meaning, the term B., as used by Greek and Latin writers, (also expanded by yij, gé, uoigc, moira or rather yea, chora) refers to the territory of the city of > Babylon (its wider surroundings); however, its use in that sense is frequently not unambiguous. In derivation, the term is nowadays generally taken to refer to the entire southern part of Mesopotamia, between the Persian Gulf and roughly the 34th northern parallel. Ancient oriental sources, though, do not use an equivalent regional description, based on the city of Babylon. In the rst millennium BC, the region is generally referred to in terms of mat Akkadi (‘land of Accad’) and — especially in Assyrian inscriptions — of Kardunias (a term probably of Cassite origin, its primary meaning uncertain), the latter evident from the late 2nd millennium BC [1]. The monarchs, ruling from Babylon, bore the title of ‘King of (the City of) Babylon’. There is no uniform use of the term B. by ancient writers. Their terminology is to be attributed to the Achaemenid satrapy (Old Persian Baberus), which came into existence after the loss of political independence, and is thus originally of political meaning. Geographically, Herodotus (1,178,2 and passim) includes the Mesopotamian lowland in Assyria (+ Mesopotamia), a term, which itself is also used in many different ways (cf. Xen. Cyr. 2,1,5; 6,2,10 and passim). Hero-

BACCHIADAE

448

447

ses of other poleis, which were accessible to individuals from lower ranks through achievements and successes. After the murdering of the last king, the B. succeeded in establishing a collective rulership which they maintained for c. 90 years. They monopolized all political rights and held the supreme office, changing the leader yearly. It can no longer be determined, whether the supreme official title was basileus or prytanis. It is also not clear, whether the office was filled by way of election or whether seniority was the main criterium (Diod. Sic. 7,9,3; 6; Paus. 2,4,4). Another important officer was the polemarchos, whose responsibilities included,

for instance, the collection of fines that had been imposed by other magistrates (Nic. Damasc. FGrH 90 F 5755). Lhere is no direct evidence that the B. held council meetings, but much speaks for the existence of sucha committee.

The B. doubtlessly owned the best lands in the Corinthian territory. It is said that > Pheidon, a lawmaker and probably a member of the B., imposed a land reform in order to make sure that the number of plots of land was equal to the number of citizens (Aristot. Pol. 1265b12-16). This measure is difficult to interpret and may belong to the same context as colonization, which was actively pursued by the B. Colonization was a reaction to strong population growth and the problems resulting from it. We know that > Archias [1] and + Chersicrates, the founders of Syracusae and Corcyra, belonged to the B. (Thuc. 6,3,2; Str. 6,2,4). According to Strabo 8,6,20, the B. also controlled foreign trade

and imposed taxes on the exchange and the export of goods. The story of > Demaratus, who is said to have undertaken regular trips to Etruria, may indicate that the B. engaged in trade themselves (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,46-49; Str. 8,6,20). Thucydides (1,13) emphasizes Corinth’s maritime efforts and the leading role of the polis in building warships during the period of the B. In any case, we can ascertain that Corinth developed into a wealthy and powerful city during this epoch. ~ Cypselus, who was related to the B. only on the maternal side, brought an end to their rulership around 660 BC. Already in the years before, the superiority of the B. was no longer able to assert itself through successes of their military or foreign policy, a fact made obvious by their loss of control over the colony of Corcyra. At the same time, their regime also seemed to have encountered ever stronger resistance in interior matters.

Cypselus killed the acting supreme official. The remaining B. were forced into exile (Hdt. 5,92; Nic. Damasc. FGrH 90 F 57,5-7). N.G. L. HaMMonp, CAH 3,3, *1982, 334ff.; J.B. SALMON, Wealthy Corinth, 1984, 5 5ff. E.S.-H.

Bacchides (Baxyidy¢; Bakchides). ‘Friend’ of the Seleucid Antiochus IV, who governed Mesopotamia on his behalf. In 162 BC, he installed Alcimus as high priest under the orders of Demetrius I, defeated Iudas Maccabaeus, and strictly upheld Seleucid rulership over

Judea (1 Macc

7-9; Ios. Bell. Iud. 1,35f.; Ant. lud. 12,393-396; 420ff. passim; 13,4ff. passim NIESE. + Antiochus [2-12| AME.

Bacchius (Baxyeioc; Bakcheios). [1] of Tanagra. According to Erotian (31,10), B. was a physician and student of Herophilus (Gal. 18 A, 187 K.), active around 250-200 BC. In addition to his writ-

ings about pulse theory, pathology, and pharmacology, he also authored his memoirs of Herophilus and the latter’s other students. B.’s reputation is largely based upon his glossary on Hippocrates, in which certain text versions have survived that are missing in the MSS of Hippocratic writings. The work comprises three bks and provides a list of words found in Hippocratic texts that are special, difficult, or rare, and are presented in

the same order of appearance as in the Hippocratic texts. In his attempt to explain the meaning of these words, B. often drew on the poetic works by Aristophanes of Byzantium (Gal. 19,65 K.). B. was familiar with at least 18 works from the Corpus Hippocraticum. Although most references to therapeutics can be found in the third book, B.’s organizing principle of the 18 works is not clear. The Cretan Epicles wrote an alphabetically structured summary of the work in the rst cent. BC (Erotian. 31,10). Even though empiricists such

as Philinus, Heraclides of Tarentum, and Apolionius of Citium harshly criticized B.’s work for lack of rigour and poor contextual integration of quotations, Erotian (rst cent. AD) treasured the work very much and

quoted from it more than 60 times in his own glossary on Hippocrates. Galen, who appreciated the work as well, refers (18 B 631) to B.’s commentaries on selected

Hippocratic writings such as Aph., Epid. 6, and De off. medici, but it is unclear whether Galen’s references should be taken literally or whether they are intended to merely address different interpretations of individual words in the glossary. > Apollonius [16]; ~ Empiricists; > Erotianus; > Ga-

len; > Heraclides; » Herophilus; > Hippocrates EDITION:

1STADEN, 484-500.

LITERATURE:

2M. WELLMANN,S.v. B., RE 2, 2789-2790

3 Id., Hippokratesglossare, 1931

4 SMITH, 202-204.

VN. [2] Author of an Eisagogé téchnés mousikés (Eioaywyh téxvg povowxijs) in the format of questions and answers, written perhaps as late as the roth cent. The main part (1-58) presents definitions and subdivided expositions about tones, intervals, scales, tetrachords, keys (seven todzot), and metaboles from an Aristoxenic perspective, including lists of all consonances. Then follow two supplementary parts about harmonics (5966, 67-88), the second one again beginning with ‘tone’, and a final part (89-101) about rhythmics and metrics (ro basic rhythms, with reference to arsis and thesis). MSG, 283-316.

DN.

449

450

Bacchon (Béxywv; Bakchén). Son of Nicetas, from Boeotia, Ptolemaic nesiarch of the League of Islanders in 286 BC. He stayed in office until after 280 (PP 6,

A. MysTEs Baxyoc, Baxyevew [1] (Bakchos/bakchetiein) and related words refer to a type of raving (uavia, mania) predominantly expressed in the Dionysus cult ([1] where we also find a discussion about the word’s origin; Hdt. 4,79). This essential characteristic of a Bacchus/ Baccha was taken as a sign that he or she was possessed by the god (évOeoc, éntheos). The Bacchus/Baccha usually wore a thyrsus (or bakchos see below) and the skin of a deer (veBgic, nebris). Although the thyrsus was seen as a particularly obvious attribute of a Bacchus (and of his god as well), only those possessed by the god were regarded as real Bacchus: vag0nxopogor (sc. wearer of thyrsus) wév modhoi, Baxxou 5é te madeor (narthékophoroi men polloi, bakchoi dé te patiroi, Pl. Phd. 69c). For classical times (reconstructed in part on the basis of later testimonies), more evidence exists of revels

by other mystai and Bacchi, the famous ones.’ The text on additional tablets from Pelinna (SEG 37,497= 40,485) led to the same conclusion regarding the A texts, even though it did not use the same terms [2. 300— 340; 4. 250-255]. All of these texts mention or contain the promise of special status in the underworld. Concerning the text from Hipponium, it is remarkable that the term ‘Bacchus’ by itself apparently did not suffice in designating an initiated person of this kind; therefore it was combined with the term ‘mystes’. In Pl. Phd. 69c, the terminology is used similarly in a Bacchic/Orphic context: in the negative sense, a person Guvytog xa etéNeotoc (one who did not undergo a myésis nor a (Bacchic) teleté) will not achieve a special position in life after death; in the positive sense, that 6 5& xexaOaouévoc te xal tetekeoutvos (ho dé kekatharménos te kai tetelesménos) will reach such status. What distinguishes this Bacchic initiate as well as one of Hipponi is that he had undergone a myésis, a particular kind of purification, as well as a Bacchic teleté; he is both mystés and Bacchus. The purifying myésis as a supplement to Bacchic teleté apparently was the characteristic event that included ritualistic death and promised a happy life after death. The same pattern appears in the rites of Sabazius as described by Dem. Or. 18,259: at night, purification with ritualistic suffering and the promise of a better life, during the day, the teleté (or its continuation) with the activities of Bacchi (frenzied screaming,

(Oiaoot, thiasoi) by Bacchae than Bacchi (Bacchae were

handling of snakes).

called Maenads only in poetry, with the obvious exception of inscription Magnesia 215(a),30, which may perhaps be explained by the poetic context of its origin). But Hdt. 4,79 (about the Scythian Scyles), Heraclid. fr. 87 MarRovicu (if the text is correct), Pl. Phd. 69c, and the implication of Euripidean Bacchae (that they all should be Bacchi) all indicate, that Bacchi did indeed occur. A person was regarded as a Bacchus after having been initiated in a certain way (étehéo0n tH Baxyeia Oo Duvxme, etelésthé toi bakcheidi ho Skylés, Hdt. 4,79,4), meaning that he was teteheoutvos (tetelesménos), but not a wworne (mystés): he did not subject himself to a uvnots (myésis), nor did he participate in a wvotneta (mystéria). The terms myeésis, mystéria or mystés do not occur in Herodotus’ account of Scyles nor in Euripides’ Bacchae (where the language of initiation corresponds to that used by Herodotus: ditéAeotov oboay tHv Eudv Baxyevpdtv, atéleston otisan ton emon bakcheumdton, Bacch. 40). The terminology corresponds to the experience of a Bacchus/Baccha: he or she did not undergo a ritualistic death, and is not promised a blessed life after death in contrast to the Eleusinian Mysteries. A small golden tablet with mention of Bacchi was found in a grave in Hipponium (SEG 26,1139 = 40,824). This find confirms the assumption that at least one of the series of tablets known up to then — the B texts [2. 3 58-362] emerged from Bacchic initiations: the deceased must ‘take the road, which is also followed

In Hellenistic and Roman times, the term Bacchus appears in many contexts. At times, it is used in the old sense of a raving worshipper of Dionysus, at times it refers to the mystés/Bacchus (the dedication for the priestess Agrippinilla (IGUR 160) lists hundreds of mystai together with priests, different types of cult personnel, and different levels of Bacchi and Bacchae), at times it only designates membership in a club. It is often difficult to decide, which of these meanings is the appropriate one [5; 6].

15038). R.S. BAGNALL, The administration of the Ptolemaic possessions outside Egypt, 1976, 13 6ff. W.A.

Bacchus (Bdxyoc; bakchos). [I]A. Mystes B. Epicitesis

C. BUNDLE OF RODS

BACCHUS

B. EPICLESIS In cult documents, Bakchos (or the secondary form Bakcheus and the respective forms of the adjectives Bakcheios, Bakchios), is always an epithet when relating to the god. It stands alone as the god’s name only in poetry: Dionysus Bakchos is therefore the god of Bacchi [1. 286-287; 7].

C. BUNDLE OF RODS The only incidence in which the term bakchos denotes the thyrsus, the branch carried by the Bacchi, occurs in schol. Aristoph. Equ. 408, where Xenoph. fr. 17 is quoted for using the simple meaning of ‘branch’, but the context is not clear. The thyrsus could come in different shapes. It was often a rod made from the stem of a giant chervil with ivy leaves fastened to the tip, or it could simply be a branch [8]. West [7] presented the view that ‘branch’ was the original meaning of the word. But since nearly all words with the stem Baxy-

452

BACCHUS

Eleusinian initiation scene. London, BM F 68, bell crater of the Pourtalés Painter (redrawn).

signify madness and madness is the essential quality of a Bacchus/Baccha (on vase paintings, however, thyrsi are often lacking in Maenad scenes), the Bacchic branch is

more likely to have received its name from the believer rather than the other way around. On the basis of Schol. Aristoph. Equ. 408, contemporary researchers often assume that the rod carried by those initiated in Eleusis was also called bakchos (a bundle of myrtle branches held together with rings, see fig.). PRINGSHEIM correctly pointed out that the context of the Scholion is Dionysian and therefore does not address Eleusinian practices [9; ro]. 1 GRAF, 285-291

2G.ZuNTz, Persephone, 1971, 275-

393 35S.G. Cor, New Evidence for the Mysteries of Dionysus, in: GRBS 21, 1980, 223-238 4 F.GRAF, Dionysian and Orphic Eschatology: New Texts and Old Questions, in: Masks of Dionysus, T.H. CARPENTER & C.A. FARAONE

(ed.), 1993, 239-258

5 W. BuRKERT,

Bacchic Teletai in the Hellenistic Age, in: see n. 4, 259-275 6S.G. Coe, Voices from beyond the Grave: Dionysus

and the Dead, in: see n. 4, 276-295 7M.L. West, Hesiod, Works and Days, 1978, 374-375 8 F. von LorENTZ, s.v. Thyrsos, RE 6,747-752 9H.G.PRINGSHEIM, Arch. Beitrage zur Gesch. des eleusinischen Kultes, 1905, 16 10K.Criinton, Myth and Cult: the Iconography of the Eleusinian Mysteries, 1992, 49, n.102.

K.C.

[2] Originally, the name was used as the epiclesis (invocation) of > Dionysus (Baxyoc; Bakchos) in his role as the god of ecstatic frenzy. B. entered into the poetic language of the empire via Roman religion and became the name for the Hellenistic-Roman Liber or Dionysus

[x]. Already

in Etruria,

the epiclesis

pacie

(thus

Baxyvoc) was addressed to the Etruscan god Fufluns [2].

It also appears in pachana, which refers to a cult location [3; 2:99]. In Rome, the epiclesis is first documented in the cult words Bac(ch)a, bac(ch)anal, bac(ch)analia etc. Since Dionysus was usually called Liber pater in

cult as well as in colloquial language, we may assume that similarly, in Rome, B. was first used only as an epiclesis probably to Liber (as in Cic. Flac. 60) and as part of words that refer to the cult. This background points to the fact that the term designated the ecstatic form of the Dionysus-B. cult. In the early 2nd cent. BC, the cult grew so notorious that the name B. was transformed into the poetic name of Liber and of Dionysus (for instance, SEG 30, 1980, 1136 of Assisi). The fact that the name was not used in the cult, however, may also have been the result of the events in 186 BC (the so-called ‘bacchanalia scandal’).

~ Dionysus; > Liber; > Bacchanalia 1 GRAF, 286f. 2M.CrisTOFANI, M. MarRTELLI, Fufluns Pachies, in: SE 46, 1978, 119-133 3 C.DE SIMONE, Die griech. Entlehnungen im Etr., 1, 1968; 2, 1970

A.BRUHL,

Liber Pater. Origine et expansion

du culte

dionysiaque a Rome et dans le monde romain, 1953; J.M.ParLier, Bacchanalia. La répression de 186 av. J.-C. a Rome et en Italie, 1988; Id., B. Figures et pouvoirs, 1995.

Js. Bacchylides (Baxyvaidycs; Bakchylidés). Author of choral lyric whose productive period was in the 5th cent. BC. B. was born in Iulis on Ceos, but the exact year of his birth remains contested. He was the grandson of an athlete by the same name, the son of a man called Meidon (Suda) or Meidylus (EM), and nephew of -» Simonides [1. 130-132]. Eusebius of Caesarea stated the time of B.’s akmeé as the 2nd year of the 78th Olympiad, doubtlessly due to B.’s most important assignment — to praise Hieron of Syracuse’s victory in the chariot race of 468 BC. In Chron. pasch., his akmé is set 13 years earlier [2. vol.1.6—7]. Hardly anything is known about his life except Plutarch’s claim that he lived in exile. However, this is perhaps only a conclusion resulting from the fact that Pindar wrote a paean

453

454

for the Ceans (Pind. Paean 4, no certain date) and that

ever, are meticulously structured, often in the form of an artful circular composition. B. displayed a greater preference for Homeric epithets than Pindar and created many unconventional variations, usually for stylistic reasons or for the emotional effect. The poem Bacchyl. 5, probably modelled after an epic katabasis that can also be traced in the 6th book of Virgil’s Aeneis [5], is one of the masterpieces in Greek Lyric poetry: in

this assignment was assumed to be improbable if B. had been in Ceos at that time. B.’s year of death was perhaps 451 BC, since Eusebius mentions him in his column for that year, while listings of the same name in the year 431 BC are generally assumed to refer to a flute-player from Opous [2. vol. 1.774]. A drinking song for Alexander, son of Amyntas and king of Macedonia from 498-454 (fr. 20B), seems to stem from the time of the poet’s and the dedicatee’s youth and may have originated in the time prior to 490 BC. B.’s epinicia place him in direct competition with Pindar: Bacchyl. 13 is dedicated to the victory of young Pytheas of Aegina at the Nemean Games, for whom Pindar wrote N. 5 in the same year. Pindar’s two poems for the latter’s brother Phylacidas (I. 5 and 6) contain details that allow us to assign Bacchyl. 13 to the year 485 or 483 BC [2. volume 2.250f.]. The poems dedicated to Hieron of Syracuse can all be dated quite securely. Bacchyl. 5 praises the victory of the horse Pherenicus in Olympia in the year 476 BC, which is also the topic of Pindar’s O. 1; Bacchyl. 4 was occasioned by the chariot race victory in Delphi in the year 470 BC, just as Pind. Pyth. 1; Bacchyl. 3 praises Hieron’s most important victory in the year

468 BC, for which there is no poem by Pindar. In biographical sources, it is assumed that Pindar and B. were rivals at the court of Syracuse. In this context, the two ravens in Pindar’s O. 2,86—88 are interpreted as an unflattering allusion to both B. and Simonides, the monkey in P. 2,72 as another allusion directed at B. (see the scholia). But today, this assumption is generally doubted and it is indeed improbable that a personal animosity existed between the two poets. We should not forget that there are no arguments for the presence of either poet at Hieron’s court except conclusions drawn from their works. Bacchyl. 6 and 7, dedicated to Lachon of Ceos’ Olympic victories and Bacchyl. 1 and 2, dedicated to Argeius of Ceos’ victory in the Isthmian Games, stem from the 5th decade of the sth cent. BC and were most likely produced in the last years of B.’s life [2. volume 2.125]. Only c. one hundred verses of B.’s work were known, from citations in ancient authors until a papyrus find in Egypt revealed parts of fourteen epinian odes and six dithyrambs. In 1986, the British Museum purchased these papyrus fragments and published them the following year [3]. An edition by JeBB followed soon thereafter [4]. While the discovery finally made it possible to evaluate B.’s poetry for the first time since antiquity, it did, however, ultimately lower his reputation when his work was compared to Pindar’s victory poetry (a judgement already expressed by the author of the writing Heal “Yous 33,5). B.’s mythic narratives are

written in a more discursive style, which may be a result of his Ionian background. Like Pindar, B. goes into the detail of a scene, but overall, B.’s narratives show less similarity to Pindar than to the newly discovered fragments of — Stesichorus, who also shows a preference for direct speech. B.’s longer poems (3; 5; 11; 13), how-

BACCHYLIDES

Hades, Heracles encounters

Meleager, who tells the

story of his death, gains the hero’s admiration and, at

the same time, seals his destiny by sending him back to earth to court Deianira. In this and other poems by B., the listener must infer the ending that lies outside of the poem [6]: B. hints at Heracles’ death, which is brought about by the intervention of a figure from the underworld (cf. Soph. Trach. 1159-1162), and possibly also at the hero’s apotheosis, which Pindar addresses directly (Pind. N. 1). Bacchyl. 3 is remarkable in particular because the poem treats an event of recent history — Croesus’ death (546 BC) — on a mythic level. The poem emphasizes dramatic and emotional effects as does Bacchyl. 5. Similar to Pindar, the praise of Aeginetan victors gives rise to the occasion for narrating Aeacid myths: in a scene borrowed from the Iliad, Bacchyl. 13 tells of Ajax’s courage by the ships, but differs from the model with its emphasis on subjective feeling. B.’s poetry is filled with gnomes which communicate traditional wisdom and whose function, like myth, is to present the occasion and the excellent qualities of the victors ina broader context. As in Pindar, we find in B.a conscious knowledge of the poet’s position and of the mutual relationship between the poet and his client, the patron. B.’s dithyrambs are full of lively drama, particularly Bacchyl. 17 and 18; the latter is written in the form of antiphonal singing between chorus leader and chorus, a fact that fostered a long discussion about the question whether this form can be seen as a continuation of the type of poetry that supposedly developed into tragedy (Aristot. Poet. 4,1,449a 10-11) or whether the poem itself had been influenced by Attic drama. B.’s language is the literary language of choral lyric: it is epic, Aeolic and Doric (the latter less so in Pindar). The

poems are structured in triads or stanzas, and most of them are written in dactyloepitrites, occasionally in iambic-Aeolian metre. B.’s works have been collected in nine books:

dithyrambs,

paeans,

hymns,

prosodies,

parthenia, and hyporchemata to honour the gods, as well as epinicia, encomia and erotica to honour people. There is no indication that B. was very popular in classical Athens. > Callimachus read B., he was accepted into

the Alexandrian

canon,

and

Aristophanes

of

Byzantium procured an edition. Papyrus finds allow the conclusion that B. was read in Hellenistic and imperial times, but since his work did not survive, it did not exert

any influence on the tradition of European literature. 1 B.SNELL,

H. MAEHLER, Bacchylidis carmina cum frag-

mentis, 1970 (testimonia)

2H.MAEHLER,

Die Lieder

des B., 1, land II, 1982 3F.G. Kenyon, The poems of Bacchylides, 1897 4R.C. JeBB, Bacchylides: the poems

BACCHYLIDES and fragments, 1905

455

456

5 H.LLoyp-Jones, Heracles at

triani) for its inhabitants; Baxtea (Baktra) was frequently used for the land B. (see below). B. corresponds approximately to the Afghanistan of today, on both sides of the upper and partially also of the middle Oxus (today Amu-darja). The Kah-e-Baba Mountains form the southern border of B., the river Margus (today Murgab) approximately the western border. The > Araxes [2] (Oxus), which rises from the Indian Caucasus (today Hindu Kush), is described by Arr. Anab. 3,29,2ff. The most important southern branch of the

Eleusis, in: Maia, N.S. 19, 1967, 206-229 6R.SCODEL, The irony of fate in Bacchylides 17, in: Hermes 112, 1984, 137-143 7 PICKARD-CAMBRIDGE/WEBSTER, Dithy-

ramb, tragedy and comedy, 25-30.

E.R.

Bacis (Baxic; Bakis). Ecstatic seer from Boeotia, supposed author of hexametric oracles, which have been in circulation since the Persian Wars (Hdt. 7,20; 77; 96; 9,43). Other oracles refer to the reconstruction of Messene (Paus. 4,27,4) or to Theban rites (ibid., 9,15,7:; 10,32,8—11); Athenian inscriptions possibly attest to an oracle (IG II*968; SEG.10,175) [1]. The nymphs had driven B. to madness (Paus. 4,27,4; 20,12,11), suppos-

edly those of the Corycian grotto (Schol. Aristoph. Pax 1279). B. also cures madness, like the seer > Melampus, e.g. the mad Spartan women (Theopomp.): he belongs to the same category of fictive, ecstatic prophets as the > Sibyl, and as with these, later learning tried to reconcile various local claims about his home town with the theory of several Bacides (three according to Philetas of Ephesus, cf. also Aristot. Pr. 954a 36; Plut. De Pyth. or. 10,399 A). In early modern times, he is almost as famous as the Sibyl: NICHOLAS FRERET dedicates a treatise to him [2], GOETHE composed the ‘Prophecies of B.’.

Oxus was the > Bactrus [1] (Curt. 7,4,31 i.a.), the pres-

ent-day Balchab, on which the capital Bactra was situated. In addition to the Araxes, Arist. Met. 1,13,16 also mentions the river > Choaspes [2] (today Kunar). Na-

ture favoured B. greatly. Ripe cereal grains supposedly reached the size of olive stones (Theophr. Hist. pl. 8,4,5), Ael. NA. 4,55 praises the prospering of the animals, Ael. 4,25 and 15,8 attest to gold deposits and Plin. HN 37,65 to those of Bactrianorum smaragdi. COHISTORY For the older periods relations to Iran are attested, for the more recent ones to Persia (> Cyrus the Great), 1,1,4 and Diod. Sic. 2,5-7. religion is the appearance

Assyria (> Semiramis) and as mentioned by Xen. Cyr. Significant to the history of of > Zoroaster (Zarathus-

2.N.FRERET,

tra), whose dating to the 5th cent. BC is controversial.

Observations sur les recueils de prédicitions écrites qui

Since Darius I, B. belonged to the 12th tax district (Hdt.

portent le nom de Musée, de Bacis et de la Sibylle, Mém.

35923 9,113). B. provided Xerxes 480-479 with a contingent of infantry and cavalry (Hdt. 7,64,66; 86; 8,113; 9,31). The persecution of the Bactrian satrap ~— Bessus by Alexander led to the advance into northern

1 H.W. Parke, in: ZPE 60, 1985, 93-96

Acad. Inscr. 23, 1749, 187-212. BouCHE-LECLERC 2, 105-109.

E.G.

Back formation see > Word formation Bactria A.SouRCES

B. GEOGRAPHIC

DATA

C. HISTORY

D. SETTLEMENTS AND TRAFFIC

A. SOURCES Herodotus was the first to write about ancient B., and he was closest to the events he describes; all further

tradition is secondary, mainly also the information relating to the epoch of > Alexander [4] the Great by Arrian (A.) and Curtius Rufus, who refer back to Aristobulus, Ptolemy and Cleitarchus. Strabo (11,11) and

Ptolemy (6,11 N) give coherent representations of B. and, in addition, there are scattered accounts by > Aelianus [2], Aeschylus, Aristotle, Diodorus Siculus, Pliny (HN), Polybius, Theophrastus and Xenophon (Cyr.). Excavations, such as in > Ai Khanum, Taht-e Sangin and Termez give information about Graeco-Bactrian buildings, sculpture, coinage, etc., which style continued to have an effect hundreds of years later.

Iran, which starts a period of two cents. of Greek domination and cultural influence over B. In 329 Alexander crossed the Oxus. Alexandria [12] Oxiana and Alexandria [9] moog tH Kavxcow (today Charikar) were founded at the borders of B. > Seleucus I Nicator secured (around 300 BC), > Antiochus

[2] I Soter re-

newed the ownership of B. in contracts with Indian princes (Chandragupta). The Hellenistic satraps of B., > Diodotus I and II, founded a separate Bactrian kingdom, because of their desire for independence from the Seleucids. In 206 BC, > Antiochus [5] III the Great accepted the rule of > Euthydemus, a Greek from Magnesia, over B. He and his son Demetrius created the Hellenic-Bactrian kingdom, which spread to India (180), where Demetrius, in honour of his father, founded the

city Euthydemeia in the Punjab (today SanglawalaTiba). The Gey of B. is supposed to have extended to the Seres in around 170 BC (Str. r1,11,1). The invasion

of foreign peoples, like the Sacae and the Scythians, started c. 140 BC, who were driven out by the > YiiehChih, from the > Aral Sea and Syr-darya. B. was absorbed into the new realm of the Kushan in the first cent. AD, from whose ranks also hailed the legation,

B. GEOGRAPHIC DATA Baxtoia (Baktria) and Baxtovavy (Baktriane; Bactriana regio or terra) were the names for the land B., Baxtovot (Baktriot) and Baxteiavot (Baktrianoi; Bac-

which was sent to Rome at > Hephthalitae invaded B. were pushed over the Hindu the Turci, who were allied

the time of Hadrian. The in 567; a cent. later they Kush towards the south by to the Persians (> Chos-

4S7

458

roes I). The Muslims, who had been invading since the 7th cent., were still fighting against the Hephthalites, Turk Shahi and Hindu Shahi into the roth cent., until

the land became the base area for the Islamic conquest of India. Excavations have exposed i.a. a Graeco-Bactrian city in Ai Chanum. As far as North Tagikestan (Taht-e Sangin, possibly the discovery place of the Oxus treasure) Greek coinage, statues and terracotta were found. After-effects of Graeco-Bactrian art reach into the Islamic era in Central Asia and into the Mongol era in East Turkestan. The Gandhara art, based on the Hellenistic-

Bactrian art, which reached India, was of special importance. D. SETTLEMENTS AND TRAFFIC Baxtoa, the name of the city, related originally only to the land B., as has been reported repeatedly (Arr. Aiiawnseu 9s0 GUrh 63510, 550455545) Stephin Byzal seve “Akeyavooeia

Zagiaona

nate

Baxtea

i.a.). Not

Bdéxtoa,

but

(Arr. Anab. 4,1,5; 7,1; Pol. 10,49; called

Zariastes by Plin. HN 6,48) was the old name of the capital of B. (today Balh, > Balkh). In addition to Baxtea/Zagiaona, Aedwpaxa (today Andarab) and “Aoevog also appear as places worth mentioning.

BAD NAUHEIM

Bacurius Prince (according to Rufin. Hist. 1,10: King)

of the Iberi to the north of Armenia. He entered into office in the service of the Romans as a protector possibly as early as 378-369 and fought as the tribunus of one of the two scholae palatinae at Adrianopolis (Amm. Marc. 31,12,16). B. became dux Palaestinae and later (around 391/2) comes domesticorum to — Theodo-

sius I. He took part in the battle on the Frigidus (as magister utriusque militiae? Rufin. Hist. 2,33; according to Zos. 4,57,33 58,3, he fell in the battle). B. was a Christian (Rufin. Hist. 1,10). > Libanius, however, regarded him as a heathen (Epist. ro60). PLRE 1, 144. D.HorrMann,

Wadomar,

B. und Hariulf, in: MH

1978, 307-318.

35, W.P.

Badger A predator of the marten family (Mustelidae), called meles (maeles, Varro, Rust. 3,12,3; melo, Isid. Orig. 12,2,40) by the Romans; it was nocturnal and

probably unknown to the Greeks [1]. Pliny maintains wrongly (HN 8,138) that it could defend itself against humans and dogs by puffing itself up, and otherwise only mentions it in comparison with other animals. Without taking into consideration the notes of the phy-

followed the course of the Oxus and the tributary Bactrus to the Caspian Sea to the west (Str. 11,7,3), anda

sician Marcellus Empiricus (36,5) who under the name of adeps taxoninus (which was Celtic) according to Isidore, Orig. 20,2,24, with a quotation from the comedian Afranius, recommends the fat of the badger,

road connected the Khyber Pass in the valley of the Kabul (+ Cophen) to India to the south.

Pliny prescribes the boiled faeces for internal use in case of a bite by a rabid dog (HN 28,156) and its liver in

Baktra was situated on the > Silk Road; another road

BIBLIOGRAPHY: P.BERNARD, The Greek Kingdoms of Central Asia. History of Civilizations of Central Asia II, 1994, 99-129; G. FUSSMAN, Southern Bactria and North-

ern

India

before

Reports, JAOS

Islam.

A Review

116, 1996, 243-259;

spections archéologique

en Bactriane

of Archeological B.LYONNET,

orientale,

Pro-

1996;

W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, '1938, *1952.

Maps: Griech. Histor. Weltatlas I, 1954, p. 1b, 12b, 17a, 20a-b, 21b-c, 22a and 38b (historical); Atlas of the World II, 1959, Plate 31 (physical-political). | H.T.andB.B.

Bactrus (Baxtoos; Baktros).

{1] Inhabitant of the city of Bactra or of the land + Bactria (usually 6 Baxtetoc and Baxteuavoc), see Dionys. Per. 736 (GGM II p. 150), Nonnus, Dion. SOA LEME Unk, [2] Southerly tributary of the Oxus (Amu-darya), today Balhab (Curt. 7,4,31; Plin. HN 6,48; Str. 11,11,2 1.a.); identical with the — Araxes, according to Aristot. Mete. 1,13,16 and Ps.-Plut. De fluv. 23, which was used, according to Plin. 1,13,16, for transporting Indian merchandise along water and land routes as far as the Black Sea, see Str. 11,7,3 [1]. + Bactria; > India; > Commerce 1 W. TOMASCHEK, s.v. B., RE 2, 2814.

H.T. and B.B.

water against a sore throat (HN 28,190). Only Anony-

mus de taxone [2] of late antiquity first uses additional components organotherapeutically. The first description of its way of life is to be found in the so far undiscovered Liber rerum quoted in Thomas of Cantimpré

(4532°[3-0251.)); 1 KELLER 1, 173ff.

2E.HowaLp, H.E. SicErist (ed.),

Anon. de taxone, 1927 (CML 4) 3 H.Boese (ed.), Thomas Cantimpratensis, Liber de natura rerum, 1973.

CHU. Bad Nauheim Located in the Wetterau region, the town is rich in saltwater springs that were exploited already in the late Celtic period (1st cent. BC) as saltworks with remnants of briquetage (grading basins, ovens, clay barrels, forming vessels). There are still traces of settlements in the city area such as a fortification of a section on the Johannisberg, a large field of cremation graves, and a hoard of Celtic coins that all bear witness to the town’s ancient economic importance. Further evidence, such as traces of an Augustan camp in the city area and a supply camp in the suburb of Rédgen, testify to the significance of the place even in early Roman times. > Salt D.Baatz, F.-R. HERRMANN (ed.), Die Romer in Hessen, 1982, 237-240; F.-R. HERRMANN, A. JOCKENHOVEL (ed.),

Baculum see > Staff

Die Vorgeschichte Hessens, 1990, 314-317.

V.P.

BAEBIA

460

459

Baebia B. Galla, wife of procurator Q. Licinius Silva-

he was an envoy to Philip V (MRR 1, 373). As consul,

nus Granianus, flaminica in Hispania Tarraconensis (AE 1929, 232 = RIT 321); mother of a consular by the

he enacted a law against the manipulation of elections in r81 with his colleague P. Cornelius Cethegus (Liv. 40,19,11). He was probably also the author of lex Baebia (Liv. 40,44,2; Cat. Orig. 34 [ORF It, 54]), which ordered the election of either four or six praetors ona yearly alternating basis [1]. As consul and proconsul, he fought in Liguria and was awarded a triumph after resettling 40,o0o0 Ligurians to Samnium (community of the Ligures Baebiani) in 180 (Liv. 40,37,8-

same name who served in the year 106 (see PIR* L 247). W.E.

Baebius Plebeian gentile name (SCHULZE 133; ThIL 2,1674f.). The family played an eminent role since the 2nd Punic War but did not achieve a lasting position in the top ranks of Roman nobility during the Republic. The most important family is that of the Tamp(h)ili. The Baebii produced several officials in imperial times. I. REPUBLICAN

PERIOD

II. IMPERIAL

PERIOD

I. REPUBLICAN PERIOD {1 1] B. (Tamphilus), M. (?), as tribune of the people, he

offered resistance against the lex agraria of L. > Appuleius Saturninus in 103 BC (Vir. ill. 73,1). {I 2] B. Officer, probably legate under Vatinius from 45-44 BC in Illyria, where he was annihilated with five of his cohorts (App. Ill. 38; MRR 2,311). [13] B., C. was bribed in his role as tribune of the people in 11x BC in Rome by > Jugurtha, who thus prevented B.’s testimony against Roman commanders (Sall. lug.

33525 34,1). {1 4] B., C. assumed supreme command (pro praetore) at Asculum from Sex. > Iulius Caesar before the latter died, in the Social War of 90 BC (App. B Civ. 1,210). {I 5] B., L. member of a delegation to Macedonia in 169 BC (Liv. 44,18,6).

[1 6] B., Q. in his role as tribune ofthe people in 200 BC, he opposed the declaration of war against Philip V of Macedonia (Liv. 31,6,4-6). [I 7] B. Dives, L. Delegate under Scipio 203 (Pol. 15,4,1), praetor 189 in the province Hispania ulterior, he was assaulted and wounded by Ligurians and died in Massilia (Liv. 37,57,1f.; MRR

1,361).

{I 8] B. Herennius, Q. in his role as tribune of the people in 216 BC, he supported his relative M. > Terentius Varro in the consular election (Liv. 22,34,3-11). {I 9] B. Sulca, Q. praetor in 175 BC (?), in 173 member

38). 1 A.E. Astin, Cato the Censor, 1978, 329-331.

[1 13] B. Tamphilus, Q. Father of B. [I ro] and [I 12]. In 219 BC. Envoy to Hannibal outside of Saguntia (Liv. 21,6,8; Cic. Phil. 5,27). In 218, he went to Carthage to deliver the declaration of war (Liv. 21,18,11.a.). K-LE.

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD {II 1] Senator in the 2nd cent., probably from Tarra-

conensis. He died before entering the office of proconsul in Baetica (CIL VI 1361) [1. 83]. 1 CABALLOS, I.

{fl 2] B. Atticus C. from Julium Carnicum, praesidial procurator of Noricum under Claudius [1. 27f.}. 1 PFLAUM, I.

{II 3] B. Avitus L. Financial procurator of Lusitania

under Vespasian. Probably in 73/74, he entered the Sen-

ate with the rank of praetor (CIL VI 1359=ILS 1378) ling zatalle 1 CABALLOS, Vol. tr.

{Il 4] B. Aur. Iuncinus, L. after filling five different procuratorial functions (CIL X 7580=ILS 1358), he finally became praef. Aegypti in 212/13 [1. 306; 2. 86]; related to B. [II 8]. 1 G. BasTIANINI, Lista dei Prefetti d’Egitto dal 30° al 299°, in: ZPE 17, 1975, 263-328 2Id., Lista dei Prefetti d’Egitto dal 307 al 299”. Aggiunte e correzioni, in: ZPE 38, 1980, 75-89.

ofadelegation to Macedonia and Egypt (Liv. 42,6,4-5). MRR

1,402; 409.

{1 10] B. Tamphilus, Cn. Son of B. [I 13], tribune of the people in (204?) BC., aedilis in 200. In 199, as praetor,

{II 5] B. Hispanus. Friend of Pliny the Younger (concerning the problem of identification [1. 86f.]). 1 CABALLOS, I.

he was defeated by the Insubres (Liv. 32,7,5-7). In 186, he was sent as II Ivir coloniis deducendis to Sipontum

[Il 6] L.B. Honoratus. Proconsul of Macedonia (SEG

and Buxentum (Liv. 39,23,3-4). He fought the Liguri-

16, 391), cos. suff.in AD 85 [z. 199].

ans as consul in 182 and as proconsul in 18r just like his colleague L. Aemilius Paullus (MRR 1,381; 385). {I 11] B. Tamphilus, Cn. praetor urbanus in 168 BC, legate in Illyria in 167 (MRR 1,428; 435). {1 12] B. Tamphilus, M. Son of B. [I 13], possibly mint master

around

194-190

BC (RRC

133), 194 IIIvir

coloniis deducendis (Liv. 34,45,3) and possibly tribune of the people (MRR 1, 344). In 192, he became praetor (MRR 1,350) and, in ror, he fought as propraetor in Greece against Antiochus III (MRR 1,3 53). In 186-185,

1 W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten, in: Chiron

13,

1983.

[II 7] B. Italicus P. Senator honoured by Domitian in the war against the Chatti. Praetorian governor of LyciaPamphylia, cos. suff. in 90. Originally from northern Italy or Canusium (EOS 2, 142; 350f. [1. 486]). His authorship of the Ilias Latina is contested. (PIR* B 17). 1 Syme, RP 7.

461

462

{I 8] B. Tuncinus L. Tribune of the legio XXII Deiota-

1 W.Ecx, Die Laufbahn eines Ritters aus Arpi in Thra-

Baetasii A people in Lower Germania, whose tribal area, attributed to the colonia Ulpia Traiana/Xanten, most likely lay between Erkelenz and Krefeld. The B. participated with one contingent in the revolt of +> Julius Civilis (Plin. HN 4,106; Tac. Hist. 4,56,3;

kien, in: Chiron 5, 1975.

66,1).

riana in AD 63 (P. Fouad 21), later praef. vehiculorum

and iuridicus Aegypti (CIL [x. 381f.]; cf. also B. [II 4].

X

6979=ILS

1434)

[II 9] B. Macer. supposedly praef. praetorio under Valerianus in AD 258 (SHA Aurelian. 13,1) but more likely a fictitious person [r. 4, 6]. 1 R.SyMe, Emperors and Biography, 1971.

[II 10] B. Macer Q. cos. suff. in AD 103, consular governor of Dacia in 113 (unpublished military diploma), praef. urbi in 117. Although the praef. praetorio Attianus found him suspicious, he was not executed by Hadrian (SHA Hadr. 5,5; FOst*, 46, 98). Possibly proconsul of Baetica in roo-ror (Mart. 12,98,7 [1.334]) and amicus of Pliny the Younger (Eos 2, 351; [2. 486,

567, 631]). 1 W.Eck, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten, 1982 2SyYME, RP 7.

in: Chiron

12,

[fl 11] B. Marcellinus. aedilis around AD 205. In the context of the trial against the procos. Asiae Apronianus, he was groundlessly condemned by the Senate and then executed (Cass. Dio 76,8,2-9,2). PIR* B 25. {fl 11a] Q. B. Modestus. Knight, in AD 211 made one of the consiliarii by Caracalla and Geta (adlectus inter amicos consiliarios), and made procurator and praefecW.E. tus of the province of Sardinia (AE 1998, 671). {fl 12] B. Probus. originally from Baetica, probably assistant to the proconsul Caecilius Classicus in Baetica during 96/7. He was expelled from the Senate for five years because of his participation in crimes (Plin. Ep. 3,4). PIR* B 27. [ff 13] B. Tampilus Vala Numonianus Cn. Senator during the Augustan period, proconsul (CIL VI 13 60=ILS 903); probably identical with the procos. Illyrici Cn. T.V. [1]. PIR* B 28.

(Il 14] B. Tullus L. cos. suff. in 95 (FOst’, 45, 88f.); proconsul of Asia around rro/rz [1. 349]. 1982.

TIR M 31,39; C.B. RUGER, Germania Inferior, 1968, esp. 9 8f. K.DI.

Baeterrae Oppidum of the > Volcae Arecomici in Gallia Narbonensis, modern Béziers (Hérault), settled at the latest from 750/650 BC. Since Caesar’s time, Colonia Urbs Iulia Septimanorum Baeterrae with veterans of the /egio VII (Plin. HN 3,36; Mela 2,75; Str. 4,1,6; Ptol. 2,10,6). B. was the centre of an important road network, and controlled a large and prosperous surrounding area, favoured by the nearby ports of Agatha and Narbo. Its destruction in the course of Germanic incursions (AD 276) led to the building of its first fortifications. In around AD 412/13, B. was taken by the Visigoths. Few ancient remains have survived. M.CLAvEL,

Béziers

et son

12, W.E.

territoire

dans

|’Antiquité,

1970; A.PEREZ, Rev. archéol. de Narb., 1990, 33-51. ae

Baetis Modern river Guadalquivir. Its ancient course was the same as today, but originally, its delta had four branches (Avien. 288ff.), and two in the Augustan period (Str. 3,1,9; 2,14); nowadays, it discharges into the Atlantic from a single course; the silted branches of the delta can still be detected. Its high water levels seem to have remained unchanged: large seagoing vessels sailed upriver to Hispalis, small ones to Ilipa, and river barges to Corduba (Str. 3,2,3). A.Casat, El Guadalquivir, 1975; A.RuIz RODRIGUEZ, M. Mo.inos y Lopez, M. Castro, Settlement continuity

in the territory of the Guadalquivir valley, in: G. BARKER (ed.), Roman

landscapes,

1974, 324-335.

1 J.Fapié, Arh. Vest. 37, 1986, 43 1ff.

1 W.Ecx, Jahres- und Provinzialfasten, in: Chiron

BAGACUM

1991,

29-36;

SCHULTEN

1,

P.B.

Baetulo River (modern Besos) and municipium (modern Badalona) of the > Lacetani on the eastern coast of Spain (Mela 2,90; Plin. HN 3,22; Ptol. 2,6,19; CIL II 4606-4608; 4611). SCHULTEN I, 1974, 305.

P.B.

Baecula Settlement in the mining area on the upper -» Baetis (modern Bailen). In 208 BC, it was the loca-

Bagacum Modern Bavai, capital (civitas) of the > Ner-

tion of one of the decisive battles of the Second Punic War, in which Hasdrubal was defeated by P.C. Scipio Africanus. Hasdrubal subsequently departed from

vil, in the French Département Nord not far off the Belgian border. The Celtic place name as well as some scanty finds from the Laténe period hint at the possibility that a modest pre-Roman settlement existed. However, B. isa Roman foundation, and has to be seen in the context of Agrippa’s road building programme for the reorganization of Gaul (20/19 BC). At this junction of the links with Durocortorum (to the south), Augusta Treverorum (to the south-east), Colonia Agrippinensis

Spain (Pol. 10,3'8,7; 11,20,5;

Liv. 27,18,1; 28,13,53

App. Ib. 24). TOVAR 3, 153-154.

P.B.

463

464

(to the east), Turnacum (to the north), and Camaracum

and the Seine). The revolt was finally suppressed before the year 417 by Exuperantius, a relative of > Rutilius

BAGACUM

(to the west), a settlement developed, probably originally of hardly more than five ha. in area (Ptol. 2,90,6; It. Ant. 376-378; 380). Augustan ceramics and an inscription in honour of Tiberius on the occasion of his passage in AD 4 (CIL XIII 3 570) testify to the beginnings of B. In its heyday during the 2nd cent. AD, the town, which was laid out orthogonally, was a similar size to during the Middle Ages (40-45 ha.). A double forum with cryptoporticus and temple, and, adjacent to the east, a — basilica with three naves, have been established as the administrative and commercial centre of the town. In the turmoil around the middle of the 3rd

porarily. The sources repeatedly point to fiscal pressure as the trigger ofthe revolts (Salv. Gub. 5,24ff.). Furthermore, the actions of the B. were directed against the

Namatianus

(Rut. Namat.

1,213ff.). The Aremorica

region was also the place where the rebellions of Tibatto (AD 435-437 and 442) were concentrated, Besides the aforementioned battles, B. were also active

in the Alps (early sth cent.) and in Spain (Tarraconensis, mid 5th cent.). The B.’ goal was separation from the Roman empire (Zos. 6,5,3; Chron. Gall. 117 [a.43 5; MGH, AA 9,660]), which they may have achieved tem-

cent. AD, B. suffered almost complete destruction; only

owners of large estates (Rut. Namat. 1,213ff.; cf. also

the former forum district remained inhabited (c. four ha.), and, under Diocletian and Constantine, it

Paul. Pell. 334ff.). The B., who primarily came from rural lower classes, aimed at social change (slaves: Rut.

was further safeguarded by a double ramped wall and

Namat.

two forts. The town, reduced to a citadel, lost its politi-

(Chron. Gall. ibid.) refers not only to slaves, but also to

cal importance as civitas-capital to the neighbouring Camaracum, and is no longer mentioned in late-antique sources.

dependent coloni; but members of other population groups actively helped the B. as well, among them a physician (Chron. Gall. 133 (a. 448) ibid. 662).

J.-L. Boucty, Les débuts de I’? occupation a Bavai, in: Revue archéologique de Picardie 1984, 3f., 19-26; J.C. CARMELEZ, Bavay Romeinse Stad, Tongeren Provinciaal

Gallo-Romeins Museum, 1983; Regular site reports in Gallia and especially in Revue du Nord. F.SCH.

Bagae City in > Numidia, located between the Aurés mountains to the south and the salt lake Garaat al-Tarf to the north, called Ksar Baghai today, originally perhaps a local castellum. There is evidence for a council of decuriones in the year AD 162 (CIL VIII 1, 2275). A

diocesan town

in 256, it became

1,216).

In this context,

the

term

servitia

>» Diocletianus; > Maximianus 1 B. Cz0TH, Die Quellen der Gesch. der Bagauden, 1965 2 A. DEMANDT, Die Spatant., 1989, 309 ©=3. J. F. DR INKWATER, The Bacaudae of Fifth-Century Gaul, in: J. DRINKWATER, H.ELTOon (ed.), Fifth-Century Gaul: A Crisis of

Identity?, 1992, 208-217 4 Jones, LRE, 811f. 5E.A. THOMPSON, Peasant Revolts in Late Roman Gaul and Spain, in: Past & Present 2, 1952, 11-23 (repr. in: M.I. FINLEY (ed.), Studies in Ancient Society, 1974, 304-320)

6 R. VAN Dam, Leadership and Community in Late Antique Gaul, 1985, 25ff. JK.

one of the most

important centres of > Donatism in late antiquity [1. 284, 304, 719-723]. For example in the year 394,

Baggage train see > Impedimenta

310 Donatist bishops assembled in B. (Aug. Epist. Par-

Bagistana see > Bisutun

meniani 3,4,21; c. Cresconium grammaticum

3f.). B.

was destroyed in the conflicts that followed. In 539, Byzantines entered B. and found it deserted (Procop. Vand. 2,19,7). Because of the favourable strategic position of the town, the Byzantines built a massive fortress there. Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 2275-2292; Suppl. 2, 17731f., 18068. [2. 42-44]. 1 A.ManbouzZE, Prosopographie chrétienne du Bas-Empire 1,1982 2 J.Durttar, Les dédicaces d’ouvrages de défense, i981. P. TRousseT, s.v. Bagai, EB, 1307-13 10.

W.HU.

Bagaios see > Zeus Bagaudae The B. were rebellious residents of rural Gallia and Spain (3rd to sth cents. AD). The first appearance of B. (under their leaders Aelianus and Aman-

dus) is documented for the time around AD 285/6. In 286, - Maximianus became joint ruler with > Diocletianus under orders to defeat the B. (Eutr. 9,20; cf. Pan. 2(10),4,3). In AD 407, battles erupted again in the tractus Aremoricanus (between the mouths of the Loire

Bagoas (Baywas; Bagoas), Greek name eunuchs (Plin. HN 13,41).

[1] ‘An extremely

impudent

for Persian

and sacrilegious man’

(Diod. Sic. 16,47,4) who took part in the renewed con-

quest of Egypt led by > Artaxerxes Ochus, became commander-in-chief of the Upper Satrapies, then > chiliarchos (‘lord of the realm’ Diod. Sic. 16,50,8). In 338 BC, he poisoned the king, in 336, he poisoned the king’s son and successor > Arses, and installed a courtier on

the throne, who then adopted the name of — Darius. When he tried to poison Darius as well, the latter preempted him (Diod. Sic. 17,5,3-6). B. owned famous gardens in Babylon and a palace in Susa. EB. [2] Darius’ beautiful favourite. Through > Nabarzanes, he came into Alexander the Great’s possession, won his love and thereby came to yield great influence. Because of B.’s intervention, Nabarzanes was pardoned and + Orxines was executed (Curt. 10,1,22-38). His

house was the setting of one of the banquets that led to Alexander’s death. BERVE 2, no. 195; E.Baptan, The Eunuch B., in: CQ 8, 1958, 144-157. EB.

465

466

Bagradas (Maxégacs; Makdras, Pol. 1,75,5; 1,86,9; 15,2,8 [1.1085f.]; Bayoddac; Bagrddas, Str. 17,3,13; Ptol. 4,3,6; 4,3,183 4,3,31; 6,10; Bagrada: Mela 1,34; Lucan. 4,587; Plin. HN 5,24; cf. 8,37). Today called Ksar Baghai (concerning the name [2. 1311]), the longest river in north-eastern Africa (365 km; Iulius Honorius differs, Cosmographia 47: 318 miles). The B. rises near Thubursicum Numidarum (Iulius Honorius ibid.; Ptol. differs 4,3,18; 6,10) and flows sluggishly (Sil. Pun. 6,140-143) from west-south-west to east-south-east. The Oued Mellégue, the Oued Tessa, and the Oued Siliana flow into the B. from the right and the Oued Bou Heurtma joins it from the left. South-east of Simitthus, it enters the fertile ‘great fields’. The delta begins near Thuburbo Minus. In antiquity, the B. joined the ocean near Utica, but today, it reaches the ocean about 10 km further east.

9,707; Bata: Str. 5,4,5; Cass. Dio, 48,51,5; Baral: EM

1M. Fantar, s.v. B., LIMC 3.1, 1085-1086 COU, s.v. Bagrada, EB, 13 10-1312.

BAITYLIA

192,45-46; Boiae, Baie), today called Comune di Bacoli. B. belongs to the geological region of the Campi Phlegraei, a coastal landscape shaped by brandyseism and geothermal phenomena (therefore many thermal installations existed, such as those of Venus or of Mer-

cury). There is archaeological and literary (Marius, Caesar, Clodia, Licinius Crassus, Pompey, Faustinus,

Martialis) evidence for its villae. In the 1st and 2nd

cents., the city farmed and processed different seafood products (Val. Max. 9,1,1; Plin. HN 9,168). In AD 59,

Agrippina was murdered in B. (Cass. Dio 62,16,5; Tac. Ann. 14,4); in 138, Hadrian died there (Cassiod. Var. 2,142). B. was the site of various cults: the oracle of the dead, and the cults of Venus Lucrina and Mater Baiana.

It was dependent on Cumae. B. enjoyed its cultural peak in early imperial times.

2 J. Gas-

M. BorriELLo, A. D’AMBROSIO, B.-Misenum, Forma Ita-

W.HU.

liae Regio I, 14, 1979; A. CoRRETTI, s.v. B., in: BTCGI 3, 1984, 362-388; F. ZEv1, s.v. Baia, in: EAA, Suppl. 2, 2, 1994, §92-S95.

Bahrain Island in the Persian Gulf. Archaeological evidence indicates that settlement on the island began in the 7th millennium BC. According to written sources from Mesopotamia, B. was part of the region of ~ Dilmun since the 3rd millennium BC, and became a politically independent centre of trade at the turn of the 2nd millennium BC, which also happens to be the epoch with the best archaeological findings. Texts from Mesopotamia as well as archaeological evidence from B. indicate that the island was a colony of the Mesopotamian + Cassites in the middle of the 2nd cent. In Qala’at al-Bahrein, in the northern part of the island, the ‘City

B.G.

Baiovarii Mixed Romano-Germanic tribe (Bavarians),

first recorded in Jord. Get. 5 5,280 as living in southern Germany east of the river Lech (cf. Venantius Fortunatus, Vita Martini 4,640-645). Etymologically most likely the ‘descendants of those living in Bai(a)-haim (= Bohemia)’; the foederati, archaeologically evident in

the Friedenhain-Prestovice pottery, were most likely — initially independently, later tolerated by the Ostrogoths (Theoderic the Great) — to have formed the military core, around which, with Regensburg at its centre, the tribe of the Bavarians grew.

IV’ reveals Neo-Assyrian, Neo-Babylonian, and Achaemenid settlements which also include sporadic finds of burials (Tilmun in Neo-Assyrian sources). Hellenistic settlements are indicated through various finds: the fortified ‘City V’ of Qala’at al-B., stone-box graves covered by barrows in Janussan of northern B., and a coin hoard at Ra’s al-Qala’ from the late 3rd cent. BC. In Greek sources, the island is known as Tylus and is often mentioned together with > Aradus [2], a small island to the north of B. In the 2nd cent. AD, B. was called Thiloua (Aramaic form of Tylus) and was a satrapy of the — Characene kingdom. During the period of the Sassanids, the main island B. was known by the name of

Large upright stones which are included in the cult activity in sanctuaries are to be found throughout the

Talan in Nestorianic church texts. However, we have

entire Mediterranean region [1]. It was the Phoenicians

only scarce archaeological evidence for these periods. + Dilmun

The baitylia in Tyrus and in Emesa were famous [2]. In

G.W. BoweErsock, Tylos and Tyre. Bahrain in the Graeco-Roman

World,

in: SH.H.A.

At Kuatira,

M.RIcE

(ed.), Bahrain through the Ages, 1986, 399-406; C. E. LarsEN, Life and Land Use on the Bahrain Islands, 1983; D.Portrts, The Arabian Gulf in Antiquity, 1990; M. Rice, The Archaeology of the Arabian Gulf, 1994. M.H.

Baiae City in Campania, located in the westernmost bay of the Gulf of Pozzuoli (Mela 2,70; Plin. HN 3,61; It. Ant. 123,6; Prob. App. gramm. 4,195; Serv. Aen.

TH. FISCHER, Von den R6mern zu den Bajuwaren, in: W.Czsyz, K.DieTz, TH. FiscHER, H.-J. KELLNER (ed.), Die Romer in Bayern, 1995, 405-411; A.SCHMID, Regensburg, 1995, 29-41; K.Dierz, TH. FiscHER, Die Romer in Regensburg, 1996, 218-226. K.DI.

Baitylia (BaitbAva; Baitvrou baitylia, baitylot). I. RELiGrous StupiEs

II. PHOENICIAN-PUNIC

baitylia I. RELIGIOUS STUDIES

in particular who contributed to the spread of these. Israel polemics and the inclusion of baitylia in the cult (Massebah) with the predication of God, exist side by side (God as a rock: Ps 28,1 [3]). Minoan iconography portrays

ecstatic

theophany

(?) [4]. In Greece

the

Omphalos in Delphi is prominent. Stones can be decorated with ribbons or anointed with oil; they often come ‘from heaven’. The study of religion has not yet clarified whether stones are regarded as objects of veneration (‘fetishism’; polemic at Aug. Epist. 1,17,2) or signs of the presence of the deity.

467

468

2 E.StocKxTon, Phoe2/3, 1974/75, 1-27 4, 1984, 1064-1074 193-206.

bread (Hdt. 3,150; 7,187). The same holds true for the Roman pistor (Plin. HN 18,107-108). Mills were

BAITYLIA 1 Nitsson, GGR 1, 201-207 nician Cult Stones, in: AJBA 3 J.GAMBERONI, s.v. B., ThWAT 4 P. WARREN, in: OpAth 18, 1990,

U. Kron, HI. Steine, in: Kotinos, FS E.Simon, 1992, 5670. CA.

Il. PHoENICIAN-PuNICc baitylia Within the framework of the Mediterranean distribution of the cult of non-iconic monuments

of gods,

baitylia are found at all times in regions influenced by Phoenician or Punic culture. As bét’él (‘house of god’) they are the seat of numinous power, ¢.g., in the court of the obelisk temple of Byblus (19th/18th cents. BC [1. 48f.]). Baitylia come from Mount Sirai (Sardinia) and Mogador (Morocco) and elsewhere. Baitylia are especially common in the repertoire of images of steles which usually come from the tophet of a town. Representations of a triad of baitylia form a special group, but in the baitylia shrines of Kommos (Crete, 8th/7th cents.

[2. 165ff.]) and Soluntum (Western Sicily, 5th/4th cents. [3. 70f.]) these have a ‘real-life’ parallel. > Bethel 1 A.Parrot, M.CuHenHas, S.Moscati, Die Phénizier, 1977. 2J.W.SHAw, AJA 93,1989 3M.L. FaMA, SicA 42, 1980.

DCPP, s.v. Bétyle, 7of.; H.G. NIEMEYER, Sémata. Uber

den Sinn griech. Standbilder, SB der Jungius-Ges. Hamburg 14, 1996/1, 6off. H.G.N.

Bakeries processed all edible grain products in antiquity, especially > bread. The sources indicate, that people preferred fine, white flour over coarser but more nutritious flour. Wheat and barley were the predominant grains [2]. In the Greek world, barley was more important than wheat both in daily nourishment as well as in rituals (Theophr. Caus. pl. 3,21,3; Ath. 3,111c— 112a). But it is certain that Homer was familiar with

wheat bread and that Theophrastus was aware of wheat’s higher nutritional value and better baking qualities (Hist. pl. 8,4,1-6; cf. Ath. 3,115c). In the Roman world, wheat was also the most important grain, although barley was also known (Plin. HN 18,74 on the inferiority of barley bread). Romans achieved finer products in general through efficiently removing the bran from wheat flour. In order to render grain edible, the outer husks had to be removed through roasting. This process deprived barley and spelt (far) of gluten, so that these grains could no longer be used to make sourdough bread. The Greeks therefore ate barley flour (&ddutov) in the form of waCa (maza), a dense cake. The early Roman form of grain-based food was puls, a paste made of far that was crushed with a pestle in a mortar. Even though barley flour was offered on markets (Aristoph. Eccl. 817ff.) in Greece, freshly ground flour appears to have been used more commonly. Grinding the flour was part of domestic bread-baking, and women called ovtomowdg (sitopoids) ground the grain and baked

found in many households. The Athenian bakers Thearion and Cyrebus ground flour just as the Goetom@Act (artop6lai, bread vendors), who were obliged by law to set the price of bread relative to the price of wheat (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 51,3). Barley, on the other hand, was ground and then sold (cf. the case of Nausicydes, Xen. Mem. 2,7,6). A law dictated that millers had to sell barley flour at a price that was tied to the price of barley (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 51,3), In the Roman world, e.g. in Pompeii, bakeries also had mills that were driven by slaves or animals [6]. After the process of grinding, the flour had to be sifted for the removal of bran and coarse residue. Compared to the more primitive Greek equipment, Roman sieves were a considerable improvement (Plin. HN 18,107—108). The quality of alica — groats made from the best Campanian wheat— was improved through the addition of chalk (Plin. HN 18,109-114). The various types of bread depended on the kind of flour used, on further ingredients, and especially on the fermenting agent (Plin. HN 18,102-105). The easiest baking method entailed placing the dough, wrapped or unwrapped, directly into hot ashes, or on the hot stove top under a preheated terracotta lid. A more elaborate method was the use of the xeiPavog (kribanos), a covered clay container that was surrounded with hot ashes and which had the advantage of allowing a more constant heat. Flat bread could be baked en an iron plate or in a frying pan over an open fire. The oven (imvoc; pos) per se stood on legs above a small fire. A few Roman ovens originated from the testu. But the large stone ovens with their own fire chambers used in bakeries had developed from the fornax, a type of oven used to dry freshly harvested grain [1. 104-114]. In most households, the production of bread and other baked goods was limited due to the lack of space and fuel. The emergence of commercial bakeries, which we know to have existed in classical Athens, may have begun even earlier. Terracotta figures indicate that community bakeries, perhaps even on a commercial basis, existed in Argus and in other places in the late 6th cent. BC [8]. In Athens, we know about the women in comedies who sold bread, about the famous baker Thearion, whom Plato and the comedy writers knew (Ath. 3,112.c-e), and about Cerybus, who earned a considerable income from baking (Xen. Mem. 2,7,6). In Rome, commercial bakeries probably appeared after 170 BC (Plin. HN 18,107). This phenomenon was perhaps due to the fact that domestic fuel had been cheaper before. A few bakers became affluent in the ist cent. BC at the latest; thus Eurysaces, a freedman baker and contractor, was able to afford a large grave monument for himself. The reliefs on the monuments display the baking process from the grinding of grain to the baking of bread [9. 128, Abb. 34-35]. In the early principate, Caligula seriously disrupted the bread supply for the city of Rome when he requisitioned the draught animals from the mills (Suet. Calig. 39). During Trajan’s reign,

469

470

the demand for bread in Rome had become so great that one tried to increase the number of bakers through special incentives. At times, bakers received uncompromising treatment. In Ephesus, a bakers’ strike was terminated when the proconsul dissolved the bakers’ association and ordered the bakers back to work [2. 259]. In AD 270 under Aurelianus’ rule, the traditional distributions of grain were replaced by distributions of bread. Bakeries were increasingly subject to public supervision, which heightened conflicts between the bakers and the state [3. 859-860]. In Constantinople, both private and public bakeries produced bread for 4,000 people on a daily basis [3. 698-701]. In Byzantine times, the earnings of publicly controlled bakeries were limited, but they enjoyed tax reductions. There was a lack of workers in that trade as well, and > beggars could be forced to work [7]. In an effort to protect the city from fire, bakeries were built outside the residential areas. Vending booths therefore were not integrated into the bakery buildings. Such measures are not known for Pompeii, where bakers lived next to their bakeries and sold their bread in the same building [10. 136-139]. 1 BLUMNER,Techn. 1,1-96 2/J.M. Frayn, Subsistence Farming in Roman Italy, 1979 3 P. HERz, Studien zur

rom.

Wirtschaftsgesetzgebung,

5 Jones, LRE

1988

4 GARNSEY

6A.MAau, s.v. Backereien, RE 2, 2734-

2743 7 B.Mayeske, Bakeries, Bakers, and Bread at Pompeii, PhD diss., University of Maryland, 1972 8 L.A. Moritz, Grain Mills and Flour in Classical Antiquity, 1958 9 Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, 1991, s.v. Bakers, Bread 10 B.A. Sparkes, The Greek Kitchen, in: JHS 82, 1962, 121-137 11J.M.C. ToynBee, Death and Burial in the Roman World, 1971 12 A. WALLACE-

BALAWAT

[4] Another

B. reconquered

Miletus

(Curt. 4,5,13),

which had been reoccupied by the Persians. BERVE 2, no. 203; HECKEL 332.

EB.

Balai Syrian poet from the first half of the 5th cent. AD, probably worked in Chalcis/QenneSrin (northern Syria). Two poems are definitely genuine, the one about the consecration of a church in QenneSrin, the other one about the death of bishop Acacius of > Beroea [3] (Aleppo) in the year AD 432. An epic poem in 12 books about the patriarch Joseph, which is also attributed to ~+ Ephraim, could have been written by B. Many liturgical poems with verses in five syllables (‘Balai metre’) are attributed to him. K.V. ZETTERSTEEN, Beitrage zur Kenntnis der religidsen Dichtung Balais, 1902; A.BAUMSTARK, Gesch. der syr. Lit., 1922, 61-63; I.OrTIz DE UrsBinaA, Patrologia Syriaca, 1965, 91-93.

S.BR.

Balantion see > Purse

Balantiotomoi (Bakavtiotouot; balantiotémot). ‘Cutpurses’ (pickpockets) were pursued in Athens on the basis of the vouog tv xaxoboywv (~6mos ton kakourgon) with > apagogé (‘leading away’) and punished with death. Gir Balari (Badagoi; Balarot). Rapacious mountain people in Sardinia (Str. 5,225; Plin. HN 3,85). The B. were

supposedly descendants of Iberian and Libyan mercenaries, who had deserted from Carthaginian service

HapriLt, Houses and Society in Pompeii and Herculaneum, 1994 13 WuiTeE, Technology 14 WuirTe, Farm-

(Paus. 10,17,9); participated in the rebellion of the neighbouring — Ilienses against the Romans in 178 BC and defeated the consul Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus

ing.

(Liv. 41,6,12) in 177.

A.B.-C.

L.-M.G.

Baktron see — Staff

Balash see > Vologaeses [10]

Balacrus (Bokaxooc; Bélakros). Various men with this name served as officers under Alexander [4] the Great. [1] Son of a certain Nicanor, married Phila, daughter of ~ Antipater [1], who bore him a son. First > somatophylax, after the battle of Issus, was appointed satrap of Cilicia, where he fought with great success against the mountain tribes, but fell in battle shortly before Alexander’s death.

Balawat Old Imgur-Enlil, approximately 28 km south-east of Mossul (Iraq). Well-known are the ruins of a palace and a temple for the god Mamu, erected by Assurnasirpal II (883-859 BC) [1]. In the temple area the ornamental fittings in bronze relief from the twowinged gates of Assurnasirpal II [1; 2] were found, as well as one of his son Salmanassar III [3]. Episodes from military campaigns are depicted, more rarely from royal hunts. The citadel was destroyed in the late 7th cent. BC and only resettled for a short period in Hellenistic times. > Sculpting, technique of

BERVE 2, no. 200; HECKEL 260.

[2] Son of a certain Amyntas, was appointed commander of the Greek allied infantry in the winter of 334/33 BC and stayed with -> Peucestas in Egypt as commander of the occupying army in 331. BERVE 2, no.

199; HECKEL 335.

[3] One B. commanded lightly armed troops, i.a. a javelin brigade, at > Gaugamela and in north-west Paki-

stan. BERVE 2, no. 202; HECKEL 332.

1 J.Curtis, Fifty Years of Mesopotamian Discovery, 1982, 113-119 2R.D. Barnett, More Balawat Gates: A Preliminary Report, in: M.A. BEEK et al. (ed.), Symbolae

biblicae et mesopotamicae F.M. Th. De Liagre Bohl dedicatae, 1973, 19-22 3L.W. Kina, Bronze Reliefs from the Gates of Shalmaneser, King of Assyria BC 860-825, 1915.

U.SE.

BALBILLUS

472

471

Balbillus (Barbillus) Claudius Balbillus, Tiberius. Praefectus Aegypti AD 55-59; games were held in Ephesus after 70 (BoaABtAeta; Balbilleia) in his honour.

RIC 4,2, 165ff.; K.-H. Dierz, Senatus contra Principem, 1980, 99ff.; KIENAST, *1996, 193-194; R.SYME, Emper-

Sen. Q Nat. 4,2,13 praises his erudition, therefore iden-

ors and Biography, 1971, 170ff.

tified by CrcHORIUS i.a. [2; 3; 9. 39] against [ro] with the son of Thrasyllus, the astrologer of emperors Claudius (he comes to him in 41 as envoy of the Alexandrians to Rome), Nero and Vespasianus. His writings, addressed to a certain Hermogenes, were called ‘Aoteodkoyovueva (Astrologoumena). FRAGMENTS: 1 F.Cumont, CCAG VIII 4, 233-238; ovyxedaratmoug CCAG VIII 3, 103f. SECONDARY

LITERATURE:

2 C.CrICcHORIUS, ROm. Stu-

dien, 1922, 390-398 31d.,in: RhM 76, 1927, 102-105 4 F.H. Cramer, Astrology in Roman Law and Politics, 1954, 112-139 $§ GUNDELI51-153 6H.S. JONES, in: JRS 16, 1926, 18f. 7 W.KRoLL, Re. Suppl. 5,59-60 8 Macic II 1398-1400 9H.G. Priaum, Les carriéres

procuratoriennes équestres sous le haut-empire romain I, 1960, 34-41 10A.STEIN, PIR B 38 and C 813. W.H.

1 CABALLOS

2 THOMASSON

3 LEUNISSEN.

Balbis Starting- and finishing-line in the Greek > stadium. The balbis was a stone bump equipped with grooves and let into the ground; starting gates made of wooden posts were anchored into it. The grooves served as places for the feet to rest against when starting. Numerous examples are preserved such as in Olympia, Delphi, Nemea, Ephesus. Artistic representations in sculpture, relief art and vase-painting. In addition, balbis is also a term to describe the line to

mark the throwing off of discus and javelin. W.ZsCHIETZSCHMANN,

Wettkampf- und Ubungsstatten

in Griechenland, 1, 1960, 35-393; O. BRONEER, in: Isthmia

2, 1973, 137-142; P.Roos, Wiederverwandte Startblocke vom Stadion in Ephesos, in: JOAI 52, 1978/80, 109-113.

Balbinus Roman cognomen (ThIL 2,1694f.; [1. 240]). Consuls with the epithet B.: L. Saenius B. (? 30 BC), P. Coelius B. Vibellius Pius (AD 137), L. Valerius Pobli-

cola B. (AD 256). 1 KaJANTO, Cognomen.

K.-L.E.

[1] D.C. (Calvinus) B. = Imperator Caesar D.C. Calvinus B. According to Zonaras, (12,17, not precise) 60 years old in the year AD 238, when he was elected emperor by the Senate, together with > Pupienus, who is always mentioned before him. Supposed descendant of the Gaditanian Cornelius Balbus (SHA Max. Balb. 7,3), possibly of Spanish origin [1. 93ff., cf. 346ff.], probably the son of Caelius Calvinus, legate in Cappadocia in the year 184 (ILS 394). B. must have become a patrician, because he became salius Palatinus (CIL VI 1981; not before 191). He was governor of several

AB.

Balboura

C.HO.

North

Lycian town with extensive chora,

possibly of Pisidian origins, founded in the 2nd cent. BC [1; 2]. With Boubon and > Oenoanda member in a tetrapolis, which was led by > Cibyra (Str. 13,4,17);

after this was dissolved in 84 BC, added to the Lycian League by Murena, but with its own coins [3]. Oldest ruins from the Hellenistic period (Acropolis); buildings (i.a. theatre, temple, aqueduct) and graves testify to its peak during imperial times; defence walls from late antiquity from spolia; diocese town until the Middle Ages. 1 J.J. Coutton, The Fortifications of Balboura, in: REA 96, 1994, 327-335 2Id.,A.S. Hatt, A Hell. Allotment List from Balboura in the Kibyratis, in: Chiron 20, 1990, 109-158 3 S. JAMESON, s.v. B., RE Suppl. 14, 72-74.

AT.

provinces (Hdn. 7,10,4); of the seven supposed gover-

norships named in the Historia Augusta (Max. Balb. 7,2), none are verified; a Phrygian inscription (AE 1909, 175), which at first seemed to confirm his proconsulate in Asia, proved to be questionable (AE 1913, 1 [2. 1,238]). He was most likely cos.I suff. before 200, because in 213 he became cos. II ord. as colleague of Caracalla (cos. IV) (CIL VI 269) [3. 114, 196]. He does not appear again until 238, when the Senate elected him as one of the X Xviri rei publicae curandae (ILS 1186), which were to protect Italy against > Maximinus, who was advancing from Pannonia (SHA Maximin. 32,3; SHA Gord. 10,1-2; Zos. 1,14,2). After the death of both Gordiani, the Senate installed B. and Pupienus as concurrent emperors, who soon had to accept the 13-year-old > Gordianus (III) as Caesar (Hdn. 7,10). While his colleague Pupienus led the campaign against Maximinus, B. stayed in the capital. After the victory, the two emperors started to quarrel and were killed by the guard after a reign of 99 days (Hdn. 8,8,6-8; Eutr. 9,2,2; Aur. Vict. Caes. 27,6; SHA Max.

Ballers 54) bla @rn2Gs

Balbus Common Roman cognomen (‘the Stutterer’) in republican times among the Acilii, Cornelii, Laelti, Lucilii and other families (ThIL 2,1693f.). In imperial

times the epithet of the following consuls: |. Cornelius B. (40 BC), |. Cornelius B. (32 BC), D. Laelius B. (6 BC), I. Norbanus B. (AD 19), Q. Tulius B. (AD 85), Q. Iulius B. (AD 129). K-LE.

Baletium Messapian town, c. 17 km south-east of Brindisi, today Valesio. BaleOas/FaleOas on silver coins (4th or 5th cent. BC) [1. 226-235]. B. in Geogr. Rav. 4,31, Balesium in Plin. HN 3,roz, Valetium in Mela 2,66, Balentium

in the Tab. Peut. 7,2, Valentiam in the It.

Burd. 609,8. Archaeological remains from Messapian and Roman periods (until the 5th cent. AD) [2; 3] have been found. 1 A. SicILiaNo, Le zecche della Messapia, in: Atti del Con-

vegno Internazionale di Studi sulla Magna Grecia 30, 1991,224-254 2J.S. BoERsMA, D.G. YNTEMA, Valesio, 1987

3J.S. Boersma, Mutatio Valentia, 1995.

MLL.

473

474

Baliares

Baliaricus Victor’s epithet of Q. > Caecilius Metellus

A. GENERAL

B. EARLY HISTORY

C. HISTORICAL

PERIOD

A. GENERAL The modern B. were named Gymnésiai by the Greeks, because their inhabitants went naked during the summer. The two main islands were referred to respectively as insula maior and insula minor; the names of Maiorica and Menorica (modern Mallorca and Minorca) are only found from the 3rd cent. AD (Georgius Cyprianus, p. 108, 673 GELZER). Apart from

those two islands, Plin. HN 3,78 also lists Capraria, Triquada and parva (sc. insula) Hannibalis, also Menariae. They can undoubtedly be identified with the islands of Cabrera, Porrasa, Sech and the Las Isletas archipelago. P.B. B. EARLY HISTORY Originally the centre of the prehistoric Talayot culture, from the 6th cent. BC onwards, the B. were integrated into the Phoenician-Punic cultural group by the Ebusitans from Ibiza. H.G.N. C. HISTORICAL PERIOD Of all the island towns, Bocchori and Guium on the larger island, Mago and Jamo on the smaller one, were most likely Carthaginian foundations, whereas Palma and Pollentia on the larger island were founded by Rome. According to [1. 1349], Sanisera on the smaller island bears a Celtic name, Tuci on the larger one is only mentioned in Plin. HN 3,77. The inhabitants were looked upon as uncivilized (Diod. Sic. 5,17); in Roman times, they produced wheat and wine of recognized good quality (Plin. HN 14,71; 18,67). Throughout antiquity, they were famed as brave and skilful slingers; their fighting technique is described in Str. 3,5,1. Important events: in 206/05 BC, > Mago seized the smaller island (Liv. 28,37,3-10; 46,7); in 123/22 BC, Q. > Caecilius Metellus (later Balearicus) conquered the islands (Liv. Per. 60; Flor. 1,43; Oros. 5,13,1; Str. 35551); in 47 BC, Cn. > Pompeius took possession of the B. (Bell. Afr. 23,3; Cass. Dio 43,29,2). During the rst cent. AD, the B. were a place of exile (Tac. Ann. 13,43, 5; Suet. Galba 10,1). Under Augustus, famine was rife on the islands, caused by a plague of rabbits, prompting the islanders to request military help from the senate (Plin. HN 8,217f.; Str. 3,2,6). In AD 411, the + Vandals launched their first attack on the B. (Hydatius 21,86); later, the B. formed part of the Vandal kingdom. In AD 534, the islands were conquered by the Byzantines, and in AD 768, they came under Arab rule. 1 HOLDER 2, 1349.

DCPP,

BALKANS, LANGUAGES

s.v.

Baléares,

21957. 2511= 25.0:

64f.;

SCHULTEN,

Landeskunde, P.B.

(cos. 123 BC), which he assumed after his triumph over the Baleares in 121 (InscrIt 13,1,83). K-LE. Balius (Bddwoc, Bakiac; Bdlios, Balias) and Xanthus. Immortal horses of the Peleid > Achilles, who were

born by the harpy Podarge to Zephyrus, god of the winds. Poseidon gave them to Peleus on his marriage to Thetis (Hom. Il. 16,148-154; Apollod. 3,170). Xanthus prophesied Achilles his approaching death (Hom. Il. 19,400-424). When he dies, B. and Xanthus want to leave the human sphere, but the gods order them to serve Achilles’ son Neoptolemus and to carry him later to Elysium (Quint. Smyrn. 3,743). Diodorus relates that B. and Xanthus had been Titans, who in the battle

between the gods and the Titans, had assisted the first and had been changed into horses, in order not to be recognized. W.KULLMANN,

Die Quellen der Ilias, Hermes

(ES 14),

1960, 233.

RB.

Balkans, languages A. PALAEO-BALKANIC LANGUAGES B. THE LANGUAGE SITUATION AFTER THE SLAVIC IMMIGRATION

A. PALAEO-BALKANIC LANGUAGES Those languages, which were spoken in antiquity in the Balkan area, are considered to be Palaeo-Balkanic languages, but are only known in fragments from indirect sources

(references

by Greek

and Lat. authors,

names on Greek and Lat. inscriptions) (so-called fragmented languages), especially 1. Pre-Greek (- PreGreek languages), 2. ~ Macedonian, 3. Thracian, 4. Dacian, 5. Illyrian. Thracian was spread throughout the eastern half of the continental area of the Balkans and probably showed a strong division into dialects in accordance with the great number of Thracian tribes and the expanse of their area. Despite the Greek influence, which applied particularly to the Aegean coastal region, it is recorded to have still been in use in the interior in the 6th cent. AD. — Thracian is known through a series of glosses, from personal names and place names (characteristic for the last named -para, -diza, -bria) as well as from some inscriptions (epitaphs from K’olmen/north-east Bulgaria, 6th[{?] cent. BC; ring engravings from Ezerovo/south-east Bulgaria, sth cent. BC, ia.) the interpretation of which is controversial. — Thracian certainly represents, as limited as our knowledge of this language is, an independent branch of the ~ Indo-European languages and belongs to those of the satem group (> Satem languages). Dacian, the language of a tribe closely related to the Thracians according to ancient evidence, was spoken over an area in the Carpatian basin and was exposed to romanization there. — A list of names of plants has been handed down by Pedanius Dioscorides; otherwise

BALKANS, LANGUAGES

475

Sarmizegetusa

&. 2 Pu Vv bu

j malta e 7 Serdica : >». @

14. ¢47 e ePhilippopolis Ezerovo _

Balkans: languages spoken in Roman times

Fe

Latin

Scodra_

Ancient name

Greek

Ezerovo

Modern name

one must rely on personal names and place names (characteristic for the last named -dava, -upa, -sara). Caution is advised regarding attempting to extract Dacian substratum words from Romanian. Dacian is closely related to Thracian, but it remains an open question whether it was a dialect of the same, or should be seen as an independent branch of the Indo-European languages. Ovid, who lived in > Tomi at the end of his life, (Pont. 4,13,19f., Tr. 3,14,18) verifies the literary use of the language of the Getae, one ofthe tribes closely related to the Dacians. To be cautious, only that language, which was spread along the south-eastern Adriatic coast northward and southward from Dyrrhachium (today Durrés) and inland to Lake Lychnidos (today Lake Ohrid) in the settlement area of the Illyrian tribes of the Parthini, Taulanti, Dassaretae and Penestae, must be considered as Illyrian at present. Besides just a few glosses, there are only a few proper names and very few place names handed down in epigraphy, which are verified to be definitely Illyrian by authors in antiquity. A relationship to the system of Dalmato-Pannonian names, of the

Linguistic boundary between Latin-

and

Greek-speaking areas

independent branch of the Indo-European languages, even though it is difficult to judge from a pure ‘personal-name language’. Of the Palaeo-Balkanic languages, only > Albanian has survived. It remains in dispute whether this can be identified with Thracian or Illyrian. Latin, which advanced from the Adriatic coast into the interior, because of the Roman conquest, often

encountered Greek, which spread its area of influence to the north, especially since the rise of the Macedonian power. The Lat.-Greek linguistic border (the so-called Jirecek-line) ran accordingly through the area of the Palaeo-Balkanic languages. Latin in Romanian (RoMANCE LANGUAGE) and Greek in modern Greek, have retained their vitality as old cultural and commercial languages of the Balkans until today. R.Katiéic, Ancient Languages 1976; Id., Die Balkanprovinzen, TERMANN (ed.), Die Sprachen im zeit, 1980, 103-120; B.GEROV, grenze auf der Balkanhalbinsel,

of the Balkan, 2 vols., in: G. NEUMANN, J. UNR6m. Reich der KaiserDie lat.-griech. Sprachibid., 147-165; V.GE-

orGIEV, Thrakisch und Dakisch, ANRW

II 29.2, 1983,

region which borders on the north, cannot be discerned,

1148-1194; Id., Thrakische und dakische Namenkunde,

while the same to the > Messapian in Apulia cannot be taken as certain. Without a doubt, Illyrian forms an

ibid.,

1195-1213; D. DETscHEw, Die thrak. Sprachreste,

1957; I.DurtDANOov, Die Sprache der Thraker, 1985; V.BESEVLIEV, Unt. tiber die PN bei den Thrakern, 1970;

Aye

478

BALKANS,

LANGUAGES

QAO

ae

Language groups and political structures around AD 800 Political structures c. AD 800

[___] Byzantine empire

Turkic peoples

[ Antiochus III besieged — Euthydemus in vain in 206 BC; the latter built up the Graeco-Bactrian

empire from here (> Bactria). In 1966, a hoard find brought forth more than 170 Greek coins from the period before 380 BC. Inhabited and fortified until today. F.R. AtitcHin, N.HAMMonpD, The Archaeology of Afghanistan from earliest times to the Timur period, 1978; W. W. Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India, 1951. H.T. andB.B.

tioned game, the ball was thrown on the ground or against a wall, caught or hit back (Sen. Q Nat. 6,10,2) and the number of times it was thrown were counted (expulsim ludere, cf. [5]). Simple types of play were also favoured, like juggling with the ball [6. 51f., no. 323f.| and ‘passe-boule’ [6. 51f., no. 311f.]. The balls (pilae, follis, opaigoi; sphairai i.a.) differed in size, weight and appearance; leather was used as material, which could be painted in different colours. The pila paganica was filled with feathers (Mart. 7,32,7; 14,45), the follis or folliculus (Mart. 14,47; 14,4523 4,19,7) with air or harpastum and the pila trigonalis, trigon, with hair. BG were considered to be part of education in Greek society and, therefore, sphairisteria were frequently incorporated in gymnasia [7]. In Roman times, there were ball courts in palaces, baths (Sen. Ep. 56,1-3) and on private property (Suet. Vesp. 20; Plin. Ep. 2,17; 5,6,27). BG also used to take place on the Campus Martius (Sen. Ep. 104,33; Hor. Sat. 1,6,126; 2,6,48f.).

Didactic poetry emphasizes the meaning of the BG, according to Ov. Tr. 2,485; Caesar (Macrob. Sat. 2,6,5), Augustus (Suet. Aug. 83) and Maecenas (Hor. Sat. 1,5,43) were regarded to be enthusiastic ball players. BG also played an essential role in the cultic (— Arthephoroi, > Erechtheion) and medical spheres (Ath. 1,14d; Val. Max. 8,8,2; Plin. Ep. 5,6,27; Gal. De parvae pilae exercitio). 1 R.Lututes, Greek Sculpture, 1979, fig. 58. 2A.M. Woopwarpb, Some Notes on the Spartan odatgets, in:

ABSA 46, 1951,191-199

3AA1957,203,fig.37

4N.

YALOuRIS et al., Athletics in Ancient Greece, 1976, 256,

Balletys see > Eleusinia Ball games (odaigioets; sphairiseis, pilae lusus). Homeric society already enjoyed ball games (BG) (Hom. Od. 6,110-118; 8,372-380), which have also been practised by people of all social levels (Ath. 1,14e, 15¢; 12,548b; Plut. Alexander 39,5; Cic. Tusc. 5,60) and age groups since then. The Romans took many BG over from the Greek. Some were team games, like > harpaston or émtoxveos, episkyros (Poll. 9,103f.; schol. Pl. Tht. 146 i.a.), during which the opposite party was gradually pushed off the field by long-range shots, perhaps depicted on the relief in Athens, NM, Inv. 3476 [1]. xegntiGew was played with a round stick (Plut. Mor. 2,839¢), see relief Athens, NM, Inv. 3477. A peculiar team game is represented by the BG practised by the oldest year of the Spartan ephebi (odageic, sphaireis) [2], the course of which is not clear. The BG called oveavia. (ourania) also belongs to it; during this game, the ball, which was thrown in the air, was caught (Hom. Od. 8,372-380; Apoll. Rhod. 4,950-95 5; cf. [3]) or hit back (like volleyball, Sen. Ben. 2,17,3-5, datatim ludere, > trigon); the winner was called Baotievs (basilevis; ‘king’), the loser 6vog (6nos; ‘donkey’) and carried the former on his shoulders [4]. The participants of basilinda or éndeeakic, aporraxis (Poll. 9,103, 105; Eust. 1601,33) and &vaxgovoia, anakrousia (Hsch. A 4374) also carried these names; during the last men-

fig.-150 5 AdI1857,pl.B,C 6F.A.G. Beck, Album of Greek Education, 1976 7 J.DELORME, Sphairistérion et Gymnase a Delphes, a Délos et ailleurs, in: BCH 106,

1982, 53-73. H.R. IMMERWARR, An inscribed terracotta ball in Boston, in: GRBS 8, 1967, 258; S$.MENDNER, Das Ballspiel im Leben der Vélker, 1956; K.SCHAUENBURG, Erotenspiele,

in: Antike Welt 7, Heft 4, 1976, 28-31;

G. SCHNEIDER-

HERRMANN, Der Ball bei den Westgriechen, in: BABesch

46, 1971, 123-133; E. WAGNER, Hockeyspiel iin Alt., in: Philologus 103, 1959, 137-140; E. WAGNER, Kritische Bemerkungen zum Harpastum-Spiel, in: Gymnasium 70, 1963, 356-366.

R.H.

Ballista Called ‘Callistus’ by Greek authors, because of an orthographical error [1], Praetorian praefect of ~ Valerianus, then of > Macrianus (SHA Valer. 4,4; SHA Gall. 3,2). After Valerian was taken prisoner, he

had the sons of Macrianus proclaimed emperors (SHA Gall. 1,3). As cavalry commander for Macrianus, he triumphed over the Persians (Zon. 12,24). He stayed in the east with Quietus, the younger son of Macrianus, but surrendered Quietus in the battle of Emesa; however, B. was soon killed by Odoenathus (Zon. 12,24; SHA Gall. 3,1f.). PIR’ B 41; PLRE 1, 146. 1 B. BLECKMANN, Die Reichskrise des 3.Jh., 1992, r16f.

AB.

481

482

Baloia Roman municipium (at the time of Emperor Hadrian?) in the upper Pliva valley, province of Dalmatia; today Sipovo (Bosnia-Herzegovina); its city status is confirmed by CIL III 13.982, with the formula [I(ocus)] d(atus) d(ecreto) d(ecurionum). Widely scattered urban habitats. B. was developed in the mining area of Sinjakovo near Majdan, along the important Roman road Salona — Servitium (Tab. Peut. 5,2: Baloea), not far from the road Salviae — Sarnade — Leusaba — Servitium (It. Ant. 268). Flourished in the 3rd and 4th cents.; Anon. Ravenna 4,19 still mentions the

the three Terwingian judges of the 4th cent. (Ariaric, Aoric, Athanaric) has not been settled. Even the connection of Alaric I to the royal family of the later B. is not clear, because three non-B. kings succeeded him and it has not been settled, whether the founder of the later B. royal family, Theoderid, is the son or son-in-law of Alaric I. The ancient view testifies to continuity, which has the Visigothic realm of the B. stretch from Alaric I to his great-grandson Alaric [3] II (lord. Get. 245). It is certain that Theoderid managed to obtain a royal position during his long reign (418-451) which made a smooth transition to his sons possible. Amalaric (> Amalaricus, died 531) is considered to be the last scion of the B.

civitas B. Possible castellum for cohorts, cf. the altar of

a decurio of the cohors III Alpinorum (AE 1975, 677). C. Minicius Fundanus (cos. AD 107 and possibly legatus Augusti pro praetore of Dalmatia) was honoured in B. (Inscr. Latinae lugoslaviae, 1627), possibly as patron of the city. Archaeological monuments: many architectural ruins, baths, part of a ‘mausoleum’, early Christian churches, sarcophagi. I. BojaNovski, Bosna i Hercegovina u anticko doba (Bosnia and Herzegovina in antiquity) (Akademija nauka

i umjetnosti Bosne i Herzegovine, Djela 66, Centar za balkanoloska ispitivanja 6), 1988, 287-292 and passim. M.S.K.

Balsam (fdAcapov; bdélsamon), also balsam sap or inferior wood balsam (éxofdAoauov or EvAoPGAGauov), the aromatic resin of the Burseracea Commiphora (= balsamodendron) opobalsamum (including gileadensis),

which is tapped in the summer. Balsam was only known since Theophr. Hist. pl. 9,6 only as a product of two gardens from Palestine (Judea near Jericho) and from Arabia

(Str.

16,2,763).

Dioscorides

(1,19,1-5

[z. 1.24ff.] = 1,18 [2. 45ff.]; following Theophrastus) describes the small bush, which resembles the vine, with pinnae, two cubits high (according to Plin. HN 12, 111), in detail and the tapping of the valuable sap ‘by carving into the bark’, which was used as a warming preparation for women’s complaints and as an ingredient for soothing salves. Bdellium, Arabic kataf or kafal (cf. Isid. Orig. 17,8,6) was used similarly. The high price led to many falsifications (cf. Dioscorides; Plin. HN 12,1 19-123; Isid. Orig. 17,8,14). Real balsam was not available in the Middle Ages and was replaced by Peruvian balsam from the Leguminosa Myroxylon balsamum L. from the 16th cent. 1M. WELLMANN (ed.), Pedanii Dioscurides de materia medica, vol. 1, 1907, repr. 1958 2J.BERENDES (ed.), Des Pedanios

Dioskurides

Arzneimittellehre

expounded, 1902, repr. 1970.

trans. and

BAMBYCE

R. WENSkus, s.v. B., RGA 2, 13f.; H. WoLFRAM, Die Goten, 31990, 43f., 206f., 372f. (genealogical table).

W.ED.

Baltic languages The Baltic languages (BL) represent a branch of the > Indo-European languages and consist of Lithuanian and Latvian (East Baltic) and Old Prussian (West Baltic) in East Prussia, which had died out in

c. AD 1700. For the Indo-European kinship cf. e.g. Lithuanian diévas, Latvian dievs, Old Prussian deiwas ‘god’ with Lat. deus, all from Indo-European ‘deiuos ‘god’, or Lithuanian raidas ‘red’ with Lat. ruber and Greek gov000c, or Latvian broter-élis ‘little brother’ with Lat. frater. The BL belong to the > satem languages and are relatively similar to the > Slavic languages. The tradition of the BL starts late, and actually with Old Prussian in c. 1400, with Lithuanian in 1515 and with Latvian in c. AD 1550. R. Eckert, E.-J. BukEvICIuTE, F.HINzE, Sprachen, 1994.

Die baltischen N.O.

Baltimore Painter Apulian vase painter from the last quarter of the 4th cent. BC, named after a vessel in Baltimore. The Baltimore Painter (BP) painted mostly on vessels with large surfaces (volute kraters, amphoras, loutrophori, hydrias i.a. > Pottery, shapes and types of) with funerary scenes (~ Naiskos vases), mythological scenes (> Bellerophon, assemblies of the gods) and Dionysian subjects; rarer are genre scenes, like images of women, weddings and Erotes. His presence and artistic work in Canosa (+ Canusium) may be assumed as

probable. The BP represents the last pinnacle of > Apulian vase painting.

C.HU.

TRENDALL/CAMBITOGLOU, 856-888; Id., Second Supplement to the red-figured Vases of Apulia, 1992, 262-296;

Balthi The B. (‘the Bold’) are the royal line of the Visigoths, which is held in lesser esteem than the + Amali line of the Ostrogoths. Although the B. are also considered to be a line of ‘kings and heroes’, in contrast with the Amali, the memory of divine descent was lost. The historical descent of the royal family also remains obscure, because the relationship of the first identifiable Balthi prince, Alaric I (> Alaricus [2], died AD 4109), to

K. SCHAUENBURG, Zur Mythenwelt des B., in: MDAI (R) 101, 1994, 51-68 (bibliography). RH.

Bambyce (Bauptixn; Bambyké). City in North Syria, 78 km north-east of Aleppo at the confluence of the Sadjur and the Euphrates. B. (Str. 16,2,7) was since

Seleucus Iknown as the Syrian ‘Iegamodtc, Hierdpolis (Str. 16,1,27, Ptol. 5,14,10), but at the same time also as

483

484

5, 81) with the Graecized form,

Bandum (16 Bavdov; to bandon). Originally the description of the colours of small military units, bandum was used for the units themselves from the 6th cent. In the roth cent., a bandum consisted of 50-100 heavily or 200-400 lightly armed soldiers. The bandum was commanded by a > comes; five to seven banda formed a turma. The term remained in use until the 14th cent.

BAMBYCE

Mabbog (Plin. HN MéumetEe

(Leo

Diaconus,

165,22;

from

which

the

Arabic Manbig). The position, generally identified with the Assyrian settlement Nappigi/Nampigi, possessed a strategic key position on the road from Antioch to Mesopotamia, because of its closeness to an important ford through the Euphrates. B. was an important agricultural centre (irrigation with subterranean canals) and the centre of the Syrian Atargatis cult (Lucian De Dea Syria 1,roff, 28ff.). As the main location in Syria Euphratensis under Constantius II, B. Hierapolis became part of the limes of Chalcis and the base for the Byzantine military expeditions against Sassanid Mesopotamia. Dependent on Antioch, B. Hierapolis remained a Monophysite centre in North Syria, with important churches and relics even after the Muslim conquest

(637)

(e.g. the Keramion,

see

Leo

Diac.

165,21-166,3). It attracted repeated Byzantine attacks (962, 966, 974), as it was a starting point of Muslim field campaigns against Anatolia. N. EvtssteF, Manbidj, in: El* 6, 377-383;

G. GOOSSENs,

Hiérapolis de Syrie. Essai de monographie historique. Rec. de trav. @histoire et de philologie, 3° ser. fasc. 12, 1943. fee

Bamyan Resting-place for pilgrims and caravans between > Balkh and Peshawar (> Peucelaotis). Described by the Chinese pilgrim Hstian Tsang in the 7th cent. AD; known in Europe since 1824; explored by a French expedition in 1922-30. Oldest remains of the city in the valley of B. date from the sth cent. AD. Important Buddhist monastery, which was chiselled into a steep rock-face between the sth and 7th cents. Large Buddhas (one 53 m, the second 35m high), which were cut out of the rock, were probably created in the 6th cent. The monastery caves are richly painted. The city was destroyed by the Mongols in 1222. D. KurmmBurG-SALTEeR, The Kingdom of Bamyan. dhist Art and Culture of the Hindu Kush, 1989.

BudBB.

Banasa Probably indigenous name of a city of Mauritania Tingitana on the left bank of the Oued Sebou on the fertile Gharb plain, today Sidi Ali bou Djenoun. The oldest archaeological signs lead to the 6th/5th cents. BC; ceramics found show Phoenician and Iberian influences. After the death of > Bocchus [2] II, the young

Caesar raised B. to the status of a colonia (33-27 BC); Marcus Aurelius granted it the honorary name colonia Aurelia Banasa. Inscriptions: Inscr. antiques du Maroc 2, 84-246 (i.a. the Tabula Banasitana and an edict by Caracalla). M. EuzennaT, s.v. B., EB, 1323-1328; S. GrRARD, B. préromaine, in: AntAfr 20, 1984, 11-93. W.HU.

J. HALpon, Byzantine Praetorians, 1984, 172-173, 276277; 1.Ko tas, s.v. Heer, LMA 4, 1989, 2002-2004.

G.MA.

Bandusia [1] Spring near Venusia, the native city of > Horatius, who was prompted by B. to name B. [2]. In connection with Bantia (today Banzi), itis located in the Palazzo

San Gervasio (today Potenza) on the basis of a bull of Pope Pasquale II (1103), who addresses an ecclesia ss. martyrum Gervasii et Protasii in Bandusino fonte apud Venusium and a castellum Bandusii. JAFFE, 714, 5945.

[2] Fons splendidior vitro (‘a spring, clearer than glass’ Hor. Carm. 3,13), named thus by Horace in memory of the Apulian spring > B. [1] near his native city Venusia. B. arose as a waterfall from a rock face of the Mons Lucretilis (Colle Rotondo) above the Sabine villa of the

poet, to the right of the Digentia (today Licenza), opposite the medieval town Licenza (Roma).

— Horatius

Gu.

Banks I. ANCIENT ORIENT

II. Greece

II]. ROME

I. ANCIENT ORIENT Banks as institutions whose specific task consists of arranging payment transactions, accepting deposits and granting credits, did not exist in the Ancient Orient. There is evidence of deposit and credit operations in ancient oriental societies of differing quantity and intensity, both in the domain of palace and temple economy and in individual private legal and economic transactions, but they were always subordinate to the respectively dominating redistributive and tributary basic structures of ancient oriental, social and economical circumstances or incorporated in them. This also applies to the operations of the Mesopotamian families of Egibi in Babylon, sometimes falsely designated as banking houses (5. 4 with note 9] and Murascht in Nippur [4] in the 6th/5th cents. BC. 1 R.BoGAERT,

Les origines antiques de la banque de

dep6t, 1966

2H.NEUMANN,

Zur privaten Geschafts-

tatigkeit in Nippur in der Ur IlI-Zeit, in: M. pr J. Eris (ed.), Nippur at the Centennial, 1992, 161-176 3 J.RENGER, Subsistenzproduktion und _ redistributive

Palastwirtschaft, Banausia see > Education

G.U.

Ratsel

Geld,

in:

1995,

W.SCHELKLE, 271-324

M.NitscH 4M.W.

(ed.),

SToOLpER,

Entrepreneurs and Empire, 1985 5 C.Wunscu, Die Urkunden des babylon. Geschaftsmannes Iddin-Marduk, 1993.

H.N.

485 II. GREECE At the end of the sth/beginning of the 4th cent. BC depositories and ultimately bankers grew from simple money changers. The Greek banks set themselves apart from their ancient oriental predecessors in that they operated not only with their own capital, but also with deposits from other people, in that they provided money for credits and practised banking operations as a profession. A precondition for the creation of banks was the adequate spread of coin economy, as provided in the classical era. The bankers were called trapezitai, after the table (todmeta, trapeza) of the money changer or assayer. For simpler handling of banking operations in the 4th cent. Athenian law allowed slaves a limited business capacity; slaves working independently in the banking business were recognized as witnesses and parties to process. The original functions of Greek banks were the exchange and inspecting of coins. Because of the many different types and standards of coins there was a need, particularly in cities with lively > commerce, to inspect coins of the most varied origin for assayed value and weight and to change them into the local currency. In Athens there is evidence of official assayers (Soxuraotat, dokimastai) from 374 BC and in Alexandria in the 3rd cent. In Hellenism the exchange business lost significance owing to generally recognized coins; in Egypt, on the other hand, the exchange of coins remained important owing to the autonomous coin system. There is evidence of bank deposits and credit transactions since the beginning of the 4th cent. Customers deposited largish sums in banks for various payments, still to be determined. The trapezites could confirm the authenticity of the coins and was witness to the payment made; the entry in the bank register could act as evidence before the court. Emporoi and naukleéroi of foreign cities additionally used banks for the safe keeping of monies. The trapezites did not pay any interest on these deposits. Whether he paid interest on deposits for the purpose of investment is disputed. The number of productive credits among the credits overall is disputed and therefore also the significance of banks for ancient economy. Because of the high risk banks did not act as lenders with fenus nauticum, but held contracts and handled payments relating to them. The participation of banks in public and hypothecary credits was also limited. Credit transactions in general made up a small proportion of banking transactions. From speeches by Demosthenes and ~> Isocrates Pasion, who initially ran the operations of a bank as a slave of Archestratus, was then freed and ultimately

received Athenian citizenship for his services, was particularly well known among the trapezitai in Athens. In 393 BC Pasion was accused of alleged embezzlement of a deposit (Isoc. Or. 17). Besides the bank and loans,

Pasion’s property also consisted of a sign painter’s workshop; assets from the bank are said to have amounted to 10,000 drachmas, the workshop to 6,000 drachmas. After his death Pasion’s bank was run by

486

BANKS

Phormion, who around 350 BC was in turn accused by Apollodorus, the elder son of Pasion (Dem. Or. 36; cf. or. 45.3ff.). The banking business was definitely regarded as risky; in Demosthenes several bankers are mentioned who lost their capital (Or. 36,11; sof.). From the 3rd cent. BC transfers and written payment instructions directly addressed to the bank are attested for Egypt, containing the names of the issuer, the banker instructed and the receiver, the reason for the payment, amount and date. Banks kept bank registers on in and out payments (P.Tebt. III 2.890). With payments by cheque (from the rst cent. BC) two documents were

issued: a payment instrument, which the receiver received and handed over to the bank, and a notice from

the issuer, which was sent directly to the bank as a check note. Papyrus, which was easily available in Egypt, contributed to the spread of banking operations. By founding public banks, Greek cities benefited directly from commerce with money, in that, e.g. the exchange business, secured by monopoly, was leased to banks. Following the pattern of private banks they took over the keeping of accounts, deposit and loan transactions. In Athens at the end of the 4th cent. a public bank under the management of an office-holder was instituted. Later there were dyudo1 todmeCor (démosiai trapezai) of this sort in other Greek and Egyptian cities too, without there being an exchange monopoly. They made public payment transactions easier, as the opening of the state and temple treasury was a ceremonial act and therefore complicated and the risk of transaction via private banks had been eliminated. Payments in and out by the office-holders were centralized in public banks; they also managed the capitals of institutions and certain budgetary items. In Ptolemaic Egypt, besides private banks, the Baotkixat tedmeCat (basilikai trapezai; royal banks) emerged, which were primarily concerned with the collection of taxes and to some extent replaced private banks. The tax collectors paid the taxes raised into accounts in public banks, or those owing tax could also pay directly to the public banks, which simplified the process. Many tax receipts from Egypt have been preserved. ~ Loan; > Coinage i R.BoGaERT, Les origines antiques de la banque de dépot, 1966 21d., Banques et banquiers dans les cités grecques, 1968 3 Id., Epigraphica III. Texts on Bankers, Banking and Credit in the Greek World, 1976 94 Id., Grundziige des Bankwesens im alten Griechenland, 1986 5 Id., Orders for Payment from a Banker’s Archive, in: AncSoc 6, 1975, 79-108 (= Trapezitica Aegyptiaca, 1994, 219-252) 6l1d., Le statut des banques en Egypte ptolémaique, in: AC 50, 1981, 86-99 (= Trapezitica Aegyptiaca, 1994, 47-57) 7 E.E. Couen, Athenian Economy and Society: A Banking Perspective, 1992 8 H.KLort, Die Wirtschaft der griech.-ré6m. Welt, 1992, 124f.; 143f. 9MILLETT 10 C.PREAUX, L’économie royale des Lagides, 1939, 280-297. 11 W.E. THompson, A View of Athenian Banking, in: MH 36, 1979, 224-241. WS.

BANKS

488

487

Ill. ROME

Like the Greeks, from the end of the 5th cent. BC the Romans also made a clear distinction between interest loans (fenus or feneratio) and deposit operations (argentaria or ars argentaria), operated by banks. Therefore not all the financial activities of the Romans could be called banking operations. Towards the end of the Republic and at the beginning of the Principate era almost all senators (— Senatus) and > equites lent money; some of them were also financiers, but should by no means be regarded as professional bankers. Indeed bankers did not limit themselves to lending money or to managing capital. They had the right in turn to lend on their own account the money they had received as a deposit. Among the activities of the professional banker were the receipt of deposits and the lending of disposable resources to third parties, the bankers acting as creditors. They could undertake the opening of an account (ratio) for each of their customers, a right which financiers who were not bankers did not have. Ulpianus, who quoted Labeo, supplies a definition: rationem autem esse Labeo ait, ultro citro dandi, acciptendi, credendi, obligandi, solvendi sui causa (Labeo

says that the account fulfils mutual functions, such as paying in and out, lending money and taxation, as well as the payment of one’s own bills, Dig. 2.13.6.2). The movements of accounts were entered in a special register (codex rationum), which the bankers had to present in court in the event of a case against one of their customers (editio rationum). The legal nature of the bank

account available to the account-holder was intensively discussed. At the time of the Principate it was very probably recognized as such on condition that it did not yield any sum in interest. If the deposit was subject to interest, legal scholars no longer regarded it as an account but as a loan. In Rome the first money changers, assayers and bankers may have appeared between 318 and 310 BC on the Forum (Liv. 9.40.16); they were called argentarii. At the time of Plautus and Terence (at the latest in

the 3rd cent./1st half of the 2nd cent. BC) they discharged the same functions as the Greek trapezites. From the beginning of the 2nd cent. BC they appeared at auctions. Towards the end of the 2nd cent. BC nummularii are also attested to, who were initially limited to inspecting coins and changing money. In the first decades of the 2nd cent. AD the nummularii, like the argentarii, began to accept deposits and to assign these monies as loans. Consequently the directions regulating the activity of the argentarii, were also passed on to the nummularii. In the Roman world assaying was accorded great significance; it was possibly more important than changing foreign money (especially in the Empire and in the west, where foreign coins were not very widespread). Also worth mentioning is the task of changing the coins of the Imperium Romanum for locally minted coins. From the 4th cent. BC until the end of antiquity the modalities of money exchange and the technical methods of assaying were only insignificantly further developed.

Banks did not undertake the conveying of money from one place to another. These operations were carried out instead by the publicani societies and the moneylenders, who had some connections with commerce. Internal bank transfers are attested to in Egypt and they were certainly also undertaken between the banks of a city. There was, though, no organized clearance system between the banks of a city. Senators and equites were never bankers, money changers or cashiers by profession. Towards the end of the Republic and during the Principate, particularly in Italy, many bankers were freedpersons, some of whom became rich. Several rich bankers are known from the time of Cicero. On the other hand, senators and equites —except in the context of auctions — seem not to have been the customers

of professional

bankers,

whose

financial means would not have met the needs of the members of the Roman ruling class. The economic role of ancient banks is disputed. Some bank loans were used for commercial operations or economic activities

in a wider sense. But probably only the smallest proportion of all loans granted had economic functions of this kind. In most cases they were short-term loans. During the 3rd cent. AD the argentarii disappeared in the west of the Imperium Romanum and with them also auction credit. The number of mummularii and trapegitai probably also decreased, owing to the instability of the currency. ~ Argentarius, Auctio 1J.ANDREAU, Enrichissement et hiérarchies sociales: l’exemple des manieurs d’ argent, in: Index, 13, 1985, 529-

540 21d., Lettre 7*, in: Oeuvres de Saint Augustain, 46 B, Lettres 1*-29*, 1987, 146-151 and 457-459 31d., La lettre 7*, document sur les métiers bancaires, in: Les

lettres de Saint-Augustin découvertes par Johannes Diyjak, Paris, 1983, 165-176 4 Id., La vie financiére dans le monde romain. Les métiers de manieurs d’argent, 1987 5 Id., Mobilité sociale et activités commerciales et financiéres, in: E.FREZOuLS (ed.), La mobilité sociale dans le monde romain, 1992, 21-32 6 R. BoGaerT, L’essai des monnaies dans |’Antiquité, in: RBN, 122, 1976, 5-34 7Id., Trapezitica Aegyptiaca, 1994 8 G. MANCINETTI SANTAMARIA, Filostrato di Ascalona, banchiere in Delo, in Opuscula Instituti Romani Finlandiae 2, 1982, 79-89 9L.Mirrets, Trapezitika, in: ZRG, 19, 1898, 198-260. [.A.

Banquet I. EGYPT AND THE ANCIENT ORIENT Ill. ROME

II. GREECE

I. EGYPT AND THE ANCIENT ORIENT The central Egyptian sources of information regarding banquets are the depictions of the funerary banquet in the tombs of Theban officials dating from the 18th dynasty (15th—r4thcents. BC). The early pictures show the tomb’s occupant with his spouse as the host in front of a table loaded with dishes of food and faced by their guests in several rows. Servants adorn them with flowers and bring wine and food, pleasant-smelling oint-

489

490

BANQUET

Athens, Agora, Southern Stoa I: banqueting room with seven klinai. 2nd half of the 5th cent. BC (reconstruction).

ments and utensils for hand-washing. Over the course of time, the scene loses its ritual severity through artistic improvement and the added richness of detail. Between the now smaller group of guests and the hosts there appears a third group made up of the daughters of the occupant of the tomb, female musicians and dancers. The banquet can now be seen as a celebratory event appealing to all senses [1]. Excessive extremes are not far away: morality tales warn against greedy behaviour when at the table of a superior (e.g. [5. tr 19ff.]; see also

[4]). In ancient Mesopotamia [2. 4] in the context of celebrations the joint banquet takes place beyond the confines of the immediate family circle. Simultaneously the banquet both reflects and represents the experience of community (e.g. cult celebrations, the family’s funerary banquet), can include the feeding of needy members of the community, confirms acceptance into the family (wedding), honours the invited guest (e.g. the king or god) and in this respect is also the reward for ‘presents from guests’ (e.g. as a tribute or obligatory demonstration of commitment to the ruler). In the iconography the banquet is particularly represented in the form of the banqueting scene from the 3rd millennium in a (cultic) celebratory context and in late Hittite reliefs in the form of the funerary banquet. 1 J. ASsMANN,

1991, 200-234

Der schéne Tag, in: Id., Stein und Zeit,

2 J.J. Grassner,

A.UNAL, P.Cat-

MEYER, S. v. Mahlzeit, RLA 7, 259-271 3H.J. THISSEN, Der verkommene Harfenspieler, 1992 4K.VAN DER Toorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel, 1996 5Z.ZaBa, Les maximes de Ptahhotep, 1956.

HE.FE. and WA.SA.

II. GREECE A. TERMINOLOGY

BANQUET

B. FORMS

OF THE PUBLIC

C.SYMPOSIA

A. TERMINOLOGY

The Greek language contains a great variety of terms for meals; these can, however, be arranged into a few

word families. First the concept of sharing: the term for a shared meal, dais, a term used in Homeric times, evolved from the root *dai. The second concept is that of the community, conveyed by expressions beginning with the prefix *sy-. For instance, syssition is ‘eating

together’, symposion means ‘drinking together’, and syndeipnos is a ‘table companion’. The third concept is that of the reception at the hearth (bestia) and of hospitality (xenia) present in the terms hestiasis (‘meal at the hearth’), or xenia and xenismos

(‘hospitality meal’).

Other terms emphasize the aspects of delight (thalia), pleasure (eilapiné), relish (thoine) and well-being (ew-

phrosyne, euochia). Most of these have another meaning, such as the word éranos, which is sometimes used

to mean the ‘meal, to which each person brings his own contribution’. These examples demonstrate that as the language places the emphasis more on the idea of company, the nutritional aspect is not pushed to the fore. In fact the Greek perception of the meal places particular emphasis on the sharing of the food (of the meat sacrificed to the gods, the grains dedicated to Demeter and the wine given by Dionysus) and its communal consumption. The custom of sharing a meal with guests always existed in the Greek world. The oldest literary proofs of this can be found in the Iliad, where, for example, King

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491

Agamemnon often sent for the Achaean heroes to attend a sacrifice or a meal (Hom. II. 9,90), and also in the Odyssey, when Nestor, the king of Pylos, invites Telemachus (Hom. Od. 3,387) and Alcinous, the king of the Phaecians, invites Odysseus (Hom. Od. 8,39) (cf. also the banquet of the suitors in Ithaca). This gesture is a demonstration of -» hospitality (xenia), an important social custom in aristocratic societies in archaic times,

which sealed the bond between families and strengthened social relationships. As cities develop, this practice continues, although on the two different levels of the wider community and private individuals [1]. B. FORMS OF THE PUBLIC BANQUET

In Sparta and the Cretan cities, all of the citizens have a daily obligation to eat together in terms of the syssition (Xen. Lac. 5; Plut. Lycurgus ro—12; Aristot. Pol. 2,9,1271a) or the andreton (Ephor. FGrH 70 F

149; Dosiadas in Ath. 4,143a; Pyrgion in Ath. 4,143e; Aristot. Pol. 2,9,1272a). These (mens’) meals are based

ona particular organization of production. At this time, land is owned collectively and is cultivated by a group of dependent farmers-—the Spartan heilotes (+ Helots) and the Cretan klarotai; they deliver the food necessary for the banquets either directly to the community

sacred fire burns. This meal is known as the xenia; in the classical era in the city of Athens this is an honour normally accorded to all official representatives of other cities who come as envoys to the people’s assembly (IG II’ 102; 107). The resolutions passed by the > ekklesia often contain the following clause: ‘May the people wish to invite him to eat in the prytaneion the next day’. Athenian citizens can also be guests for a day in the prytaneion after returning from performing legate’s duties in another city; in addition to the honour which this confers, it also serves to reintegrate the citizen into his own city. The meal at the hearth can aiso be awarded as a lifelong honour. In Athens, the lifelong right to eat in the prytaneion, the - sitesis, is only awarded in exceptional cases; this is a great honour, sometimes handed down to descendants. A resolution passed in the mid sthcent. BC determines those who are favoured in this way: priests of Eleusis, the descendants of Harmodius and > Aristogeiton, individuals selected by Apollo and the victors of Olympian, Pythian, Isthmic and Nemeic competitions (IG > 131). This privilege was finally also awarded to other people in the 4th cent. by new criteria [1. 168-177].

Another example of public hospitality is the service

(Crete) or, as in Sparta, to the citizens who own a piece

(> leitourgia) of the hestiasis in Athens, in which every

of land (kléros). Furthermore, these meals are where the

year on the occasion of the > Panathenaea and > Dionysia festivals, the city transfers the responsibility and costs for the organization of a meal for all the citizens in their tribe to 10 of the richest citizens. These liturgists are then known as hestidtores (‘public hosts’) (Dem. Or.

social norms of the time are demonstrated and passed on. They emphasize the notion of the equality of all citizens (every adult receives an equal share of the meal) at the same time as the difference between these and non-citizens, who are excluded from the meals (slaves,

20,21; 39,7). With nuances dependent on the type of

foreigners and women). These meals are also an important part of the > paideia: the holding of the banquet provides a reflection of the character of that particular town and the conversations which take place at the banquet are seen as exemplary [1]. These meals can therefore be seen as a defining element of citizenship and a place where citizenship is on display. A supplementary voting procedure, which requires unanimity, is used to decide admission to the syssition; anyone who can no longer make his contribution loses his citizenship (Aris-

political regime and historical development, the banquet therefore maintains its political significance.

tot. Pol. 2,9,12714). In these societies, the meal is there-

fore a key element in economic, social and political organization. By the end of the archaic era, the banquet has not become a criterion of citizenship in every city, but the proprieties of public hospitality remain important everywhere. During their time in office, officials often take their meals together. In Athens, the > prytaneis eat in the ~» tholos for the duration of their prytany and receive a reimbursement for their food expenses (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 43,3). They represent all of the citizens, the ~» demos, who by this means symbolically take part in the same daily meal. The community of citizens invites the city’s guests to a meal together with the officials at the communal hearth, the bestia: this is an invitation to the > prytaneion, meeting place of the prytaneis (officials found in numerous cities), which is also where the

C. SYMPOSIA In addition to that mentioned above, the banquet also has a social and cultural function, which it retains for the whole of antiquity. The term symposion is used to describe the numerous meals hosted by private individuals, which were made famous by Plato’s and Xenophon’s works both entitled Symposium, i.a. These meals, to which numerous guests are invited, are conducted according to strict rules. The invitations are of a direct oral nature or a slave is used to convey an oral message, and professional scroungers, known by the Greeks as ‘parasites’ (pardsitoi), often mix with the guests. The guests pay careful attention to the cleanliness of their body and clothes before entering the banqueting hall, the andron (‘mens’ room’). This term clearly expresses a characteristic of these Greek meals: women do not take part in them. In the andron, dining couches (-> Kline) are arranged around the sides of the room, their number varying according to the space available. The men take off their shoes and recline on the sofas alone or in pairs, with their left elbow supported ona cushion and remain in this position whilst eating and drinking. The place to the right of the master of the house is the place of honour. Every couch has a portable

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493

table in front of it on which the food is served. The food is prepared on serving dishes in bite-sized pieces; these are ‘scooped up’ with the aid of pieces of bread and eaten with the fingers. The food is served by slaves. The meal always proceeds according to the same order: the first section is devoted to the food, of which

nothing is known about the proceedings. Then the first set of tables are removed and replaced by others on which the desserts are served. Then the second section, the symposion, begins. This is devoted to drinking and is known to us from both literature and images on vases. A banquet master, the symposidrchés, is elected; his role is to lead the ritual in a religious and social sense. Religious ritual: the sympdsion calls for some of the wine intended for consumption to be dedicated to the gods in the form of a libation. The first pitcher is dedicated to > Zeus and the Olympian deities, the second to the heroes and the third to Zeus Sotér. This atmosphere of respect for the gods is conveyed by an elegy by Xenophanes (quoted in Ath. 11,462c-f), in which the author sets out the rules of the banquet; the physical cleanliness of the venue and the guests vouches for their moral purity. Social ritual: the symposion expresses the equality of the participants gathered around the mixing pitcher (kratér, the large vessel in which wine and water are mixed), as does the sharing of the meat after the sacrifice and its communal consumption at the beginning of the meal. The symposidrchés oversees the distribution of the wine goblets and, in so doing, calculates the gradual increase in the participants’ level of intoxication and ensures that harmony is maintained amongst the guests. The symmpdosion is the time for conversations, listening to music and for diversions such as the > game of kottabos. In this last phase of the banquet, > hetaerae may be admitted. Depending on the circumstances, this kind of banquet acts to bring together groups of relatives or friends and is a motivating force in social intercourse and even in solidarity in political life, as is demonstrated by the example of the aristocratic > hetaeriai in the classical era in Athens. After ‘sharing’ the wine, the move to ‘sharing’ political opinions is an easy one, and these kinds of banquet came to be seen as the possible places of origin for rebellion. This is the reason why the city of Sparta prohibited them, and the city authorities preferred to retain the responsibility for arranging the daily dining activities of the citizens within the framework of the syssitia (Xen. Lac. 5; Aristot. Pol. 2,9,1271Aaf.; Plut. Lycurgus 10-12). The + tyrannis also distrusted this custom on account ofthe equality of all participants ata banquet and the danger posed to their power by the freedom of speech. The banqueting tradition, whether public or private, is an important constant in the Greek world and the close connection that it establishes between the religious, social and political values is characteristic of the organization of coexistence in the societies of antiquity. 1 P.ScHMITT-PANTEL,

La cité au banquet grec, Histoire

des repas publics dans les cites grecques, 1992.

BANQUET

M.DeTIENNE, J.-P. VERNANT, La cuisine du sacrifice en pays grec, 1979; C.GROTTANELLI, N.F. Parise (ed.),

Sacrificio et societa nel mondo antico, 1988; F. Lissar-

RAGUE, Un flot d’images, une esthétique du banquet grec, 1987; O. Murray (ed.), Sympotica: a symposium on the symposion, 1990; Id., M. Tecusan (ed.), In vino veritas, 1995; E.SCHEID-TiIssINIER, Les usages du don chez Homere, 1994; ; W.SLATER (ed.), Dining in a classical context, 1991; TH. THALHEIM, s. v. hestiasis, RE 8, 1315; M. Vetta (ed.), Poesia e simposio nella Grecia antica, 1983.

P.S.-P.

Ill. ROME

A. DESCRIPTION, FUNCTION AND ORGANIZERS B. SPECIFIC ASPECTS C. BANQUET LITERATURE

A. DESCRIPTION, FUNCTION AND ORGANIZERS Unlike the Greek termini (see previous entry), con-

vivium expresses the social act of being together, the general idea is of a group of invited guests and only refers to dinner parties and communal meals when used in a narrower sense. Also in contrast to the Greek tradition, there were no large public banquets in Rome (apart from the occasional feeding of the masses); the convivium, therefore, was of a more private nature and was generally held ona smaller scale with guests invited by a private host. The banquet was, accordingly, strongly influenced by the personality of the host, the type of ambience he offered, how much he was able to spend, his taste and his interests (firstly gastronomic, but also political, cultural, literary, scientific etc.). With variations in emphasis, the banquet served as a

sophisticated — leisure activity, and to fulfil social duties (convivia, quae iam ipsa officia sunt: Sen. De brevitate vitae 7,2), and also often served the aims of deliberate self-promotion (for instance: giving expression to the political ambitions of the host, his wealth and vanity), (cf. Sen. Controv.

9,2,20: political discussions;

Tac. Ann. 3,53,4-54,1: the display of luxury; Mart. 12,41: image-dependent gourmets). The holding of banquets was limited, therefore, to the groups in society who could afford a certain level of luxury; from the time of the early Empire this increasingly also included people of lower social standing such as former slaves and foreigners who had worked their way up in Rome (examples of references: Nasidienus, Trimalchio, see II. C). Extremely extravagant banquets must have been rare (cf. however, Lucullus’ banquet: Plut. Lucullus 41,7); it should also be considered, that in this case as in general the majority of the reference sources referring to banquets are to be found in literature tending towards satire (e.g. Horace, Petron, Martial and Juvenal). B. SPECIFIC ASPECTS 1. Venue and number of participants: invitations to the banquet were sent out at an early stage (there was also invitation poetry: Hor. Epist. 1,5; Mart. 5,78; Juv. 11); the number of participants was generally limited to between nine and 12 (Hor. Sat. 1,4,86), depending on the number of places available on reclining couches in

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the triclinium (> Kline; > triclinium: see also for the seating arrangement and order of rank); the number of

5. Service: the guests brought a slave with them who remained present during the banquet (sitting or stand-

seats could, however, be increased by using chairs (Lu-

ing behind the couch, ad pedes: Sen. Ben. 3,27,1; Mart. 12,87,2; Petron. Sat.5 4,3; 68,4); his tasks were to look

cian. Convivium 13), and in the case of larger banquets the organizing of other triclinia (cf. also Vitr. De arch. 6,7,3). According to Varro, there had to be three par-

ticipants at the least and nine at the most (the numbers of the Graces and Muses: Gell. NA 13,11,2). Different

figures arose from the sigma-shaped reclining couches, which came into fashion at the end of the Republic and which adapted to the new, circular shape of the tables and

allowed

for up to eight guests

(Mart.

9,59,93;

10,48,6; 14,87).

2. Participants: those invited could (in general probably after consultation with the organizer) bring more guests with them; these were known as umbrae (‘shadows’; Greek oxtai, skiai: cf. Hor. Sat. 2,8,22; Epist. 1,5,28; Plut. Symp. 7,6,3,709¢). It can be assumed that

the banquet was largely reserved for men, particularly the concluding carousing session; even in the time of the Republic, following the Greek example, actresses, dancing girls and other women of dubious repute were often present (see II. B. 6). A divergence, however, from the Greek tradition was that women could also attend as guests (Cic. Verr. 2,1,66: negavit moris esse Graecorum,

ut in convivio virorum accumberent mulieres;

Sen. Epist. 95,20f.; Juv. 6,425); even the host’s wife and

children were numbered amongst the guests (Val. Max. Dy2oueta Cala ar

Piutsyimp.a7so,4e7u2e)

3. Extension of the banquet: in extreme cases the convivium included a communal bath before the food (Mart. 11,52,3f.), the actual meal (> cena) with three courses at the least and seven at most and a drinking session (> comissatio); neither the bath nor the carousing session were obligatory. The banquet began at different times according to the season: 2 p.m. in winter and approximately 4 p.m. in summer (Mart. 4,8,6; Cic. Fam. 9,26,1); there are also records of banquets that began as early as midday (Catull. 47,5f.; Hor. Sat. 2,8,3), and the comissatio could last until the early hours of the morning (Plaut. Men. 175; Mart. 1,68; cf. also Suet. Nero 27,2). 4. Attire: it was customary to wear the most comfortable clothes possible for a banquet and, dating from the time of the early Empire, many terms describing these clothes were recorded: synthesis (used several times by Martial, but not in later times: 2,46,4; 4,66,4; 10,29,4; cf. also acts Arv. 19 May 91 [CIL 6,1,2068]: cum sintesibus epulati sunt), |vestis| cenatoria (Mart.

10,87,12; SHA Max. Balb. 30,5), cenatorium (acts Arv. 27 May e208" (CI 6s 2104| 17) Mavezam (CE

6,1,2114]; also worn by women: Dig. 34,2,33 muliebribus cenatoriis). It is supposed that this was a short, brightly coloured tunica. With this, instead of highlaced shoes, lightweight sandals (soleae) were worn, which were removed by a slave (soleas deponere: Mart. 3,50,33 cf. Plaut. Truc. 367), from whom one demanded the return of the sandals on leaving (soleas poscere: Hor. Sat. 2,8,77; cf. Plaut. Mostell. 384).

after the shoes, perhaps to wash the guest’s feet, to pass the water for hand-washing, to pack and carry the leftovers from the meal, to carry the small > presents (apophoreta) from the host and to ensure his master’s safe passage home after the carousing session. The host’s slaves were instructed to prepare the banquet; the kitchen staff worked behind the scenes; other servants had various duties concerning the serving, preparation and

handing round of the dishes and also clearing away the plates (details and reference sources [1. 146f., 309, 321)). 6. Entertainment: the surroundings of the triclinium provided the optimum conditions for ‘table conversation’: the level of this varied a great deal depending on the host and the participant group; the sophisticated conversations as reported in the > symposium literature of antiquity concerning philosophical, theological or scientific matters do not reflect everyday reality [2. 265-267] (see II. C). Depending on the financial situation and taste of the host, there was enormous vari-

ation in the quality of the entertainment offered: there were literary readings, recitals of new poems (sometimes of dubious quality), sometimes written by the host himself (occasionally these productions were excessive in length), performances of songs and instrumental music, performances by professional > entertainers, mimes, dancing girls (dating, according to Liv.

39,6,8 from the beginning of the 2nd cent.: tunc psaltriae sambucistriaeque et convivalia ludionum oblectamenta addita epulis; cf. Cic. Cat. 2,10; Fam. 9,26,2; details and reference sources: [1. 337f.; 2. 263f.]; Etruscan influences are emphasized in [2. 129; 174]), as are

dice games; in the final stage of the comissatio people entertained themselves by singing (rude songs, Quint. Inst. 1,2,8: omne convivium obscaenis cantibus strepit). 7. Religion: as was the general custom, the cena taking place in the context of a banquet was initiated with an appeal to the gods (Quint. Decl. 301: deos invocamus) and ended —as initiated by the command to be silent— with a meal offering for the > Lares (Serv. Aen. 1,730 scene 1,723-740; cf. Hor. Sat. 2,2,124; 2,6,67; Petron. Sat.60,8). C. BANQUET LITERATURE

The theme of banquets is detectable in the fragments of the Saturae written by Q. Ennius and C. Lucilius as well as those of the Saturae Menippeae by M. Terentius Varro and runs through the typesofRoman literature that were either pure satire or were characterized by satire, as well as related strands of Greek literature (> Lucianus). Particular Roman literary references of note in this genre are Hor. Sat. 2,2 (Ofellus’ recitation), 2,4 (Catius’ recitation) and 2,8 (Cena Nasidieni), and also Epist. 1,5 (invitation poem), Petronius’ (> Petronius, C.) satirical novel (26,7-78,8 Cena Trimalchio-

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BAPTISTERIUM

nis), Juvenal’s Satires 5 and rx and several of Martial’s epigrams. Plato’s and Xenophon’s Symposia are close to the learned dinner table conversations in the Saturnalia written by > Macrobius. The Cena Cypriani, as the only relevant document of Christian provenance known, is hard to interpret [3; 4. 665-666]. 1J.Marquarpt, Das Privatleben *1886, 297-340 2 J.-M. ANpRE£, Spiele, 1994 3 R.F. GLeEt, Die Cena R.F. Get, Literaturparodie in Ant.

der Roémer Vol. 1, Griech. Feste, rom. Cypriani, in: W. Ax, und Mittelalter (Bo-

chumer Alt.wiss. Colloquium 15), 1993, 153-170 4 J. Martin, s. v. Deipnonliteratur, RAC 3, 658-666. A. Mau, s. v. convivium, RE 4, 1201-1208;

C. NEUMEI-

STER, Das ant. Rom, 1993, 170-183.

GBI.

Bantia Apulian-Lucanian city (Bavtia; Bantia: Plut. 29,1), near Venosa (Liv. 27,25,13; Hor. Carm. 3,4,15; Porph. Acron), today Banzi. Municipium between 80 and 60 (CIL I? 582 with CIL IX 416). Templum augurale, necropoleis of the 7th—4th cents. BC. M. Claudius Marcellus fell between B. and Venosa in the battle against Hannibal (Liv. 27,27,7; Plut. Marcellus 29). Marcellus

A.BorTrTini, Osservazioni sulla topografia di Banzi preromana,

in: AION

2, 1980,

69-82;

M.TorELLI,

Una

nuova epigrafe di Bantia e la cronologia dello statuto municipale bantino, in: Athenaeum 61, 1983, 252-2573 A. Borrinl, s.v. Banzi, BICGI 3, 1984, 390-395. B.G.

Baphyras (Badtveac; Baphyras). River in Pieria, rising at Mount Olympus, then named Helicon, and discharg-

ing into the Aegean east of Dion. After an underground run of about 5 km, it continued above ground, and was navigable from Dion (Paus. 9,30,8). N.G. L. HaMMonpD, A History of Macedonia

we25e

1, 1972,

MA.ER.

Dura-Europus: house church with baptisterium; ground-plan. 1. Vestibule 2. Courtyard with portico 3. Baptisterium 4. Meeting hall

usually rectangular or apsidal and placed in a recess (Plin. Ep. 5,6,25; 2,17,11). Pliny describes two such baptisteria in the frigidarium of his villa near Laurentum (2,17,11) that were placed in apsides; they could be used both for bathing and for swimming. According to Sidonius Apollinaris (Epist. 2,2,8), a baptisterium, used here as a Greek synonym for the Latin piscina could also be situated in the open air.

pool; in Greek literature, however, this meaning of the word is unknown.

C. BAPTISTRY It is hardly a coincidence that the word baptisterium has described since the 3rd/4th cents. AD (Tert. De corona 3,2; Ambr. Epist. 20) both the room in which Christian baptism (mainly of adults) took place and the font itself (Sid. Apoll. Epist. 4,15,1), as the cold water pools of the baths in the early Christian period were probably used for baptism. The baptisteria were frequently but not always built in conjunction with episcopal churches. The earliest and only preserved baptisterium from the pre-Constantine period is part of a private chapel in > Dura-Europos (built around AD 240 and already destroyed in 256). It consisted of a long rectangular room, at the end of which there was a baptismal font — in the shape of a Roman bathtub — that was covered by a baldachin

B. BATHING POOL In sources related to Roman baths (— Thermal baths) the term baptisterium appears very rarely; > piscina is more widely used. Such cold water pools were

of Christian baptismal scenes. In the Constantinian period the large number of converts to Christianity necessitated new architectural forms and this gave rise to baptisteria independent of church buildings. A form

Baptai see > Cottyto Baptism see > Volume 3, Addenda

Baptism, symbol of see > Volume 3, Addenda Baptisterium A. TERMINOLOGY TISTRY

B. BATHING

POOL

C. BAP-

A. TERMINOLOGY The Latinized Greek term baptisterium (Bartiotheiov; baptisterion, from Baxtitw; baptizd, ‘dip’) was first used by Pliny (Ep. 2,17,11) for a bathing

(ciborium). The room was painted with representations

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of the baptisterium particularly popular in the west was the - centralized building, frequently an octagon or a rotunda with recesses, also known from the frigidaria

Barba Roman cognomen (‘the Beard’) of the + Cassi, > Lucretii, —> Sulpicii and other families (ThiL K.-L.E, A Yealig pyAt)

BAPTISTERIUM

of the baths. Baptisteria could, however, also be rectan-

gular or square with an > apse opposite the entrance. The font in the form of a pool was of greatly varying shape. If it was in the centre of the room it was mostly covered by a baldachin and surrounded by pillars, or it stood, as was particularly the case in Syria, in an apse. The font was mostly called piscina (Greek Bantiotna; baptister, Baxtiotouov; baptisterion) like the bathing pool of the baths. The Lateran baptisterium in Rome is an early example built under Constantine above the rectangular frigidarium of a Roman bath. Originally a rotunda like the baptisterium that had been added to St. Peter’s Church by Pope Damasus in AD 366/384, it was later rebuilt into an octagon. Both baptisteria influenced later buildings like the baptisterium in Ephesus from the 4th cent. AD that was a rotunda inside and a polygon from the outside. As was common in the east, the internal round shape was concealed by an external cube. Such free-standing baptisteria were built for a long time, in Italy they were still being built even after child baptism became predominant and baptism could also be carried out by parish priests, so every church had its own font. F.W.

DEICHMANN,

s.v. B., RAC

1, 1950,

1157-1167

(with building catalogue); J.H. EMMINGHAUuS, Die Gruppe der friithchristlichen Dorf-Baptisteria Zentralsyriens, in: RQA 55, 1960, 85-100; C.H. KRAELING, The Christian Building. The Excavations of Dura Europos, Final Report VIII, II, 1967; I. NriELSEN, Thermae et Bal-

nea, *1993, esp. 155; R. KRAUTHEIMER, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 1975, passim. LN.

Baquates A Mauritanian tribe (gens Baquatium) [1. 2851] that probably lived in the east and south of Mauretania Tingitana. Ptol. 4,1, ro, the It. Ant. 2,2f. and the Liber generationis (1,197,65 MOMMSEN) link it

with the tribe of the Macenites or Maxavitat (Makanitai) and Massennae, Iulius Honorius (cosmographia B 47) and the Provinciarum laterculus codicis Veronensis (14,4f.) with the Barbares, i.e. the > Bavares. The

Romans allowed the freedom-loving B. their independence and treated them as allies; Inscr. latines d’ Afrique 609. 1 H. Dessau, s.v. B., RE II.2, 2851.

J.Desancgs, s.v. B., EB, 1334-1336; AntAfr 16, 1980, 785°, 79™4.

E.FR&ZzOULS, in: W.HU.

Barabara (Barbara, also Barbare). Port city at the mouth of the Indus (Ptol. 7,1,59), Euxdouov BagpaetxOv or BaeBagwmr (Emporion Barbarikon, Barbarike), Peripl. M. Rubr. 38f., old Indian Varvara. B. appears to have been the main port of the Indus region, but has disappeared without a trace within the delta area. kx.

Barba Jovis Type of houseleek Sempervivum tectorum (&eiG@wov; aeizoon) with yellow blooms and fleshy, ever-

green and moist leaves (Theophr. Hist. pl. 1,r0,4 and 7,15,2); derives its name from its heavy covering of hairs. According to Dioscorides 4,87-88 [1. 247ff.] = 4,88-89 [2. 418f.], the leaves of both types (Lat. sedum

in Plin. HN 25,160-163) i.a. served externally as cooling and astringent medicines for sores and wounds. Democritus is supposed to have recommended the juice to treat seeds (Plin. HN 18,159). In HN 16,76 Plin. means, however, the bushy silverbush Anthyllis Barba-Jovis (Leguminosae) with yellow blooms. Impia in Plin. HN 24,173f. is today assumed to be [3. 173] heath cudweed (Guaphalium L., Compositae). i M. WELLMANN (ed.), Pedanii Dioscurides de materia medica, vol. 1, 1907, repr. 1958 2 J.BERENDEs (ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre bers. und mit Erl. versehen, 1902, repr. 1970 3 Plinius, Naturkunde, Lat.-Ger., vol. 24, 1993, ed. and trans. by R.K6NIG. C.HU.

Barbaria (Baofagia; Barbaria). Somalian north coast, according to Peripl. M. Erythraei 3; 7 (GGM 1, 261; 263). There were no ports, but good landing places, like Aualites, Malao, Mundu, Mosylon and Aromata. Also cf. Cosmas Indikopleustes (2,26; 29; 45; 48; 493 503 64) for the location. The name B. appears to have been preserved in the name of the city Berbera, the old emporium Malao (Ptol. 4,7,10). Behind Opone, today Ras Hafun, the coastal area called Azania started, which ended at > Rhapton (otherwise Ptol. 1,17,6; 4,7,4; 4,7511f.; 4,7,28; Steph. Byz. s.v. ‘Pasta; cf. also Steph.

Byz. s.v. Amoxoma). The inhabitants of B. are portrayed as ‘savages’ in Peripl. M. Erythaei (GGM I 263f.). J. DEsancEs, M. Reppg, La céte africaine du Bab el-Man-

deb dans lantiquité, in: Hommages a J. Leclant vol. 3, 1994, 161-194;

W. TOMASCHEK, s.v. B., REI] 2f.

—w.Hu.

Barbarians Initially the term B. refers, from a Greek perspective, to groups speaking foreign languages. ‘Hellenes—Barbarians’ fit as ‘asymmetrical alternative terms’ [5. 218-229] into a pattern well known in ethnology: — foreigners who are different are termed B. and distinguished from one’s own culture by means of a value judgement based on strongly ethnocentric and hellenocentrically determined concepts. The antithesis is more frequently comprehensible, with the ancient image of B. having a negative rather than a positive connotation. Foreigners, fringe-dwellers and border peoples are regarded as B., as are Jews, Christians and ‘pagans’. The term B. as a ‘European keyword’ (A. Borst) has survived ancient times. The idea behind

the concept from (late) antiquity ultimately also determines the modern scientific term ‘barbaricum’.

501

502

At the beginning of the history of this concept, Homer only names the > Carians BaeBagdodwvor (barbarophonoi) ‘speaking barbarian’ (Il. 2,867), but not the Trojans. The use of the term B. is best suited to ~ colonization, when the Greeks experienced foreign and non Greek-speaking peoples. It has not been resolved whether the term B. was already being used then in a pejorative sense. The comparison with incomprehensible animal sounds emphasizes the fact that the reference was initially linguistic (Hdt. 2,57). In the range of negative B. topoi, savagery, brutality and lack of civilization are predominant, which partly correspond with animal behaviour. The counter-image to Hellenic civilization involves xenophobia, lawlessness, faithlessness and slavish, cowardly and extremely excessive behaviour and numerous variants of these prejudices [4. 8f.; 8. 837f.]. General judgements of a positive nature, particularly related to a simple natural life, are much rarer. As results of early investigations of the world and the meeting with advanced civilizations, the B. topoi are barely conceivable: according to a traditional view they are only sharply and negatively outlined within the context of the Persian Wars. [4. 12f.]. The victory over the Persians increased Greek selfconfidence and made them aware of the Greek-Persian contrast (Greek freedom vs. Barbarian despotism), thus fostering the development of the Greek-Barbarian antithesis. In Herodotus the Persian opponents appear as utter B. (7,35 and 8,142); however, this does not result in any universal disparagement which is also absent from Aeschylus’ ‘Persians’. It is a matter of contention whether it was only later experiences (middle to end of the sth cent.) that created the pejorative B. image in tragedy and comedy. The freedom lost as a result of the Peloponnesian War gave rise to a feeling of cultural superiority and an ‘anti-Persian resentment’ [3. 47]. Ultimately the Persian Wars remain an important point of reference for the Greek-Barbarian antithesis: this is confirmed both by the ‘fundamentally ideologized and discriminating’ image of B. in Greek art, e.g. in representations of Persians on vases from 490 onwards [9. 901] and by Euripides — the barbaric contingent appear as an army of weak-willed slaves which fits in with the common idea of the Barbarian slave mentality (Eur. IA 1400f.; Hel. 276) whom the Greeks should rule as their natural right. With this background in mind, the counter-concept > Hellas and the set phrase ‘Hellenes-Barbarians’ gained acceptance (Hdt. 1,1; Thuc. 6, 33). B. as non-Hellenes were excluded from the Olympic Games (Hdt. 5,22) and the mysteries [4. 6]. In > Hecataeus and > Herodotus ancient civilizations are evaluated positively as B. within the context of geographical and historical investigation. The latter praises the culture of the Egyptians who are for him B. — i.e. non-Hellenes. His comment that the Egyptians themselves describe speakers of foreign languages as B. modifies the Hellenes-B. antithesis (Hdt. 2,158). Linked to the admiration for the religious wisdom of

ancient B. peoples is the idea that the Greeks are dependent upon ‘B. philosophy’ [8. 827]. The special nature of the B. is also explained by means of the climate theory that goes back to Hippocrates and is understandable in Herodotus. Amongst the peoples of Europe and Asia, the Greeks — from a hellenocentric point of view — occupy the centre of a temperate cli-

BARBARIANS

matic zone (as in Aristotle) and unite within themselves

advantages from both groups of peoples, such as courage, intellectual capacity, freedom, state-building power and the capacity to rule over other peoples (Pol. TeTfeew y/o) erat). The idealization of primitive peoples — already discernible in Homer — on the edge of the Oikoumene that, from the point of view of civilization, is continually moving outwards, is similarly justified by climate theory. The model for simple and unspoilt B. are the Scythians. Their legendary sage > Anacharsis was extolled in particular by the Cynics who used him in the 4th cent. for their critique of civilization. In a wider context a later concept referred to the ‘noble savage’ lv=2el:

For Sophists like > Antiphon (F 44a DK) B. and Hellenes are by nature the same; Plato speaks of the war of extermination against the B. (Resp. 5,470c), but has reservations against generalizations (Plt. 262cd). Aristotle and his school collected — as B. vowou (~6mot) were absent — voumia BagPagié (%6mima barbarikd). Aristotle represented the view of the ‘slavish nature’ of B. (see above); he allegedly advised Alexander unsuccessfully to treat the Greeks as masters and the B. as slaves (Plut. Fort. Alex. 6,329B). The topoi used to describe the B. characterize the rise of the Macedonians: Demosthenes ridicules Philip II as a B. (Or. 9,31). Isocrates divides humanity into Greeks,

Macedonians and B. (Isoc. Or. 5,154) and spreads the concept of a Pan-Hellenic war against the Persian B. (Or. 4,150-159). Whilst Alexander set out for Persia with a feeling of great superiority over the Persians, his campaign of conquest changed the ‘world view’ considerably: in the world empire the ‘fusion policy’ reduced the extent of the antithesis Hellenes — B. The Diadochi states fell apart but they disintegrated into a privileged Greek minority and strongly disadvantaged B. [3. 5467]. In the Hellenistic period the philosophical discussion with regard to foreigners became more important. The geographer — Eratosthenes rejected the Hellenes-B. antithesis and demanded a division into good and bad, cultured and uncultured (in Str. 6. 1,4,9). The Romans adopted the B. concept from the Greeks. Their initial self-description as B. distinguishes them linguistically from the Greeks: > Plautus translated from the Greek to the Barbarian language, i.e. Latin (Plaut. Asin. Prol. rr) and probably spoke with negative overtones of the Barbarian country, towns and laws (Capt. 492; 884; cf. in general: ThIL 2, 1729-44). ~ Cato protested against the disparaging designation as B., used by the Greeks to describe the Romans (in Plin. HN 29,14).

593

504

From the point of view of cultural comparison, the relationship with the Greeks was contradictory for a long time. The ‘Hellenization of Rome’ can be seen from its admission to the Isthmian Games (229 BC) and to the Eleusinian mysteries that were normally closed to B. (see above) — in consequence of the powerful position of Rome [4. 68f.]. > Lucilius is the first who con-

tium barbararum (RIC 7, 356; 357) appeared. This claim to superiority also left its mark on state representational art. Closer to reality was in fact that barbarian

BARBARIANS

trasts Romans and B. (v. 615). The triad ‘Greeks, Romans and B.’ who were linked

together by Cicero and others are indicative of the increasing equality of the Romans, their self-confidence in a world originally divided by the duality of Hellenes and B. — this is also expressed geographically (e.g. Cic. Fin. 2,49: Graecia, Italia, Barbaria).

The expansion of Rome, the serious confrontation with the Celts and Carthaginians as well as the experiences of the civil wars — B. fought on both sides — made a firm impression on the Roman image of B. [2. rooff.]. The accusation ‘B.’? was hurled at both external and internal enemies — as for example Anto-

units, e.g. Germanic tribes in the Roman

service, as-

sisted with border protection and were integrated into the empire. In Roman administrative parlance, barbarus was used to describe the opposite of Romanus or generally of the ‘soldier’ (miles) [1. 42; 4. 118f.]. Overall it is understandable that there were assimilation tendencies. With Christianity came the suggestion of the possibility of revoking the antithesis: according to Col 3, 11 ‘Greeks, Jews, Barbarians, Scythians, slaves or free men’ were one in Jesus Christ. In the meantime, because of the Jewish roots, the Christians too were called B.; in view of B. philosophy, they also occasionally adopted the term B. to refer to themselves [8. 849852]. > Prudentius targets ‘pagans’ and Arian heretics with his remarks at the beginning of the sth cent., placing the Romans far above the B. —corresponding to the difference between humans and animals (c. Symm.

nius and Verres (Cic. Phil. 3,15; Verr. 4,112).

2,816-819).

The Roman term includes well-known B. peoples like the Persians, Thracians, Scythians and, following the expansion, border areas of the Imperium, i.e. Gallia, Spain, Britain, Germania and the Parthians. The B. image is encapsulated in the terms feritas, immanitas,

during the period of the migration of the peoples. The presbyter Salvian emphasized the morality of the pagan or Arian Germanic tribes as opposed to his Catholic countrymen (Gub. 7,7). On the other hand, Victor Vitensis, influenced by the persecution of Christians in

inhumanitas,

impietas, ferocia, superbia, impotentia,

North Africa, condemned the barbarism of the heretical

furor, discordia, vanitas, perfidia and imprudentia [2. 576]. Savage B. tribes had to be — metaphorically speaking— domesticated like animals [6. 16]. The antithesis of Roman civilization was embodied by the Celtiberians (Str. 3,37) or the Germanic tribes (Tac. Germ. 16). A way of life close to nature was viewed as positive with regard to free peoples (liberae gentes) like

Vandals [10. 55]. The Goths are called B. in > Orosius

the Germanic tribes and the Scythians (Sen. Dial. de ira

2,15), and in the tradition of the idealization of northern peoples, in reference to youthful, warlike strength

[ro. 43]. Romanization also facilitated the integration of B. into the population of the empire which received Roman citizenship through the Constitutio Antoniniana (AD 212). Border and trade policy clearly contradicted the idea of an ‘ethical boundary line’ (A. ALFOLD1) at the Limes that was based on confrontation and demarcation. In this regard, rhetorical practice and Roman imagery frequently formed a contrast. It unites the idea of the fundamentally impotent and despised B. and scenes of subjugation and of the Romans riding down triumphantly and suppressing the conquered B. [9. 920f.]. Despite many opportunities for exchange, encounter and investigation, the image of B. barely changed and this underlines its stereotypical nature. The external threat to the empire —a pattern used to interpret the decline of Rome — revived in late antiquity the cliché of savage, cruel, cunning and plundering hordes of B. [7. 38]. To the Panegyrics of the 4th cent. B. were ‘material for victory’ (materia vincendi) for the Romans (Pan. Lat. 6,4,4 from the year 307). Under Constantine the Great, the coin legend debellator gen-

Other expressions were also noticeable

(Hist. 1,4,2) whilst + Cassiodorus staunchly avoids this description [8.875]. Evidence for the Germanic

tribes’ self-description as B. stretches right into Carolingian times [8. 88of.]. Here and in the prevalent delimitation and debasement of the respective B. patterns of the application of the B. concept can be found that are strongly marked from the point of view of rhetoric and propaganda — they rarely record accurately the reality of relationships between the Graeco-Roman world and the ‘foreigners’. 1 K.CuHrist, Romer

und Barbaren in der hohen Kaiser-

zeit, in: Rom. Geschichte und Wissenschaftsgeschichte 2, 1983, 28-43 2 Y.A. Dauce, Le barbare, 1981 3 A.DiHLe, Die Griechen und die Fremden, 1994 4 J. JUTHNER, Hellenen und Barbaren, 1923. 5 R.KoSELLECK, Vergangene Zukunft, 1989 6 A.A. LuNbD, Zum Germanenbild der R6mer, 1990 7 W.NIprEL, Griechen, Barbaren und ‘Wilde’, 1990 8 I. OPELT, W.SPEYER, s.v. Barbar I, RAC suppl. vol. 1, 1992, 811895 9R.M. ScHNEIDER, s.v. Barbar II (iconography), RAC suppl. vol. 1, 1992, 895-962 10 K.v. See, Barbar, Germane, Arier, 1994.

V.L.

Barbaroi see > Barbarians

Barbaron Hyphasmata (BacBdewv bodouata; barbaron hyphdsmata). The Greeks called the valuable Median-Persian robes, materials, blankets i.a., with colourful > ornaments, detailed figurative decorations,

hybrid and fable creatures barbaron hyphasmata (BH). The BH arrived in Greece through commerce (Aristoph.

595

506

Vesp. 11321f.), as loot (Hdt. 9,80) or gifts (Ath. 2,48d).

BH were donated as > votive offerings to sanctuaries (Paus. 5,12,4) or they were worn as luxury robes as a demonstration of wealth and power. The BH led to changes in the Greek official dress (> Zeira) and textiles (+ blankets, cushions; couch coverings). BH have been verified individually as grave finds. ~ Colour weaving; + Clothing; > Textile art F.v. LoRENTz, BAPBAPQN

52, 1937, funde, in: den ant. Gorecki,

Y®ASMATA,

1 Berlin, SM Inv. T.C. 6683 b: E.RoHDE, Griech. Terrakotten, 1969, 40 no./fig.16 2 U.WILCKEN, Griech. Ostraka, 1,1912,227f. 3 LUGLI, Fontes, 3, 1955, 79 no. 7; 8, 1962, 330 no. 256. 4L.ESCHEBACH (ed.), Gebaude-

verzeichnis

und Stadtplan der antiken Stadt Pompeji,

1993, 453-464.

RH.

Barbitos see > Musical instruments

in: MDAI (R)

165-222; H.J. Hunpt, Uber vorgesch. SeidenJRGZ 16, 1969, 65-71; D.SALZMANN, Unt. zu Kieselmosaiken, 1982, 56-57; A.PEKRIDOUMode im ant. Griechenland, 1989, 116-120. RH.

Barbatius Rare plebeian gentilicium, which has been verified since the first cent. BC (SCHULZE 349; ThIL DT

BARCIDS

Barbius M.B. Aemilianus, cos. suff. in the year 140 (CIL XVI 177); RMD 1, 39; originated from Aquileia (BOS@awaizin)s W.E. Barbosthenes (BagBooévyc; Barbosthénés). Mountain, 14.8 km from Sparta, where > Nabis was defeated by Philopoemen in 192 BC (Liv. 35,27,133; 30,9 incorrect Barnosthenem), perhaps an eastward continuation

of the > Olympus in the > Parnon near Vresthena or

.2,8))e

{1] B. Philippus. an escaped slave, became praetor (Dig. 1,14,3; Suda B.109; cf. Cass. Dio 48,34,5) (in late re-

publican times?). [2] B. Pollio, M. as quaestor pro praetore of M. > Antonius disassociated himself from him in 41 BC (RRC 517,1-3; App. B Civ. 5,120f.; cf. Cic. Phil. 13,3); possibly the same as the curule aedile and founder of the puteal of Iuturna (ILS 9261).

Barbatus Roman cognomen (‘the Bearded’) of the Cornelii, Horatii, Quincti, Valerii and other families (ThIL 2,1746; Kajanto, cognomina, 224). K.-LE. Barber (xovoev Antonius at Actium; B. was later pardoned by Octavian (App. B Civ. 4,210-214). K-LE.

Barcas see > Barcids

the customers (Alci. 3,66,1, Lucian 29; with regard to

the appearance of the barber’s rooms cf. Plin. HN 35,112: description of Peiraecus, a painter of sordid subjects). The first evidence of barbers in Rome is around 300

Barcids (Baoxator; Barkaioi). Relatives of > Hamilcar Barcas (Punic hbrq, brk’:, Greek Baoxas, Lat. Barcas, Boccor) ‘Lightning’ [1. 220-221], one of the most

BC

As in

back to > Dido (Sil. Pun. 1,71-77) [1.76]. From 237

Greece, the Roman rooms (tonstrinae), too, were meet-

BC Hamilcar provided the B. with a solid power base, after the (re-2) conquest of Hispania [2. 271-273; 3. 26]; until the withdrawal of > Mago, the last Carthaginian general of Iberia, in the year 206 (Liv. 28,36-37; App. Hisp. 37,151) [3. 4042] the B. always appointed one of the local commanders-in-chief; during the Punic War, B. generally occupied all central positions of authority. The B. linked themselves through

(Plin. HN

7,211;

Varro,

Rust.

2,11,10).

ing places; the trade was mostly practised by men, less commonly by women (CIL VI 6366/68; 37822a and more); barbers were associated with each other belonging to a collegium (CIL IV 743); their salary is stated in the — Edictum Diocletiani as two denarii (cf. also Amm. Mare. 22, 4, 9 [cf. 2]). The barbers’ assistants also made house visits. For barber shops in Rome see [3]; for Pompeii see [4].

prominent

families of Carthage,

which

traced

itself

BARCIDS

508

507

The dynasty of the Barcids Hannibal (?) Hamilkar [3] Barkas rex Iberorum (Diod. 25,12)

ree

l

Daughter

Daughter

oo Bomilkar [2]

|

Mago [5]

Be

Hasdrubal [3]

es |

Castulensis (Liv.24,41,7)

Hannibal [4]

oo Hasdrubal [2] 00 Daughter

oo Imilke

rex Numidorum (Zllsn)

Soda

Daughter oo Naravas

Gaia

| j Daughter 00 Oezalkes

Massinissa

marriage with the Carthaginian families of > Bomilcar [2] (App. Hann. 20,90) and of the ‘popular leader’

Even though B. wrote against the Marcionites (~ Mar-

~ Hasdrubal (App. Hisp. 4,16; Liv. 21,2) [1. 77-78], as well as with the Numidian dynasty (Liv. 29,29) [2. 260] and Iberian tribal rulers (Diod. Sic. 25,12; Liv. 24,41; Sil. Pun. 3,97-106) [1.77, 79]. In particular Hasdrubal, Hamilcar’s successor in the Iberian com-

ogy drew the disapproval of later writers since + Ephraim. This led to the loss of his writings (both poetry as well as prose). His teachings must, therefore, be reconstructed mainly from the accounts of his opponents. A dialogue about destiny (to which possibly Euseb. Hist. eccl. 4,30 refers), known as Liber legum regionum, which was translated into Greek and is cited

mand, intensified the Barcid autonomy from 229 by founding > Carthago Nova and minting coins with his portraiture [1. 134]. — ‘Barcini’ and ‘factio Barcina’ (Liv. 21,2.3 and passim) labels the political followers of the B. with a democratic-demagogic tenor. 1Geus

2Huss_

3 J.SEIBERT, Hannibal, 1993. L.-M.G,

Barcino(na) The present-day Barcelona was an Iberian settlement of the > Lacetani (Mela 2,90; Plin. HN 3,22; Ptol. 2,6, 18). During the Civil War, B. was on Caesar’s

side. B. received the name Faventia Julia Augusta Pia (or Paterna?) Immunis. B. reached its highest peak during Roman imperial times. The city attained its special significance not least because ofits bishops — under the -» Visigoths, when the decline of Tarraco started. TOVAR

3, 438-440; R.WieGELS,

Die Tribusinschr. des

rom. Hispanien, 1985, 96-98.

P.B.

cion) and the Chaldaeans, his opinions about cosmol-

in Clement’s Recognitiones (10,19-29) and by Eusebius (Pr.Ev. 6,10,1-48) has been preserved. Various contents of his teachings show Stoic influence; he

depends mostly on Alexander [26] of Aphrodisias for the theme of freedom of will. The work of his followers can still be detected in early Islamic times. Epitions: F. Nau (ed.), Liber legum regionum, Patrologia Syriaca 2, 1907, 490-657; H.J. W. Drijvers (ed.), The Book of the Laws of Countries, 1965. SECONDARY LITERATURE: H. J. W. Drijvers, Bardaisan of Edessa, 1965; A.DiHLe, Antike und Orient, 1984, 161-173; G. LEVI DELLA VipA, Pitagora, Bardesane e altri studi siriaci, in: R. CONTINI (ed.), 1989; TRE 5, 206-12

(bibliography).

Bardiya (Elamite Pirtiya; Akkadian

S.BR.

Barzija; Greek

Lutéedic, Méodoc; Simérdis, Mardos, Aesch. Pers. 774). [1] Younger son of > Cyrus II (and > Atossa), accord-

ing to the > Bisutun inscription full brother of > CamBardas

Byzantine

statesman,

Armenian,

brother

of

Theodora, mother of Emperor Michael III (AD 842867). Bearer of the highest court title Caesar (xaioag) since 862. He promoted the mission to the Slavs, founded a school for scientific studies in the imperial palace, furthered the elevation of the learned > Photius to patriarch. B. was murdered by the parvenu > Basilius [5] I, the founder of the Macedonian dynasty, on 21.4.866. LMA

1, 1456; ODB

1, 255f.; P.Speck, Die kaiserliche

Universitat von Konstantinopel, 1974.

ET.

Bardesanes Well known as ‘Aramaic philosopher’ and astrologist, B. (AD 154-222) is the earliest known Syrian author from Edessa, where he worked at the court

of > Abgar [3] VIII (177-212). Julius Africanus (Kestoi 1,20) mentions that he met him there in the year 195.

byses II [3. 117]; in Ctesias Pers. 12,10,29 Tanyoxarkes, in Xen. Cyr. 8,7,11 Tanaoxares, whom Cyrus sup-

posedly appointed as satrap of Media, Armenia and Cadusia, murdered on orders of Cambyses either before [3. 117.29f.] or during (Hdt. 3,10) his Egyptian military campaign (522 BC) (scholars disagree on this point [4]). Documents in cuneiform script from Babylonia from the year 522 BC call ‘B., ‘King of Babylon, King of all Lands’ [2]. [2] The false B./Smerdis, see Gaumata. [3] A Persian rebel against > Darius I by the name of Vahyazdata, who also passed himself off as B. [3. 125, 21-28]. 1 M.A. Danpamayey, A Political History of the Achaemenid Empire, 1989, 83-113 2 S. GRAZIANI, Testi ... datati al regno di Bardiya (522 a.C.), 1991 3 R.KENT, Old Persian, 1953 3 J. WIESEHOFER, Das ant. Persien, 1993 (Index). A.KU.andH.S.-W.

5o2

510

Bardylis [1] Illyrian king in the first half of the 4th cent. BC, founder of a dynasty (Theopomp. fr. 35; Cic. Off. 2,40). He played a major role in the victory over Perdiccas III in 359 BC; fell in the following year fighting against Philip IL.

through to imperial times. From B. came the Epicurean philosopher Protarchus (2nd cent. BC), teacher of Demetrius Lakon (Str. ibid.). Monuments: ruins from the -Hellenistic-Roman period around the northern hill of the two city hills, among them foundation and carved in architectural parts of a temple, Odeum, altar, theatre; traces of a city wall, stoa, aqueduct. On the southern hill a Byzantine fort, in the west ruins of a church, in the east Byzantine buildings, in the north sarcophagi of a necropolis.

P. CaBANES, Les Illyriens de B. a Genthios, 1988; N.G.L. HAMMOND, The Battle between Philip and B., in: Antichthon 23, 1989, 1-9. M.STR.

(2] Perhaps grandson of B. [x], father of Bircenna, wife of > Pyrrhus of Epirus. M.STR.

Bargala Probably Thracian city (cf. the name), today Dolus Kozjak (Stip region, Macedonia), on the road Oescus — Serdica — Stobi. Peak in late Roman times; probably assumed the status of the old Paeonian centre Astibus. Bargalaenses are mentioned in a Lat. inscription from AD 371/2 (construction of the city gate by order of Antonius Alypius, governor of Dacia Mediterranea). At the end of the 4th cent., the inhabitants moved to the safer area of Goren Kozjak, which was 2 km away and situated on an elevation. In 451, B. is acknowledged in the acts of the Synod of Chalcedon as diocese of Macedonia I. According to Hierocles 641,6, B. belonged to Macedonia II at the end of the sth cent. The Slavs and Avars destroyed it in c. AD 586. F.Parpazoctiou, Les villes de Macédoine romaine (BCH Suppl. 16), 1988, 339-341.

a l’époque M.S.K.

Bargusii see > Bergistani Bargylia (ta Bagytdwa; ta Bargylia). Carian coastal town south of what is now Giulliik on a secondary bay of the Gulf of Iasus (BagyvAmmxds xOAsoc; Bargyliétikos kolpos; that today is marshy, Pol. 16,12,1; Liv.

BARIUM

Travelmap Tirkiye-Turkey, Turkish Ministry of Defence, 1994, Page 2; W.M. CaLpeEr, G.E. BEAN, A classical map of Asia Minor, 1958; G.E. BEAN,J.M. Cook, The Carian Coast, in: ABSA 52, 1957, 96ff.; G. E. BEAN, Kleinasien 3, 1974, 85ff.; W.BLUMEL, IK 28, rf., 1985; Id., Neue Inschr. aus der Region von Mylasa (1988), in: EA 13,

1989, rff.; MAGIE 2, 907, 944, 952, 958, 965, 1039; L. RoBERT, Etudes Anatoliennes, 1937, 459, 463f.

H.KA.

Baria Today Vera near Villaricos (province of Almeria),

city of the > Bastetani with strong Punic influences, at the mouth of the Almanzora. Possibly allied with the Carthaginians. PB. Since the 6th cent. BC Punic main centre for the development of the important mining area (silver, copper, lead) of the Sierra Almagrera. More than 2,000 graves have been uncovered from the time between the 6th and rst cent. BC, the typology and grave contents of which are stamped by Carthaginian-Punic influence. HG. Scipio besieged and conquered B. in 209/208 BC (Plut. Mor. 196b; Val. Max. 2,6,1). Plin. HN 3,19 describes B. as oppidum adscriptum Baeticae. In an inscription dedicated to Emperor > Philippus Arabs from AD 245 (CIL IL 5847), the city calls itself Res publica Bariensium. B. sent a presbyter to the council of Illiberis (AD 3062). TOVAR 3, >161-163 Aristonicus on the Roman side; it is unclear whether the legend of the rescue of B. from great danger through an epiphany of Artemis of Kindya relates to this situation. The legendary miracle-performing image of Artemis (Pol. 16,12,3; Str. 14,2,20) stood in Kindya, a settlement c. 7 km to the east (now Kemikler) that as early as the 3rd/2nd cents. was merged with B. In the middle of the rst cent. BC, B., with five other Carian communities, was in debt to Roman bankers. There is evidence of coins (with the image of Artemis) from the early 2nd cent. BC right

Baris Oros (Bdots 600¢; Baris Gros). The ancient name

for the highest mountain of > Armenia, the Ararat (5165 m). The source on which this is based is Nicolaus

of Damascus, in Ios. Ant. Iud. 1, p. 95; p. 18 NresE. The Baris Oros belonged to the Armenian landscape Mwovdce (Minouds; today Manawazeau) and was located south-west of the old > Artaxata (today ArtaSat). Atlas of the World If. Dardanelles, Bosporus, Turkey East, 1959,

Pi. 37-

H.T.andB.B.

Barium (Bdotc; Baris). Peucetian harbour town (Bdouoy, Atbaris: schol. Hor. Sat. 1,5,97; Beroes: It. Burd. 609,15; cf. Liv. 40,18; Str. 5,3,8), founded by

Illyrians (Plin. HN 3,102) or by emigrants from Barra (Fest. s.v.), at the junction of the via Traiana and the coastal road (Hor. Sat. 1,5,96-97), modern Bari. Flour-

ished between the 6th and 4th cents. BC (cf. the rich necropolis outside the town to the south, close to the

coast). Munictpium of the tribus Claudia (inscriptions: IG XIV 687; CIL IX 282-306).

Spinal

512

G. ANDREASSI, S$.CATALDI, s.v. Bari, in: BT'CGI 3, 1984, 406-428; F.Tareo (ed.), Storia di Bari, 1989; G. BERTELLI, s.v. Bari, EAA, Suppl. 2,2, 1994, 603-604. B.G.

cumcision by Hadrian was further cause, is controver-

BARIUM

BYZANTINE PERIOD At the end of the 6th cent. AD, the town came under

~ Langobard rule, at the beginning of the 8th cent., it returned to Byzantium. From AD 876, after two years of turmoil, it was the residence of the strategos of the thema Longibardia, and later that of the kapetanos (governor) of Byzantine Italy. Parts of his palace are incorporated into the cathedral of St. Nicolaus B. Predominantly Latin speaking and inhabited by both indigenous people and Langobards, B. was also home to Greeks, Jews, Saracens and Armenians. In AD 1071, it

was captured by the Normans. G. ANDREASSI, F. RapINo, Archeologia di una citta. Bari dalle origine al X secolo, 1988, 499-589; V. VON FALKENHAUSEN, Bari bizantina, in: G.RosseTT1 (ed.), Spazio, societa, potere nell’ Italia dei Comuni, 1986, 195-227; FR. SCHETTINI, La basilica di San Nicola di Bari, 1967.

G.MA.

sial (critical [1]). The uprising was concentrated in the Judaean mountain area, the lower Jordan valley and around En Gedi at the Dead Sea. The Romans were only able to get the uprising under control with considerable concentrations of troops under the command ofJulius Severus, with the tactics of a war of destruction, which claimed heavy human losses on both sides. Letters found by the Dead Sea show B., the ‘Prince of Israel’, as a leader guided by a strong observance of the Torah, who tried to continue the uprising with Draconian measures in an already hopeless situation. Especially the coins of the uprising attest to the Messianic objective of a deliverance or liberation of Israel and the restoration of the Temple. {t is debatable whether Jerusalem was at times in the hands of B. and temple worship was taken up again. With the fall of the mountain fortress of Bethar, ro km south-west of Jerusalem, B.— and with him the uprising— met his end. 1 P. SCHAFER, Der B.-Aufstand, 198r.

E.ScHtrer, History of the Jewish People, 1 (rev. edn. 1973), 542-552; Y. YADIN, B., 1971.

K.BR.

Barke (Baoxn; Barké). Greek city in > Cyrenaica, 97

km north-east of Benghasi, today Barka, founded by Cyrenaicans in the middle of the 6th cent. BC. Grain and — silphion allowed B. to reach its peak quickly. (Sources:

Hdt. 3,13; 3,91; 4,160-205; Aen. Tact. 37,6f.; Heraclid. Pont. 4,2 (FHG II 212); Ps.-Scyl. 108 (GGM I 83); FGrH 115 Theopompus of Chios F 103; Diod. Sic. 1,68,2; 18,20,3; Sil. Pun. 2,62; 3,251; Polyaenus, Strat. 7,28,1; FGrH 156 Arrianus of Nicomedia F 9, 16-19; Ptol. 4,4,11; Claud. Carm. 15,159f.; Serv. Aen. 4,42; Hsch. s.v. Baégun; Steph. Byz. s.v. Baoxn; schol. Soph. El. 727; Suda s.v. Bagxatous). > Cambyses (529-522 BC) allowed B. a certain autonomy. In Ptolemaic times, B. was overshadowed by the newly founded city of Ptolemais (the two cities were at times confused: Str. 17,3,20; Plin. HN 5,32; Serv. Aen. 4,42: Steph. Byz. s.v. Baexn; schol. Soph. El. 727; Suda s.v. Bagxaiots). In Roman times only a village. F.CHAMOUx, Cyréne sous la monarchie des Battiades, 1953;A.LARONDE, Cyréne et la Libye hellénistique, 1987; P.ROMANELLI,

La Cirenaica

romana,

1971

(= 1943).

W.HU.

Bar Kochba Leader ofthe great Jewish uprising of 13 2135. form (‘son from tious

Documentary evidence exists regarding the name

Simon Bar Kosiba. The name forms Bar Kochba of the star’) and Bar Koziba (‘son of lies’), known Christian and rabbinical literature, are tenden-

interpretations of the original patronymic. They

reflect the Messianic expectations (-» Messiah), which

are linked with his person and the disappointment about the false Messiah, which followed the failure of the uprising. The immediate cause for the uprising was possibly the planned rebuilding of Jerusalem as the Roman-Hellenistic city Aelia Capitolina by Emperor Hadrian in the year 130; whether a general ban on cir-

Barlaam and Ioasaph (Baoiéau, Iwaoad; Barldam, Idasaph). Greek novel from Byzantine times; there is uncertainty regarding date and author, (see below). The story of I., an Indian prince, is told; his father, king Abenner, an enemy of Christianity, was worried because of prophecies that his son would take on the new religion and ordered him to live, locked away in a magnificent palace, without learning about human suffering. Despite surveillance, the monk B. succeeds in approaching I. and initiating him into the Christian teachings. When Abenner learns about the conversion of his son, he tries in vain to dissuade him; the wise men,

whom he calls together in defence of the pagan religion, finally go over to Christianity as well. The king then decides to entrust his son with half of his kingdom and I. proves himself to be a just ruler, who distributes his personal wealth among the poor. Abenner also finally converts to Christianity and withdraws to a life of atonement. At the death of his father, I. leaves the throne in the hands of a trusted friend and carries out an old vow: he goes into the desert to fast, pray and live in great poverty asa hermit. He finally finds the beloved B. again. When they both have died within a few years of each other, their bodies are transferred to rich tombs and laid out for worship by the Christians. The novel of B. and I. is a Christianized treatment of the Buddha story. The destiny of the young prince corresponds to it in its main features and also many of the moral fables, which have been incorporated in the novel, are common to Christian and Buddhist traditions. The name I. lets itself be traced back via the Arabic Budasaf or Iodasaf to the Indian Bodhisattva. The question as to when and how the Greek version of the story of B. and I. has been developed, is a hotly discussed problem (to such an extent, that the research

513

514

has concentrated far more on the discussion of its ori-

Paulus, it came to a severe conflict between both, as B.

gin, rather than on the study of the novel itself); it was

together with others in Antioch (c. AD 48), revoked the table community between Jewish Christians and pagan-Christians (Gal 2,11-16). Whether he then went to Egypt, like some individual traditions seem to believe

thought that the material was imparted via a lost Syrian translation or an Arabic treatment, which served a Georgian version as model, from which the Greek version was derived. This question is closely connected to the question of date and author. In the lemmata of the Greek MSS, the novel is almost unanimously allocated to a monk by the name ofJohannes of St. Sabas (a monastery to the south-east of Jerusalem, which according to tradition, was founded in 483 by St. Sabas in which MSS were being produced until the r1th/r2th cents.). The scholars favour two hypotheses in particular, which could both also be based on the lemmata of some MSS: the allocation to John of Damascus, from which a dating of the novel in the first half of the 8th cent. AD [x] resulted, and the allocation to Euthymius Ibericus (died 1028), who is supposed to have translated the Greek text from a Georgian version, through which the dating was shifted to the roth cent. [2]. Recent research into the problem [3] has shown that the tradition does not give defining evidence for either hypothesis, but that various internal and external criteria point to the text having been written c. 800 in Palestine, probably in the monastery of St. Sabas. The connection to the Arabic and Syrian culture on the one hand as well as to the Caucasian on the other hand, the

apologetic slant (in the novel of Band I. e.g. the apology of Aelius Aristides, the orator from the 2nd cent. AD, is put into the mouth of one of the characters of the novel), and the topos of the persecution of the Christians and the conversion to Christianity allow themselves to be brought well into line with the context of the Palestine of those times and the hagiographical literature produced there. More than 140 MSS and numerous translations document the reception of the novel in the Middle Ages: the Western tradition depends mainly on the three Latin translations, from which further translations into the vernacular are derived, although also into Russian, Serbian, Arabic and from Arabic into Ethiopian are known. I. was included among the saints of the Greek calendar; B. and Abenner also in the Russian one. + Novel; > Iohannes of Damascus; > Aelius [3] Aristides 1F.D6LGER, Der griech. Barlaam-Roman, 1953 2 P. Peeters, La premiere traduction latine de ‘Barlaam et Joasaph’ et son original grec, in: Analecta Bollendiana 49, 1931, 276-312 3A.KazHDAN, Where, when and by whom was the Greek B. and I. not written, in: Zu Alexander dem GrofSen. FS G. Wirth, ed. by W. WILL, 1988, 1187-1209.

H.-G. Beck, Gesch. der Byz. Volkslit., 1971.

|M.FU.andL.G.

Barnabas The well-off Levite B., who came from Cyprus, belonged temporarily to the closest circle of co-workers of > Paulus and, before that, to the prominent heads of the Antiochene community. After a missionary period together in Cyprus and Galatia with

BAR PANDERA

(e.g. Ps.-Clem. Hom.

1, 8,3-15,9), remains uncertain

(evidence and discussion by [1. 136, 614]). The ascription of the Epistle to the Hebrews to B. by > Tertullianus (De pudicitia 20,2) is phantasy. 1J.E. Goenrinec,

B.A. Pearson

(ed.), The Roots of

Egyptian Christianity, 1986 2 W.-H.OLLRoG, Paulus und seine Mitarbeiter, Wiss. Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament 50, 1979.

CM.

Barnabas, Epistle of The writer of this treatise, written in the form ofa letter, (CPGI 1050), who belongs to the so-called Apostolic Fathers, does not give his name. The MSS as well as Christian theologians of the 2nd/3rd cents. like > Clemens and > Origenes (who regarded the letter as xa0oAtxi EmtotoAn: c. Cels. 1,63) state that the author is > Barnabas, the travelling companion of St. Paul. The first part (chs. 2-16) interprets holy Scripture (= the OT) in terms of God, Christ and the new people of God; the second (17-20) offers a ‘teaching of two paths’ and considers that Christians must decide between the path of darkness and that of light. The most recent scholars attempt to point out the theological power and originality of the author in the way he interacts with his sources, avoiding the prejudices formerly prevalent, above all that the author based his work on clearly formed traditions (partly from testimonies, i.e., already categorized compilations of Biblical texts). Perhaps the writing should be dated post-AD 130. The place of origin remains unclear (Egypt, Asia Minor, or Syria?). K. WenGst, Tradition und Theologie des B., in: AKG 42,

1971; J.C. PAGET, The Epistle of Barnabas, WUNT 2.R. 64, 1994; P. PRIGENT, Les testimonia. L’Epitre de Barnabe I-XVI et ses sources, 1964.

C.M.

Barpana Island between the Etruscan coast and Corsica, possibly Scoglio d’Affrica (Formica di Montecristo).

Gu

Bar Pandera Figure who is mentioned in connection with magic and idolatry (bShab to4b; bSanh 67b); name ofJesus in rabbinical literature (KohR 1.1,8; tHul

2,22f.; yAZ 2,2 [40d], ySab 14,4 [14d]; KohR 10,5). Detailed research of the various traditions was able to show that B. did not originally belong to the context of anti-Christian polemics, but was only identified secondarily with Jesus during the repressive Byzantine religious politics before the Arabic conquest. -» Adversos Judaeos; > Anti-Semitism J. Mater, Jesus von Nazareth in der talmudischen Uberlieferung, 1978, 264ff. EB.

BARRELS

Barrels (wooden) While in the Mediterranean, liquids such as wine and oil were generally stored in large clay jars ((90c, dolium) and transported in animal skins or amphorae, we find the increasing use of wooden barrels for the storing and transporting of wine in the western provinces and northern Italy from the early Principate onwards (Upper Italy: Str. 5,1,8; 5,1,12; Alps: Plin. HN 14,132).

Numerous reliefs and funerary sculptures show wine barrels being transported on heavy, horse-drawn wagons (funerary reliefs in Langres and Augsburg), or oardriven ships and towed barges on rivers like the Mosel (funerary monument from Neumagen, Trier, Rheinisches Landesmuseum; funerary relief, Avignon, Musée Calvet); apparently, a wagonload often consisted of a single, large wooden barrel. Compared to the > amphora [1], the advantage of the wooden barrel was that the ratio between the weight of the container itself and that of the load was more economical; moreover, when a ship was being loaded barrels, unlike amphorae, did not have to be carried, but could be rolled onto the ship via a plank (relief, Landesmuseum Mainz). 1 H.Curpers (ed.), Die R6mer in Rheinland-Pfalz, 1990,

181, fig. 89

516

515

2 Die Romer in Schwaben, *1985, 127, fig.

96 3 W.SELZER, ROm. Steindenkmaler. Mainz in romischer Zeit, 1988, 35, fig. 18 4 Wuire, Technology, 133, fig. 132 5 ZIMMER, 149, note 151, catalogue no. 177 (Ancona), 196, 197 (Turin).

H.SCHN.

Barsabas (BagodBac; Barsdbas). Sapaean dynast who was part of > Andriscus’ campaign to Macedonia in the middle of the 2nd cent. BC (Diod. Sic. 32,15,7). Cu. M. Danov, Die Thraker auf dem Ostbalkan von der hell. Zeit bis zur Grindung Konstantinopels, ANRW II 7.1, 1979, 21-185.

U.P.

Barsaentes (Bagoaévtns; Barsaéntés). Under > Darius

satrap of Arachosia and Drangiana; commanded the Arachotes and the neighbouring Indians in the battle ot Gaugamela. He murdered Darius in mid 330 BC together with > Bessus and > Nabarzanes, then fled to his satrapy and from there to India. When > Alexander [4] reached the Indus, B. was handed over to him and executed. BERVE 2, no. 205.

EB.

Barsine (Bagoivn; Barsine). Artabazus’ daughter, first

married to Mentor of Rhodes, then to his brother Memmon. After the battle of Issus, B. was captured in Damascus. She became Alexander the Great’s lover and gave birth to his son > Heracles (probably in 327 BC). She and her son returned to Asia Minor, probably soon after Alexander’s marriage to Roxane. In 309 she was murdered in Pergamum following — Polyperchon’s order. BERVE 2, no. 206.

EB.

Baruch According to Biblical tradition, he was Jeremiah’s companion and scribe. A highly significant figure in early Jewish tradition. In the apocryphal Book of B., he appears foremost as a preacher who calls Israel to penance but also promises consolation. In the B. writings (for instance in SyrBar and GrBar, Ethiop. B. apocalypse), B. predominantly acts as a prophetic recipient of revelation, who can even be superior to Jeremiah when telling him about God’s decision (SyrBar ro, 1ff). B. receives revelation of the events up to the destruction of the temple, about the imminent judgement day and the beginning of the time of salvation (SyrBar), and about the secrets of the heavenly world (GrBar). In rabbinical tradition, B. is regarded as the

prophet and priest (i.a. SifBem 78) who died as Ezra’s teacher in Babylon (bMeg 16b). B.’s significance appears to have been suppressed in the Jeremiah apocrypha, where B. disappears after the destruction of Jerusalem. P. BoGaert, Apocalypse de B. Introduction, traduction du Syriaque et commentaire vol. 1, SC 144, 1969; L. GINzBERG, Legends of the Jews, 1909-1938, Index s.v. B.; H.H. Ma tau, Art. B./B.-Schriften, TRE 5, 1980, 269276.

Barygaza

E.B.

(Bagvyata

tundgiov; Barygaza

emporion,

Ptol. 7,1,62 and Steph. Byz.), harbour town at the Gulf of Cambay in Gujarat, Old and Middle Indian: Bharukaccha, modern Broach. Peripl. m. rubr. 43-49 provides an extensive report on route and commerce; a coin

find confirms his statements on the validity of IndoGreek coins [1]. B. was the port of Ozene, and its trade links extended to Gandhara and => Bactria. Probably identical with Bagyoon (Bargésé) in Str. 15,1,73. 1 J.S. DEYELL, Indo-Greek and Ksaharata Coins from the Gujarat Seacoast, in: NC 144, 1984, 115-127. B.G. GOKHALE, ‘Bharukaccha/Barygaza’, in: G. POLLET (ed.), India and the Ancient World History, Trade and Culture before A.D. 650, Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 25, 1987, 67-79.

K.K.

Barytonesis see > Accent Bas (Bac; Bas). The Bithynian dynast was the son of Boteiras and second successor to ~— Doedalses.

Memnon (FGrH 434 F 12,4) gives him 71 years, of which he ruled for 50 (377/6-328 BC). His victory over Calas, the satrap charged by Alexander [4] the Great with the conquest of > Bithynia, falls in his late phase (between 333 and 328). This event gave rise to an independent Bithynian ‘kingdom’, whose first king was B.’s son > Zipoetes [1] . M. SCH.

Basic line see > Writing, styles of Basileides (Baowieidyc; Basileidés). [1] Epicurean (c. 245-175 BC.), fourth leader of the ~ Epicurean School (since 201/0) who taught Philoni-

517

518

des of Laodicea on the Pontus. He studied mathematics and is known for his discussions in Alexandria with the father of the mathematician Hypsicles about a writing by Apollonius [13] of Perge. He is also known for a debate together with Thespis, another Epicurean, about anger, held against Nicasicrates and Timasagoras.

ever, the texts are too short and too fragmented to allow a precise analysis of the word’s functions: three occurrences of ga-si-re-we in the Pylos text have to do with the distribution of bronze to blacksmiths. Since these persons are only mentioned in three of 21 groups, we are probably not dealing with foremen or ‘guild masters’, but more likely with local dignitaries, who occasionally controlled the production of weapons for the palace. One of the above ga-si-re-we is mentioned together with his son (PY Jn 431,1), which may indicate that professional responsibility was heritable. The collective term ga-si-ri-wi-ja (fem.) is documented for Pylos, Cnosus and Thebes and designates a male group that depends on a qa-si-re-we (in Cnosus, there is evidence of 23 people, CN As 1516, |. 12-20). In Pylos (PY Fn 50 and Fn 867) as well as in Cnosus (CN K 875), these groups are assigned to priests or to the keepers of

TESTIMONIA: 1906, 87-89 SECONDARY

W.CRONERT, LITERATURE:

Kolotes

und Menedemos,

T.DORANDI,

in: GOULET

1994, 91; M. Er er, in: GGPh 4.1. 280.

2,

T.D.

[2] According to + Clemens of Alexandria (Strom. 7,106,4), B. was a Gnostic and taught under Hadrian and Antoninus Pius (AD 117-161) in Alexandria. He also commented on his own gospel recension in 24 books. His son and student Isidorus carried on with his father’s work in his own writings. The sources fall into three groups: the information in Clem. Al. is apparently authentic (Strom. 2,112-114; 3,1-3; 4,81—83 i.a., simi-

lar presentations in Origen and the Acta Archelai), but the reports by Irenaeus of Lyons (Haer. 1,24,3-7) and Hippolytus of Rome (Haer. 7,20-27; 10,14) both differ significantly. Characteristic for B. and Isidorus, who both acted as ‘Christian, theological teachers and pastors’ [2. 327] is the connection of philosophical ideas (dualistic theory of the soul; migration of the soul;

human suffering based on individual guilt) with Biblical exegesis. We do not know if any ties existed between this school, which had little influence outside Egypt,

BASILEUS

sanctuaries; perhaps these groups were of a religious nature in themselves. In one of the four ke-ro-si-ja

(probably: yegovoiat) of Pylos (PY An 261 and 616), the person at the top, a-pi-qo-ta, carries the same name as the ga-si-re-we responsible for metal distribution (Jn 431-6). Unless we are dealing with a homonym, qa-sire-we refers to the leader of a group of elders. The ga-si-re-we-Baowretg may have outlasted the fall of the palace system because they controlled the production of bronze, played a religious role, and were part of a large network of relationships that was partially independent of the palace.

and Valentinian Gnosis; neither do we know how to

classify the theory of emanation that Hippolytus attributed to B. [2. 323]. 1 R.M. Grant, Place de Basilide dans la théologie chrétienne ancienne, in: Revue des études augustiniennes 25, 1979, 201-216 2 W.A. Loup, Basilides und seine Schule, 1995 (with lit.) 3 E.MUHLENBERG, s.v. Basili-

des, TRE 5, 296-301.

J.RI.

Basileus (Baotevc; basilezs). I. MYCENAEAN Monarcuies

PERIOD UP TO THE HELLENISTIC II. LATE ANTIQUITY

I. MYCENAEAN MONARCHIES A. MyceNAEAN

D. CLassicAL

PERIOD

UP TO THE HELLENISTIC

B. Homeric C. ARCHAIC E. HELLENISTIC MONARCHIES

A. MyCENAEAN The word basileus has not yet been sufficiently explained etymologically. It is usually translated as ‘king’ and probably stems from the pre-Hellenistic substratum. The Mycenaean form qa-si-re-u is evidently identical to Baotievs, but instead of designating the sovereign of a kingdom (he holds the title of wa-na-ka), it refers to a considerably lower position. Qa-si-re-u and its derivation ga-si-re-wi-ja can be found about 20 times in the Linear-B archives of Cnosus, Pylos and Thebes. How-

B. HOMERIC As opposed to t&va& (dnax), which can designate monarchical authority in an > ofkos or in a kingdom, basileus is always a political title, particularly the title of the person leading a comprehensive political community such as a > polis, an ethnic group, or an Achaean army contingent. The collective plural Baoudtes (basilées) is used for groups of elders, who surround and give public advice to the basileus. The basileus and the paotkjes have in common the ownership of yéoas (géras), which entails concrete privileges (such as the right to choose in the distribution of booty), but also signifies metonymically the authority of the basileus (Hom. Il. 20, 182; Od. 11,175 and 184; 15,522) or that of the elders (Hom. Od. 7,150); it is usually hereditary, but still is generally regarded as stemming from the people. Although the translation of basileus as ‘king? is often rejected, it is hard to find a better modern term for the basileus at the head of a political community with usually hereditary authority displayed in a sceptre. Still, this ‘rulership of the king’ is not synonymous with ‘monarchy’. The Homeric king is neither autocrat nor magistrate. He makes the final decision, but does so publicly, after consulting with the council and often in front of the assembled citizenry: the citizens listen while king and elders make suggestions, then the king gives the orders.

519

520

In the ‘Iliad’ and the ‘Odyssey’, kingship is portrayed as an institution, but there are great differences in how the rulership of kings is constituted. The most important kings in the ‘Iliad’, > Agamemnon and > Hector, both display grave weaknesses, which are explained by the fact that the gods do not grant all the talents to any mortal (Hom. II. 9,38f.; 13,727-734). The ‘Odyssey’, on the other hand, celebrates the complete victory of a legitimate king, who is also an extraordinary personal-

about the origin of dynasties and about their early conquests and deeds (‘return’ of the Heraclids, succession of Theseus’ family by Melanthus and Codrus, Ionian migration led by the Neleids). Similar types of descriptions can already be found in Tyrtaeus (fr. 2 DreHL), Mimnermus (fr. 12 DIEHL), and Alcaeus (LOBEL-PAGE, fr. 12 D). We can assume that these stories emerged in the 8th cent., at the same time as the great epic cycles. Then, after the 2nd or 3rd generation, the dynasties are completely forgotten. Often, the sources claim that the dynasties existed continuously until they were overthrown. At times, we encounter the attempt by imaginative scholars or aristocrats who desire prestige to cover up the complete lack of records by way of creating combinations of genealogies and lists of kings. Finally, several kings appear again in the reports about the 8th and 7th cents. Although we are dealing with relatively late records (Str., Nicolaus of Damascus, Plut. and Paus.), the popularity and variety of these histories indicates that older, independent local records must have existed. It is therefore quite plausible that the early communities and poleis had been ruled by kings whose position was similar in essence to that of the Homeric kings. The ousting of dynasties was a violent affair accompanied by long-lasting conflicts: the sources clearly reveal that the kingship of high archaic times did not fade out ‘gracefully’. While we can assume the existence of dynastic kingships at the end of Greece’s Geometrical period with considerable certainty, we know very little about the political structure during the Dark Ages (1100-800). The presumption that any resemblance of statehood disappeared during these times is countered by the epic tradition that kept alive the memories of Achaean kingship and also by the model of the neighbouring monarchies to the east.

BASILEUS

ity.

But the coherence and realism of the Homeric presentation do not necessarily prove that this type of political system actually existed in Homer’s time. Only in confronting the epics with other indications about the structure of archaic kingship can we support the assumption that the Homeric presentation largely corresponds to the historical kingdoms in the time of the epics’ creation or slightly before (9th—8th cents. BC). C. ARCHAIC We have evidence that groups of basileis existed with religious and often judicial functions in Athens (dvAoBaoreis), Thespia, Cos, Miletus, Methymna, Eresus, Mytilene, Nesos, Cyme,

Chios, in the

koinon of the Eleans, and in the Ionian Dodekapolis. They are largely reminiscent of the councils of the Homeric Baoijes. For classical times, there is proof of individuals who held the title of basileus in 30 cities and in two confederacies of states (Ionian League of Twelve Cities, Thessaly). In Cyrene, heritable kingship was maintained until c. 440 BC, in Sparta (dual kingship) until the end of the 3rd cent. BC. In Ephesus and Scepsis, the members of the old royal génos held on to the title of ‘kings’. Most basileis were civil servants who were elected or drawn by lots on a yearly basis. They were almost always endowed with religious authority and played a role in the oldest and most secret cults of the city (regarding Athens: [Arist.] Ath. Pol., 57,1). In Chios (SGDI 5653, 5662), the religious function of the basileis was combined with judicial authority; their responsibility in murder cases is documented only for Athens ({Arist.] Ath. Pol. 57, 2-4). On a similar note, the legal privilege of Spartan kings regarding adoptions and daughters’ rights of inheritance (patrochroi, Hdt. 6,57) was not paralleled anywhere else. As far as military authority is concerned, the supreme command was always held by the hereditary kings (Cyrene, Sparta, Argus up to Meltas, Pheidon’s grandson) or by the king who held office for life (Thessaly, Argus after Meltas). Aristotle (Pol. 128 5b) regarded the basileis of the Greek poleis as the weak heirs of the earlier royal dynasties, a view which offers the simplest and most satisfactory explanation. In the local histories of most cities, the lineage of kings appears after the Trojan War (with the exception in Paus. 9,1,2). These historical or pseudo-historical constructions generally follow along similar lines. To begin with, we find a broad and detailed narration

D. CLASSICAL In classical Greece, basileus simply refers to the Persian King (6 Baotkevs). Greek authors emphasize the difference between barbarians as the slaves of monarchs and free Greeks, who are obedient only to law (Aesch. Pers. 192-95; Hdt. 7,104). Nonetheless, towards the end of the sth and in the 4th cents., monar-

chy became the subject of political reflection, whereby the perverted form of monarchy in the form of > tyrannis was distinguished from the correct form, the Baotreta (basileia). In his Politikos (292d -297b), Plato praises the rulership of a ‘kingly man’ (Baoutxd¢ vio) who, compared to rigid law, could more effectively aid justice in the + polis due to his knowledge of the good and his secure judgement. In the ‘Laws’, however, he seems to consider such kingly knowledge impossible to attain and embraces the thought, as Herodotus did before him (3,80), that a monarchy with unlimited power would necessarily result in tBouc (hybris, Leg. 713¢ and 875¢c). In the 3rd book of his ‘Politics’, Aristotle named five forms of kingship: Laconian kingship, which means army commandership for life; kingship among barba-

25

522

rians; adisymneteia as a form of elected tyrannis; kingship in heroic times, and the pambasileia, in which ‘a single man has sovereign power over everything’ (Pol. 1285b 28-33). Contrary to Plato, Aristotle wants to show that the rule of law is to be preferred over the rule of a man (especially Pol. 1287a 30). According to Aristotle, the pambasileia flagrantly contradicts the concept of polis as a community of equals. Only a person whose merits are greater than those of all others combined would be ‘like a god among men’. In this case it would be just for all to obey him (Pol. 1284a 3-17; 1284b

become obvious in the use of titles. While the Antigonids were ‘kings of Macedonians’, the other rulers were simply called Baowwevs Ptolemaeus, Baotiets Seleucus

22-34; 1288a 15-29).

Even though kingship was significant in political theory, it would be an exaggeration to assume that this significance was rooted in monarchistic thinking or even to suspect that it grew from a ‘crisis of the polis’; monarchy could hardly ever establish itself in the Aegean region. It is, however, surprising to witness the growing influence exerted by kings on the fringes of the Greek world: Evagoras and Nicocles on Cyprus, Iason in Thessaly, the kings in Macedonia. In his Philippos, Isocrates invites the Macedonian King Philip II to make peace with the Greeks and to march jointly against the Persians; soon thereafter, Philip becomes the Greeks’

hégemon in the Corinthian League. Much earlier, > Xenophon had described in his Kyroupaideia how a well-raised prince who was close to his troops had conquered an empire only to fall victim to the inescapable corruption of royal power that results in absolute despotic violence, which in turn is the cause for destruction. The Kyroupaideia reveals concern as well as enthusiasm for the Greek conquest of the East.

E. HELLENISTIC MONARCHIES Little is known about the Macedonian kingship of the Argeads before Philip II. It was limited in its power due to the opposition of the semi-independent dynast in Upper Macedonia. Only Philip II’s military success and the integration of Upper Macedonia strengthened the king’s authority. Following his victories, Alexander the Great (> Alexander [4]) became the successor of the Achaemenid king. His idea of a universal kingdom over Macedonians,

Greeks

and

Persians

ended

with

his

death in 323 BC. After 306, his generals assumed the title of BaowWeic in separate regions of the empire that were competing with each other. In the course of the 3rd and 2nd cents., the number of kings grew primarily because the Seleucid kingdom had collapsed. The Hellenistic kings ruled in different ways over different subjects, but all presented themselves as Macedonians. Their kingship was confirmed through the acclamation of an assembly of ‘Macedonians’, although the ‘Macedonian’ origin of these troops was often fictional. Macedonian tradition only played an important role in Macedonia proper— the Antigonids never introduced a royal cult, and some Macedonians justified their resistance on the Macedonian nomos and on the right of free speech (Pol. 5,27). The differences

BASILEUS

or Baothevs Attalus, which shows that there were good

reasons for the distinction between a national and a personal kingship (A. AYMARD). As Alexander’s successors, the Hellenistic kings based their rulership on the right of ‘conquest by the spear’, but this did not secure the obedience and loyalty of those conquered. Supported by the local priesthoods, Lagids and Seleucids presented themselves as Egyptian or Asian kings in the tradition of the pharaohs or Babylonian kings respectively. Regardless of their differences, the Hellenistic monarchies reveal essential similarities: all kings were surrounded by a strictly hierarchical courtly entourage (‘friends’ or ‘relatives’ of the king, etc.), they all had a large administration at their disposal, especially for collecting taxes, and all kings enacted laws by way of edicts (prostagmata) and made their will known in — letters.

The Hellenistic king was regarded as ‘living law’ (n6mos empsychos), he was the source of law and was accountable to nobody; his power was therefore absolute. In Hellenistic kingship, we encounter a remarkable ideological convergence between Greek and eastern ideas. The praise of the king as a rescuer (owt, s6tér) goes back to old oriental themes, but is also reminiscent of Greek myths. In the praise of the king’s victorious charisma, his reason and justice, his benevolence, his

goodness and generosity, we find precisely the virtues which Aristotle discussed in the > ‘Nicomachean Ethics’ and which Isocrates attributed to King Evagoras and King Nicocles. Since many treatises on kingship are lost, only the letter of Aristeas with a Jewish perspective on Hellenistic kingship and the Pythagorean treatises that were later edited can give us an impression of political issues. Ruler cults found very different expressions: in Macedonia, they were lacking completely; in Egypt, they were combined with the Egyptian gods in the Egyptian sanctuaries; Greek cities held festivals and temple ceremonies more or less voluntarily; dynastic cults emerged for either the ancestors or the king himself (these are only a few examples). The various forms indicate an overall similar concern: to secure the benevolent work of a person, whose power gives him the resemblance of a god, a god both near and effective, even superior to the distant gods (Ath. 6, 253; Duris of Samos, FGrH 2 A, no. 76, fr. 14). Although flattery may have played a role in these cults, they nevertheless display a deep loyalty of both Greeks and non-Greeks to the Hellenistic dynasties: opposition to the Romans often originated in the vicinity of kings (Perseus, Mithridates) or leaders who pretended to have royal ancestors (Andriscus, Aristonicus). MYCENAEAN : F.GSCHNITZER,

BAZIAEY®.

Ein termi-

nologischer Beitrag zur Friihgesch. des Konigtums bei den Griechen, in: FS fiir L.C. Franz, 1965, 99-112;

P. Car-

523

524

LIER, Qa-si-re-u et qa-si-re-wi-ja in Politeia, Society, and State in the Aegean Bronze Age, in: Aegaeum 12, 1995,

aclius to begin referring to himself as basileus in the intitulatio of a novella from the year 629. In the numismatic realm, the title first appeared on Leo Iil’s (717-

BASILEUS

355-364. Homeric : E. BENVENISTE, Le vocabulaire des institutions indo-européennes II, 1969, 5-95; P. CARLIER, La Royauté en Gréce avant Alexandre, 1984, 13 5-230; S. DEGER, Die Herrschaftsformen bei Homer, 1970; M. DELCouRT,

Oedipe ou la légende du conquérant, 1944; M.I. FINLEY, Die Welt des Odysseus, *1979; F.GsCHNITZER, Zur homer. Staats- und Gesellschaftsordnung, in: J. LAracz (ed.), 200 Jahre Homer-Forsch., 1991, 182-204; CH. ULF, Die homer. Ges., 1990. ArcHaIc : P.BARCELO, Basileia, Monarchia, Tyrannis (=Historia-Einzelschriften 79), 1993; P. CARLIER, La Roy-

auté en Gréce avant Alexandre, 1984, 233-514; F.CHaMoUx, Cyréne sous la monarchie des Battiades, 1953; W.Don.Lan, The Pre-State community in Greece, in: SO 64, 1989, 5-27; R. Drews, B. The evidence for kingship in geometric Greece, 1983; F. PRINZ, Griindungsmythen und Sagenchronologie, 1979; C.G. Starr, The Decline of Early Greek Kings, in: Historia 10, 1961, 129-138. CLASSICAL : P.CARLIER, L’idée de monarchie impériale dans la Cyropédie de Xénophon, in: Ktéma 3, 1978, 133-163; Id., La notion de pambasileia dans la pensée

politique d’Aristote, in: Aristote et Athénes, 1993, 103118; W.EpeER,

Monarchie

und

Demokratie

im 4.Jh.

v.Chr., in: Eder, Demokratie, 153-73; H. KEHL, Die Monarchie im polit. Denken des Isokrates, 1962; K. STEGMANN VON PritzwaLp, Zur Gesch. der Herrscherbezeichnun-

gen von Homer bis Platon, 1930; K.F. STROHEKER, Zu den Anfangen der monarchischen Theorie in der Sophistik, in: Historia 2, 1953/54, 381-412. HELLENISTIC MONARCHIES : A. AYMARD, Etudes d’hist. anc., 1967, 74-163; E. BIKERMAN, Les institutions des Séleucides, 1938; L. CERFAUX et J.TONDRIAU, Le culte des souverains dans la civilisation gréco-romaine, 1956;

L. DELaTTE, Les traités de la Royauté d’Ecphante, Diotogene et Sthenidas,

1942; H.J. GEHRKE,

Der siegreiche

Konig, in: AKG 64, 1982, 247-277; G.R. GOODENOUGH,

The political philosophy of Hellenistic Kingship, in: YCIS

741) silver coins and on Constantinus VI’s (780-797)

gold coins. In the 7th cent., we already find the connection B. ‘Pwpatov (Basileis Rhomaion) as the emperor’s self-designation on official documents, a connection which had long been customary in colloquial language. It grew in importance ever since Byzantium granted Charlemagne the plain title (without supplement) of basileus in 812. It also first appeared on coins during the same time under the then Emperor Michael I (811813). In certain forms of the royal charter (primarily in the yovodBovidoc AOyos, the document of privileges), p. “Pwpatwy appears as the emperor’s self-designation in

the protocol (as imtitulatio) and in his own signature, usually in expanded form such as motos B. (xai) adtoxOdTWE “PMpatov (pistos basilens (kai) autokrator Rhomaton) and in other combinations. Aside from the western emperors, Bulgarian and Serbian rulers also claimed

the title of basileus since the roth and in the r4th cent. respectively. Finally, in the course of the rath cent., the unofficial designation of basileus became customary for other foreign rulers as well. LMA 1, 1523; ODB 1, 264; E.Curysos, The Title BASIAEY?® in Early Byzantine International Relations, in: Dumbarton Oaks Papers 32, 1978, 29-75; G. ROSCH, *Ovona Paotkeias, 1978; I. SHAHID, On the Titulature of the Emperor Heraclius, in: Byzantion 51, 1981, 288-296.

FT. Basilia (Basle). I. Cettic

II. ROMAN

[ CErere The Roman B. was preceded by a Celtic settlement of

I, 1928, 5 5-102; P. GouKowsky, Essai sur les origines du

+ Helvetii and > Rauraci. First, a large, open settle-

mythe d’Alexandre, 2 vols., 1978-1981; CH. HABICHT,

ment existed in the late 2nd cent. in the Rhine plain

Gottmenschentum

*1970;

(Basel-Gasfabrik), to which also belonged a field of cre-

F. Hamp, Der Konig der Makedonen, 1934; M. HatzoPOULOS, Les _ institutions macédoniennes, 1996; L.Mooren, The nature of Hellenistic monarchy, in:

und_=

griechische

mation graves. During the early rst cent., the Munsterhiigel housed an > oppidum fortified with murus gallicus, which perhaps was vacated when the Helvetii left the area in 58 BC. ~ Fortifications; > Celtic archaeology

Studia hellenistica 27, 1983, 205-240;

Stadte,

C.PREAUx,

Le

monde hellénistique 1, 1975; W.SCHUBART, Das hell. K6nigsideal nach Inschr. und Papyri, in: APF 12, 1937, 1-26; F. TAEGER, Charisma 1, 1957; WELLES. P.CA.

Il. LATE ANTIQUITY

Spannungsfeld von Kelten, Germanen und Rémern, 1995,

Basileus was the customary term for the Roman emperor in the literature as well as everyday language of eastern

Greece

since

E. Major, Gallische Ansiedlung mit Graberfeld bei Basel, 1940; A.FuRGER-GuNTI, Die Ausgrabung im Baseler Minster, 1, 1979; S.RIECKHOFF, Siiddeutschland im

— Constantinus I, while

other

(‘barbaric’) kings were now referred to by the Lat. OH& (réx). In official documents, however, the Roman emperor appears as > autokrator and only the Persian king is referred to as basileus It is possible that the combination of various factors, such as common usage, the designation of Biblical kings (in the Septuaginta) as basileis, Hellenistic theories of kingship, and the final victory over the Persians, had motivated Emperor — Her-

esp. 169-182.

V.P.

Il. ROMAN The geographical position of B. in the original tribal region of the Celtic Raurici was determined by the Rhine’s change of direction from west to north, and also by the fact that there was an intersection of prehistoric roads from France, the Jura, and the Alps (first mentioned in Amm. Marc. 30,3,1 for the year AD 374). The earliest Roman occupation force was housed in the fort built at the time of Drusus on the Miinsterhiigel (c.

526

325)

BASILICA

15 BC.). Protected by the slopes of the Rhine and Birsig rivers as well as by a wall in today’s Baumleingasse, the camp village developed into a vicus. The late Roman castrum corresponds to the outline of today’s Miinsterplatz. From the 4th cent. on, B. was called Civitas Basiliensium, and since the 7th cent., it has been a diocesan town. F.STAEHELIN, Die Schweiz in rom. Zeit, 31948, 45-611;

R.FELLMANN, Basel in rém. Zeit, 1955; W.DRACcK, R. FELLMANN, Die Romer in der Schweiz 1988, 354-360; G. WALSER, Rom. Inschr. in der Schweiz 2, 1980, r9off. GW.

[2] Pompeii: basilica, c. 120 BC (ground-plan).

B. VITRUVIUS’ BASILICA

Basilica A. TERMINOLOGY AND DEFINITION B. VITRUVIUS’ BASILICA C. ORIGIN E. CHRISTIAN BASILICAS

D. ROME

A. TERMINOLOGY AND DEFINITION The term basilica goes back to the Greek word Baowtxn (basiliké), which means ‘majestic, royal, princely, magnificent, grand’ (Lat. regalis). When referring to a building, the adjective must be supplemented by a noun such as oto (stod), since basilica in Greek texts was often translated as otod. In Christian times,

the meaning of basilica is identical to church. Architecturally, a basilica consists of a long hall, which could be open or closed to the outside and which was divided into a nave and side aisles. The naves were separated by colonnades, which could be continued along the narrow sides to form a peristyle. The side naves sometimes had a second storey with windows and the elevated main nave often included a clerestory. The main entrance was either at the long side or the narrow side. Basilicas also had several built-in rooms that served various functions such as courtroom, bank and

Vitr. De arch. 5,1,4—5 defined the basilica as a building bordering the Forum that was to be erected on the warmest spot and which was to be the place of business for the negotiatores. The building’s width was supposed to be at least a third and no more than half of the building’s length. If the building lot was too long, a chalcidicum (‘vestibule’?) could be added. The height of

the columns was to correspond to the width of the side naves (porticus), which Vitruvius in turn determined to

be a third of the main nave’s width. The upper columns were to be one fourth lower than the lower columns. The pluteum (parapet) between the upper and lower columns was to be one fourth lower than the upper columns, so that the visitors (ambulantes) on the second floor could not be seen by the negotiatores on the ground floor. Vitruvius’ own basilica in > Fanum (5,1,6-10) shows a slight variation of this type with columns surrounding the inner hall and with a sanctuary (aedes) for Augustus, which is located across from the entrance in the middle of the long side and which included a tribunal in the shape of a half circle bending inward so that ‘those who stand next to the officials will not get in the way of the business people in the basilica’

stock exchange, throne room, sanctuary etc.

i

[

Ng aa

. m4

(1] Pompeii: basilica, c. 120 BC 10m

(reconstructed elevation).

Be

528

(5,1,8). The pagan basilica was thus a multi-purpose

otod. in Greek and due to its similar function and placement. Stoai are often found along squares and had one to two naves, although lacking a main nave. At times they hada second floor and shops. However, columned halls such as these amounted to covered walks rather than central rooms. Theories also existed that two stoai may have been combined into one basilica, as can be observed in the ‘hypostyle hall’ on Delos (late 3rd cent.

BASILICA

building, which merchants and bankers used as a business place, which magistrates used as an office, and

which also served as a courthouse (this was usually indicated by the presence of the tribunal across from the entrance).

C. ORIGIN The origin of the basilica is as controversial as the term. Even though it is generally assumed that Greek precursors existed, the building type itself is regarded as a Roman invention. The first known basilica is the Basilica Porcia, which M. Porcius > Cato had erected in 184 BC on the > Forum Romanum (Liv. 39,44,7).

Aside from the more general similarities of the basilica with Greek peristyles and column-lined squares, two specific Greek styles are considered as models: 1. The Greek > stoa due to its identification with the term

BC). 2. A second model was the throne room and audi-

ence chamber of Hellenistic kings, often called ath} (+ aulé, Lat. aula). This hypothesis is based on the concept of Baothketvs (basiletis) which is part of the word

basilica, but also on the form of the throne rooms of the kings’ successors, the Roman emperors. One could indeed detect evidence for this hypothesis both in the description of the festival tent that Ptolemy II had erected in the Alexandrian basileia (Ath. 5,196-197¢)

and in the main hall of the well-preserved governor’s

[3] Ravenna, S. Apollinare in Classe: basilica, ist haif of the 6th cent. AD

(reconstructed ground-plan with hypothetical atrium).

NSIS SST

SS]

[4] Ravenna, S. Apollinare in Classe: basilica, Ist half of the 6th cent. AD (elevation).

529

BASILICA

palace in Ptolemais (Palazzo delle Colonne; late Ptole-

maic). The connection to Egypt is also supported by Vitruvius’ comparison of a basilica with an Egyptian oecus (‘hall’) in private Roman residences (6,3,9). Such oeci are also known from Herodianic palaces in Palestine. It is possible that both models influenced the development of the basilica. In fact, as was suggested by LanGLOTZ, this may be the reason for the existence of two different basic types of basilicas.

‘See

et! = =

D. ROME The oldest basilicas were located along the Forum Romanum. The Basilica Porcia (184 BC) and the Basilica Opimia (121 BC) were completely destroyed. But remnants of the Basilica Aemilia and Basilica Sempronia which had been built in 179 BC and 170 BC on the Forum’s long side behind existing tabernae could be identified in the buildings that followed them. The best known republican basilica is the one in Pompeii (55 x 24 m; late 2nd cent. BC). It was located on the Forum, but not on its long side as in Rome. One entered the basilica through a massive chalcidicum on the narrow side; the tribunal was located at the opposite end of the longitudinal axis. This architectural solution is unique in republican Italy. The entrance to all other known basilicas was on the long side as seen from the Forum: for instance in Cosa (length 35.52 m; late 2nd cent. BC.), Alba Fucens (53 x 22m, c. too BC), Fanum (35-52 X 17.76 m), and Ardea (45.80 X 23.80 m, late 2nd cent. BC). The basilicas in Cosa and Ardea were accessible from the Forum side in their entire length through an open portico; this was also the case for the Basilica Iulia (105 x 46 m), which was a new Augustan version of the Basilica Sempronia in Rome. Characteristic of all of these early basilicae that served market and official purposes was that the main nave formed a central room surrounded by columns. In Augustan times, basilicas could be either open or closed and their entrances could be on either the narrow or the long side. Most basilicas were built in the rst and 2nd cents. and the various architectural forms of the forum basilica continued to be used. Since Augustus they were built in the provinces as well, primarily in the west. We can observe a slow change from the central type of the republican era to the long type such as in Pompeii, but the entrance was still always located on the long side. A certain type with an > apse on each narrow side was popular during early imperial times in Britannia and Gallia (particularly in military basilicas). Later, this

style was used for the massive Basilica Ulpia (159 x 55 m) on the Forum of Trajan in Rome as well as for the well-preserved Severian basilica in Leptis Magna (70.30 X 36.60 m). The latter style with its long ground plan that holds only one row of columns between main and side naves also points to a connection to the few basilicas of the east of the Roman empire. Eastern basilicas had entrances on the narrow side and were orientated towards an apse. It is possible that these buildings had connections with the agora (e.g. in Aspendus) or

aNR3

_____ WINDS

[5] Leptis Magna: basilica, after AD 210 (reconstruction of interior).

with the temples for the emperor’s cult (such as in Cyrene and Fanum). Although it had wider proportions, the Basilica of Maxentius on the Forum Roma-

num (100 X 65 m) with its three naves had a similar structure as well. Basilicas were not always free-standing buildings, they could also be parts of larger complexes: in the + baths, basilicas were used for physical exercise, walks, meetings etc. The private basilicas in large residences that had already been mentioned by Vitr. De arch. 6,5,2 served the owner (and magistrate) as a reception hall and as a place to conduct business. Roman emperors as well used this type of building for audiences, courtly affairs, and other imperial ceremonies (+ Palace). The long halls were always directed towards a narrow side, usually with an apse. The entrances were located on the narrow sides, and often there was an entry hall. Several such basilicas are known, such as the one belonging to Domitian’s palace on the Palatine (23.54 X 20.60 m); best preserved is the Basilica of Constantine in Trier (56.13 X 27.54 m; no interior divisions by columns). E. CHRISTIAN BASILICAS

It is assumed that Christian basilicas had two models: those on the Roman Forum and the royal basilicas (thus for instance Isid., Orig. 15,4,11; probably around AD 600). The basilica used by Constantine to create a new monumental temple for the Christian state cult established in 313 was not the open market basilica with portici running along the inside, but a closed axial hall that only had columns between the naves. Across from the apse was the entrance with an entrance hall (chalcidicum, now called > narthex; at times a court-

BASILICA

332

531

BEES

BBB

RRB BRR

PRR eee

ses

[6] Leptis Magna: basilica, after AD 210 (gcound-plan).

yard, the atrium, was located in front). This basilica

closely resembled the Basilica of Maxentius in Rome, which had been erected shortly before. The same building plan was then used for the famous basilica of St. Peter and the Lateran Basilica in Rome, also for the church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem as well as for the church of Nativity in Bethlehem, which were built under Constantine and his mother Helena. Since the late 4th cent., local variations began to emerge. The basilica became the prototype for churches and is used to this day in the west. In the Byzantine east, however,

the form of the basilica was gradually replaced by the > central-plan building. A. Boérutus, J.B. WARD-PERKINS, Etruscan and Roman Architecture, 1970, 127-131 and passim; J.CH. BALTy,

Le centre civique des villes romaines et ses espaces politiques et administratifs, in: La ciudad en el mundo romano,

XIV Congr. int. de Arqueologia clasica, Actas vol. 1, 1994, 91-107; H.BRANDENBURG, Roms friihchristl. B. des 4.Jh., 1979; G. CARETTONI, s.v. B. civile, EAA 2, 1959, 2-12;

F.COARELLI,

I] Foro

Romano

2, 1985, passim;

E.CocHE DE LA FerTé, s.v. B. cristiana, EAA 2, 1959, 12-15; J.-M. Davin, Le tribunal dans la b., in: Architecture et Société, conference Rome 1980, 1983, 219-241; F.W.

DEICHMANN,

s.v.

B. (Christian),

RAC

1, 1950,

Basilica Aemilia Common designation for the basilica on the north-east corner of the > Forum Romanum in Rome; it was first known also as — Basilica Fulvia (Varro, Ling. lat. 6, 4) or Basilica Aemilia et Fulvia (Liv.

40, §1, 5), and from 55 BC on it was called > Basilica Paulli as well (Plut. Caes. 29). The designation of Basilica Aemilia (BA) is a result of the increased number of building projects by the gens Aemilia (78, 54, 34, 14 BC, also in AD 22).

The differences in scholarly opinion about this building are rooted in the different views on the building activities of L. > Aemilius Paullus Lepidus, who began building the BA probably in 5 4 BC as aedile (Cic., Ad Att. 4, 16, 8). The common assumption was that the

BA et Fulvia in the north-east of the Forum Romanum was restored at the same time that construction of the building which was later to become the > Basilica Iulia was begun. It is undeniable that the Basilica Paulli replaced the Basilica Fulvia. But according to E. STEINBY, we are not dealing with the building in the north-east corner of the Forum Romanum, instead, Lepidus supposedly restored a BA in the centre of the Forum, while the magnificent Basilica Paulli on the north-east corner of the Forum Romanum was newly erected. Counter to

rém.

this claim stands an incident from the year of AD 22,

Markt-B., in: BJ 161, 1961, 39-46; M.GaaarorTTt, Atrium regium— basilica (Aemilia), in: Analecta Romana

when M. Aemilius Lepidus requested permission from the Senate to restore and decorate the Basilica Paulli

1249-1259;

G.FucuHs,

Die Funktion

der frihen

12, 1985, §3-73; A. VON GERKAN, Die profane und die kirchliche B., in: RQA 48, 1953, 129-146; R. KRAUTHEIMER, Early Christian and Byzantine Architecture, 1975, passim.; E.LANGLOTZ,

1950, 1225-1249;

s.v.

B. (non-Christian),

RAC

1,

Id., Der architekturgesch. Ursprung

(Tac. Ann. 3, 72), which is designated as aemilia monu-

menta. Since Aemilius Paullus stems from the gens Aemilia, the Basilica Paulli is now generally identified with the BA. E.M. Sreinsy, in: LTUR 1, 167-168; RICHARDSON, 54-

der christl. B., 1972; I.NreLtsen, Thermae et Balnea, *1993, 162 and passim; Id., Hellenistic Palaces, 1994, 20 and passim; A. NUNNERICH-AsMus, B. und Portikus, 1994; K.Onrp, Die B. in Pompeji, 1991; J.B. WaRD-PERKINS, Constantine and the Origins of the Christian B., in:

Basilica Argentaria Basilica in the city of Rome, men-

PBSR 22, 1954, 69-90; E. WELIN, Studien zur Topogra-

tioned in Constantine’s time (cur. register VIII), also

phie des Forum Romanum, 1953,

designated as basilica vascularia (CIL 9, 3821) on an inscription; the name probably stems from silver merchants who resided there (argentarii vascularii; schol. Hor. Epist. 1, 1, 53). The Basilica Argentaria (BA) con-

111-120; L.M. WHITE,

Building God’s House in the Roman World, 1990.

LN.

56 (s.v. Basilica Paulli).

RE.

99

534

nected the south-western exedra of the Forum of Trajan to the Forum of Caesar, whose north-western hall

was bordered to the south-west by a row of tabernae, and to the north-east by a wall or portico whose foundations lie below those of the Basilica Paulli. A reconstruction of the inner structure must take into consideration that the middle axis was formed by a gully in the first phase and by a cloaca in the second phase. This leads to the conclusion that the enlargement of the middle nave was the decisive change to the second phase.

formed a continuation of the BA on higher ground level following two sets of stairs. The naves of the BA were orientated along the halls of the Forum of Caesar and were separated by pilasters, with the Domitian terrace wall of the Capitol hill forming a diagonal rear wall for the rear nave. The two stories each had two sets of cross vaults. Possibly after the great fire of AD 283, the pilaster rows of the rear nave were constructed in a lower system made from brick pilasters and arches, which carried a mezzanine floor above a newly erected cross vault. Graffiti representing names and verses from Virgil’s ‘Aeneid’ was carved into the white stucco of the newly built parts. C. Morse_il, in: LTUR

Basilica Constantiniana

1, 169-170; RICHARDSON,

5of. RF.

(Basilica Nova; Basilica of

Maxentius). The Basilica Constantiniana (BC) in Rome

was begun by Maxentius and completed by Constantine (Aur. Vict. Caes. 40, 26), and is reminiscent of early republican local tradition in the area of the Velia. The base area of 100 X 65 mis dominated by a nave measuring 80 x 25 m. The middle aisle can be entered through five doors from a low entrance hall on the eastern narrow side and it ends in a western apse containing an acrolithic statue of seated Constantine (fr. extant, Rome, MC). In a later building phase, the middle area

on the north side received a shallower apse with alcoves for statues. On the opposite side to the south, a new entrance was opened up, framed by a portico on porphyry columns. The three cross vaults of the nave belonged to the largest structures of their kind in Rome with a vertex height of 35 m, resting on marble columns with a height of 14.50 m. In 1613, pope Paul V had one of the columns placed in front of S. Maria Maggiore. F. CoarRELLI, in: LTUR 1, 170-173; RICHARDSON, 51-52

(bibliography).

RF.

Basilica Fulvia Built in Rome in 179 BC on instruction from the censors M. Aemilius Lepidus and M. Fulvius Nobilior (Liv. 40, 51, 2f.). It is possible that a previous building from 210 BC was incorporated (Plaut. Capt. 815; Plaut. Curc. 472). In 78 BC, the consul in office, M. Aemilius Lepidus, intervened in the construction (Plin. HN 35, 13); > Basilica Aemilia. H. Bauer developed an outline of the basic shape based on sparse structural remnants. Judging from the north-east corner of its foundation, the portico was located in front of the tabernae and ran 3 m behind the portico from the > Basilica Paulli’s Augustan phase. The ground level of the first phase (after 210 BC?) was identified in the tabernae about 1.50 m below that of the Basilica Paulli. A second ground level was found there in a depth of about 1.20 m, stemming from a rebuilding phase in the rst cent. BC. The interior space

BASILICA

IULIA

H. Bauer, in: LTUR 1, 173-175; G. Fucus, Architekturdarstellungen auf rém. Miinzen, 1969, 49-50; RI-

CHARDSON, S.v. Basilica Paulli, 54-56.

RE.

Basilica Hilariana The Basilica Hilariana (BH), located within the modern Villa Celimontana on the Piazza

della

Navicella

in Rome,

was

first discovered

through its mosaic with the caption revealing its name. Close by, the base of a statue of Manius Publicus Hilarus was found, who had erected the building for the members of a cultic society. The statue had been a donation from the priests of the Cybele. Since 1987, an area of 30X35 m has been uncovered. Stamped bricks reveal that the BH dates to the years of AD 145/155. A period of rebuilding in the 3rd cent. during which porticoes were divided into new rooms testifies to a more intensive use. For the 5th cent. we can observe a fundamental structural change in which several rooms in the north-east were changed into a fullonica. C.Pavouini,

in: LTUR

1, 175-176;

RICHARDSON,

52. RE.

Basilica Iulia The Basilica lulia (BI) in Rome takes up the area between the Temple of Saturn and the Temple of the Dioscuri, bordered to the west by the vicus Iugarius and to the east by the vicus Tuscus. It was built on top of the > Basilica Sempronia as well as the house underneath, which was owned supposedly by Scipio Africanus. Remnants of both houses were found. The new Bl also displaced the tabernae veteres and it is likely that the bordering streets had to be moved as well. Construction began in the year 54 BC (- Basilica Aemilia) and was completed by Augustus, but in 12 BC the BI burned down. The rebuilding of the Bl was dedicated to his two adopted sons Caius and Lucius. In AD 283, it burned down again and was rebuilt by Diocletian.

The building had five naves, of which the large middle aisle was three stories high (75 x 16 m) and the side aisles two stories high, and the portico (Plin. Ep. 6,33; Suet. Calig. 37) faced the Forum; this is where the tribunal of the centumviri convened. The steps to the Forum show carvings of games and possibly depictions of statues from the area. C.F.

GruLiani,

P. VerpucuHi,

CHARDSON, 52-53.

LTUR

1, 177-179;

RI-

RF.

BASILICA NEPTUNI

535

Basilica Neptuni A building in Rome restored by Hadrian (SHA Hadr. 19,10), possibly the reconstruction of the Poseidonion that had burned down in 80 BC under Titus. The building, now partially covered by the modern Via della Palombella, is located directly south of the Pantheon and west of the Porticus Argonautorum. The main room wasa hall of about 45 x 20 m with a round alcove which probably housed a colossal statue. The short sides of the hall are narrower and hold rectangular alcoves, the long sides have rows of alternating round and rectangular alcoves. Eight big columns close to the walls supported the entablature, which also contains a frieze of dolphins. The roof probably consisted of three cross vaults. The main entrance in the south was orientated towards the Baths of Agrippa. The Basilica Neptuni (BN) had been restored together with the Pantheon, the Saepta, and the Baths of Agrippa, which raises the possibility that the BN had become part of the baths, together with several rooms directly to the south of it that are only poorly preserved. L.Corpiscut, in: LTUR

1, 182-183; RICHARDSON,

From the first construction phase (completion in 34 BC; Cass. Dio 49,42), in the basement, remains exist of

the marble wall incrustation in the second Pompeian style. The nave stands out in its decors: columns and floors made of precious colourful marble. The entablature supported a frieze which originally was about 184 m long and whose fragments depict events from Rome’s mythic early times. The second building phase began with the restoration after the fire of 14 BC. It was carried out in the name of another Aemilius, who was backed by Augustus and Paullus’ friends (Cass. Dio 54,24). The two upper stories and the portico in front of them belong to this phase. The sculpted orienta! statues are the first preserved examples of this genre as > architectural sculpture. They stood on consoles, or on the moulded geison above the frieze running along the aula, like the colossal statues of captured Dacians on the Arch of Constantine. H. Bauer, in: LTUR

1, 183-187; RICHARDSON,

54-56.

RF.

54.

RF.

Basilica Opimia It was erected by the consul A.L. Opimius in 121 BC in Rome simultaneously with the Temple of Concordia, and was torn down possibly when the latter was rebuilt by Tiberius between 7 BC and AD tro. No relics are extant, which complicates the effort to localize the Basilica Opimia (BO) relative to the Temple of Concordia in the vicinity (Varro, Ling. 5, 156). We can therefore hardly determine whether we are dealing with an independent basilica or with only a room that had similar functions and that was part of a building erected or restored by Opimius and located in the north-western part of the > Forum Romanum. A.M. FERRONI, in: LTUR 1, 183; RICHARDSON, 54.

536

RF.

Basilica Paulli Considered ‘one of the most beautiful buildings in the world’ (Plin. HN 36,102), it took the place of the > Basilica Fulvia on the north-east corner of the > Forum Romanum in Rome (Stat. Silv. 1,1,30) but showed certain differences to the latter in its ground plan. It was restored by members of the gens Aemilia (78, 54, 34 and 14 BC, as well as under Tiberius in AD 22.; cf. > Basilica Aemilia), also after the fires of AD 283 and again in the early 5th cent. Initial excavations were performed in 1898-1914. In 1922-1940, the series of tabernae in front and the wall separating them from the basilica were reconstructed, and so were the

architectural plans of the first and second stories since 1948. L. Aemilius Paullus Lepidus probably began his

Basilica Porcia Erected in 184 BC near the Curia Hostilia by Cato Censorius, financed from public funds (Plut. Cato mai. 19, 3; Plut. Cato min. 5, 1), Rome’s oldest basilica. When Clodius was killed in 52 BC and his followers turned the Curia into his funeral pyre, the Basilica Porcia burned down as well. Two substructural rooms in opus incertum possibly stem from the Sullan building phase; they are located directly on the Clivus Lautumiarum (Clivus Argentarius) across from the car-

cer. E. M. Sternsy, in: LTUR 1, 187; RICHARDSON,

56.

RF

Basilica Sempronia Basilica on the north side of the + Forum Romanum in Rome, erected by > Sempronius Gracchus (censor in 169 BC). The house of P. Scipio Africanus and the tabernae veteres previously stood on the basilica’s building lots, which were purchased with public funds. Remains from this sequence of buildings may have been uncovered under the > Basilica Iulia. I. Tacort, in: LTUR

1, 187-188; RICHARDSON, 56.

R.E.

Basilica Therma (Baotkuxe OéQua, Cégua, Ogeucn Baowktxat; Basilika Thérma, Thérma, Thérmai Basilikai). City in Cappadocia, in the border region to East Galatia, today Sarikaya (previously Terzili Haman). Thermal spa, documented as a diocese since AD 451. HILb/RESTLE, 156f.

K.ST.

construction work in 54 BC as aedile (App. B Civ. 2,16)

and continued it beyond his days as consul in 50 BC (Cic. Att. 4,16,8). He may have financed the project with a bribe to the amount of 1,500 talents, paid by Caesar from Gallic booty — the Basilica Paulli (BP) would thus be a part of Caesar’s new design of the Forum Romanum.

Basilics The ‘Basilics’, after the Greek term basilikd (n.pl.: ‘imperial’; sc. law books), are a compilation in Greek of the most important parts of the > Corpus iuris (> Digesta and > Codex (II) Iustinianus, as well as extracts from > Institutiones and > Novellae C.) from

Dev,

538

the time of the Byzantine emperor Leo(n) [9] VI (886912). For five-and-a-half centuries the Basilics secured the continuance of Roman law in ByzaNnTIUM (I. B.3). At the same time, they are an invaluable secondary source for the survival of the Corpus iuris, above all the DicEsTa (A.3). The Basilics also form the basis for Byzantine commentaries and textbooks, beginning with the scholia on the Basilics and ending in the mid r4th cent. with a manual in six volumes (hence: Hexdbiblos) by the judge Harmenopulos.

Basilinda (Baothivéa; basilinda). Game in whicha

H. J. SCHELTEMA et al. (ed.), Basilicorum libri LX. Series

A (Text), Series B (Scholia), 1953-1985.

BASILISCUS

and the loser is called the donkey (Poll. 9,106); another

(different) children’s game is mentioned by Horace (Epist. 1,1,59-60).

RB.

~ Ball games; > Children’s games

Gis:

Basilicus (Baotkixdc; Basilikos). {1] Rhetor in the 2nd cent. AD who lived past the year 200. He taught in Nicomedia in Bithynia (Suda s.v. Apsines). His student > Apsines refers to him and Aristides as the only sources for his study of rhetoric. In addition to a commentary on Demosthenes, B. is attributed with the authorship of several rhetorical works (TEQt TOV Sta A€EEMS OYNUATWV, TEL ONTOELXT|S TAQEQOHXEVIS NTOL WEeQk Goxroewc, MEQl wetamouoews). Only

few remnants of these works are preserved in the Hermogenes scholia. M.W. [2] Gnostic theologian around AD 180, from the school of + Marcion. Ina polemic by Rhodon, B. is mentioned as a representative of a dualist theory similar to Marcion’s own (Euseb. Hist. eccl. 5,13,3). B. appears to be identical with a certain Blastus mentioned by Theodoretus of Cyrus (Haereticar. fabular. compendium 1,25). A.v. HARNACK, Marcion: Das Evangelium vom fremden Gott, repr. 1996 (*1924). RB.

Basilinna (Baotiivva; basilinna, ‘queen’) is the designation for the wife of the Athenian > Archon Basileus (‘king’) who is considered to be the democratic successor in the sacred duties of the king (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 3 on the origin; 57 on the duties). She must be a citizen of Athens and a virgin at the time of marriage. Her sacred duties include secret rites in the Dionysus cult, particularly at the Anthesteria, which she conducts with the gera(i)rai (‘aged women’ or ‘venerable women’). In the context of these rites, she is given to > Dionysus as wife. More important than this vaguely known ‘sacred marriage’, often debated in research nevertheless [1. 117-119; images: 2; 3], is the fact that several central rites of the Athenian Dionysus cult continue this very old role of the queen (main reference in Demosth.

59:73-79) [2]. 1 A. AVAGIANOU, Sacred Marriage in the Rituals of Greek Religion, 1991 =2E.SIMON, Festivals of Attica, 1983, 96f. 3 A.Lezzi-Harter, Anthesterien und Hieros Gamos, in: Proc. 3d Symposion on Ancient and Related

Pottery, Copenhagen 1987, 1989. Basiliscus

Basilikoi paides (Baowxoi naidec; basilikoi paides). Lat. pueri regii, pages of the Macedonian king: boys recruited from aristocracy as hostages and as a ‘nursery for army leaders and officers’ (Curt. 8,6,6). — Alexander [4] kept more than 50 of them. They accompanied and guarded the king, rendered personal services, and were kept under strict discipline (Curt. 8,6,2-6), hence the Greeks often referred to them as slaves. It is not certain whether the older ones fought at the king’s side. > Philippus II is said to have begun this practice (thus Arr. Anab. 4,13,1), but traces of it can be found under earlier kings as well [see especially 1. 261-264]. Philip had expanded the practice to newly conquered areas and had established a system. We do not hear much about the pages, but several of those under Alexander conspired against the king (~~ Hermolaus; > Callisthenes). The practice was adopted by the + Diadochi and is certain to have existed up to the end of the Macedonian monarchy (s. Liv. 45,6,7-8). 1N.G. L. HamMmonp, Royal Pages, Personal Pages, in: Historia 39, 1990, 261-94.

BERVE I, 37-39.; A.B. BosworTH, Hist. Arrian’s History of Alex. 2, 1995, 91-93.

child

is named king by drawing lots, and then the ‘king’ assigns roles to his playmates which they must act out (Poll. 9,110). It is similar to the game of kings of Cyrus as described by Herodotus, except for the fact that the king is elected there (Hdt. 1,114). The game is different from the ball game in which the winner is called the king

Comm.

on EB.

Roman

(Baotkioxoc;

counter-emperor,

Basiliskos),

brother

F.G. Flavius.

East

of the empress

Verina who was the wife of emperor > Leo I (457-474).

Since 468, he held the office of mag. militum. In 468, he fought unsuccessfully against the Vandals, in 471, he supported Leo in overthrowing and murdering Aspar (> Ardabur), the powerful mag. militum, and revolted against Leo’s son-in-law > Zeno (474-491) from Jan-

uary 475 until August 476 with the support of Monophysite groups. During his rule, he issued an edict to abolish the doctrines established by the council of Chalcedon (451) and was therefore fought by the Chalcedonians under the patriarch Acacius of Constantinople. In 476, he died in exile after being overthrown by Zeno and his followers. Since his supposed kinship with + Odoacer cannot be supported (BRANDES versus KRAUTSCHIK and DEMANDT), it cannot be used to claim a connection between his revolt and that of Odoacer (PLRE 2, 212-14 no. 2). ODB 1, 267; W. BRANDES, Familienbande?, in: Klio 75, 1993, 407-36; ST. KRauTSCHIK, Zwei Aspekte des Jahres 476, in: Historia 35, 1986, 344-71. E.T.

BASILISK

Basilisk (Greek Baothioxoc; Basiliskos), ‘the king of the snakes’, fabulous snake of the Libyan desert, documented from Hellenistic times; detailed descriptions are given by Pliny (HN 8,78f.) and Isidore (12,4,6f.). Recognizable by a white spot on its head, ‘like a diadem’ (Pliny) and by its unsnakelike form of forward motion, the B. kills by its breath and smell: wherever it passes, it burns bushes and grass and breaks stones (Plin.). It can kill humans also by its mere gaze (Plin. HN 29,66), or it bites like any other snake (Luc.

9724-6. 828). Its enemies are the weasel (Plin.; Isid.) and the cock, whose crowing kills it. For this reason travellers in Libya take roosters with them (Ael. NA 3531); poppy juice and castoreum are considered antidotes (Ps.-Diose. 2,91).

In Patristic writings, the B. becomes the symbol of the devil (rex daemoniorum, Aug. In psalm. 90,9) or of sin (Isid. In Genes. 5,8). In medieval tales it becomes

detached from the geographical location of Libya, turning into a dragon-like winged saurian that kills by its stare alone. For this reason Alexander (like other mythical kings) is said to have made it look at itself in a mirror and thus killed it. It is usually said to be born from the egg of a rooster. E.G. Basilius (Baothetoc; Basileios). [1] Basil the Great of Caesarea/Cappadocia. A. BrocrapHy

540

Soe

B. Works

C. THEOLOGY

A. BIOGRAPHY

B. (born around 329/330 as the son of a Christian senatorial family who owned large estates) together with his younger brother > Gregorius of Nyssa and his friend > Gregorius of Nazianze were called the three great Cappadocians. His grandmother gave him his first introduction to the Bible and theology along the lines of Origenism. His education continued in the cities of Caesarea/Cappadocia, Constantinople and Athens. In Athens (c. 349-355), he heard the rhetors > Himerius and > Prohaeresius, and made the acquaintances of > Libanius, Gregory of Nazianzen, and the future Emperor > Julianus. In 357/358, after teaching rhetoric for a short time in Caesarea, he devoted himselfto an ascetic life, which to him was identical to true Christi-

anity based on the gospel and to a true philosophical life (Ep. 1,1). After an educational journey to the centres of monasticism, he settled on a country estate near Neocaesarea (Annisi: Epist. 14). He developed an ascetic programme that increasingly contrasted with the idea of renouncing the world in > Eustathius of Sebaste. From the early 360s on, B. became more closely involved with the general trend in church policies — he offered resistance against Emperor — Constantius II’s Homoean (meaning the subordination of Christ) imperial church policy. Emperor > Valens’ similar politics drew B. out of his solitude in 364 and brought him to the top of the church in Caesaria, first temporarily, and after 370 as bishop and metropolitan of Cappadocia. There, he worked towards a unification of all local

churches in the East and the West which favoured Nicaea despite the Emperor’s personal attempts to make him change his mind in 372 (Greg. Naz. Or. 43,46-53) and established the church’s intensive social work. Whereas the ‘unification project’ with the West failed for the most part, it succeeded with Asia Minor, especially after Valens died in the catastrophe of 378, which was at the same time considered as the disastrous failing of church policies. B. died in 379 and did not live to see the triumph of his church policies at the synods of Constantinople in 381/382. B. WORKS

(Selection) Aside from his voluminous correspondence [r], B. primarily authored ascetic writings including rules as well. The compilation of 1,500 NT texts concerning 80 rules [2], later called tu “HOtxd, a text about Church reform aiming at the formation and maintenance of Christian identity [cf. 13], stems from 3 59/360. B.’s active role in church policy resulted in his systematical-theological writings, including, after 364, his three books against > Eunomius [s. 3] and the writ-

ing on the Holy Spirit [4]. His role of famous preacher who placed particular emphasis on social ethics yielded several homilies on various topics [5]. His ‘writing to the young about the reading of Greek literature’ [6], which assigns pagan culture to a role within ascetic paideia, was particularly influential up to modern times (especially in European Renaissance). B. and Gregory of Nazianzen together authored a selection of texts by Origen, the Qovyévovus piAoxahia, which bear witness to his Origenist perspective [7; 8].

C. THEOLOGY

B.’s ascetic writings combine a theologically based criticism of the Church with efforts towards Church reform, whose motor B. located in monasticism. In his theological writings, B. prepared the ‘definition of the Trinitarian dogma’ [9] on the basis of the so- called ‘neo-Nicene’ interpretation of the creed of 325 (in formulaic abbreviation: via ovota év toLolv bxo00TthoOEOLV). EDITIONS: 1CPGII,2900 2CPGII2877 3CPGII 2837: B.SEsBOUE (ed.), SChr. 299/305, 1982, 1983

4CPGII 2839 §=5 CPGII 2835-2869 7 M.Hakrt (ed.), SChr. 302, 1983

6 CPGII 2867 8 E.JuNoD (ed.),

SChr. 226, 1976. SECONDARY LITERATURE: 9H.DOrriEs, De Spiritu Sancto, AAWGIII 39,1956 10 P. Fepwick (ed.), Basil of Caesarea, 2 vols., 1981 11 B.Garn, L’Eglise de Cappa-

doce au IVS siécle d’aprés la correspondance de Basile de Cesarée, 1985

12 J.GRIBOMONT, s.v. Basil of Caesarea

in Cappadocia, Encyclopedia of the Early Church I, 1992, 114f. 13 W.-D.HauscuI1D, s.v. Basilius von Casarea, TRE 5, 1980 = 1993, 301-313 14 K. KoSCHORKE, Spuren der alten Liebe, in: Paradosis 32, r99r. C.M.

[2] Originally from Spain (Zos. 5,40,2), probably a Christian. He (or his father by the same name) was proconsul of Achaea (Phot. 65), then became comes sacra-

rum largitionum in AD 382-383

under the rule of

541

542

+ Gratianus (Symmachus, Relat. 34,6; Cod. Theod. 4,20,1; I1,30,40; 12,1,101), and finally praef. urbis

under the leadership of the Armenian Samuel of Ohrid. Despite Samuel’s sudden death in ro14, B. was not able

Romae 395 (Cod. Theod. 7,24). During the siege of Rome, he was the Senate’s delegate to > Alaricus in 408

to incorporate Bulgaria into the Byzantine Empire until

(Zos. 5,40,2-4). PLRE 1, 149 no. 3.

WP. [3] Of Seleucia. (Baoitetog Lerevxeiac, c. 435-468),

bishop of > Seleucia (Isauria). At the beginning of the Monophysite dispute, he did not adopt a clear position, but after the council of Chalcedon (451), he joined the orthodox camp. His work includes sermons and a number of homilies that were mostly attributed to other authors. His work on the life of St. Thecla was passed down incompletely. EDITION: PG 85. SECONDARY LITERATURE: B.ALTANER, A.STUIBER, Patrologie, °1978, 335; B. Marx, Procliana, 1940; Id., Der homiletische Nachlaf des B. von Seleukia, Orient.

Christ. Period. 7, 1941, 329-369; G.DRaGon, Vie et miracles de sainte Thécle (Subsidia hagiographica 62), K.SA.

[4] B., Flavius. or Anicius Faustus Albinus, the last privatus to be consul in AD 541 (without colleague), patricius (from 542-565, consulates were dated as post consulatum during his time in office). In 546, he fled from Rome to Constantinople (PLRE 3, 174f.). HLL. [5] B.L (867-886, born around 830/836), Byzantine emperor, born into a peasant family of Armenian descent from the region of Adrianopolis in the thema (province) Macedonia (which explains the name of the ‘Macedonian dynasty’ he founded). In Constantinople, B. became the favourite of Emperor Michael III, who made him joint emperor in 866. However, B. murdered Emperor Michael III on 23/24 September 867 and took over his rulership. Under B.’s rule, the fight against the Arabs in Asia Minor and Lower Italy was continued with varying success. He streamlined the financial administration, fostered building and the arts and introduced a legal reform. His Vita, commissioned by his grandson Constantine VII, portrays him as a legendary figure. LMA 1, 1521; ODB 1, 260.

1019, where it remained until 1185. LMA 1, 1522; ODB 1, 26rf.

A.CHASTAGNOL, La préfecture urbaine 4 Rome sous le Bas-Empire, 1960, 443f.; H.P. Kouns, Versorgungskrisen und Hungerrevolten im spatant. Rom, 1961, rortf.

1978.

BASRA

ET.

[6] B. IL. (976-1025, born in 958), Byzantine emperor

of the ‘Macedonian dynasty’, great-great-grandson of ~ B. I, joint emperor since 960. Following the death of his father, Romanus II, in 963, rulership was first transferred to the emperors > Nicephorus II, Phocas (963969), and > Iohannes I Tzimiskes (969-976), who did not belong to the dynasty. Afterwards, B. was still forced into war until 989 by the usurpers Bardas Phocas and Bardas Sclerus. In 989/990, Prince Vladimir of Kiev married B.’ sister Anna and initiated Christianization of his country. Starting in 986, the Bulgarians, who had been conquered in 972, again fought for independence

E.T.

[7] B. Megalomytes. Epigram poet, who authored 32 still extant and more or less successful riddles (Anth.

Pal. append. 7,47—78 CouGny) which show similarities to the Late Byzantine enigmatic writings by Theodoros Aulikalamos (append. 7,79f.) or Michael Psellus (append. 7,34-45). Nothing is known about the author and his unusual cognomen ‘big-nosed’ (according to [1]: cognomen hominis nasi longitudine conspicui); the most probable dating of this author places him no earlier than into the roth cent. AD. 1J.F. BotssonapE, 1962, 437-452.

Anecdota

Graeca,

3, 1831, repr. E.D.

Basle see > Basilia

Basque Basque is not genetically related with any other language. It is close to Iberian in its phonology, but otherwise has few lexical and morphological similarities to it. Essentially, it has created its own forms. However, its vocabulary shows strong exterior influences. The oldest layers include words from the Alps, the Caucasus, and Northern Africa, as well as Indo-European and Celtic imports. The main body of loan words stems from Latin, such as gurutze ‘cross’, lege ‘law’, errota ‘mill’, kale ‘street’, abate ‘duck’, pago ‘beech’. Additionally, we find Romanisms and Graeco-Latin neologisms. A few Latin derivative affixes also were adopted, such as the -tu in participles. Nevertheless, Basque largely remained independent in its morphology and syntax. + Hispania: Languages J. ALLIERES, Les Basques, 1977; G. ROHLFs, B. Kultur im Spiegel des lat. Lw., in: FS fiir K. Voretzsch, 1927, 58-86.

H.SCH.

Basra (Teondmv/Teredon, Ptol. 5,19,5; “loidaric/ Iridotis or Avoidwtc/Diridotis, Arr. Ind. 41,6). Arabian

city in lower Mesopotamia, 420 km south-east of Baghdad on the Satt al-‘Arab (combined course of the Euphrates [2] and Tigris shortly before their mouth). Although B. lies at the site of the Persian settlement of Vahistabad ArdaSer (preceded perhaps by ancient Diridotis/Iridotis or Teredon), it is essentially a new foundation originating during the period of the Arab conquest (AD 635), and like > Kufa developed from a military encampment. Besides lying at the intersection of trade routes from Iraq and Iran, B. was founded as a base for expeditions east of the Euphrates and Tigris. B. developed rapidly into a thriving mercantile metropolis, its population a combination of settled Bedouins, Iranians converted to Islam, Indians and many Nesto-

543

544

rian Christians (cf. > Nestorius D.); it was to be the

Bassianus [1] Originally the cognomen of > Caracalla. [2] Originally the cognomen of the future emperor M. Aurelius > Severus Alexander. AB.

BASRA

cultural centre of the young Islamic state until the flourishing of Baghdad at the beginning of the 9th cent. Through the reception and translation. into Arabic of Indian and Persian works such as Kalila wa Dimna and the Persian Book of Kings (> Sassanids), the Arabs in B.

became familiar with eastern > wisdom literature and Persian history; the origins of classical Arabic grammar, too, can especially be traced to Indian influences in B. Classical Islamic theology (the Kalam) developed in B. in debate with the highly developed Aristotelian theology of the Nestorians. The origins of Islamic mysticism and asceticism also probably go back to Christian models in B. (Hasan al-Basri).

[3] Married to > Anastasia [1], named Caesar for Italy by > Constantinus the Great shortly before the war against Licinus (AD 316), but was then spurred on by his brother Senecio to a conspiracy against Constantine and executed upon its discovery (Anon. Vales. 5,14—-15). PERE

aesOnn Ooi

KIENAST, *1996,.307.

B.BL.

after the Muslim Conquest, 1984; CH. PELLAT, Le milieu

[4] a lawyer from Antioch. He was related to > Libanius and was also his student (Lib. Ep. 541). He appears to have been Christian (Fpist. 1364). He entered civil service under > Julianus (Epist. 592). In AD 371, he was caught up ina high treason case and condemned to

basrien et la formation de Gahiz, 1953; CH. PELLAT, s. v.

have his possessions confiscated (Amm. Marc. 29,2,5).

Basra, EI’, CD-ROM

PURE

J. vAN Ess, Theologie und Ges. im 2. und 3. Jh. Hidschra, in: Id., Basra, Vol. 2, 1992,

1-429; M. Morony,

1999.

Iraq

I. TN.

i502:

W.P.

Bassae see > Phigalia

Bassus

Bassaeus Rufus, M. Of low descent, lacking the usual education (Cass. Dio 71,5,2f.). In the army, he advanced to the office of primus pilus, held procuratorial positions in Spain, Noricum, and Gallia/Germania, and became a rationibus, praef. vigilum, praef. Aegypti in 168/169 [1. 297], praef. praetorio from 169 to before AD 180. He was honoured with the ornamenta consu-

tius, > Ponticus, and Bassus quoque clarus iambis (Ov.

Tr. 4,10,45-47). This B. could therefore likely be the addressee of Prop. 1,4,1 and perhaps Horace’s friend (Carm. 1,36,14). No fragments exist whatsoever. It cannot be determined whether the iambographer is also identical with —> Julius B., the rhetor mentioned by the older Seneca, who consectari ... solebat res sordidas

laria and, after his death, with three statues in Rome

(Contr. 10,1,13).

[1] Among his best friends, Ovid mentions -> Proper-

(CIL VI r599=ILS 1326 [2. 389-393]).

H. BARDON, 2, 52.

1 G. BASTIANINI, Lista dei Prefetti d’Egitto dal 307 al 299°, in: ZPE 17,1975 2 PFLAUM, tr. W.E.

Bassarai, Bassareus see - Dionysus

JAR.

[2] Military aid to praef. Aegypti A. > Avillius Flaccus around 35/37, (Phil. in Flacc. 92). PIR? B 83. [3] Consul in the Gallic usurper’s empire under Postumus (CIL XIII 3163). PIR* B79.

WE.

[4] Friend of Septimius Severus, praef. urbi in 193 (SHA Bassiana(e) [1] City in Pannonia superior (It. Ant. 262,10), 18 miles from Savaria on the road to Arrabona and -> Brigetio, near Sarvar on the middle section of the river Raab.

MAS.K. [2] Roman city of > Pannonia inferior, near today’s Petrovci and Putinci in eastern Srem on the road from Sirmium to Taurunum, in the region of the Scordisci and the pre-Celtic Amantini (CIL III 3224; Ptol. 2,15,8; Tab. Peut. 5,4; It. Ant. 131,5; Itin. Hierosolymitanum 563,11). B. developed in the agriculturally favourable area near the main road of civitas Sirmiensium et Amantinorum (Plin. HN 3,148). It became municipium probably under Hadrian, colonia under Caracalla (Bassianae appears to be a pre-Celtic name unrelated to the emperor’s name). Not. Dign. Occ. 11,46 mentions a textile factory (gynaecium Bassianense) which was moved to Salona. S.DuSanic¢, B. and Its Territory, in: Archaeologia Iugoslavica 8, 1967, 67-81.

M.S.K.

Sev. 8,8; [Aur. Vict.] Epit. Caes. 20,6); cannot be identi-

fied [1. 106, 207]. 1 A. Brey, Septimius Severus, *1988.

W.E.

Bassus Lollius Epigram poet in the early rst cent. AD (cf. Anth. Pal. 7,391 on the death of Germanicus in AD 19), born perhaps in Smyrna (according to the lemma of Anth. Pal. 11,72; the poem’s authorship is, however,

not certain). At least nine poems by B. are extant from the ‘Garland’ of Philippus (with the addition of several incerta, cf. Anth. Pal. 9,30 as well), all of which rather mediocre, most of them either epideictic (9,236 is a panegyrical poem about imperial Rome, ‘the home of the entire universe’) or funeral epigrams (7,372 = GVI 1580

is possibly an actual inscription). GA II 1,176-183; 2,191-197.

Bast see > Writing utensils

E.D.

546

Se5)

BASTET

Bastarda In addition to the litterae textuales, the cur-

B. BiscHorr, Palaographie des rém. Alt. und des abend-

sive scripts, and chancellery scripts, a third modus scribendi emerged between the end of the 13th cent. and the first few decades of the 14th cent. Late medieval and Renaissance sources referred to it by the names of littera

landischen MA, *1986, 191-195; E. Crous,J.KIRCHNER, Die gotischen Schriftarten, 1928, 13-17, 19-21, fig. 16,

bastarda, lettre bastarde, textus bastardus, b.

Bastarda designates a type of writing which combines the two graphic traditions of the 13th cent.: cursive, as far as the forms of letters and their joining in a system of writing is concerned, and the tradition of littera textualis in what concerns writing technique and style. The origin of the bastarda were elaborations of textualis models in cursive and chancellery scripts. Usually, bastarda shows a given selection of alphabetical forms, solid execution, no ligatures, and alternating hairlines and shade lines selected according to the respective style. Bastarda was used for official documents as well as for books. The spread of bastarda is closely linked to the growing use of writing in an urban society and to the emergence ofa class of professional copiers who developed a clear graphic hierarchy in the r4th and 15th cents. Bastarda scripts are characterized by a great variety of types of execution and styles (for instance, the partial appearance of broken shafts, upstrokes with loops, obliques, differently executed upstrokes and downstrokes). The various expositions generally correspond to the social functions and the graphic traditions of the respective texts (books or documents). Already in the 14th cent., bastarda writings testify to a culture that is expressed not only in Latin, but also in the national vernaculars. The entirety of bastarda scripts share only a few characteristics: usually a simple, small a, long s and f,

18, 27, 28,

31-51; J.KIRCHNER, Scriptura gothica libra-

ria, 1966, pl. 43-66;

O. Maza, Beobachtungen zu 6ster-

reichischen Buchschriften des 14.Jh., in: Codices manuscripti, II, 9, 16, 1992, 1-26; W.OEsER, Beobachtungen

zur Entstehung und Verbreitung schlaufenloser Bastarden, in: Archiv fiir Diplomatik 38, 1992, 235-243; E. OverGAAuw, Die Nomenklatur der gotischen Schriftarten bei der Katalogisierung von spatmittelalterlichen Hss., in: Codices Manuscripti, H. 15, 17, 1994, 100-106.

Se,

acteristics are less consistent (for instance, , m, n at the

Basternae Germanic tribal group (Plin. HN 4,81; Str. 7,3,17) originally from the upper Vistula (face urns). Since c. 233 BC, they have been found in the area between Olbia and the Danube delta (IOSPE 1 32; Pomp. Trog. 28). In the period before the change from BC to AD, the B. were one of the largest south-east Germanic tribes. The B. who settled in the Carpathian Basin until late antiquity were known under the name of Peucini. In 182 BC, Philip V required the B. to move into the area of the Dardani. In 179, they attacked — Thrace (Liv. 40,57f.). They may have been allies of the Macedonian Kings Philip V and Perseus against the Dardani and Rome (Pol. 25,5,6 on the year 177/76 BC). In 88 BC, they were allies of > Mithridates VI. And in 61 BC, they defeated the Roman army under the proconsul C. Antonius near the Ister. The B. were temporarily under the rulership of > Burebista, the Dacian, but regained independence from 45 BC on. In 29 BC, the future Augustus undertook a campaign against the B. They were defeated by Licinius Crassus in 29/28 BC east of Vidin and pushed back across the Danube, losing their King Deldo in the battle (Cass. Dio 23,2ff.). M. Vinicius defeated a part of the tribe in 14 BC. Further clashes occurred in the mid rst cent. AD (the B. are

end can be bent inward below the line; upstrokes of b, d,

depicted on Trajan’s Column, 12, pl. 6, 8, 29). Threat-

h, | with loops).

ened by lazyges and Goti, some of the B. advanced all the way to Asia Minor around AD 170. In the late 3rd cent. (during emperor Probus’ time), they settled in Thrace.

whose shafts end below the line, and the round s at the

end of words derived from the capital form. Other char-

Bastarda scripts are a phenomenon common to all European

countries.

Aside

from

a few

exceptions,

palaeography uses the term primarily for writings from the French, German, and English cultural realm that show cursive typology with solid execution. The best known example of bastarda is the canonized script of France, particularly of Burgundy, that was popular in the rsth and 16th cents., also called lettre bourgutgnonne. It is characterized by a breaking of the shafts, upstrokes and downstrokes that lean to the right, spindle-shaped downstrokes, and a frequent appearance of square upstrokes and downstrokes in tf, u, m, 1.

The most important source for the study of bastarda are the catalogues of dated MSS, where we can find many examples of a similar writing style especially for France, Belgium, the Netherlands, Austria and Switzerland. From this we can surmise that bastarda was primarily used for theological, philosophical, legal, moral and ascetic works, but also for literary works in the national vernaculars. Bastarda is rarely found for classical Latin texts. -» Gothic script

Bastarnae,

RGA 2, 88ff.

L.v.B.andS.R.T.

Bastet (Egyptian B3st.t). Chief goddess of > Bubastis, represented as a cat or a cat-headed woman. B. is syncretistically associated with — Sachmet, — Hathor, ~ Isis and similar goddesses [1. 11-69]. In the > interpretatio [2] graeca she is seen as > Artemis (e.g. Hdt.

2,137), infrequently also as > Aphrodite (e.g. Pistis Sophia 139-140, |5]). B. can be understood as a more benign aspect of Sachmet, but she herself may be said to be mistress of a particular class of demon. In this capacity, she is assigned the lion god Maihesa (M3j-hs; Greek Miysis) as her son, e.g. in the oracular decrees [3]. The annual feast of drunkenness for Artemis/B. in Bubastis, described in Hdt. 2,60, was of region-wide significance, and included orgiastic rites. Egyptian sources confirm and expand upon the picture [2. 95] given in Hdt.

547

548

2 M. DeE-

(Aesop. 182 HousEHOLD EFFeEcts). According to legend, the daughters of Minyas (only one in Antonius Liberalis ro, following Nicander; Ael. VH 3,42) are

BASTET 1 J. BERGMAN, Isis-Seele und Osiris-Ei, 1970 pauw,

A

Companion

to

Demotic

Studies,

1997

3 I. E. S.Epwarps, Oracular Amuletic Decrees of the Late New Kingdom (Hieratic Papyri in the British Museum 4" Ser.), 1960 4]. QUAEGEBEUR, Le culte de Boubastis-B. en Egypte gréco-romaine, in: L. DELvAUXx, E. WARMENBOL (ed.), Les divins chats d’Egypte, 1991, 117-127 5 C. ScHmipt, W. TiLL, Koptisch-Gnostische Schriften, Vol. 1, 31962.

A.y.L.

said to have been turned into bats (Ov. Met. 4,402ff.,

without giving the name of the animal; Plut. Quaest. Graec. 38). As a nickname ‘bat’ appears in Aristophanes who calls Chaerephon — the pale and thin student of Socrates — Nykteris (Aristoph. Av. 1564; [2. 1,12]). Ulpian calls night-time pedestrians vespertiliones (Dig. Dit, 2,371)

Bastetani, Bastuli The name of this tribe from southern Spain is probably derived from the city of Basti (today’s Baza), which must be its principal location (Ptol.

1 A.GARZYA

(ed.),

Dionysii

2 KELLER.

Ixeuticon

libri,

1963 C.HU.

2,6,13; 60). After his conquest of Carthago Nova in AD

207, P. > Scipio sent his brother L. to the B., where the

Batanaea

latter defeated the Carthaginian > Mago (Liv. 28,1f.; Zon. 9,8,8). On the role of the B. in the revolt of > Viriatus, cf. App. Ib. 66. There is evidence for Bastetania

Golan Mountains

still for the time of the West Goths, when Leovigild fought the Byzantines there (Chron. min. 2,212,3). TOVAR 3,26f.

P.B.

High plain, bordered to the west by the

(Favaavitic), to the north-west by Mount Hermon, to the north-east by the basalt desert of Laga (Toaywvitis), to the south-east by the Hauran Mountains (Aveavitic), and to the south by the river Yarmuk (Hieromykes) and its tributary wadis, thus occupying the same area as today’s Nuqra. The name goes back to OT Basan (therefore Greek Bacay; Basan and Baoavitic; Basanitis).

Bat Because of its appearance

in the evening it was

called vuxtegic (nykteris) or vespertilio. From the Orient, the flying fox (Pteropus medius Tem.) apparently was also known under the name of éddané (alopéx, Aristot. Hist. an. 1,5,490a 7) or vuxtadrdané (nyktalopex, s:-Callisthenes! 317,205) Sthy 165147 = p:7393 cl. Hdt. 3,110, accordingly Plin. HN 12,85). The order of Chiropterais described as ‘skin-winged’ (SeoudnteQa, cf. Plin. HN 11,228: siccis membranis volat) by Aristot. Hist. an. 1.1.487b 22f. and 490a 7f., and thus seen as being close to that of birds. Plin. HN 10,168 characterizes the bat as a flying animal (volucrum animal) living on mosquitoes (culices) that feeds on milk its two young that it carries with it as it flies. Macrobius (Sat. 7,16,7) and Aristophanes of Byzantium (Epitome 2,436—-440: outstanding description!) regard it as a mammal in spite of its uncertain position (incerta natura, Macr. ibid.) within the classificatory system. Hom. Od. 12,433 mentions its hanging position and in 24,6-8 its whirring flight as it lets out squealing sounds (technical term toiCew/trizein; stridere, Anth. Lat.). The bat is considered clever (Aesop. 84;

182 H.), but timid (Aesop. 181 H.). People tried to stop its eerie nightly activity through the smoke of ivy leaves (Gp. 15,1,14). Pliny recommends its heart against ants (HN

29,92), its desiccated head for drowsiness (HN 30,140), its blood or brain for the removal of hair (HN

30,132), its blood together with hedgehog gall and

The dissolution of the Seleucid government in Syria and Palestine in the late 2nd cent. BC briefly brought B. under Nabataean rule. In 72 BC, B. was conquered by Ptolemy, the son of Mennaeus. When Rome entered the scene as the new authority in Syria, Augustus turned B. over to Herod the Great in 23 BC. The son of the latter,

Philippus, inherited the region in 4 BC as part of his tetrarchy. Herod and his successors started the settlement of Babylonian Jews in B. After the transition from indirect Roman control in Syria and Palestine with the aid of client kings to direct Roman rule in the rst cent. AD, B. was probably annexed to the province of Syria in AD 92/93. Following the division of Syria through Septimius Severus, B. belonged to the province of Arabia until the end of Byzantine rule in Syria and Palestine. In the 6th cent., the fertile high plain was one of the most important regions of the ruling Monophysite, Arabic Gassanids, a dynasty of Byzantine client kings. Probably owing to them we can find evidence of several Monophysite monasteries for this time in the Hauran Mountains. Similar to the Hauran Mountains, the high plain of B. was an area of rural settlements. — Syria J.-M. DENTZER (ed.), Hauran I, 1985; F.MiILLar, The Roman Near East, 1993; M.SARTRE, Trois études sur lArabie romaine et byzantine, 1982; I.SHAHID, Byzantium and the Arabs in the Sixth Century I, 1995. J.P.

water (HN 30,121) for eczema (vitiligines) and other

ailments (cf. Gp. 12,8). As protection against bats, storks — whose eggs the bats supposedly turn into (infertile) wind eggs — are said to lay the leaves of plane trees on their nests (Ael. NA 1,37; cf. Plin. HN 24,44; Gp. 15,1,18; Sext. Emp. P.H. 1,58). With them (Ael. NA 1,37) bats therefore lived in enmity, as they also did with owls (Dionysius [29] 1,16 [1. 12]) and weasels

Batavi German breakaway tribe from the > Chatti, tracing its origins back to Mannus (Germanic deity);

between 55 and 12 BC, they migrated into that part of the Rhine delta which had formerly been occupied by the Menapii. Their main settlement area was the Insula Batavorum, formed by the Oude Rijn and the Waal/ Maas, cf. the modern Betuwe. Capitals of the B. were

Dares

550

Batavodurum, and, from the time of Trajan, Ulpia + Noviomagus Batavorum. They were called ‘B., because they were the most able of horsemen’ (Cass. Dio 55524); etymologically thus related to the Gothic batiza ‘better’. Important clients of Rome from 12 BC, they were exempt from paying taxes until AD 69; from the 2nd decade AD, because of their prowess in riding and swimming (CIL III 3676), alae and cohortes preferably deployed them as pioneers. Even after the > Batavian revolt, they served under indigenous leaders [1]. They were often used as imperial bodyguards; for that reason, the - equites singulares Augusti were also referred to as B. (AE 1990, 990; BE 1992, 542). In late antiquity, the B. appear in the auxilia Palatina.

Sabinus, King of Lingones. While limited to the regions of the Treveri and Lingones, the revolt led to the murder of the legate Dillius Vocula and involved Mogontiacum, Colonia Agrippinensis, Novaesium, and others. The revolt collapsed following Tutor’s defeat by the Flavian Sextilius near Bingium (in about May of 70), but soon brought about a second revolt of the > Treveri under Iulius Valentinus which was suppressed by general Petillius Cerialis, who advanced into the area coming from Italy [4]. Since the massacre of Vetera, the Flavians had changed their attitude towards Civilis, who then pursued a policy of rapprochement towards Classicus. Despite the support from the > Bructeri and > Tencteri of the right side of the Rhine, they were defeated by

1K.SrropeL,

Anmerkungen

zur

Gesch.

der Bataver-

kohorten in der hohen Kaiserzeit, in: ZPE 70, 1987, 271-292 2 M.P. SperDEL, Germanen in der kaiserlichen Leibwache zu Rom, in: B. and P.ScarpiGcL (ed.), Germani in Italia, 1994, 151-157.

TIR M 31,41; W.J. H. Wittems, Romans and the Batavians, 1986; W. WILL, Roms ‘Klientel-Randstaaten’ am Rhein? Eine Bestandsaufnahme, in: BJ 187, 1987, 1-61, especially 4-20. K.DI.

Batavian Revolt Final phase in the civil war that took place after Nero’s death between August of AD 69 and September/October 70 north of the Alps (sources in {1]). Tacitus is the main source for a description of the complex chain reactions entailing breaches of faith and new solidarities (Hist. 4,12-37; 54-793 5,14-26). Some

authors (for instance BRUNT) claim that Tacitus depicts

a believable and consistent overview of the separatist movement against Rome which aimed at a Gallic world empire (cf. the Druidic promise in Tac. Hist. 4,5 4,25 ~» Veleda). But according to other authors (such as URBAN), Tacitus misrepresents the truth in an effort to transpose interior conflicts into a false exterior threat. The unrest among the > Batavi and the neighbouring > Cannenefates and > Frisii due to renewed levying led to the Roman defeat against the Batavian nobleman and Roman prefect -> Iulius Civilis, especially in light of betrayal of a cohort of > Tungri (Tac. Hist. 4,16,2; [2]) At lulius Civilis’ instigation, cohorts of the Batavi, who had been ordered from Britannia to Italy, revolted in

September of 69 in Mogontiacum [3], broke through the legion near Bonna and besieged the colonia Ulpia Traiana (Xanten), which was heavily fought over and destroyed in the spring of 70 after a massacre of legionnaires. The goal was to assure that the army of the Rhine, loyal to Vitellius, was kept away from the decision concerning the empire in Italy. After Vitellius’ death in 69, a regional part of the Rhine troops who were bound by oath to Vespasian remained loyal to the deceased. Triggered by the murder of the Upper Germanic governor Hordeonius Flaccus (in early 70), the result of this loyalty was a revolt against Flavian led by Iulius Classicus, a cavalry leader of the Treveri who perhaps himself had ambitions of becoming emperor, and supported by the Treverian Iulius Tutor as well as Iulius

BATAVIS

Cerialis near > Augusta

[6] Treverorum

and Vetera,

and withdrew across the Rhine, where the Batavi finally capitulated following battles near Arenacium, Batavodurum, Grinnes, and Vada. However, the Batavi got off lightly compared to the Treveri by simply returning to the old order. 1 H.-W. Goetz, K.-W. WeLwe! (ed.), Altes Germanien II, 1995,170-261 2D.Timpe, Romano-Germanica, 1995,

71-78 3L.BEssoNg, II ruolo dei Batavi nel bellum Neronis, in: Atene e Roma 22, 1977, 138-146 4H.HEINEN, Trier und das Trevererland in rom. Zeit, 1985, 67-81. R. UrBan, Der ‘B.’ und die Erhebung des Julius Classicus, 1985; P.A. BRUNT, Roman imperial themes, 1990, 33-52,

481-486; O.ScHMiTT, Anmerkungen zum B., in: BJ 193, 1993, 141-160.

K.DI.

Maps: P.A. BRUNT, Tacitus on the Batavian Revolt, Latomus 19, 1960, 494-517, especially 511-516; W.J.H. WILLENS, Romans and Batavians, in: R. BRANDT (ed.), Roman and Native in the Low Countries, 1983, 105-128; Id., Romans and Batavians, in: Berichten van de Rijks-

dienst voor het Oudheidkundig Bodemonderzoek 34, 1984, 39-331; W. WILL, Rom. ‘Klientel-Randstaaten’ am Rhein? Eine Bestandsaufnahme, BJ 187, 1987, 161.

Batavis Today, the historic centre of Passau. The name was recorded rather late (Not. Dign. Occ. 3 5,24; Eugippius, Vita Severinus

IDiGeDOnn:

19,1; 22,4; 24,1; 27,1; Batavini:

22-0273) aLocated

sites NactianmacrOss from Boiodurum/Innstadt in Noricum. A late Celtic oppidum between the Danube and the Inn was discontinued c. 100 years before the Roman settlement. The Roman settlement was quite dense since late Flavian times, but not yet clearly organized: the narrow, rectangular houses below the Niedernburg monastery originate from the > vicus with Danube port (east of the city square), militaria (next to bricks from the /egio III Italica) of an unknown garrison. There are no traces of a fort, and hardly enough room for the cohors IX Batavorum milliaria. Only due to the favourable location for traffic it could enjoy a brief cultural peak (cf. AE 1984, 707). At the end of the 3rd cent., a fortified city of late antiquity emerged (traces for instance near the Holy Cross Church), which was inhabited by Romance populations and few Teutons and was deserted in the last third of the 5th cent. Only few funeral finds in the

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phyle Aegeis; one (two) bouleutes/ai. Location unknown (near Ambelokipi?); the decree of the mesogeioi IG II* 1245, found near the Acharnaean Gate, i.e. at the street corner of Sophokleous and Aiolou, does not aid the localization of B. In IG IP 2776 Z. 53, an oxaotneia is pawned in B. [1. 81] (further documentary evidence for oyaotyoiat [r. 8174]). 1S.G. MriLer, A Roman Monument Agora, in: Hesperia, 41, 1972, 50-95.

in the Athenian

[1] Olympia: Greek bath (building III), c. 350 BC

TRAILL, Attica, 5, 7, 15f., 39, 69, 109 (no. 24), table 2. H.LO.

Bathing costume (da Aovteic; dia loutris, subligar). Men and women wore loin cloths or bath towels made from sheepskins or cloth during the communal bath in bath houses (Poll. 7,66; 10,181, > perizoma, > subligaculum), women also wore a breast band (vase paintings, ‘bikini girl’ of > Piazza Armerina). Men’s bathing costumes could also be made from leather (aluta, Mart. 7,35,1). In Pap. Cair. Zen. 60,8, there is mention of an éuAovotoic (ekloustris). It is uncertain if bonnets (ve-

(reconstruction).

consisted of a room with a bathtub. Similar baths were still in use in the Classical and Hellenistic period, the only difference being that the tub was frequently replaced by a hip bath. Public baths did not appear until the 5th cent. BC and were initially mostly located at the edge of the city because of their bad reputation. Soon, however, they were also built in the centre and in the

~» Thermal baths.

Hellenistic period at the latest they were an established part of municipal life. Public baths are to be found first in the Greek motherland and from the Hellenistic period onwards also in the Greek towns and colonies in Asia Minor, Egypt, Syria/Palestine, Magna Graecia and Sicily (e.g. Athens, Piraeus, Gortys, Amathus, Pergamum, Tell Atrib, Gezer, Megara Hyblea). Public baths were not tied to a particular architecture but varied in size, form and layout. Typically there was a round room (06A0¢, thdlos) with hip baths arranged radially, above which were recesses for the bathing implements. Sometimes there were two such tholoi, in some baths one was for women and one for men. Although there were sometimes also steam baths (e.g. Gortys, Megara Hyblea), the predominant one was the hip bath with hot water. Normally only the water for the tubs was heated, sometimes there were, however, also subterranean room heating systems— of these the one in Gortys is the best preserved; most examples, however, come from Sicily and southern Italy (Velia, Syracuse, Gela). Some Greek baths (especially in Egypt) were used right up until Roman Imperial times, others were abandoned or rebuilt into Roman baths.

B. GREECE There were private baths in Greece from the Minoan-Mycenaean period onwards; they normally

C. ROME Outside the Greek colonies it was common in Italy, at the latest from the Middle Republican period

sica) were worn.

R.Ginouves, Balaneutiké, 1962, 223-225; W.HEINz, Rom. Thermen. Badewesen und Badeluxus, 1983, 147. RH.

Bathing culture see

Baths; > Thermal baths

Baths A. TERMINOLOGY C. Rome

AND

DEFINITION

D. CHRISTIAN

B. GREECE

ERA

A. TERMINOLOGY AND DEFINITION In Greek baths were called Badavetov (balaneion) or hovtoov (loutrén), in Latin lavatrina, balneum, balnea, balnae. In the Graeco-Roman period there were private baths in dwelling houses as well as public baths, whilst in the ancient Orient only private baths were known. The public baths were mostly privately owned and rather modest in size; for the monumental public baths, see

BATHS

556

SS)

[3] Timgad: the small central baths, 2nd cent. AD (ground-plan):

1. 3. 5. 7.

[2] Gortys: bath, 3rd cent. BC; ground-plan. 2. Lounge 1. Vestibule 4. Steam bath 3. Tholos with bath tubs

onwards, to have rather simple private baths without tubs (lavatrinae). Then, with the increasing Helleniza-

tion of Italy, came the introduction of bathing rooms and ofpublic baths in the Greek style. There is evidence of the first baths in Rome (Cato, in Non. p. 108, 25;

Plaut. Persa 90; Stich. 533) at the end of the 3rd cent. BC. As they were adopted from the Greek colonies of Sicily and southern Italy rather than from the Greek motherland, the baths tended to be of a local type that was developed in Campania as early as the 3rd cent. BC (Central baths in > Cumae, Stabian thermal baths in ~ Pompeii). Typically they were rectangular vaulted rooms and the plan was functional and organized right down to the last detail. This structure was the result of the invention of the > opus caementicium, which began to spread during this period, facilitating new forms of building. Later the individually standing hot water tubs were gradually replaced by collective pools, which was encouraged by the development of hypocaust heating (around roo BC) (> Heating). This new effective heating system was based on the heating of large surfaces (floors, later also walls and vaults) by circulating hot air. This led to the development of the typically Roman bath with a sequence of variously heated rooms as described

in Vitruvius

(5,10):

caldarium

(hot

water

room), tepidarium (lukewarm passageway room) and laconicum/sudatorium (sweating room) as well as frigidarium (cold water room) and the apodyterium (changing room; with regard to the sequence of rooms see

> Thermal baths). Around the turn of the periods,

the canonical form of the Roman bath but its spread had already begun earlier provinces, where public baths had been then; in the east more and more baths

was developed to the western unknown until of Greek style

Apodyterium Tepidarium Caldarium Praefurnium

2. 4. 6. 8.

Frigidarium Sudatorium Alveus Piscina

were remodelled into more comfortable Roman baths or completely replaced. Baths and thermal baths were one of the most widespread and popular facilities of the Roman world and became, especially in the west, an effective instrument of Romanization. As in Greece, the baths in Rome were initially used separately by the two sexes; there were either different attendance times or two separate sections. Later only one bathing section was common; both collective bathing and different bathing times for men and women are documented. As the public baths were often operated by private individuals, they could, unlike the stateowned thermal baths, remain reserved for special groups (social classes, sexes, societies). There were baths in a large variation of provisions and services, the entrance fees being correspondingly adjusted (for the operation of baths, see > Thermal baths). D. CHRISTIAN ERA Whilst many of the great thermal baths had to be abandoned in consequence of the economic decline of the Roman Empire, the baths remained very popular; frequently the church took over their operation. The prohibition on collective bathing by women and men was reflected in architecture, as once again baths were

built in two sections. Gradually the baths became specialized for certain groups such as pilgrims, the needy, monks etc. In this way, in the western Roman Empire,

only those baths survived which were linked to churches and monasteries. In the east the baths were operated by the Byzantines and sometimes they also continued later on to be operated under Islam. J.DELatNne, Roman Baths and Bathing, in: JRA 6, 1993, 348-358; R.GinouvEs, Balaneutiké, 1962; I. NIELSEN,

557

558

BATON

Thermae et Balnea, *1993; J.B. WarD-PERKINS, From Classical Antiquity to the Middle Ages, 1984; F. YeGUL,

attacked the Romans in the year 7 from Mons Alma

Baths and Bathing in Classical Antiquity, 1992.

the rebels who were weakened by hunger and disease in AD 8 with the help of Caecina Severus and Plautius Silvanus, who had both hurried over from Moesia, and later with M. Lepidus’ help as well. After pacifying Pan-

LN.

Bathycles Legendary sculptor and architect from > Magnesia on the Maeander, famous for his so called ‘throne’ of Apollo in Amyclae near Sparta, which is described in great detail by Pausanias (3,18,6-3,19,6):

as a structure, it combined the grave of Hyacinthus, an ~ altar, and a colossal > cult image, decorated with 45 mythological scenes, statues, and a depiction of his coworkers dancing in a circle. Since we have no surviving remnants at all, we must regard its numerous reconstructions and its dating to the late 6th cent. as speculative. A. FausTorerRt, Il trono di Amyklai e Sparta. Bathykles al servizio del potere, 1996; FUCHS/FLOREN, 216, 395396; R.Marrtin, Bathyclés de Magnésie et le ‘tr6ne’ d’Apollon 4 Amyklae, in: RA, 1976, 205-218; OveERBECK, no. 360-361

(sources); A.STEWART, Greek Sculp-

ture, 1990, 246-247.

RN.

Batieia, Bateia (Batieia, Bateia; Batieia, Bateia). Hill in front of the Scaean Gate of Troy between Scamander and Simois where the Trojans lined up for battle. The gods called it the ‘grave mound of far-jumping Myrina’ (Hom. Il. 2,811-815). Because of the epithet, B. was thought to be an Amazon (Str. 12,573). Lycophron designates the place itself as Myrina (Lycoph. 243). B. was supposedly the daughter of the first Trojan King Teucer and of the nymph Idaea, and the wife of Dardanus (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,62; Apollod. 3,139; Hellanicus FGrH g 4 F24; Diod. Sic. 4,75). A.HeuBEcK, Die homer. Géttersprache, in: WJA 4, 1949/50, 202-206; L.Kaui1, s.v. Dardanos, LIMC 3.1, RB. 35253553"

Batis (Bac; Batis). Supposedly a eunuch, he was com-

mander of Gaza under Darius. He stopped Alexander the Great at Gaza in 332 BC for two months by keeping up a courageous and hopeless resistance. After the fall of the city, he was gruesomely executed by the victor. BERVE 2, no. 209.

E.B.

Bato [1] Dardanian king who supported the Romans by providing reinforcements in 200 BC in the battle against > Philip V (Liv. 31,28,1-2.). CAH VIII, *1989, 262; ERRINGTON 187.

(Fruska Gora). > Tiberius was finally able to overcome

nonia, Tiberius persecuted B. until the latter was forced to surrender in AD 9 with his followers in the mountain fort of Andetrium (Gornje Muc, on the location CIL III

p. 361). B. was displayed in the triumphal procession (Suet. Tib. 20) and sent into exile (Ov. Pont. 2,1,45f.). A. BERNECKER, Die Feldziige des Tiberius, 1989, Index s.v. B.; A.Mocsy, Pannonien und das rom. Heer, 1992, 5358; R.SymMe, Danubian Papers, 1971, 135-42; J.J. WiLKES, Dalmatia, 1969, 69-77. ME.SCH.

[3] Leader of the > Breuci of Pannonia in the Pannonian-Dalmatian revolt of AD 6-9 who attacked the Romans together with > B. [2] in the year 7 from the Fruska Gora near the Volcaean swamps. After the defeat of AD 8, he handed over Pinnes, his comrade in arms, to the Romans, an act which first gave him preeminence among the Beuci, but finally resulted in his capture and public execution by B. [2] still in the same year. see B. [2]; J. Fitz, Die Verwaltung Pannoniens in der Romerzeit, 1993, 32-41; A. Mocsy, s.v. Pannonia, RE

Suppl. 9, 546.

ME.SCH.

Baton (Bdatwv; Baton). {1] > Amphiaraus’ charioteer. Both B. and Amphiaraus

were descendants of Melampus. In the battle of Thebes, he was swallowed by the earth together with Amphiaraus and his chariot. In Argus, he was given a sanctuary near the Amphiaraus sanctuary (Apollod. 3,77; Paus. 2,23,2). The Argives consecrated Amphiaraus’ chariot with B.’s statue to Delphi (Paus. 10,10,3). I. KrRauskoprF, s.v. B.I, LIMC 3.1, 83-87.

RB.

[2] Attic author of comedies in the 3rd cent. BC; the dating is based on information which connects him to the stoic Cleanthes and the academic Arcesilaus [T. test. 3; 4]. There are records of four titles (perhaps one more could be added [t. test. 2]); in altogether five long verse fragments, we find a hedonist view of the world which refers repeatedly to > Epicurus (fr. 5: a slave and his master) and which portrays philosophers with different views as poor saps or as hypocrites. 1 PCGIV, 1983, 28-35.

M.STR.

[2] Dalmatian from the tribe of Daesidiates. Leader in the Pannonian-Dalmatian revolt of AD 6-9, whose causes Cassius Dio (55,29-34; 56,11-26) and Velleius Paterculus (2,1 10-116) located in the tax burden and in recruitment practices. After his first successes, B. also

gained the support of the Breuci under B. [3]. After initially being defeated by Messalla Messalinus, both B.s

H.-G.NE.

[3] (Bathon) Hellenistic sculptor who carved statues of

Apollo and Juno for the Temple of Concordia in Rome. Several homonymous sculptors in Attica worked under the ethnic

Herakleia;

but a possible

connection

is

unclear. Lo6wy, no. (sources).

61; 61a; 258; OVERBECK,

no.

1593-1595 RN.

BATRACHOMYOMACHIA

Batrachomyomachia A. IN LITERARY HISTORY B. CONTENT AND PARODIC ELEMENTS C. INFLUENCE AND RECEPTION

A. IN LITERARY HISTORY

Homeric parody from the late Hellenistic period [1]. As was the case for the > Margites, it was attributed to Homer

(Stat. Silv. I praef.; Mart.

560

559

14,183; Vita Hero-

dotea 24) or to Pigres of Halicarnassus (Suda s.v. Miyons 1551 ADLER; Plut. de Herodoti malignitate 873f was attributed through interpolation [2. 25—27]); the title was first Batoayouayia (Batrachomachia) or —(1 respectively, to which the element —wvo- was added either for reasons of pedantry or parody [2. 23-33]. The animal > epic of about 300 hexameters (number varies) was moulded after typical phrases and scenes of Homeric epics and was based on the Aesopian fable of mouse and frog (302 HAUSRATH) [2. 22, 116f.] without strictly adhering to the original material. A second model may have been a Galeomyomachia |3] (extant in fragments). B. CONTENT AND PARODIC ELEMENTS

Following an epic prooemium (V. 1-8) in which the Batrachomyomachia is announced as a gigantomachy, the narrative begins along the lines of a fable: after escaping a weasel, a (still unnamed) mouse quenches its thirst at a pond. There, the ‘frog king’ Physignathus (all names are telling), son of Peleus and Hydromedusa, addresses the mouse in the style of epic self-introduction (V. 13-23). The mouse (Psicharpax, son of Troxartes and Leichomyle) answers in the same style and praises the superior (parasitica!) civilization of mice compared to the frogs’ primitive ties to nature (V. 2455). Consequently, Physignatus invites Psicharpax to visit his kingdom, takes him upon his back and crosses the lake with him (V. 56-81; the description follows Moschus’ Europa). When a water snake appears, Physignatus dives under water and Psicharpax drowns, threatening revenge (V.82-99). The mice under Troxartes’ rule decide to declare war on the frogs and arm themselves (V. 99-131). The frogs under Physignatus, who refuses to accept any guilt whatsoever, confer and arm themselves as well (V. 132-67). The parodic piéce de résistance is the ensuing assembly of the gods (V. 168-201): Zeus asks the gods to assist either the mice or the frogs, but Athena rejects both on the basis of very worldly arguments (vexation because of the damage done by mice, financial worries, headaches due to frog croaking) and proposes to only watch the battle. It is decided to follow Athena’s advice and Zeus gives the signal for war. The confusing battle scene (V. 202-303, regarded by some as originally independent of the rest [2. 175-7]) depicts numerous individual fights, and, like the ‘Iliad’, revels in descriptions of injuries and dying. When the mice threaten to obliterate the frogs due to the aristeia of the superior Meridarpax, Zeus decides on a last-ditch effort and sends in grotesquely depicted crustaceans who drive away the mice. Thus the one-day war comes to an end.

C. INFLUENCE AND RECEPTION The Batrachomyomachia was used for school reading quite early, which is evidenced by its widespread popularity (more than roo MSS [4. 1-46], among them many miscellaneous MSS with school texts), by scholia (including the commentary of Moschopulus [5. 11729]), and by the virtually unrestricted revisions and interpolations. The latter resulted in two strongly contrasting Byzantine recensions (MSS of the rith/rath cents.) and in contaminated versions that can be seen already in the oldest Batrachomyomachia MS, the Baroccianus 50 (roth cent.) [2. 37-67]. The Batrachomyomachia was first printed (presumably) in 1474 in Brescia (together with its translation into Latin by Marsuppini) and is therefore perhaps the first printed book in Greek language altogether [4. 44]. The Batrachomyomachia had an immense influence on literature [cf. 6; 7; 8]. The most famous recreations, which all differ from the original in their strongly satirical and political tendencies, are Rollhagen’s ‘Froschmeuseler’ (1595), the Latin revision by Baldes in five books (1637), and

lastly the Italian translation and continuation (a ‘Carcinomyomachy’) by Leopardis (1831-7). The intensive scholarly analysis of the Batrachomyomachia in the r9th cent. found its crowning conclusion in 1896 in the work of LupwicH [5], which only WOLKE [4] and GLEI [2] expanded upon significantly. Innovative interpretations based on theories of intertextuality and parody by Russian formalists as well as by BACHTIN were recently produced by FusILLo [8] and Most, who refers to SkLovskiy’s description of ‘Tristram Shandy’ and designates the Batrachomyomachia as the ‘most typical epic’ [9. 40].

~> Parody 1 J.WACKERNAGEL, Sprachliche Unt. zu Homer, 1916, 188-99 2R.GLEI, Die B. Synoptische Ed. und Komm., 1984 3H.S.ScHIBLI, Fragments of aWeasel and Mouse War, in: ZPE 53, 1983,1-25 4H.WOLkE, Unt. zur B., 1978 5A.Lupwicn, Die homer. Batrachomachia des

Karers Pigres nebst Scholien und Paraphrase, 1896 6 U.Broicu, B. und Margites als lit. Vorbilder, in: Lebende Antike. Symposion fiir R. SUHNEL, 1967, 250-7 7H. WO xkE, s.v. Frosch-Mause-Krieg, EDM 5, 1987,

424-30 8M.FusiL1o, La Battaglia delle Rane e dei Topi, 1988 (Appendice di C.CARPINATO S. 137-48) 9 G.W. Most, Die B. als ernste Parodie, in: W.Ax, R.F.

G11 (ed.), Literaturparodie in Ant. und MA, 1993,27-40.

R.GL, Battiads (Battéda; Battiddai). Designation for the dynasty of Cyrene that lasted for eight generations; four kings by the name of > Battus alternated with four others by the name of > Arcesilaus (Hdt. 4,159). The eponym is Battus I (since c. 630 in Cyrene). The king’s privileges mentioned by Herodotus (4,161) are unusual. Since > Arcesilaus II (c. 560), we find the typical aristocratic divisions in Cyrene which led to tyrannis in Greek cities of that time. The successors either tried to dominate or pushed for agreement. In order to stay in power, the kings formed alliances with foreign rulers

561

562

and also tried to strengthen their position through constitutional reforms, as was the case with > Battus III.

BAUBO

The dynasty of the Battiads of Cyrene

After the conquest of neighbouring Egypt by the Persians (+ Cambyses), the B. voluntarily accepted the rulership of the Great King of Persia. The dynasty ended around 440 under Arcesilaus IV, who fled and was probably murdered together with his son Battus. Bp.

Euphemos (Hdt.4,150)

Polymnestos (Hdt.4,150.155)

Battos [1] |. (Aristoteles?)

Battus (Battoc; Battos).

[1] B.I. Son of Polymnestus, from the lineage of the Minyan Euphemus of Thera (Hdt. 4,150). Leader of the colonists and King of Cyrene (Hdt. 4,153,3; SEG 9,3: Nyewova aoxayétav nai Baovtéa). Around

Battos [2] Il.'the Prosperous’ (6 evVdaivwv)

630 BC, he

first settled on the island of Platea, then on the Libyan coast, and finally in the town of > Cyrene after reaching an agreement with the local residents (Hdt. 4,153; 156; 158). There he reigned for 40 years according to Herodotus (4,159). Legends surrounding this early leader emerged from Thera and Cyrene (Hdt. 4,153159; reminiscences in SEG 9,3). It is not clear whether the name of this eponym originated in the ethnic etymology of later times (‘Battos’ for ‘stutterer’), or whether it was derived from the title of Libyan kings (Hdt. 4,155). Pindar refers to a certain Aristoteles as the original eponym (Pind. Pyth. 5,87). [2] B. IL. Son of Arcesilaus I, grandson of B. I. He engaged in a large campaign to attract new settlers from Greece and asked for a distribution of land (ys évadSaondc). The Libyans thus robbed of their land formed a pact with the Egyptian pharaoh > Apries, who went to war against Cyrene and was defeated around 570 in the battle of Iraso (Hdt. 4,159). Following this event, the rebellious Libyans probably ended up under the direct rule of the King of Cyrene. [3] B. MI. Son of Arcesilaus II and of Eryxo, grandson of B. II. He probably succeeded Learchus after the confusion surrounding the murder of -> Arcesilaus II (Polyaenus, Strat. 8,41). He called

Arkesilaos [1] |.

> Demonax of Mantinea

as arbitrator for the civil conflict that had erupted under his father’s rule. The constitution drawn up by Demonax organized the community into three phyles according to the settlers’ origins: Theraeans and perioikoi, Peloponnesians and Cretans, islanders. The pri-

vileges of the king were reduced to his land holdings and priestly offices (Hdt. 4,161). According to Herodotus (2,18r), B. formed an alliance with > Amasis of Egypt, to whom he gave his daughter (?) Ladice in marriage. [4] Son of Arcesilaus III, grandson of B. III and of Pheretima. Second to last king of Cyrene (Hdt. 4,163; Heraclid. Pont. 4,3). Took the throne following the campaign against the Egyptian satrap Aryandes against Libya and Cyrene, a campaign which ~> Pheretima probably helped to initiate. It is uncertain whether he was able to rid Cyrene of Persian rule after 480. Judging from archaeological finds, Cyrene enjoyed great wealth during his time. H.Berve, Die Tyrannis bei den Griechen, 1967, 125f.,

592; F. CHAMOux, Cyréne sous les Battiades, 1953; A.J. GRAHAM, The Authenticity of the dgxtov tHV oixtoTHQWY

igi ateldieat sal Eryxo oo Arkesilaos [2] II.

Learchos

|'the Harsh' (6 xadertdéc) Alazeir of Barke |

Battos [3] Ill. co Pheretime ‘the Lame’ (6 xwAdc)

Daughter oo Arkesilaos [3] Ill. |

Ladike 00 Amasis of Egypt

Battos [4] IV., 'the Beautiful’ (6 KaAdéc)

Arkesilaos [4] IV.

of Cyrene, in: JHS 80, 1960, 94-111; B.M. MITCHELL, Cyrene and Persia, in: JHS 86, 1966, 99-113. B.P.

[5] Messenian

shepherd who watches

as > Hermes

herds the cattle he had stolen from Apollo (Ant. Lib. 23=Hes. fr. 256 M.-W.; Ov. Met. 2,676-707; Ov. Ibis 586). B. swears silence for a reward (‘this stone is more

likely to reveal your theft’: Ov. Met. 696). When Hermes returns soon thereafter in changed appearance, offers B. a gift and asks about the cattle, B. breaks the oath. As punishment, Hermes turns B. into a rock. Thus, the story is a continuation of Hermes’ classical cattle theft. In the Homeric hymn of Hermes, the traitor

is an anonymous old man from Onchestus in Boeotia (H. Hom. 4,87ff./186ff.). The name appears to be telling for a chatterer (Battodoyetv, battologein = to chat-

ter). The motif of garrulity is well known in ancient tradition [1]. 1

F.B6MeER, Metamorphosen

(commentary

on the pas-

sage), 1969, 4ort.

R. HOLLAND, B., in: RhM 75, 1926, 156-183.

R.B.

Baubo (BavBw; Baubo). According to a version of the Eleusinic myth attributed to Orpheus, she was an original inhabitant of Eulisis with the heroes Triptolemus, Eumolpus, Eubuleus and her husband Dysaules, who are visited by > Demeter on her search for his daughter. Like > Iambe in the version of the myth in the Homeric hymn, B. entertains the goddess with food and drink and then obscenely exposes her lower body in order to

BAUBO

563

564

cheer her up (Clem. Protrepticus 20f.; Arnob. 5,25, who describes in detail how B. gives her lower body the shape ofa face; the divergences between the two sources

Hortensius, had his mother Agrippina murdered and buried there (Tac. Ann. 14,4f.; Suet. Nero 34).

are explained in varying ways [1. 194-199; 25 3. 174-

177]. B.’s gesture is the female counterpart to phallic presentation and belongs to the well-documented comical obscenities of the Demeter cult; on men, it has a contemptuous or apotropaeic effect [4. 30f.; 5.]. There are terracottas from the Demeter sanctuary of Priene that depict the lower female body with a face; it is unclear whether they are a reference to B. This is also the case for Roman terracottas of a naked woman who rides on a pig and presents her genitals; in any case, the reference to B. has inspired Goethe’s ‘Klassische Walpurgisnacht’. 1

F.Grar, Eleusis und die orphische Dichtung Athens,

1974

2 M.Marcovicn,

Demeter, B., Iacchus and a

redactor, in: Vigiliae Christianae 40, 1986, 294-301 3 F.Mora, Arnobio e i culti di mistero, 1994 4 G. DEVEREUX, B. Die mythische Vulva, 1981 Aspects de B., in: RHR 102, 1985, 3-55.

5 M.OLENDER, F.G.

Baucis (Batxics; Baztkis). ‘The tender one’ [1. 193]; B. is

the old Phrygian woman who together with her husband Philemon gives shelter to the gods Jupiter and Mercury when they enter her simple hut in the disguise of tired wanderers. As punishment for refusing the two gods hospitality in the rest of the region, the entire area is destroyed by a flood. Only the hut of Philemon and B. is spared and transformed into a magnificent temple, where the two are granted their wish to become priests. In old age, while standing on the temple steps, they are transformed into trees (oak and lime tree) which then become the object of cult worship for the neighbouring

1,1,2 [2.

11-13]. Nero, who had inherited the villa of

1 O.SEECK, MGH AA 6,1,2

2 Id., MGH AA 6,1,1.

A. Maturt, I Campi Flegrei, 1958; P. AMALFITANO, G. Ca-

MopDECA, M. Meprt, I Campi Flegrei, 1990.

UPA.

Bauto Flavius B. was a Frank (Zos. 4,33,2) and a professed pagan (Ambr. Epist. 57). Under > Gratianus, he rose to the position of mag. mil. in c. AD 380 (Zos. 453351) and aided > Theodosius | against the Goths. In 383, he became mag. peditum praesentalis and the authoritative advisor at the court of > Valentinianus II (Ambr. Epist. 24,4,8; 18,1,57). Although he was + Ambrosius’ adversary in the dispute about the altar of Victory in 384, he seems to have aligned himself in the end with the bishop’s arguments (Ambr. Epist. 17,18 and 57,3). He died soon after his consulate of 385. His daughter + Aelia Eudoxia later became the wife of — Arcadius (Philostorg. Hist. eccl. 11,6). He was the recipient of letters by > Symmachus (Epist. Anish.) aePIGR Ets 5 ote WP.

Bavares A seemingly bipartite Berber tribe; one group settled in the extreme west, the other in the extreme east of Mauretania Caesariensis. Sources: Amm. Marc. 29,5,33; Liber generationis 1,197,67 MOMMSEN; lulius Honorius, Cosmographia A 47; Provinciarum laterculus codicis Veronensis 14,4. G. Camps, s.v. B., EB, 1394-1399; J. DESANGES, logue des tribus africaines, 1962, 47 fn. 2.

CataW.HU.

ham and Sarah in Mamre, Gen 18; Paul and Barnabas in Lystra, Acts 14,11ff.) as well as with Hellenistic lit-

Bavius, M. A poet, criticized by his contemporary Virgil (ecl. 3,90) and ridiculed by Domitius Marsus in an epigram cited by Filagrius ad locum (CouRTNEY, 301). Marsus reported that B. and his brother shared everything until one refused to give his wife to the other.

erature: Theseus entering the hut of the aged > Hecale (Callim. Hecale), Heracles and Molorchus (Callim. Fr.

A verse critical of Virgil (COURTNEY, 285) has at times been attributed to B., but this is probably based on mere

54-59) [1. 190-96].

conjecture. He died in 35 BC Chron. a. Abr. 1982).

residents (Ov. Met. 8,620-724). It is not entirely certain

where Ovid had encountered the material. Striking parallels exist with biblical episodes (God’s visit to Abra-

1 F.BOMER, P. Ovidius Naso, (commentary on the passage).

Metamorphosen,

1977

M. Better, Philemon und B. in der europ. Lit. (= Stud. zum Fortwirken der Ant. 3), 1967; M.K. GAMEL, B. and

Philemon:

Paradigm or Paradox?, in: Helios

11, 1984,

117-131; H.F. Grirrin, Philemon and B. in Ovid’s Metamorphoses, in: G&R 38, 1991, 62-74.

R.B.

in Cappadocia

(Jer. ED.C.

Baza In the vicinity of the Spanish city B. lies the Cerro Cepro, a hill with settlements dating back to the 5th cent. BC (the Ibero-Roman Basti?) as well as the Iberian necropolis Cerro del Santuario. In grave 155, the ‘Dama de B.’ was found, an enthroned female limestone

statue which had served as an urn (c. 400-350 BC). ~ Iberian peninsula Bauli Settlement in the — Campi Phlegraei, c. 2 km from Baiae, probably the modern Bacoli. Its name seems to have been derived from the stables (boaulia),

F.J.PRESEDO VELO, La necropolis de Baza, 1982; R. OLMOS et al., La dama de Baza, in: El Puteal de LaMoncloa, Coloquio 1987, 183-209; N.Marin Diaz et al., La

where Hercules kept Gerion’s oxen (Serv. Aen. 6,107)

ciudad ibero-romana de Basti, in: Florentia Iliberritana,

[1. 5-19]. Remains of numerous villae (literary evidence: Cic. Fam. 8,1,14 [Pompeius], Varro, Rust. 3,17,5 [Hortensius]); in the 4th cent. AD, Symmachus mentions his villa in B. as a particular favourite: Epist.

4/5, 1993/94, 323-333.

M.BL.

565

566

Bazira (Batwa; Bazira). Town in north-western Pakistan, on the river Swat between the Indus and the Hindu

Bear The brown bear (Ursus arctos; toxtoc/arktos, Lat. ursus) occurred widely in southern and central Europe into the Roman imperial period. Aristotle [6] is very familiar with it: mating in December, birth of usually one-two cubs during hibernation (until March; Aristot. Hist. an. 6,30,579a 18-28), possible owing to reserves of fat; the bear eats everything (it even likes honey), but above all meat, such as that of deer, wild boar and cattle (ibid. 7(8),5,594b 5-17). Aristotle also gives a description of its behaviour during hibernation (Hist. an. 7(8),17,600a 27-b 13). Sostratus’ [3] (1st cent. BC, cf. schol. Theoc. 1,115) monograph on bears is unfortunately lost. Plin. HN 8,126—-131 offers similar information, including (in misunderstanding of Aristot. Hist. an. 6,30,579a 24 f.) the claim, current in the Middle Ages, that the cubs were born unformed, and acquired their shape only by being licked by their mother (= Ael. NA 2,19; cf. Ov. Met. 15,379-381). This indicates inexact observation of consumption of the embryonic membrane and the afterbirth. Pliny (HN 8,129) mentions (like Ael. NA 6,3) not only details regarding hibernation, but consumption of > arum in order to loosen the bowels after the long fast. Bears were imported to Rome in great numbers from Germany (evidently from 169 BC according to Liv. 44,18,8), Libya or Numidia (Atlas bear in Plin. HN 8,131), as well as from Asia (Syria), for animal-baiting (— venatio) {1. Vol. 2, 78-92]; according to Symmachus, Ep. 5,62 those from Asia incurred a duty (except for senators). Bears were also occasionally tamed; e.g. Pythagoras [2] is said to have possessed such an animal (Porph. Vita Pythagorae 60). As a dangerous predator (documented in [2. 83-90]), in Hom. Od. 11,611 the bear adorns the arms of Heracles [1], and is often portrayed on late antique mosaics, as in North Africa [2. fig. 34] and in > Piazza Armerina (III), as well as on various bronzes [2. fig. 38 f.]. The meat was eaten, the skin processed, the fat (Plin. HN 21,125; 22,34 and passim) gall, blood and testicles used in folk medicine. When encountered in dreams, the bear signified bad luck. Cult occurrence is not very frequent, but the bear was connected with Zeus [3. Vol. 1, 112, Vol. 2, 227 f.]. Young girls were active as Gextovarktoi i.a. in the cult of > Artemis (I. C.2.) at > Brauron and in Munichia (— Piraeus) (Aristoph. Lys. 645; [4]).

Kush, captured and fortified by > Alexander [4] the Great (Arr. Anab.). Probably near Bir-k6ét-Gundai, where Hellenistic walls, pottery and graffiti have been found. P. CALLIERI, in: A. GarL,

G. MEVISSEN (ed.), South Asian

Archaeology 1991, 1993, 339-348.

K.K.

Beans Pulses (legumina) such as peas (xioov; pison, pisum), chickpeas (&9éBw0oc; erébinthos, cicer) and lentils (paxoc; phakos, lens) have been cultivated in the

Mediterranean region, as crops of Middle Eastern origin, for at least as long as cereal crops, i.e. for about 6,000 years. Nicknames of reputable Roman families (Fabius, Lentulus, Cicero) are derived from them. The original small-seed varieties (xbawoc; kyamos, mbavoc; pyanos, faba, Slav. bob), that were being cultivated

over 4,000 years ago, originated from Vicia faba L., from which the large-seed horse beans (equina variety) and broad beans (maior variety, found in Pompeii) were

developed. Their flatulent and aphrodisiac effects led to their renunciation by Egyptian priests and also by Pythagoreans. They nevertheless had nutritional value and were added to meal (Plin. HN 18,117). Their fertilizing value (based on the enrichment of atmospheric nitrogen) was also recognized (Plin. HN 18, 120 and Theophr. Hist. pl. 8,7,2). Dioscorides 4,105 [1. 179f.] = 4,127 [2. 208f.] recommends the ‘Greek bean’ for reducing inflammation. The fasel beans (Dolichos lablab) introduced from South Asia and other fruits from leguminous and other families like the Egyptian lotus (xvawos aiybstios) were also termed beans. The phaseolus varieties were not introduced until the

16th cent.,

from America. 1M. WELLMANN (ed.), Pedanii Dioscuridis de materia medica 2, 1906, repr. 1958 2J.BERENDES (ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre tibers. und mit Erl. versehen, 1902, repr. 1970. C.HU.

Bean trefoil/Buckbean A gentian plant (Menanthes trifoliata L.), unknown in antiquity, wrongly described in r6th- and 17th-cent. books on herbs as bog bean or water trefoil (Trifolium fibrinum). It is widespread in marsh flats and, because of its bitter qualities, is today

BEARD

used i.a. to combat fever and worms. What was called

1 FRIEDLANDER 2 TOYNBEE, Tierwelt Zeus. A Study in Ancient Religion, 1914

uwvavbés (minyanthés) in Dioscorides 3,109 [1. rr9f.]

The Goddess Artemis and the Dedication of Bears in Sanc-

= 3,113 [2. 336f.] and Plin. HN 21,54 (used for tying wreaths) and doddtiov (asphdltion) was in fact the leguminous plant Psoralea bituminosa L. + Clover varieties

tuaries, in: ABSA 82, 1987, 17-21.

1M. Wellmann (ed.), Pedanii Dioscuridis de materia medica, vol. 2, 1906, repr. 1958 2J. Berendes (ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre tibers. und mit

Erl. versehen, 1902, repr. 1970.

C.HU.

3 A.B. Cook, 4E. Bevan, c. HU.

Beard I. ANCIENT ORIENT

IJ. GREECE AND

ROME

I. ANCIENT ORIENT Adult men in the ancient Orient are mostly represented wearing beards, but they can also be depicted like gods and demons as beardless without having any different meaning. Beards consisted of a long or short full beard with or without a shaved lip part. The short

567

BEARD

568

tailored. The male gods were mostly represented without a beard; important exceptions are Zeus and Poseidon. Beardlessness was introduced with Alexander the Great (> Alexander [4], the Great) and became fashionable from 300 BC onwards. Laws against beardlessness from Rhodes and Byzantium (cf. Ath. 13,565 c; d) remained ineffective. However, the people who wore beards were mainly philosophers. In the Etruscan-Roman culture the wearing of beards initially resembled the Greek fashion ofthe early period. With the appearance of > barbers beardlessness became common (cf., however, Ov. Met. 13,844) but the (daily) self-shave (Scipio, Augustus) was the exception. With > Hadrian in the 2nd cent. AD the

. Mycenaean, c. 1500 BC. . Archaic-Etruscan, 6th cent. BC. . Classical, Sth cent. BC. Re BRwON . Strategos

Greek ‘strategos-type beard’ again became predominant (Cass. Dio LXVIII 15,5; SHA Hadr. 26; excepti-

type beard, Sth cent. BC,

ons: Caracalla, Elagabalus), but was subject to fashion

after the bust of Pericles. 5. Philosopher's beard, Sth-4th cents., after the bust of Plato. 6. Short Roman beard, 1st cent. AD. 7. Hadrianic, 1st cent. AD.

8. Severian, 2nd half of the 2nd cent.-1st half of the 3rd cent. AD

Different types of beards in Antiquity

beard finishes half-rounded or pointed below, the long beard is straight or half-rounded; the wavy strands of hair falling onto the chest mostly end in curls that form decorative rows in the layered types. The cheek and chin part is frizzed for all beard shapes. There is no evidence in the ancient Orient of moustaches with a smooth chin, but our evidence is one-sided in that painted beards and those made of non-permanent materials have largely been lost today. There is written evidence of artificial beards put on by the rulers for particular occasions. Strangers were frequently characterized by unusual beard shapes or beardlessness, as were certain

social groups; in this way, clean-shaven people were regarded as eunuchs on Neo-Assyrian reliefs. J. BORKER-KLAHN, s.v. Haartracht, RLA 4, 1-22;

K. Wa-

TANABE, Neuassyrische Siegellegenden, in: Orient 29, 1993, 109-138; Nouvelles Assyriologiques Bréves et Utilitaires (NABU) 1994.3, 60-61.

changes. The soldier emperors preferred the short-tailored full beard. It could be substituted by a ring-shaped beard from the temples to the chin or a short upper and lower lip beard. From > Constantinus onwards beardlessness became more common again. The beard was considered a tiresome nuisance (e.g. Anth. Pal. 12,186) but also a man’s ornament (Ov. Met. 13,844f.; Musonius Rufus, Reliquiae 21). A properly tailored beard was desirable (Aristoph. Eccl. 502); people let it grow long only for mourning, accusation and condemnation (Mart. 2, 36, 3). Grasping one’s beard was a gesture of pleading and also meant embarrassment and pondering. —> Iulianus was mocked for his beard and he defended himself against this (Amm. Marc. 22, 14, 9). For the Romans the cutting off of the first beard was an act symbolizing the transition to manhood and was celebrated publicly (depositio barbae, > Iuvenalia). Philosophers wore a long beard and long hair in order to appear more venerabie (Lucian. De morte peregrini 15) or because of their indifference to earthly things (Aristoph. Av. 1282). It was, among other things, their trademark (Dion. Chrys. 72, 2), and it was possible to distinguish between different schools of philosophy by the way they wore their beards (Alci. 35 55):

Geo:

G. SCHELLE, Geschichte des mannlichen Bartes unter allen Volkern der Erde bis auf die neueste Zeit, 1797, 73-84; A.Mau, s.v. Bart, RE 3,1, 30-34; J.Frnx, Bartigkeit

As can be seen from archaeological evidence, the wearing of beards was very widespread in the Minoan and Mycenaean cultures. The upper lip was shaved, the cheeks were covered with beard hair, the lower lip was free and a wedge beard stuck out forwards a long way. This beard type continued right into the historical period (cf. for Sparta: Plut. Cleomenes 9); from the 6th cent. BC upper lip and lower lip beards came into fashion. From the 5th cent. BC there was a difference between the short, tailored, curly ‘strategos-type beard’ (cf. the so-called ‘strategos portrait’; > portraiture) that followed the rounding of the chin, and the ‘philosopher’s beard’ (cf. Socrates portraits etc.) which tended to be a more natural growth that was hardly cut or

griech. Gétter und Helden in archa. Zeit, in: Hermes 80, 1952, 110-114; S.MarINATOsS, Haar- und Barttracht, ArchHom, rt A, 1967, 22-26. R.H.

II]. GREECE AND ROME

Beaver (xaotwg; kdstor, fiber, Old Latin feber and asa loan word castor). The amphibian marsh dweller is slightly broader than the otter (&vvdgic), has strong teeth for night-time cutting of aspens (xeoxidat) and a hard pelt. It was described also under the name of oadéouov/sathérion or oatve.ov/satyrion and hdtak/ latax, by Aristot. Hist. an. 8,5,594b31~-595a6 (= Plin. HN 8,109; Ael. NA 6,34). In antiquity it was apparently eradicated early in Italy and Greece. In Gaul, Spain, and Central and Eastern Europe, especially on the Black

569

57°

Sea (hence called ‘Pontic dog’), it was captured in traps: its pelt was used to make clothing, the ‘Scythians’ used it for footwear (Hdt. 4,109); fur shoes of such kind as protection against gout of the foot are also mentioned by Plin. HN 32,110 (on the production of wool cf. Ambros. dign. sacerd. 4 and Isid. Orig. 19,27,4) [cf. 1. 1.185—-189]. Beaver castoreum

BEDA

téres)

against

eviction

from

VENERABILIS

his ownership

rights

[1. 432]. 1 F.PRINGSHEIM,

The

Greek

Law

of

Sale,

1950

2 M.TALaManca, L’arra della compravendita in diritto greco, 1953, 17f. 3H.J. Woxrr, Beitrage zur Rechtsgesch. Altgriechenlands und des hell.-rém. Agypten, 1961, 139ff. 4H.-A.Rupprecut, Einfiihrung in die

(xaotdguov; kast6érion,

Papyruskunde, 1994.

castoreum), especially from Pontus (Verg. G. 1,58f. and

Guin

Servius on this passage, source for Isid. orig. 12,2,21),

the strong-smelling, wax-like and bitter-tasting secretion (cf. Plin. HN 32,27) from a gland beside the genitals, had been a universal remedy in great demand (and therefore often adulterated) that was used internally and externally from the rst cent. BC onwards (Heraclitus of Tarent) (evidence in Plin. HN 32,28-31 and Dioscorides 2,24 [2. 1.129f.] = 2,26 [3. 160f.] etc.). Sextius Niger had already correctly recognized the gland’s location (Plin. HN 32,26ff.), but the erroneous view that it represented the beaver’s genitalia which it consciously bit off itself in self-defence so that it would not be pursued (Servius provides the incorrect etymology castor a castrando), was widespread from the time of Cicero (Scaur. 2,7) and Juvenal (12,34; both passages cited by Servius and Isidore) until the Middle Ages e.g. through the Physiologus [4. ch. 23]. The odour of this secretion is said to trigger miscarriage (Servius; Plin. HN 32,133). The urine of the beaver was used as an antidote (Plin. HN 32,31) and the ashes of the pelt for burns (adusta; Plin. HN 32,119) and nose bleeds (Plin. HN 32,124). 1 KELLER

2M. WELLMANN

(ed.), Pedanii Dioscuridis de

materia medica, Vol. 1, 1907, repr.1958

Bebryces The Spanish B. are mentioned by Scymn. 201 (prior to 202 BC). Avien. 485 describes the ‘Berybrakes’ as a rough, wild people, whose areas of settlement are not clearly known. F.J.FERNANDEZ NIETO, Beribraces, edetanos e ilercaones, in: Zephyrus 19/20, 1968/69, 115-142; TOVAR 3, 64.

PB.

Bed see > Kline

Beda Today’s Bitburg, vicus located on a naturally elevated site along the Roman road Augusta Treverorum —

Colonia

(It. Ant. 372,4), centre of the Treverian

pagus of the Bedenses. Inscriptions indicate that B. sported a lively theatre (CIL XIII 4132; BRGK 40, 1959,

125,8) and activities of > iuniores

(CIL XIII

4131). After B.’s destruction around AD 275/6, it was newly built in the 4th cent. as a military fort with oval surrounding walls (two hectares) and was inhabited continuously into the sth, perhaps even the 6th cent. H. Currers

(ed.), Die R6mer in Rheinland-Pfalz,

33 6f.

1990,

F.SCH.

3 J.BERENDES

(ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre tubers. und mit Erl. versehen, 1902, repr.1970 4 F.SBORDONE (ed.), Physiologi Graeci ... recensiones, 1936, repr. 1976.

Beda Venerabilis (The Venerable Bede) A. LIFE

B. Work

C. SIGNIFICANCE

CHU. Bebaiosis (Befaimots; bebaiosis). In legal transactions

involving the transfer of possession of an object, i.e. purchase contracts [4. 115f.], contracts governing transfer of use (ui0Odoeic, misthoseis [3. 141; 4. 122]) and arrhal contracts connected with maeddoots (pard-

dosis), bebaiosis signifies the undertaking by the previous owner to the new owner not to interfere with the latter’s acquired right of possession (in the papyri: uw) énehkevoeoOat, me epelerisesthai), and to defend that right against third parties [1. 357, 360, 444]. In the event that this promise was violated, the new owner was protected by the dixy BeBaumoemg (diké bebaidseos) (Harpocr. s.v. BeBaimous 8,34f.). Should the new owner not himself wish to defend his right of ownership in a legal action (avtowaxeiv, automachein), he handed the case over to the previous owner, leaving the defence to him. Should he decline to take on the defence, or lose the case, the seller had to pay a fine, of a size that varies in the Greek and Ptolemaic sources, for violation of the guarantee [2. 18]. In purchase contracts, the position of

the purchaser was strengthened if he had recourse to previous owners as guarantors (Beparwtijges, bebaio-

A. LIFE B. (or Baeda) lived from AD 672/3 to 735 in Northumbria. He was raised in the monastery of St. Peter and Paul in Wearmouth and Jarrow from the age of six. At the age of 19, he was ordained as a deacon, at 29 as a priest by bishop John of Hexham. He came to Lindisfarne (Holy Island) and to the Streanzshalch abbey (today Whitby), whose abbots had built up an excellent library by using the book markets of Italy and Gaul as well as copies from Rath Maelsigi in Ireland. He kept up his active correspondence with friends and former students in Canterbury (Kent) and in the entire coastal region of the Angles and Saxons. B. learned to write a simple but nuanced Latin and learned arithmetic in order to understand natural phenomena. He wrote hymns, epigrams, and educational verses, of which only few have survived. After visiting Lindisfarne, B. authored a Vita metrica Cuthberti (706/7) as well as two vitae in prose (c. 710, 720) about this vassal and robber who became a pious monk and hermit. B. was in the process of refining his early scientific work and of completing a new commentary on the Gospel of St. John when death overtook him.

BEDA VENERABILIS

571

B. WorK B.’s first writings around 700 were teachings for oblates. He taught notae in the scriptorium, meaning the form of the Latin letters, orthography, and syntax; the De orthographia liber presents a synopsis. In the two works De metrica arte and De schematibus sive tropis he discussed verse forms, rhythms, tropes and images, particularly those in the Bible. One of his earlier books was a general account of De natura rerum (AD 7or), in which he often cites literally from Ambrose, Basil and Isidore, but especially from Pliny, whose Naturalis historia he admired as an opus pulcherrimum. B. also wrote about the geography of the Holy Land and the main locations for prayers during pilgrimages (De locis sanctis) according to the reports by Arculf. These works emphasized that creation is orderly and that phenomena on earth and in heaven can be explained rationally. They introduced students to a model of the globe, inhabited on all sides, with its continents and great oceans, the tides, with two systems of geographical latitude, the zodiac for calculating planetary cycles and periods, with the theory of lunar and solar eclipses, with

the Aristotelian concept of gravity, and with the four classical elements — earth, air, fire, and water. He also discussed certain unusual occurrences such as storms,

earthquakes and epidemics. The De temporibus liber (703) presented ideas about days, nights, weeks, months, and years from several Mediterranean cultures and explained applications of the Metonic lunar cycle of 19 years. Attached was a brief chronicle of remarkable events from Creation to the end of time selected from works by Ios., Eus., Rufin., Hier., the LXX and the Latin Bible, which he called Hebraica veritas. He calculated that it took 3952 years from Creation to incarnation. Like all masters of the Easter calculation, B. rejected any calculations concerning the year of Christ’s second advent. By his 59th year, B. had authored rs titles in 36 parts of commentaries, chapters, lectures and essays about OT books and topics, and eight titles in 26 parts of books about the NT (Historia Ecclesiastica 5,24 [HE in further references]). The Holy Scriptures must have occupied the largest part of his working time. Additionally, we have collections of his letters, hymns and epigrams, a history of the first abbots in his monastery, vitae of Felix, Anastasius and Cuthbert, a Martyrologium, the HE (completed in 731), which describes the early Christian parishes in the different parts of the British Isles, and finally his educational books, of which De temporum ratione liber (DTR in further references) is missing in B’.s catalogue. B. produced a verse-by-verse interpretation of selected books in the Holy Scriptures, referencing certain earlier commentators, particularly + Ambrosius, -» Augustinus, and — Gregorius the Great, occasionally > Athanasius and — Hieronymus. This catena focused on the spiritual meaning of the Scriptures embedded in allegory and other figures of speech. But most often, he emphasized events and personal relationships in his biographies, so that historical

572

and moral interpretation always played a role as well. His sensitivity in interpreting similes and analogies brought him closer to the classical ‘fourfold meaning’ than the Alexandrian commentators or Gregory; the same can be observed in his surviving sermons and hymns. His study of about half of Augustinus’ writings was very thorough. Although B. rarely cited or even paraphrased him, his theology represented the core of Augustinian thinking. C. SIGNIFICANCE B. was probably the first to explain the new metric practices of Christian poets such as > Paulinus of Nola and > Prudentius within the tradition of classical metrics, and the first to deseribe the isosyllabic rhythm and rhyme which had been developed in Christian hymns. He corrected dates and theories derived from the works of Plin. and Isid. during his first few years of teaching in the later version of the DTR. B. explained the spherical shape of the earth and the system of geographical latitudes; he drew a horologium onto the earth (in terra), which was used not only during daylight hours but also at night. The latter had more lines and smaller subdivisions than any sundial could possibly contain: partes, momenta, minuta, puncti. Thus, he could observe solstices on the north-south meridian and then calculate the east-west line for identifying equinoxes according to the Roman method (not very precisely). But his instrument im terra was used primarily for observing the moon, the planets, and the stars. These observations allowed him a more precise tuning in of the lunar phases with the sidereal times than was possible on the basis of synodic time, which was used by others like Aldhelm who also worked on calculating the time for Easter. On the basis of these dates, B. created an entirely new theory of the tides (DTR 27f.) — a groundbreaking scientific accomplishment. It provided the structure for the yearly ‘British Admiralty Tide Tables’ used today. B.’s expanded DTR (completed in 725) explains how Dionysius Exiguus adjusted Alexandrian science to Roman

customs,

and how

he himself wanted

to

change several of Dionysius’ methods in order to apply them to the yearly cycle of the sun, to the lunar cycle of 19 years, and to the longer cycles of 95 and 532 years. His goal was to make it possible for Christians to always celebrate the resurrection of Christ on the same Easter Sunday no matter where they were. He made use of his new tables with rows of dates for the history of 790 years in his longer Chronicon (DTR 66-71) as well as in the short synopsis at the end of the HE 5,24. The results of B.’s work created order in European timereckoning for many centuries. The Gregorian calendar reform of AD 1582 continued B.’s time reckoning, but also took into account the earlier start of equinoxes through a new form of epacts and an additional saltus. -> Chronology EDITIONS: J.A. GILEs, 12 vols., 1843f. (incomplete; repr. PL 90-95, 1850f.); C.PLUMMER, 2 vols., 1896 (HE,

d73

574

BEER

Historia Abbatum, Epistola ad Albinum, Epistola ad Ecg-

ster L., said to feed its parents shortly after hatching

bertum); B.CoLcrave, R.A. B. Mynors, HE, 1969; M.L. W. Laistner, Bedae venerabilis Expositio Actuum

(Plin. HN ro,99; drawing on Ps.-Aristot. Hist. an.9,13,

Apostolorum et Retractatio, 1939; C.W. Jongs, Bedae opera de temporibus, 1943 (partial repr. CCL 118-123, 1960ff. [also on the MS tradition]); B. COLGRAVE, Two lives of saint Cuthbert, 1940. SECONDARY LITERATURE: B. COLGRAVE et al., Bede and his world, 2 vols., 1994; G. BONNER (ed.), Famulus Christi, 1976; K. HARRISON, The Framework of the AngloSaxon History to A.D. 900, 1976; P. HUNTER Barr, The World of Bede, 1970; M.Herren (ed.), Insular Latin Studies, 1981; C.W. Jones, Bede, the schools and the computus, 1994; M.L. W. LartstNer, H.H. Kine, A

Hand-list of Bede Manuscripts, 1943; D.O Crornin, The Irish provenance of Bede’s computus, in: Peritia 2, 1983, 229-247; Id., Rath Melsigi, Willibrord and the earliest Echternach, in: Peritia 3, 1984, 17-49; R.Ray, What do we know about Bede’s commentaries?, in: Recherches de theologie ancienne

et médiévale

49,

1982,

5-20; B.P.

Rosinson, The venerable Bede as exegete, in: The Downside Review 112/388, 1994, 201-226; G.BONNER, D.ROLLASON, C.STANCLIFFE (ed.), St. Cuthbert, his cult and his community to A.D. 1200, 1989; M. LapipGE, B. the poet, 1994; W.M. STEVENS, Cycles of time and scientific learning in medieval Europe, 1995. W.M.S.

Bedbug (6, f) x6Quc/koris, Lat. cimex; especially Cimex lectularius, the common bedbug, a troublesome bloodsucking parasite). Aristophanes was the first to refer to the bedbug as a typical inhabitant of the bedsteads of poor people in a work of literature (Nub. 634, Ra. 115, and Plut. 541). That is the origin of the expression ‘not even to own a bedbug’ (vec tritus cimice lectus, Mart. 11,32,1; cf. Catull. 23,2). As a bad parasite, the bedbug was also used synonymously for a matchmaker or literary critic (Plaut. Curc. 500; Anth. Pal. 11,322,6; Hor. Sat. 1,10,78). Christians saw the bedbug as an example of the creator’s goodness and wisdom (Arnob. 2,47 i.a.). Aristotle (Hist. an. 5,31,556b 23 f. and 26 f.) did not know about its procreation; he assumed that bedbugs are generated asexually from the moisture on other animals, but then after copulation produce nits (xovidec/ konides), which form new generations. Despite their obvious ineffectiveness, numerous measures to combat bedbugs were known, e.g. — vinegar, oil, —» squill, animal gall, and > pitch (cf. Gp. 13,14; Varro, Rust. 1,2,25). Bedbugs themselves were used as remedies for quartan fever, fits, and snake poison (Plin. HN 29,6164; Dioscorides 2,34 WELLMANN = 2,36 BERENDES). In veterinary medicine, a bedbug or the smoke of a burned one supposedly removed swallowed leeches from an animal’s oesophagus (Columella 6,18,2; Plin. HN De Soe (Coy seni a). KELLER 2, 399-400; W. RICHTER, s. v. W., RE Suppl. 14, 822-825.

c. HU.

Bee-eater Named wégow, mérops by the Boeotians (Aristot. Hist. an. 6,1,559a3ff.); a colourful, warmthloving bird of the Coraciiformes species, Merops apia-

615b24-32 and Ael. NA 11,30 [2]). It is said to brood in holes six feet deep in the ground. It was hunted because it fed on bees (Ps.-Aristot. Hist. an. 9,40, 626a13). Servius derives the Latin name apiastra from this feeding pattern (Serv. Georg. 4,14). In Ger. glosses

of the Middle Ages it is often interpreted as being a green woodpecker because of the similarly coloured plumage [r1. 358]. ~> Birds 1L.DireFENBACH,

Glossarium

Latino-Germanicum

mediae et infimae aetatis, 1857, repr. 1973

W.TuHompson,

2 D’ARcy,

A glossary of Greek birds, 1936, repr.

1966.

C.HU.

Beech In the Mediterranean, beeches propes such as Fagus silvatica and orientalis (onyos; phégds) only grow on relatively high mountains, but are often confused with hornbeams (Carpinus) or even oaks (S0%0¢;

drys), although mainly with Quercus aegilops and the edible oak Quercus ilex var. ballota (aesculus), supposedly the main food plant of prehistoric times. > Trees K.Kocn, Die Baume und Straucher des Alten Griechen-

lands, *1884, 5 5ff.

C.HU.

Beekeeping see > Apiculture Beer I]. ANCIENT

ORIENT

II. GREECE AND

ROME

I. ANCIENT ORIENT In the ancient Orient, beer was a well-known and popular drink that had been brewed in Mesopotamia and Egypt since the end ofthe 4th millennium BC at the latest. The basic ingredient in manufacture was above all barley malt [1. 322-329], other ingredients were emmer and sesame. In the rst millennium BC a type of date beer became important in Babylon [2.15 5-183]. In Egypt texts from the older period mention not just date beer but also carob tree beer and poppy beer. During the brewing process further ingredients like honey or date grain as well as a beer bread consisting of dough and pot-herbs were added. So-called beer recipes provide information on the proportions in mixtures passed down from 3rd millennium BC Mesopotamia, for example. There is no evidence of the use of hops. From texts passed down to us, various types of beer are known although it is not always possible to evaluate the nature of the respective beer. As a drink with an intoxicating effect, beer was both drunk in private households and served in > inns. Beer was also used for sacrifice, in medicine and paid as part of wages [2. 321-331]. 1M.Sro1, s.v. Malz, RLA 7, 322-329 (ed.), Drinking in Ancient Societies, 1994.

2L.MILANO

W.HELCK, s.v. Bier, LA 1, 790-791; W.ROLLIG, Das B.

im Alten Mesopotamien, 1970.

H.N.

BEER

I]. GREECE AND ROME

Alcoholic drink made of water, yeast and malt from barley (to a lesser extent also made of wheat, millet or other starch-containing raw materials). Beer (Ct00c, zythos), encountered by the Greeks around 700 BC, was widespread in the entire ancient world, but particularly in Hispania, Gallia, Britannia, Germania, in the Balkans and in Egypt; only in definite wine-growing countries like Italy and Greece did it not gain acceptance. Beer was produced in breweries (particularly known from Egypt) as well as domestically; there were many local varieties with different names. As hops were unknown, beer went off quickly; popular additives of the sour-tasting drink in ancient times were honey and herbs. Beer was a popular drink that at the beginning of the 4th cent. AD cost considerably less than wine (Edicta imperatoris Diocletiani 2,11-12). The upper class, on the other hand, spurned beer, preferring wine. In worship beer only had a role to play among the Egyptians, Thracians and Celts. It was also used for cosmetic purposes; ancient doctors were of differing opinions as to its healing properties. > Beverages J. ANDRE, L’alimentation et la cuisine 4 Rome, 71981; V. CuHapot, s.v. Zythum, DS 5, 1074-1077; F. OLCK, s.v. Bier, RE Ill 1, 457-464; E.M. RUPRECHTSBERGER (ed.), Bier im Altertum, 1992. NG

Bees A. ZOOLOGY

576

575

B. METAPHORICAL

SIGNIFICANCE

cleanliness, rationality and an artistic sense were attributed to bees which live in a state in a social manner, sharing tasks (Cic. Off. 1,157; Varro, Rust. 3,16,4; Plin. HN 11,11) and with a ‘constitution’ (Verg. G. 4,158: foedere pacto; Plot. 3,4,2) (Ael. NA. 5,11; Varro, Rust. 3,16,7; Sen. Ep. 121,22; Plin. HN 11,25). They brought nourishment to the young Zeus on Crete (Verg. G. 4,152); because of their chastity and purity they gave names to goddesses and priestesses (Pind. Fr. 123; for Artemis Aristoph. Ran. 1273; for Demeter Callim. H. 110; for the Pythia:. Pind. Pyth. 4,60). Because of their supposed artistic sense shown in their building of the hexagonal honeycomb cells, they were regarded as birds of the Muses by poets, famous orators and philosophers (e.g. Sophocles: Hesychius, FHG 4,175 and Pindar: Pind. fr. 117; Aristoph. Eccl. 974; Varro, Rust. 3,16,7). The Egyptians considered them to be a metaphor for the king. According to Philost. 2,8,5 they had guided the Ionians to settle in Greece. In the Middle Ages THOMAS OF CANTIMPRE took up these positive accounts of the bees’ behaviour and after 12 58 — based on the chapter on bees (9,2) in his Liber de natura rerum —his moralizing Bonum universale de apibus [3] represented bees as a symbol of human society. However, in prodigies swarms of bees were seldom regarded as a fortunate omen (Cic. Div. 1,73; Plin. HN

11,55; Just. Epit. 23,4,7), e.g. indicating the imminent arrival of good friends (Verg. Aen. 7,64ff.). On the contrary, the warlike swarms of bees were, like the wasps (Liv. 35,9,4), omens of bad luck (Liv. 21,46,2 and passim.; Cic. Har. resp. 25; Val. Max. 1,6,13; Luc. 7,161;

A. ZOOLOGY According to our sources, it was the Greeks and Romans who first bred bees for honey in antiquity (> Apiculture). They called the honey or worker bee ddeda, Wéktooa, apis, the male drone &vOeHvy, xnopry, Bewvak, fucus and the queen bee Baotheves, hyewov, rex, dux or imperator. In Greece this applied to the uniformly coloured, dark brown Apis cecropia, in Italy mainly to the A. ligustica with two orange rings on its abdomen. The zoological information about them was often incorrect. According to Pliny (HN 11,1 and 5) they had no blood, according to Aristotle (Hist. an. 1,1,487a32) they did not breathe, sucked up nectar with their tongue (5,22,554a14) and gathered their brood from flowers (5,21,553a19-21); Theophrastus (Caus. pl. 2,17,9) regarded them as genderless (Verg. G. 4,197.) and, because he confused them with flies similar to bees, he considered that they were created from the decaying carcasses of cattle or horses (Varro, Rust. 3,16,4) (Serv. Aen. 1,435) —a

view which was wide-

spread as a result of Isid. Orig. 12, 8,2 and Plin. HN 11,70 in the Middle Ages, e.g., in THOMAS OF CANTIMPRE, 9,2 [1. 297].

B. METAPHORICAL SIGNIFICANCE In the folklore, religion and mythology of antiquity the bee was regarded as exemplary. Positive human qualities like diligence, courage, chastity, harmony,

Plut. Dion. 24; Tac. Ann. 12,64; Cass. Dio 41,61; 42,26

and passim.; Amm. Marc. 18,3,1). They were also used as weapons against enemies (App. Mith. 78). — Insects 1 THOMAS CAMTIMPRATENSIS, Liber de natura rerum, ed.

H.BoEsE, 1973 nology,

2R.J. FoRBEs, Studies in Ancient Tech-

1966, 90-99

3 THOMAS

CANTIMPRATENSIS,

Bonum universale de apibus, ed. G.COLVENERIUS, 1597 and passim 4J.KLEK, Bienenkunde des Alt., 1919-21 5 KELLER II, 421-431.

C.HU.

Beet (yoyyviic/gongylis, Odnuc/rhdpys, Odauelrhaphys, Bovwdas/bounids, Latin rapum, napus). Fodder beet (var. rapa) was cultivated from wild beet, Beta vulgaris. Probably the white beet ot ancient times is related to turnip rape, Brassica rapa L., of the Cruciferae family. Theophrastus mentions in Hist. pl. 1,6, 6—7 the fleshy root of the gongylis and in the 7th book details of sowing. Columella 2,10,22-24 (= Pall. Agric. 8,2,1-3) seems to understand by napus the swede, and by rapum white beet. He recommends that after the summer solstice or at the end of August beet should be sown in well fertilized, loose ground — white beet should be sown in dryer, light soil, swede in moister lowlands. Both species that, it was believed, could turn into the other variety depending on the type of soil (Isid. Orig. 17,10,8 adopted this) were cultivated as normal food for people and animals in Greece and in northern Italy. Columella

a77,

578

knew that beet was fed to animals in the winter in Gallia. According to Columella 11,3,60f., when sowing took place in summer, one should mix the seeds with soot and leave them to absorb water over night so as to stop insects eating the cotyledons. For storage Columella 12,56 (= Pall. Agric. 13,5) recommends, for example, pickling white beet with salt, and after rinsing and drying it, pickling it in mustard stock. Plin. HN 18,126—132 also provides precise instructions on cul-

Bovsenotic/ bouprestis is probably the oil beetle Meloe variegatus L. |2. 63f.]. Swallowed by horses and cattle it is said, after contact with the gall bladder, to cause it to swell and burst (Plin. HN 30,30; cf. 29,95; 29,1053 Isid. Orig. 12,8,5). — G. Long-horned beetle: 11. Cosses, the larvae of Ergates faber L., the carpenter longhorn, were fattened with flour and roasted to give a Roman delicacy (Plin. HN 17,220 and 30,115; here. Adversus Iovinianum PL 23,101; Gal. De alimentorum facultatibus 3,2,1; [3]). —H. Weevil: 12. Calandra granaria L. is the granary weavil (xavOagic/kantharis) in Theophr. Hist. pl. 8,10,r and Aristot. Hist. an. 4575531b 25 (cf. Plin. HN 18,302 regarding the penetration of the curculio into grain to a depth of four fingers). I. Lamellicorn: 13. Ateuchus sacer L., the scarab (xavOagoc, kantharos), that belongs to the dung-beetles, whose Egyptian hieroglyph signified becoming and being, was venerated in Egypt as a symbol of the sun (cf. Hdt. 3,28: the sacred Apis bull was said to have the image of the beetle under its tongue; Plin. HN 30,99 scarabaeus qui pilas volvit, cf. 11,98, [2. 217]). Its repli-

tivation and use. Dioscorides (2,r10,1 WELLMANN

=

2,134 BERENDES) considers that white beet when boiled

causes flatulence and acts as an aphrodisiac. The seeds that have the same effect are for him a good additive in antidotes etc. 2 F. ORTH, s. v. R., RE 1 A, 1180-1182.

c.HU.

Beetle Of the beetle order, whose name xohedntega/ koleoptera Aristotle (Hist. an. 1,5,490a 13-15 and

45755524 22f.) derives from the fact that their wings were under a cover (tA utQov, élytron; crusta: Plin. HN

11,97), only a few species were distinguished. The popular name for them was xavOaeou, kantharoi, Latin scarabaei. They form from larvae (xduma, Aristot. listamanie5s09s5\5bee 24))

or

worms

(Ox@ANxES,

5,19,552b 3, Latin vermes). The most important of the

112 species probably identified through more detailed information on them are the following: A. Ground beetle: 1. Scarites laevigatus F. (Plin. HN 30,39 and Isid. Orig. 12,8,5: tauri = scarabaei terrestres = pediculi terrae). 2. Representative of the genus Zabrus Clairv. of grain pests, in Hesychius wauné/psomex [. no. 2379, 127f.], obviously also meant by Theophr. Hist. pl. 8,10,4 (oxwdn&/skoléx) and Plin. HN 18,152 (cantharis). — B. Water beetles: 3. The xoduufosc/ kolymbos that according to Hesychius [1. no. 1062, 58] is found in bathhouses is probably the Colymbetes coriaceus Hoffm. — C. Staphylinid beetle: 4. The larvae of the Philonthus ebeninus G. mentioned in Anth. Pal. 7,480,3 eat away at corpses. — D. Fireflies: 5. The glow-worm hoasmveic, Lampyris noctiluca L. is men-

BEGGARS

cas (Ael. NA 10,15) were popular as amulets also in

Rome, or were used as seals. Its biology was well known: after pupation (Aristot. Hist. an. 7(8),17,601a 2) it produces, as a mature insect, balls of dung, in

which it survives the winter and into which it lays its larvae. Within four weeks (Ael. NA 10,15) the larvae turn into beetles (Aristot. Hist. an. 5,19,552a 17-19; Plin. HN 11,98). There are representations on coins

and cameos [4. pl. VII,12-14; XXIII 16 and 18]. 14. The European dung-beetle is said, according to [5. 167], to be identical to the unhoddvOn/meéloloénthe in Aristot. Hist. an. 1,5, 490a 15. 15. Plin. HN 11,97 appears to describe the Italian species of stag beetle Lucanus serraticornis Fairm. under the name lucavus used by Nigidius [2. 156]. 16. It remains unclear whether in Aristoph. Nub. 763 the May bug, Melolontha vulgaris F,, or a dung-beetle (Geotrupes species) is meant. 1H.Gossen, Die zoologischen Glossen im Lex. des Hesych, in: Quellen und Stud. zur Gesch. der Naturwiss.

tioned in Aristot. Part. an. 1,3,642b 34 as only some-

und der Medizin 7, 1937[1940]

times having wings (among the males); according to

REICH

Hist. an. 5,19,55tb 26 the Bootevyovbostrychoi are also said to be fireflies. Plin. HN 11,98 describes the luminous body parts of the lampyrides in greater detail and in 18,250 names the beetle as the announcer of the harvest time for barley and the sowing time for millet in early summer. 6. The firefly nvyodaumoic/pygolampris mentioned in Aristot. Hist. an. 5,19,551b is probably the Drilus fulvicornis, the most common beetle in southern Europe. E. Death-watch beetles: 7. The beetle mentioned by Apollod. 1,9,11 is probably the Anobium pertinax L. 8. Sitodrepa panicea L., the bread beetle, or a species of moth (om¢/sés) are, according to Str. 13,1,54 (609), said to have eaten away at the library of Aristotle and Theophrastus. — F. Blister beetles and Spanish flies: 9. Lytta dives B., the Spanish fly > Cantharides. to. The long-footed (Veget. Mul. 1,79,10) bee pest

(CMG 5,4,2) 4 F.IMHooF-BLUMER, O.KELLER, Tierund Pflanzenbilder auf Mz. und Gemmen des klass. Alt., 1889, repr. 1972 5 H.AUuBERT, FR. WIMMER (trans.), Aristoteles: Thierkunde, vol. 1, 1868.

2 LEITNER

3 G.HELM-

(Ed.), Galen. de facultatibus naturalibus,

H.Gossen,

RE 10,1478-1489

1923

and suppl. 8, 235-242. C.HU,

Beggars The phenomenon of begging (atwyeia, ptocheia, Latin mendicitas, rarely mendicatio) is only sporadically documented in antiquity and hardly ever the subject of economical or social analysis. Also, as a rule, begging disappears behind an undifferentiated concept and conception of > poverty, and it is therefore only rarely possible to get a clear grasp of begging as the most bitter, and furthermore socially stigmatized, form of poverty. It is, however, obvious that contemporaries

579

580

were aware of the defining characteristic of begging, that is, the complete dependence of an individual or a family upon the discretion and support of others faced with destitution and the lack of minimal subsistence, usually as smallholders or craftsmen. Thus begging designates a concrete mode of existence and occupation, but the term also serves to describe extreme pover-

Or. 7,83); there is lack of evidence for the subsequent centuries.

BEGGARS

ty. Within the account of the return of Ulysses to Ithaca, Homer provides an early description of the phenomenon of begging as well as the pertinent Greek term mtwyoc, ptochos (along with déxtm¢, déktés, Od. 4,248, and ngotxtns, proiktés, 17,352; 449), described as a

suppliant and beggar, and also as a vagrant (aAnpov, alémon, 19,74; 17,376; in later Greek: adryrng, aléteés). One can notice economical and social differentiation between the ptdchés who takes on occasional work (18,7), is settled and integrated into the local community (18,1ff.), one who is active in the city as well as the country (17,10ff.) or one who vagrates as a homeless person or a stranger. Lack of home, house or possessions, together with being a stranger, with hunger and privation, were considered the characteristics of begging. Hesiod and Tyrtaeus mention a high incidence of begging in the archaic world. For Hesiod, it embodies the slacker’s inevitable lot, the falling-away from the hard-earned subsistence and poverty of smallholders (Op. 299ff.; 395ff.; 496f.). Tyrtaeus (10,3 WEST), on the other hand, deplores it as a consequence of the loss of home-country, city or land through civil war or exile, equating it with the total destruction of the individual’s social and economical existence and identity. It would seem that an increase in population, agricultural crisis and debt bondage (cf. Sol. 3,23-25), as well as — stasis caused begging on a large scale, but as for other periods, the precise connections between demographic and economical processes on the one hand and the increase of beggary on the other are almost impossible to determine because of the paucity of sources. There are few testimonies for begging in Classical times, but from a passage in Aristophanes (Plut. 53 5ff.) containing a detailed description of a beggar’s existence, one can recognize the general awareness and spread of begging and the outward characteristics (specific head-dress, beggar’s staff etc.), even in prosperous Athens. A comedy with the title Ptocho/, by Chionides,

The (only) Latin word for beggar, mendicus (similarly pauper; cf. Cic. Fin. 5,84), often only designates the extremely poor, while mendicare always meant begging. This semantic field is rare in the literature of Republican times, not allowing for any inferences about historical reality. However, impoverishment as a consequence of constant wars, the rapid growth of the city of Rome, etc., already suggest the kind of social conditions that are documented by authors of the early Principate, who describe begging as an everyday occurrence in Rome (Hor. Epist. 1,17,48ff.; Sen. Vit. Beat. Sans Mantiedss350LOssayz 14250 |Uv ai cles eee 6ff.; 14,299ff.). The structures of beggary can be deduced, such as the colonies of beggars on the Bridge of Sculpicius (Sen. Vit. Beat. 25,1; cf. Juv. 5,6ff.) and near Aricia on the via Appia (Juv. 4,117f.), and generally speaking the presence of beggars in busy places and roads. It is not until the sources of later antiquity, in particular the Church Fathers, that more attention is paid to the homeless and beggars and their pitiable living conditions (Greg. Naz. or. 14,16f.). The old, the sick, the disabled, widows and orphans are recognized as the groups dependent on beggary. For the first time the needy are granted not merely individual charity (> Alms), but institutional support: churches and monasteries dedicate themselves mainly to widows, orphans, the poor and beggars, who can be registered and supported. Along with market places, church doors become the favourite haunts of beggars. The legislation, too, deals with beggars: Justinian’s prohibition of begging for healthy men capable of working (Cod. Iust. I1,26,1) testifies to the attractiveness of begging (and the need for its regulation) in the capital. In the country,

monasteries attract beggars, who are often peasants uprooted through crop failure and famines, but despite the persistent propagation of Christian caritas, the contempt for beggars remains alive (Ioh. Chrys. Hom. in Mt 48,6f.).

+ Alms; > Poverty;

> Widows; > Orphans

1 H. BoLkesTEIn, Wohltatigkeit und Armenpflege im vorchristl. Alt., 1939, 202-210, 339f. 2 A.R. Hanps, Charities and Social Aid in Greece and Rome, 1968, 62—

68,78f. 3 H.K tort, Gedanken zum Ptochos, in: I. WerLER (ed.), Soziale Randgruppen und AuGenseiter im Alt.,

is lost (Ath. 3,119e and passim). Not least the represen-

1988, 81-106

tatives of voluntary begging, the Cynics (> Cynicism), were later able to take up these attributes and popularize them further. In Plato’s political theory (Pl. Resp. 5 50d—5 52e), too, begging played a relevant part; at the same time, Plato’s opinions reflect the morally tinged contempt shared by most Greeks, regarding beggary as a fate brought on by the individual’s own fault through

rom. Reich II: Wirtschaftliche und gesellschaftliche Stel-

idleness (Thuc. 2,40,1). Growing tensions in internal

politics and economical problems, as well as the rapidly increasing use of mercenaries, make a general growth of the numbers of beggars in the 4th cent. probable (Isoc.

lung von

4/J.-U. KRAUSE, Witwen und Waisen im

Witwen,

1994,

161-173

5 E. PATLAGEAN,

Pauvreté economique et pauvreté sociale a Byzance 4°-7°

siécles, 1977, 25-33. §5- 132. 191-193.

JH.

Begram see > Capisa

Behaghel’s law Summarizing term for the five principles of word order and clause order established by O. BEHAGHEL (1854-1936) [2]. The best known of the

five is the so-called law of increasing parts (Gesetz der

581

582

wachsenden Glieder): it is based on the tendency — already apparent in antiquity — to go from shorter to

Apollo, otherwise addressed as Deus B. or simply B. Outside Aquileia some votive offerings are known from Noricum, northern and central Italy, and southern Gaul. Ausonius reported (Prof. 4,7ff; 10,17ff), that there was a sanctuary of B. in Bordeaux. Here MOMMSEN, and with him DE Vrigs, assumed that Ausonius by choosing an exotic name for Apollo was being vain ina rhetorical sense. It has not been clarified whether in the Gallic evidence B. was invoked as the Celtic god of healing who in Gaul is identifiable with Apollo Borvo and Apollo Grannus. In any event, votive offerings to the Fons Bel(eni?) in Aquileia appear to refer to a medicinal aspect of B.. There is evidence that the period when the cult blossomed in Aquileia— probably beginning in the time of Tiberius — was the second half of the 3rd. cent. AD. The dedicators come from every social class. The votive inscription of Diocletian and Maximian to B. is worthy of mention (CIL V 732).

longer constituents [1. 139; 2. 6], see Demetrius Phalereus, De elocutione 18: év dé toig GvVOETOIS MEOLOSOIC

TO TEAEVTALOV KOAOV LAXQOTEEOV YON) Elva. Cic. De or.

3,48: quare aut paria esse debent posteriora superioribus et extrema primis aut, quod etiam est melius et iucundius, longiora. The end of the sentence contains

what one deems especially important or easy to remember, or what is harder to remember due to bigger volume. Examples: eizeto ya 81) oft xal Oynuata xai OeodMOvtEs zak Maa MoAAyH magaoxevrt (Hdt. 5,21,1); contra fas, contra auspicia, contra omnes divinas atque

humanas religiones (Cic. Verr. 2,5,34).

— Style; > Syntax 1 O.BEHAGHEL, Beziehungen zw. Umfang und Reihenfolge von Satzgliedern, in: IF 25, 1909, rr0-142 2 Id., Dt. Syntax IV, 1932, 3-9 3 .N.E. CoLiince, The Laws of Indo-European, 1985, 241f. 4 KNOBLOCH I, 304.

RP. Behistun see > Bisutun Beisan (Besan). 25 km south of Lake Galilee (Lake Tiberias) on the Tall al-Hisn; the ancient city was settled

from Chalcolithic time to the Crusades. The Arabic name is derived from the Hebrew bét-Se’an (Egyptian btsr, Cuneiform script Bitsani). Owing to its strategic and economic significance, B. became a military and administrative centre for Egyptian Asian policy from the 15th cent. to the middle of the 12th cent. BC. It was the only city in Israel to remain an ‘Egyptian’ city up to the early Iron Age (differing: Jos. 17,11; 16; Judg. 1,27; 1 Kgs 4,12). In Hellenistic-Roman times, the city was called Scythopolis (the origin of the name is unclear) or Nyssa-Scythopolis respectively (2 Macc. 12,29; Jud. 3,9f.). It first belonged to the Ptolemies and was integrated into the kingdom of the Seleucids by Antiochus [5] III in 218 BC. In 107 BC, B. was occupied by John I Hyrcanus and then liberated in 63 BC by Pompey; directly afterwards, it became the metropolis of the + decapolis. In Byzantine times, B. developed into a city of saints and scholars, churches and monasteries. A.Mazar, G. Foerster, Beth-Shean, NEAEHL

214-235.

1, 1993,

RL.

Belenus (Belinus). Celtic God, equated in the interpretatio Romana with Apollo, especially in his role as a sun god. The syllable bel- appears to derive from Indo-Germanic ‘shine, radiate, burn’. Tertullian reports (Apol. 24,7) that B. is the god of the Noricans, however the majority of the evidence was found in Aquileia and its surrounding areas. This is confirmed by Herodian (8,3,8) who reports that in Aquileia, B. in particular

was venerated as Apollo (above all because the god had come in person to the aid of the town when besieged by Maximinus). An inscription also actually calls B. Defensor. In the inscription B. is often an epithet for

BELGAE

H.p’ARBOIS DE JUBAINVILLE, RA 1973 I, 197-202; A. Ho per, s.v. Altceltischer Sprachschatz, 1861, 370; M.1nM, s.v. B., RE 3, r99ff.;J.GOURVEST, Ogam 6, 1954, 257ff.; J. DE Vries, Kelt. Religion, 1961, 75ff.; F.MARASPIN, Atti del Centri studi e documentazione sull’Italia romana I, 1967-1968, 145-159; A. CALDERINI, Aquileia Romana. Ricerche di storia e di epigrafia 81, 1972, 93ff.; G. BAUCHHENSS, LIMC 2.1, 462ff., s.v. Apollo B. M.E.

Belesys (Babylon. BélSunu). Sub-governor of Babylon from 421 at least until 414 BC; Satrap of Syria at least between 407 and 4o1, where he owned large estates and a palace (Xen. An. 1,4,10). Being appointed as governor was unusual for a Babylonian and was probably owing to his support of Darius II in his battle for the throne. B.’s business documents written in Babylonian language (dated 424-400 BC) were found in > Babylon. M.W. Srotrer, The Kasr Archive, in: Achaemenid His-

tory 4, 1990, 195-205.

A.KU.andH.S.-W.

Belgae (Bedyixot; Belgikoi: Cass. Dio 39,1; 40,425 Bédyau; Bélgai: Str. 4,1,1). A. ORIGINS

B. TRIBAL CULTURE

C. TRIBAL HIS-

TORY

A. ORIGINS According to Caesar’s division of Gallia into three population groups (Caes. B Gall. 1,1), the B. were the one settling between the Seine, Marne, North Sea and

Rhine; their southern spread is not specified. Little can be said with certainty about the origins of the B. At the beginning of the 3rd cent. BC, tribal groups, presumably from Jutland and the Baltic region, invaded this region (Mela 3,36;,57; Amm. Marc. 15,9-13); they were related to those tribes who, at about the same

time, moved along the Danube to the south, and, in 280/279 BC, under the command of their leader Bolgios (Bodytos), defeated the Macedonian king > Ptolemaeus

BELGAE

584

583

Keraunos (Paus. 10,19,7; Just. Epit. 24,5), and settled

(Str. 4,3,4) and Treveri (Tac. Germ. 28) were close to

in Pannonia and Asia Minor under the names of Belgites (Plin. HN 3,148) or Galati. Units advancing towards the west into northern and eastern France encountered a high-standing Laténe culture, which had developed particularly in the Marne region from the middle of the 5th cent. BC. The tribes known as B. have descended from the resident and the immigrant stock.

the Germanic sphere, the emphasis is to be on local characteristics regarding the conglomerate of Remi and Suessiones in the Aisne valley. In 57 BC, the Belgic tribes were subjugated by Caesar (Caes. B Gall. 2,4), but continued to resist Roman rule in varying coalitions until 51 BC, the Bellovaci even until 46 BC. During the Augustan reorganization of Gallia, they became part of the province of Gallia Belgica. + Belgica; > Gallia

B. TRIBAL CULTURE

Despite their non-uniform structure (due to successive arrival in northern Gaul or different cultural developments in the rst cent. BC), as a marginal group amongst the Gauls, they can be clearly distinguished from the ‘classical’ Celtic civilization, the late Laténe

‘oppida culture’. There is no evidence of a separate ‘Belgian’ language [1. 112-114], but of differences in dialect within a common Celtic language (Str. 4,1,1). The view as reported in Caes. B Gall. 2,4 that ‘most of the B. descended from the Germans’, a perception shared with

1 R. HacHMANN, G. Kossack,

manen und Kelten, 1962

H. Kuun, Vélker zw. Ger-

2 R. HACHMANN, The problem

of the Belgae seen from the Continent, in: Bulletin of the London Institute of Archaeology 13, 1976, 117-137 3 Cur. Hawkes, New thoughts on the B., in: Antiquity 42, 1968, 6-16 4N.Roymans, Tribal Societies in Northern Gaul, in: Cingula 12, 1990.

S. FicuTL, Les Gaulois du nord de la Gaule, MANN, H. Cat ies, H.-E. JOACHIM,

210-213.

1994; G. NEu-

s.v. B., RGA,

1976,

P.SCH.

other ancient authors, led some scholars to believe that

Caesar, in his tripartite division of Gaul, referred to one third as the settlement area exclusively of the B. [1. 43-48; 25 3]. This apparent contradiction in the eyes

Belgica Originally, B. is the settlement area of the > Belgae (Caes. B Gall. 2,4) as designated by Caesar in

of a modern observer, however, is entirely the product

It was governed uniformly until Augustus established the imperial province of B. in 16/13 BC in the course of reorganizing the Tres Galliae. Based on records by Plin.

of an unconscious transfer of a purely linguistic differentiation between ‘Celtic’ and ‘Germanic’ to a histori-

his division of Gallia into three parts (Caes. B Gall. 1,1).

cal level. An ancient author such as Posidonius (FGrH

HN 4,105 and Ptol. 2,9 about the tribes of B., the boun-

87 fr. 22) in around 90 BC, though, had no problems in referring to a group of tribes — presumably also those which were later described by Caesar as B. — as Tequavoi (Germanoi), and at the same time classifying them as Celts. Germans, in a linguistic definition (Jastorf culture) of the term, only settled after Caesar’s time

daries of the province can be approximately determined, but they differ strongly trom Caesar’s division. The boundary in the north was formed by the North Sea, in the east, it was the Rhine from the mouth to Lake Constance, in the south, the western regions of Swit-

in the area which he referred to as Germania. However,

zerland; in the west, B. reached across the Saéne (Lingones) in some places, but the civitates on the eastern

the problems of the origin and ethnic identity of the Belgic tribes is of secondary importance, compared with the issue of regional differences in the sociocultural structures.

shore of the Seine belonged to Gallia Lugdunensis. Excluded from the Belgian provincial government was an area along the Rhine that was directly under the control of the military. The transformation of the military districts into the independent provinces Germania

C. TRIBAL HISTORY In Caesar’s time, three larger units can be ascer-

tained [4]: in the south-west (Picardy and upper Normandy) lay the region which Caesar on several occasions referred to as Belgium (Caes. B Gall. 5,12; 5,24f.;

8,46; 8,49; 8,54), the settlement area of the Ambiani, Caleti, Veliocasses, and the Bellovaci, the mightiest of

the Belgic tribes. From there, the B. started on their migration and expeditions to Britannia, beginning in the rst cent. BC (Caes. B Gall. 2,4; 5,12). Of an entirely

different identity was the region, bordering on the Rhine in the north-east, which was inhabited by tribes referred to as Germani Cisrhenani (Eburones, Paemani, Gaerosiscceny)s (CaesabaGallitze,, 1oskG.2n3smosa ond: The remaining Belgic tribes — Aduatuci, Atrebates, Morini, Menapu, Nervii, Remi, Suessiones and Treveri

— formed a much less homogenous group. While the Atrebates inclined more toward the B. in a narrower sense, and the Aduatuci (Caes. B Gall. 2,29,4), Nervii

inferior and Germania superior under Domitianus between AD 82 and 90 was merely the legal confirmation of an already existing state of affairs. In addition to losing the left lower Rhine region, B. also lost large parts of the Netherlands and Belgium to Germania inferior. Aside from a strip of about 40 km along the left side of the upper Rhine, Germania superior received probably all of the southern parts of B. with the civitates of the Helvetii, Sequani and Lingones. The government of B. was headed by an imperial governor with the rank of praetor (legatus Augusti pro praetore} residing in Durocortorum (Str. 4,3,5). The financial administration, however, combined B. and the two Germaniae under one jurisdiction (procurator Belgicae utriusque Germaniae, or duarum Germaniarum). The same was

the case for the state postal administration and the imperial estates (ratio privata). Following the Diocletian government reform, B. as part of the diocesis Galliarum was divided into Belgica I and II with the main cities of

585

586

Augusta Treverorum and Durocortorum (Not. Gall. 5f.) respectively. In the 5th cent., pressures from the invading Germans ied to a gradual process of separation from the empire.

cus’ death (October 534), her cousin + Theodahad, leader of the Ostrogothic opposition, came into power, had her murdered in April of 535 and broke off all relations with the emperor. Thus began the Gothic Wars; supreme command was transferred to B. in June of 535. In November of 536, Theodahad’s opponents declared General Vitigis to be king of the Ostrogoths. Meanwhile, B. had taken control of Rome without a battle, but was besieged there — although unsuccessfully in the end — by Vitigis from February of 537 until March of 538. After further battles, Vitigis surrendered to B. in May of 540 in Ravenna. Shortly before his surrender, Vitigis had worked out a peace treaty with Justinian, but B., certain of victory, refused to sign. This act of disobedience led to his recall to Constantinople, where he was denied a triumph. In March of 540, the Persian king Chosrau had broken the ‘eternal peace’ with an invasion into the empire. The title of mag. militum per Orientem was not only held by B., but also by > Buzes, who was then stationed in the border region; he alone was first in charge of the defence. B. had to wait until the spring of 541 before being sent to the eastern border as commander-in-chief, but returned to Constantinople after

M.-Tu. and G. RAEPSAET-CHARLIER, Gallia B. et Germania Inferior, ANRW II 4, 1975, 3-299; E.M. WIGHTMAN, Gallia B., 1985. F.SCH.

Belginum Vicus near Wederath (Bernkastel-Wittlich district) on the Roman road Augusta Treverorum— Mogontiacum (Tab. Peut.; CIL XIII 755 5a). The burial ground belonging to it shows continuous use from the 4th cent. BC to the 4th cent. AD. The beginnings of the vicus, however, did not occur until the rst cent. AD. A.

preliminary settlement of Laténe or early Roman times could not yet be documented. After the turmoil of AD 275/6, B. remained inhabited until the 4th cent. due to its location and its significance for traffic. A. HaFENER

(ed.), Graber — Spiegel des Lebens,

1989.

F.SCH.

Belgius (Bodytos; Bolgios). Celtic name, cf. Irish Bolg

‘lightning’ [1.88], leader of the Galatian Celts. He invaded Macedonia in late 280 and early 279 BC and destroyed the small army of King > Ptolemaeus Ceraunus, who was killed in the process (Just. Epit. 24,4-5; Paus. 10,19,5-7). 1 H. RANKIN, Celts and the Classical World, 1987. HOLDER, tf, 384.

Belisarius (Bedtoco.oc; Belisdrios). B. (born around 500/505 in Germania near > Serdica), distinguished commander under — Justinianus I. The main source about his life is the historical work (Bella) which glo-

rifies B. and thus should be read critically, written by — Procopius of Caesarea, who accompanied him on his campaigns until 540. From 529, he was mag. militum per Orientem and, in 528, he assumed leadership in the

the conquest of Sisaurana

BELISARIUS

(near Nisibis) in the same

year due to an outbreak of an epidemic in the army. In 542, he marched against a new attack of the Persians, but only the outbreak of the great plague caused Chosrau’s retreat. The following can be found in ch. 4 of the Historia arcana of Procopius (according to [1] a rothcent. compilation of three opuscula of Procopius, of which the first, ch. 1-5 on B., must be read as a satirical novel): when Justinian also fell gravely ill with the epidemic, B. and Buzes are claimed to have declared that

they would not accept another emperor. The emperor’s wife > Theodora supposedly understood this as a reference to herself, and promptly instigated their recall and deposition. The emperor is then said to have robbed B. of his private guard and confiscated a large part of his fortune. It is claimed that B. was forgiven later owing to the intervention of his wife Antonina, who was an in-

newly erupted war against the Persians. He was victori-

timate friend of Theodora’s.

ous in 530 near Dara, but suffered a crushing defeat in 531 on the Euphrates, an event which resulted in his first recall; but in 532, an ‘eternal peace’ was concluded with Chosrau I. Having regained the emperor’s favour through his intervention during the ~ Nika revolt in 532, B. received the supreme command in 533 in the war against the northern African kingdom of the + Vandals. In September of 533, B. conquered the capital city of Carthage, and his victory over the army of King Gelimer near Tricamarum in December of 533 led to the collapse of the Vandal kingdom. In 534, B. celebrated his success with a great triumphal procession in Constantinople. After the death of the Ostrogoth king > Theoderic in 526, his daughter > Amalasuntha ruled Italy on behalf of her under age son Athalaricus and maintained friendly relations with Byzantium. But after Athalari-

mand in Italy, where King Totila (541-552) had continued the Gothic War against the empire. The latter brought Rome under his command in December of 5 46, but B. was able to recapture the city in April of 547, an act which constituted his last great success. After Theodora’s death in June of 548, Justinian recalled B. to Constantinople in 549, where B. lived henceforth as a private citizen. In 562, B. was again accused of conspiracy against Justinian, but was soon rehabilitated. He preceded the emperor in death by a few months in March of 565. Byzantine legend transfigured B. into a hero whose failures were due only to the envy of his opponents; his image was further enhanced and adjusted by the addition of destinies and deeds of later army commanders. These legends are the origin of the romance-like song of

In any case, in 544, B. again received supreme com-

587

588

B. that emerged in the late 14th cent., whose hero has little in common with the historical B. (PLRE 3 A,

Magnesia on the Maeander, claimed to be his descend-

BELISARIUS

181-224 no. I). 1K. ADSHEAD,

The Secret History of Procopius and its

Genesis, in: Byzantion 63, 1993, 5-28. LMA 1, 1843; ODB 1, 278; Av. CAMERON, Procopius and

the Sixth Century, 1985; B. RuBIN, Das Zeitalter Justinians, vol. 1, 1960; vol. 2, 1995 (ed. of C. Capizzi), s. index, 264; E.STEIN, Histoire du Bas-Empire 2, 1949 (repr. 1968) SONG OF B./EDTION: W.F. BAKKER, A.F. VAN GEMERT, ‘Totogia tot Bektoagiov, 1988 CONTENT: H.-G.Beck, Gesch. der byz. Volkslit., 1971,

150-153.

ET.

ent. Possibly, the family of Cossutius Sabula in the late Roman Republic also claimed B. as an ancestor. As the one who tamed Pegasus, B. was seen by many as the inventor of horsemanship (Plin. HN 7,56,202) and also

as the winner ofthe horse-race during the funeral games for Pelias (Hyg. Fab. 273). Furthermore, B.’s desire to search the heavens resulted in his image as the first astronomer (Lucian. Astr. 13). The records do not con-

firm the thesis of a ‘B. christianus’. + Iobates; > Proetus E. BETHE, s.v. B., RE 3, 241-251;

H. BRANDENBURG,

B.

christianus? in: RQA 63, 1968, 49-86; P. CHuvin, Apollon au trident et les dieux de Tarse, JS 1981, 305-326; W.LERMANN, F.HANNIG, s.v. B., Myth. Lex. 3, 17271752; C.Locuin, s.v. Pegasos, LIMC 7.1, 214-230;

Bellerophontes,

Bellerophon

(Bedregodovtys,

Beh-

Meoo0h@v; Bellerophontés, Bellerophén). According to

Homer (Il. 6,152-205), B. belonged to the Corinthian royal family, son of Glaucus and Eurymede (Apollod. 1,85) or Eurynome, grandson of Sisyphus. Or he was the son of Poseidon, who helped him tame > Pegasus, the winged horse of the gods (Pind. Ol. 13,69). Athena also helped him to accomplish this. After committing manslaughter, B. fled to King Proetus of Tiryns, who expiated him (Serv. Aen. 5,118; Tzetz. Lycoph. 17). Proetus’ wife Antea (~ Stheneboea) slandered B. after he rejected her love (Hom. Il. 6,160ff.; Apollod. 2,30;

Hyg. Fab. 57). Proetus sent B. off to his father-in-law Iobates in Lycia with a hidden message informing him to kill the messenger. Iobates first offered B. a friendly welcome, then sent him out against the monster > Chimaera (Hom. Il. 6,179ff.; Hes. Theog. 3 19ff., Apollod. 2,30). Homer does not mention Pegasus, but according to all other sources he is always involved in B.’s successes (Hes. Theog. 325; Pind. Ol. 13,87) and aids him in his victory over the Chimaera as well as over a boar, over the Amazons and the rapacious Solymi, whom Iobates ordered B. to fight next. When B. finally emerged victorious from an ambush by Iobates’ strongest men (Hom. Il. 6,187ff.), the king gave B. his daughter for his wife and let him join in his rulership. B. took revenge on Antea/Stheneboea and threw her into the sea from the Pegasus above Melos (schol. Aristoph. Pax 141), or else she committed suicide (Hyg. Fab. 57). In old age, B. had the presumptuous desire to search the heavens, but Pegasus threw him off and flew up to Olympus alone (Pind. Isthm. 7,44ff.; Pind. Ol. 13,92; Eur. B. TGF fr. 285-3 15). In the end, B. was supposedly hated by the gods and wandered aimlessly on the Aleian Plain in Cilicia, blind and lame (Hom. II. 6,200ff.), or else met his death upon his fall (Hyg. Poet. Astr. 2,18). The Solymi displayed the fortified camp of B. (Str. 13,4,16), who was claimed to be the grandfather of Zeus’ son Sarpedon (Hom. Il. 6,199) and progenitor of the Lycian rulers (Hom. Il. 6,196ff.). He received his

own cult in Lycia (Quint. Smyrn. 10,162) and Corinth (Paus. 2,2,4), he was revered as a founding hero in Carian Baryglia, and Leucippus, the archegetes of

R.PEPPERMULLER, Die B.-Sage. Ihre Herkunft und Gesch., 1961; T.J. WISEMAN, Legendary Genealogies in Late Republican

Rome,

156.

Belli Celtiberian tribe Duero, with the main pre-eminent role in the after that, they are no 11; App. Ib. 44ff.).

in: G&R

21, 1974,

153-164, DS:

on the Jalon, a tributary of the city of Segeda. The B. played a Celtiberian Wars (154-133 BC); longer mentioned (Pol. 35,2,3;

H. Simon, Roms Kriege in Spanien, 1962, 200; TOVAR 3,

92.

PB.

Bellicius [1] B. Calpurnius Torquatus, C. belonged to a senatorial family originally from Vienna (EOS 2, 415). Cos. ord. in AD 148 [r. 42], son of [3], brother of [2]. 1 DecrassI, FC.

[2] B. Flaccus Torquatus, C. cos. ord. in AD 143 (AE 1940, 62) [1. 144]. Son of [3], brother of [x]. 1 ALFOLDY, Consulat.

[3] B. Flaccus Torquatus Tebanianus, C. cos. ord. in AD

124 (IGUR 2, 741) [1. 36]. Father of B. [1] and B. [2]. 1 Decrassi, FC.

[4] B. Natalis, C. cos. suff. October/December of AD 68, one of the first senators from Vienna (EOS 2, 415). PIR* B ror. [5] B. Natalis Tebanianus, C. cos. suff. in AD 87, X Wir sacris faciundis, sodalis Flavialis (CIL XI 1430=ILS 1009). Son of B. [4], his descendent is B. [3]. PIR? B 102. [6] B. Sollers Ti. Claudius Alpinus, L. Knight, who held the office of procurator of Britannia after the tres militiae (CIL V 3337; CIL III 13250=ILS 5968 can hardly refer to him). B. was adopted by a B. Sollers and brought into the Senate. Cos. suff., perhaps under Trajan; he applied to the Senate for permission to hold a market on his estates (Plin. HN 5,4). His wife was Claudia Marcellina (CIL V 33373 33385 3356). [1. no. 243, 2725.0, 1afes. 4stt.|.(PIRSBTo9)\.

590

589 1 RAEPSAET-CHARLIER 2 A. BIRLEY, Officers of the Second Augustan Legion in Britain, 1990 +=3. O. SALOMIES, Adoptive and Polyonymous Nomenclature in the Roman Empire, 1992.

Bellienus

Roman

W.E.

proper

name

(also

Billienus;

SCHULZE 429; ThIL 2,1816; 1989). [1] — Annius I ro B. [2] Billienus, C. praetor around AD 107 (MRR 1,551),

then legate and praetor pro consule (of Asia?, IDélos 1710; 1854; cf. MRR 3,34f.). According to Cic. Brut. 175, he did not receive the office of consul towards the end of the 2nd cent. because of C. > Marius’ superior position. [3] B., L. praetor in to5 BC in Africa (Sall. Lug. r04,1). Possibly the uncle of Catiline, who took part in the proscriptions in 81 and was then condemned for his involvement in 64 (Ascon. 91C).

BELLUM

This cult, attested to by dedications from the late Republic onwards, only became official later and was probably forbidden to the citizens for a long time. Whilst the ecstatic processions of her followers (fanatici) who inflicted wounds on themselves with double axes fascinated Rome’s poets (Tibull 1,6,43—54; illus-

tration: [3]), many people were repelled by the cult of B., and it was rumoured that human sacrifices took

place in her name (Cass. Dio 42,26,2 from the year 48 BC)Nevertheless within the city itself at least one temple (CIL VI 490; 2232f.; cf. also 2234) with a grove (CIL VI 2232) is attested [4]. 1 R.BENEDETTO, Roma medio-repubblicana, 1973, 62, no. 21 with fig.7 2 E.M. SteinBy, Lex. Topographicum Urbis Romae 1, 190-193 3 HELBIG 2, no. 1179 4G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus der R6mer, 19127,

T51f.; 348-350.

F.G.

KEE.

Bellovaci Tribe in Gallia Belgica (Picardy region) south

Bellinus captured by pirates when he was praetor in 68 BC (?), (Plut. Pomp. 24,9).

K-LE.

Bellona The Roman goddess of war (from bellum, old form Duellona from duellum; cf. Varro, Ling. 5,73; Ant. rer. div. fr. 189 CARDAUNS), who stands beside Mars and is relatively independent of him: the devotional formula of P. Decius Mus names her directly after ~ Janus who is invoked at each new beginning and the triad of old Roman state gods Jupiter, Mars and Quirinus —no doubt as the actual female ruler of war (Liv. 8,9,6). In Latium her cult is attested in a 5th-cent. inscription (CIL I? 441) [1], whilst an urban Roman

temple to her was vowed by Appius Claudius Caecus during the 2nd Samnite War of 296 BC and built shortly afterwards (Liv. 10,19,17). It lay near the temple of Apollo outside the + Pomerium, the date of its dedication being 3 June (Ov. Fast. 6,201-208) [2]. Outside

it the ritual of the > Fetiales took place at the commencement of wars waged outside Italy: a lance, dipped in blood, was hurled from the columna bellica at the front of the temple into a portion of land symbolically declared to be enemy territory near the Circus Flaminius (the first time this occurred was in the war against Pyrrhus, Serv. Aen. 9,52). It is not known whether any city festivals were held for B.; she is the divine incarnation of the destructive power of brutal war, which operates against the orderly life of the towns. Hence in Rome itself she was likewise regarded as ‘alien’. For this reason the temple was positioned outside the Pomerium and her iconography was a Medusa-like monster with serpent-hair (CIL I* 441). That is why she was also later identified with the Greek + Enyo, the female counterpart of > Ares or Enylius who likewise was sited outside the polis, as well as in particular with the Cappadocian goddess > Ma of Comana, one of the numerous ecstatic Anatolian goddesses, who as a result of the Mithridatian Wars was introduced into Rome; she is said to have appeared ina dream to Sulla in Comana (Plut. Sulla 9,7).

of the Ambiani in the Thérain valley (Ptol. 2,9,4; Str. 4,3,5). Beauvais (+ Caesaromagus), once the capital of

the civitas, and the surrounding Beauvaisis owe their names to the B. This mightiest tribe of the > Belgae was defeated by Caesar in 57 BC (Caes. B Gall. 2,4,5; 2,13-15). They were hesitant participants in the revolt

led by > Vercingetorix in 52 BC (Caes. B Gall. 7,75), but in the following year, they organized resistance against Rome (Caes. B Gall. 8,6-22). After a final insurrection in 46 BC (Liv. Epit. 114), they are no longer in evidence. > Bratuspantium F.SCH.

Bellovesus According to legend, because of overpopulation, the Gallic king Ambigatus sent his sister’s sons B. (the killer) and Segovesus (the victorious) in search of new places to live (Liv. 5,34; 35,1). By drawing lots, B. turned with his army in the direction of Italy where they conquered the Etruscans and founded Mediolanum. The essence of this migratory legend is regarded as authentic. H.Homeyer, in: Historia 9, 1960, 346ff.; F. FISCHER, in: Madrid. Mitt. 13, 1972, 122ff.; Id., in: K. BirreL,W. KimMIG, S.SCHIEK (ed.), Die Kelten in Baden-Wirttemberg, 1981, 56f. M.E.

Bellum From Old Latin dvellum. Beginning with the Augustan poets, B. occasionally figures as the personification of war (Verg. Aen. 1,296; Ov. Met. 1,143). Virgil

names B. along with sopor, discordia and the Furies in his description of the underworld (Aen. 6,279). The

painter > Apelles depicted B. with hands tied behind his back together with Alexander who is riding on a triumphal wagon in a no longer extant painting displayed by Augustus on the Forum (Plin. HN 35,27,93; Serv. Aen. 1,294). WALDE/HOFMANN,

S.v. B., too-ror;

Polemos, LIMC 7.1, 423-424.

P. ZANOVELLO, S.v.

RB.

BELLUM AFRICANUM

591

Belts without a doubt also had magical powers, in addition to the practical function as part of clothing and they also confirm the wearer’s social status. -»Germanic archaeology; ~> Celtic archaeology; ~ Clothing; > Swords

Bellum Africanum/Alexandrinum/Hispaniense see + Corpus Caesarianum Belos see > Baal

Belsazar Based on legendary tradition in the OT (Dan. 5), B. was the son of the Babylonian king -» Nebuchadnezzar II. The historical Bel-Sar-usur, however, was the firstborn son of + Nabonid (556-539 BC), the last ruler of Babylon, who governed the empire during Nabonid’s stay in Arabia (> Teima oasis; 553-543 BC). Despite this division of power, certain royal functions were reserved to Nabonid (the title of king and the recording of ruling years; the right to hold > New Year’s celebrations in the capital city of Babylon). On the other hand, his power is evident in a decree, which B. issued in his father’s name and which reveals his intention to expand royal authority to include the temple estates. The polemics of Babylonian priests that were directed against his father also criticized B.’s rule. The records do not confirm that he lost his life when leading the army in the battle against the Persians under ~ Cyrus II, in which the Babylonians suffered a devastating defeat (October 539 BC). P.-A. Beau teu, The Reign of Nabonidus, 1989.

592

J.OE.

A. HAFENER, Zum G. der Laténezeit, in: R.CORDIE-HAKKENBERG et al. (ed.), Hundert Meisterwerke kelt. Kunst,

1992, 151-158; I. KILIAN-DIRLMEIER, Die hailstattzeitlichen Giirtelbleche und Blechgiirtel Mitteleuropas (Prahistor. Bronzefunde

XII,r), 1972; Id., Girtelhaken, Gur-

telbbleche und Blechgiirtel der Brz. Mitteleuropas (Prahistor.

Bronzefunde

XII,2),

Vélkerwanderungszeit

I. CELTIC-GERMANIC

I. CELTIC-GERMANIC There has generally been evidence of belts since the end of the Neolithic Age (3rd millennium BC) as part of archaeological discoveries in Central Europe (mostly burial objects). The belts themselves were made of organic materials (leather, etc.) and have not been preserved, but the (metal) fittings, such as clasps (belt hooks/ rings) or decorations (metal plates) have been. Belt hooks made of bone are known from the early phase (end of the 3rd millennium BC). During the Bronze Age (znd millennium BC), the belt parts were

usually cast from bronze, or worked from wire or metal plate; they were worn equally by men and women. Until the time of the — Hallstatt culture (8th— 6th cents. BC), belt hooks of different shapes and metal plates for belts (sometimes richly decorated) are com-

mon. At the beginning of the > La Téne period (from the 5thcent. BC), the style of belts changes: metal plates disappear and belt hooks (also made of iron) of various shapes and decorated with Celtic ornaments are predominant. During the 4th and 3rd cents. BC, the graves of the men contain (iron) chain belts for swords and richly decorated, bronze chain belts have been added to those of the women. During the Germanic > Jastorf culture (5th-rst cents. BC), there are also belt hooks (mostly made of iron). Once contact with the Roman

empire was established, buckles and belt tongues are common among Germanic groups since early Imperial times (from the rst cent. AD).

im

mitteleurop.

Barbaricum, VP.

I]. GREEK-ROMAN (Cavn, zone; Gmorn, zoster; Lat. cingulum; Cau(u)a at Alc. 74D). In Greek dress it was mainly the > peplos and - chiton that — except by children and priests —

were always belted once or twice, whereby the belt could be covered by a fold. However, coats were not belted. Belts also formed part of Etruscan and Roman + clothing. In this case, the > tunica of the women is held together by a belt. The belt belonged to the things, which girls dedicated (Paus. 2,33,1; Anth. Pal. 5,159) at

Artemis II. GREEK-ROMAN

R. MADYDA-LEGUTKO,

1986.

their wedding or women Belts

1975;

Die Giirtelschnallen der R6m. Kaiserzeit und der friihen

in childbirth dedicated to

(Anth. Pal. 6,210; 272). Because the Greek

woman’s garment was held together by a belt, it opened as soon as it was loosened, which is how disrobing, e.g., during the wedding night, could be initiated (Alc. 74D; Anth. Pal. 7,182; H. Hom. Aphr. 164). The belt of Aphrodite was of importance, the kestods (Hom. I. 14,214-217, cf. the pitcher in Paestum, museum inventory no. 20295 [1]). Belts or parts thereof, such as closures and fittings, have been preserved—as long as they were made from metal— since early times. Magnificent decorations with figurative and ornamental patterns often enhance bronze Italian belts, such as, e.g., the clo-

sures or fittings of the cingulum militare of the Roman soldiers. -» Artemis; > Eileithyia; > Clothing 1 TRENDALL, Pastum, 239, no. 964, pl. 146. H. Cuprers, Ziegel mit Abdriicken von Giirtelbeschlagen,

in: Blessa I., FS J. Schaub, 1993, 259-262; C. A. FARAONE,

Aphrodite’s KEZTO and Apples for Atalanta. Aphrodisiacs in Early Greek Myth and Ritual, in: Phoenix 44, 219243, 1990; W.Fucus, Ein selinuntischer Frauen-G. des Strengen Stils, in: Numismatica e Antichita classiche 7, 1988, 81-84; Id., Ein selinuntischer Frauen-G. des Stren-

gen Stils, in: FS N. Himmelmann, 1989, 227-229; M.JuNKELMANN, Die Legionen des Augustus. Der rom. Soldat im arch. Experiment, 1986, 161f.; Id., Die Reiter Roms, III: Zubehér, Reitweise, Bewaffnung, 1992, 129f.; E.G. D. RoBInsoNn, South Italian Bronze Armour, in: Id., A. CAMBITOGLOU, Classical Art in the Nicholson Museum, Syd-

ney, 1995, 145f., 149-153; R.ROLLE (ed.), Gold der Steppe, Arch. der Ukraine. Exhibition Arch. Landesmus. Schleswig, 1991; E.M. RupRECHTSBERGER, Zu spatant.

Girtelbeschlagen aus Salzburg-Maxglan, in: Die Romer

594

593 in den Alpen, 1989, 175-195; W.SPEYER, s.v. G., RAC 12, 1232-1266; M.Suano, Sabellian-Samnite Bronze Belts in the Brit. Mus., in: Brit. Mus. Occasional Papers No. 57, 1986.

R.H.

Bema see > Rostrum

Bematistai (Bywatiotai; bématistai, ‘step measurer’). Term for the geodesists in Alexander [4] the Great’s

army. Their tasks: calculating travel times and distances as well as the collection of regional data for the official journal (Str. 15,2,8). Bematistai known by name are ~ Baiton, Diognetus and Philonides (FGrH 119-121). BERVE I, 44, 51f.; 2, no. 198, 271, 800.

C.HEU.

BENEDICT OF NURSIA 1 R. GaRLAND, Introducing New Gods in Athens, 1992

2 Z.GoéEva, D.Popov, s.v. B., LIMC 3.1, 95-97 3 Nitsson GGR 1, 833f. 4 G.KaAzarow, Thrake, RE 6 A, 505-509 =5 H.R. Goerrte, Athen, Attika, Megaris,

1993,128 6 DEUBNER, 219f. 7M.P. Nitsson, Cults, Myths, Oracles, 1951, 45ff. 8 W.FERGUSON, Orgeonika, in: Hesperia, Suppl. 8, 1949, 130-163 9R.R. Simms, The Cult of the Thracian Goddess B. in Athens and Attica, in: Ancient World 18, 1988, 59-76 10 C.MoONTEPAONE, B. Tracia ad Atene, in: AION 12, 1990, 103-121 11 J. BREMMER, Gotter, Mythen und

Heiligtiimer im ant. Griechenland, 1996 in: MH

45, 1988, 6-12

P. Hartwic, B., 1897; M.P. Nrisson, B. in Athen (1942), in: id., Opuscula Selecta, 1960, 5 5-80. C.A.

Bendis (Bevdic; Bendis). The Thracian goddess B., still

Benedict of Nursia A. LiFE

W.) (see Hdn. 2, 761 L.; Liv. 38,41,1; only as antiquarian knowledge? [1. 114]), B. is understood in the interpretatio graeca as an > Artemis (Hdt. 4, 33; 5, 7; Palaephat. 31; Hsch.), as > Hecate (Plut. De def. or. 13, 416e, Owing to incorrect etymology; Hsch. s.v.

D. INFLUENCE

(back?) to Thracia; virtually no evidence exists there for

B. in the pre-Hellenistic period. She should probably be viewed as a form of the ‘Great Mother’ [4]. In Athens the cult of B. was celebrated with a major festival (mass sacrifices IG II* 1496,86; 117) on the 19/20th Thargelion, the focal point of which was a torch-lit procession on horseback at night, starting from the Prytaneion in the city and proceeding to the shrine in Piraeus-Munichium (re the site [5]; Pl. Resp. 1,327a and 35 4a; Xen. Hell. 2; 4,11). Inscriptions from 430 onwards attest to this exceptional commitment to a foreign cult (IG P 1363 383, 1433 369, 68 = ML 72) [6; 3]. In addition to this, there is a sanctuary in Laurium (with slaves from the mines, cf. SEG 39,210) and on Salamis. The intro-

duction of B. c. 430 may have been connected with a treaty of friendship with the Thracians during the preparations for the Peloponnesian War [7]. It is noticeable that her cult was conducted by the Thracians as well by the indigenous people who were organized as Orgeones (IG II? 1283,4) [6; 8]. The foreign nature of the ‘new goddess’ [1. r11ff.; 9; 10] is played down by references to gods ‘from Thrace’ who had already for a long time been integrated into the Pantheon: Ares and Dionysus (Hdt. 5,7; cf. the goddess Cottyto), whilst comedy (in 430 Cratinus, Thracian Women fr. 85; Aristoph. fr. 384) tended to caricature her cult as orgiastic (PCG 4, p. 165; 1593 cf. Str. 10,3,16, 470f.) B. was also used as a girl’s name (otherwise only Artemis was so used: LGPN; [11r. 86; 12]). Artemidae of the B. type are also known in Magna Graecia [13].

B. in

Unterit., in:JdI 89, 1974, 137-186.

known to the Greeks in the 6th cent. (Hipponax fr. 127

‘Aduntov x0on) or Persephone (Orph. Fr. 200 OF; cf. texts in PCG 4, p. 165; cf. 159). The iconography, too, aims at equating her with Artemis as a hunting goddess with hunting boots, a Phrygian cap and a deerskin; typical are the two lances (also her epithet dihoyxog Cratinus PCG 85) [2]. She is accompanied by Deloptes. With Hellenism the iconography and the cult form came

12 O. Masson,

13 K.SCHAUENBURG,

B.ReEtics

C. REGULA

BENEDICTI

A. LIFE The most important facts about his life can be found in the ‘Dialogues’ (book II) by Gregory the Great, which can again be considered authentic after a series of inquiries (written around 593/4). B. was born around 480 in Nursia (Abruzzi) to a wealthy family, broke off his

studies in Rome in order to join a group of ascetics in Affile, and then lived as a hermit for three years in Subiaco (c. 75 km south-east of Rome). After his unsuccessful attempt to lead the neighbouring community of monks, he returned to Subiaco and was able to found 12 loosely associated monasteries for the large number of students. Around 530, he settled on Monte Cassino. There, B. combined the life of a monk with that pastoral activities. In 546, he met with Totila, king of the Goths, on a peace mission (Dial. 2,15). The traditionally accepted date of his death as March 21, 547 (or possibly 547-550) has been contested but can be supported on many grounds. Dial. 2,36 refers to B.’s rule as discretione praecipuam and sermone luculentam. B. RELICS According to a report from the 8th cent., Franconian monks took ‘B.’s mortal remains’ (or what they assumed to be those) in 670/680 from the devastated Monte Cassino to their monastery Fleury sur Loire, which then became the centre of worship for B. (July 11 as a memorial day). But following the destruction of Monte Cassino in World War II, the apparently authentic grave of B. was discovered, the relics were analyzed in depth and then buried under the main altar. C. REGULA BENEDICTI B. completed his Regula Benedicti (RB) in Monte Cassino as the fruit of his own experiences and on the basis of his substantial knowledge of Latin monastic texts as well as texts translated into Latin, such as the

Praecepta by Pachomius (trans. by Jerome), the Regula by Basil (trans. by Rufinus, ‘Small Asceticon’), the Prae-

BENEDICT OF NURSIA

595

596

ceptum by Augustine, the Conlationes and Instituta by > Iohannes Cassianus, and writings from the group

di studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1 & 2, 1982 6A.BOckMANN, Perspektiven der RB, 1986 7 P. ENGELBERT,

around

Regeltext und Romverehrung,

Lérin.

Aside

from

the ‘accepted,

orthodox,

Catholic Fathers’ (RB 9,8; cf. 73,4) such as > Cyprianus, > Leo the Great,

Hieronymus,

> Ambrosius

and > Augustinus, B. regarded the Holy Scriptures as the most important source (cf. RB Prol. 21, RB 73,3),

mostly in its Old Latin translation (— Vetus Latina). Although this has been debated again and again, we can ascertain with good reason that the RB is derived from the > Regula Magistri (RM). In the first chapters (up to RB 7), B. follows the RM sometimes literally. In the further course of the RB, we can also trace B.’s use of

the RM. From RB 67 on, B. adds his own supplementary chapters, culminating in RB 72 (on the good eagerness of love) and completed in an epilogue (RB 73), in which the RB is called a ‘small initial rule’ and which refers advanced readers to the Fathers. The person and the work of B. come into clearer focus when compared with the sources: Christocentrism, the dynamics of the way to God, importance of community, the gift of discernment and moderation, mercy for the weak, but a sense of order and discipline as well. B. was no creative genius, but a man rooted in tradition with an ability for synthesis. D. INFLUENCE Besides the values mentioned above, the following elements exerted a strong influence on the time period

that followed: the organization of the day with time for liturgies, readings from the Holy Scriptures, and physical labour, overcoming social and racial divisions through brotherhood, striving for peace (pax) and unity in diversity, and local stability. The spread of the RB (on its way through Franconia and England) was aided by its inner quality and by exterior factors: it was regarded as the work of the Abbas romensis, was recommended by Merovingians and Carolingians and finally prescribed by Benedictus of Aniane in the context of his monastic reforms (814). But it still took a long time until the RB generally replaced the mixture of rules that had been in use. The original copy of the RB was lost. Charlemagne ordered a copy to be written in Monte

Cassino

(in German

Aachener

Normalexem-

plar). This copy was the model for other MSS and thus for the Codex Sangallensis 914 A (textus purus), which in turn was the basis for most editions of the rule. Scarcely a book except the Bible has been copied as often as the RB in the Early Middle Ages (more than 70 Lat. MSS; several hundred including trans.). The oldest commentaries on the RB date back to the oth cent.

(Smaragdus; Hildemar). In 1964, Pope Paul VI declared B. the ‘Father of the Occident’. B. can more appropriately be called the patriarch of occidental monasticism. EpITIONS:

1R.Hans

ix

(ed.), Benedicti Regula (CSEL

75 LO Tar 2 Die Benediktusregel (Lat./Ger.), 1992 3 A.DE Vocus, P. ANTIN (edd.), Grégoire le Grand, Dialogues, 1 & 2 (SC 251. 260), 1978/1980 SECONDARY LITERATURE: 4 Annuarium internat.: RB Studia (1973ff.) 5 Atti del 7. Congresso internazionale

in: R6m. Quartalschrift

81, 1986,39-60 8 B.JAsPERT, Studien zum Ménchtum, 1982 9F.PRinz, Askese und Kultur, 1980 10 A.DE Vout, La Régle de S. Benoit 1-6 (Sources chrétiennes 181-186), 1971, 7 (Sources chrétiennes), 1977 11 Id.,S. Benoit, sa vie et sa Régle, 1981 12 A. WaTHEN, B. of Nursia: Patron of Europe, in: Cistercian Studies 15, 1980, 105-125, 229-238, 313-326

A.BO.

Beneficiarii were already mentioned in Caesar (B Civ. 1,75,23 3,88,5); according to Vegetius (Mil. 2,7), they were soldiers who owed their promotion to the beneficium of their superiors and were freed from the > munera. They were assigned to an officer, in whose service they performed legal and financial duties that required a certain competency. Beneficiarii can be found in all units, in the marines, in the awxilia, in the legions and in

Rome. Some of them also performed tasks in the civil sphere and were used in the stationes for the protection of the long-distance roads. 1 M.P. SEIDEL, Centurions promoted from B.?, in: ZPE 91, 1992, 229-232 2J.Ort, Die Beneficiarier, 1995. Y.LB.

Beneficium is a favourable exception. Distinctive kinds of beneficium, depending on the originator of the favour, are beneficia principis (Caesaris) [3], legis, senatus consulti, praetoris. Beneficia are usually general in nature and application, but may also be granted to a particular person. The emperor above all granted beneficia, for instance in the form of ownership of public land or immunity from taxation, to communities or individuals. Some cases of private legal privilege where the sources or theorists speak of beneficia are as follows: in the area of the law of succession (> Succession, law of), Ulp. Dig. 29,2,71,4 speaks non-technically of a beneficium abstinendi (> abstentio), Papin. Dig. 35,2,13 of a beneficium legis Falcidiae. Finally, Justinian granted a beneficium inventarii (Cod. Inst. 6,30,22). For the sake of consistency, the > separatio (cf. Dig.-title 46,2) was also in common

law called a

beneficium. By the terms of the beneficium Traiani (Dig. 49,14,13), ifa person possesses property left to him ina bequest, and, because of his unmarried or childless status, that property is to go to the > aerarium, by declaring the property he can save half of it for himself. Should one of several guarantors (fideiussores) be called upon by the creditor for the entire sum owed, the beneficium divisionis [2. 1,664f.], from the epistula Hadriani, enables him to refer the creditor proportionately to other solvent guarantors. If a guarantor pays, the beneficium cedendarum actionum [4] allows him to demand that the creditor’s claims be ceded to him, so

that he may have recourse against the chief debtor. Justinian renders the guarantor’s liability subsidiary, by allowing claims against guarantors only after the credi-

597

598

tor has pursued an unsuccessful action against the chief debtor (beneficium excussionis) [2. 11,459]. Beneficium competentiae [1] is the privilege allowed to a debtor to retain the necessities of life; during the Principate, this exception could be enforced only against particular creditors (judgement by quod facere potest: his financial means). Beneficium aetatis (Dig. 454,42) signifies the ability of minors to set aside by > restitutio in integrum the unfavourable conse-

there or elsewhere, usually from the late 11th cent, in which the alternation of thick and thin strokes is mastered to an astounding degree, without the extreme angular quality of later MSS. 2) The Bari type, which presents the rounded Beneventan that stands out through its comparatively short upstrokes and down-

quences of an action against them. > Privilegium

strokes

and through its lack of shadow

R.WI.

strokes, is

unique to Puglia and was developed there in about the roth/rrth cents. More recent research has focused on the discovery of new specimens of Beneventan

1 J.GILDEMEISTER, Das beneficium competentiae im klass. rom. Recht, 1986 2Kaser,RPRI,II 3 V.ScaRANO Ussani, Forme del privilegio, 1992 4 W. SELB, Entstehungsgesch. und Tragweite des § 255 BGB, in: FS Larenz 1973, 517-548.

BEOS

[2], on the edition of

liturgical texts, and on an analysis of the MSS’ decorations. 1V.Brown, The Survival of Beneventan Script: Sixteenth-Century Liturgical Codices from Benedictine Monasteries in Naples, in: Monastica. Scritti raccolti in memo-

ria del XV centenario della nascita di S. Benedetto (480-

Beneventana A characteristic script of the Middle Ages, which emerged in the middle of the 8th cent. in the Abbey of Montecassino and which spread through the entire dukedom of Benevento in the 9th cent. It was still in use in the second half of the 15th cent. in Montecassino and in the first half of the r5th cent. in Naples [1]. The writing also reached the Dalmatian coast, where the earliest records of Beneventan documents date back to the roth cent. The oldest Beneventan MSS from this region date back to the rrth cent., the most recent is a fragment from the 15th cent. The Beneventana’s life span of 800 years is owing to political and religious factors as well as to the geographical location (relatively isolated from continental developments). E. A. Loew (later Lowe) emphasized the term “Bene-

ventana’ in its larger sense in view of the general area to which the script is closely related [3. 22-40]. Of the c. 1900 MSS or fragments written in Beneventana known today, about 75 per cent contain liturgical texts, the rest is made up of classical, patristic, medicinal and historical works. Montecassino was the most important centre of production for Beneventan MSS. Other major

scriptoria were located in Benevento, Naples and Bari. The Beneventan is essentially the calligraphization of a document script which was based on the new Roman cursive (3rd—4th cents.-r1st half of 7th cent.). The cursive origin of the Beneventan is apparent in the letter shapes, especially a, the long i (i-longa), t, obligatory ligatures of e/ fi giliri ti, and the joining of ef gr t with the following letter through an elongation of either the stem or of the uppermost stroke or the shoulder. A calligraphic effect that resulted in thickness and shadow strokes was finally achieyed by developing the basic stroke of the i into two lozenges which were joined in the middle by a small hairline. The overall impression of elegance and beauty was enhanced by the touching arches that leaned toward each other (in ba do od pa etc.). The highly developed punctuation system 1mproved the ease of reading. Generally, the Beneventan script falls into two types: 1) the Montecassino type refers to the general, uniform aspect of the Beneventan in numerous MSS produced

1980), vol. 1, 237-355

2V.BRown, A New List of

Beneventan Manuscripts, in: Mediaeval Studies 50, 1988, 584-625 and 56, 1994, 299-350 3E.A. Loew, The Beneventan Script, 1914,*1980 4E.A.LoweE, Scriptura beneventana, 1929. V.B.

Benventum City of the > Hirpini in Samnium on the confluence of Calore and Sabato, where the via Traiana

branches off the via Appia, 11 miles distant from + Caudium. After the defeat of Pyrrhus in 275 BC, the original (Illyrian) name Mal(e)ventum

(Liv. 9,27,14) was changed into B. As a colony under Latin law in 268 BC (Liv. 15,13,9; Vell. Pat. 1,14,7), the city was loyal to Rome in the 2nd Punic war (Liv. 22,13,1). There are records of consules, praetores, censores, interreges and a collegium of seven quaestores. In 89 BC, B. received the status of a municipium with IV viri (tribus Stellatina). In 42 BC, the III viri rei publicae constituendae distributed land to veterans of the legions VI Ferrata and XXX; under Augustus, B. became Colonia Iulia Concordia Augusta Felix Beneventum with II viri, aediles and praetores Ceriales. Under Diocletian, B. was separated from the regio II together with a part of the Hirpinian area and was added to regio I. The city of today only partially covers the area of the ancient B.; the rectangular shape of B. is evident from the > cardo and ~ decumanus (Corso Dante and Corso Garibaldi with Forum and Via S. Filippo; located in today’s city centre and in the eastern part of the city respectively); insulae. In 1985, an amphitheatre was discovered near the Ponte Leproso. G. CHOUQUER

méridionale

(ed.), Structures agraires en Italie centro-

(Collection de l’Ecole Frangaise de Rome

100), 1987, 159-164; 1994, 658-661.

D. GIAMPAOLA, in: EAA Suppl. 1,

M.BU.

Beos (Béoc; Béos). Ancient settlement between Aprus

and Resisto, today’s Bunarli. The name B. often appears on products of Thracian Hellenistic toreutic: Rogozen, Vraza, Borovo and Agighiol. Probably identical with the mutatio Bedizus (IH 570,1; 601,9). G. MinarLoy, Rogozen Linguistique Balkanique 1, 1987, 5-19.

Lv.B.

Oe

600

Berber Language of the original inhabitants of North-

1 Ropert, Villes, 156éf. 2 W.RuGE, s.v. Phrygia, RE 20, 820f. 3M.Guarpuccl, Inscriptiones Creticae 2,10.

BERBER

ern Africa (west of the Nile) and of the Canary Islands, except for the Negroids documented in rock paintings,

called Libyans by the Greeks, rbw by the Egyptians, and Numidae (‘nomads’) by the Romans. Old-Berber (Libyan, Numidian) with its modern derivative languages (for example Tuareg, Cabylian) belongs to the Semitic-Hamitic (Afro-Asian) language group. More than a thousand inscriptions appear in three related alphabets, one eastern version (Massylic) and two western versions (Masaesylic and Gaetulian). Only the Massylic inscriptions from north-west Africa have been deciphered reliably thanks to the five large Old Berber/ Punic bilingual inscriptions from > Thugga, which also made it possible to read and partially understand other inscriptions in Old Berber. Most of the Old Berber Latin bilingual inscriptions have not been interpreted to a satisfactory degree apart from the names. The same holds true for the rich repertoire of names in Old Berber (personal names and place names in monolingual Phoenician and Lat. sources). Old Berber script with its almost exclusively symmetrical signs is a derivative of South Semitic script, which was brought to Northern Africa by the Old Northern Arabs (presumably Thamudene) in pre-Christian times. It is closely related to Old Southern Arabian and Ethiopian scripts. Old Berber orthography is unique in that consonant signs include the preceding vowels (vowel-consonants), whereas in Semitic, the vowels include the following consonants

(consonant-vowels); thus, the Phoenician

personal name ‘abd-, ‘servant of’ is rendered in Old Berber as wd- [awd-]. This particular script is called Tifinagh (mivaé, not Punica because of the forms of the signs and the different ductus) and is still used today by the Tuareg. > Gaetuli; + Masaesyli; -> Massyli; —» Numidia; ~ Thugga O.ROsSLER, Die Numider, 1979, 89-97, 576-577.

RV.

Berecyntes Mythical tribe from the region inhabited by the Phryges in Greek and Roman times, including the area known as Galatia in Hellenistic times (Berecyntos, ‘a castellum in Phrygia on the Sangarius’: Serv. Aen. 6,784). Used as a synonym for ‘Phrygian’ by poets of classical (e.g. Aeschyl. Niobe), Hellenistic (Callim. H. 3, 246), and Roman times (e.g. Hor. Carm. 1,183 3,19;

Ov. Met. 11,106), and also by prose writers (from Stesimbrotus, Str. 10,3,20, to Aug. Civ. 2,5,7). However, Str. 12,8,21, maintains: ‘There is mention of certain

Phrygian tribes who no longer exist such as the B.’ In Homer, the Phryges also inhabited Phrygia on the Hellespontus (Troas), whereas the Berecynthius tractus has

an abundance of boxwood according to Plin. HN 16,71, who hints at Mount Ida similar to Verg. Aen. 9,619f. But the localization of the Berecynthius tractus in Plin. HN

5,108

in Caria

is based

on

an

error

[1. 156f.; 2. 820f.]. According to Diod. Sic. 5,64,5, Berekynthos was a mountain range near Aptera in Western Crete [3. ro].

T.D.-B.

Berengarius B.I, born in AD 850/53, margrave of Friaul, grandson of Louis the Pious. Following Charles III’s deposition in Tribur by Arnulf of Carinthia, B.1 was installed as King of Italy in January of 888 in Pavia, but struggled for years with rivals (Wido and Lambert of Spoleto; Louis of Provence). In 915, he was crowned emperor by the Pope in agreement with Byzantium; in 924 he was murdered in Verona. LMA 1, 1933; R. H1esTanb, Byzanz und das Regnum Italicum, 1964 FT.

Berenice (Begevixn; Bereniké).

[1] B. Born c. 340 BC as the daughter of Magas and Antigone, maternal great niece of Antipater [x]. Around 325, she married a certain Philippus, with whom she had two children: Antigone, later the wife of Pyrrhus, and Magas. Around 322, Antipater sent her (as a widow?) and his daughter Eurydice to Ptolemy I, who married Eurydice. B. quickly gained Ptolemy’s respect, and bore him Arsinoe in 316, Ptolemy IJ in 308; other children of the couple: Philotera, Theoxene. It is unclear how she related legally to Eurydice, who did not leave Egypt until 286 (two queens?); As the king, Magas minted coins in Cyrene with the imprint Baotdioons Begevixns. B.’s children with Philippus received high positions from 300 on, but this particular date may have to do with their age. Ptolemy I becomes joint ruler in 285/4. The date of B.’s death is uncertain; it lies between 279 and the winter of 275/4. During her life, she was compared to > Aphrodite and — Isis, and in Alexandria, a Bereniceum exists (FGrH 627 F 2); from 272 on, she was included in the cult of the Theoi Soteres (PP

4, 8523?3 6, 14497). G.M. A. RicuTer, The Portraits of the Greeks III, 1965,

261; F. SANDBERGER, Prosopographie zur Gesch. des Pyrrhos, 1971, 55ff.; G. WEBER, Dichtung und héfische Ges., 1993, 2526f.

[2] B.I. Daughter of Ptolemy If and Arsinoe [II 2], born in 285/80 BC; in the spring of 252, she was married to Antiochus II, who separated from Laodice and their sons, in an effort to secure peace after the 2nd Syrian War. Her epithet Begvndogdg (Phernéphor6s) may indicate a hidden war reparation. When Antiochus II died in the summer of 246, he did not assign Antiochus, his son with B., but Seleucus II to be his successor. B. then attempted to instate her son as the king and herself as the regent. Several cities in Asia Minor and most eastern satraps took her side, which enabled Ptolemy III to enter these regions without any difficulty when he came to her aid in September. Prior to Ptolemy’s arrival, B.’s son fell victim to an assassination; in the winter of 246/5, when Ptolemy was crossing the Euphrates, B. suffered the same fate as her son. B. BEYER-ROTTHOFF, Unt. zur Aufenpolitik Ptolemaios’

Ill., 1993, 17ff.

601

602

[3] B. Il. Daughter of Magas and Apama, born after 270 BC, engaged to Ptolemy III before her father’s death (250). Following Magas’ death, Apama married B. to Demetrius ‘the Fair’ in order to avoid a renewed connection between Cyrene and Egypt. B. overthrew Demetrius after about one year aided by a group favouring a republic, and nomothetai from Megalopolis entered the realm. In order to maintain her own position, B. had to take recourse to her Egyptian connection; she married the heir to the throne Ptolemy III (early January 246) even before Ptolemy II’s death. From the beginning, B. was regarded as the daughter of the Oeoi adeddoi (theoi adelphoi, Callim. fr. 110, 45) in dynastic fiction. When Ptolemy marched to Syria in the autumn of 246 (see B. [2]), B. stayed behind in Egypt (consecration of a lock for his return); it is uncertain whether she acted as an official representative of the king with her own prerogative of coinage. B., however, was the first Ptolemaeic queen who was addressed with the Egyptian title of king (Horus name) during her lifetime, and in Egyptian depictions, she stands next to her husband in a position of equality. Little can be said about her influence on politics. Beginning in 243/2, she is worshipped together with her husband in the cult of the Ooi evegyétar (theoi euergétat); in 239/8, another expansion of Egyptian cult worship occurred (OGIS 56). In Egypt, B. is worshipped officially as well as privately as > Demeter Isis and > Aphrodite, and outside Egypt, she is included in the cults that were originated for Ptolemy II] (1G I/II’

[5] B. Il. > Cleopatra B. II. [6] Wife of Psenptah II, mother of Petobastis III, who

4676; ICret 3,4,4; in Athens, a deme Berenicidae). Children: Ptolemy IV, Arsinoe, B., Magas. After her hus-

band’s death, B. and Magas together were murdered by Ptolemy IV in 221, but this event did not interfere with further dynastic reference to her: in 211/ro, an office for a priestess GBA0@dQ0¢ Begevixng Eveoyétidoc (ath-

lophoros Berenikés Euergétidos) was created. B. is the object of several poems by > Callimachus: fr. 388, probably before 246; tAOxapoc Begevinng (‘the lock of B.’; fr. r10) dated to the year 245, victoria B. (SH 254-69) was written on the occasion of a chariot victory in Nemea (245?). In the last edition of the Aitia, mthOxaposg and victoria formed the beginning of bk. 3 and the end of bk. 4 respectively. W.A. Daszewsk1, Corpus of Mosaics from Egypt I, 1985,

r5iff.; A.LARONDE, Cyréne et la Libye hellénistique, 1987, 38off.; P.A. PANTosS, Bérénice et Deméter, in: BCH III, 1987, 343-352; M. Prance, Das Bild Arsinoes II. Philadelphos

(287-270

BC), in: MDAI(A)

105,

1990,

197-211; J. QUAEGEBEUR, The Egyptian Clergy and the Cult of the Ptolemaic Dynasty, in: AncSoc 20, 1989, 97— 116.

[4] Daughter of Ptolemy III and Berenice II, born after 246, died in February (Tybi) of 238 BC; she bore the

BERENICE

was born in 121 BC. She had relations with the Ptolemaeic dynasty that cannot be identified clearly (according to Huss, she was the daughter of Ptolemy VIII, and the sister of Ptolemy X). W.Huss,

Die Herkunft der Kleopatra Philopator, in:

Aegyptus 70, 1990, 191-203, especially 200.

[7] B. IV. Daughter of Ptolemy XII and Cleopatra V, born in 78/5 BC. After her father was ousted in 58, she first reigned jointly with her mother for one year. When threatened by her father’s reinstatement in 56, she first got married to Antiochus XIII’s brother Seleucus Cybiosactes for a few days in order to strengthen her position, then to Archelaus. Around April of 55, she was murdered by Ptolemy XII. Cultic name: Thea Epiphanes (PP 6, 14504). W.A. [7b] Iulia B. Jewish princess, born c. AD 28, eldest daughter of > Herodes [8] Iulius Agrippa I, sister of + Tulius [II 5] Agrippa II, > Drusilla and Mariamme. Married first to her uncle > Herodes [7] of Chalcis, then to > Polemon [5] of Pontus. She is said to have played an important part in > Titus [3]? victory over Jerusalem [1. 122]. In AD 75 the politically ambitious B. [23 3. 95] followed Titus to Rome as his mistress. Made emperor directly after the death of Vespasian, Titus dismissed B. in AD 79 owing to the protests of Senate and people (Cass. Dio 66,15,4; [Aur. Vict.] Epit. Caes. 10,7), and against his will (Suet. Tit. 7,1 f.;

[3- 94]). When B. shortly after returned to Rome he again sent her away. 1D. Braunp, Berenice in Rome, in: Historia 33, 1984,

120-123

2 J. A. Crook, Titus and Berenice, in: AJPh

72,1951,162-175 3P.M.RoceErs, Titus, Berenice and Mucianus, in: Historia 29, 1980, 84-95 4R. JORDAN, Berenice, 1974 5 E. Mrreaux, La Reine Berénice, 1951.

ME. STR.

[8] (today’s Bengazi). Port in Cyrenaica on the eastern

coast of the Great Syrte. Founded by Ptolemy III and named after his wife, B. soon superseded neighbouring Euhesperides, where some scholars have localized the

Gardens of the Hesperids. B. housed a large Jewish community and was a diocesan town. F.Sear, The Architecture of Sidi Khrebish (Berenice), in: J.-P.DEsc upres (ed.), Greek Colonists and Native Populations, 1990, 385-403. JP.

[9] Port on the west coast of the Red Sea. Founded by Ptolemy II and named after his mother, B. became an important place for commerce in the Egyptian trade with Arabia and India due to its position at the end of several trade routes leading from the Nile to the Red Sea.

title of ‘queen’ already in her lifetime; after her death, the synod of Egyptian priests decided on her apotheosis. On high cultic honours see OGIS 56, 46-60, decree of

D. MerepiTH, Berenice Troglodytica, in: Journal of Egyptian Archaeology 43, 1957, 56-70; S.E. SIDEBOTHAM,

Canopus (PP 4, 85232; 6, 14500; 14501?).

stersche Beitrage zur Ant. Handelsgesch. 5/2, 1986, 16-

HOLBL, 102f.

Ports of the Red Sea and the Arabia-India Trade, in: Min36.

12

603

604

Berenicidae (Beoevinidai; Berenikidai). Attic deme of

Voturia, in regio IX (from the 4th cent. AD in regio X). Captured by Attila in AD 452 and laid in ruins (Historiae miscellaneae 15,7). Military base on the via Padana at the time of the Goths (Procop. Goth. 2,12,40) and Langobards (Paul. Diaconus, Historia Langobard.,

BERENICIDAE

the Ptolemais phyle established in 224/23 BC and named after > Berenice, wife of Ptolemy III Euergetes. Possibly located around Eleusis (cf. grave inscription IG II’ 5868 from Mandra and IG II* 5888 from Eleusis). The announcer of the decree on demes (?) IG II* 1221 (found at Eleusis) came from the B. TRAILL, Attica, 29f., r09 (no. 25), table 13.

H.LO.

passim). 1 Bergamo dalle origini, 1986 2 L.BERNI Brizio, Bergamo romana, in: Atti CeSDIR I, 1967.

B.BELorti, Storia di Bergamo e dei Bergamaschi

1959.

ASA. Berezan Island (still a peninsula in antiquity) located in

front of the mouth of the > Borysthenes and on which the oldest traces of settlement by Milesian colonists on the northern coast of the Black Sea have been found: Rhodian-Ionic ceramics from the end of the 7th cent. BC; the locality B. arose in the 2nd half of the 7th cent. (numerous graffiti; flourished at the end of the 6th to

the beginning of the sth cent.). Cult of Apollo Ietros and of Apatouria (Aphrodite). Olbia was possibly founded from here. Didyma acted as an intermediary in a conflict with Olbia. B. became a dependency of Olbia’s and from the 2nd half of the sth cent. went into further decline to become its > emporion. Declined in the Hellenistic period. In the rst cent. AD a cult centre of Achilles Pontarchos of Olbia; a revival of sorts until the beginning of the 3rd cent. N. EHRHART, Milet und seine Kolonien, 1983, 74f., passim; K.K. MARCENKO, Varvary v sostave naselenija Bera-

zani i Olvii, 1988; S.L. SoLov’Ev, Novye aspekty istorii i

arheologii anticnoj Berezani, in: Peterburgskij arheologiceskij vestnik, 1994, 85-95. Lv.B,

Bergaeus Thracian dynast at the end of the 5th/beginning of the 4th cent. BC. Known only through his bronze and silver minting with the markings BEPIAIOY and BEPI (also interpreted as the name of a city or an Official). Parallels with Thasian coin designs suggest a location in the south-west of Thrace by the lower course of the Nestus. HN 283; J.JuRuKova, M.Domarapsk1, Nov centar na trakijskata kultura — s. Vetren, Pazardzisko, in: Numiz-

Bergule (BegyovAn; Bergoule). Liile-Burgas on the Erghene, Thracian settlement and important statio of the province of Thracia (Ptol. 3,11,7), called Arcadiopolis

from the beginning of the sth cent. AD. In AD 441, it was threatened by the Huns, and in AD 473, captured by the Goths under > Theoderic. In the Middle Ages, it was a strong fortress. V. ZLATARSKI, Istorija na balgarskata darzava prez srednite vekove 1,1, *1994, pass. Lv.B.

Bericus The Briton whose appeal for help gave Emperor Claudius the pretext for invading the island in AD 43 (Cass. Dio 60,19,1). B. might be identical with Verica, who appears on his coins (south of the Thames in the region of the — Atrebates; Calleva/Silchester is the place of minting) as rex and son of > Commius. By virtue of their place of discovery and their motifs (i.a., a vine leaf) Verica is represented as having had a Romefriendly, anti-Catuvellauni policy. ~ Cunobellinus; > Catuvellauni S. FRERE, Britannia, 31987, 27-47.

Berisades (Bnowwddys; Bérisddés). Thracian dynast who, together with Amadocus, forced Cersobleptes to divide up the Odrysian kingdom in 3 59-357 BC after the death of > Cotys I. He received the western part bordering Macedonia. His brother-in-law, the Athe-

UP.

nian mercenary commander > Athenodorus, assisted him (IG I/II? 126; Dem. Or. 23,8; 10; 170; 173-174;

Bergistani, Bargusii Iberian tribe in Hispania Tarraconensis (now Catalufia); the place name Berga (prov-

Str. 7, fr. 47; StV 303). In 3 58/7 Philip II occupied Cre-

matika 3, 1990, 3-19.

ince of Barcelona) commemorates it. On his march to

Italy Hannibal passed through the tribe’s territory (Pol. 3,35; Liv. 21,19; 23). In the first phase of the Roman conquest of Spain the B. put up resistance, but were subdued by Cato in 195 BC (Liv. 34,16ff.).

nides, which lay in B.’s territory. B.’s sons succeeded him in power in 357/6. E.Bapian, Philip Il and Thrace, in: Pulpudeva 4, 1983, BY a

fi

U.P.

Orig. 40) and the Cenomani of the Celtic Padana (Ptol.

Berlin Painter Very productive painter of Attic red-figured vases who got his name from a magnificent type A amphora in Berlin (SM, Inv. no. F 2160). Primarily a pot painter, he decorated a wide range of shapes, including several rare ones. Slim, elegant figures whose harmonious contours blend in with the shape of the vase, characterize his drawing style, as does also the

31,31) [1. 6rf.], modern Bergamo. Municipium [2. 51] from the end of the Roman Republic [r. 18 rf.], tribus

balance of details, effected by relief, black, and golden dilute glaze lines. The Berlin Painter (BP) preferred the

TOVAR 3, 39f.

PB.

Bergomum Centre of the Golasecca culture (6th/5th cent. BC) between the foothills of the Orobian-Raetian

Alps (on the location of Parra Oromobiorum:

Cato

605

606

representation of one figure standing alone on each side

Beroea (Bégoua; Béroia). [1] In Macedonia. A. HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN PERIODS TINE PERIOD

of the vase, with little or no ornamentation, thereby

heigthening the contrast between red figures and black background. Inscriptions such as > Kalos inscriptions are rare, his ornamental bands distinctive. His early work (505-480 BC) indicates that he issued from the Pioneers. At first he preferred red-figured amphorae of Panathenaic shape, then neck-amphorae with twisted handles. Towards the end of this phase his long series of stamnoi, lekythoi and Nolan amphorae began. He was the first red-figure vase-painter to decorate a significant number of these shapes and they were always to remain among the principal products of his workshop. Many scenes from this phase were taken from mythology and show him at the height of his graphic skill. A bowl of the potter Gorgus (Athens, Agora P 24113), thought to be an important early work of his, is generally now no longer attributed to him; a white-ground plate and two coral-red phialai indicate that he also worked in those techniques. During his middle phase (480-475 BC) the BP’s technique became more conventional; it seems as if the late archaic artist had difficulty adjusting to the early classical style. Rich ornamentation and multi-figured compositions are popular, and many of his figures are heavier and more statuesque. A notable decline in quality is evident in the drawing of his late phase (475-460 BC). The figures are mechanically reproduced, sometimes poorly so, and the poses uninyentive and repetitive. Scenes of pursuit and representations of the gods are common, but on the whole the repertoire is limited. Stamnoi, Nolan amphorae and lekythoi constitute the bulk of the work; blackfigured Panathenaic prize amphorae from this period show a new side of the BP. The BP was one of the most important painters of red-figured vases; he not only influenced his contemporaries like the > Pan Painter and > Eucharides Painter in their ornamentation, composition and drawing style, but he also left his mark on painters of the next two generations, of whom the > Providence Painter, + Hermonax and the > Achilles Painter are among his main pupils. J.D. Beaztey,

Der B.M., 1930; C.M.

Carbon,

The

Berlin Painter and His School, 1977; S. KLINGER, Illusionism in Vase-Painting: A Case Study on the Berlin Painter’s Approach to Hydria Design, in: Hephaistos 14, 1996, 135-164; D.C. Kurtz, The Berlin Painter, 1983; M.Rosertson, The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical Athens, 1992, 66-83, 198. J.0.

Bermium (Béouwov; Bérmion). Mountain in the south of > Macedonia, west of Emathia (now Doxa) and east

of Beroea [1]. From here the Macedonians penetrated Lower Macedonia (Hdt. 8,138). B. is said to have been

the home of the Thracian

> Bryges (Str. 7 fr. 25). MAER.

BEROEA

B. BYZAN-

A. HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN PERIODS City in Macedonian — Bottice, east of the Bermium;

now Verria. First mentioned in the 5th cent. BC (Thuc. 1,61,4), B. had its development, like many Macedonian

cities, principally in the Hellenistic period; the Antigonids seem to have particularly favoured B., so that in 167 BC it shared with Edessa and Pella the status of principal city of Macedonia tertia (Liv. 45,30,5). Even under the monarchy it had urban infrastructure, with a city wall, a stoa [1] erected by > Philippus V anda gymnasium, which had the only gymnasiarchs’ law (around or shortly after 167 BC) that has so far been preserved from Greece. Although B. did not lie on the via Egnatia, Roman businessmen gathered there even at the time of the Roman Republic, and that was probably a contributing factor in Pompey’s use of B. as a military base in 48 BC (Plut. Pompeius 64); a fairly large Jewish community established itself here and was visited by the apostle Paul around AD

50 (Acts 17,10f.). With the

founding of the Macedonian koinon in the rst cent. AD — attested since the Flavians — B. became the main town and remained so until the 3rd cent. From the time of Nerva (AD 96-98) B. carried the title neok6ros (repeatedly in the 3rd cent.: [2. 1282]) and métropolis and was generally regarded as one of the most significant Macedonian cities (Ps.-Lucian. Asinus 34) with a lively and well-run municipal life. The earliest Christian community probably goes back to Paul’s time but a bishop is first specifically attested at the Council of Serdica (343). Like other Macedonian cities B. had to endure barbarian invasions in the 3rd cent. AD [3]. 1 AD 1965, Chronikon 427 pl. 478 minora selectaz

2 L. ROBERT, Opera

3 AA 1942, 1726.

F. PAPAZOGLOU, Les villes de Macédoine, 1988, 141-148; A.B. TaTAak1, Ancient Beroea, in: Meletemata 8, 1988; PH.

GauTuier, M.B. Hatzopoutos, La loi gymnasiarchique de Beroia, in: Meletemata 16, 1993.

MA.ER.

B. BYZANTINE PERIOD

In the face of increasing external uncertainty the Hellenistic city wall was repaired and strengthened in the 3rd cent., using material from earlier buildings. After Diocletian’s administrative reform B. became the éxaoyia Maxedoviag meats (mentioned in Hierocles

638,6 and in Konstantinos Porphyrogennetus, De thematibus 88 PerTus!). Bishopric, perhaps pre-Constantine; bishops are attested at the councils of 343 [1], 449, 451? (conflicting attribution to B. [1] and B. [2], cf. ACO IV 3, 2, 426) and 869. Invasions and destruction follow in the 3rd cent. at the hands of the Heruli, in the 5th cent. at the hands of Huns and Goths, in 904 at the hands of Arabs and probably in 989 at the hands of Bulgarians; Slavic settlements around B. in the 7th cent.

BEROEA

608

607

[2]. Inscriptions of late antiquity [3], archaeological

1 E.Curysos, in: ByzZ 62, 1969,271

remains [4].

283.

1 C.H. Turner (ed.), Ecclesiae Occidentalis Monumenta luris Antiquissima. Canonum et conciliorum Graecorum interpretationes Latinae I, 558f., no. 56 (EOMIA: 2 vols. as well as opus postumum, ed. Ep. SCHWARTZ, 18991939) 2LMAI,1980,2014f. 3 D.FEIssEL, Recueil des

inscriptions chrétiennes de Macedoine du III° au VI° siécle, 1983

4 ODBI, 1991, 283f.

DHGE VIII, 1935, 885-887; LAUFFER, 703f.; LThK3 II, 1994, 287; PE, rsof.

Griechenland, EW,

VIII, 1935, 877f.; PE 1976, 150; TIB VI, 1991,

203-205.

EW.

[3] (Arabic Halab, in European languages Aleppo, Alép). City in north-west Syria at the crossroads of trade routes from the Mediterranean coast to Mesopotamia and from the Levant to Anatolia. After a period of insignificance in the rst millennium BC, new settlement by Macedonian veterans took place and a renaming as by Seleucus Nicator (301-281 BC), attested by: Str. 16,2,7; Ios. Ant. Iud. 12, 9,7 and passim.

[2] In Thrace. A. HELLENISTIC

DHGE

2 ODBI, r991,

AND ROMAN

PERIODS

B. BYZAN-

TINE PERIOD

B. had a rectangular wall; its streets were laid out according to Hippodamian principles (App. Syr. 57). Under the Romans (from 64 BC) construction of a colonnaded street, the course of which can still be traced

A. HELLENISTIC AND ROMAN PERIODS

City, possibly founded by Philip II, south of the — Haemus, now Stara Zagora; Pre-Roman remnants in the eastern part; re-established by Trajan in AD 106 as

Augusta Traiana. Occupied by veterans and free Thracians, partly from upper society, cf. the richly furbished burial mounds; also by immigrants from Asia Minor. Fortification under M. Aurelius, expansion of the forum under Commodus. Administrative centre of a large territory extending south beyond the Haemus into Thrace. Member of the koinon Thrakon; minting of coins from M. Aurelius to Gallienus. In the vicinity,

today. B. had a Christian community early on (but raised to a diocese only in 536), as well as a large number of Jewish residents. The caravan trade was in the hands of the Arab tribe Tanah, which occupied a southern suburb. The destruction of B., with the exception of its citadel, took place in 540 at the hands of the Sassanid, Chosrou I. Rebuilt by Justinian, renamed as

Xadéx (Chalép) and garrisoned by the legio IV Parthica towards the end of the 6th cent. (Theoph. Simokattes 2,6). Arab conquest in 636 brought with it gradual Islamization; for a long period, however, B. profited from

villae (i.a. Catalka), Thracian sanctuaries and barely

the destruction of Chalcis (Qinnasrn) and was elevated

Romanized villages (e.g. Kiril-Metodievo, was destroyed in the 3rd cent.

as the administrative centre of North Syria. The Umayyad mosque was built over the agora in the early 8th cent. B.-Halab enjoyed its heyday under the emirate of the Hamdanid Saif ad-Daula (from 944).

Pizus). B.

G. MrnaiLovy, IGBulg III/2, p. 23ff. and no. 1552-1619; B. Gerov, Der Besitz an Grund und Boden im rom. Thrakien und Moesien (Bulg.), 1980, 4of., 113ff. Lv.B.

EI? 3, 85-90; H. GauBe, E. WirtH, Aleppo, 1984; J.SAuVAGET, Alép, 1941. Tis

B. BYZANTINE PERIOD

B. is mentioned in the Byzantine period in Hierocles (635,5) and in Konstantinos Porphyrogennetos (De thematibus 86 PERTus1). In 314 the city was a place of refuge for the Emperor > Licinius, who is held responsible for the martyrdom of the ‘40 women and Ammon’; in 355, the place of exile for the Roman bishop > Liberius. Bishopric of the émagyia Oogdxnye from

Berones Celtic tribe on the middle Iberus in La Rioja. Their most important towns were Tricio, Oliba and > Vareia (Liv. fr. 91: validissima urbs). Sertorius occupied the tribe’s territory in 76 BC.

the 4th cent.; the first certain reference as autocephalic

Berosus of Babylon. Priest of Bél/Marduk, contemporary of Alexander [4] the Great’s (FGrH 680 T 1), author of a Chaldean history in three volumes for + Antiochus [2] I, transmitted with the titles Babylo-

bishopric in 536 [1]; bishops are attested in 370 and at the Councils of 451? (conflicting attribution to B. [x] or B. [2], cf. ACO IV 3, 2, 426) and 536. Archaeological basilica (of martyrs?) from the 4th—sth cents. outside the walls; numerous graves. Its location on the border led to devastation but also to fortifications with a double encircling wall (2nd—6th cents., extended several

times). Whether the visit in 784 by Empress > Eirene that led to the city’s reconstruction and renaming as Eirenoupolis applies to this B. (or B. [1]) remains uncertain [2]. B. becomes Bulgarian in 812-971 and thereafter up to the 13th cent. is contested by Bulgars and Byzantium. The current name, Stara Zagora, is attested from the 14th cent.

TOVAR 3, 77-78.

P.B.

niaka (Fr [1], F 2) or Chaldaika (T 8a, 7a, rr). Vol. 1:

Geography of Babylon (modelled on Hellenistic ethnography); fish-man (apkallu synonym for sage) Oannes as the bearer of culture; cosmogony; anthropogony. Vol. 2: ro antediluvian kings; account of the flood; list of post-diluvian dynasties with their sages (apkall) up to Nab&-nsir (8th cent. BC), on the lines of the Babylonian tradition transmitted from Uruk (VAN Dijk [2]). Vol. 3: Assyrian domination, on the model of Babylonian chronicles, seen exclusively from the perspective of its conflict with Babylon from Tiglatpilesar

609

610

Ill (744-727 BC) to the decline under Sn-8ar-i8kun; glorious reign of + Nebuchadnezzar II (604-562); domination of Babylon by the Persians until the conquest by Alexander. The work is the product of cultural contact of Greek and Babylonian tradition in ideological support of the Seleucid dynasty (A. KuHRT [4]). The textual tradition — only secondary — goes back to > Alexander [23] Polyhistor (Chaldaika), whose B.-excerpts are used in Eusebius’ chronicle (Armenian version; + Juba (in Tatianus); > Josephus (cf. Euseb. chron., pr. Ev.); > Abydenus (FGrH 685). This is to be distinguished from the transmission, attributed to Vitruvius,

Seneca, Pliny the Elder, Josephus i.a., about the astronomical and astrological school of B. on Cos, the calculation of deluge by fire and water, knowledge about the moon, the statue with the golden tongue in the Athens gymnasium (Plin. T 6) and the Babylonian or Egyptian Sybil with B. as her father, adopted by Ps.Justin (T 7c) and in the roth cent. by the compilers of the Suda (T 7b) [4]. Fr.: FGrH 680; cf. 244 F 83, 84; 273 F 79, 81; 275 F 4. LITERATURE: 1 P.SCHNABEL, Berossos 1923 2 J.J. VAN Dyk, Inschriftenfunde, in: 18. Vorlaufiger Bericht ... Uruk-Warka, 1962, 39-62 with pl. 27-28 3S.M. BurSTEIN, The Babyloniaka of Berossus, Sources from the Ancient Near East 1/5 1978 4 A.Kuurr, Berossus’ Babyloniaka and Seleucid Rule in Babylonia, in: A. KuHRT, S.SHERWIN WHITE (ed.), Hellenism in the East, 1987,

32-56 (with literature)

BERYTUS

O. KEEL, M. KUCHLER, Orte und Landschaften der Bibel 2, 1982, 185-209; NEAEHL 1, 1992, 161-173. MK.

Beryllos see + Precious stones Berytus (Bnovtdc; Bérytos). A. PHOENICIAN PERIOD BYZANTINE PERIOD

B. HELLENISTIC AND

A. PHOENICIAN PERIOD B., modern Beirut, is mentioned as Beruta in the + Amarna letters and in documents from Ugarit (14th and 13th cent. BC respectively), and as Brrié in the annals of Asarhaddon (7th cent. BC) [1. 48]. Its identification with the Baurad of the Ebla documents is disputed [2. 68]. Sources document that the Canaanite B. of the 2nd millennium BC was controlled by Byblus and thus Egypt. In the Phoenician period, it came under the hegemony of Sidon and, together with Sidon, it became part of the Neo-Assyrian province of Kar Asarhaddon in the 7th cent. BC. Excavations since 1993 [3] between the Place des Martyrs and the harbour have uncovered extensive remains of Bronze and Iron Age town walls. Individual finds also attest to a Neolithic and Chalcolithic settlement. + Asarhaddon; — Byblus; > Ebla; — Canaan; ~ Sidon; > Ugarit

5 C.Witcke, Gottliche und

menschliche Weisheit im alten Orient, in: Weisheit, 1991, 259-270.

A.ASSMANN, BP.-L.

yanean Sea BERUTA (approximate coastline c. 1830)

i

J)

~

fea

Bersabe (Bnooafeé; Bérsabeé). In the northern Negev, identified either with br as-saba‘ (now Be‘er Seva‘) or with tall as-sab‘ (5 km east). In the biblical tradition, B. Castle from the time of the Crusades

appears as an open-air sanctuary of Yahwe with the name of El-Olam and is associated with the three arch fathers. However, it has some grounding only in the Isaac tradition, if that. Its meaning in popular etymology is ‘well of the oath’ (Gen. 21,22-27, 31b; 26,25-

Middle Bronze Age pot burial

33), or ‘seven wells’ (Gen. 21,28-3 1a). In the set phrase

‘from Dan to Beerseba’ B. denotes the southern border of the kingdom (in Kgs 2 the border of Judah). Archaeologically, only chalcolithic and Iron-Age settlements have been discovered in the area of B. (more thorough excavations, 1969-1976, only at fall as-sab‘). In the Late Bronze Age (c. 14th/13th cents. BC) it obviously attracted border nomads (Simeonites: Jos. 19,2, following 19,1; 15,28). After the end of Judah the Edomites were next to occupy the Negev (cf. 41 ostraca on economic matters with Edomite-Arabic names from the Late Persian period). Herodes incorporated B. into the

2 chamber tombs of the ~ Middle and Late Bronze Age respectively (exact location unknown)

Bronze- Age

city wall LS

y

‘. \

Glacis of “J the lron- Age city walls

limes Palaestinae; B. finally became a Roman garrison.

In the Byzantine period B. was an important military and administrative centre in the Negev (cf. Eus. On. 50,3 and the representation on the Madeba map, numerous inscriptions, papyri and a tax edict from the 6th Gents).

—» Gaza

Beruta/Berytus: the pre- Hellenistic remains GE Middle Bronze Age,

early 2nd millennium

YZ,

‘ate Bronze Age, mid 2nd millennium Reconstruction

©:

Iron Age

around

Il,

700 BC

Reconstruction

[7] Middle Ages, c. 12th—13th cents. Reconstruction

BERY TUS

1 R.Borcer,

Die Inschriften Asarhaddons,

Assyrien, AfO Beih. 9, 1967

Konigs von

2 M.BoneEcuti, I nomi geo-

grafici dei testi di Ebla. Répertoire Géographique des Textes Cunéiformes 12/1, 1993. 3 Bulletin d’Archéologie et d’Architecture Libanaises (BAAL) 1, 1997. N.JrDEJIAN, Beyrouth a travers les ages, 1993; W.A. Warp, Ancient Beirut, in: Beirut — Crossroads of Cultures, 1970, 14-42; R. SAIDAHA (H.SEEDEN, Beirut in the Bronze Age: The Kharji Tombs, in: Berytus 41, 1993/94,

137-210. Maps: To date unpublished, by kind permission of the Direction Générale des Antiquités Beyrouth. Author: U. Finkbeiner. UF.

B. HELLENISTIC AND BYZANTINE PERIOD In around 200 BC, > Antiochus III annexed B. after his victory over Ptolemy V. The town, which for a short while was

612

611

known

as Laodicea

in Canaan,

was

de-

stroyed in around 140 BC by the Syrian usurper Tryphon. Nonetheless, through its trade relations with Delos, with Italian towns, and finally with Rome, B. gained an outstanding position as a link between the countries of the Mediterranean and the Near East. Seized by M. Agrippa on behalf of Augustus, B. was settled with veterans, and in 14 BC, the town was el-

evated to become Colonia Iulia Augusta Felix Berytus. Expansive suburbs extended south of B. along the coast (Jnah and Auza‘i) or on the hills of the Lebanon (Beit Mery). B. became an administrative centre (residence of Herod the Great and his successors) and was home to an important academy with a well-known juridical branch. Towards the end of the 4th cent. AD, B. was the most important city in Phoenicia and a bishop’s seat. An earthquake with a tidal wave destroyed B. in July of AD 551. Although B. was rebuilt by Justinian, it lost its predominant position fer a while. It only flourished again under the rule of the Umayyads, who colonized B. with Iranians and revived its trade with Damascus and Egypt (7th to 8th cents.). Because of the threat posed to the Levant by Byzantine fleets, B. served as a naval fortress until into the 9th cent. AD. L.Bapre,

The Historic Fabric of Beirut, in: Beirut of

Tomorrow,

1983,

65-76;

EI? I, 1137f.;

N.JIDEJIAN,

Beirut through the Ages, 1973; R. MOUTERDE, J. LAUFFRAY, Beyrouth ville romaine, 1952; R.MOUTERDE, Regards sur Beyrouth, 1966. apr.

Bes In the Roman system of weights and measures the bes (binae partes assis) represents 2/3 (8/12) of the as and, on the basis of the Roman pound (327.45 g), weighs 218.30 g[1. 72]. In Roman minting the bes was stamped with S as its symbol of value; only issued by C. Cassius in 126 BC in bronze (with the head of Liber/ prora) [2. 290]. ~ As; > Small coin, shortage of; > Libra 1 SCHROTTER,

s.v. Bes

Republican Coinage, *1987.

2 M.H.

CrawForp,

Roman

A.M.

Bes (Egyptian Bs, Greek Bynodc; Bésds: Suda, s. v., Lat. Besa(s): Amm. Marc. 19,12,3). Dwarfish Egyptian god

with hideous face, often clothed in a lion skin. His typical headdress is a crown of feathers or plants; other attributes are knives, snakes and musical instruments (especially frame drum, harp, lute). B. is difficult to distinguish from similar divinities such as Aha (‘}3, ‘the fighter’). He has an apotropaic function in both the cosmic and the private sphere. He soothes Sachmet or > Tefnut with music, and is thus identified with Shu. In the late period (6th cent. BC to 3rd cent. AD) the highest ‘transcendental god’ (a ‘super-god’ above the other gods) was sometimes portrayed as ‘pantheistic B.’ with a multitude of heads and limbs [6]. His female counterpart is Beset (Bs.t) [7]. B. had an oracle in > Abydus [2] that flourished into the 4th cent. AD. Cult chambers from the 2nd cent. BC were discovered in > Saqqara. B. was also adopted in Cyprus and Phoenicia [3]. 1 F. BALLoD, Prolegomena zur Gesch. der zwerghaften Gotter in Ag., 1913

2 V. Dasen, Dwarfs in Ancient

Egypt and Greece, 1993, 55-83.

3 A. HeRMary,s. v. B.

(Zypern/Phonizien), LIMC 3.1, 108-1i2 4M. MatAISE, B. et les croyances solaires, in: S$. ISRAELIT-GROLL

(ed.), Stud. in Egyptology, FS M. Lichtheim, Vol. 2, 1990, 680-729 5 J. F. ROMANO, The B. Image in Pharaonic Egypt, 1989 6S.SAUNERON, Le papyrus magique illustré de Brooklyn, 1970 ~=7 T. TaM TINH, s. v. Besit, LIMC 3.1, 112-114. Av. L.

Besa (Bijo(o)a; Bés(s)a). Attic > paralia-deme of the phyle Antiochis, later Hadrianis. Two bouleutai. Significant mining district in > Laurion, for which 24 mining leases are attested. Probably located near today’s Hagios

Konstantinos

(formerly

Kamareza),

as Xen.

Vect. 4,43 recommends the construction of a fortification on the highest point of B. (= Vigla Rimbari?) halfway between Anaphlystus and Thoricus. In the south, therefore, B. adjoined Amphitrope; in the north, Thoricus; in the east and south-east, Sunium, to which it

was linked by the astiké hodds. Road connections to other districts confirm its central location. An agora, at which there was a mine, is also attested for B. In many cases sanctuaries and dwellings are close to mining sites. Unlike southern Attic demes like Amphitrope, Atene or Thorae, the Bynoateic are still frequently mentioned in the imperial period. C.W. J. ELiot, Coastal Demes,

1962, 117ff.; H.Lon-

MANN, Atene, 1993, 50f., 79ff., 83ff., 94, 109 Abb. 12, 283; TRAILL, Attica 14, 54, 58 annotation 15, 69, 109 (no. 26), pl. 10, 15. H.LO.

Besantinus

(Bnoavttvoc;

Bésantinos).

Writer

in

Hadrian’s era, possibly from Rhodes (according to the heading in Anth. Pal. 15,27, a poem that in any case belongs not to him but to Simias of Rhodes; also wrongly attributed to him: 9,118 = Thgn. 527f., cf. Stob. 4,50,44). MSS Fand Y of the Bucolics attribute a Boyds (bomos) to him, a pattern poem in the shape of an altar: 26 verses in different metres forming the eulogizing

613

614

acrostic ‘Ohbumte wohdoic éteot Ovoeiac, that is certainly

Bessus Satrap of Bactria, Darius III’s general at the battle of —- Gaugamela. Shortly afterwards he killed

addressed to Hadrian (cf. ThGL 5,1924A). It is also transmitted anonymously in Anth. Pal. 15,25. This work of affectation, composed in the Ionian dialect, imitates the ‘ara dorica’ of Dosiadas (Anth. Pal. 15,26); P, Optatianus Porphyrius (Carm. 26) was later to draw on both these models. ED.

Bessapara Roman settlement on the road from Serdica to Philippopolis (It. Ant. 136; Procop. Aed. 4,11 Beoovsagov;

Besouparon),

modern

Sinitovo/Pazard-

zik, southern Bulgaria. Flourished in the imperial age. Thanks to its location, it retained its supraregional importance throughout late antique and the early Byzantine period. Its fortifications date from the time of Justinian I. Greek inscriptions and votive reliefs. V. VELKOV, Gradat v Trakija i Dakija prez kasnata antiénost, 1959, 109 (Bulgarian with German resumé: Die spatant. Stadt in Thrakien und Dakien); D. CoNéEY, in: VDI, 1960, 3, 1426f. J.BU,

Bessas Goth of Thracian origin (born around AD 480),

whose family did not accompany Theoderic to Italy in AD 488. He served as an officer in Justinian’s army against the Persians, under — Belisarius in the reconquest of Italy, as also against the Goths and in his old age in Syrian territory. He achieved high rank (dux Mesopotamiae 531; mag. mil. vacans in Italy 535-546; mag. mil: per Armeniam 550-554), was even patricius,

but was finally banished for having a too nonchalant attitude towards his duty as a consequence of excessive financial dealings. PLRE 2, 226-229. W.ED. Bessi, Bessoi (Beoooi; Bessoz). Term given to various

Thracian tribal groupings, first mentioned by Hdt. 7,111 as part of the — Satrae in the western Rhodope mountains, but thereafter not again until the 2nd cent. BC (Pol. 23,8,4; Syll.3 710 A). The B. gained political significance because of their opposition to the Romans: defeated by Lucullus in 72 BC, by C. Octavius (ILS 47) in 59 BC, and brought to battle c. 15 years later by Brutus (Liv. Per. 77); in 29 BC M. Licinius Crassus at-

tacked them, took away from them the Dionysus sanctuary in the Rhodope and transferred it to the Odrysae (Cass. Dio 51,25,5). About 15 years later the B. rose up in a major revolt led by the Dionysus priest Vologaises, who also involved neighbouring Thracian tribes. L. Calpurnius Piso was able to suppress the revolt in the third year of war (Cass. Dio 54,34; Tac. Ann. 6,10). Elements of the Thracian tribes in the western Rhodope and the Thracian plain who were described in the sources as B. were settled between Tomi and Histria (Ov. Tr. 3,10,5; 4,1,67). Renewed uprisings in AD 21

and 68 (Tac. Ann. 3,38; 4,46ff.); the term Dii refers to

the B. Later B. became a synonym for Thracians in general (lord. Get. 75; Symeon Metaphrastes, PG 114, 505C). Cur. Danov, Altthrakien, 1976, rirff.; T.SARAFOV, Trak. Satri, 1974; A. Fou, T. SPIRIDONOY, Istoriceska geografija, 1983, 24f., 116. Lv.B.

BETHANIA

Darius, assumed the name Artaxerxes and tried to hold

the eastern part of the Persian Empire against > Alexander [4] the Great. > Spitamenes i.a. betrayed him; he was condemned to death in Ecbatana for high treason (Arr. Anab., Curt. passim). F.Ho.tt,

Alexander

the

Great

and

Bactria,

1989.

A.KU. and H.S.-W.

Bestiarius see > Munera

Beta-gamma style Stylistic trend in Greek everyday minuscules in the early Palaeologan period, so called because of the overly large shapes of the letters beta and gamma; fundamentally the beta-gamma style (BGS) falls into the category of the > Fettaugen style, as is clearly evident from a few specimens (including from the Laurentianus Conventi Soppressi 627 and the Vati-

canus graecus 1899). The term BGS, not really officially sanctioned but highly convenient, is still in general use; moreover, many MSS of classical authors belong to the BG group (e.g. Vaticanus graecus 64, in 1270; Vat. gr. 110; Parisinus graecus 2735) as well as textual material by Byzantine writers (e.g. Oxon. Barocci 131). According to WILSON [r], who first talked of the BGS, this script is attested in the second half of the 13th to the beginning of the 14th cent. — Fettaugen style 1 N.G. Witson, Nicaean and Palaeologan Hands: Introduction to a Discussion, in: La paléographie grecque et byzantine, 1977, 263-267, especially 264-265 2 G. Prato, I manoscritti greci dei secoli XIII e XIV: note paleografiche, in: Paleografia e codicologia greca, 1991, 131-149, especially 132. GDiG:

Bethania {1] (BnSavia; Bethania; “Ananya, Neh 11,32, or Bet

‘Aniyya, ‘house of the poor’). Village on the south-eastern slope of the Mount of Olives, 15 stades (John 11,18) or two miles (Eus. On. 58) from Jerusalem (ruins of settlement 5th cent. BC — r4th cent. AD). Place where Jesus was anointed by the sinner (Mark 14,3; Matt. 26,6; John 12,1), home of Mary and Martha, and place

where Lazarus was raised from the dead (John 11,1),

hence in late antiquity Lazarion, today al-‘azariya, ‘Lazarus(village)’. A chamber tomb in a cliff south-east of the ancient site is mentioned well before AD 331 as being assigned to him (Euseb. On. 58). Excavations (1949-1953) south-east of the grave led to a basilica with three aisles [1] (first attested around 390 in Jer. On. 59), which was reconstructed 13 m east of the former site after an earthquake in the 6th cent., renovated in the 12th cent. and extended by another basilica over the grave. In 1138-1187 significant abbey of the Lower Lothringian dynasty for Benedictine nuns. 1 J.S. SALLER, Excavations at Bethany, 1957. W.F. ALBRIGHT, Excavations and Results at Tell el-Fal, AASO 4, 1922/23 [1924], 158-160; G.Krott, Auf den

BETHANIA

Spuren Jesu, '°r988, 278-287; D. PRINGLE, The Churches

of the Crusader Kingdom of Jerusalem 1, 1993,

122-137. KB.

{2] B. or Bethabara (‘House of passage’) was the site of John’s baptism, east of the Jordan (John 1,28; 3,26), so

far unidentified. F.M. ABeEt, Géographie de la Palestine I-II, 193 3-38, Vol. 2, 264f.

KSA.

Bethel (Hebrew bét-’él ‘House of El’). [1] Place in the Ephraim range of mountains, original name

Luz (Gen.

616

615

28,19; 35,6; 48,3; Jos. 18,3; Judg.

1,23) and identified with today’s bétin; 17 km north of Jerusalem (cf. Eus. On. 40,20f.) at the intersection of the roads from Hebron to Sichem and from Jericho to the Mediterranean; linked with an important sanctuary that, to distinguish it from the city with the earlier name of Luz (in Gen. 28,19; Jos. 16,2) some people seek to locate eastwards in burg bétin (with Roman-Byzantine remains). Excavations (1927-1960), severely hampered by recent building work and poorly documented as well, demonstrate a (non-continuous) settlement since the beginning of the 2nd millennium BC [1]. A temple has not so far been discovered. From its name some conclude that it was an old Canaanite place of worship (‘house of El’) that, through an aetiology given to the shrine (Gen. 28[10], 11-134", 16-19), was Israelized and legitimized as a shrine for Yahwe. In any case, this ‘founding’ by Jacob, the eponym of the people, lends dignity to the old place of worship that, after the collapse of the Davidian kingdom under Jeroboam 1 (Kgs 12,26-33), had been elevated as the northern kingdom’s rival shrine (Amos 7,10-13) with its religious worship restored by the

a divinity in its own right. No direct linking of the divine name with the > Baitylia is suggested (see also the different terminology in Sfire (KAI no. 223 C 3, 7, 9f.: bty’lhy, and here this refers to the covenant steles as ‘animated stones’). The god B. appears for the first time in Asarhaddon’s agreement with Baal of Tyre (TUAT 1, 158 IV 6; [2. 25]) in 677 BC as Ba-ja-ti-ili, alongside A-na-ti-[Ba-ja-ti-ili] and other Phoenician and Assyrian gods. Philo Byblius mentions him amongst the four sons of > Uranus and > Gaia in the second generation of gods as - Baitylus along with Elus (El), Dagon (> Dagan) and > Atlas (Eus. Pr. Ev. 1,10,16). Since the

6th cent. BC B. is frequently encountered as a theophoric element in personal names. In inscriptions he is attested in North Syria in particular until the 3rd cent. AD. While in the OT only Jer. 48,13 alludes to him (along with Kamosh) — in Gen. 31,13 and 35,7 B. is clearly a place name and probably shorthand for bbyt >. — the papyri from the Jewish military colony of ~ Elephantine mention a ‘temple of Bethel’ (along with those to the queen of heaven and to Jahu) and are familiar with a large number of persona! names formed with B., as well as other hypostatizations like Eshembethel (‘name/invocation of B.’), Anatbethel (‘manifestation of B.’ [3. 160]) and perhaps also Herembethel (‘consecration of B.’; otherwise [4. 282-5]). 1 W.F. ALBRIGHT,J.L. KELSO The Excavation of B., 1968 2 S. PARPOLA, K. WATANABE, Neo-Assyrian Treaties, 1988

3 H.Gest, Die Religionen Altsyriens, 1970

4K.v.pD.

Toorn, Herem-Bethel and Elephantine Oath Procedure, ZATW 98, 1986, 282-285.

For B. [1]: E.BLum, Die Komposition der Vatergesch., 1984, 7-60; Z. Ka vat, Beth-El-Luz and Beth-Aven, in: Prophetie und gesch. Wirklichkeit, FS S. Herrmann, 1991, 171-188; N.Na’aMan, Beth-Aven, Bethel and Early Is-

king. The steer (Num. 23,22; 24,8; Gen. 49,24), linked

raelite Sanctuaries, ZDPV

in B. with the God of Exodus (cf. Kgs 1 12,28 with Exod. 32,4) Yahwe, is fully supportive of presence theology. It is only in the 8th cent. that Hosea attacks the calf as a feature of the state religion (see ‘the calf of

KERMANN, Juda unter Assur in der Sargonidenzeit, 1982, especially 112119; W.I. Torws, Monarchy and Religious Institutions in Israel under Jerobeam I, 1993. For B. [2]: M.K6cxkert, Vatergott und Vaterverheifsungen, 1988, 78f. (with literature); J.T. Mrtik, Les papyrus

Samaria’ |!], Hos. 8,5a; 6b; 10,1-2; 5 *6a) and threatens B. as Beth-Awan (‘house of sacrilege/doom’, 4,153 5,8; 10,5), and also in Jos. 7,2, 18,12, Sam.r 13,5 and 14,23

that can refer to no other place than B. The shrine obviously survived the fall of the northern kingdom in 722 BC (Kgs 2 17,28). The account of its destruction in connection with the religious reforms under Josiah of Judah around 622 BC in Kgs 2 23,15-20 depends less on historical recall than on deuteronomic programming. In the Achaemenid period B. belonged to the province of Judah. Under the Seleucids the city was developed into a fortress (Macc. 1 9,50). Vespasian and Hadrian used B. as a garrison town. In the Byzantine period (the large church serves as a mosque today) B. was extended eastwards. The Arab invasion put an end to B.’s history as a city. [2] Divinity name that is probably to be interpreted as hypostatizing the presence of > El at the shrine, so that the aspect of El’s residence there has merged into being

103, 1987, 13-21; H.SprEeK-

arameéens d’Hermoupolis, Biblica 48, 1967.

M.K.

Bethlehem A. EARLY HISTORY

B. CHRISTIAN-BYZANTINE

PE-

RIOD

A. EARLY HISTORY (Arab bait-labm; Bythéew (Bétléem; NT); Baitheew (Baitleem; LXX); Bytiéua, BnOdeéun (Bétlema, Béethleémé; los.); Hebrew bét-leem ‘House of Bread’); located about 8 km south of Jerusalem on the important communication route between Jerusalem and Hebron on fertile land at the edge of the desert. The interpretation of the place name as a derivation from a goddess named Lachama is improbable [1]. Archaeologically attested from the Iron Age. B. was the home of the Ephrat clan (t Sam 17,12; Rt 1,2), from whom David descended (1 Sam 17,5; 20,6, 28; Ps 132,6). The proph-

617

618

ecy in Mi 5,1-3 has proven to be of significance, which announces the arrival of a future ruler who, like David, would hail from this small rural town in Judaea. The Aramaic Targum interprets this ruler from B. as the Messiah (cf. Mt 2,2-6; Joh 7,40-44). Justin, Apol. was the first to mention a cave as the birthplace of Jesus (Dial. 78,6; cf. Protev. Jak.; Orig. Contra Celsum 1,51). Possibly in connection with the persecution of Christians under Decius, a cult of ~» Adonis was set up in this cave (Jer. Ep. 58,3). 1 E. Lipinsxt, VT 23, 1973, 443-445. G.Kroii, Auf den Spuren Jesu, '°1988; O.KEEL, M. KUcu er, Orte und Landschaften der Bibel, 2, 1982, 611-638.

M.K.

B. CHRISTIAN-BYZANTINE PERIOD There is no definite answer to the question as to how much the localization ofJesus’ birth in B. by Mt 2,1-18 and Lk 2,1-20 only served as the fulfilment of Micah’s messianic prophecy (5,1). For the first time in around AD 150, a cave near B. is mentioned as birthplace of Jesus. For the mid 3rd cent., there is documentary evidence of B. as a place of pilgrimage. The profanation of the cave by a place of worship to Adonis is disputed. With the building of the Church of the Nativity by Emperor Constantine, B. became one of the central places of Christian pilgrimage in Palestine. At the end of the 4th cent. AD, Hieronymus was one of many to found a monastery in B. Probably in the second half of the 5th cent., the Church of the Nativity was given the appearance which it largely retains to this day. ~ Constantinus (Emperor); > Helena (Mother of Constantinus) R.E. Brown, The Birth of the Messiah, 1985; O. KEEL, M.KUcuHLER, Orte und Landschaften der Bibel 2, 1982, 606-650.; G.KUHNEL, Die Konzilsdarstellungen in der Geburtskirche in B., in: BZ 86/87, 1993/94, 86-107; P. WELTEN, B. und die Klage um Adonis, in: ZDPV 99, 1983, 189-203. J.P.

BETRIACUM C. Kopp, Die heiligen Statten der Evangelien, 1959, 230243;

D.Batpi,

Liber

annus

10,

1959/60,

120-146;

J.O’Hara, Scripture 15, 1963, 24-27; G. Krott, Auf den Spuren Jesu, '°1988, 282-284.

UG:

Beth Shearim Place in Lower Galilee. With the relocation of the patriarch Jehuda ha-Nasi (from c. AD 175-217) B., as seat of the Sanhedrin and the rabbinic school, became for a short while the centre of Palestin-

ian Judaism but gradually declined in importance after the transfer to Tiberias of the patriarchate and its institutions around the middle of the 3rd cent. In the succession to Rabbi Jehuda B. developed into the most important burial site in Palestine in the 3rd and 4th cents., as attested by the splendid underground burial structures. In the middle of the 4th cent. the place was destroyed, either in connection with a revolt against Gallus, Caesar of the East, or by an earthquake. + Galilaea N. Avicab, Beth She’arim 3, 1971; M.GoopMan,

State

and Society in Roman Galilee, A.D. 132-212, 1983; B. Mazar, Beth She’arim 1, *1957; M.ScHwaseE, B. LirSHITZ, Beth She’arim 2, 1967; G. STEMBERGER, Juden und Christen im HI. Land, 1987. JP.

Beth Shemesh The Hebrew (Sam. 1 6; Kgs 2 14,11) term (‘house of the sun’) probably refers to veneration of the sun god (Jos. 19,41). The name is preserved in the Arab village ‘Ain Sams (‘source of the sun’) that earlier lay east of Tall ar-Rumaila (‘the sandy ground’), with which the ancient Beth Shemesh (BS) is to be identified. 20 km west of Jerusalem, BS had a geographically advantageous and trade-oriented location. After settlement in the middle of the Bronze Age, the place enjoyed an initial intercultural upsurge in the late Bronze Age — because of its copper processing — through industry and trade, as reflected in the finds of various writing systems. Remains of a Byzantine monastery are the last traces of settlement in the ancient BS. O. Keet,

M. KUCHLER, Orte und Landschaften der Bibel

2, 1982, 805-817; E. LipiNsxi, VT 23, 1973, 443-445.

Bethsaida (Aramaic bét sayda, ‘house of the catch’ or ‘of the booty’). Place in Gaulanitis (+ Batanaea) on Lake Genezareth (in today’s plain el-ibteha) east of the confluence with the Jordan; established as a city in 3 BC by the tetrarch > Herodes Philippus and named Iulias after Augustus’ daughter (Jos. Ant. 18,2,1; Bell. 2,9,1; probably today’s et-tell), only 2 kms further inland), but in all four gospels mentioned with an Aramaic name (probably just the fishing settlement on the lake, today’s hirbet el~arag). B.Mulias was, however, probably renamed a little later when Augustus exiled his daughter because of her lifestyle. The place was assigned to the kingdom of + Herodes Agrippa II by Nero (Jos. Ant. 20,8,4; Bell. 2,13,2), probably destroyed in the 7th cent., resettled from time to time by Bedouins. H.W.

HertzBere,

ENSLIN,

s.v. B., RGG3

s.v. B., Biblisch-Histor.

1, 1957,

HWB

1098; M.S.

1, 1976, 234;

RL,

Betriacum Vicus (‘Village settlement’; Tac. Hist. 2,23: Bedriacum; luv. 2,106: Bebriacum) in the Transpa-

dana, somewhat west of Ollius, where it is joined further up by the Clasis, on the via Postumia (between Cremona and Mantua), near Calvatone (province of Cremona). Two battles took place here in AD 69, between Otho and Vitellius and between Vitellius and Antonius Primus (Vespasianus). Archaeological finds: coins, terra sigillata, other ceramics, amphorae. G.M. Faccuini, Calvatone romana, in: Acme

13, 1991;

A.M. Rosst ALDROVANDI, Le operazioni militari lungo il Po nel 69 d.C., 1983; P.L. Tozzi, Storia Padana antica, 1972. GSU.

BETTING

Betting A. GREECE

B. ROME

A. GREECE For Greece, documentary evidence of betting (meQtdootc, peridosis) is very rare; modern research does not concern itself with betting within the Greek sphere. Mostly, the evidence consists of forms of affirmation with the aim of emphasizing the truthfulness of a statement, e.g. Hom. Od. 23,78: ‘I pledge my life on this’ (xeodddvai/perididonai), ‘V1l wager my life’; similar in Aristoph. Ach. 772; 1115; Aristoph. Equ. 791; Aristoph. Nub. 644. There is only a single piece of evidence of a sporting bet (Hom. Il. 23,485: ‘Pll wager (perididonai) you a tripod or a cauldron’). However, Idomeneus [1] does not offer Ajax [2] a wager on the winner of the chariot race, but on the fact that at that moment in

time Diomedes [1] and not Eumelus [1] was in the lead,

as Ajax had so rudely and wrongly maintained. The stakes (tripod or cauldron) were high. This was not, however, a wager in the modern understanding of betting: alongside a purely material gain, the wagerer also made his bet for sheer entertainment. Betting turns spectators from passive recipients into active participants, who also stand to benefit from the final outcome, thus increasing both thrill and entertainment value [1]. The hallmark of a modern wager is the uncertainty of its outcome; Idomeneus, by contrast, knew full well that he was right, but he wanted to make Ajax feel the consequences of his thoughtless words by offering him a wager, which would result in a considerable loss to him. In view of the Greeks’ enthusiasm for and passionate participation in sporting events — sports (cf. [2]) it seems an obvious assumption that in Greece as in other early cultures wagers must have been staked on the outcome of such events, but there is no documentary evidence in support of this notion. It seems that for Greek spectators the fight for victory alone was so captivating that there was no need to increase the existing tension by a further element [3] (cf. > agon, see addenda). Even in cases of attempted bribery (e.g. Paus. 5,21,8-17), it was never the aim to manipulate the outcome of a competition in order to gain previously deposited stakes, but always to win victory itself. B. ROME In Rome, however, betting(Lat. sponsio) was very

popular

620

619

[4]. There

were

three main

occasions

for

placing bets: > dice (games) (Mart. 11,6 [5; 6]), chariot races (Juv. 11,201 f.; Mart. 11,1,15; Petron. Sat. 70,13; Tert. De spectaculis 16,1 f.; Circus II.) and gladiatorial fights (Ov. Ars am. 1,168; > munus, munera IIL.).

The most popular were wagers on dice games; it was

there that the largest sums of money were gambled and lost, and they were criticized the harshest by moralists [7]. With the exception of the > Saturnalia, dice games for money were officially prohibited (documentary evidence for the prohibition of dice games range from Plaut. Mil. 164 f. to Isid. Orig. 18,68). Unaffected by

such prohibitions were bets on the outcome of sporting events that took place virtutis causa, for the exercise of physical fitness (this exception was precisely defined according to senatorial decree: Cod. lust. 3,43,1,4; Dig. 9,5,2). The reason for this distinction may have been

that the outcome of such wagers were less dependent on luck than on ability. Even though sporting bets were thus legal and also very popular, betting in Rome never became organized; there were no bookmakers or total-

izers. All sources indicate that bets were made informally and spontaneously amongst spectators (Juv. I1,201:

audax

sponsio;

Petron.

Sat. 70,13:

Trimal-

chio’s cook offers his master a bet on the outcome ofthe next race day’s chariot race). 1A.GUTITMANN, 21. Weiter, Zum

Sports Spectators, 1986, 179f. Verhalten der Zuschauer bei Wett-

kampfen in der alten Welt, in: E. KoRNEXL (ed.), Spektrum der Sportwissenschaften, 1987, 43-59 3 M. B. PottakorF, Combat Sports in the Ancient World, 1987, 104-112 4H.A. Harris, Sport in Greece and Rome, 1972, 223-226 5K. W. WEEBER, Alltag im Alten

Rom, *1995, 412 f.

6 J. MARQUARDT, Privatleben der

Romer, vol. 2, *1886 (repr. 1990), 847-849

7 J. VATERLEIN, Roma ludens, 1976, 7-11.

S. MU.

Beverages In antiquity there were countless types of drinks depending on the time and region and they were drunk undiluted, mixed together or mixed with additives (fat, spices, sweet substances), hot or cold. They

can be divided into three groups according to their basic components: 1. Beverages made of water. Water (Plin. HN 31,31-72) was an indispensable nutritional substance (Pind. Ol. 1,1; Vitr. De arch. 8,1,1; Plin. HN

31,31-72) and also an essential component of two important drinks containing alcohol: > mead and ~ beer. Mead, a brew of water and honey (Plin. HN

14,113), was the only alcoholic drink available in the Mediterranean Sea region before > wine and beer became known. Later mead was mainly drunk in areas without or with little wine cultivation (cf. CIC I 33,6,9). Beer, a brew made of water and barley or wheat, was an important drink in Egypt and in the north-western region of the Mediterranean Sea (Balkans, Germania, Gallia, Hispania; Plin. HN 22,164).

2. Beverages made of milk, especially sheep’s milk and goat’s milk that were consumed throughout the entire ancient world (Plin. HN 28,123-130). 3. Beverages made of fruit juice or the product made from its fermentation, fruit wine. Wines, for instance made of

apples (+ Apple), pears, pomegranates or quinces were primarily for medicinal purposes (Plin. HN 14,102104). However, grape wine that was already known in prehistoric times in Greece developed into the semiluxury drink par excellence in the ancient world. From the Classic period and the late Roman Republic respectively, it was produced in greater quantities (Ath. 1,28d; Plin. HN 14,96—-97), but its consumption was essentially limited to the wine-growing areas of the Mediterranean Sea region.

621

622

Grape wine topped the overall price list of drinks: right until the end of antiquity, even table wines cost much more than beer, mead or milk (CIL III 2, p. 827 2,1-10; cf. 2,r1-12; 6,95); quality wines, especially imported ones, were always very expensive (Plin. HN 14,9 5-96). Drink consumption depended very much on the respective regional and social circumstances; even the spirit of the times could influence drinking habits. The everyday beverage and primary beverage of all classes, age groups and sexes was undoubtedly water. Milk that when fresh was only able to be kept for a short period of time was probably mainly drunk in the country and by children (Cic. Cato 56). Mead and beer became popular particularly with the middle and lower social classes (Ath. 4,152c; Amm. Marc. 26,8,2). Grape wine of better quality was mainly a semi-luxury drink for rich people. The lower classes, particularly of the urban population, presumably drank it only on festival days (cf. Ath. 2,40f), and otherwise they had to content themselves with cheap table wine or — at least in Roman times — with posca, a mixture of water and must that was going sour.

Biaion dike (Piaiwy dixn; biaion diké). A private action

J. ANDRE, L’alimentation et la cuisine 4 Rome, *1981, 161~178; A. DALBy, Siren Feasts. A History of Food and Gastronomy in Greece, 1996. AG.

BIAS

that could be brought in Athens against robbery, rape of a free person (male or female), or abduction of a free

person for the purpose of illicit sexual relations. In the 6th cent. BC Solon had established a monetary fine for this offence; later, on grounds of public interest, the fine

paid to the injured party was accompanied by one of the same amount to the state. D.CoHEN,

Law, violence, and community

Athens, 1995.

in classical

Gul

Biaiothanatoi see > Ahoroi

Bianor [1] Son ofthe Tiber and Manto, daughter of Teiresias or Hercules. B., also named Ocnus (Aucnus) (Verg. Aen.

10,198), is said to have founded the city of Mantua and named it after his mother. According to others (Serv. Aen.) B. founded Felsina, later to become Bononia (Bologna); Virgil (Ecl. 9,60) mentions B.’s grave. F.E. BRENK, War and the shepherd. The tomb of B. in Vergil’s ninth Eclogue, in: AJPh

1ro2z, 1981, 427-430.

RB.

[2] Writer of epigrams in the ‘Garland’ of Philippus (Anth. Pal. 4,2,11), yoowuatixos (grammatikos) from

Bezereos Castellum at the limes Tripolitanus, east of the Chott el-Djerid, modern Sidi Mohammed ben Aissa (near Bir Rhezen; it was occupied at the latest since Commodus (AD 180-192) (Inscr. latines d’ Afrique 26), and, in AD 201, accommodated a vexillatio of the legio III Augusta (Inscr. latines d’ Afrique 27). Epigraphical evidence: Inscr. latines d’Afrique 26-32; Inscr. latines de la Tunisie 56-59; It. Ant. 74,5; Not. Dign. occ. 31,5; Pi Poy P. TRousseT, s.v. B., EB, 1487f.

W.HU.

Bia (Bia; Bia). Personification of violence; daughter of Pallas and the Styx, sister of Zelus, Nike and Cratus

(Hes. Theog. 385-388). In the titanomachy Styx goes over to Zeus with her children and they then follow him. As Zeus’ henchmen, Cratus and B. spur Hephaestus on to chain > Prometheus to a rock (Aesch. PV

1-87, in which B. plays a silent part). An Athenian scyphus shows > Ixion being bound to a wheel by Hephaestus, Cratus and B. [1]. Themistocles tells the people of Andros that he is accompanied by B. and Peitho (Plut. Themistocles 21,2; in Hdt. 8,111 it is Ananke, and not B.). B. and Ananke had a sanctuary in common on the road to Acrocorinth (Paus. 2,4,6; cf. also CIG 43790). 1 E. Simon, Kratos und B., WJA N.F. 1, 1975, 177-186. H.A. SHaprro, Personifications in Greek Art, 1993, 166-167; E.SIMoNn, B. et Kratos, LIMC 3.1, 114-115.

RB.

Bithynia, who lived in the first half of the rst cent. AD (cf. Anth. Pal. 9,423 about the destruction of Sardes by earthquake in AD 17). His 22, almost exclusively epideictic (+ Epideictic poetry) and sepulchral epigrams (there are, however, continuing doubts about 7,671; 9,252) do not rise above the mediocre, are conventional in theme and without any noteworthy stylistic features (7,388, about the death of an unknown tyrannicide, has a certain interest). GA II 1,184-197; 2,197-209.

E.D.

Bias (Biac; Bias). [1] Mythical son

of + Amythaon and Idomene or Aglaea; brother of the seer ~ Melampus. The latter assisted B. in his courtship of Pero, daughter of Neleus and Chloris. As bride-price, Neleus demanded restoration of the cattle that Phylacus had stolen from his wife Chloris. Melampus did that for his brother (Apollod. 1,96-103; Hom. Od. 11,287—297; £5,225-238). Origi-

nally from Pylos, B. gained mastery — again with the help of his brother, who cured the daughters of Proetus of their madness — of a third of Argus and became the progenitor of the Biantides (Hes. fr. 37 M.-W.; Hdt. 9.343 Diod. Sic. 4,68,4; Paus. 2,18,4). E.Simon, s.v. Melampous,

LIMC

6.1, 1992, 405-410.

R.B.

[2] Son of Teutames of -> Priene, lived in the early 6th cent. BC. B. enjoyed a high reputation for his eloquence and powers of persuasion in legal contests (Hipponax fr. 123 West; Heraclitus fr. 22 B 39 Diets; Demodocus

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fr. 6 West) and was later regularly ranked with > Thales, > Pittacus and > Solon as one of the > Seven Sages (PI. Prt. 343a; Diog. Laert. 1,40-42; 82-88). Like these others B. was associated with Kings Croesus of Lydia and Amasis of Egypt (Hdt. 1,27,2-5; Plut. Mor. 151b-e); as with the others, a large number of maxims were attributed to him that are no more authentic than his poem of 2,000 lines about Ionia (D.K. ro; Diog.

learned by heart, studied and recited. In the process they helped form the ethical, moral and religious attitudes of communities and their teachers, of philosophers, priests and pupils. Christians collected the letters of Paul into a single book sometime in the early 2nd cent. AD, the four gospels only in the 3rd cent. (pap.*>).

BIAS

Daertain 35)

Probably historical, on the other hand, is B.’s advice to the Ionians who had assembled on Panionium to make their way to Sardinia in order to elude the victorious Persians and establish a city there when circumstances were favourable (Hdt. 1,170,1-3); as also the diplomatic mission in which B. resolved the conflict between Samos and Priene (Aristot. fr. 576 ROsE; WELLES no. 7 i.46ff.). There is probably an authentic element also in the story of the stratagem by which B. is said to have caused the Lydian king Alyattes to abandon his siege of Priene, by deceiving him about the amount of provisions available in the city (Diog. Laert. 1,83).

Around 550 B. was certainly a leading figure of Priene and the whole of Ionia. That is supported by the fact that he was especially honoured after his death; a téuevoc (témenos) is said to have been dedicated to him that was named Tevtduevov (Teutameion) (Diog. Laert.

1,85; 88). The role attributed to him as arbitrator and ‘aisymnetes’ with law-making power is, however, a later fabrication. O.Crustus, s.v. B. t0, RE 3, 383-389; P.v. DER MUHLL, Was war B. von Priene?, in: MH

22, 1965, 178-180.

K.-J.H.

B. HEBREW BIBLE The Hebrew Bible or the masoretic text, consisting of 24 books written in Hebrew (rarely Aramaic), was created by the Jewish community and gained its authoritative status in the rst cent. AD. The evolution of the Hebrew Bible stretches over a period close to 1,000 years. It is therefore not only a book but an epitomized library that contains many old literary texts. The traditional Hebrew Bible consists of three parts: law (tora), prophets (nebi *im) and writings (ketubim), hence the acrostic ‘tenach’. The Christians acknowledged the Hebrew Bible as an authority but divided it into 39 books that are arranged in a somewhat different order. Several other books or supplements to books circulated amongst Greek-speaking Jews (— Septuagint); Jerome incorporated them into the Latin Bible (Vulgate). The contents and literary genres of the Hebrew Bible vary markedly. The Torah, signifying ‘teaching’ rather than ‘law’, consists chiefly of tales, predominantly in the form of myths, heroic sagas and tribal epics. Stories of creation and of the flood are found in different versions throughout

the ancient

East (Sumerian-Akka-

dian: Enuma elis, Epic of Gilgames; > Atrahasis; Egypt: the creation by Atum and the theology of Memphis; Ugarit: the story of > Baal and > Anat); they show that the biblical material is part of this very long-lived tradition. Gen. 1-11 stems mainly from two interwoven

Bible A. DEFINITION B. HEBREW BIBLE C. NEw TESTAMENT D. QUOTATIONS IN GREEK AND LATIN AUTHORS

sources (the so-called Yahwist, probably a roth-cent. court historian from Jerusalem, and the priests’ document, for the most part from the 6th cent. BC, written by Zadokitic priests to celebrate, through recitation and ritual actions, the world’s origins and continuing

A. DEFINITION The word ‘Bible’ (Lat. biblia, Greek ta BiBdia; ta

biblia) describes the collection of holy scriptures comprising the Hebrew Bible (Tenach) and the Old and New Testaments of Christians (— Christianity) and encompassing their many genres — including narratives (myths, legends, romances, sagas or epics, folk tales, gospels), body of laws, psalms, poems, speeches, exhortations, proverbs and parables, letters and apocalypses. There were similar collections of holy texts in the ancient East and in Graeco-Roman culture: certain

texts were preserved and handed down over generations, indeed over centuries. This process of collection and preservation sometimes went beyond the setting up

of royal or temple archives or libraries ( Library), if particular writings received authoritative status in philosophical schools or religious communities. Texts such as the teaching of Amenemope, the Enuma elis and the letters of Epicurus were copied over many years,

creation); these rz chapters are myths of the creation of the cosmos, of mankind and the formation of nations. In Gen. 6-9 there are two versions of a cosmic flood (cf. the flood story in the Gilgame§ epic). The remaining stories of the Torah are versions of heroic tales or myths (especially about the founding fathers of Israel), the prose epic of Israel (the Yahwist; the Elohist, also a court historian but from Samaria and the 8th cent.; the deuteronomist school, a Levite priestly group in the 8th to 4th cents. in Samaria, Jerusalem and finally Babylon, and the school of priests). In their present form these interwoven ‘epics’ tell the history of Israel from the time of its eponymous founding fathers, through the enslavement and liberation in Egypt to receiving the law on Sinai, the journey through the Sinai desert and finally the period just before migration to Canaan. These national epics of origin are supplemented by ‘paternal blessings’ (Gen. 48,15f. 20; Deut. 33), speeches of bequest and homilies (Gen. 49,1-27; Deut.)

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as well as hymns that recall Israel’s history (Exod. 15; Deuts32))k The second most important literary form in the Torah is the law, often referred to as the body of law: the ten commandments (Ex 20,1-17 = Deut.), the law of the covenant (Ex 20,22-23,33), the law of holiness (Lev. 17-26), the law for priests (the greater part of Lev.) and deuteronomic law (Deut. 12-26). Collections of laws from the ancient East are comparable, from Sumer-Akkad: Ur-Nammu-Codex, laws of E8nunnu, laws of Lipit-Istar, Codex Hammurapi, and in addition, numerous Hittite, Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian laws and instances of case law; Egyptian and Ugaritic practice of law and laws from letters, contracts and Aramaic

papyri from Elephantine offer other examples of legal thinking in ancient Eastern cultures. The two basic types of OT laws, apodeictic and casuistic, are also to be found in other ancient Eastern cultures. The content varies, depending on the social structure and breadth of knowledge of individual societies. The first type, with numerous ancient Eastern parallels (e.g. Hittite

contracts,

Mesopotamian

royal edicts,

wills, Egyptian proscriptions), is a categorical prohibition (/o? with indicative, without justification), expression of the basic norms of social life. The second type derives from the court of law: the principal clause sets out a general legal principle introduced by ‘if (ki), the subordinate clauses, introduced by ‘in the event that’ (im), attempt to define the situation more precisely. Prophetic literature of the OT can be grouped in two categories: the earlier prophets (Jos. to Kgs) contain history-like tales and legends, especially of pre-classical prophets; the later prophets (Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezra and the 12 minor prophets) contain in particular poetic, and occasionally prose, sayings and a few myths or legends of prophetic figures. The texts of the so-called earlier prophets belong to the deuteronomic historical work, an extended account of Israel’s beginnings from the conquest of Canaan to the Babylonian exile. Some generally ancient Eastern concepts belong to the main thread of composition, such as divine activity (blessing/curse) in history, in keeping with a justice of retribution, and divine selection of a covenant community and royal dynasties. Prophets who, like the old prophets of Israel, speak in the name of a divinity, are to be found in some ancient Eastern cultures: the Egyptian exhortations of Ipu-wer and Neferti’s prophecy, Akkadian prophecies, especially the prophets from Mari. The main genres of prophetic literature are legends and sayings. Prophet legends are tales, largely fictitious, of the life or actions of a prophet (e.g. the Elisa tales in Kgs 2 2-7; the ‘passion’-story of Jeremiah, Jer. 37-44). Prophetic sayings in the Hebrew Bible generally take the form of emissary speeches. They contain announcements of judgement, of liberation and promise; in that respect they are similar to the oracular sayings of ancient Eastern prophets. Psalms and prayers likewise belong to the genres of ancient Eastern literature: hymns in praise of nature

BIBLE

and/or divine actions; laments, in which a person or

group calls upon the divinity for salvation from many forms of distress; songs of thanksgiving for being released from need. These psalms or prayers were most probably composed for liturgies, linked for instance to temple ritual, rather than as an expression of personal piety. To such collections belongs the psalter in the Hebrew Bible, just as Egyptian, Sumerian and Sumerian-Akkadian hymns and prayers. Wise sayings, allegories and parables form another genre that, especially in the biblical books of Job, Proverbs and Ecclesiastes, links Israel to the ancient East. Among the wise sayings are proverbs, blessings, lists, bequests that from a sage’s experiences draw a lesson for life, teachings in which teachers of all kinds convey suggestions from experience and tradition on the basis of careful observation of nature, society, gods and human behaviour. In Egyptian sage literature teachings are especially abundant (e.g. the teaching of the vizier Ptah-hotep); in Sumerian-Akkadian texts of wisdom various types of saying predominate. A famous Ara-

maic text, possibly deriving from the 8th cent. BC, tells of a senior official at the Assyrian. court whose probity finally leads to his vindication; his collected teachings offer help in life. Some texts speak of righteous people who suffer; they raise the issue of theodicy and at times also offer solutions. So-called apocalypses are the most recent genre in the Bible and Eastern literature. An apocalypse is a story in which a figure from another world reveals to one or more people an earthly or other-worldly reality that exists in part at least and lies in store for the future. Elements of Ezra, Sach 8, Dan. 7-12 are examples from

Israelite and Jewish literature. Later Jewish apocalypses are t Hen, 4 Ezra and 2 Bar (examples from Persia: Bahman Yast, Bundahisn, Oracles of Hystaspes, the Book of Arda Wiraz). C. New TESTAMENT Its earliest documents are the letters of Paul (c. AD 50-56 or 61). Macc. 1, earlier in origin, contains 12 official letters and Macc. 2, seven; Macc.1 offers an authentic Jewish festive letter. The foreword is followed by an expression of thanks (Macc. 1,2-6; cf. 1,11),

similar to Paul’s later expression of thanks. In the NT there are 22 ‘letters’ to individuals (Tim. 1), from an

individual to a group of people (most of Paul’s letters), circular letters (Eph., Pet. 1) and inserted letters (Acts

15,23-26). Twelve of the writings of the Apostolic Fathers are likewise letters, seven from Ignatius. These

have a certain similarity to letters preserved on papyrus from Egypt. Paul starts off with 1) the foreword by describing himself as ‘servant’ and/or ‘apostle’; there follows a greeting, e.g. in Thess 1,1: ‘Grace to you and peace’ and the expression of thanks; 2) the body of the letter often closes with travel plans and an exhortation; 3) the concluding sections consist of praise, greetings and a blessing ‘grace’, often preceded by wishes of peace and fol-

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lowed by a personal greeting. Analysis of the middle section of the letters is somewhat difficult, although Paul often uses platitudes. Whether the ‘hymns to Christ’ quoted by Paul (e.g. Cor. 15,3b—7; Phil. 2,6—11; Rom. 1,3-4) are of liturgical origin or have a merely literary function is contentious [9. 1150, 1163]. Paul uses the Midrash, apocalyptic language and liturgical formulae (Cor. 11,24b-26; Gal 3,28). The letters often end with exhortations as well as catalogues of virtues and vices that are coinparable to the contemporary Stoic lists (Epict. Dissertationes 3,20,5-6). Only Deuteropauline (and Deuteropetran) letters have schedules of domestic injunctions (Col. 3,18-4,1); the three couples have a connection with the Aristotelian topos ‘on the household’ (cf. Aristot. Pol. 1, 1253b 1-14). Most of the early Christian letters are consciously rhetorical. The letter to the Romans bears the stamp of diatribe style (schoolroom lecture). The gospels of Matthew, Mark and John follow the

2nd cent. BC). The first three Christian apocalypses are those of John (around AD 95), Peter (around 135) and the ‘shepherd of Hermas’. Apocalyptic literature is related to Greek > divination and Hebrew prophecy.

BIBLE

conventions

of Graeco-Roman > biography in form and function [10]: the chronological framework of the life of a public personage, coloured with parables, miracles, accounts of pronouncements, Midrash and apocalyptic language. Matthew and Luke add childhood stories from the time ofJesus’ virgin birth (cf. Plut. Romulus 2-4); Luke tells of Jesus’ ascent to heaven (Luke 24,5053; Acts 1,9-10: cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,65: the sun’s eclipse on the death and ascent to heaven of Romulus). The gospels have a historical, epideictic and educative function. They justify the churches’ value system and offer paradigms of virtue. They are episodic, anecdotal and written in a paratactic style, closer to popular literature than most other biographies. Luke’s gospel and the Acts of the Apostles are in a formal sense closer to historical writing [8]. They are mimetic and dramatize and interpret historical events from the premise that their origin is the key to human understanding. Luke writes historical forewords to both works (period style in Luke 1,1-4), imitates Septuagint Greek (Luke —2; Acts 1-12), just as his contemporaries imitated Attic Greek, includes banquets (ch. 7; II; 14), accounts of travel (Luke 9-19; Acts 12-21;

27f.) and speeches (in an auctorial style) so as to explain the meaning of the story, even if at times the speeches do not fit the context (e.g. Acts 7,17; 27). Luke uses letters, dramatic episodes (e.g. the programmatic story of Cor-

D. QUOTATIONS IN GREEK AND LATIN AUTHORS Hecataeus (c. 300 BC) was probably the first Greek writer to refer to the written laws of Moses (Diod. Sic. 40,3,6; [15. no. rr); a possible allusion to the Septuagint version of Gen. 1,28 is to be found in Ocellus Lucanus [15. no. 40]; Ps.-Longinus refers to Gen. [15. no. 148]; Galen criticizes the story ofcreation [15. no. 376; cf. 14. no. 21-116); Jeremiah in Alexander Polyhistor [15.no. 51a); there is biblical history in Nicolaus of Damascus [15. no. 83-85, 93), in anti-Jewish polemic in Apion [15. no. 163b-165); satire of Jewish law in Juvenal [15. no. 301]; allegorical interpretation of the sayings of Jesus and the prophets by Numenius of Apamea (in Origen) [15. no. 364b]; the philosopher Celsus attacks the Moses story and Jesus, quotes Matthew [15. no. 375; cf. 14. no. 299-604]; Porphyry criticizes Gen., Dan, Jonah [14. no. 464a-466; cf. 14. no. 241-280, 283-288], as well as Matthew, Galatians and

Romans [15. 459a-d; cf. 14. 631-703]. HEBREW BIBLE: 1R.ALBERTZ, Religionsgesch. Israels in atl. Zeit, 1992 2).EBACH, R. FaBeEr (ed.), B. und Lit., 1995 3J.J. Cotiins, The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to the Jewish Matrix of Christianity, 1984 4 K.Kocu, Was ist Formgesch.?, 1964 5 E.M.MEYERs, Archaeology in the Near East, 1-5, 1997. 6 L.PERDUE, Families in Ancient Israel, 1997 7 J.B. PRITCHARD (ed.),

Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, 31969.

NT: 8D.E. Aung, The New Testament in its Literary Environment, 1987 9K.BeErRGER, Hell. Gattungen im Neuen

Testament,

in:

ANRW

II 25.2,

1034-1880

10 R.A. BurripGe, What are the Gospels? A Comparison with Graeco-Roman Biography, 1992 11 H. CANcIK (ed.), Markus-Philologie. Histor., literargesch. und stilistische Unt. zum zweiten Evangelium, 1984 12 A.J. MaLHERBE, Hellenistic Moralists and the New Testament, in: ANRW II 26.1, 267-333 13 C. OSIEK, D.Batcnu, Families in the NT World: Households and

House Churches, QuoTaATIONsS: contributo per un delle allusioni alla di

eta

1997 14G.RriNaLpI, Biblia Gentium. Primo indice delle citazioni, dei riferimenti e Bibbia negli autori pagani, greci e latini,

imperiale

Greek

(Libreria

nelius, Acts 10,1-11,18), digressions and summaries.

15 M.STERN,

As the churches and ethnic groups no longer happen to coincide, the Acts of the Apostles tries to create identity and legitimize it by narrating its origins. The author conceives of the Church by analogy with the Roman empire, which continually ‘grows’ and includes ‘all peoples’. The word ‘apocalypse’ appears first in Acts 1,1-2, referring to a revelatory experience, not to a book. In modern times the term— in competition with ‘eschatology’ — is used for a complex of belief systems, behaviour and literary forms. The earliest examples are part of r Hen (1-36; 72-82) and Dan 7-12 (middle of the

Judaism 2 vol., 1974, 1980.

Sacre

Scritture)

and Latin Authors

1989

on Jews and D.BA.andL.P.

Bible translations I. GENERAL

II. Syriac

III. ARABIC

I. GENERAL A. INTRODUCTION TESTAMENT

B. OLD TESTAMENT

C. NEW

A. INTRODUCTION The terms > Bible and translation are not clearly separable from each other since the acknowledged tex-

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tual basis (+ Canon) has changed in the course of time

inspired. Right from the beginning the Christian church

and even paraphrases are regarded as translations. Recent discoveries (> Qumran, papyri) have shown that even the texts of the source language, the so-called Masora text, and of the target language, the Septuagint (LXX; Peshitta; Vetus Latina), have undergone historical development and should be read only by referring to the critical apparatus of the editors. The habits of the translator, who like Janus looks backwards and forwards [1], should be ascertained before his product can be evaluated for the textual criticism (about 5,000 disputed passages in the OT!). Literal translations of the Bible, which Jerome characterized as verbum de verbo (often today: ‘formal equivalence’ [2]), can be distinguished from free translations of the Bible, de sensu: ‘dynamic equivalence’, more by intuition than with any statistical precision. The term technique of translation is to be used only with care [3]. Later translators often operate on a more literal basis (LXX; Armenian Bible).

The — Pentateuch is translated more literally than the other books; but even within groupings, indeed even within individual writings, divergent tendencies can be observed. Modern research avoids generalizations. B. OLD TESTAMENT 1) Aramaic: the term Targum (Tg.), interpretation, is derived from the Semitic root trgm. It denotes the translation, initially oral, of the OT texts read in the synagogue into Aramaic, the language that displaced Hebrew from the Persian era onwards. The procedure is set out in the > Mishnah: the reader is to read out no more than one verse of the Torah (or three from the prophets), and the (7°)turg‘man has to give his interpretation without any written aids at his disposal. Ona secondary level Tg. were committed to writing for home and school use. Such translations of the Bible are generally free, often resorting to paraphrase. We have preChristian Tg. available to us from Qumran (longer fragments: Job 17-42 in rr Q Tg Job, 2nd cent. BC). Questions of dating are largely impossible to resolve, since Tg. often represent conglomerations; MSS are mostly much more recent. Important collections of Tg. of the Pentateuch are Neofiti, fragments Tg. (also: Jerushalmi II), Geniza-fragment, Tg. Onkelos (possibly from ~ Aquila); the MSS the Ps.-Jonathan reached Babylon early on and was revised there. As for the prophets, Tg. Jonathan and Jerushalmi deserve mention; others for the hagiographers. The Tg. of the Samaritans, who acknowledge only the Pentateuch, developed separately. 2) Greek (LXX): as Greek spread in the East as a world language, translations of the OT were needed (from the 3rd cent. BC no one in Egypt knew Hebrew any more). The Ptolemies felt the need to have the law of the strong Jewish minority available in Greek. The ur-LXX is hardly, as R. KAHLE still believed, a Greek targum. The letter of Ps. > Aristeas (correct: Aristaeus), composed between 145 and 115 BC, comes to its defence, confirms its accuracy and condemns amendments. Since + Philo the LXX has been regarded as

BIBLE TRANSLATIONS

accepted it as ‘Holy Scripture’. It has a heterogeneous

character. The oldest part (after 250 BC), the Pentateuch (Genesis in particular), served as a model for later

ones. Some writings (possibly the Psalms) were translated in Palestine. The most recent section is probably Ezra 2, around AD roo. Certain exegetical traditions (rabbinic, modernizing) are evident, in varying degree.

The language is koine Greek, with some Hebraisms and Aramaisms, but not a genuine Jewish dialect. Even early on, already evident in Paul [4; 5], revisions appear, seeking to get closer to the Hebrew text: 1) the so-called kaige-revisions, also called the proto- or ur-Theodotion, such as in the Greek Minor Prophets Scroll from Nahal-Hever; the particles xaiye for the Hebrew gm. are characteristic. 2) According to an unreliable tradition Aquila was a proselyte from Pontus. Revisions around AD 125 inthe rabbinic spirit [6]. The word-forword principle (e.g. ovv for the Hebrew acc. particle) is criticized as early as > Origen for being ‘slavish towards the Hebrew’; Aquila often seeks to recreate the etymology of the source [7]. 3) Symmachus: probably neither an Ebionite nor a lapsed Samaritan, but a Palestinian Jew, who knew Hebrew well and worked shortly before Origen, familiar with earlier revisions; he, too, tried to get closer to the Hebrew original [8]. Probably around AD 230 Origen gains some clarity in his Hexapla over the various revisions, so as to be better equipped for exegeses and apologetic discussions [9]. His scholarly work presents in six columns the Hebrew text, a Greek transcription, Aquila, Symmachus, LXX, and Theodotion; some writings are even aware of a Quinta and a Sexta. With an ‘asterisk’ (Gotegioxos) Origen indicates gaps in the LXX that he is able to fill with the help of other translations of the Bible; with an ‘Obelos’ (6Behoc), gaps that, in comparison with the Hebrew, represent some improvement. The opus magnum, on which Origen worked for about 15 years, is only preserved in two palimpsests, the Syrohexapla (see below) and quotations. The exchange of correspondence with Iulius Africanus shows the alert philological awareness of the Alexandrinians (doubts about the canonicity of the Daniel supplements [1o]). Later revisions

of the LXX by Lucian and Hesychius are difficult to comprehend and disputed in modern research (on Lucian [r1]). For secondary OT translations that are

based on the LXX, see paragraph C. below. 3) Syriac: the Aramaic dialect of > Edessa becomes the liturgical language of various Eastern churches. The historical framework is different from that of the West: more exposed, more open, less centralized. There is an absence of writing centres that lasted for centuries. The development of biblical translations (BT) is therefore heterogeneous [1]. Most important of all is the Peshitta, the ‘simple one’, with links to the Tg. (see above) but different in style and character. It came into being in the 2nd halfof the 2nd cent., probably in Jewish or JewishChristian circles (occasional contact with the LXX); but the oldest MSS date only from the 5th cent. The Leiden

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Peshitta-Institute’s edition is based on the Cod. Ambrosian. B 21 inf. (7ar) and supplements it— the variations are not always consistent. The MS transmission (up to the 2oth cent.!) is astonishingly uniform [12]. Later on the fifth column of the Hexapla was translated into Syriac shortly after 600: the Syrohexapla. Accuracy makes it an invaluable testimony of Origen’s work. Only editions of parts of it are in existence: for the Pentateuch facsimile of the MS that A. VO6Bus discovered in Midyat in 1964, see [13]. Around 705 > Jacob of Edessa produced an eclectic revision drawing on Lucian’s LXX (five MSS of the 8th cent.). A PalestinianSyriac translation emerged later from the circle of West Aramaic Melchites [12].

of Mabbug, d) and its revision, slavishly following the Greek, by Thomas of Harkel (616) and e) a Western Aramaic, Palestinian-Syrian version preferred by the Melchites. 2) Latin (Vetus Latina: VL): the acts of the martyrs of Scili provide evidence of a Latin translation in AD 180, but quotations are ascertainable only from -> Tertullianus (died after 220) onwards. It remains uncertain whether specific translations were produced in the regions or whether one originally unified text underwent several different revisions: in any case, typical forms can be distinguished: Afra (probably the oldest), Itala (early term for VL) and Hispana. The mainstays of reconstruction are the quotations of the Church Fathers. MSS are often only fragmentary and later on are partly vulgatized. The VL mainly proceeds very literally; in the OT it preserves a few Hebraisms (parataxes with ef), it occasionally displays Jewish or Diatessaron features, but is for the early Western Church linguistically creative [15]. The gospels, revised by Jerome in 383 on the orders of ~ Damasus, the revised Corpus Paulinum (probably by Rufinus the Syrian) and the other NT writings, worked on variously and anonymously, found their way into the Vulgate. 3) Gothic: a Gothic translation emerged in the 4th cent. from the workshop of > Ulfila; it is hardly influenced at all by the VL and, just like Diatessaron and Afra, displays old, Western variations of its model [16]. Thanks to seven MSS of the 5th—7th cents., including the Codex Argenteus of Uppsala, the gospels, fragments of the letters and 50 verses of the OT have been preserved. 4) Others: the mission into border territories led to

BIBLE TRANSLATIONS

4) Latin (Vulgate). After the Christian church had

been content for about 250 years with a variety of secondary translations from the Greek, >» Hieronymus was the first to go back to the Hebrew original. Between 390 and 406 he translated the whole of the OT (Tobit and Judith from the Aramaic). Aquila, Theodotion and especially Symmachus facilitated his access to the Hebraica veritas; occasionally he consulted Jewish experts. He worked inconsistently but, from the beginning with the four books of kings to the Oktateuch, he increasingly impresses with his commanding knowledge. The linguistic achievement is immense. Many innovations encountered resistance as, through liturgy, people were accustomed to other formulations. The exchange of correspondence with > Augustinus reflects this complication. The Vulgate was only gradually able to assert itself. A determining factor was the Carolingian reform under Alcuin; canonization followed in 1546.

translations into Coptic (from the 3rd cent.), Armenian

C. New TESTAMENT 1) Syriac: if it is true that > Tatianus composed his -» Diatessaron in Syriac, this harmonization of gospels

(from Greek or Syriac;

> Mesrop devised an alphabet

ascertained in the specific textual format. Along with the four gospels another source is used (Diapente!). The

at the beginning of the 5th cent.), Georgian (from the Armenian, with revisions based on the Greek), Ethiopian (5th/6th cents.; from the Greek into Ge‘ez; Syriac and Coptic influences), Old Church Slavonic (oldest MSS: roth cent.) and Arabic.

text was disseminated, in an Eastern and Western ver-

> Christianity

is the first NT translation (around AD 172) that can be

sion, in a large number of languages: Arabic, Persian, Armenian, Georgian; Greek (Dura-fr. 14 |., before AD 256), Latin (cod. Fuldensis), medieval Dutch (Liége), German (St. Gall, Ziirich), French, English, Italian (Venice). These 200 or so harmonies and depictions of the

life of Jesus (Heliand!) belong to one stemma [14]. Textual forms that are extant in one of the Western and one of the Eastern documents but not in any ‘foreign’ text as well, may be termed diatessaronic. Of special interest are: the pre-canonic material, the connection with the Western text of the NT, and the influence on the Old

Latin translation. The popular Diatessaron is also often disputed (in the sth cent. by > Rabbula and > Theodoretus). There emerged a) an old Syriac translation of

the four gospels, the so-called Vetus Syra (sy° = cod. Curetonianus; sy° = Sinaiticus), b) a Pesitta for 22 books of the NT (without Catholic letters and Acts), c) the ‘Philoxeniana’ of 507/8, commissioned by Philoxenus

1D.J. LANE, Peshitta of Leviticus, 1994

2E.A. Nupa,

C.R. TaBeR, Theory and Practise of Translation, 1974 3 A. AEJEMELAEUS, On the Trail of the Septuagint Translators, 1993, 65-76 4D.-A.KocH 5 M.HENGEL, in: Septuaginta zw. Judentum und Christentum. Wiss. Unt. zum NT 72, 1994, 192-284

6 G.VELTRI, Der griech.

Targum Aquilas, in: Septuaginta zw. Judentum und Christentum. Wiss. Unt. zum NT 72, 1994,92-115 DER,

N.TuRNER,

in: VIS

12,

1966

7 J.REI-

8 A. SALVESEN,

Symachus in the Pentateuch (JSS Monograph 15), 1991 9 R. HANHART, Textgesch. Probleme der LXX, in: Septuaginta zw. Judentum und Christentum. Wiss. Unt. zum NT

72,1994, 13f.

10H.Martt, Ubersetzer der Augustin-

Zeit,1974 11 N.FERNANDEZ-Marcos, The Antiochian Text of the LXX, in: AAWG 190, 1990, 219-29 12 S. BRocK, TRE 6, 1980, r61ff. 13 A. VO6Bus, CSCO Sub. 45,1975 14 W.L. PErersEN, Tatian’s Diatesseron

(Vigiliae Christianae Suppl. 25), 1994 15 C. MonrMANN 16 R.GRySON, Version gotique, in: RThL 21,

1990, 3-31.

633

634

Ep.: Pentateuch: A.Diez Macuo, 5 vols., 1968-78; Targum of the Samaritans: A.TaL, 3 vols., 1980-83; Greek Minor Prophets Scroll: E.Tov, (DJD 8), 1990;

Syrohexapla: F. FIELD, 1871-75 repr. 1964; Vulgate: ed. maior, 17 vols., 1926-87; ed. minor, R. WEBER, 2 vols., 1969, 19833; Vetus Latina: P.SABATIER, 3 vols., 1743; A. JiLicHer, W.MatzKow, K.ALAND, 10 vols., 1963,

*1970-76; B. FISCHER etc., Gn, Weish, Sirach, Jes, Briefe des NT: in Synopsen, 1949ff.

BIBLICAL EPIC

P.B. Dirksen, M.J. MouLDER

(ed.), The Peshitta [OT]:

its Early Text and History, 1988; P.B. Dirksen, Annotated Bibliography of the Peshitta OT, 1989; B.M. MetzGER, The Early Versions of the NT, 1977; C. van PuyVELDE, s.v. B., Dictionnaire de la Bible (Suppl.) 6, 1960,

834-884; B. ALAND, S.P. Brock, s.v. Bibeliibersetzungen, TRE 6, 181-196; S.P. Brock, s.v. B., Anchor Dictionary

of the Bible 6, 1992, 794-799.

S.BR.

LITERATURE: P.S. ALEXANDER, Mikra, Text, Translation

and Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible, in: M. J.Mu1DER, H.Sys.inc (ed.), 1988, 217-53; J. ASSFALG, P. KRUGER,

Worterbuch des christl. Orients, 1975; D. BARTHELEMY, Devanciers d’Aquila (VT Suppl. 10), 1963; P.B. DirKSEN, in: P.S. ALEXANDER,

Mikra (see above), 255-97; B. Fi-

SCHER, Alkuin-Bibel (AGLB 1), 1957; Id., Lat. Bibelhss. im friihen MA (AGLB 11), 1985; A. Furst, Veritas Latina, in: Rev.

des

Et.

Augustiniennes

40,

1994,

105-26;

M. Hari, M.Dorivat, O.Munnicn, Bible grecque des Septante, 1988; K. HyvARINEN, trans. of Aquila, in: OT Series 10, 1977; S.JELLICOE, Septuagint and Modern Study, 1968, 1973; A. KAMEsar, Jerome, Greek Scholarship, and the Hebrew Bible, 1993; B. Kepar, in: P.S. ALEXANDER, Mikra, (see above), 299-338; R.LE DéauT, Targumim, Cambridge History of Judaism 2, 1989, 563-90; S. OLOFFSON, The LXX Version, in: OT Series 30, 1990; I. SOISASALON-SOININEN; R.SOLLAMO; M.ROSEL, Ubers.

als Vollendung der Auslegung, in: ZATW Beih. 223, 1994; P.SCHAFER, TRE 6, 216-28; R.A. Taytor, Peshitta of Daniel, 1994; E.Tov, ANRW II 20.1, 1987, 121-89; A. WIFSTRAND. H.MA.

Il. SyRrac 1) OT: the standard translation from the Hebrew, known as Peshitta, derives from the early cents. AD; the Pentateuch and some other books (Chronicles in particular) were probably translated by Jews, later books presumably by Christians. The > Apocrypha were translated from the Greek with the exception of Jesus Sirach, who was translated direct from the Hebrew. A later translation, the Syrohexapla, was produced in + Alexandria [1] c. 616 by Paulus of Tella on the basis of > Origenes’ edited text of the Septuagint and incorporating many marginal glosses from other columns of the Hexapla. Some reworkings of the Peshitta from Greek MSS are connected with Philoxenus (died 523) and Jacob of Edessa (died 708). 2) NT: the oldest version, the Syriac Diatessaron, also known as harmony of the gospels, is lost, apart from a few quotations. The Old Syriac Gospels (early 3rd cent. AD ?) are preserved in two early MSS. The standard version is the Peshitta, a revision published c. 400 that is still in use. Of the later, more accurate revisions, that of Philoxenus (507/8) is lost, that of Thomas of Hargel (Heraclea; produced c. 616 in Alexandria), extant; both belong to the West Syriac tradition. The early Syriac canon does not contain the four shorter Catholic letters and the Apocalypse; translations of those writings were produced in the 6th cent. and adopted into the Heracleot version. The Peshitta is preserved in the multilingual Bibles of Paris and London.

II]. ARABIC The existence of pre-Islamic translations of biblical texts into Arabic is disputed. Numerous echoes are to be found in the Koran (literal quotation: Sura 21,105 = Ps 37,29; paraphrases of texts that have special liturgical relevance; names of biblical books: tawrat ‘Torah’, ingil ‘Gospels’, zabur ‘psalter’) and in early Islamic literature. 1) OT: probably the oldest manuscript fr. extant (from Ps. 77; Arabic in Greek script) derives from the 8th cent. from Damascus. There are reports of several 8th/oth-cents. translations, including a LXX

transla-

tion by Hunain ibn Ishaq (died 873), but they have not been preserved. The first translation of the Pentateuch on a Hebrew basis came about through the Jewish scholar Saadja Gaon (died 942). The translation of Psalms by ‘Abdallah ibn al-Fadl (11th cent.), drawing

on the LXX, achieved great importance. It was printed i.a. in the Roman edition of 1671. 2) NT: translations of the Gospels and other texts appeared on a Greek, Syriac, Coptic and Latin basis. Frs. from the 9th cent. on are extant. The Melchite Bishop of Cairo, Theophilus

Ibn Taufil (11th cent.), is

known to have been a translator of the Gospels (on a Greek basis). The so-called ‘Egyptian’ or ‘Alexandrinian Vulgate’ on a Coptic basis (first traces in the roth cent., general recognition from the 13th cent.) is important, being the foundation of most Gospel editions up until modern times. Complete translations of the Bible into Arabic, apart from a reference in Ibn an-Nadim to a complete translation by Ahmad ibn ‘Abdallah ibn Salam (around 800), were not produced until the 16th cent. G.Grar, Gesch. der christl. arab. Lit. 1, 1944, 85-195; S.H. GrirFitH, The Gospel in Arabic ..., in: Oriens Christianus 69, 1985, 126-167; R.G. KHoury, Quelques re-

flexions sur la premiére ou les premiéres bibles arabes, in: T.Fanpb (ed.), L’arabie préislamique et son environnement historique et culturel, 1987, 549-561; B.M. Metz-

GER, The Early Versions of the New Testament,

1977,

257-268; G. MINK, S. BROCK, s.v. Bibeliibersetzungen I.9, TRE 6, 207-211; S. KH. Samir, La version arabe des évangiles d’al-As‘ad Ibn al-‘Assal, in: Id. (ed.), Actes du 4° Con-

grés international d’études arabes chrétiennes, Tome II (Parole de l’Orient 19), 1994, 441-551; H.SpeyER, Die

biblischen Erzahlungen im Qoran, 1931, 439-461.

Biblical epic see

Biblical poetry

©.O.

BIBLICAL

POETRY

635

Biblical poetry I. GREEK

II. LATIN

I. GREEK Biblical poetry (BP) started with the early church poetry of hymns and psalms that were part of devotional service. Extensive biblical quotations or poetic paraphrases mark the origin of BP. Then as later, it is impossible to separate literary from liturgical poetry. Thus the heirmos (eieudcs) Xovoto¢ yevvatar, for example, is taken from the beginning of a > homily of > Gregorius of Nyssa (PG 36, 312ff.). The > kontakion, developed in Constantinople around 500, marks the high point of BP. One of the leading figures for the genre was > Romanos Melodos (6th cent.; most famous work: ‘H aQQévocg onwegov). The kontakion’s origin is probably anchored

in Syriac BP (the > madrasa

of Afrahat;

— memra of Ephraim), as well as in Greek homily of the 4th and sth cents. In the following period (especially in Cosmas

of Maiuma,

Iohannes

Damascenus

and Iose-

phus Sicelus) it was replaced by the > canon, which originated in the monastic circle of the Saba monastery and was developed by Andreas of Crete (7th/8th. cents.; most famous work: ‘O wéyas xavivy). N.B.

TOMADAKES,

BuCavtwi

tyvoyeadia

xal motnotc,

1965; J. GROSDIDIER DE MarTons, Liturgie et hymnographie: kontakion et kanon, Dumbarton Oaks Papers 34/35, 1980/81, 31-43; S.P. BRock, Syriac and Greek

636

The 5th cent. saw several such narrative biblical poems: at the beginning of the cent. the - Heptateuch poet (Genesis to Judges, although originally the work probably contained all the OT’s books of history; attributed pseudonymously to Cyprian), the Alethia of a Marseilles rhetorician, Claudius > Marius Victor (Gen. 1-19), and at the end of the cent. De spiritualis historiae gestis of Alcimus Ecdicius + Avitus, bishop of Vienna (creation, the Fall, the expulsion from Paradise, the Flood and the exodus from Egypt). In NT poetry the Carmen paschale of the Italian poet Caelius > Sedulius (2nd quarter of the sth cent.) narrates the life and miracles of Christ (five books; book 1 contains episodes from the OT); the Ligurian poet > Arator follows about a cent. later (544) with his Historia apostolica, which is based on the Acts of the Apostles. Together with these fairly long biblical epics there are a few shorter, anonymous or pseudonymous poems that concentrate on particular episodes or books: > De Sodoma, > De Iona and De martyrio Maccabaeorum (all of uncertain date, probably the sth cent.). The > In Genesin ad Leonem papam (middle sth cent.) treats the creation in the framework of a hymnal song of praise to God. The first of the three books of De laudibus Dei of the African poet Blossius Aemilius > Dracontius (last decade of the 5th cent.) contains a wide-ranging depiction of the creation and the Fall of Man (115-561) that bears comparison with independent biblical epics.

hymnography (Studia patristica 16; Texte und Unt. 129), 1985.

K.SA.

II]. LATIN

A. CoOncEpPT D. INFLUENCE

B. THEME

C. LITERARY

FORM

ON LATER AUTHORS

A. CONCEPT The concept of BP defines any precise definition. For the most part Christian poetry probably displays the Bible’s influence on language, content and formal aspects. In late antiquity this influence runs through hymns (+ Hymn), apologetic (~ Apologia) and > didactic poetry, as well as, to a lesser extent, > epigrams. There is, however, in this broad spectrum of biblically influenced poems a fairly small body of BP in a stricter sense, biblical epics: exclusively in hexameters, they keep, in a formal narrative sense, to the sequence of biblical events (> Epic).

C. LITERARY FORM In rewriting the often inelegant Latin of the old translation of the Bible into the respected form of Virgilian hexameter, luvencus made the Bible more accessible for a cultivated readership capable of being attracted to Christianity in the changed religious climate of the Constantine Empire. Iuvencus speaks of dressing divine law in earthly linguistic adornment (4,804f.). His poetic work is intended as a counterpart to pagan epic

(proem 6-20). In giving biblical narrative new shape Iuvencus uses the standard techniques of rhetorical paraphrase, abridgement, detail and restructuring [1] but remains for the most part close to the biblical text. With the exception of Proba’s cento, condemned as a literary form by Jerome (Epist. 53,7), no other biblical epics were written until the 5th cent. From the very first, any paraphrastic reformulation calls for a certain amount of interpretation. Under the influence, however, of Christian exegesis and homiletic,

B. THEME

Hellenistic-Jewish authors were the first to compose biblical themes in classical literary forms but their works have survived only in fragments. Among the Christians, a Spanish cleric, C. Vettius Aquilinus > Iuvencus, wrote the first BP in continuous narrative in the

4th cent., the Evangeliorum libri IV, which drew extensively from Matthew but included material from other gospels. Later in that cent. > Proba, the daughter of a noble Roman family, composed a Virgilian > cento on the first chapters of Genesis and on the life of Christ.

the NT epic increasingly combines narrative abridgement with interpretative detail. Sedulius portrays the events in Christ’s life in a series of self-contained stories and thereby allows the moral and spiritual content to come to the fore. In Arator the typically heavily condensed narrative excerpts offer the opportunity for extensive exegesis, which gives the poem the character of a commentary in verse (+ Commentary). In spite of their recourse to ancient epic for inspiration with formal aspects, the NT poems forma sub-genre with their own tradition and forms of expression.

637

638

The OT epics follow another path. The > Heptateuch poet is in his paraphrastic technique comparable to Iuvencus, although writing a cent. later. By contrast with the NT tradition, the OT poets make more limited use of homiletic and rhetorical techniques of persuasion and protreptics. After the Heptateuch they display the strong influence of Christian exegesis but with special interest in the historical level of interpretation (especially Marius Victor) similar to the grammatical enarratio poetarum. All three books of the Alethia end with reflections on the Christian plan of salvation. Alcimus Avitus then takes this theme as the structural principle of his poetical work (5,706-714). Excerpts with detailed description do indeed spring up also in the NT poets (e.g. the Massacre of the Innocents, storms at sea), but are much more striking in the OT tradition, especially in the descriptions of nature and the forces of nature (e.g. creation, Paradise, the Flood, the destruction of Sodom and Gomorrah; > Ekphrasis). The poets often include hymn-like digressions in praising God’s power and the beauty of creation. In his account of the Fall of Man and expulsion from Paradise, Avitus displays a particular interest in the psychology of the participants; that is expressed in a sequence of passages of direct speech and gives dramatic character to his poetry.

important early German works [3. 125-224, 271-339]. The Latin biblical poets of the Middle Ages, like their predecessors in antiquity, were especially fond of working allegorical biblical exegeses into their stories. The Renaissance was to witness a second flowering of interest in reading and composing biblical poetry. In the first years of the 16th cent. ALDUs MANuTIUS published a most influential collection of BP from late antiquity, including the canonical NT authors. In the 16th and 17th cents., poems were written in great numbers, both in Latin and in modern languages. Some followed late-Roman models but, under the influence of neoclassical writing, often showed a marked decline in the element of commentary anda reversal to the classical epic model and traditional structural pattern missing in earlier BP. The Christias of Marcus Hieronymus Vida begins in the middle of events and includes council meetings in heaven and hell, descriptions of artistic objects and allegorical personifications. John Milton’s Paradise Lost (1667) and Paradise Regained (1671) stand as masterpieces of the biblical epic at a time when the output of BP was already in decline. The Romantic movement brought with it a definitive break not only with biblical epic but with epic poetry as a whole. Friedrich Klopstock’s ‘Der Messias’ (completed in 1773) is the last echo of a long tradition.

D. INFLUENCE ON LATER AUTHORS The NT Latin poets were read, admired and imitated throughout the Middle Ages and into the Renaissance. Together with Alcimus Avitus, as the only OT poet, they formed a canon of biblical poets who were often referred to in texts of the Middle Ages [2. xix-xxxii]. Even in late antiquity Sedulius, with his emphasis on the life and miracles of Christ, had a formative influence on a new sub-genre, the hagiographic epic that was developed by Paulinus of Périgueux and > Venantius Fortunatus. The Anglo-Latin authors Aldhelm, > Beda Venerabilis and Alcuin all display the influence of NT poems that enjoyed special prestige in the Carolingian period. Probably because of the high standing of the

1 M. Roserts, Biblical Epic and Rhetorical Paraphrase in Late Antiquity, 1985 2R.HERzoG, Die Bibelepik der lat. Spatant., 1975 3 D.KaRTSCHOKE, B., 1975

late-Roman classic, no extensive BP was written in that

period, although there was a wealth of poems, using metre as well as rhythm, on biblical themes. Besides the Occupatio of Odo of Cluny (c. 900), narrative BP in Latin did not reappear until the rrth and rath cents.; it was written about individual books of the bible (e.g. the Tobias of Matthias of Vendome) as well as on broader

themes and covered the OT as well as the NT (e.g. De nuptiis Christi et ecclesiae of Fulcoius Bellovacensis, Laurentius of Durham’s Hypognosticon and, at its most influential, Petrus Riga’s Aurora). BP also started up in indigenous languages, with long and unbroken traditions in Old English, Middle English, Old High German and Middle High German: the Junius MS preserves five Old English poems (Genesis A and B, Exodus, Daniel and Christ and Satan), while the Heliand and the Liber Evangeliorum of Otfrid of Weif%enburg (between 863 and 871) — the latter quotes > Iuvencus, Prudentius and Arator as predecessors — are the most

BIBRACTE

4 F.RAEDLE et al., s.v. B., LMA 2, 75-82.

Biblical Uncials see

M.RO.

Uncials

Bibliophily see > Library; > Book Bibliothecarius see > Library Bibracte Oppidum of the Haedui in Gallia Celtica, later Lugdunensis (modern Mont-Beuvray), located on a hilltop, separated by valleys from the rest of the Morvan massif. In 58 BC, B. was the location of Caesar’s victory over the Helvetii (Caes. B Gall. 1,23; 7,55;

7,63). Excavations particularly since 1984. D. Bertin, J.-P. GuILLAUMET, B., Guides archéoliques de la France 13, 1987; C.GOUDINEAU, C. PEyrRE, B. et les Héduens, 1993; M. LEJEUNE, Les premiers pas de la déesse B., in: Journ. Sav., 1990, 69-96.

WAL.

More recent investigations have above all opened up the (pre-)Caesarean B., with its Celtic workshops and dwellings, as well as typical fortifications (walls built using the murus gallicus technique, with a moat immediately in front, pincer gates, and outer ramparts), a Celtic cult site on the hilltop as well as a small cremation burial site outside the walls. ~ Fortifications; > Celtic archaeology O. BUCHSENSCHUTz,

Neue Ausgrabungen im Oppidum

B., in: Germania 67, 1989, 541-550.

V.P.

639

640

Bibrax Oppidum of the Remi, modern Vieux-Laon or Camp de Saint-Thomas (Départment Aisne). Captured by Caesar in 57 BC (Caes. B Gall. 2,6).

sacerdotes (Ps.-Acro); in the Imperial Age even sacer-

BIBRAX

P. LEMAN, s.v. B., PE, 792.

Well,

dotes bidentales [5; 4. 92-1073 1. 135-7] are attested. 1PrrrFIG

2G.Breyer, Etr. Sprachgut im Lat., 1993,

503-4 annotation 34

22

4C.O.

3 H.UsENER, in: RhM 60, 1905,

TuuLin,

Die

etr.

Disziplin

5 G. Wissowa, RE 3, 429-31.

Bichrome ware Modern technical term for ceramic styles with two-tone painting, mostly black with a red overlay. It differs from > black-on-red ware in the application upon a third, unintentional colouring from the clay surface of the vessel. Several production sites have been identified. In east Cyprus kraters and jugs with handles were in particular produced as bichrome ware (BW) in the late Bronze Age. They were exported in large quantities to the Levantine coast and were also

I, 1905 D.BR.

Bidus (Beidos). Fortress near Syracuse (Steph. Byz. s.v.; Cic. Verr. 2,53ff.; Liv. 25,27). A town of Bidius lay in the territory of Tauromenium (Steph. Byz. s.v.). BTCGI, 4, 45f.; Chiron 25, 1995, no. 35.

GLMA.

Bigae Short form from Lat. biiugae (Greek: diCué;

dizyx; ovvmois; synoris); originally two animals moving

on the

under one yoke (horse, cow, mule), especially used for

Phoenician coast of the Levant was produced principally in the form of jugs and bowls. This east Phoenician BW is also to be found in Phoenician colonies in the west from the 8th cent. BC. From the 7th cent. BC in Spain, this Phoenician-influenced painting technique develops into an indigenous, Iberian style of vase paint-

teams of horses. Worthy of mention for the early Greek period are not just the representations already extant from the Minoan-Mycenaean culture on frescos, signet rings and similar objects or the models made of clay or bronze, but also especially the lively description in Homer (Il. 23,392f., funeral games for > Patroclus) of a horse race with a team of two. These light chariots were also used in battle—as a fast means of locomotion — and for the hunt (> quadriga, but also chariots drawn by one horse [1] or by teams of three [2]). In the

imitated there. From the r1ith cent. BC, BW

ing. M. Artzy, F. Asaro, I. PERLMAN, The Origin of the ’Palestinian B.’, in: Journ. of the Ancient Orient Soc. 93, 1974,

446-461; P.M. Brat, The Pottery of Tyre, 1978, 37-41; C.EpsTEt, Palestinian BW, 1966.

R.D.

actual chariot races, teams of two were used for mule (7oth Olympiad), horse (93rd Olympiad) and foal races

(128th Olympiad) of the Olympic Games and for horse

Bidens Term for those ruminants that at second dentition had both middle incisors in the lower jaw replaced by larger teeth at the age of 1 1/4 to 2 years (Paul. Fest. 4,17). Servius describes just such sheep as preferred sacrificial animals (Serv. Aen. 6,39: mactare praestiterit ... lectas ex more bidentes, ‘it would be better to slaughter ... bidentes selected as prescribed by custom’; later Isid.

In the Etruscan-Italian region bigae have also been passed down in fragments and models; the representations in art (e.g. Tomba delle Bighe and Tomba delle Olimpiadi, Tarquinia, and Tomba del Colle, Chiusi, with the depiction of chariot accidents) show them as

Orig. 12,1,9; cf. Serv. Aen. 4,57).

chariots for races, warfare and the hunt. As war chari-

+ Ruminants

ots, bigae went quickly out of fashion so the later description of Celts fighting from the bigae (e.g. Diod. Sic. 5,29f.) appears an anachronism. The same applies to the Cyrenaic Greeks and Seleucid armies with their battle chariots in the 4th and 3rd cent. BC (> War chariot). In the art of the period, various beings become team

NEHRING, Jb. fiir class. Philol., 1893, 64ff.; E.NORDEN, Vergils Aeneis, 6. Buch, 1903 (repr. 1957), 132.

C.HU.

Bidental Name of a place struck by lightning which therefore became an object of procuratio prodigii. Ancient etymologists explain that bidental is based on the sacrifice of a two-year-old sheep, a bidens (Non. 53,22

races of the > Panathenaea (cf. the Delian mosaic [3]).

animals (Cervidae, Eros, Centaurs, lions, Pan, panther, satyrs etc., on an Apulian Cantharus even tortoise and

places struck twice (bis) by lightning (Ps.-Acro and Porph. ad Hor. Ars P. 471) or double-forked lightning

hare [2]), although functionally there are hardly any differences to trigae or quadrigae to be discerned. In Roman art, on the other hand, quadrigae were reserved for the god Sol, bigae for the astral deities Luna,

(schol. ad Pers. 2,27). The latter explanation which

Aurora, as well as Venus, and trvigae were reserved for

regards the term as a translation from the Etruscan [x. 137; 2], is today considered to be correct [3; 4.96]. Because of the ‘burial’ (Ps.-Acro and in inscription) of the lightning the place was held to be > religiosus (Fest. p. 82; cf. also p. 30); no one was allowed to enter the site (presented differently in schol. Pers. 2,27; Amm. Marc. 23,5,12) and it was blocked off (Sid. Apoll. Carm. 9,193). The sacrificial ritual was usually carried out by the > haruspices (Pers. 2,26 with schol. 26f.; cf. Apul. de deo Socr. 7 and Sid. Apoll. Carm. 9,193), but also by

the gods of the underworld (Tert. De spectaculis 9; Isid. Orig. 18,36,1, Cassiod. Var. 3,51,6 and more). As rac-

M; Fest. p. 30; Ps.-Front. diff.; GL 7,523,30), or on

ing chariots the bigae were, however, important, even if the races with quadrigae were better received. At the opening of the /udi circenses the > praetor responsible for holding the games rode into the circus in a splendid biga (Plin. HN 34,19f.; cf. Juv. 10,36f.; 9,195, see also marble bigae in Rome, MV, Helbig, 1 no. 507). The invention of the bigae, like that of the other chariots, probably occurred in the course of the spread of the

641

642

horse and the use of animals as draught animals. Considering the early monuments, it is not very likely that Plin. HN 7,207 was right that bigas primas iunxit Phrygum natio, quadrigas Ericthonius. + Wagon, Praetor, Circus II 1K.Kiuian, Zur Darstellung eines Wagenrennens aus spatmykenischer Zeit, in: MDAI(A) 95, 1980, 21-31 fig.

1-2 pl. 9-10.

2E.Rysrept, Die Wagenfriese der atti-

schen geometrischen Keramik, in: OpAth 18, 1990, 177183 fig. 1-4. 3 Délos XIX, 1972, 264 no. 234 fig. 16 pl. B 3 mit Panathendischer Preisamphora. 4 K.SCHAUENBURG, Eros und Reh auf einem Kantharos der Kieler Anti-

ken-Sammlung, in: JDAI 108, 1993, 241 fig. 40-1. J. Wiesner,

Fahren

und Reiten, ArchHom

I F, 1968;

E. WoytowitscH, Die Wagen der Bronze- und friihen Eisenzeit in Italien, 1978; I. WEILER, Der Sport bei den Volkern der alten Welt, 1981; F. Borrant, La B. etrusca di Castro, in: Antiqua 12, 1987, no. 5-6, 84-91; A. DoNaTI, La B. di Mondaino, in: AnnMacerata 21, 1988, 63-68; K.TANckE, Wagenrennen, in: JDAI tos, 1990, 95-127.

RH.

Bigatus Ancient term (Plin. HN 33,46; Fest. p. 98 and 347B; Tac. Germ. 5; Liv. 23,15,15; 34,10,4. 7) for the denarius, with a carriage depicted on the reverse carrying a deity (Diana, Hercules, Luna, Victoria i.a.). In Livy (33,23,7- 93 34,46,12; 36,21,11), a synonym for denarius (argentum bigatum). Current opinion has the

first bigatus coins minted from 189/180, and the last around 42 BC. ~ Denarius R. THomsEN, Early Roman Coinage. A Study of the Chronology, 1-3, 1957-61, s.v. Bigatus; RRC?*, 613f., 630.

A.M.

Bigerriones Tribe in the northern foreland of the Pyrenees (Caes. B Gall. 3,27), province of Aquitania, later Novempopulana; called Begerri in Plin. HN 4,108, later Bigerri. Their most important centre was Bigorra or Begorra (Notitia Galliarum 14,11), possibly modern Cieutat, thus the modern name Bigorre. Epigraphical evidence: CIL XIII, 383-396, 11014-11017. DESJARDINS, 2, 363, 368.

E.FR.

Bilbilis Celtiberian settlement on the Cerro de Bambola near Calatayd (province of Zaragoza); its name is possibly derived from the river Birbilis (Just. Epit. 44,38), an alternative name for the Salo, or the name of one of its tributaries. In Roman times, the road from Augusta [2] Emerita to Caesaraugusta passed through B. It is a matter of debate whether B. was a > colonia or a > municipium. It is the birthplace of Martial, who extolled the wealth of his homeland. The town fell into ruin in late Roman times (Paul. Nol. Epist. 2,221-238). M. Martin

Bueno,

B., in: W.TRILLMICH,

(ed.), Die Monumentalisierung

P.ZANKER

hispanischer Stadte zw.

Republik und Kaiserzeit, 1990, 219-2393 TOVAR 3, 383f.

P.B.

BILINGUAL INSCRIPTIONS

Bilingual inscriptions A. DEFINITION _B. ANCIENT East (MIDDLE East AND EGypt) C. MEDITERRANEAN AND EARLY CLASSICAL ASIA MINOR

A. DEFINITION Bilingual inscriptions (or ‘bilingues’) are inscriptions that present the same text in two languages so as to be comprehensible to different readerships. Thus, bilingual inscriptions (BI), with closely corresponding texts, are distinguished from others in which one of the texts only summarizes the other. — ‘Quasi-BI’ do indeed differ in their text format but treat the same subject matter or the same personalities. BI are only such

texts as are composed contemporaneously for the same reason and purpose and (generally) transcribed on the same writing medium. This excludes later translations. In several cases bi- and trilingual inscriptions have enabled modern DECIPHERMENT of scripts and reconstruction of their languages, as in B.b,d,h,k; C.a-i; oth-

ers, e.g. the hieroglyphic Luwian-Phoenician from + Karatepe or the Lycian-Greek-Aramaic > trilingual inscriptions from Letoon, have corroborated and extended an already successful decipherment. B. ANCIENT East (MIDDLE EAST AND EGYPT)

In the ancient East, along with BI on publicly accessible monuments with display functions, there existed bilingual inscriptions on clay tablets that for the most part served scholarly or cult purposes. 1. Mesopotamia: only Sumerian-Akkadian BI are known to have come from Mesopotamia, the oldest from the 24th cent. BC, attested in copies from the 18th cent. BC (and also royal inscriptions with a Sumerian or Akkadian version on different writing media); most of these are rituals, especially magic rituals, cult lyrics and, ona much smaller scale, mythological texts — from the rst millennium, many of these from the library of + Assurbanipal or from > Uruk (7th to 4th/3rd cents. BC) [15. note 1]. Worthy of special comment is a Sumerian-Akkadian BI in Greek script [15. note 2] (1st cent.

BC ~ Graeco-Babyloniaca). The two versions are arranged interlinearly, with the Akkadian following the Sumerian. The Akkadian text is mostly indented; occasionally — often in smaller writing — inserted directly into the continuing Sumerian text. The translations are frequently idiomatic, in a number of cases more of a commentary on the Sumerian text [15]. Where the languages, especially Sumerian and Akkadian, happened to coincide, this was indicated with lisan mithurti ‘corresponding language(s)’. — The extent to which the very numerous Sumerian-Akkadian vocabularies, in existence from the 18th to the sth cents. BC, may be considered BI is a matter of definition (> Glossography). 2. Asia Minor in the 2nd millennium BC: the bilingual inscriptions found in the Hittite capital > HattuSa are, as a type, probably borrowed from Mesopotamia. This is suggested by Sumerian-Akkadian

643

644

imports (i.a. cult lyrics, invocations) [13. 792-819]. The Akkadian and Hittite versions of the annals of HattuSili I[13. 4] anda Babylonian hymn to [Star [13. 312] have in each case been transmitted on separate clay tablets. Otherwise BI from HattuSa are not interlinear as in Mesopotamia but arranged in parallel columns; this is the case with Hattic-Hittite (> Asia Minor, langvages) building rituals, a mythical tale [13. 727-31] and Hurrian-Hittite rituals [8. no. 40-45], as well as a story with a historical background [17]. In the last of these the text is presented ona tablet in parallel columns initially but then in sections running across the width of the tablet, a writing practice that is also evident in an Akkadian-Hurrian BI from — Ugarit ({7. 163-171], also on translation technique). From the HattuSa archives we have numerous > international treaties with vassal and neighbouring states, each in an Akkadian and Hittite copy, as also the Akkadian version of the treaty between Hattusili II] and ~ Ramses II (1270 BC), while the Egyptian version is to

[4. 50f.]. A Hebrew-Sabaic dedicatory inscription from south Arabia (+ Sabaei) is known (c. AD 380/400) [6].

BILINGUAL INSCRIPTIONS

be found ona

stele in the temple of Karnak (> Thebes) [TUAT 1. 143-153]. The originals were mostly written on tablets of silver or bronze. 3. Urartu: two Akkadian-Urartian royal inscriptions on steles (still im situ today, south-west of Lake Urmia) involve dedicatory inscriptions of the Urartian rulers ISpuini and Menua (c. 815-807 BC) [11. no. 9], as well as Rusa I (c. 732-714 BC) in the case of the so-called Kelisin stele on a mountain pass at a height of 2860 m [11. no. 122] (> Urartu).

4. Syria and Arabia. From north Syria (— Ebla, 3rd millennium; > Ugarit, 2nd millennium) we have nu-

merous bi- and trilingual vocabularies in the Mesopotamian tradition. Aramaic-Akkadian royal inscriptions from the rst millennium, on steles from Feherije [1] and + ArslantaS [21. 87 no. 3] (9th/8th cents.) as well as orthostates from > Karatepe (hieroglyphic Luwian and Phoenician, 8th cent.) [14. 365f.] are known. The coexistence of peoples with regionally differentiated forms of Aramaic, Arabic and Old Southern Arabic in Syria and Arabia, as well as the growing influence of Greek as official language in the Eastern Roman Empire, led to a multiplicity of BI of different types and functions. From the Atargatis-Hadad temple in Dura Europos we have a Greek-Aramaic dedicatory inscription (KAI no. 257), from > Palmyra Greek-Palmyrene statue-, dedicatory- and grave-inscriptions. [4] (1st-3rd cent. AD). Among the Greek-Nabataean stele-, buildingand dedicatory- inscriptions [5. 13f.; 25; 46] a dedicatory inscription (c. AD 165) to the emperors Marcus

Aurelius and L. Aurelius Verus from north-west Arabia (south-west of Tabuk) deserves mention [16]. Nabataean-North Arabic (Safaitic or Thamudic) BI from the tst/2nd cents. AD were found in Jordan ([12. rr1f.] for further Safaitic-Palmyrene and Greek inscriptions), viz. near Hegr (Mada’in Salih) roo km west of + Thema (AD 267) [5. 38f.]; for two Hasaitic-Aramaic

BI see

[r9. 117] (> Arabic) and for an Old Arabic-Greek building inscription from Harran (AD 568) see

A stele of King Ezana (4th cent. AD) was found in the Ethiopian Axum with a BI in Greek and Ge‘ez (> Ethiopian), the latter partly in Sabaic and partly in Old Ethiopian script [2. r90f., 270]. Numerous Greek-Syrian inscriptions, often on mosaics, are to be found in Syrian monasteries, see i.a. [18] (AD 228/9).

5. Iran and India. The inscriptions of the Achaemenids are deliberately > trilinguals (Old Persian-Elamite-Akkadian; > Bisutun); along with some Old Persian-Elamite bilinguals of Darius I [10. DM, DSi], as well as Old Persian-Akkadian bilinguals of Darius 1, Xerxes I and Darius II [ro. DSo, XPf, D2b]. The inscriptions of the Sassanids are mono-, bi- (Middle Persian-Parthian) or trilingual (Middle Persian-ParthianGreek) (+ Sassanids); noteworthy is a Parthian-Greek BI from Seleuceia on a Hercules statue commemorating the reconquest of Characene in AD 151 [3]. Belonging to the stone inscriptions of the Indian king > Asoka (middle of the 3rd cent. BC [20. 168ff.] is a Greek- Iranian Aramaic BI from the vicinity of Kandahar (Afghanistan) with a religious proclamation. Both versions translate an original Indo-Aryan text, in which the Aramaic, intended for the Iranian Kambojas, more closely follows the original. Its use continues the practice of the Achaemenid chanceries. Likewise from Kandahar comes an Iranian Aramaic-Indo-Aryan BI of Agoka’s. 6. Egypt: in the Late Period in Egypt there are to be found Central Egyptian BI (Late Middle Egyptian — in hieroglyphs — and > demotic BI — in demotic script). It is debatable whether texts in different forms of Egyptian language and script, or of different levels of language development, together with a Greek version (in the Ptolemaic or Imperial period), should be termed trilinguals (+ Rosetta stone; Canopus decree) or BI [9]. 1 A. ABou-AssafF, et al., La statue de Tell Fekherye, 1981

2 E. BERNAND et al., Recueil des inscr. de l’Etiopie des périodes pré-axoumite et axoumite, 1991 3 P. BERNARD, Journ. des Savants, 1990 ~=—4,J. CANTINEAU, Inscr. palmyréniennes, 1930 5 J. CANTINEAU, Le Nabatéen, 1932

6 R.DEGEN, W.W.

MULLER, Neue Ephemeris f. semit.

Epigr. 2, 1974, 118-123 7 X.D1jKTRA, Ugarit-Forsch. 25, 1995, 16-171 8 V.Haas, I. WEGNER, Corpus d.

hurrit. Sprachdenkmialer I/5, 1988

9 J. Horn, s.v. BI, in

AL 7

Old Persian,

no o2sea=8

11 F.W.

Konic,

10R.Kent, Hdb.

der chaldaischen

1953

Inschr., 1955

12 F. KHRAYSHEH, Eine safait.-nabata. B. Inschr. aus Jordanien, in: Arabia felix (= FS W.W. Miiller), 1994, 109114 13 E.LAROcHE, Catalogue des textes hittites, 1971 14 M. Marazz1, Il geroglifico anatolico, 1990 =—«15 S.M.

Mau, Kiichensumer. oder hohe Kunst der Exegese? Uberlegungen zur Bewertung akkad. Interlineariibers. von Emesal-Texten, AOAT 247, 1997 (in the press, with literature)

16 J.T. MIuik, in: Bull. of the Instit. of Arch.,

10, 1972, 54-57.

17 E. Nev, Stud. zu den Boghazkéy-

Texten, 32,1996 1983, 263-267

18 K.PARLASCA, Damaszener Mitt. 1, 14D.Porrs, in: J.-F.SALLEs (ed.),

Arabie Orientale, Mésopotamie et Iran méridional, 1984 20 R.ScuMitTT, Indogermanica et Caucasica (FS K.H.

645 Schmidt), 1994, 168ff.

Arslan-Tash, 1931.

646 21 F. THUREAU-DANGIN

et al.,

BILLAEUS

1 I.-J. ADIEGO-LajaRA, Stud. Carica, 1993

2 C. BRIXHE,

JRE.

G, NEUMANN, Die griech.-sidetische B. von Seleukeia, in:

C. MEDITERRANEAN AND EARLY CLASSICAL Asta MINOR A Phoenician-Greek BI (beginning of the 4th cent.

Kadmos 27, 1988, 35-43 3 J.-B. CHaBor, Recueil des Inscr. libyques, 1940 4 L.GALAND, Inscr. libyques, 1966 5 E. Kauinxa, Tituli Lyciae lingua Lycia conscripti, 1901 6 G. NEUMANN, Die sidetische Schrift, in: ASNP, Ser. III vol. 8, 1978, 869-886 7 W.ROLLIG, Neue Ephemeris

BC) was found at Idalium (Cyprus), in the form of a

statue-dedication to the god Re&ef Mikal (Greek Apollo) (MASSON no. 220). The Greek text is written in the Cypriot syllabary. The composer, a Phoenician prince, gave his own language precedence in the text (for two other Phoenician-Greek BI see Masson no. 215 and 216). In the Lydian-Aramaic bilingual grave inscription from Sardes (middle of the 4th cent. BC; KAI no. 260), the text composed in official Aramaic is clearly secondary (for Aramaic-Greek BI from Asia Minor and Grusinia see KAI no. 262, 265 and 276).

Several Lycian-Greek BI are to be found on graves from 4th cent. BC Lycia [5]. In [5. no. 6, no. 25] and perhaps also [5. no. 45] there is a highly accurate equivalence, in [5. no. 143], by contrast, the Greek text simply names the grave’s occupant, whereas the Lycian gives detailed information. On the stele of Xanthus [5. no. 44] a 12-line Greek epigram picks up some details from the record of achievements that was composed in Lycian A. Two short Sidic-Greek BI from the Hellenistic period were found in > Side (Pamphylia) [7], another in Seleucia [2]. The epichoric texts are each shorter, while the text from Seleucia was perhaps only a later addition. Fragments of Greek-Carian BI are known from several Carian cities, Caunus and Athens [1]. On some graves in Egyptian Saqqara there appear hieroglyphic Egyptian as well as Carian texts; many mention the same people [1]. Three Greek-Phoenician grave steles were found in Thessaly near Demetrias (4th/3rd cents. BC) [7. 1-5]. Worthy of mention is a Minaic-Greek BI from Delos (c. 200 BC; > Ancient Southern Arabic). Three gold strips from the 5th cent. BC were found in Etruscan > Pyrgi one containing a Phoenician text, the other two Etruscan texts (ET II 40, CR 4.4 4.5). The longer Etruscan text corresponds in content, but not literally, to the Phoenician. A ruler of Caere donates a place of worship and votive image to Astarte (Etruscan Uni). The cultural influence of Carthage is at play here. Meagre Latin-Etruscan BI are to be found occasionally; in addition, a Latin-Punic in Sardinia (CIL X 7513 in Sulci), and Latin-Gallic in southern France (CIL XII

3044 in Ager Lemovicum; CIL XIII 1452 in Nimes, etc.). Numidian (Old Berber)-Punic building inscriptions (2nd cent. BC) have turned up from, 1.a., + Thugga (Africa minor) [3. no. 1-3] (> Berber). The Numidian-Latin BI [3; 4; 8] are not extensive enough to

decipher the Numidian text. Latin-Greek BI are widespread in the graecopohone East of the Roman Empire, e.g. on Delos. The extensive > Monumentum Ancyranum provides the index rerum gestarum of Augustus in a Latin original and an accurate Greek version. Other copies give either just the Latin or just the Greek text.

fiir semitische Epigr. 1, 1972

8 J.N. ZAVADOVSKI, in:

VDI 146, 1978, 3-25

ILS I 2, 874f.; W. LARFELD, Griech. Epigraphik, 31914,

123.

GN.

Bilingualism see > Multilingualism Bilingual vases Attic vases from the transition period between black-figured and red-figured painting styles (last quarter of the 6th cent. BC); pictures in both painting styles are juxtaposed with each other. It was almost exclusively type A belly amphorae and cups (— Pottery, shapes and types of) that were painted as bilingual vases (BV). With belly amphorae both pictures occasionally show the same subject matter (e.g. the belly amphora of the > Andocides Painter in Munich [SA 2301] with a

reclining Hercules). The eye cups mostly have a blackfigured inner picture and red-figured outer pictures. An exception is the bowl of the Andocides Painter in Palermo (Mus. Arch. Reg. V 650), the outer side of

which is painted half in black-figure and half in red-figure. The most important painters of BV were, apart from the Andocides painter, > Psiax (belly amphorae), — Epictetus and > Oltus (eye cups). Generally painters painted both the red-figured and the black-figured pictures; in the case of Andocides, however, that is disputed. B. COHEN, Attic Bilingual Vases and Their Painters, 1978;

M.Rosertson,

The Art of Vase-Painting in Classical

Athens, 1992, 9-18.

Bilistiche

(Buotiyn;

LW.

Bilistiché). Daughter

of Philo,

from a Macedonian family that originated in Argos; won Olympic contests in 268 and 264 BC with young horses, in 251/50 kanephoros to > Arsinoe II 3 Philadelphus, (deified?) mistress of Ptolemy II. Mother of Ptolemy Andromachou (?). A. CAMERON, Two Mistresses of Ptolemy Philadelphus, in: GRBS 31, 1990, 287-311; HM 3, 589; O. Masson, Ono-

mastica Graeca Selecta 2, 1990, 467ff.

W.A.

Billaeus (Buddatoc; Billatos). One of the longest rivers in Asia Minor (c. 330 km), rises in the Koroglu Daglari in east Bithynia. Its course to the east, now Gerede Cay, leads to the vicinity of high Olgassys in Paphlagonia. Here it curves to the north-west and flows (now Soganli Suyu) through a narrow valley with a great many Paphlagonian rock graves, until it debouches near Karabuk into a basin (probably the Potamia countryside: Str. 12,3,41) and receives the influx of the Arac¢ Cay. Then it

647

648

digs a deep gorge through the mountain chain near Yenice (in the part called Yenice Irmak) and runs as the river forming the boundary between Paphlagonia and Bithynia down into green hilly country towards Tios (now Hisar6nii), where it debouches into the Black Sea. Today only the last section formally retains the ancient name of Filyos, which is nevertheless used by villagers even upstream. The river-god and the nymph —> Sardo have been depicted on coins in the city Tios from the time of the Antonines.

Binio A double-sided aureus minted from about AD

BILLAEUS

L. Ropert, A travers |’Asie Mineure, 1980, 176-183; CH. Marek, Stadt, Ara und Territorium in Pontus-Bithynia

und Nord-Galatia, 1993, pl. 5, 8, 12.

210 with a weight of around 1ro—r15 g; replaced by the double-sided solidus after the Constantine coin reform (AD 310).

+ Aureus; > Medaillon; > Coinage reforms; — Solidus F. Kenner, Der rom. Medaillon, in: NZ 19, 1887, 1-173 especially 13-27; F. GNeccut, I medaglioni romani, 1912; K.MENADIER, Die Miinze und das Munzwesen bei den Scriptores Historiae Augustae, in: Zf{N 31, 1914, I-§44

especially 9-12; SCHROTTER, s.v. Binio, 75; J.M. C. ToynBeE, W.E. Metcar, Roman Medaillons, 1986, especially 22-24. AM.

C.MA.

Biographical novel see > Novel Billienus, C. The Roman proconsul B. was privately honoured c. t00 BC on > Delos by a marble statue in armour, with a plinth in the form of the bow of a ship (height c. 23 5 cm), placed in front of the east wall of the Stoa of > Antigonus [2] Gonatas. It was found in situ

Biography

during the French excavations in 1909, its arms, head

A. DEFINITION

and left lower leg missing. Today the name B. is associated with the very first armoured statue to which a name can be ascribed with certainty.

C. ROMAN

J. Marcapé, Au Musée de Délos, 1969, 134, 329-333, pl. 75; K. TucHELT, Friihe Denkmaler Roms in Kleinasien (MDAI(Ist) 23. Suppl.) 1979, especially 88, 96-98. &.H.

Billon Silver alloy containing an admixture of more than 50 per cent copper and other base metals; whereas copper with very small proportions of silver is called white copper [1. 36]. Thinning out silver with copper is a common practice especially in late antiquity to balance the increased demand for currency [2. 4orff.]. + Antoninianus; — Inflation; + Coinage reforms; > Coins, decline in quality of 1G6BL

2 F.pe Martino, Wirtschaftsgesch. des alten

Rom, 1985.

A.M.

Bimater see > Dionysus

Bingium (Vingo), now Bingen/Bingerbriick. Settlement on the bend of the Rhine. Geographically important location in the territory of the > Vangiones (CIL XVII 2,675) on the bridge of the Rhine valley road over the Nahe where the Trier— Mainz route branches off. ~ Julius Tutor was defeated here in AD 70, and the bridge that he had pulled down (Tac. Hist. 4,70,4) was replaced around AD 77 as a pile grating (dendrochronologically confirmed; again c. 305); in the early rst cent. a garrison of several cohorts and later of legion

I. GREEK

IJ. ROMAN IV. LATER INFLUENCE

III. LATE ANTIQUITY

I. GREEK AND

PREHISTORY

B. HELLENISM

PERIOD

A. DEFINITION AND PREHISTORY Biography asa literary genre is the account of the life events of an individual human being; it gives voice to

the tendency to respect lifetime achievements and personal individuality as a meaningful unity. Biography has existed in this mould in Greek literature since Hellenism; the term for that is bios (Bioc; Bioyoadia, biographia is first used in Damascius, Vita Isidori = Phot. Bibl. Cod. 242, § 8, as nomen actionis: ‘biographical writing’, then Phot. Bibl. Cod. 181 for the text itself). The search for its origins leads further back [9; 12; 15]. Precursor forms and writers appear within other literary forms and then move from experiments in the genre (like Xenophon’s ‘Cyropaedia’) into Hellenistic biography. In terms of the history of ideas we proceed from the premise that the origin of biography is linked to the development of the concept of individualism. The most important elements of this prehistory are as follows: 1. Anecdotic interest in famous people. The ‘popular books’ about Homer and Hesiod (like the Certamen Homeri et Hesiodi, > Competition between Homer and Hesiod), -» Aesop, the > Seven Sages and

was guarded by milites Bingenses (Not. Dign. occ.

~ Archilochus date back te the 5th or 6th cents.; > Sappho’s life was surrounded by legend. > Scylax of Caryanda wrote about Heracleides, the tyrant of Mylasa (Suda, s.v. Skylax), and > Xanthus of Lydia about Empedocles (Diog. Laert. 8,63). > lon of Chios recounted anecdotes of experiences shared with famous men and - Stesimbrotus of Thasus composed a polemical work about Themistocles, Thucydides and Pericles. 2. Comprehensive assessments of prominent people inside historical works: as in Thucydides on Pericles (2,65), in Xenophon on Cyrus and on the commanders

AMin2/2))

murdered by the Persians (An. 1,9; 2,6). 3. > Encomia:

detachments. Re-walled in 359 (Amm. Marc. 18,2,4; Auson. Mos.1~-4), the site, then named Ving(i)o/Vinco,

G. NEUMANN,

s.v. B., RGA

3, 5-7;

G. RUPPRECHT,

Bin-

gen, in: H. Cuppers (ed.), Die Romer in Rheinland-Pfalz,

KDI.

as a prose genre introduced by — Isocrates (Evagoras), continued by > Xenophon (Agesilaus). Here a general

649

650

system of values is applied to one individual to demonstrate how exceptionally he measured up to them. 4. Socratic literature [6. 13-34]: > Socrates’ pupils saw his philosophizing as being very closely connected to his personality; their writings combine philosophical explanations with a depiction of Socrates’ character and fate. The previous categories (anecdote, assess-

+ encomium, ethical literature xegi Biv, philosophical and literary monographs (like Didymus, Meoi Anuoo0évouc), collections of anecdotes and apophthegms (> Apophthegma). With four authors named _ by + Hieronymus (Vir. ill., Praefatio) we are on firmer ground. 1. > Hermippus, who composed biographies in series (lawmakers, the Seven Sages, Pythagoras i.a.). 2. > Antigonus [7] from Carystos (philosophers). 3. ~ Satyrus (statesmen, philosophers and writers; Fragment POxy. 1176 froma biography of Euripides in dialogue form). 4. > Aristoxenus [1] of Tarentum, Aristotle’s pupils (Pythagoras, Archytas, Socrates, Plato). As he is the earliest of those mentioned he is considered to be the founder of Hellenistic biography. It is striking

ment, encomium)

here develop new

links, predomi-

nantly with dialogue structures. B. HELLENISM The history of biography since Hellenism has been fundamentally categorized by F.LEo [13] in terms of two propositions. 1. Two different types of biography, represented respectively by > Suetonius and > Plutarch can be distinguished: one in record-keeping style, set out according to subject matter, the other in essentially chronological narrative style. The former, Leo argues, was originally developed for literary personalities (e.g. as short biographies in collected works), and Suetonius was the first to take it into the political realm (emperors’ biographies). 2. Both forms are stamped with peripatetic influence: the former by the empirical method of collecting material that was to survive in the scientific approach of Alexandrian — philology, the latter by the Aristotelian concept of éthos (100c) [6. 57-87], according to which the d&getai (aretai) were trained for and reached their fulfilment in deeds, and

thus real-life situations. Thus depiction of character could become the focal point of the biography, and at the same time the life history (including youth and anecdotal matter) could be presented in fine detail. Qualifications have been frequently placed on LEO’s propositions. Their major weakness lies in the suggestion that the two forms enjoyed an unswerving development. The forms are just too varied for that to be so. > Satyrus’ Euripides-Vita showed that literary biographies did not always follow the Suetonian model. Nevertheless, from the 3rd cent. BC onwards there is a coherent, if variable genre of bios [10]. Its existence is demonstrated by > Dicaearchus’ daring adaptation of the concept: his Biog “EAAddo¢ (Bios Hellados) depicted the nature of Greekness in its cultural evolution by using the analogy of an individual’s characteristics in his development from childhood onwards. Biography is at least theoretically divorced from historical writing (Pol. 10,24; Plut. Alexander 1,2; Nepos, Pelopidas 1,1; see, however, [9. 61-68]). In biography there is no expectation of a detailed description of historical events and background. Even the demand for a critical investigation of the transmission seems to have been tenuous (see for instance Plut. Solon 27,1); and so legendary material could easily find a home. It retained a certain closeness to the encomium,

and intermediate

forms

were able to surface (e.g. > Polybius’ Life of Pelopidas). No complete biography has in fact come down to us from Hellenism, and it is often unclear in the titles and textual fragments that have been passed down whether or not it might be a case of one of the related text-forms:

BIOGRAPHY

that he often recorded detrimental detail (he has been

accused of malice). Biography has always been open to criticism, and indeed also for being sensationalist and scandal-mongering without firm evidence. An important trend is the compilation of a series. Apart from those already mentioned, — Neanthes of Cyzicus might also be cited; his Tegi £v8dEwv &vSoHv became a model for later De viris illustribus. With his Avadoyai tov dtAoodgwv > Sotion created the biographical history of the schools of philosophers. > Philodemus’ Dbvtakic tHV piroodgwv also belongs to this tradition; sections of it, dealing with the Academy and the Stoa, are preserved on papyrus. Satyrus and Sotion took extracts from > Heraclides Lembus and passed the material on to Diogenes Laertius. A series of royal biographies of the Ptolemies has become available in PHaun. 6. As far as themes are concerned, Hellenism, as a monarchical period, might well have been expected to produce a spate of royal biographies. That is not, however, the case; literary, philosophical and historical figures predominate. Collections of biographies are a compendiary source of educative knowledge (e.g. POxy. 1800). On the other hand there are scholarly and other highly informative works; these form the basis of many anonymous biographies of classical authors that have come down to us. Outstanding examples: ‘Life of Sophocles’, the ‘Vita Marciana’ of Aristotle, the ‘Marcellinus-Vita’ of Thucydides, the Vitae X oratorum of Ps.-Plutarch.

C. ROMAN PERIOD The extant material becomes broader in the Roman period. Some groups in overview. 1. Political biography: large parts of a biography of Augustus by > Nicolaus of Damascus are extant; it tends to be encomiastic

but has significant historical content. The categories for assessing personality are Aristotelian. — Plutarch’s parallel biographies are the highlight of the genre. The juxtaposition of Greeks and Romans probably goes back to

Roman

models

(- Varro,

Imagines;

Cornelius

+ Nepos); it now fits into the context of a regaining of Greek self-confidence after accepting Roman domination. There is a rhetorical origin to the structural pattern of comparison. Plutarch seeks to carve out homogeneous characters: his impressive use of narrative material — historical and private actions, anecdotes,

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childhood history — all reveal the Aristotelian éthosconcept in the background. He has only a limited grasp of character development [6. 81-87]. His biographical skill lies in particular in bringing it all to life: in his imagination he was communicating with his cast (Plut. Aemilius 1) and he was able to convey that impression to his readers. His goal was didactic effect through paradeigmata; and, where appropriate, to give a warning

II]. ROMAN The preliterary > laudatio funebris and the tituli of ancestors probably deeply influenced the Roman way of looking at a person’s life: the emphasis on family descent, honores and dignitas, res gestae and mores. However, writings that are entirely devoted to a respectful commemoration should be categorized as laudatio (corresponding to the Greek encomium) and distinguished from biography. In that category belong,

BIOGRAPHY

(Demetrius 1; Sertorius ro). 2. In rhetoric, biographical series were written in the philosophical style: > Philostratus and > Eunapius, Vitae sophistarum. They were aimed less at the past and fixed instead on prominent contemporary figures. 3. For scholarly lives and the corresponding short versions, see above; > Hesychius of Miletus arranged an encyclopaedic collection; the + Suda-Lexicon drew on it substantially. 4. Biographies of philosophers: the scholarly historical model is represented by - Diogenes Laertius, who revamped tradition in great breadth and combined biography with > doxography. In biographies of philosophers, life is generally expected to match teaching. Especially in the biography of Pythagoras (Aristoxenus, Apollonius of Tyana, extant: Porphyrius, Iamblichus), this leads to edifyingly instructive works. In the Neoplatonists the tri-level grading of virtues becomes the dominant motif (> Porphyrius: Plotinus; ~ Damascius: Isidorus; > Marinus: Proclus). A primarily religious biography like that of Apollonius of Tyana by > Philostratus can also be grouped with the Pythagoras biographies. Other biographies of Oetot &vdees (thetoi andres) like those of > Philo (Abraham, Joseph, Moses) and —> Gregorius of Nyssa (Moses) are related. The biography of > Mani (Cologne Manicodex) also belongs here. 5. Christianity: the view that the — Gospels belong to the genre of biography was challenged by R.BULTMANN but is now becoming more and more accepted [4]. Accounts of early Christian martyrdoms, on the other hand, hardly fit into the genre. The biography of Origen in the 6th book of > Eusebius’ Church History has features of the scholarly but also religiously coloured biography of philosophers [5. 69-101]. Notwithstanding the rich historical content, Eusebius’ Vita Constantini should, by contrast, be placed in the category of > Panegyric. > Athanasius wrote a biography of the abbot Antonius; in the west it was circulated in Latin translations. The pattern of Oeiocg vio (theios anér) is still discernible in it: his progress and the development of his talents, his activities (with tales of miracles and educative passages), fulfilment and recognition

in death [x1]. Attempts, though, to link this biography to a specific, formal model (Plutarchian biography, Pythagoras-biography, aretalogy) have not been successful. Instead, it created a new model, in keeping with its times, that in its approach and presentation put its stamp on many religious vitae of the following period, in particular a large number of monks’ vitae. A collection of monks’ vitae known to us is the Historia Lausiaca of > Palladius.

H.GO.

for instance, the works of Arulenus Rusticus and Her-

ennius Senecio that cost the authors their lives under Domitian (Tac. Agr. 2,1). Some writings of the rst cent.

BC, recounting the lives of people who had just died and obviously forming part of the political polemic in the Caesar period, may be regarded as the oldest instances of Roman biography; the authors are L. Voltacilius Pitholaus (Pompey), L. Cornelius Balbus (Caesar), C. Oppius (Caesar, Cassius, a historical biography of the older Scipio), Varro (Pompey), Tiro (Cicero). Classifying them as either laudatio or biography is hardly possible. The first compilers of series of biographies in the style of De viris illustribus were (according to Jer. Vir. ill., praef.) > Varro (with the highly original Imagines), Santra, Nepos and Hyginus. Parts of the great work of Cornelius — Nepos are extant; like Varro, he treated Greeks as well as Romans and stood firmly in the Greek tradition of the genre. Among the extant sections is the biography of his friend Atticus, to whom the work was dedicated; its first version was written while the subject was still living. ~ Suetonius is the leading figure in the imperial period. Even here, though, only parts are extant from a major work De viris illustribus: De grammaticis et rhetoribus and, a most effective grouping, De vita Caesarum. The vitae of the emperors are the most influential example of biographies that order their material not chronologically but according to the subject matter. (The framework is admittedly chronological: origins and birth, life up to the time of taking office, then the rubricating section, and at the end the emperor’s death.) Just which structural traditions had influence there has been an issue of lively debate since LEo [13]. Suetonius narrates in a highly sober tone, uses extensive sources, and incorporates derogatory material and even gossip. Character portrayal is left in the background. The unadorned richness of detail constitutes the charm of reading it. Suetonius’ reception shows that he had created a milestone in the history of the genre: although unquestionably a series of biographies, his work was received as a form of historical writing in keeping with its time. In that sense he had imitators in > Marius Maximus, > Aelius Iunius Cordus, > Aurelius Victor (and those who expanded his work) and in the > Historia Augusta. Even earlier there were forms that were intermediate between biography and historiography [7]: > Sallustius’ ‘Catilina’ and ‘Jugurtha’ are historical monographs with a strong biographical interest, > Tacitus’ Agricola is an encomiastic biography with an element of historiography. A biography in verse form: Phocas (5th cent.), Vita Vergilii.

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1G.J. M. BarTeink, De vroeg-christelijke biografie en haar grieks-romeinse voorgangers, Annalen van het Thijm-genootschap 45,3, 1957, 272-293 2 W.BerSCHIN, B. und Epochenstil im lat. Mittelalter, vol. I, 1986 3 I. Bruns, Das lit. Portrat der Griechen, 1896

4R.A.

BurripGe, What Are the Gospels? A Comparison with Graeco-Roman Biography, 1992 5 P. Cox, Biography in Late Antiquity. A Quest for the Holy Man, 1983

BIOGRAPHY

history of late antiquity (chariot racing, love spells). Of greater significance for the history of biography is Jerome’s Vita Malchi monachi captivi [1,1. 140-143]. It shows that by no means does the vita in late antiquity have to begin with the hero’s birth and conclude with his death or afterlife. Vita is for Jerome also a novelistic portrayal of an episode in a subject’s life. Moreover the

6 A. DIHLE, Studien zur griech. B., *1970, AAWG III 37 7 Id., Die Entstehung der histor. B., 1987, SHAW 1986,3

protagonist does not necessarily have to be a saint.

8 T.A. Dorey (ed.), Latin Biography, 1967 9 B. GenTILI, G.CeERRI, History and Biography in Ancient Thought, 1988 10 I. GALLo (ed.), Frammenti biografici

lifetime and, indeed, can be cast in the first person.

da papiri. vol. I, 1975; vol. Il, 1980 11K.HoL1, Die schriftliche Form des griech. Heiligenlebens, Neue Jbb. fiir Klass. Alt. 15, 1912, 406-427 (repr.: Gesammelte Aufsatze zur Kirchengesch. II, 31928, 249-269)

127T.Krr-

SCHER, Die Stellung der B. in der griech. Lit., in: Hermes 110, 1982, 51-64 13 F.LEo, Die griech.-rém. B. nach ihrer lit. Form, 1901, repr. 1990

14R.G. Lewis, Sue-

tonius’ “Caesares’ and their Literary Antecedents, ANRW II 33.5, 1991, 3623-3674 15 A.MoMIGLIANO, The Development of Greek Biography, 1971 (with a good bibliography) 16 D.R. Stuart, Epochs of Greek and Roman Biography, 1928 17 M.vAN UYTFANGHE, Hagiographie, RAC 14, 150-183 (with an extensive bibliography) 18 A. WESTERMANN (ed.), Vitarum scriptores Graeci minores, 1845. H.GO.

III. LATE ANTIQUITY

The four Gospels, which gained acceptance as ‘canonical’ in late antiquity, are biographies in a limited sense. They are all in two parts; the first part covers the teaching, the second, the passion story (passio). Only Luke, with the nativity story, provides a historical setting for the first part. The Acts of the Apostles has elements ofadouble biography, of Peter and Paul. On the whole, early Christianity was somewhat diffident about biographical accounts; characteristically, the apostolic biography (Passiones Apostolorum) that dates in part from the 2nd cent. AD, and the childhood-of-Jesus-gospels were categorized as apocryphal. The > Passio is the point of departure for Christian biography and boasts the most varied forms (court procedure, dramatization). Monastic biography begins with the translation from the Greek of the vita of > Antonius (365 or 370), followed immediately by the biographical writings of + Hieronymus. His Vita S. Pauli primi eremitae, composed in 376 and combining sensational and fairy tale fantastic themes, aims to show that Paulus of Thebes, and not Antonius, was ‘the first hermit’. Around 390 Jerome wrote two other lives of monks. The Vita S. Hilarionis has the hallmarks of the Antonius vita. Here Jerome places the father of Palestinian monasticism alongside the Egyptian superior. There was already a Greek > panegyric to Hilarius in the form of a letter from > Epiphanius of Salamis (tamen aliud est locis communibus laudare defunctum, aliud defuncti proprias narrare virtutes, c. 1). These virtutes, although partly ‘white magic’, are not without interest as a social

Finally, a vita can perfectly well be written in the hero’s

Some ofJerome’s letters are of value to the history of biography, viz. Epist. 1 as ‘profane acts of the martyrs’ and the series of portraits of women, especially Epist. 108 (Epitaphium S. Paulae) and 127 (De vita S. Marcellae). In addition, Jerome contributed to De viris illustribus [2] B. Even women play a part in the framework of monastic biographies. The Vita S. Melaniae senatricis (by Gerontius?) sheds light on the Latin cultural province of Palestine in the 5th cent. The vitae of saintly women penitents (Maria Aegyptiaca, Maria meretrix, Pelagia,

Thais) were translated early on from the Greek. They form part of the vitae patrum, originally almost entirely in Greek, in which the biographies are written to culminate in memorably pithy words (apophthegms) {1,1. 188-191]. The monastic life from the 6th cent. that is the most highly regarded today is the Commemoratorium vitae S. Severini by > Eugippius. Only after the passion of the martyrs and the biography of monks does a bishop’s biography make its appearance. Sulpicius Severus (died 411) published the Vita S. Martini during the lifetime of Bishop Martin of Tours; the dedicatory letter may be interpreted as an ars poetica of Christian writing and c. 1 likewise in terms of biography [3.359]. The anecdotally written [1 vol. 1. 212-224] Vita S. Ambrosii of the notarius Paulinus of Milan (412/413 or 422) contains a first canon of Christian biography; in the foreword dedicated to Augustine, Paulinus names as authorities: Athanasius (Evagrius), Jerome and Sulpicius Severus. The Vita S. Augustini by - Possidius (around 43 5) is the only Latin biography from the period of the Church Fathers to reflect classical models in its structure; like Suetonius

[5] Possidius separates the public life of his hero (c. 8-21) from the more private domain (c. 22-27); the

latter contains a forceful description, reminiscent of Nepos’ Atticus of everything that Augustine did not do. Only recent research [1 vol. 1. 231-232] has again focussed on the fact that the catalogue of Augustine’s works called Indiculum belongs to the vita and underscores its character as a biography of a writer. Hilarius of Arles (around 430), > Constantius of Lyon (around 475) and Cyprianus of Toulon with his co-authors (around 545) also wrote biographies of bishops that are important to the history of the biographical form. Along with Passion literature, biographies of monks and bishops, the biographies of emperors also played a certain role in late antiquity. The best known of Suetonius’ successors are the > Scriptores Historiae Au-

BIOGRAPHY

gustae; they wrote biographies of emperors from Hadrian to Carus and his sons (AD 117-284). Aurelius Victor offers in the Liber de Caesaribus a history of emperors from Augustus up to the year 360 in the form of short biographies; the > Epitome de Caesaribus wrongly ascribed to him, takes up from Augustus to the death of Theodosius the Great (395). It is interesting from the perspective of literary history that biographies of emperors consistently tend to fall into the category of biographical series. The pattern of Christian biography in the 6th cent. is in the mould of biographical series; the authors of the > Liber pontificalis, > Gregorius of Tours and > Gregorius the Great wrote series of biographies. > Venantius Fortunatus (died around 600) is the first Latin biographer to compose, on commission, biographies of bishops in the grand style; but his best prose work, the Vita S. Radegundis, he wrote on his own initiative and for love of a woman. 1 W. BeRSCHIN, Biography und Epochenstil im lat. MA, 3 vols., 1986-1991 lamo, Gli uomini

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2 A. CERESA-GASTALDO (ed.), Geroillustri. De viris illustribus, 1988

Biology I. GENERAL

II. History

I. GENERAL There is no term for biology either in Greek or in Latin. Biology was traditionally seen as belonging with » philosophy, though as a separate field of knowledge, part of @iooodia vomt/philosophia physiké, natural philosophy (+ Nature). This included zoology and botany (-> Plant and animal studies). Zoology had humanity as one of its themes, and so also touched on + medicine. The literary genres in which biological knowledge found expression were multifarious. Biology has its own pure specialist literature only at the beginning of its history; it later became the subject matter of a great variety of genres of primarily moral and entertaining intent. Il. History A. PRE-ARISTOTELIAN

BIOLOGY

B. ARISTOTLE

AND THEOPHRASTUS C.HELLENISM PERIAL PERIOD AND LATE ANTIQUITY

D. IM-

3 J. FONTAINE, Sulpice Sévére, Vie de Saint Martin, 3 vols., 1967-1969 4H.A. GARTNER, Die Acta Scillitanorum in lit. Interpretation, in: WS 102, 1989, 149-167 5 G.Luck, Die Form der suetonischen B. und die friihen

Heiligenviten, in: Mullus 230-241.

(FS Theodor Klauser),

1964, W.B.

IV. LATER INFLUENCE In the Middle Ages the forms of biography developed in late antiquity were refined and extended, in the East as well as the West, as also worldly-political biography and hagiography. The Vita Caroli Magni by Einhard deserves highlighting as a special case; it presupposes an accurate knowledge of Suetonius and ranks the Frankish emperor with the Caesars. In the late Middle Ages WALTER BurLEy with De vita ac moribus philosophorum carries on where Diogenes Laertius breaks off. The Renaissance grasped the ancient idea of personality anew and took it further [3. 1-19]. PETRARCH composed De viris illustribus (like Cornelius Nepos, Suetonius and Jerome). A growing appreciation of dis-

tinctive individuality and a feeling for the link between character and the course of one’s life are also expressed in numerous biographies by his contemporaries. Initially the Suetonian model dominates, later that of Plutarch [3- 35-43]. SHAKESPEARE’S characters are developed from the biographical portraits by Plutarch and HoLINSHED (who for his part is influenced by humanistic biography [2. 175, 188}]). > BIOGRAPHY 1 W.BERSCHIN, Biographie und Epochenstil im lat. MA, vol. 2, 1986, vol. 3,1988 21d. (ed.), B. zwischen Renaissance und Barock,

1993

3 A. Buck (ed.), Biographie und

Autobiographie in der Renaissance, 1983.

H.GO.

A. PRE-ARISTOTELIAN BIOLOGY Biology before - Aristotle [6] existed in the form of biological problems posed in philosophy, medicine and practical spheres such as > agriculture. With the > PreSocratics we find the beginnings of a scientific explanation of phenomena by means of unified principles, of which the most important were the four qualities of cold, warm, wet and dry (cf. > Elements, theories of the). > Alcmaeon [4] of Croton (c. 500 BC), for example, concluded by speculation that the brain was the seat of understanding (24 A 5 DK). Aristotle tells us that ~ Democritus [1] of Abdera (2nd half of the 5th cent. BC) gathered zoological facts (Aristot. Hist. an.

9,539,623). B. ARISTOTLE AND THEOPHRASTUS For Aristotle [6], the purpose of biological research was not only to collect substantial amounts of empirical material, but also to explain the existence of phenomena by making causal connections. With this combination of inductive and deductive methods he laid the foundations for biology as a theoretical science. His interest was predominantly in zoology. Aristotle emphasizes the relative ease with which the elements of biology may be recognized (Aristot. Part. an. 1,5,644b); this indicates that there existed a need to legitimize systematic scientific concern with living nature. Such a concern not only went counter to the Platonic conception of the primacy of > metaphysics and > mathematics: it is possible that it also confronted a feeling of contempt for natural research prevalent amongst the Athenian elite. His grounding in natural philosophy was basic to his theoretical classification of the empirical material. Of paramount importance were the theory of the four qualities — warm, cold, dry, wet — the theory of the four causes and the theory of motion

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(> Causality; > Motion). While the Historia animalium predominantly comprises empirical facts derived from first-hand experience, information from fishermen, shepherds, hunters and stockmen and from literature, De partibus animalium and De generatione animalium are devoted to aetiology. This thematic division corresponds to his scientific programme, and it follows that the gathering of facts has to come before aetiology. From time to time, Aristotle emphasizes the need to revise already established causal connections in view of new factual knowledge, as for example in the context of his theory of the origin of gender in bees (Aristot. Gen. an. 3,10,759aff.). Here is an excellent example of the way Aristotle arrived at a coherent theory on the

totelian conception the functions of plants are confined to growth and reproduction. As in the case of Aristotelian zoology, a systematic classification is absent.

basis of a wealth of material (Aristot. Hist. an. 5,21,

55345 9,40,624b). In his classification of animals Aristotle, based on a critique of Platonic dichotomy, preferred a definition of the individual species by means of many characteristics of equal status. He distinguished two main groups of ‘blooded’ and ‘bloodless’ animals, which he further differentiated into greater genuses, genuses and species. But he was interested less in the systematic taxonomic classification of the entire animal kingdom than in a comparative morphology of living things, and in this he became the founder of comparative > anatomy and physiology, above all in the spheres of procreation and genetics. Compared with modern conceptions, Aristotle posited a higher degree of commonality between animal and human. The hierarchic model contained in the socalled scala naturae (Aristot. Hist. an. 8,1,588bff.) rep-

resents a differentiated analysis of similarities and differences within the living world: the first level comprises the plants, which possess only the capacities of taking in nourishment and reproduction. Characteristic of animals are the additional capacities of awareness and motion. These are complemented in human beings by the capacity for rational thought. Contrary to a common modern misconception, Aristotle associated the scala naturae with a purely internal finality, corresponding to modern teleonomical conceptions, rather than with any cosmic teleology (> Purpose). Neither is the scala naturae connected with any concept of evolution, as Aristotle takes the immutability of species as granted. Aristotle’s [6] pupil > Theophrastus (371-287 BC) devoted himself to botany, where he combined inductive and deductive methods after the model of his teacher. He described some 550 plants, and in his evaluation of them in accordance with the procedures of Aristotelian zoology he was the founder of botanical morphology and physiology. If Theophrastus’ text Historia plantarum in its presentation of factual material corresponds with Aristotle’s Historia animalium, so his work De causis plantarum, concerning the reproduction and development of plants, can be equated with De generatione animalium. There is no textual equivalent of De partibus animalium, as according to the Aris-

BIOLOGY

C. HELLENISM In the field of biology after Aristotle and Theophrastus there was virtually no more autonomous scientific research, directed towards new empirical knowledge and concerned with the formation of theory. The grounds for this may lie in a certain scepticism as to the realizability of the Aristotelian scientific programme, but more probably in the anthropocentric bent of Hellenistic philosophy, predominantly represented as it was by > Stoicism and Epicureanism (> Epicurus), and to which biology belonged as a component of pvovxr (physiké, > Physics). This also explains the fact that now the question of the relationship between animals and human beings and an interest in out of the ordinary and curious animal behaviour came to the fore. This applies even to the > Peripatos, the school of Aristotle’s successors. A tendency now arose for biology to become the stuff of literature, in so much as it became a

component of texts whose purpose was non-specialist. Examples are the didactic poetry of > Nicander [4] of Colophon (3rd cent. BC), predominantly directed towards the aestheticization of a recondite subject, and paradoxographical literature (> Antigonus [9] of Carystus, 3rd cent. BC; > Paradoxograéphoi), which may have been designed i.a. to meet a heightened re-

quirement for entertainment. D. IMPERIAL PERIOD AND LATE ANTIQUITY

During the Principate biology remained a book science; an exception was the autonomous research of the doctor > Galen of Pergamum (AD 129 to c. 216). Biology became a component of elite general culture, and accordingly also the theme of various literary genres, calculated in the broadest sense to moralize and entertain, thus explaining the mix of scientific material and material of a paradoxographical nature. This applies as much to the encyclopaedic Naturalis historia of > Pliny [2] (AD 23/4-79) as to the De natura animalium of > Aelianus [2] (3rd cent. AD), which probably represents a piece of Stoic educational literature. During late antiquity traditional biological science became an element of genuinely Christian literary genres. To these belong the anthropologies of > Gregorius [2] of Nyssa (c. AD 335-394) and > Nemesius of Emesa (4th/5th cents. AD), but primarily Hexaemeron literature: priestly commentaries on the story of God’s > Creation of the world at the beginning of the OT book of Genesis, as written by > Basilius [1] of Caesarea (c. AD 329/30-379), Ambrosius (AD 340397) and > Augustine (AD 354-430). Zoological and botanical facts taken from paradoxigraphical as well as scientific sources are used in these writings as exemplars in the service of Christian paraenesis, either as proof of God’s care in his creation of the world or as the basis for exhortations to morally correct behaviour. Especially

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in the case of Basilius, however, a more profound biological interest appears to shine through, as for example demonstrated by his allusion to Aristotle’s classification of species (Basil. 8,3 = PG 29,169C-172A).

metaphysics and is really interested only in ethics, where he advocates independence and autarchy. In his view, happiness arises from the ability to adjust to circumstances and accept the lot given to us by fate. His philosophy appears to be a moderate form of kynismos, characterized by a more realistic and more practically oriented outlook on life than was the case with the first Cynics, and even by a certain opportunism. On the religious level he adopts the Cynics’ criticism of anthropomorphism, of praying to gods, of amulets, prophecy and mysteries, and tries to demonstrate how absurd the concept of impiety is. He was regarded as an atheist, mainly on the basis of the poem composed by Diogenes Laertius (4,54) that, in turn, is based on the rumour that before dying he made sacrifices to the gods, vowed to wear an amulet around his neck and renounced all the sacrilege that he had committed throughout his life. This > atheism, however, reflects a consistent tradition of hostility to B. that permeates this chapter by Diogenes Laertius. Two titles of B.’s work have been passed

BIOLOGY

+ Medicinal plants; > Medicine; > Nature; > Physics; + Plant and animal studies; > Science; NATURAL SCI-

ENCES 1J. ALTHOFF, Biologie im Hell., in: G. WOHRLE (ed.), Biologie, 1999, 155-180 2J.ALTHOFF, Warm, kalt, fliissig und fest bei Aristoteles, 1992 3 U. DIERAUER, Tier und Mensch im Denken der Ant., 1977. 4S. FoLLINGER, Die aristotelische Forsch. zur Fortpflanzung und Geschlechtsbestimmung der Bienen, in: W. KULLMANN, S.FOLLINGER (ed.), Aristotelische Biologie, 1997, 375385 5lId., Biologie in der Spatant., in: s. [1], 253-281

6 Id., Die ant. Biologie zw. Sachtext und christl. Predigt: Autoren, Rezipienten und die Frage nach dem lit. Genus, in: M. Horster, Cu. Reitz (ed.), Ant. Fachschriftsteller: Lit. Diskurs und Sozialer Kontext, 2003, 83-99 7 B. HerzHoFF, Das Erwachen des biologischen Denkens bei den Griechen, in: s. [1], 13-49 8 W. KULLMANN, Wiss. und Methode. Interpretationen zur aristotelischen Theorie der Naturwiss., 1974 9 Id., Aristoteles und die mod. Wiss., 1998 10Id., Aristoteles’ wiss. Methode in seinen zoologischen Schriften, in: s. [1], 103-123 11 Id., Zoologische Sammelwerke in der Ant., in: s. [1], 181-198

12 J. G. LENNox, The Disappearance of Aristotle’s Biology: A Hellenistic Mystery, in: T. D. BARNEs (ed.), The Sciences in Greco-Roman Society (Apeiron 27,4), 1994, 7-24 13 G. WoOurRLE, Theophrasts Methode in seinen

botanischen Schriften, 1985.

5. FO

Bion (Biwv; Bion).

[1] Of Borysthenes. Eclectic, peripatetic philosopher (c. 335-c. 245 BC) born in the city of Olbia at the river Borysthenes’ outlet into the Black Sea. Details of his life are known to us principally from Diog. Laert. 4,46-58: the son of a freedman selling pickled fish and a hetaera, he was at a young age sold into slavery with his family when his father evaded taxes. He was bought by a rhetor and received a rhetorical education; he later travelled to Athens and studied philosophy there, first at the Academy where Xenocrates and Crates of Athens were teaching (4,10; 4,51), then with the Cynics, the Cyrenaics (the atheist Theodoros, was his teacher) and

finally with the Peripatetics, particularly with Theophrastus (4,52). He moved from town to town and re-

ceived payment from his pupils; he also stopped in Rhodes and at the court of King Antigonus Gonatas in Pella, where he clashed with the two Stoic court philosophers Persaeus and Philonides (4,47). He died at Chalcis on Euboea. B. had many pupils but did not find any real successor (4,53); only one name has been trans-

mitted to us, namely that of the ‘Peripatetic’ Ariston (perhaps the Stoic Ariston [7] of Chios is meant: [x T 24]). B.’s writings influenced > Teles, Horace, Seneca, Epictetus and Plutarch. B. is no sophist but an Eclectic who was especially influenced by the > Cynics. He condemns any form of dogmatism in philosophy, strictly rejects theoretical speculation in the areas of natural philosophy, logic and

down to us: ‘On Slavery’ (IMeoi SovAeias; [1] T 9) and ‘On Anger’ (Ilegi tig Oeyiis; [1] T 10). In addition, he

left behind ‘a very large number of ‘Memoranda’ (bxouvnuata), and also apophtegms of useful content’ (Diog. Laert. 4,47 = [1 T 7]); Diogenes Laertius also mentions d.ateiBai (diatribai) ({1 T 8]) — both terms can cover the same type of work. The extant fragments of B.’s work are full of wit and keen satire. They also exhibit an extremely lively style that Eratosthenes compares to a hetaera’s clothing: ‘B. was the first to adorn philosophy in blossoms’ (Diog. Laert. 4,52). — Cynics; > Teles 1 J. F. KinDsTRAND, B. of Borysthenes. A Collection of the Fragments with Introduction and Commentary, 1976 L. Paquet, Les Cyniques grecs. Fragments et temoignages, *1988, 121-133.

M.G.-C.

[2] Bucolic poet. Nothing is known from ancient sources about the dates and pattern of B.’s life; on the basis of his birthplace, which the Suda 0 166 declares to be Phlossa near Smyrna, he is named ‘Smyrnaeus’ (Stob. 3,529,523 4,20,57; Schol. Anth. Pal. 9,440). The anonymous pupil or admirer who wrote the epitaph for B. in hexameters (transmitted in the bucolic corpus) deseribes him as Bovxddog (boukdlos) and Bovtys (bortes). Moreover, the schol. Anth. Pal. and Suda mention him as one of a triad of bucolic poets (Theocritus, Moschus

and B.) who were obviously widely read in the Byzantine period (this canon had still not been established, however, in the 5th cent. AD: cf. Serv. prooem. in Verg. Ecl. 3,7,2,15 THILO-HAGEN). Bovxodwxd (Boukolika) was also the title of a collection of B.’s poems, from which, in Anthologion, Stobaeus and Orion reproduced texts of B.’s of disputed authenticity. These 7 anoondopata (apospdsmata) of varying length (1-18

lines: some — like ro and 13 — are probably short, self-contained poems) and in hexameters, nevertheless show a more wide-ranging inspiration than the title suggests, because they cover two distinct thematic areas

661

662

— not only the bucolic-Theocritean (predominant in 5 and 16; also a great sensitivity for the rural environment in 2 and 13), but also the erotic. In some cases (cf. 9.10: Lycidas 11,4; ‘to me, who sing my pastoral song’) the erotic theme seems subordinate to the bucolic context,

as we usually find in the bucolic poet Theocritus. In poem 10, a form of poetic autobiography or poetic agenda, B. explains that he has had to ‘forget’ bucolic poetry in order to be able to write love poetry, and thus shows a clear awareness of the difference in subject matter (the poems following the change of theme are, significantly, termed ggwtvia, erotyla): the main theme of poems 3, 10, 13 and 14 is a non-bucolic eroticism rather reminiscent of [Theocr.] 19, Anth. Pal. 5,176180, and Anacr. 6,11,13. Characteristic also is the notion, expressed in 9, of love poetry as an exclusive

and ‘physically’ inescapable choice (the tongue refuses to sing of other gods and men as it can sing only of Eros and the beloved Lycidas): this motif that is typical of Latin love poetry in the rst cent. BC is, with the exception of the Anacreontica, extraordinarily rare in the texts from Greek-Hellenistic literature that are known to us. Indeed, chronologically, B. is most probably to be placed in the rst cent. BC (floruit in the rst half?) as was first postulated by BUCHELER in 1875 (before then the codices had wrongly ascribed the epitaph for B. to Moschus, and this led to B.’s being thought to have preceded Moschus). The epitaph to Adonis (98 hexameters) is a poem with a strongly mimetic quality; the codices transmit it anonymously (Ambros. 104, B 75 Sup. ascribes it to Theocritus). MEETKERCKE (1565) assigned it to B. The author urges Aphrodite to wake up and rush to the body of Adonis, who has been killed by a wild boar. He then describes the grief of Aphrodite and Nature and the funeral ceremony for Adonis. It is obviously a revival of the mimetic hymns of Callimachus (2, 5, 6), even if it disregards the link with archaic tradition: the essential aspects were varied, and ritual (the Adonia rites in this case) was replaced by ‘staging’ the myth on its foundation. Strong arguments in favour of attributing the epitaph for Adonis to B. — although not definitively so — are the various explicit echoes from the epitaph for Adonis in the epitaph to B., by means of which imitation the author was perhaps intending to pay homage to the author; and also the affinity between the hexameter verse structure and the anoondopnata of B. (clear preference for pure dactyls and as a consequence a very low number of metric schemes used). There is no solid evidence for ascribing the epithalamion of Achilles and Deidameia (anony-

BIRICIANA

diss. Leipzig 1937; M.FANruzzi, in: Materiali e discussioni per I’ analisi dei testi classici 4, 1980, 183-186 (Ger. trans. in: B. ErFe (ed.), Theokrit und die griech. Bukolik, 1986) (B. dnoondouata 9); F.BUCHELER, in: Jb. fiir class.

Philol. 9, 1863, 106-113 (epitaph for Adonis); V. A. EsTEVEZ, in: Maia 33, 1981, 35-42; R.J. H. MATTHEWs, in: Antichthon 24, 1990, 32-52; R. HUNTER, in: Materiali e discussioni per I’ analisi dei testi classici 32, 1994, 165— 168; F.MANAKIDOU, in: Prometheus 20, 1994, 104-118.

MFA.

Biottus A writer of comedies who is known to us only through inscriptions and who once won first prize in the comedy contest at the Athenian Lenaea [1. test. 3] and came third on each occasion in 167 and 154 BC at the great Dionysia [1. test. 1, 2]. From each of those last two contests only the title of B.’s entry is known (“The ignorant one ’, “The poet’). 1 PCGIV, 1983, 36.

H.-G.NE.

Biotus (Biotog; Biotos). Tragedian, from whose Medea

a fragment has been preserved. Possibly identical with the comedian — Biottus, who is mentioned in 167 and 155 BC in the Didaskaliai [1. 80}. 1U.v. WiLtaMow1Tz-MOELLENDORFF, 2 TrGF 205.

KS

4,

1962 FP.

Birch This northern and central European tree genus, of which there are also dwarf varieties (betulla or betulus, late Latin betula) is represented by only three species in Italy, among these the betula aetnensis that is native to Etna. Only the weeping birch (betula pendula = verrucosa) colonized the mountains of Greece and the Crimea. In Gaul (Plin. HN 16,75) the flexible twigs were used as weaving materials (cf. Plin. HN 16,176). CHU. Biremis {1] A ship with two oars (Sixwstoc; dikopos), Eur. Alc. 252 POl34,3 525 UCK8,5 655) 10556). [2] A ship with two protruding banks of oars, of different length, on the sides (duenc/dieres) and accordingly two synchronous

stroke patterns (dixeotoc/dikrotos).

Each oar was serviced by a galley convict (Caes. B Civ. 3,40,4). The Phoenicians were familiar with these ships of two banks of oars as early as around 700 BC. >» Ships A. NeuBuRGER, Die Technik des Alt., 1919, 503ff.; A. K6STER, Das ant. Seewesen, 1923, 98; KROMAYER/VEITH,

179.

C.HU.

mous in the Corpus Theocriteum) and P. Vind. Rainer

29801 to B. Ep.: A.S. F. Gow, Bucolici Graeci 1952; H. BeckBy, Die

griech. Bukoliker, 1975 (with translation and notes); M.Fantuzzi, B. Smyrnaei Adonidis Epitaphium, 1985 (Commentary.);

C.GaLLavorti,

Theocritus

quique

feruntur Bucolici Graeci, +1993 (Bionis Epitaphium, edn. w.

commentary:

V.MuMPpRECHT,

diss.

Bern

1974);

M. CaMpBELL, Index verb. in Moschum et B.em, 1987. LITERATURE:

W.ARLAND,

Nachtheokritische

Bukolik,

Biriciana Modern WeifSenburg in Bavaria. Large fort (5.1 ha.) of the ala I Hispanorum Auriana; nearby the fort ‘Breitung’ (3.5 ha.), possibly of the cohors LX Batavorum. Civilian settlement of more than 30 ha. in size, with restored thermal baths; magnificent treasure trove of the 3rd cent. AD. H.-J. KELLNER, in: W.Czsyz, K.D1erz, TH. FiscHER, Id.

(ed.), Die Romer in Bayern, 1995, 534-536.

K.DL.

BIRS NIMRUD

Birs Nimrud see - Borsippa Birth I. MepiIcaL

664

663

II. CULTURAL

AND

RELIGIOUS

ASPECTS

I. MEDICAL In antiquity people had differing opinions as to how long an embryo took to develop in the womb and even with regard to the length of a normal pregnancy. Some believed that the foetus had all the necessary body parts seven days after conception (e.g. Corpus Hippocraticum, Carn. 19 = 8,612 L.), others were of the opinion that the male foetus required 30 days to form and the female 42 days, with the expulsion of the lochia after birth of correspondingly different duration [1]. The view was widespread that an infant born in the seventh month had better chances of survival than an eightmonth child, as the eighth month was regarded as the most uncertain phase for the foetus during the pregnancy; the normal duration of pregnancy was calculated as 280 days (Hippoc. Carn. 19 = 8,612 L.), but people also regarded pregnancies of eleven months as possible. The inscriptions (iamata) in the Asclepius shrine in Epidaurus also make allowance for pregnancies of three or even five years if a woman prayed for divine assistance with conception but then failed to also pray for the birth of the child (IG IV* 1, no. 121-122;

[2]). On the basis of survey data from Egypt from the early Roman Empire, it is estimated that women had to bear six living children on average in order to maintain a constant population density [3]. In antiquity children were born at home within the circle of family and neighbours. Birth was considered a hazardous experience

more than an ideal, even if it is most effective for the later history of midwifery. In Hippocratic texts it was maintained that birth was initiated by the foetus that pushed its way to the light of the world because of depleted reserves of food; its movements, people believed, caused the labour pains (Hippoc. Nat. puer. 30; 7,530 L.). Galen attributed an active role in the birth to the womb, assuming that it

had the capacity to retain and to expel (Gal. Nat. fac. 3.3 = 2,148-150 K.). Childbirth occasionally took place ona birthing chair with a cut-out seat and inclined backrest, as representations on extant funeral steles show. A chair of such kind may have been in the possession of every family or may have been borrowed from neighbours. The midwife sat or knelt in front of the woman in labour (Sor. Gyn. 2,1). Soranus criticizes

the Hellenistic doctor Heron who made the midwife work froma hole in the ground. However wonien, especially if they became very weak during the labour, could also give birth in bed or on the lap of another woman. Steam baths and ointments applied to the cervix were supposed to intensify the activity of the labour pains. According to Aristotle, it was up to the midwife to cut the umbilical cord (Hist. an. 587a9-24). Soranus gives us an impression of the superstitious ideas connected with this ligation and severance of the cord that made the child an independent being (Gyn. 2,6). The expulsion of the afterbirth was at times assisted manually or medicinally, but people preferred to wait for it to occur naturally (e.g. Corpus Hippocraticum, Mul. 1,46 = 8,104 L.). In Greek, as well as in Roman culture, the

births resulted in the death of the mother [4]. But this

father decided whether the newborn appeared suitable to be raised or not. It appears that even in the case of births that appeared to being going normally, doctors were present if the relevant family consulted them; the male family members not only prepared for the birth by obtaining ointments (Aristoph. Thesm. 504) and other essential materials, but could also be present at the birth [6]. In the case of difficult births, doctors succussed

rate is contentious, and other figures have been presen-

women in labour (Corpus Hippocraticum, Mul. 1,68 =

ted; all estimates can however only provide approximate figures as the use of bone remnants and tombstones is just as problematical as the selection of demographic comparison models suitable for the ancient world [5]. People called upon the assistance of goddesses like Artemis, Eilithyia, Hera and Juno Lucina te ensure that the birth went well. Pliny mentions the use of amulets and of the right foot of a hyena that was laid upon a

8,142-144 L.) or turned the foetus in utero if the head could not be seen first, which was considered the normal position for the child (Mul. 1,69 = 8,146 L.; Oct. 10 = 7,454 L.), or if both feet could not be seen

woman

knives, craniotomy hooks and cranioclasts (Corpus Hippocraticum, Foet. Exsect. 8,512-519 L.).

that led to ritual contamination of all those present;

modern estimates of mortality rates for mothers in classical times vary, but it is assumed that 5 out of 20,000

in labour (HN 28,27,103). Soranus, who was

active in the 2nd cent. AD, considers, in his Gynaecia,

amulets to be ineffective, but he recommends using them nonetheless as they make women in labour feel somewhat calmer (Sor. Gyn. 3,12). A > midwife was present at the birth: in a famous passage Soranus recommends as the ideal midwife a woman who is physically strong, sober, not superstitious, well-read and educated in dietetics, surgery and pharmacology (Gyn. 1,3). This collection of virtues is however not much

first, which several ancient authors considered to be a problematical position for the child (Mul. 1,33 = 8,124 L.), whilst others saw

it as an acceptable variation

(Corpus Hippocraticum, Superf. 4 = CMG 1,2,2,74). If

required, doctors could also remove dead foetuses with

1H.Kinc, Making a man: becoming human in early Greek medicine, in: G.R. Dunstan (ed.), The Human Embryo, 1990, to-19 =.2: E. J. EDELSTEIN, L. EDELSTEIN,

Asclepius: a collection and interpretation of the testimonies, 2 vols., 1945, 1.423 3R.S. BAGNALL, B. W. FRIER, The Demography of Roman Egypt, 1994, 139 4 V.FRENCH,

Midwives

and maternity care, in: Helios

13.2, 1987, 69 5T.G. ParKIN, Demography and Roman Society, 1992, 103-106 6 A.E. Hanson, A division of labor, in: Thamyris 1.2, 1994, 157-202.

665

666

H.Bugss, Die Anfange der G.-Hilfe, in: Ciba Zschr. 70, 1954; L.A. DEAN-JoNEs, Women’s Bodies in Classical Greek Science, 1994; N.DEMaND, Birth, Death, and Motherhood in Classical Greece, 1994; P. DiePGEN, Die Frauenheilkunde der alten Welt, 1937; V.FRENCH, Midwives and maternity care in the Roman world, in: Helios 13.2, 1987, 69-84; D.GourevitcH, Le mal d’ étre

femme, 1984.

HK.

II]. CULTURAL AND RELIGIOUS ASPECTS A. GREECE AND ROME 1. BIRTH DEITIES

2. BIRTH RITES AND Customs B. CHRISTIAN

3. NAMING

LATE ANTIQUITY

A. GREECE AND ROME 1. BIRTH DEITIES The physical process of birth was accompanied by numerous religious and magical practices; in particular people prayed to special birth divinities for help for a fortunate delivery. The quintessential Greek goddess of birth > Eilithyia belongs to the oldest period. Already in Minoan-Mycenaean Crete in the 15th cent. BC she was venerated as e-re-u-ti-ja (VENTRIS/CHADWICK 206 = KN Gg 705,1), that is EXev0ia (Eleuthia), a form of the name that was also preserved in the Peloponnesian area (re the various onomastic variations, see [1. 5195223 2. 786]). Well-known Cretan centres of worship were the harbour of Cnossus, Amnisus (cf. Hom. Od. 19,188) and the town of Lato [3. 262; 2. 788]. Scientific discussion regarding the interpretation of her name is still going on even today [cf. for instance 4; 5; 2]. The portrait of > Auge of Tegea with the epithet ‘on the knees’ (= Eilithyia) could refer to birth in the kneeling position, at least in the older period (cf. Paus. 8,48,7; [6. 177£.; 7. 77£.5 5. 14]). Eilithyia also appeared as several deities (in this way as early as in Hom. Il. 11,270; 19,119). Together with her, the Moirai (+ Moira) were also invoked to give the child a happy life [7. 82-84]. Eileithyia is also the epithet of various goddesses of women and in this way makes it clear that one of their roles was also midwifery. This was the case, for example, with > Hera who in mythology was considered the mother of Eilithyia (other connections between Hera and occurrences at birth are discussed in [7. 80]). To > Artemis especially — who aside from Eilithyia was probably the most important Greek birth goddess —was given the latter’s name as cult epiclesis, and this occurred particularly frequently in Boeotia, as a series of inscriptions shows (see the index to IG 7) [3. 494; 7.77]. As the goddess of parturition, giving a quick and painless birth (e.g. Aesch. Supp. 676f.; Eur. Hipp. 166) she was also called by epithets like Locheia, Lecho etc. Lesser, local birth goddesses were subsumed under the Greek goddess, for instance — Iphigenia (e.g. Paus. 7,26,5), who bears in her name the violence of the birth process, or the two Hyperborean virgins + Opis and Loxo. However > Selene and > Hecate were especially identified with her and they for their part demonstrate a relationship with occurrences at birth and the raising of

BIRTH

children. Selene too was called Locheia (in Nonnus,

Dion. 38,150 even Eileithyia); Hecate already belonged in Hes. Theog. 450, like Artemis with her nymphs and other deities, to the circle of the so-called Kurotrophoi (re these see generally [8; 9]); Artemis as > Kourotrophos (cf. Diod. Sic. 5,73,5) was in particular the recipient of the Spartan wet-nurse festival Tithenidia, at which the infants were carried into the shrine of the goddess (Ath. 4,13 9ab; cf. [10. 182-189]). + Genetyllis and Colias are also worthy of mention as originally independent birth deities who could also appear as several deities and who were placed in the service of Greek goddesses; Artemis and Hecate, as well as > Aphrodite and > Athena. The latter was revered in Elis as Mite (Meter) and women implored her to bless them with children (Paus. 5,3,2). [7. 75-81] gives

an overview of this and other Greek birth goddesses with plenty of evidence and literary references. Just like Greek women, Roman women addressed their prayers for a fortunate delivery to certain divinities.

> Carmentis (also Carmenta), revered under vari-

ous individual names that have been passed down (Porrima, Postverta;

Antevorta,

Postvorta;

verta), is one of the ancient Roman

Prorsa,

Post-

birth goddesses.

They and their ancient explanations in conjunction with the gift of the seer and/or the position of the child in the womb demonstrate the uncertainty even the Romans felt in their understanding of these ancient Roman

goddesses [11. 136f.; 12. 81-83; 7. ro2f.; 13. 272]. As ‘principal birth deities’ we should consider

+ Juno, > Lucina

and > Diana; Lucina

was

placed

both with Juno and Diana and equated with them. Lucina was originally also an old — according to Varro (Ling. 5,74) — Sabine birth goddess whose holy grove was on the mons Cispius in Rome. There a temple was built to her in 375 BC in which statistics of births were kept (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,15,5). On the day of foundation of the temple, the rst March, Roman women celebrated the feast of the — Matronalia (Ov.

Fast. 3,167-258 and passim; re details of her worship cf. [7. ro6f.]). As an ancient goddess of women, respon-

sible for the protection of female sex life and therefore also for birth, the Calends were sacred to Juno. Because of her special role as Juno Lucina, a mensa and later a lectus [12. 152-155] was set up for her in the atrium of the house after the delivery and until the dies lustricus, the day of ritual cleansing. Through early identification with Artemis

and Juno Lucina, the Roman

goddess

Diana also became one of the birth goddesses (cf. for instance Catull. 34 or Hor. Carm. 3,22) [12. 104-107; 7.104].

There were also a large number of special goddesses who only represented individual aspects of the birth process and child rearing and often were named after these [cf. 7. ror—1 58]. Nona and Decima, for example, were said to protect the confinement in the 9th and roth month of pregnancy. They are also counted among the Tres Fatae or Tria Fata (scribunda) who together with the > Parcae took charge of the birth and ‘spoke’ (and

667

668

wrote down) [14; 15] the newborn infant’s lot in life.

In Rome too people sought through ritual acts to protect the mother and child from attacks by hostileminded beings. > Silvanus in particular was not allowed to enter the house of a woman who had just given birth: three men ensured this (according to Varro Antiquitates rerum divinarum 14 fr. 111 CARDAUNS = Aug. Civ. 6,9) during the first night after the birth. They first beat the threshold with an axe, then with a pestle (pilum) and swept it clean with a broom. According to

BIRTH

The name Levana refers to picking up of the child after his exit from his mother’s womb and lifting him from the earth onto which he was laid (see II A. 2 at the end): Levana is the divine midwife [13. 11; 78-92]. Rumina is responsible for breastfeeding the infant, Cuba for his lying down, Abeona and Adeona for the first attempts to walk etc. (cf. Aug. Civ. 4,11; 21; Varro in Donat. in Ter. Phorm. 49). 2. BIRTH RITES AND CUSTOMS Birth endangers the health and life of mother and child. According to popular belief, there was a particular danger from disaster-bringing, child-abducting and child-murdering demons. The Greeks were afraid of witch and vampire figures like -- Empusa, > Lamia, + Strinx, > Gello, etc. (evidence in [7. 84f.]) more than one of whom could also appear, and who have partly remained alive in Greek popular belief in modern times. As it was considered that birth made both the woman and the baby unclean and they were excluded from religious life until the purification rites had been completed [7. 85-88], people imagined that they were especially exposed to these harmful beings. People hoped for protection especially through prayers to the above-mentioned birth deities, whose attributes typically included the purifying torch; in Greece people also painted the front door with pitch and hung on it a wreath made of olive branches for the birth of a boy or a woollen band for the birth of a girl (Hsch. s.v. otéavov éxdéoetv 4,1791 SCHMIDT). The woman who had just given birth was given cabbage to eat as an antipharmakon (Ath. 9,370c). Hair and clothing were dedicated as purification offerings and thanksgiving. On the 5th or 7th day after birth the Amphidromia took place at which the infant was carried at a running pace around the hearth fire; this purified the entire household and the child was

accepted into the domestic community (Schol. Pl. Tht. 160e and passim). The woman who had just given birth was herself of course not pure again in a religious sense until forty days had passed (re the period of time see [7. 67f.; 87f.; 15 5f.]; unknown for the Romans). As cathartic and apotropaic medicine, onions and garlic were used as a priority, but amulets made of certain stones and metals were utilized as well, and light and noise were said to drive out the demons of terror, and birth magic of the most diverse kinds was supposed to make the delivery easier (e.g. Pl. Tht. 149cd). The idea that everything tied and clasped had to be loosened (clothes, belts, hair, hands etc.) (which [3. 114] explains as simple sympathetic magic) is worthy of separate mention here; the pictorial representation of birth goddesses and divine helpers with their hands held open and their epithets AvoiGwvog (lysizonos)/huoitovyn (lysizoné: ‘belt-undoing’), émAvoapévy (epilysaméné: ‘undoing, releasing’) shows this, as do the representations in grave reliefs of women who died in childbirth or while lying in, who are shown frequently with their belt undone and their hair untied. — See also the extensive treatment of the material by [7. 8r-ror].

Varro, three deities, Intercidona, Pilumnus and Deverra, were named after these three acts. [13. 95219] provides a new interpretation that goes above and

beyond one of a mere protection rite: as > Pilumnus (and his double Picumnus) were considered to be special protective deities for newborn infants, for whom after birth, together with Juno Lucina a > lectisternium was prepared (cf. in this regard especially [16]), he sees in this rite passed down by Varro a direct connection with

the process

of birth

and

postnatal

care

(cf.

[13. 103-216]).

After leaving the womb, the newborn infant was placed on the floor and in this way brought into contact with Mother Earth. The > midwife then examined him to see if he were capable of survival and the umbilical cord was cut. For this purpose he was lifted up by the midwife (/evare and tollere infantem), then straightened up and symbolically placed on his feet (statuere infantem). [13. 3-93], through a circumspect interpretation of the sources, refutes the usual view that tollere infantem means the raising up and hence the rightful recognition of the child by the father. The child was not presented to the father until it had been properly cared for. It was then the duty of the father to register the child officially [17; 18]. The Romans too believed that magical practices and acts of magic could favourably affect the birth. Amulets again played an important role here, and there were concepts of tying and untying, magic spells and the belief in the particular effectiveness of various plant and animal medicines and many other things [7. 119-127]. 3. NAMING In Greece people celebrated the feast of name-giving on the 7th or roth day after the birth with prayers, sacrifices, a banquet and — presents. In Rome this feast known as Nominalia took place on the dies lustricus [7. 116f.; 157]: for girls this was the 8th day, for boys the 9th day after birth (e.g. Macrob. Sat. 1,16,36); the reason for the difference has not been passed down to us. The time interval from the birth is explained, among other things, by the dropping off of the remainder of the cord (Plut. Quaest. Rom. ro1,288c-e). B. CHRISTIAN

LATE ANTIQUITY

Aside from philosophical-theological speculations and points of view, the birth of a child was considered a gift of God. Clement of Alexandria in particular opposed the view that birth was something dirty and evil (Strom. 3,45-72). The model for the Christian woman in labour was Mary’s painless delivery; people prayed

669

670

to her fora fast and easy birth. There was also a series of other patrons of pregnancy and birth, saints and martyrs, and legends bore witness to their assistance with births. They took the place, so to speak, of the Greek and Roman deities, and it is noteworthy that the old concepts of tying and untying recur in these stories. In early Christianity too it was thought that births made people unclean in the religious sense, which is why women who had just given birth and midwives were excluded from the sacraments until purification had taken place. Apparently the period for boys was forty days for the mother, for girls eighty days for the mother and twenty or forty days respectively for the midwife.Christian popular belief also feared demons and devilish harmful spirits, to whom people attributed particular power especially at this dangerous time. On many occasions people used the sign of the cross or texts from the Bible to protect themselves, even though in some places it was certainly still the case that practices with their roots in Old Testament or Graeco-Roman tradition, such as the wearing of amulets, were carried out. Exorcism that was widespread at that time also indicates such a belief in demons See [7. 128-170] re the whole question of birth and early Christianity. ~ Birthday; > Birth of gods; > Ruler, birth of the; ~— Names 1 Nitsson, MMR_~ 2 W.Kraus, s.v. Eileithyia, RAC 4, 786-796 3 Nitsson, GGR vol. 1 4 A. HEUBECK, Etym. Vermutungen zu Eleusis und Eleithyia, in: Kadmos II, 1972, 87-95 5 J.KNoBLOcH, Eileithyia und Amaltheia, die Helferinnen bei G. und Saduglingsbetreuung, in: P.Kosta (ed.), Studia indogermanica et slavica (FS W. Thomas), 1988, 13-15

6 L.KOTZSCHE-BREITENBRUCH,

s.v. G. III (iconographic), RAC 9, 172-216 7 G.BINDER, s.v. G. II (history of religion), RAC 9, 43-171 8TH. HADZISTELIOU Price, Kourotrophos, 1978 cHaATzIS,

‘MOrO>

TOKOI

9 N.Papa-

EIAEIOYIAI

KAI

KOY-

POTPO®OI OEOTHTES, in: AD 33, 1978, 1-23 (pl. 1-3) 10 Nixsson,

Feste

11 LATTE

12 RADKE

13 Tu.

K6ves-ZuLAUF, R6m. Geburtsriten, 1990 ©6114 C. WEIss, Deae fata nascentibus canunt, in: H. FRoNnING, T.HOLSCHER, H. M1etscu (ed.), Kotinos (FS E. Simon), 1992, 366-374 15 W.POTSCHER, Das rom. Fatum, in: ANRW Il 16.2, 355-392 16 TH. KOves-ZuLaur, Ein rom. Geburtsritus: Tisch und Liege im Geburtshaus, in: Filo-

logia e forme letterarie. Studi offerti a F. del Corte V, 1988,

163-181

17 F.ScHuLz,

Roman

Registers

of

Births and Birth Certificates, in: JRS 32, 1942, 78-91 18 Id., Roman Registers of Births and Birth Certificates,

in: JRS 33, 1943, 55-64. BuRKERT; L. CAPOGROSSI COLOGNESI, Tollere liberos, in: MEFRA 102, 1990, 107-127; N. DEMAND, Birth, Death

and Motherhood in Classical Greece, 1994; L. DEUBNER, Die Gebrauche der Griechen nach der G., in: RhM N.F. 95,1952, 374-377; A. M. Devine, The Low Birth-Rate in

Ancient Rome: A Possible Contributing Factor, in: RhM 128, 1985, 313-317; V. FRENCH, Birth Control, Childbirth, and Early Childhood, in: M. GRANT, R. KITZINGER (ed.), Civilization of the Ancient Mediterranean, Greece

and Rome vol. Ill, 13 55-1362; M. GOLDEN, Children and childhood in classical Athens, 1990; F. KUDLIEN, s.v. G. I (medical), RAC 9, 36-43; C.MU er, Kindheit und

BIRTHDAY

Jugend in der griech. Friihzeit, 1990; E.NoRDEN, Die G. des Kindes, 1924; B. NyBerG, Kind und Erde, 1931; H. PETERSMANN, Lucina Nixusque pares, in: RhM 133, 1990, 157-175; H.A. SaNDeERs, The Birth Certificate of a Roman

Citizen, in: CPh 22, 1927, 409-413; E.SAMTER,

Familienfeste der Griechen und Romer, 1901; E.SAMTER, G., Hochzeit und Tod, t911; H.SoBEL, Hygieia, 1990;

L. L. TELS-DE JONG, Sur quelques divinités Romaines de Ja naissance et de la prophétie, 1960; G.R. H. WricHt, The Houses of Death and of Birth, in: Sr. Bourke, J.-P. DEscoEupREs

(ed.), Stud. in honour of J. Basil Hennessy,

1995, 15-26.

CL.E.

Birthday (yevéOAvoc huéoa; genéthlios héméra, natalis dies). A. GREECE UITY

B. ROME

C. CHRISTIAN LATE ANTIQ-

A. GREECE

1. PRIVATE BIRTHDAY CELEBRATIONS BIRTHDAY CELEBRATIONS

2. PUBLIC

1. PRIVATE BIRTHDAY CELEBRATIONS In Greece birthday celebrations were closely connected with religious views. They were less concerned with the person himself than with the &ya0d¢ daiuwv yeveOdog (agathos daimon genéthlios), his personal tutelary divinity — it was not considered that he had been born with him at the same time, as [3. 217] believes, but that he would pick him at birth (Pl. Phd.

107d; Resp. 617e) and accompany him through his whole life (Men. Fr. 714). On your birthday you directed prayers to him and the ancient gods of your house (Aristid. 10,68 DINDORF). You also believed that you were closely connected with the divinity whose birthday was celebrated on the same day. The Greeks are said, according to Hdt. 2,82, to have adopted this view from the Egyptians. People whose birthday was the same day also gathered to celebrate together; they called themselves after this day of the month (e.g. Tetradists, if they were born on the 4th of a month) or the divinity born on this day (e.g. Heracleists). Like the birthdays of the gods, the birthday of a person was also originally celebrated every month; the annual celebration did not become common until later. To the party were invited relatives and friends who brought with them congratulations and presents like flowers, jewellery etc., and this was obviously already celebrated on the date of birth (Hsch. s.v. yevé0\ua 329 Latre; Aesch. Eum.

7). Men

of letters also gave their own

works,

poems, epigrams and even books; birthday speeches were given and there were exact guidelines for these [2. 1136; 3. 218]. The birthday celebrations were even continued after death by the family members. This applied particularly to the philosophers’ schools and other associations that also celebrated the birthday of their founder after his death; sometimes the actual birth date was substituted by a mythical one (examples in [oeenaa ae)

671

672

2. PUBLIC BIRTHDAY CELEBRATIONS a) Citizens of outstanding merit: the birthday of citizens who had distinguished themselves in their home town through particular service was honoured by a public festival (cf. in Sicily the celebration on the occasion of the birthday of Timoleon of Corinth who liberated the island from the Tyrannis (Nep. Timoleon 5,1). The birthdays of city founders and heroes were also celebrated publicly. b) Ruling house: the adoration of the ruler’s birthday goes back to Persian customs (PI. Alc. 1,121) and particular commitment was shown to this under Alexander and his successors. The latter rulers celebrated their birthdays every month with great pomp (sacrifices, prayers, competitions, donations, public festivals). After their consecration their day of death was celebrated as the birthday of the new god. The custom of celebrating the commemoration day of the coming to power of the ruler, the yevéOAtog Suadqwatos (genéthlios

book of Censorinus De die natali (AD 238). Often birthday cakes and banquets are mentioned [1. 28-30]. Numerous inscriptions provide evidence of endowments to associations and even towns that had to ensure that the birthday celebration of the founder was held during his lifetime and particularly after his death (3. 221f.; 1. 48-51]. 2. PUBLIC BIRTHDAY CELEBRATIONS a) Caesars: as a result of asenate decree, the birthday of the emperor was celebrated publicly with sacrifices and prayers; banquets, distribution of donations, military parades and games were organized and no trials were held on this day. From the middle of the 4th cent. AD onwards, the year of office began with the birthday celebration of the emperor and several provinces in Asia Minor even chose the birthday of the consecrated Augustus as the beginning of the year. From the Hellenistic rulers the Roman emperors also took the custom of celebrating the commemoration day of the coming to

diadématos), was also adopted from the Persians (cf. Hdt. 9,110),

power,

BIRTHDAY

c) Gods: certain days of the month were considered to be the birthdays of particular gods: the rst and then especially the 7th were sacred to Apollo, the 2nd to agathoés daimon, the 3rd to Athena, the 4th was shared by Heracles, Hermes and Aphrodite, whilst Horcos was celebrated on the 5th, Artemis on the 6th, Poseidon,

Theseus and Asclepius on the 8th, and Demeter and Persephone on the 12th. Although information about months is lacking for the older period, i.e. the celebration was a monthly one, these were later added when the annual celebration became common. We are rather well informed about many of these birthday celebrations for the gods and about the folk beliefs associated with them [1. 87-116]. B. ROME

1. PRIVATE BIRTHDAY CELEBRATIONS AND ENDOWMENTS 2. PUBLIC BIRTHDAY CELEBRATIONS

the natalis imperii [1. 59-78;

2. 1145-1147;

3. 222f.]. b) Birthday celebrations of temples, cities and associations: owing to the lack of clear genealogies of the gods in the Roman religion, there were also no birthday celebrations for gods in the Greek sense. That is why people remembered the dedication days of the temples, the natales templorum, with festive processi-

ons involving sacrifices, partially lectisternia, public meals, games, etc. An overview of the festivals is given in [4. 433-444]. The foundation day of a town, the natalis urbis, was celebrated in a similar manner. The fes-

tivities often had the character of popular festivals; especially glittering was the millennium celebration of Rome in AD 248 (Oros. 7,20). It was not just humans,

cities and towns that had a genius but also the Senate, legions and associations; this, too, was honoured in a

type of birthday celebration TAG 322g C. CHRISTIAN

[r. 126-129;

2.

r147-

LATE ANTIQUITY

Initially rejected as a pagan custom (Tertullianus,

1. PRIVATE BIRTHDAY CELEBRATIONS AND ENDOWMENTS In Rome, too, the birthday celebration was for a divinity, the > genius (vatalis) of a man or Juno in the

case of a woman and was initially likewise celebrated every month [1. 24f.]. Originally the genius of the man or the Juno of the woman were understood as the lifegiving principle in humans, then later also — comparable with the Greek idea of the daimon—as the tutelary divinity (cf. Censorinus, DN 3 and [4. 103-107; 5]). At the start of the celebrations there was usually a bloodless sacrifice on an altar of pieces of sod. For this purpose people put on white clothes, crowned the statue with a wreath, lit lights in front of it and prayed for the frequent return of the day (Tib. 1,7,49-54; Pers. 2,3-7; Ov. Tr. 3,13; Censorinus, DN 2f.; further evidence in [2. 1143f.]). Relatives, friends and clients came to bring congratulations and presents including literary works. A work of such kind is, for example, the little

Origenes, Jerome, partially Augustine, etc.), the prac-

tice of celebrating birthdays that was equally uncommon in Judaism was adopted by the church after a lengthy delay (4th/5th cents. AD). Decisive in this was probably the emergence of the birthday celebration of Christ (Christmas) and of various saints. For the trends and developments related to this cf. the comprehensive treatment of the problem by [3. 224-243]. + Ancestors; ~— Consecratio; -> Fasti; —> Genius; + Presents; > Hero cult; > Ruler cult; > Juno 1 W.ScHMipT, Geburtstag im Altertum, RGVV VII.1, 1908 2 W.SCHMIDT, s.v. TevéOtog hutea (genéthlios heméra), RE VII 1, 1135-1149 3 A.STUIBER, S.v.

Geburtstag, RAC 9, 217-243 4LaTre LING, s.v. Genius, RAC 10, 52-83.

5R.Scui-

K. ARGETSINGER, Birthday Rituals: Friends and Patrons in

Roman Poetry and Cult, in: Classical Antiquity 11.2, 1992, 175-193; L. VAN JOHNSON, Natalis urbis and Principium anni, in: TAPhA 91, 1960, tro9-119; J.MarQuarDT, Das Privatleben der Rémer, vol. I, repr. 1964,

673

674

250-251; Nixsson, GGR vol. II, 210-213 (Daimon); W.SuERBAUM, Merkwirdige Geburtstage, in: Chiron ro, 1980, 327-355. CLE.

Biruta see > Berytus Bisaltae (Biota; Bisdltai). Thracian tribe west of the Strymon and the Crestones, south of the Maedi and the

Derrones. Silver mines and political independence enabled them to mint their own coins at the end of the 6th/beginning of the sth cent. BC. At that time, the B. ruled over the Crestones (Thuc. 4,109) and fought against the Persians (Hdt. 8,116). A military leader by

the name of Naris, who had supposedly captured Cardia, is mentioned

by Charon

(FGrH

262 F 9). The

power of Athens and later of the Macedonians put an end to the political influence of the B. A.Fot,

Politi¢eskata

istorija na

trakite,

1972,

rooff. I.v.B.

BISTUA NOVA

quarry-stone palace was extended into a cross shape by four side halls. The royal buildings occupy c. '/, of the walled-in space. Two main streets intersected in the city centre at a Shapur memorial with a statue, two flame altars (+ Altar) and two columns. In the palace there were > mosaics in Syrian-Roman style with genii, courtesans, dancers, ‘portrait busts’ in polychrome detail. Stone reliefs near the city show Shapur’s triumph over the three Roman caesars. One of the few Sassanid cameos (> Gem cutting) depicts Valerian’s capture by Shapur. A cave in the rocks nearby contains an 8 m high statue of the king; it was perhaps there that he was laid to rest. H.von GALL, Die Mosaiken von Bishapur, Arch. Mitt. aus Iran, NF 4, 1971, 193-205;

R. GHIRSHMAN, Bicha-

pur, vol. 1.2, 1956-71.

B.B.

Bishop see > Episkopos Bison see > Wisent

Bisaltes (BuocAtyg; Bisdltés). {1] Son of Helius (the Sun) and Ge (the Earth); the Macedonian city and region, Bisaltia, is named after him (Steph. Byz. s.v. BuoaAtia 170f.; Favorinos FHG

3,583f. [fr. 44]). [2] Father of > Theophane, who was courted by many suitors (Ov. Met. 6,117: Bisaltis). Her liaison with Poseidon produced the ram with the Golden Fleece that carried Phrixus to Colchis (Hyg. Fab. 188). RB. Bisanthe (Buodv0n; Bisénthé). Town on the Propontis, later Resisthon (both names in Plin. HN 4,43; 48; cf. It. Ant. 176,1), modern Rodosto; possibly a foundation

from Samos (Mela 2,24). Hdt. 7,137 mentions B. for 484 BC, when it was part of Sitalces’ kingdom. Later, it was possibly in the possession of Alcibiades (Nep. Alc. 7,4), then part of the kingdom of Seuthes II, who offered B., together with Ganus and Neon Teichos to Xenophon (Xen. An. 7,2,38). Fortified by Justinian (Procop. Aed. 4,9; 17: Rhaidestos); destroyed by Krum in AD 812. Mentioned in a proto-Bulgarian inscription inal 1 V.BeSeviiev,

Parvobalgarski

nadpisi,

OKs),

2 Cur. Danov, Altthrakien, s.v. B., 1976, 200.

Ap Lv. B.

Bisenzio see > Visentium

Bistones (Biotovec; Bistones). Thracian tribe on the Aegean Sea from around the Bwotovis Aiuvn (Bistonis limné) to the lower reaches of the Nestus; neighbours of the Cicones and the Sapaei. On their territory, > Abdera, > Dicaea and Stryme were founded. Hdt. (7,110) only mentioned as an intermediate staging post of the Persian army They appear frequently in mythological tales and in genealogies (Str. 7 fr. (43) 44 mentions B. on Thasos, under the rule of Diomedes; Val. Fl. 3,159: homeland of Orpheus). A.Fou, T.SprRtIDONovV, Istoriceska geografija, 1983, 24, 78.

Lv.B.

Bistua Nova Roman municipium of the province of Dalmatia (Tab. Peut. 6,1) in the territory of the > Dae-

sitiates along the Urpanus (Vrabas), in the mineral (gold, iron) district along the rivers Rama, Vrbas, Bistrica, LaSva near today’s Bugojno (probably not Zenica, as PATSCH believes, nor Vitez as WILKES sug-

gests) in Bosnia-Herzegovina. Founded on the site of an important indigenous Iron Age settlement, possibly by the Flavian emperors (a large number of Flavii even among the city magistrates, some colonists attracted from coastal regions by the mines), while the older city B. vetus (Tab. Peut. 5,5) is said to have been established near Duvno (not near Vavara, as PATSCH i.a. believe).

Bishapur ‘The fair (city) of Shapur’, rectangular seat of residence of ShapurI (241-272, > Sapor), in southwest Iran. Constructed by Roman prisoners of war after Shapur’s victories over Gordianus, Philippus Arabs and Valerians, consequently using Roman stonemasonry techniques (clamping hewn stones with iron ‘swallowtails’). La., a temple of + Anahita has been excavated, a square hall with an outer corridor on each side. The central, domed hall (22 x 22 m, c. 25 m high) of the

Epigraphic material referring to the municipium B. was found in Fazlici, Zenica and Varvara and attests to a

very large territory for B.; this is confirmed by the request by Andreas, episcopus ecclesiae Bestoensis (AD

533) to reduce the district of his jurisdiction. I.BoJANovsk!,

Bosna

i Hercegovina

u anticko

doba

(Bosnia and Herzegovina in Antiquity), Djela Akademija nauka i umjetnosti Bosne Hercegovine 66, Cent. balk. ispit. 6, 1988, 155-168, and passim. MS.K.

BISUTUN

Bisutun

676

675

(Old

Persian

bagastana

‘place

of gods’,

1R.Borcer,

(> Hercules relief 149/8 BC [3. 59]), Parthian (> Mithridates II [3. 67]) and Sassanid (> Chosrau II [3. 88f.])

periods, other reliefs were put up in Bisutun. In the immediate vicinity there are finds that bear witness to the continuing significance of the place from the 8th cent. BC until the early Ottoman period. Diod. Sic. 2,13 recounts that the Assyrian queen -> Semiramis (around 800 BC) had laid out gardens in Bisutun and had her portrait put on display. Shortly before his death Alexander the Great is said to have visited Bisutun (Diod. Sic. 17,110,5; here named Baytotavyn Seomeeneotaty

TUAT

versions; with bibliography)

6ros, Behistun). Rock face 30 km east of Kermanshah,

on the road from Babylon to Ecbatana on the > Choaspes (> Silk Road [3. rr]), on which > Darius I had his achievements from c. 520 BC recorded pictorially and in inscription — c. 70 m above the road level — in several phases. Because of their trilingual form (Elamite, Babylonian, Old Persian) the inscription [1] was the key to decipherinent of the > cuneiform script (> Trilinguals). The relief (see below) shows Darius with his foot on the conquered - Gaumata and nine chained enemies standing in front of him. In the text Darius describes, i.a., his origins (» Achaemenids) and the end of Gaumata. The relief and inscription were to proclaim symbolically the legitimacy of Darius I’s reign, founded in descent, success and his just actions. In style and content the inscription is influenced by New Assyrian, New Babylonian and Urartian royal commemorative inscriptions. The Old Persian version is written in the > Old Persian cuneiform script, first in evidence here; it is possible that Darius had it ‘designed’ when he commissioned the Bisutun inscription [7. 333; 6]. An Aramaic translation was found in > Elephantine [2]; the Babylonian text, as well as parts of the relief, on a fragment of a stele excavated in Babylon. In Seleucid

W.Hrnz,

1, 1982-1985,

419-450

(Translations of the Elamite, Babylonian and Old Persian

Bayiotava; Bagistana), Baytotavov 6eoc; Bagistanon

2 J.C. GREENFIELD, B. POR-

TEN, The Bisitun Inscriptions of Darius the Great. Aramaic Version, 1982 3 W.K ess, P. CALMEYER (ed.), Bisutun,

1996

289-305

4H.LuscHey,

R.Scumitt,

linscription trilingue de Darius, 1994 SAWW

Enclr 4,

5 F.MALBRAN-LaBat, La version akkad. de 561, 1990

6 R.SCHMITT,

7 J. WIESEHOFER, Das ant. Persien,

1993 (with bibliography)

J-RE.andJ.W.

Bit Hilani The expression B.H. occurs in New Assyrian royal inscriptions from the time of > Tiglatpilesar III (744-727 BC) to designate a building or part of a building using a north Syrian model (ekal mat Hatti). The most important monuments are > columns on lionshaped bases in the area of the entrance. B.H. is used mainly in connection with palaces (an exception: the Assur temple in > Assur) and has to do with royal leisure. No identification of B.H. within Assyrian architecture, as excavated or depicted, has yet been convincingly successful [1-3]. For a symbol in Luwian hieroglyphic script (— Writing; > Luwian), that depicts a door construction and denotes doorways (King’s Gate at + Karkemish and the castle gate at > Karatepe) the reading “hilana is suggested [4]. Relying on initial reconstruction attempts with the Assyrian B.H. [1], R. KoLDEWEY [5] has introduced the term into architectural history as designating a type of north Syrian palace, This B.H. consists of a main room laid out in the shape of a cross with adjoining rooms on the sides and at the rear and with a portico and staircase in front. This (B.)H. is attested in north Syria/south-east Anatolia since the rsth cent. BC [6]; indigenous termi-

nology (apart from generic terms, like palace etc.) is not known.

you; cf. also 3,57). L

Old Persian Elamite

\

Babylonian

Babylonian version left

4

A) BSAF

s

TeileGy AN

7,

POC

ant

| side

U

tk

HY

)

\

First/Elamite vergion

a

unl an ale Te

ee

ig?

eG

Ua

Se

a

4

Old Persian version

Second Elamite version

col |.

col Il.

Old Persian version

col lil.

col |.

col ll.

col Ill.

col V.

col IV.

A+L= Darius (his foot resting on Gautama) B= Gautama (prostrate figure) Relief from Bisutun (redrawn)

677

678

1 O. PucHSsTEIN, Die Saule in der assyr. Architectur, Jahrbuch des Dt. Arch. Instituts (Berlin) 7, 1892, 1-24 2 J. RENGER, s.v. Hilani, bit. A. Nach neuassyr. Zeugnissen, RLA 4,1975,405f. 3 B.HRoupa,s.v. Hilani, bit. B. Arch., ibid., 406-409 4.1. SINGER, Hittite hilalmnar and Hieroglyphic Luwian ‘hilana, in: ZA 65, 1975, 69-103 5 R.KoLipewey, Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli II (1898), 136f. 6 V.FrRiTZ, Die syr. Bauform des Hilani und die Frage seiner Verbreitung, Damaszener Mitteilungen 1, 1983, 43-58.

U.SE.

Bithynia (Buvvia; Bithynia). A. GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION VELOPMENT

B. HISTORICAL DE-

A. GEOGRAPHICAL LOCATION Region and kingdom in north-western Asia Minor, with a Thracian population. Its core territory (Str. 12,3,2f.; 12,3,73 4,1-10; [25 3. 190ff.]) lies between the ~ Bosporus [1] and the area around the lower > Sangarius, from the Black Sea Coast to the Gulf of Cius, Lake Ascania and the Kapiorman Daglari range. The northern coastal region up to the Kales formed the original territory of > Thyni(a)s, inhabited by the related tribe of the > Thyni, and to varying degrees governed by — Heraclea Pontica (Hdt. 1,18; Plin. HN 5,150 [3. 193f.]). Its economy was based on agriculture, forestry and its favourable location regarding transport and communication. B. HistoRICAL DEVELOPMENT B. became politically unified in around

430 BC

under the rule of > Doedalsus, the founder of the Bi-

thynian dynasty (listed in Memnon, FGrH 434 fr. 12). There were repeated conflicts with > Calchedon and + Astacus. B. was able to maintain its independence against the Persian satraps. In 333/28 BC, Bas (377/76-328 BC) defeated Calas, the satrap of Alexander [4] the Great. In 315 BC, his son, Zipoetes (328-280 BC [3. r9off.]) was forced to abandon the siege of Calchedon and Astacus and to enter an alliance with > Antigonus [1]; in 302/01 BC, however, B. succeeded in acquiring Astacus and defeating Calchedon. From 301 to about 297/96 BC, B. fought successfully against Lysimachus whose defeat led to the acceptance of the royal title in 297/96 (beginning of the Bithynian era in the autumn of 297 [1. 178ff.]). In 282 BC, B. was allied with Seleucus I against Lysimachus; in early 28, Bithynian forces were involved in the victorious battle at Curupedion. Zipoetes occupied Nicaea in 282/81 BC, advanced into Mysia and, eastwards into the ter-

ritory of Lysimachus (the former kingdom of Heraclea Pontica), which, in 281/80 BC, led to war against Heraclea; B. gained Thyni(a)s east of the Hypius, the territory of the Mariandyni in the hinterland with their capital (modern Bolu), Cierus, and finally Tius. B.’s expan-

sionist tendencies caused a break with — AntiochusI [2], whose general was defeated by Zipoetes in 280 BC. Zipoetes’ son Nicomedes I (280-25 5/53 BC) continued

BITHYNIA

with the war against Antiochus I, and joined the anti-

Seleucid ‘Northern League’ through an alliance with Heraclea, in which he ceded Cierus, Tius and eastern Thyni(a)s. His younger brother Zipoetes (the Younger)

rose in protest and waged war against Nicomedes I and Heraclea from 280/79 to 277 BC. In 280/78 BC, Nicomedes I was allied with Antigonus [2] Gonatas; in 280/79, he ceded parts of the Yalova peninsula to Ptolemy II, who donated them to Byzantium [3. 256]. In 278/77 BC, Nicomedes I recruited Tolistobogii, Trocmi and finally Tectosages to come as mercenaries to Asia Minor; with their help, he annihilated Zipoetes the Younger in 277 BC and, until about 275/74 BC, seized large parts of northern Phrygia, the eastern part of which he gave to the Galatians [3. 212ff., 236ff.]. By 268/67, all that remained of the Bithynian expansion was Nicaea, the southern edge of Lake Ascania, and an

area from between Akcakoca and Bolu Daglar: to the middle reaches of the Ladon [2. 29ff., arff.; 3. 262f.; 4. 155, 160].

In 264 BC, the capital > Nicomedia was built. The king died between 255 and 253 BC; his testament was set out in favour of his under age sons from his second marriage. Ziaelas, his son from his first marriage, prevailed in the Bithynian war of succession (until c. 250 BC), with the help of the Tolistobogii. He married his daughter to Antiochus Hierax, whom he supported against Attalus I. It is likely that Zipoetes himself died in 230/229 BC in the attempt to murder the leaders of the Galatians, who were in the process of breaking away from Antiochus Hierax. His son Prusias I (c. 229-182 BC) joined the Rhodians in their war against Byzantium in 220 BC, but had to give up his gains at the conclusion of the peace treaty. In 217/16 and in 208/04 BC, he had control over parts of Mysia [2. 29ff.]. In 216 BC, he conducted a military expedition to the Hellespont; the annihilation of the Celtic Aigosages was turned into a much-vaunted propagandistic aim (Pol. 5,111 [3. 43]). During the First Macedonian War (215-205 BC), Prusias I attacked Pergamum in 208 BC. In 202 BC, Philippus V handed to him the captured towns of Cius (rebuilt as Prusias, govovds f ém0adkcGoovos) and Myrleia. In around 188/87 BC, > Prusa was founded. Between 196 and 190 BC, Prusias I was at war against Heraclea

Pontica, and captured Cierus (re-founded as Teovoutis moos tH “Ymiw) and Tius. Having maintained his neu-

trality in the Second Macedonian War and in the war against Antiochus, in 188 BC, he laid claim to northern

Phrygia, which he tried to enforce in a war against -» Eumenes II between 188/87 and 183 BC, in alliance with the Galatians and with Pharnaces of Pontus [2. 29ff.]; the peace treaty made the region finally Pergamene, under the name of Phrygia Epictetus. In 181 BC, > Prusias II (182-149 BC) entered the war against Pharnaces, who took Tius from him. He got Tios back

in 179 BC, in addition to the Galatian Salon region with the town of Bolu, which he re-founded as Bithynium [2. 41ff.]. In 179/77 BC, he married Apame, sister of + Perseus, but still, he entered the Third Macedonian

BITHYNIA

680

679

War in 169 BC. He made an adulatory appearance in front of the senate in 167 BC (Pol. 30,18); he followed that by agitation against Pergamum. Prusias II’s war against Attalus II between 156 and 15 BC was ended by Rome to his disadvantage. In 149 BC the king, who was hated by his people, was eliminated with Pergamene support by Nicomedes II (149-128/27 BC), his son from his first marriage. Nicomedes II fought against + Aristonicus as an ally of Rome. His son Nicomedes III (127-94 BC) and > Mithridates VI divided Paphlagonia amongst themselves in 108/7 BC [4. 169ff.]. This led to tensions with Rome in 105/04 BC. Nicomedes III presented one of his sons as the allegedly legitimate king > Pylaemenes. Open hostilities with Mithridates VI ensued, who beat off his attempts in 103 and roo BC to bring Cappadocia under Bithynian control. In 96 BC, Rome forced the evacuation of Paphlagonia. The death of Nicomedes III (probably in 94 BC) led to a conflict over the succession [4. 171ff.]; Nicomedes IV was confirmed by the senate in about 92 BC. With Pontic support, his half-brother Socrates Chrestus gained control over B. in 91/90 BC. The Roman legation under M.’ > Aquillius reinstated Nicomedes IV in 90/89 and, at the same time, installed his half-brother Pylaemenes in Paphlagonia [4. 173ff.]. On Roman orders, Nicomedes IV first plundered, then invaded Pontus in 89 BC, an action which ended in catastrophe in the Amnias valley; Mithridates VI recaptured B. in the autumn of the same year [4. 176ff.]. After the peace of Dardanus in mid 85 BC, Nicomedes IV returned. He died in 74 BC [1. 179ff.; 5]; his testament stated that, in the absence of a legitimate heir, B. should fall to the Roman people. The senate rejected the claim of a pretender and confiscated the Bithynian kingdom.

Bithynia et Pontus A. ROMAN

PERIOD

B. BYZANTINE

PERIOD

A. ROMAN PERIOD Roman double province (after Diocletian, 284-305, only Bithynia) with > Nicomedia as its capital. In 74 BC the death of Nicomedes IV [237]; M. Tunius Iuncus, proconsul Asiae, is given the task of securing the kingdom as a Roman province; in the autumn of 74 the province of Bithynia is conferred upon the incumbent consul M. > Aurelius Cotta and Asia and B. established as a unitary customs zone (SEG 39, 1180 = AE 1989, 681 [134]). The 3rd Mithridatic war began in early 73 [2; 4; 7; 8]; Mithridates VI occupied B., where in the winter of 73/72 > Lucullus forced him to take flight to Pontus, whence he had to flee in 71. In 72 Amisus was captured; in 70, Heraclea Pontica, Tius, Amastris and Sinope. Mithridates VI returned in the autumn of 68. In 67 the Senate commission was unsuccessful in having Pontus established as a province; in 66 (lex Manilia) it was conferred upon Pompey, who put Mithridates VI to flight. In the winter of 65/64 Pompey divided up the Mithridatic kingdom in Amisus; the province of Pontus then evolved from the rr urban territories of > Amastris [4], Sinope, Amisus, Pompeiopolis, Neapolis/Phazemon, Diospolis/Cabira, |Magnopolis/Eupatoria, Megalopolis, and Zela, as well as the towns belonging to Mithridates VI since 73, Heraclea and Tius, and the

J.Hopp, Unt. zur Gesch. der letzten Attaliden, 1977; Jones, Cities, 147ff.; MaGIE, 302ff.; E. MEYER, W.RUGE, s.v. B., RE 3, 507-524; G.Pert, Zur Chronologie der Konigreiche B., Pontos und Bosporus, in: Stud. zur Gesch.

union with Bithynia (Str. 12,3,1f.; 3,6; 3,9; [8]; differing view in [3. 26ff., 33ff.], who includes Heraclea and Tius in Pontus, but not with the 11 politeiai; Nicopolis belonged to Armenia Minor; Gazelonitis fell to > Deiotarus I). In the winter of 63/62 internal administration for B. et P. was established by the lex Pompeia [3. 42ff.]: two provincial councils were set up for B. and P. (after 40/30 Heraclea, Tius, Amastris, -» Abonutichus, Sinope, Amisus [3. 73ff.]). Free municipalities: Amastris, Amisus (by Caesar), Calchedon, Prusias ad Mare. Probably with the loss of Cyzicus (20-15 BC) those areas east of the Rhyndacus, including Dascylium ad Mare and the Byzantine Trigl(e)ia (Str. 12,8,17; 13,1,3; IK 32,47ff.) fell to B.; the Rhyndacus became the border with Asia (Plin. HN 5,142). In 46/45 Roman coloniae were founded in Apamea, Heraclea and Sinope; in 40/36 Antoninus gave Prusias ad Mare, Heraclea, Amisus, Zela, and Megalopolis to dynastic rule, and Pompeiopolis and Neapolis to the kingdom of > Paphlagonia. After 31 the province was re-established: P. as a coastal region from Heraclea to

und Philos. des Alt., 1968, 299-330; A.M. SCHNEIDER,

Amisus, in B. 12 urban territories (Plin. HN

s.v. B., RAC 2, 415-422; S.SAHIN, Stud. iiber die Probleme der histor. Geogr. des nordwestl. Kleinasiens, in: EA 7, 1986, 125-166; G. Vitucct, Il regno di B., 1953. K.ST.

with the addition by Vespasian of > Byzantium. In 29 the cult of Roma and Divus lulius was established for

1W.LescHHorN, Ant. Aren, 1993, 178ff., 484f. 2 K.STRoBEL, Galatien und seine Grenzregionen, in: Forsch. in Galatien. Asia Minor Stud. 12, 1994, 29-65 3Id., Die Galater 1, 1996 41d., Mithradates VLI., in:

Orbis Terrarum

2, 1996, 145-190

5 Id., Mithrada-

tes Vi., in: Ktema 18. Hommages Ed. Frézouls 2, 1997. J.D. Gaucer, B., in: Kleines Worterbuch des Hellenismus, 1988, 101-106; F. GEYER, s.v. Nikomedes 3)-6), RE 17, 493-499; C.HABICHT, s.v. Prusias, RE 23, 1086-

11273 Id., s.v. Ziaelas/Zipoites, RE 10 A, 387-397, 448460; B.F. Harris, B., ANRW

II 7.2, 1980, 857-901;

5,143),

Roman citizens in Nicaea, that of Augustus for the Bi-

thynian koinon of Nicomedia (Cass. Dio 57,20,6f.). Soon after 25/24 the middle Sangarius region with

luliopolis as far as the Uludag was added to B. (border of Asia/Galatia now on the ridge of the Siindiken Daglari or on the lower Siberis), the territory of Cratea/ Flaviopolis and the Timonitis probably in 6/5 with the annexation of Paphlagonia [6].

681

682

B. et P. was temporarily under imperial rule: in AD 109-111 — Pliny the Younger was legatus pro praetore

cedon, B. owed its importance to the three ecumenical councils held there (Ist Nicaenum in 325, Chalcedon in 451, 2nd Nicaenum in 787) and the three monastic mountains, Olympus, Auxentius and Cyminas.

consulari potestate, 111-114/15(?) C. Iulius Cornutus

Tertullus: in 13 4/135 C. Iulius Severus was Praetorian legate ad corrigendum statum provinciae (Cass. Dio 69,14,4). Under Antoninus Pius B. et P. obtained the status of an imperial province; for 159, L. Hedius Rufus Lollianus Avitus, cos. ord. 144, is known to be the first [3. 85ff.], and for 269, Velleitus Macrinus as the last consular legate. At the beginning of Emperor > Marcus Aurelius’ reign > Abonutichus/Ionopolis, Sinope and Amisus belonged to Galatia as a Paphlagonian coastal district (Ptol. 5,6,1-3 [3. 84ff.]). Probably in 230?/235 Amisus and Sinope became part of the new province of (+ Cappadocia; [5. 158f.; 8], a different view [3. 88]). Tius, Amastris, lonopolis and Cratea with western cen-

tral Paphlagonia became part of the province of Paphlagonia that was established in 305/06 (Iust. Nov. 29 pr. 1; Laterculus Veronensis with the addition of the division of Paphlagonia/Honorias), Iuliopolis became part of the Diocletian province of Galatia, in 384/87 Prusias ad Hypium, Heraclea and Claudioupolis, part of the new province of Honorias. 1 M. HeI1, Einige Bemerkungen zum Zollgesetz aus Ephesos, in: EA 17, 1991,9-18 2 W.LescHHorn, Ant. Aren, 1993, 178ff. 3 C.Marexk, Stadt, Ara und Territorium in P.-B. und Nordgalatia, 1993. 4 B.McGinc, The Ephesian Customs Law and the Third Mithradatic War, in: ZPE 109, 1995, 283-288 5 MITCHELL 2, 151-163 6K.STROBEL, Galatien und seine Grenzregionen, in: Forsch. in Galatien, Asia Minor Stud. 12, 1994, 29-65

7 Id., Mithradates VI., in: Ktema 18. Hommages Ed. Frézouls 2, 1997 + 8Id., Die Galater. Unt. zur Gesch. und histor. Geogr. Kleinasiens 2, 1997. C.Boscn,

Die kleinasiat. Mz. der rom. Kaiserzeit II 1,

1935; C.G. BRANDIS, s.v. B., RE 3, 524-539; T.R. S. BROUGHTON, Roman Asia Minor, in: T. FRANK, An Economic Survey of Ancient Rome 4, 1938, 499ff.; B. F. Harris, B., ANRW

BITON

R.JANIN, Les églises et les monastéres des grands centres byzantins, 1975, 1-191. G.MA.

Bithynicus Roman family cognomen among the Pomponii and for M. > Insteius B. (cos. suff. AD 162) other-

wise used among slaves and emancipated slaves (ThIL 2,2018f.). K-LE. Bitia Phoenician settlement founded in the 7th cent. BC on the southern coast of Sardinia, with an acropolis and harbour; mentioned by Ptol. 3,3,3 under the name of Bigia. Remains ofasanctuary with a temple, perhaps of Esmun, near the necropolis located on the seaside with its cremation burials from the 7th/6th cents. and body burials from the 6th -2nd cents. BC. Many terracottas of a style known from Ibiza and Carthage derive froma votive depository. D CEP SS:va Ba 73 Bithia, 1973.

M.L. Userti, Le figurine fittili di

H.G.N.

Bitias [1] B. and Pandarus, companions of Aeneas, are sons of

Alcanor who were brought up by lIaera. Against Aeneas’ command they open a gate of the Trojan encampment; consequently both are killed by Turnus (Verg. Aen. 9,6726f.; 722ff.). [2] Man in Dido’s retinue (Verg. Aen. 1,738). Accord-

ing to Serv. (commenting on this point), who drew on Livy, he was the commander of the Carthaginian fleet. Pu. Haroie, Virgil Aeneid Book IX, 1994, 213f.

RB.

II. 7.2, 1980, 857-901; JONES, Cities

147ff.; Macte, 351ff.M.Lewis, A History of Bithynia under Roman Rule 74 BC.-14 AD., diss. Univ. of Minnesota 1973; E.OLSHAUSEN, s.v. Pontos, RE Suppl. 15, 396-442; A.PAPADAKIS, s.v. B., ODB 1, 1991, 292; B.Rémy, L’évolution administrative de |’Anatolie aux trois premiers siécles, 1986; Id., Les carriéres sénatoriales dans les provinces romaines d’Anatolie au Haut-Empire, 1989, 17-96 (cf. review by W. Ameling, in: Gnomon 67, 1995, 605f.); A.M. SCHNEIDER, s.v. B., RAC 2, 1954, 417-422 G.R. Strumpr, Numismatische Stud. zur Chronologie der rém. Statthalter in Kleinasien, 1991;W. WEIsER, ROm. Stadtemiinzen aus B. et P., in: SNR 68, 1989,

47-73; D.R. Witson, The Historical Geography of B., Paphlagonia and Pontus, diss. Oxford 1960. K.ST.

B. BYZANTINE PERIOD No longer an administrative entity in the Byzantine period, the region B. was in the 7th cent. annexed to the theme of Opsikion and later divided up between it and the theme Optimatoi. In the 8th cent. Slavs from the Balkans were resettled there. As a church province consisting of the metropoleis Nicomedia, Nicaea and Chal-

Biton (Bitwyv; Biton) Author of a short work on catapults and siege equipment; named in Athenaeus (14,634); the work is dedicated to a King Attalus and

was therefore composed between about 230 BC (when Attalus I assumed the title of king) and 133 BC (death of Attalus III). As B. mentions older types of catapults but not the torsion catapult that was otherwise well attested from the end of the 4th cent. BC, the work probably belongs to the early years of the reign of Attalus I. B. describes two catapults that could hurl stones weighing from c. 2 kg to 18 kg, a mobile siege tower (helépolis), a sambyké (a mobile ladder with height adjustment) and two bow catapults. Individual chapters were accompanied by sketches that have, however, been lost, so in places the text is hard to follow. All the items and catapults are attributed to individual technicians, who, with the exception of Zopyrus of Tarentum (Iambl. VP 267), are not elsewhere mentioned in ancient literature. The siege tower that is said to have been constructed for Alexander the Great is an impressive testimonial to the use of the most up-to-date siege tech-

687

688

[1] Friend of Atedius Melior, probably a senator; died before AD 90 (Stat. 2,1,189ff.). A link with P. Sallustius

Blaundos (BAatvéoc; Blatindos). City in eastern > Lydia on the border with Phrygia, to which it is therefore also assigned (Ptol. 5,2,25: BAéavdooc; Bléandros); south of Inay (cf. > Klannudda) near the modern Suliimenli (also Siiliinlii) on a narrow spur between two ravines flowing into the Hippurius (the modern Kopriilii Cay), a northern tributary of the upper Maeander [2]. Indigenous place name in 2nd cent. BC still

BLAESUS

Lucullus remains uncertain, cf. [1. 12f., 334ff.]. 1 SCHEID, Collége.

W.E.

[2] Jurist, probably a student with > Labeo of Trebatius (cf. Dig. 33,2,31). Identification with Q. Iunius B.

(cos. suff. AD ro) is questionable.

W.ED.

Mlaundos

(on coins).

From

its official

designation

Blandus (Rubellius?, see Tac. Ann. 6,27). According to Seneca the Elder, who quotes him on several occasions

Blaundeis Makedones (coins, inscription IGR 4, 717, 3rd cent. AD) B., like several Lydian cities, may claim to

(Controv. 1,7,103; 1,7,13; 2,5,13ff.; book 7 passim; in

be a former Seleucid katoikia (> kdtoikos), but perhaps only in the same way that many cities of neighbouring Phrygia claimed descent from former veterans, without ever actually having been military colonies. Imperial period coins from Claudius [III 1] to the middle of the 3rd cent. AD. The ruins — attested in inscriptions are a

detail: Suas. 2,8), B. was probably the first teacher of rhetoric in Rome from the ranks of the equites (Controv. 2, pr. 5) at the end of the rst cent. BC, probably between 15 and 9 BC. In spite of some Asianic touches — he imitated a maxim of the Asianist Adaeus (Controv. 10,4,20) — Flavianus, for instance, turned to him

temple, a stoa i.a. —

were

already in the roth cent.

after he had left the school of the Asian > Arellius Fuscus in order to concentrate on B.’s philosophical declamation.

subject to increasing quarrying for building material.

J. BRZosKA, s.v. B. 2, RE 3, 557£.; BARDON, 2,85f.; J. FArR-

94-100; G. LE Riper, Un groupe de Cistophores de l’époque attalide, in: BCH 114, 1990, 683-701; K. BURESCH,

WEATHER, Seneca the Elder, 1981, 92f., 157, 209, 297.

Ge.

Blanket (Greek oto@ua, stroma; Lat. stragulum). Blankets were usually made of linen or wool, but also from

Inscription: IGR 4, 714-720. BMC, Gr, Lydia, 42-57; SNG Copenhagen, Lydia 87-90;

Aus Lydien, 1898, 119-121, 203 f.; G. M. CoHEN, Katoikiai, Katoikoi, and Macedonians in Asia Minor, in: AncSoc 22, 1991, 41-50, esp. 48-50; JONES, Cities, 44; MaaIEg, 786, 972, 1001; W. RuGE, s. v. Blaundos, RE 3,

560; ZGUSTA, § 818-1.

H. Ka

the moleskin (Plin. HN 8, 226) and from furs (> Textile

art). They were part of the > household equipment; owning many of them was a sign of wealth (Hom. Il. 16,224; Hom. Od. 3,348). Blankets were placed over the mattresses of the dining sofas and were used as cover during sleep (Hom. Il. 9,661; Hom. Od. 6,38; 11,189; 13,73). Blankets, like pillows and furs, were also placed on chairs. Similarly, there is mention of blankets used for riding and for covering the dead. There was a preference for colourful, purple blankets (e.g. Mart. 2,16,2; Liv. 34,7,3) and for blankets with

colourful embroidery, which at times were perfumed as well (Ath. 2,48c). Corinth, Sardes and Carthage (Ath. 1,27d; 2,48b; 1,28a), among other cities, were par-

ticularly famous for the production of blankets. On journeys, blankets were transported ina sack. Clothing items, such as the > chlaina, were used as blankets as well. In Persia, the perfect placing of blankets was performed by the otemrtyg (strotés, Ath. 2,48d); the supervisor of blankets, bedding and table settings was called OTEMUATOPVAGE (stromatophylax; Plut. Alexander 57,4). The colourful quality of blankets gave rise to the name of otoempdtets (stromateis) for writings of varied

content, cf. >» Clemens of Alexandria. We often find

depictions of colourful blankets in Greek and Roman art within scenes of symposia and of kline meals. A.STAUFFER, Textilien aus Agypten, exhibition cat. Fribourg, 1991.

R.H.

Blaute see > Sandals

Blem(m)yes (Egyptian brhm, Coptic belehmue [Balnemowt|). Lower Nubian nomadic people whose identification with population groups from the Pharaonic period has not so far been successful.A link with today’s Bedja has been postulated [1;2]. They are first mentioned in Theocritus (7,114). According to Str. 17,1,2

they occupied the right bank of the Nile, with the Nubae on the left. Str. 17,1,53 recounts that they were neither numerous nor warlike, even though there were often reports of predatory raids into Egypt and of marauding in the desert. Armed conflict broke out under + Decius and > Probus. Diocletian ceded them the > Dodecaschoenus in 296 and allowed them to participate in the Isis cult on > Philae. From the beginning of the 4th cent. they frequently raided -> Syene, and in 431 they also raided the elChargeh oasis. The B. were still pagan in the 2nd half of the 6th cent. 1 L.STERN, in: ZAS 19, 1881

2 R. HERZzOG,

in: Pai-

deuma 13, 1967, 55. M. Krauss, s.v. B., LA 1, 827f.

R.GR.

Blera, Bieda Etruscan city near Tarquinii, in the hills of tufa rock between Ricanale (in the north) and Biedano (in the south); now Blera (Bieda in the Middle Ages; in

the province of Viterbo). Roman municipium of the tribus Arnensis, Augustales (CIL XI p. 507). Stopping-

689

690

place on the via Clodia with the bridges della Rocca and del Diavolo. Necropolis of tumuli and burial mounds from the 7th cent. BC.

perpetrator himself (+ manus iniectio). With serious crimes, the perpetrator was pursued in a private crimi-

A. Akerstro,

Studien

1934, 76-84; Id., NSA

51-71; S. QUILICI GIGLI, B., 1976.

1969, GU:

Heyday in the 6th and sth cents. BC. Ancient Bieda is situated on a narrow, high plateau with steep sides and its only access was fortified through a ditch and walls. Few ancient remains (drainage channels and a > well) are evident. Graves were hewn into the cliff walls opposite the city from the archaic period onwards. Unfaced stone graves adjoin archaic cubiform and half-cubiform graves; unlike the Hellenistic necropolises of Norchia and > Castel d’Asso, the grave chamber lies: within the cube itself. There are, moreover, various individual tumuli; on the cubes or tumuli there is often a

site of cult worship. H.Kocn et al., Bieda, in: MDAI(R)

30, 1915, 161-310;

S. QuiLici GiGLt, Blera. Topografia antica della citta e del territorio, 1976.

M.M,

Blessing see > Volume 3, Addenda Blood feud A. GREEK

LAW

B. ROMAN

LAW

A. GREEK LAW According to the oldest Greek traditions, the relative of someone who had been killed had a religious duty to obtain revenge with the blood of the killer. As the polis grew stronger, in Athens at any rate from the time of + Dracon (7th cent. BC), the relatives were limited to judicial pursuit of the killer through a dixn povov (diké phonou: action for homicide). Even in the Classical Period this remained a private action. In Dracon’s time the blood feud (BF) could be brought to an end by payment of monetary compensation (mown, poiné: wergeld) if those seeking revenge were to conclude a pact of reconciliation (aidesis) with the killer. In cases of premeditated murder in the Classical Period, the wergeld and the pact of reconciliation gave way to the imposition of capital punishment by the state. G.Tutr, Die Todesstrafe im Blutprozefs Athens, in: The

Journal of Juristic Papyrology 20, 1990, 143ff.

B. ROMAN

Gan

LAW

In Rome it was possible to circumvent a BF largely on the basis of the Greek model: private revenge and monetary compensation (the Greek loan-word poena) both feature in the XII tablets (5th cent. BC). Revenge was, as it were, channelled: if the perpetrator and victims were to agree on a voluntary form of compensa-

BOARD

GAMES

nal action on the basis of sworn testimony (convincingly argued in [1]). A person committing manslaughter by criminal negligence had to present a gathering of the deceased’ relatives with a ram in lieu of compensation. 1 W.KunkKEL, Unt. zur Entwicklung des rém. Kriminalverfahrens

in vorsullanischer

Zeit, 1961,

39ff., 97ff.

GS.

Bloodletting see — Phlebotomy Blossius Italian-Oscan gentilicium (SCHULZE 423 ThIL 2,2054f.). Cicero mentions a respected B. family from Campania (Leg. agr. 2,93), whose members in Capua

are known to have been opponents of Rome in 216 and ZLOB G (live gu7, Stes 2zeaeqtes [1] see + Dracontius. K.-L.E. [2] of Cumae. An Italian political figure (born 128 BC),

whom Plutarch described as a philosopher because the Stoic Antipater [10] of Tarsus was his friend and while in Rome dedicated books to him. As he was also a friend of Ti. Gracchus he was suspected (along with many others) of promoting his policies. After Ti. Gracchus’ downfall he was brought to trial and acquitted, notwithstanding his openly declared loyalty to Tiberius (132 BC). He then joined > Aristonicus’ [4] rebellion in Asia Minor and committed suicide when it failed (Plut. Ti. Gracchus 8; 17; 20; Cic. Lael. 37; Val. Max.4,7,1). ~ Tiberius Gracchus; > Aristonicus [4]; > Antipater [ro] of Tarsus BI. Blucium (Biovxtov; Blovikion, Blucium). Residential castle of Deiotarus I (Str. 12,5,2; Cic. Deiot. 17). Ar-

chaeological finds: necropolis, settlements near Karalar

[1; 2]. 1R.O. Arik, Karalar Hafriyati, in: TTAD 2, 1934, 103167 2T.Saatci, in: Anadolu Medeniyetleri Miizesi 1986 Yilligi, 30-33; 1987 Yilligi, 19-22. S. MITCHELL, Blucium and Peium, in: AS 24, 1974, 61-75; K.STROBEL, Die Galater, 2, 1997.

K.ST.

Boagrius (Bodyeuoc; Bodgrios). River in eastern Locris

(also called Manes), at times a raging torrent, discharges into the sea near Thronium

(Str. 9,4,4; Plin. HN

4,27; Ptol. 3,15,10-11; cf. Hom. Il. 2,533; Lycoph. Alex. 1146). Its course was changed considerably by the earthquake of 426 BC (Str. 1,3,20). J.M. Fossey, The Ancient Topography of Opountian Lokris, 1990, 167-179.

GDI.

Board games A. ANCIENT East

B: GREECE AND ROME

tion, the > talio, i.e. a moderation of the revenge, took

place, or the state compelled the victim to accept the compensation offered. Only in exceptional cases could the victim (or his family) take direct action against the

A. ANCIENT EAST Attested since the 2nd half of the 4th millennium, board games were used as a pastime but also for divina-

BOARD

GAMES

692

691

tion purposes (> Divination; in conjunction with models of the liver [3]). The playing boards of 5 x 4 squares were made from wood (carved or with coloured inlays), stone (painted or with inlays) or baked clay; the playing pieces and dice, from ivory or bone; no information is available on the way the games were played. There is probably no connection with the Egyptian 30-square game (as early as the pre-Dynastic period) [1. 4 Typ All fn. 41]. Decorated boards with 12 x 8 squares that, on the evidence of the playing stones, were used in a game with two opponents, each with seven stones, were found in the royal tombs of Ur [1. fn. 35] and also ina grave at Shar-i Sokhta [1. fn. 16]. In the second millennium this model is also found scratched into floor tiles. Peg games spread from Asia Minor and Palestine to Assyria from the beginning of the 2nd millennium and to Babylon in the rst millennium. The 61- or 59—-hole boards, often manufactured from expensive materials,

were played with little pegs. Mingala or mancala—still popular today— in which two opposing players insert little stones or mussels into indentations on the board, is

=

|

|

APKESIA RE

, —

N

am ;

VI

|

attested from the 3rd millennium at > Hama. 1 W.W. Hato, Games in the Biblical World, in: EretzIsrael 24 (Avraham Malamat Volume), 1993, 83-88 (with detailed bibliography). AN.BE.

B. GREECE AND ROME (meooetat; pesseiai from meoodc; pessos, ‘playing stones’). Playing boards had various names: tmAta (télia), &Bak& (4bax) or nkwOiov (plinthion). According to Pl. Phdr. 274d, it was the Egyptian god Thot who invented board games; in another tradition, it was Pala-

medes at the siege of Troy (Soph. fr. 479; Eur. Iph. A. 195-198; [1]; in addition, there are the Homeric descriptions of board games in Hom. Od. 1,106-108; 17,530-531). Mythical references to board games in Ath. 1,17a-b and Hdt. 2,12 1-123. Early finds at Perati, Mycenae and Tiryns show that, i.a., stones, nuts or mussels weighted with lead were used as playing stones; playing boards, or the remains of them, are known from Knossos [2] and Enkomi. The motif of ‘heroes playing board games’ is widespread on vases and glyptics and is generally interpreted as a game between Ajax and Achilles, though scenes with anonymous players are also in evidence. An archaic dedication at the Acropolis, Athens [3], a Hellenistic gravestone from Euboea depicting board game players, and the numerous carvings on the capitals of columns and on clay tiles all demonstrate the popularity of board games. The board game, probably cultic, at the sanctuary of Athena Skiras is unclear. A favourite board game with the Greeks was the moMc/tOAEtg (pdlis/poleis) or tdvOiov, that is comparable to chess; its 60 stones, named ‘dogs’, were moved

around a board that was probably divided into squares. The object was to take the other player’s stones. It is uncertain,

however,

whether dice were

used or not

(Poll. 9,98). In the five-line game (émi mévte yoapdv)

|

eee

2

Stone gaming-table from Epidaurus for the 'five-line game' (Epidaurus museum, 4th/3rd cents. BC).

the middle line was called ‘the sacred line’ (ieod youu); the two opponents each played with five meooot (pessoi), that were moved towards the sacred line according to the value of the dice-throw. The way the dtayoaupwopds (or yeauwa) board game was played is virtually unknown; all that has been passed on to us is that it was similar to the mOA\uc-game and played with 2 x 30 stones (Poll. 9,99; Eust. 6,169). Board games were also popular in Rome and were considered ‘more socially acceptable’ than ~— dice games. Playing boards or tablets called > abacus or alveus were used for board games (gen.: tabula iusoria,

Plin. HN 37,13), along with calculi (playing stones), which were fashioned from various materials (glass, ivory, stone) (Mart. 12,40,3; 14,20; Juv. 11,120-123);

they were given various colours, mostly black and white, but red was quite common too. The most popular games included > duodecim scripta and - latrunculorum ludus. Ov. Ars am. 3,363—365 and Trist. 2,481 refer to a game with 12 squares, similar to the ‘morris’ game, without, however, mentioning the game’s name. A question mark remains over the 36-square game which H. LAMER [4] reconstructed from the 36-square playing boards of the duodecim scripta but for which antiquity provides no information (cf. [5]). The Roman passion for gambling explains why playing tablets were etched in many places (forum of Timgad, tombstones, the eastern side of the Parthenon in Athens, the north-

ern steps of Basilica Julia in Rome, cf. the loculi slabs in the Roman catacombs), just as original playing boards from various materials have also been preserved. In

693

694

addition, particularly in late antiquity, we have depic-

round towers, was developed in the middle of the 4th cent.; in places the walls still reach up to 9 m in height. Early Christian church.

tions of people playing games. Games equipment in-

cluded dice shakers (— fritillus) and playing pieces, as well as playing stones. 1S.Karouzou, Der Erfinder des Wiirfels, in: MDAI(A)

88, 1973, 55-65 | 2J.EvaNs, The Palace of Minos at Knossos 1, 1921, 472-473, fig.338-339, pl.5 3 Fucus/ FLOREN, 277. 4H.Lamer, s.v. Lusoria Tabula, RE 13, 2008-2012 5 H.G. Horn, Si per me misit, nil nisi vota

feret. Ein rom. Spielturm aus Froitzheim, in: BJ 189, 1989, 139-160.

H.R. IMMEeRwanr, Aegina. Aphaia-Tempel, in: AA 1986, 195-204; H.Lamer, s.v. Lusoria Tabula, RE 13, 1900-

BOEOTARCHS

H.-H.

WEGNER, in: H. CUrrers(ed.), Die ROmer in Rhein-

land-Pfalz, 1990, 344-346; E.Dassmann, Die Anf. der Kirche in Deutschland, 1993, 62-65. K.DI.

Boduognatus Celt whose name is a compound from boduo and -gnatus ‘he who was born of the battle crow’ [1.461; 2.60; 3.152]. Commander-in-chief of the Nervii in the Belgian tribes’ battle against Caesar in 57 BC (Caes. B Gall. 2,23,4).

2029; S. Laser, H.G. BUCHHOLZ, Sport und Spiel, ArchHom T, 1987, 117-184; TH.M. SCHMIDT, G. FIEDLER,

1HouperR,t

Ein Sarkophag als Spielbrett, in: Forsch. und Ber. 29,

E. Kies, s.v. B., RE 3, 594; WHATMOUGH, 214.

1990, 169-188; J. VATERLEIN, Roma ludens, 1976.

2Evans

3 SCHMIDT

W.SP.

RH.

Boar-tusk helmet see > Helmet

Bocchus [1] B.1, Mauretanian king c. tro-81 BC: in the Jugurthine war was initially concerned about foedus and amicitia with Rome, then allied himself with his father-inlaw, > Jugurtha (Sall. Iug. 80,3-6). After assuming command against Jugurtha in 107 > Marius made contact with B., who was at the same time negotiating with Jugurtha; B. betrayed the latter in ros (Sall. lug. 105,1-108,2; 112,1-113,7) [1. 178], justified his own participation (Sall. lug. 102,1-15), remained thereafter a ovmmayos (symmachos) of Rome (Plut. Marius 32,4)

and received west Numidia as far as the river Mulucha [2z. 60-63, 67]. Before 81 BC he was succeeded by his son Bogudes [1] [2. 67; 3.267]. — Mauretania; > Numidia; > Africa

Boebe (BoiBh, BowBnic Aiunv; Boibe], Boibéis limen). City on the steep, southern bank of the eponymous lake that stretched, north-west to south-east, along the Pelion and that was mentioned as early as the Iliad, in the Catalogue of Ships (Hom. Il. 2,711f.). B. belonged to Magnesia and, in 293 BC, became part of > Demetrias. In the Byzantine Period it was transferred to the edge of the lake. Of that locale (the medieval Karla) there still exists a church, Hagios Nikolaos between Glafira and Kanalia, on the remains of an ancient temple. Even antiquity saw Lake B. as the remnant of an inland sea that originally covered the whole of Thessaly. It could still be seen at the start of the twentieth cent., with a depth of up to 6 m, but after 1945 was completely drained by a drainage canal. A large number of prehistoric sites (> Armenium) on what was once the western bank. M.p1 SALvaTorE, Ricerche sul territorio di Pherai, in: La

1H.Benctson, Grundriff der rém Gesch., *1982 2 M.-R. ALFOLDI, Die Gesch. des numidischen K6nigrei-

Thessalie, quinze années de recherches archéologiques, 1975-1990. Actes du colloque international, Lyon 1990,

ches und seiner Nachfolger, in: H.G. Horn, C.B. RUGER

1994, 1924,

(ed.), Die Numider, 1979, 43-74

3 S.GSELL, Histoire

115f.; F.STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 6of. (literary sources); TIB 1, 1976, 136, 181.

HE.KR.

ancienne de |’Afrique du Nord VII, 1928 (repr. 1972).

BM. [2] B. Il, King in Mauretania c. 50-33 BC. With Bogudes [3] and P. Sittius he supported Caesar, and in 47 attacked Juba and Pompey’s supporters. He enlarged his territory after Juba’s suicide [1. 68] and again in 38, after Bogudes sided with M. > Antonius [I 9] after Caesar’s death and the Tingitani rebelled against him (Cass. Dio 48,45,1-3); after his death in 33 BC his leadership was probably bequeathed to Octavianus (+ Augustus)

Boedas (also Boidas). Sculptor, son and pupil of > Lysippus. He worked in Byzantium around 300 BC. Pliny was aware of his fame but mentioned only the statue in Rome of a worshipper. For a long time the statue of the so-called ‘Praying boy’ from Rhodes in Berlin (PM) was erroneously identified with it.

(Cass. Dio 49,43,7) [1. 69].

R. KaBuSs-PREISSHOFEN, Der ‘Betende Knabe’ in Berlin, in: AA 1988, 679-699; OVERBECK, n0O.I516. 1521 (sources); B.S. Ripeway, Hellenistic Sculpture, 1, 1990,

+ Africa; > Pompeius

227-228.

1 M.-R. ALFOLDI, Die Gesch. des numidischen K6nigreiches und seiner Nachfolger, in: H.G. Horn, C.B. RUGER

(ed.), Die Numider, 1979, 43-74.

B.M.

Bodobrica now Boppard. About 1 km east of a vicus from the rst-3rd cents. AD, the late Roman castle B. of the milites balistarii (Not. Dign. occ. 41,23), with 28

RN.

Boeotarchs The most important office in the Boeotian League. The College of Boeotarchs, elected by the 11 districts for one year’s service, consisted of 11 Boeotarchs before 386 BC, of seven after 364 and of eight at times in 338. Larger cities nominated two boeotarchs, and Thebes, after the capture of Plataea (427 and 373), four. Their extensive powers included, i.a., probouleu-

695

696

tic functions for the League’s assembly and services as emissaries, but the most important was military command of the League’s forces. Supreme command was vested in the Theban Boeotarchs; tactics and strategy were decided by a majority vote. Treaties of alliance and peace negotiated by the Boeotarchs had to be ratified by the League’s or the assembly. After 338 the Boeotarchs declined in importance vis-a-vis the > archontes of the League. The office survived, though with interruptions, until at least the 3rd cent. AD.

wards from + Thebes towards Lakes Hylice and Traphea; in the south-east, Tanagra dominated an enclosed basin at the lower reaches of the > Asopus; in the south-west, Plataea and Thespiae, too, had sway over fairly small plains with good agricultural soil. The harbour sites located on the Gulf of Corinth, > Creusis, -» Siphae and + Chorsiae were not easily accessible from the interior and were thus less important than the ports on the Euboean Gulf, > Aulis, > Anthedon and + Larymna. Despite its extensive coastline B. remained an inland agricultural region that was renowned not only for its excellent wheat (Theophr. Hist. pl. 8,4,5; Plin. HN 18,63) [8. 8f.], but also for horse-breeding (Dicaearchus, GGM 1,13) and for the eels from Lake Copais (Aristoph. Ach. 88off.; Paus. 9,24,2; Ath. 7,297d). Although B. was home to Hesiod, Pindar, Corinna and Plutarch, its people were generally regarded in antiquity as crude, stolid and gluttonous [4. 646].

BOEOTARCHS

+ Boeotia J. Buckier, The Theban Hegemony, 371-362 BC, 1980, 23-30; P. Satmon, Etude sur la confédération béotienne (447/6-3 86), 1978, 129-143. WSS.

Boeotia, Boeotians

(Bowwtia, Bountot; Boidtia, Boi-

Otol).

A. TOPOGRAPHY B. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT FROM THE BEGINNINGS TO THE 4TH CENT. BC C. HELLENISM AND ROMAN PERIOD D. BYZANTINE PERIOD

A. TOPOGRAPHY Region and people in south-eastern Central Greece; with c. 2,500 km* almost as large as > Attica. Bounded in the south-west by the Corinthian Gulf and in the north-east and east by the Euboean Gulf, B. is the only land bridge between northern and southern Greece and was thus a battleground over and over again (— Chaeronea, — Coronea, ~ Plataeae). In the south the > Parnes and the > Cithaeron formed a natural border with Attica and Megaris, while in the west it was the ~ Helicon and the narrow pass west of Chaeronea, formed by an eastern foothill of the > Parnassus and by the > Hadylium in the lower valley of the > Cephisus, that separated B. from > Phocis. In the north-west and north today’s Chlomon mountain range separated B. from east Locris; however, the originally east Locrian harbours of > Larymna and > Halae and their environs became Boeotian in the Classical or Hellenistic periods; the territory of » Oropus lying in the extreme south-east was regularly disputed by B. and Athens; in the south-west, for a time in the 6th and sth cents. BC,

Athens was able to extend its influence over the Cithaeronas far as Plataea. A strip of land situated directly on the > Euripus east of > Messapium belonged as — Peraea to the Euboean > Chalcis [1] and was divided from the rest of B. in the Hellenistic period by a large fortified wall [1. 9 rff.]. The foothills of the surrounding ranges gave the interior a fertile and segmented landscape: in the west, a basin, with + Orchomenus as its most important city, was formed by the lower Cephisus valley and the area on the western banks of the — Copais which was drained in the Mycenaean period, as again it has been since the end of the roth cent; in the east, the largest

basin, its western part known as the “Teneric’ plain and the eastern part as the ‘Aonian’ plain, stretched north-

B. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT FROM THE BEGINNINGS TO THE 4TH CENT. BC

The beginnings of B.’s settlement go back to Palaeolithic times; the fertile inland plains were densely settled from the Neolithic period at the latest. B. enjoyed its first great heyday in the Mycenaean period; in Orchomenus and Thebes there arose imposing palace centres whose competitive relationship appears to be reflected in the rich mythological tradition [5]. It was through an extensive programme of improvement measures undertaken from Orchomenus that Lake Copais was drained and large tracts were claimed for cultivation, only to be flooded over once again after the collapse of the Mycenaean palace culture [6].

It was probably in the course of the migration movements of the > ‘Dark Ages’ that the Boeotians, arriving from the north-west (according to ancient tradition, from Thessaly), settled in the region that was later to be named after them (first reference: Hes. Cat. fr.r81) [2;

4.642]. The form of the word Bowtoi (initially in Hom. Il. 2,494, but at that time still not including Orchomenus and — Aspledon) probably derives from a northwestern Greek toponym (Boium mountain range in Epirus?); the dialect, discrete but with an Aeolian base and

western Greek influences, also points to north-western Greece, especially Thessaly [3]. Initially brought together as an amphictyonic tribal group (+ Amphiktyonia) with the central sanctuaries of Poseidon in ~ Onchestus and Athena Itonia near Coronea

(festival of the Pamboidtia),

the Boeotian

cities, of which the Homeric Catalogue of Ships lists 29 (Hom. Il. 2,494ff.), merged for the first time at the end of the 6th cent. BC, under Theban leadership, to form a

common currency union, though without Plataea, which allied itself with > Athens [1] [7]. After the Persian Wars this union was probably dissolved because of the pro-Persian attitudes of many of its members; at any rate Thebes lost its pre-eminent status. From 457 to 447 the re-established (?) league came under Athenian control; after the Athenian defeat at Coronea B. was

697

BOEOTIA,

BOEOTIANS

23°00" 38°40’

Zi

wo i

~Y

Ag

——

SoHyettos

Cocca 8Zz asp eseNO te, VAM Se eK eSS He Oo “S05. Orchomenos PY f after 379 BC (335) +

338 BC

Ouse =

Chaironeia Ce

Lo

‘

2]

Ze

SN

38°20'—

lataiat ‘ou

Cie

after 379 BC

~ araec SA) GD)

yeeals 0

23°20!

The Boeotian League from the 6th cent. to 146 BC First koinon of the Boeotians as a.) amphictyonic tribal /ethnic league (6th cent.) b.) federation of cities under the leadership of Thebes (late 6th cent. — after 479 BC)

@

O (Second) koinon of the Boeotians as a.) (reconstituted) federation of cities

(pre- 461-447 BC)

b.) after 447 - 386 BC: confederation with 11 districts (mere) c.) Re- establishment 379 BC under Theban hegemony d.) After 338 BC: re-establishment of the League

Member of the Boeotian League (for the duration or at times, as far as this can be ascertained)

Member from the (second) and/or third koinon

Intermittent membership

oQ

League sanctuary

X. Battle (date) yOKRIS

Region

x arne&S

Mountain range

"Locations destroyed predominantly in conflicts within the League (date of restoration)

[2] Number of districts (c. 395 BC) Affiliation to a district

District with rotational change of bojotarches

formed into a confederated state: the cities were grouped into rr similarly sized districts with a proportional share in tax payments and in all administrative offices (cf. the office of the > boeotarch) and bodies of the League (Assembly and Council of the League, and the military structure) (Hell. Oxy. 19,2-4, 374-404). Although siding with Sparta in the Peloponnesian War, the Boeotians fought in the Corinthian War (395-387 BC) as an ally of Athens against Sparta. The League’s dissolution that was imposed in 3 86 BC with the ‘King’s Peace’ was rescinded after > Pelopidas and > Epaminondas overthrew in 379 the regime that Sparta had set up in 382; Theban pre-eminence within the League was decisively strengthened; Plataea and Orchomenus were destroyed by Thebes. Initially a member of the 2nd + Athenian League, B. ran into opposition with Athens because of its own growing ambition for hegemony; after the victory over Sparta at > Leuctra in 371, B. became the dominant power in Greece until the battle of > Mantinea in 362, but thereafter its influence

declined. Alexander [4] the Great destroyed Thebes in 335 after an uprising, but at the same time had Plataea

and Orchomenus rebuilt; after being rebuilt itself by Cassander in 316, Thebes again became a member of the League, which had been reconstituted after 338, though without regaining its predominant status. C. HELLENISM AND ROMAN PERIOD B. was able to reassert itself in the Hellenistic period and at times even absorb, i.a., > Chalcis [1], > Eretria, -» Megara and parts ofeast Locris into its League. Conflicts with Rome in the 3rd and 2nd cents. BC led to serious rifts in B. and finally in 146 to the dissolution of the League which, although re-established soon afterwards and going on to survive until late into the Imperial period, performed mainly cultic functions. In the Roman period B. became a border region, and Gothic invasions in the 3rd and 4th cents. AD completed its downfall. Accounts in antiquity: especially in Str. 9.2; Paus. 9; Dicaearchus, GGM 1,100-106 (6-30); FGrH no. 376-388.

699

700

1 S.C. BAKHUIZEN, Studies in the Topography of Chalkis

= [Me0-, tf, 1) or EI for ‘e before a, o (e0evav, Oevoig = #Oeoav, Oeotc) and led to a pattern [1. 77ff.] that in its final phase partly accords with koiné. Some striking

BOEOTIA, BOEOTIANS

on Euboea, 1985

H.Berster,

2 Id., The Ethnos of the Boeotians, in:

J.BuCKLER

(ed.), Boiotika,

1989,

65-72

3 W.BLUMEL, Charakterisierung des boiot. Dialekts, in: P.RoescH, G.ARGOouD (ed.), La Beéotie antique, 1985, 385-393 4F.Cauer,s.v. B., RE 3,640-663 5 S.HILL-

ER, Die Stellung Bootiens im myk. Staatenverband, in: H.Berster, J.BuCKLER (ed.), Boiotika, 1989, 51-64 6 J. Knauss, B. Hetnricu, H.KAucyk, Die Wasserbauten

der Minyer in der Kopais, 1984 7 A.SCHACHTER, B. in the Sixth Century B.C., in: H. BetsTER, J. BUCKLER (ed.), Boiotika, 1989, 73-86 8 P.W. WALLAcE, Strabo’s De scription of B., 1979. S.C. BAKHUIZEN, Thebes and Boeotia in the Fourth Century B.C., in: Phoenix 48, 1994, 307-330; R.J. Buck, A

History of Boeotia, 1979; Id., B. and the Boiotian League, 432-371 B. C., 1994;J.BUCKLER, The Theban Hegemony 371-362, 1980; C. BuRSIAN, Geogr. von Griechenland 1, 1862, 194-251; Fossey; B. GULLATH, Unt. zur Gesch. B.s in der Zeit Alexanders d.Gr. und der Diadochen, 1982; PAPACHATZIS, Tlavoaviov EAAadocg Tleguyynots, 5, *1981,

13-266; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN I,2, 430-548; P. ROESCH, Thespies et la confédération béotienne, 1965; Id., Etudes béotienne, 1982; P.SALmon, Etude sur la confédération béotienne (447/6-386), 1976; SCHACHTER; Teiresias rff., r97tff. PF. LITERATURE

(MAP): J.DucatT, La confédération béoti-

enne et l’expansion thébaine a |’€poque archaique, in: BCH 97, 1973, 59-73; J.M. Fossey, The cities of the Kopais in the Roman period, ANRW II 7,1, 1979, 549-

coincidences from the middle of the 3rd cent. are: H, Y,

I for /é/, /a/, Ai(from “ai, “oi, “et), EI, 2, OY for /é/(or fi/), /o/, /alfrom “é, “6, “u (also from compensatory lengthening and contractions: @, 6 originally not closed), e.g. pyveitn, tus, EXL, Wel, Elev, BHAG, YOOVOLU = haivyta, tots, éet, wh, eivar, BovAh, yovoodt; also OY

predominantly for/u/(Mov0uw = Nv@iov). In addition, some other developments, e.g. in Lebadea (3rd/2nd cents.: I for “é, EI for ‘oi, cf. “xvdtc, aywepev, avteis = “mode, ayeloetv, abtots) or in Thebes (2nd half of the 3rd cent.: EI for “ai, cf. OePew = Onfator). Boeotian shows, along with matches (a) with the Aeolian dialects (> Aeolian) and especially (b) with > Thessalian, (c) a

strong element of western Greek and (d) a number of its own distinguishing features. For (a): ‘7 >ro, k“e > pe; athematic dat. pl. in -eoot, perfect participle with -nt-; use of the patronymic, also the genitive of the father’s name, depending on the period [2], possibly ta, ’1’. For (b): 3rd person pl. with —v0- (-v6t, -v60, etc.), thematic infinitive in -€-uev, yivuwat. For (c): retained -ti(—), nom.

pl. tv, ty (= oi, ai), athematic infinitive in —vev, 1 (for ai = ci), g%el- (BeiAoucu), which belong to the western

Greek elements of Aeolian. Specifically western Greek: bua, xa (= Ste, Gv), iaodcs, MoGtOC, Fixatt, ’20’; attrib-

utable to the influence of the north-western

Greek

591; B.GULLATH, Unt. zur Gesch. Boiotiens in der Zeit Alexanders und der Diadochen, 1982; J.M. Fossey, To-

koind are XT for st’ and aorist in -Ea- for *-t-sa-. For (d):

pography and Population of Ancient Boiotia 2 vols., 1988; Id., Papers in Boiotian Topography and History,

“ti, "ki, “tu, “ts > -tt- (tttO (d)d- (present in —-68w), retained u; dat. sg. in —ot, -at (-v, -y), obto-/&- in the

1990; H. VAN EFFENTERRE, Les Béotiens aux frontiéres de PAthénes antique, 1989; R.J. Buck, Boiotia and the Boiotian League, 1994, 432-371.

D. BYZANTINE PERIOD In AD 551 the region was ravaged by an earthquake that destroyed eight cities (Procop. Goth. 4,25). In the 7th cent. Slavic immigration, evident from place names; resurgence in the 8th and 9th cents., especially for Thebes, which became the capital of the theme of Hellas and seat of the Metropolitan. J.M. Fossey, Topography and Population of Ancient Boiotia, 2 Vols., 1988.

K.SA.

later homophonic infix before 0, u (tiovya = thyn),

whole paradigm, imperative 3rd pl. in -v0w, -oOw, 3rd pl. in -av (Typ “&0eav; also occasionally 3rd sg. aveOn, aor. in—ooa- after a short syllable (xahe-coa-); mor({), év + acc., éc/éoc, meda

(= mec,

eic, €E, uetH), personal

names frequently ending in —et (gen. -10¢). Because of (a) and (b), and partly also (c), B. is seen to be an Aeo-

lian dialect that shares several isoglosses with the northwestern Greek dialect; it was introduced into Boeotia in

the post-Mycenaean period by immigrants from Thessaly [3. 79f., 96]; an eastern Greek dialect is attested in Mycenaean Thebes (i-je-ro). Sample (Lebadea, 3rd cent.): Awthog Ioavnw avt6eltt tov Fidtov Oegamovta Avéotxov tu At tv Baote ...

Boeotian Boeotian is known from inscriptions from, i.a., Lebadea, Orchomenus, Tanagra, Thebes, Thespiae (unified alphabet since the rst half of the 4th cent.), as

also from > Corinna, whose text mirrors the spelling on the inscriptions from Tanagra (> Greek literary languages). Notwithstanding the influence of Attic and koine, Boeotian survives in inscriptions into the first half of the 2nd cent. BC. Especially characteristic is the development of the vowel system (monophthongization of diphthongs, stressing of ‘é and ‘e, 0), which had been evident since the 5th cent. in such spellings as I for ‘ei (as well as El, +) and AE, OE for ‘ai, “oi (MuWagyos, tae, toe

LAQOV EWLEV ... * LeL EOOEWEV Se XaTAdoOVvALTTAGON A. WeLOevi’ A. d€ Aettmoytlev ev TS Doous Tov Ouw[v] ovtwv.

Corresponding to: Zwidocg Eignvatou dvatiOyou tov iStov VeQamovta “Avdoixov tH Au tH Baotret ... teodv eivaut...* wh &Eetvar dé xatadovrioaobar’A. undevi 7A. Sé Aytoveyetv ev Tals Ouoiats TOV Dev tovTwWV.

~> Greek dialects; + Greek literary languages 1 M.S. RurpéReEz, Esquisse d’une histoire du vocalisme grec, in: Word 12, 1956, 67-81 (= Opera selecta 63-77) 2 G. VoTTERO, L’expression de la filiation en béotien, in:

Verbum ro, 1987, 211-231 3 J.L. Garcfia-RAMOn, Les origines postmyceéniennes du groupe dialectal éolien,

1975.

7OL

702 Sources: 1985.

IG VII, 1892; Teiresias Epigraphica,

1975-

LITERATURE: BECHTEL, Dial. I, 1921, 213-311; W. BLU-

MEL, Die aiol. Dial., 1982; C. BRrxHE et al., Le béotien, in: REG 98, 1985, 298-303 (Research report); THUMB/SCHERER, 5-48. J.G-R.

Boeotian vase painting see -» Geometric vase painting; see > Orientalizing vase painting; see Red-figured vase painting; see > Black-figured vase painting Boeotus

(Bowtdc; Boidtds). Ancestor of the Boeoti,

defies precise identification. Only two genealogies connect him to the region that bears his name. According to Hellanicus (FGrH 4F51r) and others [1], he was the son of Poseidon and Arne (who gave her name to the original homeland of the Boeoti). In Paus. (9,1,1) B. is the son of Itonus and Melanippe. One of the two is probably father of Onchestus (Hes. fr. 219 M-W). The myth

passed down to us seems to go back no further than two lost plays of Euripides (TGF 480-514). In Medavinay h Agou@tic -> Melanippe, the daughter of the elder Aeolus, bears Poseidon two sons, B. and the younger Aeolus. Her father blinds her, locks her up and exposes the children, who are suckled by a cow and brought up by herdsmen. Theano, wife of King Metapontus of Icaria, passes the boys off as her own but decides to get rid of them after she gives birth to two sons. The boys escape and discover who they are; whereupon they kill the elder Aeolus, free their mother and bring her to Metapontus, who marries her, after Theano’s suicide, and

adopts the boys. B. later founds Boeotia in Propontis and Aeolus Aeolis. The plot of Medavisxy fh oop? is set in the palace of the elder Aeolus, who takes Cheiron’s daughter, Hippo, as his second wife. She gives birth to Melanippe, who in turn bears Poseidon twins. She entrusts the pair of them to a nurse, who lets herdsmen bring them up. They, too, are suckled by a cow and brought before Aeolus. They are due to be sacrificed on the advice of Aeolus’ father,

Hellenus, when they are recognized by Melanippe and presumably saved at the last minute. Euripides’ ‘Italic’ version may show genuine Boeotian interest in the area, and there are further indicators

for this. 1 M.L. West, The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, 1985,

102, fn. 158.

AS.

Boethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus A. Lire B. Worxs 1. WORK ON THE ARTS 2. THEOLOGICAL WRITINGS 3. LOST MATERIAL C. HIsTORY OF HIS INFLUENCE D. MUSICAL

THEORY

A. LIFE Son of the consul for 487, B. was born around 480.

After his father’s early death he was adopted into the household of Symmachus, whose daughter, Rusti-

BOETHIUS

ciana, he married. Given an excellent education, he was

as familiar with the writings of Plato, Aristotle and the Neoplatonists, especially Porphyry and the Athenian School, as with Augustine, and he soon acquired a reputation as a scholar. In 510 he became consul sine collega, and in 522 his two sons, not fully grown-up, obtained the consulate. Probably in the same year he became magister officiorum, but evidently had only little backing at court. He was thus drawn into the trial of Albinus for high treason; a trial in which the tensions

between a pro-Byzantine party in the Senate bent on church union and the east Gothic court in Ravenna reached a climax after the sudden death of the designated successor to the throne, > Eutharich. His involvement on behalf of Albinus and the Senate led to his arrest in Pavia; he was charged with crimina maiestatis, perduellionis and sacrilegti. Sentenced to death and to forfeiture of all property, he was executed by sword, probably in the autumn of 524. His remains rest in the church of San Pietro in Ciel d’Oro in Pavia, where he has been revered as a local saint and martyr since the 13th cent. B. Works Nothing has survived from the Carmina (Cons. 1 carm. 1,1), that are said to be from his youth. The publications of this early developer begin with descriptions of the Artes. His first translations and commentaries on logic were composed even before 5 10. His work on the Categories falls into the period of his consulate. Aristotle dominates his activity for the next years, during which B. at least partly fulfils his scholarly plan oftranslating, and commenting on, all the works of > Plato and > Aristotle and demonstrating the congruence of the two philosophers (Herm. sec. 2,2 p. 79,9ff.). To that are to be added separate works on logic and his theological writings, as well as the extensive commentary on

+ Cicero’s Topica. His last work is the Consolatio. There we have a work programme stamped with a selfcontained, systematic and encyclopaedic purpose of transmitting knowledge; the theological works, on the other hand, are more externally driven. 1. WORK ON THE ARTS Following Nicomachus of Gerasa, the > Institutio arithmetica [1] stands at the beginning, since it is from

the study of numbers, their relationships, proportions and harmony that knowledge is gained to reveal the connection between individual subject areas. Of the three categories of music, the musica mundana as harmony of the spheres, the musica humana as the harmonious union of body and soul, and the musica intended for instruments, believe that the Institutio musicae, based on Nicomachus and > Ptolemaeus, which has survived only in part, treats but the last. It relates not so much to practical musical skill as to knowledge of mathematical patterns. Writings on Logic: 1. Following > Porphyrius: B. understood the Aristotelian Organonas the basis of any contact with logic, which is regarded stoically as a part

BOETHIUS

704

SES

to educate

is the highest good?’, ‘What is the relationship between Providence and free will?’ With a regular switch between prose and poetry, a dialogue takes place with Philosophy, which appears to the condemned man in prison. The work is arranged in five books and divided

beginners [3]. 2. Following Aristotle: the translation

at book three, carm. 9 into two halves, of which the first

(two versions) of and commentary on the work on cat-

is dedicated to the victim’s plight and justification of his political actions (book r), the relativity of material happiness (book two) compared with true happiness that is

of, and peripatetically as an instrument of, philosophy. He therefore begins with a commentary on the ~ Isagoge following the translation by > Marius Victorinus; that commentary, like the second version which used his own

translation,

was

intended

egories [4] cover, along with linguistically logical phenomena, categories as a link between the use of language and the universals. The translation and commentary (two versions) of the Hermeneutica [5] discuss the origin, structure and essence of speech, and in the process the much-analyzed problem of contingentia futura (Herm. 3,9) [6]. Along with these, there are the translations (two versions) of the Analytica priora [7], the Topica [8] and the Sophistici elenchi [9|.—Of the seven books of the commentary on Cic. Top. the text up to § 76 of the foreword is extant [10]. Independent works on logic are the two treatises on categorical conclusions (De syllogismis categoricis, Introductio ad syllogismos categoricos) [11], as well as the important work De hypotheticis syllogismis [12]. De topicis differentiis [13] explains the dialectic and rhetorical topoi according to Cicero and > Themistius; De divisione [14] discusses the different types of division. In the evaluation of his logical-rhetorical works their role as a link between Greek and medieval logic was certainly always acknowledged; today they are no longer regarded as belonging to an epigone who, with his compilations, heralded the end of Greek logic, but his achievements in developing formal logic, particularly with hypothetical conclusions, and in expanding Latin philosophical terminology, are beyond dispute. He integrated Aristotelian logic into his Plato-based understanding of philosophy that reached its most sublime expression in the Consolatio. 2. THEOLOGICAL WRITINGS [15] The rst and 2nd treatises on the problem of the Trinity forma unity following Augustine; the 3rd (Liber de hebdomadibus) discusses the relationship of things to the primary good, i.e. God; the 4th, quite distinct in style from the others and thus repeatedly regarded as spurious, offers a Catholic view of the history of sal-

to be found only in God (book three); the second, to the question of theodicy (book four) and free will (book

five). Even the individual books show clear proportions, supported by the poems which have been included and which can have a transitional and heightening effect, as well as a connective function. The unity of composition contradicts.the view that the work is missing its conclusion or another book. In the tradition of > consolationes and protreptics, the Consolatio brings together different literary media— such as philosophical + dialogue, > diatribe, and sermon with lyrical and hymnal poems — in the shape of > prosimetrum [18] and so, because of both its content and its formal qualities, became a medieval masterpiece. Not least because of his style, free of the excesses of rhetorical artificiality dominating the work of his contemporaries, B. may be regarded as the most significant Latin author during the period of mass migration of peoples. C. HISTORY OF HIS INFLUENCE B. was the most important transmitter of Greek philosophy to the Latin world since Cicero and to the Middle Ages before the Arabs. Reception begins in the Carolingian period initially with the Consolatio and the theological writings. Through their method of rational discussion of dogma, conducted with the help of Aristotle-oriented terminology, the Opuscula sacra became an exemplary model for scholastic theology. Quite early on, Alcuin (d. 804) quotes De trinitate, Remigius

of Auxerre (d. 908) gives a commentary on it. Numer-

ous MSS display sustained interest, especially within the Chartres school. Important are the commentaries of

Gilbert of Poitiers (d. 1154), Clarembaldus of Arras

vation;Contra Eutychen et Nestorium discusses the re-

(d. around 1172), the lectures of Thierry of Chartres

lationship between persona and natura in regard to Christology. 3. LOST MATERIAL The ‘Geometry’ transmitted in his name is not genuine [16]; the last trace is to be found, as is the case

(d. around 1155) and finally the commentary of Thomas Aquinas (d. 1274) on De trinitate. Even Alcuin knows the Consolatio, which becomes a school textbook in the 9th cent. and on which a great many commentaries appear from the 9th cent. onwards, especially on the most famous poem, Book three carm. 9 (commentary by Bovo II, Abbot of Corvey 900-916, and by Adalbold of Utrecht, d. 1026). Lupus of Ferriéres (d. after 862) writes a treatise on the metre of the Consolatio,

with ‘Astronomy’, also, in Gerbert of Aurillac (Epist. 8

p. 99) in 983. There is confirmation of the existence of a ‘Physics’ Herm. comm. sec. 3,9 p. 190,13 but it is lost, as also a second commentary on the Categories, the commentary on the Analytica priora and a translation of the Analytica posteriora. In the Consolatio philosophiae [17], starting out with reflections on his political downfall, B. attempts to answer in philosophical discourse such fundamental existential questions as ‘What values are there2’, ‘What

as does N. Perotti (d. 1480) later. The whole work is

commented on by Remigius of Auxerre, William of Conches

(d.around

1154),

Nikolaus

Treveth

(d.

around 1334), Regnier of Saint-Trond (1381), William of Aragon (1385), Petrus of Ailly (d. 1420), William of Contumella (1446) i.a. A translation of the Consolatio

7°95

706

into Old High German was prepared by Notker the

reproduced in two shortened versions (De inst. musica

German (d. 1022), who also translated the Categories

1,4 and 2,3ff.). B. shares the old Pythagorean conviction that ratio is superior to the easily deceived senses (1,9f., cf. 1,28). He acknowledges only the simplest numerical relationships of legitimized consonances but does mention (2,27) that Ptolemy made an exception

and De interpretatione, into English by King Alfred of England (848-899), Geoffrey Chaucer (around 1380), John Walton (1410) and Queen Elizabeth I (1593), into French by Jean de Meun (around 1305), into Greek by Maximos Planudes (d. 1310). With his works on the Artes and the Organon, which are not only outstanding achievements of translation but should be appreciated generally for their independent penetration of the subject matter, B. laid the foundations for education in the Middle Ages. Thus the Institutio arithmetica by itself conveyed knowledge of Greek mathematics, the Institutio musica (c. 140 MSS) was the starting point for medieval musical theory; the medieval debate on universals was based on the 2nd commentary on the Is-

agoge. The translation and commentaries of the works on logic, which are known to have existed since the roth cent. and whose transmission was dependent on several hundred MSS, have given scholars their tools of trade for logic and have become fundamental manuals until the rediscovery of Greek texts. Ep.: 1G.FRIEDLEIN, 1867 J.-Y.GUILLAUMIN, 1995 (with French trans.) M.Masi, 1983 (English trans.) 2 G.FRIEDLEIN, 1867 O.PAUL, 1872 (Ger. trans.) C.M. Bowerr, 1989 (Engl. trans.) 3 L. MINIoPALUELLO, B.G.Dop, Aristoteles Latinus 1, 6-7, 1966 (trans.) G.SCHEPsS, S. BRANDT, CSEL 48 (Commentary) 4L.Mrnio-PaLuE._o, Aristoteles Latinus 1, 1, 1961 (trans.) PL 64, 159-294 5 L.MinIo-PALUELLO, Aristoteles Latinus 2,1, 1965 (trans.) K.MEISER, 1877/80

(Commentary) 6 M.MrcGnuccl, Boezio e il problema dei futuri contingenti, in: Medioevo 13, 1987, I-50 7 L.Mrinio-PALuELLo, Aristoteles Latinus 3,1, 1962 8 Id., B.G. Don, Aristoteles Latinus 5,1, 1969 9B.G. Don, Aristoteles Latinus 6,1,1975 10 J.C. ORELLI,J.G. BAITER, Ciceronis opera 5,1, 1833, 270-388 11PL 64, 761-832 12L.OBERTELLO, 1969 (with Italian trans. andcommentary) 13 PL13,64-1216 E.Srump, 1978 - (English trans.) 14 PL 64, 875-892 L.Pozzi, 1969 (Italian trans. and commentary) 15 M.ELSAssER, 1988 (with Ger. trans.) 16 M.FOLKERTs, “Boethius’ Geometrie II, 1970 17 L.BIELER, *1984 J.GRUBER, 1978 (Commentary) 18 B.PABstT, Prosimetrum, 1994. J.GruBer et al., s.v. B., LMA 2, 1983, 308-315; HLL § 711; J. GRUBER, Lustrum (in preparation) J.GR.

D. MUSICAL THEORY De institutione musica libri V, the largest and most significant work on the subject in Latin, is essentially a translation and revision of Greek sources, including the lost great musical harmony of > Nicomachus, parts of the Sectio canonis of > Euclides and the opening chapter from the Harmonics of Ptolemy (of the 5th book only chs.r-19 have survived, chs.20-30, that are announced with chapter headings, are missing). Roman authors like Cicero and Statius are frequently quoted. The work is linked to B.’s De institutione arithmetica (cf. its 2,54, De maxima et perfecta symphonia), from which the Pythagorean doctrine of numbers is

BOETHUS

with the eleventh (8:3) (a concession to Aristoxenus).

Yet, as the only mathematical discipline, musica is linked not only to speculatio (rational thought) but also to moralitas (1,1), for in the world of sound pleasure and displeasure play an important role. An expert possessing the necessary knowledge and the capacity for judgement is therefore needed: the musicus. B. rates him most highly, then the composer (poeta) and, in third place, the manually competent musician (1,34). As for the rest, the work treats the subject of musical harmony in unusual breadth (elementary theory, monochord, the system of notes, keys, notation i.a.), intermixed with

partly valuable historical information (Hippasus, Philolaus, Archytas [1] of Tarentum, Aristoxenus [1]). Although it was not an original piece, the work, which remained completely unknown until the 9th cent., was destined to exercise a remarkable pattern of influence from the early Middle Ages to the Renaissance. That is attested even today by numerous copies, glosses, commentaries and quotations. The threefold division of musica into mundana, humana and in instrumentis (cosmic, human and with instruments) found particular favour;I,2. Ep.: G.FRIEDLEIN, 1867, repr. 1966; G. MARZI, 1990; O.Paut, A.M.S. Boetius [sic], Fiinf B. iiber die Musik,

1872, repr. 1973 (Ger. trans. and commentary); C.M. Bower, Fundamentals of Music. A.M.S. Boethius, 1989 (English trans. and commentary); M.BERNHARD, C.M.Bower, Glossa maior in institutionem musicam Boethii, 3 vols., 1993, 1994, 1996 (Bayerische Akad. der Wiss., Veroffentlichungen der Musikhistor. Kommission, vols. 9-11). LITERATURE: H.PoTiRON, Boéce. Théoricien de la musique greque, 1961; U.P1zzant, Studi sulle fonti del ‘De institutione musica’ di Boezio, in: Sacris erudiri 16, 1965, 5-163; G.WiILLE, Musica Romana, 1967, 656-700;

M. BERNHARD, Wortkonkordanz zu A.M.S. Boethius De institutione musica, 1979 (Bayerische Akad. der Wiss. Ver6ffentlichungen der Musikhistor. Kommission, vol. 4); J.CaLpwWELL, The De Institutione Arithmetica and the De Institutione Musica, in: M. Grpson (ed.), B., 1981, 135154; A.Wuire, B. in the Medieval Quadrivium, ibid., 162-205; C.M. Bower, B.’ ‘De institutione musica’. A Handlist of Manuscripts, in: Scriptorium 42, 1988, 205251; M. BERNHARD, Uberlieferung und Fortleben der ant.

lat. Musiktheorie

im MA., in: GMth

3, 1990, 24-31. F.Z.

Boethus (Bon90c; Boéthos). I. POLITICAL WRITERS

FIGURES

II. PHILOSOPHERS

AND

III. ARTISTS

I. POLITICAL FIGURES [1] Son of Nicostratus from Caria; in the service of the Ptolemies well before 149 BC, he occupied various ad-

797

708

ministrative positions before becoming epistrategos of

B. an éheyeoyecos (elegeiographos) and identifies him with B. of Tarsus, who celebrated Mark Antony’s victory at Philippi in a flattering poem (SH 230)—a thoroughly plausible identification. Although it is true that Strabo calls him a xaxdc¢ modityg and xaxdg moujtys, (a ‘bad citizen’ and ‘bad poet’; 14,5,14), an inscription from Telmessus expresses its thanks to him using the epithet povodgevtog (‘poetically gifted’) GVI 455).

BOETHUS

Thebes. Founded two cities in Lower Nubia. K. VanporPE, Der friiheste Beleg eines Strategen der Thebais als Epistrategen, in: ZPE 73, 1988, 47-50. W.A.

Il. PHILOSOPHERS AND WRITERS [2] Of Sidon. Stoic philosopher of the 2nd cent. BC; he

wrote ‘On destiny’, ‘On asceticism’ and an exegesis of + Aratus’ [4] ‘Phainomena’. Following the doubts of his teacher, > Diogenes of Babylon, he refuted the doctrine of world conflagration and argued that the cosmos was eternal. He challenged the view that the cosmos was alive but believed that the sphere of the heavenly ether was God. He espoused orthodox Stoic views on destiny and maintained that > divination was possible by investigating the grounds for natural phenomena, that the soul consisted of air and fire and that comets arose from air catching fire. In epistemology, Diogenes Laertius (7,54) attributed to him a baffling doctrine of four criteria: nous, perception, desire and knowledge. SVF 3, VI fr. 1-11; E. Maass, Aratea, 1892, 153.

BLL.

[3] From Marathon. Academic philosopher, contem-

porary of Carneades, student of the Ephesians Ariston and Eubulus, died — evidently in old age —in 120/119 BC. The only source of information on him—ina great deal of detail—is Apollod. Chronica 45-57 (= FGrHist 244 F 53), and thence Philod., Acad. ind. 28,38 — 29,17 DoraNDI (cf. also 26,3 2-44). According to it, he ran a school; the sources give no information as to his K.-H.S. significance as a philosopher. [4] Of Sidon. Peripatetic, student of and successor to Andronicus [4] of Rhodes and a fellow student of Strabo’s (Str. 757c). His main work was a grand-scale commentary on Aristotle’s writing on categories but he had an encompassing interest in all areas of philosophy. He developed Aristotle’s teaching in a ‘naturalistic’ direction: he emphasized the superiority of the concrete, individual entity to the generic term (he associated even Platonic ideas with the concepts of types) and seems to have conceived of the soul as the sum of the immanent energies at work in the organism; his theories on time and chance point in that direction. In ethics he ascribes to Aristotle a doctrine of > oikeiosis. In syllogistics he abolished the superiority of the first to the other figures. In that he had been influenced by Theophrastus, Straton, Andronicus and probably also by the Stoa, but he remained nevertheless a genuine Aristotelian and cofounder of Peripatetic scholasticism. + Aristotle, commentators on; + Aristotelianism; > Peripatos Moravx I, 1973, 143-79; H.B. GotrscHALK, ANRW 36.2, 1987, I107—10,

I116-9.

II H.G.

[5] Composer of an interesting, well-constructed epigram from the ‘Garland’ of Philippus in honour of Pylades, the famous pantomime from the Augustine period (Anth. Pal. 9,248). The compiler of the Anth. Pal. calls

GA II 1,198; 2,209f.

ED.

[6] (BonOd6c; Boéthds). Greek grammarian, author of a collection of Platonic /éxeis that are quoted in Photius: AECMV ThATOVLAOV OvVaywy) xat& otoryetov (‘collec-

tion of Platonic words in alphabetical order’, Phot. 154; and dedicated to an unknown Melantas: [1]) and mei tov maed MAdtwv &mogoupévwv AMEewv (Phot. 155; dedicated to Athenagoras, whose identification with

the Christian apologist poses difficulties, cf. [2]). His work seems to presuppose the lexicon of Pamphilus (1st cent. AD) and perhaps also commentaries; it is established that it was used by Diogenianus (2nd cent. AD). Only five fragments, certainly genuine and quoting his name, are extant. Wanting to detect his (active) involve-

ment in the Atticist lexicographical tradition, in the scholia to Plato and in the lexicon of Photius is problematic. Identification with the Stoic philosopher, B. of Sidon (znd cent. AD) seems improbable. + Plato; > Photius 1 K. PRAECHTER, s.v. B., RE 15, 425, 1.56 K. TSANTSANOGLU,

2K.ALPERS,

TO AgEtxo tod Pwtiov, in: ByzZ 64,

1971, 80-81.

A.R. Dyck, Notes on Platonic Lexicography in Antiquity, in: HSPh 89, 1985, 75-84; L. COHN, Unt. iiber die Quellen

der Platoscholien, in: Jb. fiir Class. Philol., Supp!. 1a, 1884, 783-786, 794-813, 836-852; L. Conn, s.v. B., RE Suppl. 1, 253f.; H.DORRIE, M. Battes, Der Platonismus im 2. und 3.Jh. n.Chr., 1993, 54-7, 226-31; F. GIESING, De scholiis platonicis quaestiones selectae, diss. 1883, 31-40; T. Metrauer, De Platonis scholiorum fontibus, 1880; S.A. NaBer, Photii Lexicon, 1864-65, Prolegomena

54-71;

Lxxiii-lxxiv.

C. THEODORIDIS,

Photii Lexicon, I, 1982,

F.M.

Ill. ARTISTS Name of several Hellenistic artists known to us from inscriptions and literary sources. [7] Son of Apollodorus from Carthage; named as artist ona base in Ephesus, to which a marble copy of the type ‘boy with the goose’ belongs. Its original might have been a gilt statue of a seated boy — described by Paus. 5,17,4 — in the Heraeum of Olympia. It is not certain whether the same B. created the piece infans amplexando anserem strangulat that is known to us through Plin. HN 34,84 and is generally identified as the ‘goosestrangler’ model. Although the ‘goose-strangler’ and the ‘boy with the goose’ are both dated to the Hellenistic period, the actual period of B.’s creativity is unknown. Many have thought B. to be the toreutic artist who had his works mentioned in Pliny (HN 33,155) and a hydria mentioned in Cicero (Verr. 2,4,32).

799

710

[8] Bronze sculptor from Calchedon. He signed a bronze herm of Priapus found on the Mahdia ship, a copy from the late Hellenistic Period. If that is not the signature of a copyist, he might be the ‘goose-strangler’ sculptor named by Pliny.

Boghazki see > HattuSa

[9] Son of Athenaeus, sculptor from Calchedon. A dedicatory gift in Lindos (184 BC) and a portrait of Antiochus IV in Delos (166-163 BC) are known. He might also have been the creator of the ‘goose-strangler’. [10] Son of Diodotus, signed the so-called ‘Elgin throne’, on which the group of tyrannicides is reproduced in relief; possibly identical with B. [8]. [11] Father of Menodotus and Diodotus from Nicomedia; Ligorio recorded two inscriptions that are now missing. Possibly related to B. [ro]. [12] Sculptor who, according to an extant signature on a base, was active in Delos in 126/125 BC. If B. [8] signed as a copyist, he is probably identical with this B. L. KNORLE, Der Knabe mit der FERT, Boethoi, in: Das Wrack, 831-847; J.Marcapé, Recueil teurs grecs, 2, 1957, no.28-36 Sculpture, 1990, 229, 305-306.

Fuchsgans, 1973; A. LINAusstellung Bonn 1994, des signatures de sculpfig.; A.STEWART, Greek RN.

BOGUDES

Bogomils Followers of a doctrine, taught by the halflegendary priest Bogumil (Greek ‘Theophilus’, ‘loved by God’ [r]), that spread through Bulgaria in the roth cent. and later swept the whole of the Balkans. They totally rejected ritual and the church hierarchy and sought salvation in humility, continual prayer, abstinence and civil disobedience with respect to property and civil authority. Only gradually do they seem to have acquired dualistic attitudes and myths of creation. Emperor Alexius I (1081-1118) is said to have commissioned the theologian Euthymios Zigabenos to repudiate their teachings (Panoplia dogmatiké, titulus 27, PG 130, 1289-1332). What they had in common with the Cathars of northern Italy and southern France was initially only what was to be expected between dualistic doctrines; it was not until the end of the 12th cent., by virtue of the apocryphal Bogomil work Interrogatio Johannis, that it is seen to be exercising its own influence [2]. 1 E. WERNER,

OeddtA0¢

1966, 49-60

Bogumil,

2 E.Bozoxy

in: Balkan

Studies 7,

(Ed.), Le livre secret des

Cathares: Interrogatio Joannis, 1980.

[13] Gem cutter of the 2nd cent. BC; he signed the ‘Phi-

loctetes cameo’, on which the hero is bent over fanning his leg wound with a bird’s wing (Sardonyx, formerly Beverley collection). — Philoctetes ZAZOFF, AG, 207f.% (lit.), pl. 54,7.

S.MI.

D. ANGELOV, Bogomilstvoto v Balgarija- [= Bogomilism in Bulgaria], 31980; H.G. BEcK, Vom Umgang mit Ketzern, 1993, 76-86; G.FIcKER, Die Fundagiagiten, 1908;

M.Loos,

Dualist Heresy

in the Middle

Ages, 1974;

R. MANnsSELLI, L’eresia del male, *1980; D. OBOLENSKY, The Bogomils. A Study in Balkan Neomanichaeism, 1948;

St.

RuNcIMAN,

The

Medieval

Manichee,

*1982;

A.ScHMaAus, Der Neumanichdismus auf dem Balkan, in: Saeculum

Boethusaeans see — Sadducees

3, 19§1,

271-299.

G.MA.

Boeus (Bowdc; Boids). Mentioned by both Ath. 9,393e

Bogudes

and Antoninus Liberalis as the author of an “Ogvi0oyovia (Ornithogonia), a didactic poem in at least two books from the 3rd cent. BC about men being transformed into birds. The work was used by Ovid and imitated, or translated into Latin, by his older contemporary, Aemilius Macer (two books).

[1] Son of and successor to > Bocchus I, ruler of east Mauretania as far as the Mulucha. The mariner > Eu-

A.S. Hottis (ed.), Ovid, Metamorphoses Book VIII, 1970, xVil, 33; G. LAFAYE, Les Métamorphoses d’Ovide et

leurs modéles Grecs, 1904, 51-53; CollAlex 23-25.

Cs.

doxus of Cyzicus paid a call on him (Posidonius in Str. 2,3,4). In 81 BC B. sided with > Pompeius, who was campaigning against the supporters of Marius at Sulla’s behest, against > Hiarbas, of Numidia (Oros. 5,21,14; Plut. Pompon. 12) [1. 67-68; 2. 266-274]. +» Hiempsal 1 M.-R. ALFOLDI, Die Gesch. des numidischen Konigrei-

ches und seiner Nachfolger, in: H.G. Horn, C.B. RUGER (ed.), Die Numider, 1979, 43-74 25S.GSELL, Histoire ancienne de |’Afrique du Nord 7, 1928. B.M.

Bogazkale see > HattuSa Bogazkoy see > Hattusa Boges Persian noble who defended Eion on the Strymon against

Cimon in 476/5 BC (Hdt. 7,107). He

rejected Cimon’s offer of free passage and committed suicide, with all of his household, when the fortress had to surrender. P.BRIANT,

Histoire

de

l’empire

perse,

1996,

364.

A.KU.andH.S.-W.

[2] Together with > Bocchus II, ruler of Mauretania in the middle of the rst cent. BC (Str. 17,3,7; Plin. HN 5,19). As the enemies of > Juba, who had been courted by > Pompeius, they were both acknowledged as kings

by > Caesar and the Roman Senate at the end of 49 (Cass. Dio 41,42,7). In the African war (46) B. fought against Cn. Pompeius (Bell. Afr. 23) and supported Caesar in March 45 at the battle of Munda (Cass. Dio 43,36; 38). After Caesar’s death B. sided with M. + Antonius [I 9], while the territory under his control was annexed by Bocchus (with subsequent recognition

7a

len,

by Octavian [> Augustus]) (Cass. Dio 48,45,3). B. was

NISSEN, 1, 477; C. Peyre, La Cisalpina gauloise du III* au

killed by > Agrippa [1] in the battle for Methone (Cass.

I*" siécle av. J.-C., 1979, 32-33, 46-53, 1325 G.S. SUSINI, Aspects de la romanisation de la Gaule Cipadane, in: CRAI 1965, 143-163; R. CHEVALLIER, La romanisation

BOGUDES

Dio 50,11,3).

WW,

Boiae (Botai; Boia’). One of the most prosperous cities

of the > Eleutherolakones on the western coast of the Parnon peninsula in the bay of Vatica. Unremarkable archaeological ruins (especially from the Roman period) at today’s Neapolis. Pol. 5,19; Str. 8,5,2; Paus. 3522,11-13. J. CHRISTIEN,

Promenades

en

Laconie,

in: DHA

1989, 89-93; D.Must1, M.Torewut, Pausania della Grecia. III. La Laconia, 1991, 270f.

15,1,

Guida wa,

de la Celtique du P6, 1980, 14ff.; V. Krura, Les Boiens de

Cispadane, in: Etudes Celtiques

17, 1980, 7-325 Id., J

Celti, in: G.PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), Italia omnium terrarum alumna, 1988, 261-311, especially 292, 301,

310; D.Vrratt, Monte Bibele, in: $.Moscati, M.ANDREOSE (ed.), La formazione della citta preromana in Emilia-Romana, 1988, 105-142; Id., I Celti in Italia, in: I

Celti, 1991, 220-236; I. WeRNICKE, Die Kelten in Italien, 1991,

73-163.

G.BR.

I]. THE Bol NORTH OF THE ALPS Celtic people; in the 5th cent. BC they migrated,

Boi

some

(I)

Germany, Bohemia and Slovakia (Tac. Germ. 28). These last are associated with the flat grave cemeteries (Laténe B) occurring in this area around 400 BC. These graves also occur at the same time in Silesia (cf. the immigration of the Celts under > Segovesus in Liv. 5,34), where in the 2nd cent. BC they give way in part to the Germanic Przeworsk culture. Whether these graves in Silesia are also to be ascribed to the B. is uncertain. According to Posidonius (in Str. 7,2,2) the B. repulsed the > Cimbri; sections of the people migrated to Nori-

(Boi). Celtic tribe that settled in northern Italy from

the time of the great migration at the end of the 4th cent. BC. The B. probably originated from Central Europe (cf. the name Bohemia; Vell. Pat. 2,109; Str. 7,1,3). In their migration they crossed over territories that had been settled by related, Celtic-speaking, Transpadanian tribes since the 6th cent.

(Golasecca

culture). They

themselves settled in what is today central east Emilia and in Romagna (as far as the Utens, where the ager Senonum began: Liv. 5,3 5,3), after they had driven out the Umbri and Etrusci (Felsina, later Bononia: Pol. ARN Gogh Shay Heyiain Gh

Mb, Aces

stoner lenis Jali

to northern Italy (+ Boii I.), some

to southern

cum and Pannonia (Caes. B Gall. 1,5; Str. 4,4,8). Many

B. joined the Helvetii and moved on into Gaul (Caes. B Gall. 1,25; 1,28 f.). Archaeological and numismatic

3,115); 112 civitates (Cato ap. Plin. HN 3,116). Necro-

sources indicate an end to Celtic oppida in Bohemia in

polises in Bologna and Monte Bibele. Wars against the Romans in 283/2 BC (Liv. per. 20; Pol. 2,20-21,1) and 238/224 (appeal for help to the transalpine Gaesati: Pol. 2,21,4—-6; 27-31; Liv. per. 20; Zon. 8,18; 20; Diod.

the middle of the rst cent. BC, which may be explained

Sicy 255033) wrOle eepita ZO meBUtia S55 650 OLOS4,13,7—-9). In 218 BC they sought Hannibal’s support (Liv. 21,29,6; Pol. 3,34,2-6; 40,6; 44,5f.; 48,13f.), con-

tinued the war against the Romans (Liv. 31,2) and conquered Placentia (Liv. 31,10). When, however, they were finally defeated (193 BC: Liv. 32,29-31; 33,226; 36f.5 34,22; 46f.5 35,45 5; 40; 36,38-42), they were forced to abandon part of their territory (Liv. 36,39). The assumption that they returned to Bohemia after being ejected from Italy (Str. 5,1,6; 5,1,9), is not tenable. The core of the tribe had remained there only until the first half of the rst cent. BC, when it succumbed to pressure from Germanic tribes. Some of those B. withdrew westwards with the Helvetii and settled mainly in

by the subjugation of the B. by > Burebista(s) in c. 40 BG (Strsg.3.n0):

> Boiohaemum J. Fittr, s. v. Bohmen und Mahren, RGA 3, 1978, 142145; H.Ca.tigs, s.v. Boier, RGA 3, 1978, 206f.; M. $zaso, Die Wanderung der Kelten in Ost- und Siidosteuropa, in: T. BADER (ed.), Die Welt der Kelten, 1997,

147-150;

G. Dosescu,

1999, 351 f.

s. v. Helvetiereinéde,

RGA

14,

Kis

Boio (Bou; Boid) Paus. 10,5,8 quotes four verses from

a hymn of the Delphic woman B. in which she names the Hyperboreans as the founders of the oracle and praises Olen as the first prophet of Apollo who wrote down his sayings in hexameters.

es

Another group, defeated by the Dacians under Burebi-

Boiohaemum ‘Homeland of the Boii’, now Bohemia (sources: Str. 7,753; Vell. Pat. 2,709,5-) lace Germ: 28,2). Although widely abandoned by the Celtic > Boii

stas (Str. 7,3,113 7,552; 75,6), settled in the north of

around 60 BC (Caes. Gall. 1,5,4; cf. Str. 7,1,5; Plin. HN

Pannonia superior (Ptol. 2,1 4,2; CIL Ill 4595 = 11311;

3,146 deserta Boiorum) and occupied by the > Marcomanni shortly before the end of that cent., the region retained their name. That it gave its name to the > Baiovarii is disputed but quite likely.

the territory of the Aedui (Caes. B Gall. 1,5; 25; 28; 29).

p. 869 no. 24; no. 26; VI 3308; IX 5364). Initially placed under the jurisdiction of a praefectus ripae Danuvii (CIL IX 5363), who at the same time was also praefectus of the civitas Boiorum et Azaliorum, they retained a limited autonomy as a dependency of Carnuntum.

TIR M 33,27.

K.DI.

733

714

Boiorix Celtic/Illyrian compound for ‘King of the Boii’

cient tradition, which regarded him as a sage anda legislator.

[1.4973 2.153]. {1] Titular name of a prince of the Boii in Italy who, together with his brothers, led the war against the Romans in 194 BC (Liv. 34,46,4). {2] King of the > Cimbri, probably identical with the ferox iuvenis who in 105 BC killed the captured legate M. > Aurelius [I 18] Scaurus. Together with his fellow king, Lugius, B. fell at Vercellae, after first negotiating the time and place of battle with — Marius (Plut. Marius 24,4-27; Flor. 1,38; Oros.5,16,14-20). Wheth-

er the name of the Cimbrian king derives from contacts with the > Boii is a matter of controversy. 1 H. BirKHAN, Germanen und Kelten bis zum Ausgang der Romerzeit, SAWW

HOLDER

1970

1, 474-475;

E.KOESTERMANN,

Der Zug der W-SP.

Boiscus (Botozoc; Boiskos) from Cyzicus. Mar. Vict. 2,4,30 (VI 82 KeIL) and Rufin. 1,28 (VI 564 KEIL) have

transmitted an unusually catalectic iambic octometer of his (= SH 233); B., who calls himself zatvod yoagetc mopatos (‘writer of new poetry’), declares his pride in developing this verse. B. can perhaps be identified with the eponymous zountis zatvis zmumdiac (‘writer of New Comedy’) who won a victory at Thespiae around too BC (IG VII 1761); cf. [132]. 1 KROLL, s.v. B. (5), RESuppl. 3,211 Griech.

2U.v. WiLamo-

Verskunst,

1921,

71°.

M.D.MA.

Boium (Boy. Boiov; Boidn, Boion). City in Doris, belonging, along with Erineus, Cytenium and Acyphas, to the Doric tetrapolis of cities allegedly founded by Doris (Diod. Sic. 4,67,1; schol. Pind. Pyth. 121; Plin. HN 4,28; Ptol. 3,14,14; Scyl. 62; Scymn. 592ff.; Steph. Byz. s.v. B.; Str. 9,4,10; 10,4,6). B. is still mentioned in the 6th cent. AD in Hierocles, Synekdemos 643,9. The only attested historical event was the Phocian attack of 458/7 BC (Thuc. 1,107,2; Diod. Sic. 11,79,4). Probably identical with the remnants of the ancient fortress south of Gravia [2] rather than with the site north-east of Mariolata [1;3]. 1 E. OBERHUMMER, S.v. B., RE3,635 2 D.Rousser, Les Doriens de la Métropole, in: BCH 113, 1989, 199-239 3 J. Koper, B., TIB 1, 137. D. Rousset, Les Doriens de la Métropole, in: BCH

1990, 445-472.

Tu. SCHNEIDER, Lex. der Pharaonen, 846; RE 3, 66f.

great

1994, 93f.; LA 1, KJ-W.

Bolbe (B6i.Bn; Bolbé). Marshy lake in the Mygdonian depression (Macedonia) on the land route running, ona

west-east axis, from Thessalonica to Amphipolis that was also used by the via Egnatia to the south. > Apollonia [3] and Arethusa [8] were among the larger cities on the shoreline of the lake. Steph. Byz. (s.v. B.) mentions a city B.; a fortress named Bolbus was restored under Justinian (Procop. Aed. 4,4,43). MALER.

=2 SCHMIDT.

Cimbern, in: Gymnasium 76, 1969, 310-329.

WITZ-MOELLENDOREF,

BOLIS

114,

PF.

Bokchoris King in Lower Egypt (c. 720-715 BC), Egyptian B?k-n-rn.f, second and last ruler of the 24th dynasty. He was dethroned by the Nubian king, Shabako, who conquered the whole of Egypt around 715 BC and, according to + Manetho, had B. burned alive. B.’s reign has very little contemporary attestation. All the greater, then, is his fame in later Egyptian and an-

Bolbos (fo2.foc; bolbds, bulbus). Name of the underground, tuberous roots, like onions and potato tubers, of various plants, especially the Allium varieties (cf. Dioscorides 2,214ff. = 2,178-182 [2. 232-235]) (leek, moacov),

namely

Allium

cepa

(onion,

xodunVvOoVv),

Allium scorodoprasum (garlic, cz0Q060v) and Allium schoenoprasum

(chives, oyowdnoacov).

The magical

herb u@dv of the Odyssey, the leaves of which Theophr. Hist. pl. 9,15,7 compares to the oxida (squill, Urginea maritima), belongs to the broadleaf Allium varieties, as also the false mandrake (Allium victorialis) that was

similarly used for magical purposes. The bulbous vegetables of the Araceae family Colocasia antiquorum (Arabic golqas, Indian taro ~ Aron) and the edible chufa, Cyperus esculentus (> Bulrush), wadwva8dAdn in Theophr. Hist. pl. 4,8,12, grown in Egypt for at least 6,000 years, are thought to be amongst the oldest cultivated plants of Eurasia. From the latter is produced the drink, chufa, much appreciated in Spain. In the eponymous Macedonian city a woman named Bolbe is said to have borne Olynthus to Hercules; a Crommus, founder

of the city + Crommyon, is said to have been a son of Poseidon. > Spices 1 M.WELLMANN (ed.), Pedanii Dioscuridis de materia medica 1, 1908, repr. 1958 2J.BERENDESs (ed.), Des

Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre tubers. und mit Erl. versehen, 1902, repr. 1970. C.HU.

Boletum City known to us only through inscriptions (CIL II 5843; 5845), probably located near Barbastro/ Hispania Tarraconensis. The place name Boletania lasted beyond the Middle Ages; Arab geographers wrote Bortana, which has survived as today’s Boltafia. TOVAR 3, 384f.

PB.

Bolis (BOtc; Bélis). Senior officer of Ptolemy IV, from

Crete. Tasked by Sosibius in 213 BC to free Achaeus from the beleaguered:city of Sardes, he changed sides and ensured that Achaeus was handed over to Antiochus III (Pol. 8,15-20). PP 6, 14750. W.A.

TEES

LO:

Bolos (B@koc; Bélos) of Mendes (in the Nile Delta). Greek writer c. 200 BC. His essential themes were occult powers, sympathy and antipathy between people, animals, plants, stones and metals (Fr.: 68 B 300 and 78 DK). He gave important impetus to the spread of the theory of sympathy [1], later also to the development of Alchemy [5]. Many of B.’s writings circulated under the name of Democritus [1], and it is a matter for discussion whether the extensive pseudo-Democritean literature [6] pursuing similar lines of thought may be substantially ascribed to B. [3; 4]. This literature has been made accessible primarily by [8; 9]. B. presumably took up Egyptian [2] and Persian traditions (> Ostanes [2]).

Bomilcar (Bdmlqrt?; Boguihxac; Bormilkas i.a.). [1] Carthaginian strategos 310-308 BC, nephew of -+»Hamilcar; shared the supreme command with Hanno against > Agathocles, the first occasion that the command had been shared (Diod. Sic. 20,10; 12); executed after an attempted coup (?) (Diod. Sic. 20,44;

BOLOS

1A. J. Festucrére, La révélation d’Hermés Trismégiste, Vol. 1, 1950, 196-200, 222-238 2P. KinGsLey, From

Pythagoras to the Turba Philosophorum, in: Journ. of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 57, 1994, I-13 3 W. Krott,

Bolos

und

Demokritos,

in: Hermes

69,

1934,228-232 4J. Lerrouit,s. v. Bolos de Mendes, in: GOULET 2, 1994, 133 f. 5 E. RoMANO, I colori artificiali

Just. Epit. 22,7 [x. 16-18]).

[2] Carthaginian emissary to Athens c. 330/300 BC (IG IM? 1, 1418), probably identical with B. [x]

[2. 1947]. [3] Carthaginian suffete (Pol. 3,42); related by marriage to the > Barcids [r. 18; 94-95; 121]; 215-211 hapless

admiral in charge of supplies for Italy and Sicily (Pol. 9,93 Liv. 23,413 24,365; 25,25; 273 26,20) [2. 368-369].

[4] Close confidant of > jugurtha, put on trial in Rome in 110 BC for the attempt on > Massiva; prominent commander

in the war against Rome, i.a. at Muthul,

executed in 108 for having conspired with - Nabdalsa to kill the king (Sall. lug. 3.5; 493 525 61; 72). 1Geus

2Huss.

L.-M.G.

e le origini della chimica, in: G. ARGouD, J.-Y. GUILLAUMIN (ed.), Sciences exactes et sciences appliquées a Alex-

andrie, 1998, 115-126 6]. SALEM, La légende de Democrite,1996 7J.H. Waszink,s. v. Bolos (demokriteische Lit.), RAC 2, 1954, 502-508 8 M. WELLMANN, Die Georgica des Demokritos (ADAW 1921, Heft 4), 1921, 4 9 1d., Die Pvowxd des B. Demokritos und der Magier Anaxilaos aus Larissa. Abh. der PreufS. Akademie der Wiss., £928) Elz.

H. GO.

Bomarzo In the vicinity of the modern town of B. were several small Etruscan settlements, e.g. on the hill of

Bona A person’s property; the exact meaning depends on the context. In one sense, bona means the totality of goods in a person’s possession, while the legal right to possession may be another matter: with naturalis appellatio bonorum, deriving etymologically from the word beare = to make happy, which is relevant for the fee-liable missio in bonis and venditio bonorum, possession is unrestricted (Ulp. Dig. 50,16,49). More tightly defined and restricted, on the other hand, is possession in terms

possibly the ancient Maeonia or Pneonia. The settlement of the region is limited to the period from the Archaic to the early Hellenistic; only Pianmiano was still settled into the 6th cent. AD. The necropoleis were robbed in the roth cent. The Parco dei Mostri with its rock statues, established in the Renaissance, displays

of civilis appellatio bonorum; this means possession only as > dominium (Ulp. loc. cit.) As divisio (meant analytically, not merely as an enumerating distinction in the sense of Cic. Top. 5,28) applied to dominium, the term in bonis habere appears in Gai. Inst. 2,40, along with dominium ex iure Quiritium. Here bona means the totality of goods that are owned absolutely, i.e. prevailing over anyone else, even a Quiritarian owner, (even bonitarian property, according to Theophilus

many pointers to ancient influence.

paraphrasis 1,5,4 FERRINI deonOty¢ Bovitdotog, in that

Pianmiano 2 km to the north-east, and Piano della Colonna 3 km to the north-west, and on Monte Casoli;

M.P. BaG.ione, Ricognizioni archeologiche in Etruria 2. Il territorio di Bomarzo, 1976; H. BREDEKAMP, Bomarzos ‘Koloss von Rhodos’. Orlando oder: Die Begattung Siidamerikas, in: Hephaistos 4, 1982, 79-98. MM,

sense also Dig. 44,4,4,32). In Mod. Dig. 41,1,52 bona applies to the totality of goods in respect of which someone is protected by an exceptio or actio. The term in bonis esse, used in the formula of the actio Serviana (> pignus) goes further: bona here means not only Qui-

Bombasine see > Paper

ritarian property (even with restrictions: Africanus Dig. 20,4,9,3, > pignus) and dominium in the sense of Gai.

Bombyx see > Silk

Inst. 2,40, but also only relatively prevailing legal position that justify an actio Publiciana (Paul. Dig. 20,1,18). Simple physical possession is meant in Cic.

Bomies

(Bateic; Bomie?s). North-eastern district of

the Aetolian

+ Ophieis on the upper course of the

~+ Evenus: Thuc. 3,96; Str.10,2,5. W. WoopHouse, Aetolia,

1897, 7of.; C. ANTONETTI, Pro-

blemi di geografia storica del territorio etolo-acarnano, in: P. JANNI (ed.), Pemyoadia, 1985, 11-24.

DS.

Fam. 13,30,1 (... et est hodie in bonis ...) and S. Rosc. 107 (Qui sunt igitur in istis bonis ...), Labeo Dig. 36,4,14 (Quae ... in bonis est) and Celsus, Dig. 50,17,190 (Quod evincitur, in bonis non est).

Occasionally the word bona means the ‘the balance after weighing up assets and liabilities’ (Paul. Dig. 50,16,39,2), as in the law of the /. Falcidia (e.g. Papin. Dig. 35,2,11,3; Succession, law of); by extension, in

717

718

an equal division amongst all descendants in a case of

myrtle, excluded sexuality, and gave women typically male rights — enjoying wine and performing a bloody sacrifice. In this analysis milk and honey, like the construction of leaf huts, denote a-primitivism that underlines the exceptional character of this festival. This is confirmed by the relevant myths. BD is the wife of + Faunus. She was so pure that she never left her room and was never mentioned by name; when she secretly got drunk, her husband beat her to death, but in repentance elevated her to a deity (Plut. Quaest. Rom.

inheritance, the collatio bonorum (Paul. Dig. 37,6,2,1).

In connection with a liability to the fiscus, on the other hand, bona means the balance remaining after all claims by creditors have been met (lav. Dig. 49,14,11).

Finally, in connection with the Praetorian law of succession (> bonorum possessio) bona means the totality of assets and liabilities (Dig. 50,16,208; 37,1,3 pr.). On the lines of the last definition,SavIGNY understood by property the ‘totality’ of a person’s ‘possessions’ and ‘obligations’ including his debts [2. 367-386]. This is the same meaning as the concept of property in the current law of inheritance (§ 1922 BGB, disputed). By contrast, §§ 311, 1365 BGB, for instance, as also the

right to enforcement and the right to insolvency, refer to property as the totality of a person’s resources that can be converted into cash, and the provisions for the settlement of goods acquired in marriage (§§ 1372ff. BGB) refer to property as the balance of assets and liabilities. 1 Theophilos paraphrasis, ed. C. FERRINI, Institutionum graeca paraphrasis,

1884/97

(repr. 1967)

Ge

Ve

SAVIGNY, System des heutigen rom. Rechts I, 1840. H. ANKuM, M. VON GESSEL-DE Ro, E. POOL, Die verschie-

denen Bedeutungen des Ausdrucks in bonis ..., in: ZRG

104, 1987, 238-436; 105, 1988, 334-435; 107, 1990, 155-215; H.Anxum, E.Poo.1, New Perspectives in the Roman Law of Property, Essays for Barry Nicholas, 1989, 5-41; M.Kaser, In bonis esse, in: ZRG 78, 1961, 173220; Id., R6m. Rechtsquellen und angewandte Juristenmethode, 1986, 321-372; E.Poot, Lat. Syntax und juristische Begriffsbildung..., in: ZRG 102, 1985, 470-481.

D.SCH.

Bona Dea The ‘Good Goddess’, a female deity from whose cult and temples men were excluded (other names: Fauna, Fatua, Fenta Fauna). Her secret, noctur-

nal ceremonies took place in early December with the participation of the vestals at the home of awoman cum imperio, whose husband was an official, who had to be

BONIFATIUS

29,268DE). Or else she is the daughter of Faunus, who

pursued her; but she resisted him, whereupon he beat her with myrtle branches. Only when he transformed himself into a snake did he achieve his objective (Macrob. Sat. 1,12,24). There is also the story that, when travelling through Italy, + Hercules was refused a drink by the women who were celebrating the festival of the BD; and asa

result he had women excluded from his sacrifice at the Ara Maxima. Inscriptions reveal a picture quite different from this aristocratic secret ritual: nothing points to its being held in secret, the devotees were often slaves or freedpersons, dedications often came from men. Much suggests that it was a healing cult. Snakes were kept in the Aventine temple and curative herbs were stored there; in votive inscriptions thanks are offered for illnesses cured. The origin of the goddess is uncertain. Some scholars consider her to be a Greek goddess introduced in the 3rd cent. BC [3. 228f.], others defend ‘the genuine Italian character’ (PETER [4. 795]). It is probably a case of two deities, one Italian and one Greek, and several cults being combined; the Greek might then have so overlaid the Italian that it is no longer possible to make a clear distinction. A large number of cult sites are to be found in Central Italy; one can no longer even hazard a guess as to the extent of Old Italian or Greek importation. Occasionally, B.D. is just a local, protective deity. 1H.S. VeRSNEL, The festival for B.D. and the Thesmo-

phoria, G&R

39, 1992, 31-55

2Id., Transition and

out of the house (cf. the famous Clodius scandal of 62 BC, Cic. Har. resp. 37; Plut. Caesar 9). It was a state

Reversal in Myth and Ritual, 1993, 228-288 4 ROSCHER I.

ceremony pro populo. Some details of the ceremony are known to us: a porca was sacrificed (Macrob. Sat.

G. PiccatuGa, B.D. Due contributi all’interpretazione del

3 LATTE

1,12,23); the room was decorated with twigs from vines

suo culto, in: SMSR 35, 1964, 202-223; H.H. J. Brouwer, B.D. The Sources and a Description of the Cult,

and other plants, though myrtle was

1989.

Quaest. Rom.

banned

(Plut.

H.V.

20,268D). Music and dance were fea-

tured; and wine was drunk — though it was called ‘milk’ and stored in a covered vessel called ‘honey pot’ (Macrob. Sat. 1,12,25; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 20,268). Conventionally this has been interpreted as a vestigial element from an older Roman religion focussing on human and agricultural fertility. In that primeval period it was not wine that was offered but milk and honey. More recently, however, our attention has been drawn to the typical inversion features of this women’s ceremony [1; 2]: like the closely related Greek festival of Demeter, the -» Thesmophoria, it took place in the political centre of the city, denied men access, celebrat-

ed feminine reproductivity but, through the ban on the

Bona Fides see > Fides

Bonifatius [1] B. distinguished himself in AD 413 in the defence of against Athaulf (> Ataulfus), attested as tribune in Africa from AD 416/17, perhaps praepositus limitis; from AD 423 comes Africae. As he acted independently, he was suspected time and again of disloyalty to > Valentinianus III, and this led to military conflicts in 427-429; publicly confirmed by the emperor as comes in 429. At the same time B. was accused of having invited the Vandals into the country so as to defend his own position; he campaigned against them, even if Marseilles

BONIFATIUS

720

719

unsuccessfully, from at least as early as 430. B. was a supporter of Galla Placidia, who appointed him magister militum in 432 and then as patricius also. He was successful against > Aétius in 432 but died shortly afterwards. Initially under the influence of his Catholic wife, he took up correspondence with Augustine (in particular Epist. 1853189), who after her death dissuaded him from becoming a monk. B. took a vow of chastity, remained in office, and later, to Augustine’s annoyance (Epist. 220), married a woman of Arian sympathies (PLRE 2, 237-240; Prosopographie de Il’Afrique chrétienne 303-533, I, 1982, 152-155).

Bononia [1] Now Bologna. Villanova Culture settlement on the Reno, above an earlier Late Bronze Age settlement, then an Etruscan city (mythological founder Ocnus: Serv. Aen. 10,198; Sil. Pun. 8,600), called Felsina (Plin. HN 3,115); necropolises, abundant production of steles. Important Celtic centre, occupied by the Romans shortly before the beginning of the 2nd Punic War (Liv. 33,374); colonia Latina 189 BC (Liv. 37,57,73 Veli. Pat.

1,15,2)

with

tresviri

(aediles?).

Regular

urban

layout, intersected by the via Aemilia from 187 BC and linked that same year to > Arretium by another road (its route uncertain; Liv. 39,2,6); main town of the cen-

A.DEMANDT, s.v. B., RE Suppl. 13, 655-57; H.J. DresNER, Die Laufbahn des comes Africae B. und seine Beziehungen zu Augustin, in: H.J. Dresner, Kirche und Staat

Lemonia;

im spatrom. Reich, 1964, 100-126; v. HAEHLING, 478f.

newed in the Augustan era (CIL XI 720; [4]). Signifi-

HLL. [2] B.I. Pope from AD 418-422. Thanks to state support, he was able to prevail against Eulalius, who had been elected on the motion of a minority on the previous day and who was exiled thereafter. B. endeavoured to strengthen papal primacy anew after the weak pontificate of Zosimus (correspondence: PL 20,74 5-792). [3] B. IL. Pope from AD 530-532, romanized Goth. He maintained Rome’s claim to jurisdiction over Illyricum.

cant economic centre of the regio VIII. Damaged by fire in AD 53, received aid from Nero (Tac. Ann. 12,58; Suet. Nero 7). Archaeological finds: inscriptions [5], and, in particular necropolises in the west [3]; evidence of Oriental cults. The locality started to atrophy at the end of the 4th cent. AD; new city wall.

E. Caspar, Gesch. des Papsttums, vol. 1, 1930; vol. 2, 1933; M.WojrowyrTscu, s.v. B. episcopus Romanus, Augustinus-Lex., 1986, 655-658; A.v. Harnack, Der erste deutsche Papst, SPrAW 1924. RB.

Bonna Modern Bonn. Since 30/20 BC settlement of the + Ubii with an indigenous name; between 16 and 12 BC, it was a mixed Roman garrison, replaced under Emperor Augustus with a legion from 1 BC; the legionary camp was rebuilt after its destruction in AD 70 (legio I Minervia: > Domitianus — 4th cent.), as was the canabae, both using half-timbering. The suburb of the camp, which itself had been rebuilt several times, flourished until it was destroyed (and rebuilt) again in

AD 275 and 3 53/4. The area of the camp was inhabited from the end of the 3rd cent. (up to and into the roth cent.), and funerals took place within the former canabae; an increase in Germanic elements; bridgehead on the eastern bank of the Rhine. Underneath the minster,

a densely filled cemetery with a martyrs’ memorial of the 4th cent. AD, built from the spolia of a shrine of the aufaniae matronae [1], and developed into a small hall church in around AD 4oo. 1 F.S. KLEINER, The sanctuary of the Matronae Aufaniae in Bonn, BJ 191, 1991, 199-224.

L. BAKKER, R.KAISER, s.v. Bonn, LMA 2, 426-428; W.DAHLHEIM, s.v. B., RGA 3, 224-232; M. GECHTER et al., Bonn, in: H.G. Horn (ed.), Die ROmer in NordrheinWestfalen, 1987, 364-388; E.DAssmann, Die Anf. der Kirche in Deutschland, 1993, 140-148. K.DI.

turiation area [1; 2]; then municipium of the tribus colonia

(of Antonius:

1 Carta Archeologica, 1938

Cass. Dio

50,6), re-

21L.CasiInt, Il territorio

bolognese nell’ eta romana, 1909, 201-294 3 G.DALL’ O10, Inscrizioni sepolcrali romane scoperte neil’ alveo del Reno presso Bologna, 1922 4 A. Donatr, Sulla colonia augustea a Bologna, in: ArchCl 18, 1966, 248-250 5 G.C. Susint, Hl lapidario greco e romano di Bologna, 1960.

G.SU.

{2] Roman fortress with a civilian settlement on the lower Danube (Moesia superior or Dacia Ripensis) on

the road from Singidunum to Ratiaria and Oescus, today’s Vidin in Bulgaria (It. Ant. 219,2; Amm. Marc. 31,11,6; Not. Dign. or. 42,4,13; CIL IH 6292, 6294;

Procop. Aed. 4,6,24). Thanks to its strategically important situation it flourished in the 2nd and 3rd cents. AD. In late antiquity a cuneus (unit) equitum Dalmatarum Fortensium was stationed in B. (Not.

Dign. Or. 42,12f.). Celtic and Thracian civil population. B. was destroyed by the Huns in the 5th cent. New fortifications under Justinian]. Rich archaeological finds (remains of the walls, tower structures, ceramics, necropolis, inscriptions) confirm B.’s importance as a local centre. TIR K 34 Sofia, 1976, 28.

J.BU.

[3] see > Gesoriacum

Bonorum possessio In Roman law of succession the right to possession of a bequest, granted by the praetor. The bonorum possessor was not the heir by ius civile (heres), but in certain cases could defend himself against

inheritance actions by the heir (Gai. Inst. 3,3 5ff.). According to whether the praetor’s opinion as to succession was based on statute, on the will itself or on special circumstances, distinctions were made between bono-

rum possessio intestati, secundum tabulas and contra tabulas. -» Bona; > Succession, law of

PLE

BOOK

1 H. Honsett, TH. Mayer-Maty, W.SELB, Rom. Recht,

41987, 438f., 443, 450f., 464 680, 707ff.

=

2Kaser, RPR I, 697ff., U.M.

Wr

Bonosus [1] Appointed emperor in Cologne, together with Proculus, in AD 280, soon thereafter defeated by > Probus (Eutr. 9,17,1; Aur. Vict. Caes. 37,3; [Aur. Vict.] Epit. Caes. 37,2). His vita in the > Historia Augusta (Pro-

bus), is largely fictitious; no genuine coins of his are known. PIR* B 146; PLRE 1, 163 no.r. AB. [2] Flavius B. was consul in AD 344 but was acknowledged only in the West and even there he is attested only until April/May. According to [1], however, he is identical with the Sallustius who is mentioned as consul only for 347. Inthe same year he was probably mag. equitum (Cod. Theod. 5,6,1). PLRE 1, 164 no. 4. 1 O.SEECK, Die Briefe des Libanius, 1906, 262f.

W.P.

[3] Court official in the second half of the 4th cent. AD, known to us only from letters of > Symmachus; twice held governorships. In 387 he oversaw construction projects in Rome (Symmachus, Ep. 4,70; 5,76). PLRE

Te 6stynonse

WP.

Bonus Eventus A deity originally associated with agriculture; evenire and eventus designate the ripening of the fruits of the field. Varro (Rust. 1,1,6) considers that Bonus Eventus (BE) was one of the 12 rural gods. Later BE is generally understood as the bestower of success (Apul. Met. 4,2). Pliny (HN 34,77; 36,23) mentions two statues of BE in Rome: one by Euphranor and one by — Praxiteles. BE had a temple near the baths of Agrippa (Amm. Marc. 29,6,19). He is frequently por-

trayed on coins and cameos as a youth who holds in one hand a sacrificial bowl, in the other sheaves of grain. P.E. Arias, s.v. B., LIMC 3.1, 123-126.

RB.

Book A. THE BOOKINITS OLDEST FORM B.SCROLLAND CODEX C. BOOK PRODUCTION AND DISSEMINATION (BOOK TRADE) D. PRIVATE AND PUBLIC

READING

A. THE BOOK IN ITS OLDEST FORM In antiquity, the term book referred to any writing material, crafted from a range of raw materials using traditional artisan techniques, and capable of carrying hand-written text. The two basic forms of the book in the Graeco-Latin cultural region were the > scroll (volumen) and the > codex; the latter corresponds to the modern form of the book. Both of these basic forms can vary greatly in size, volume, workmanship, and quality. In Greece — in the archaic period dominated by a culture of oral communication — the book served to fix and preserve texts, but also as an aide-mémoire for recitation. It can not be said with any certainty, which materials and techniques were used for these most an-

ween

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it BAIT yaainitbh “eaqy a Ins Asn Oh MIA ear pee neeee roe i nbs AG aah Be Vn, Ree nse arent "CAS eRe Qa ah isonet My! Wate ‘3ra! eaL ak eee } Se Eee eons lta

|

etnna

Scroll (opened)

cient books. Literary and iconographic sources from about the 5th cent. BC, as well as the earliest extant finds (dating back to the 4th cent. BC), provide evidence that books took the form of papyrus scrolls. However, in the archaic period, the use of other hard and heavy materials cannot be excluded; writing was scratched into their surfaces, and they were fashioned to form a uniform carrier of text, i.e. a ‘book’ : tablets with or without a wax coating, sheets of lead, slate, as well as more supple materials such as leather. In a society with a predominantly oral culture, the use of such hard materials is entirely satisfactory for primitive books, whose main purpose was the preservation of a text, not its dissemination, as they were cumbersome to use and unsuited to reading. For the early Romans, Italic peoples, and especially Etruscans, there is evidence of libri lintei with a sacred function. These were made from linen cloth, as shown

by the extant liber linteus of Zagreb with Etruscan script. The folds in the concertina-pleated cloth were located in the centre of the margins, or between the text columns

delineated

by vertical

red lines; thus, the

columns could be turned over like double pages, similar to a codex or even a modern book. The /ibri lintei of ancient Rome presumably were of similar structure: the libri Sibyllini, the books of priests, recording the absconditum ius pontificium; and the books containing the commentarii augurum. Some of the numerous thin wooden tablets (made from birch or alder), bearing Latin ink writing, which were found in Vindolanda (Chesterholm) in Britain, were folded and had holes for a thread at both ends;

presumably, they, too, were originally linked in concertina fashion. These originate from a later period, and their content was mainly documentary; however, this does not preclude that in ancient times such wooden books existed in some Western regions. B. SCROLL AND CODEX With the emergence of papyrus (exported from Pharaonic Egypt to Greece as early as the archaic period, but not widely used in Greece before the 6th/sth cents. BC, in Rome not before the 3rd/2znd cents. BC), books

— because of the softness of this writing material, and also a greater fluidity. in the script — took the form of scrolls. The scroll remained the standard book form until roughly the 2nd cent. AD, but continued to survive alongside the codex, which — apart from some rare exceptions — finally replaced it from the 4th/sth cents. AD onwards.

BOOK

724

723

Most Greek and Latin books were made from papyrus and parchment, but the use of either material was not exclusively linked with one particular form of book, ie. roll or codex. However, only rare examples of parchment scrolls are known, whereas the papyrus codex is quite commonly found until at least the 6th/7th cents. AD (almost exclusively in Egypt, in very rare cases elsewhere). As a general rule, it can be said that in

late antiquity — with a few exceptions — the displacement of the scroil by the codex went hand in hand with that of papyrus by parchment. The different types of ancient books within the primary forms of scroll and codex have to be seen in relation to the cultural context of a specific period, and also the purpose, for which individual books were being made. Initially, the use of illustrations seems restricted to books of scientific knowledge. However, from the imperial age at the latest, many literary books were also adorned with illustrations; in scrolls, these were usually inserted into the text columns, whereas in codices, they

scrolls —to be transferred as scholia to the corresponding text passages within in the same book. A scroll had to be held with both hands, whereas a codex required only one, and left the other free for turning pages or writing. The ordered arrangement of text on marked pages instead of an uninterrupted sequence of columns made it easier to return to and reread specific passages, which in turn influenced reading habits themselves.

C. BOOK PRODUCTION AND DISSEMINATION (BOOK TRADE)

In antiquity, books were produced by hand; thus, they were either opus servile or products of a craft workshop. Presumably, there were also other forms of production, not adequately known to us because of a lack of suitable evidence. In the early Middle Ages, the preparation and inscribing of books became a pious exercise of penitence in bishop’s seats and monasteries in the West, whilst in the Byzantine East, some ancient

frequently took up an entire page. When the codex finally superseded the scroll, ideology, economics, as well as practical considerations all played a part: ideology, because this type of book stood in marked contrast to the rhetorical tradition — thus its adoption and dissemination by the Christians was no

modes of production survived. The demand for books in sth/4th-cent. (BC) Athens is clearly evident in the existence of a book trade, which had to satisfy a certain need to read and supply the earliest private book collections (some > libraries are

coincidence —; economics, because parchment did not

other hand, as far as other book collections of this peri-

have to be imported from elsewhere (Egypt), and was more economical in use— in a codex, both sides were

od are concerned, which were reserved for scholars and students at schools of medicine or philosophy, it has to be assumed that textbooks and newly written works

written on (as opposed to generally only one side of

known,

such as Euripides’ and Aristotle’s).

On the

suited to reading and looking up information. The older classical and legal literature, which had adopted the

were produced by the schools themselves. The Hellenistic age can be seen as an ‘epoch of the book’, not so much because of the growing number of

scroll as its medium for publication, dissemination, and preservation, was transferred to codices, whereas, from

readers (which always remained limited), but because of a new attitude towards literature, which was based

the end of the 4th cent. AD, works were written directly onto codices. The replacement of the scroll by the codex had a series of consequences, which mainly concerned the arrangement of text, the relationship of main body of text and later additions, and reading practices. A scroll

entirely on philology, i.e. on the knowledge and com-

rolls) —; in practical terms, the codex was far better

was restricted to a certain size, and thus could only ac-

commodate a limited amount of text; texts of a larger size had to be divided up between several scrolls. In contrast, the codex, with its greater capacity, made it

possible for works, which previously had to be split up into several scrolls, to be produced as a single book; the same applied to various works of one author or several texts of various authors with different content. To ensure a clear distinction between different texts in a book, a series of structural elements was introduced: a

system of incipit/explicit at the beginning and end of each text (also between individual books of the same work), a variety of writing styles, as well as borders and decorated initials. As a codex could have very broad margins, it was more suitable for inserting annotations and variant texts. Furthermore, these broad margins allowed for commentaries on the texts — until then, with cross-references, contained in supplementary

parison of texts, and also because of the establishment

of large libraries, which required book production ona large scale. There is insufficient evidence of the mechanisms ensuring the supply of these Hellenistic libraries (such as in Alexandria or Pergamum); however, as the edition of texts in conjunction with the philological work at these institutions had to be ensured, one can assume that the libraries themselves possessed copying workshops. In the long run, it is this kind of book production that was much later adopted by the Christian schools (the ‘didascalaion of Alexandria’: Athan. ad Const. 4; school of Origen in Caesarea: Eus. HE 6,23,1f.5 Jer. Vir. ill. rr3: schools in Gaza and Nisibis)

and evident in Constantinople, where Constantius II founded the imperial library in AD 357. For the Hellenistic age, however, it has to be assumed that there books were also produced independent of the great libraries. A genuine book trade is well attested for Rome, though not before the first cent. AD. From then on, there is growing evidence by Latin authors of book publishers/traders and bookstore proprietors, peaking between the 1st and 2nd cents. AD: the proprietors of Rome’s main bookstores — with

725

726

bookshelves indoors and advertising slogans for the volumina on the outer walls — were the > Sosius broth-

In late antiquity, book production fell into crisis, caused by a number of factors: a decline in the number of educated readers— indeed even the number of those simply able to read and write — leading to a decline in public and private book consumption, as well as changes in production techniques, combined with higher production costs of books in the context of the economic climate of the period — these are evident in the tariffs which were set in an edict by Diocletian (Edicta Diocletiani 7,3 8—40) (40 denarii for the preparation of a lot of four parchments, 25 denarii for roo lines of best quality script, and 20 for the same number of lines of second-grade quality script). Between the 4th and 6th cents., the few workshops that continued to survive in Italy — particularly in Rome and Ravenna — seem to have been those that were able to fulfil orders for luxury editions. Throughout this period, book production in private households continued without interruptions. Subscriptiones of late-antique codices, which have survived directly or in medieval copies, as well as literary sources (Symmachus, Ep. 1,24; 9,13) prove that editions of the ‘classics’ were published on the initiative — and in the houses— of the last members of the educated aristocracy: An example is the edition of the complete works of Livy by the Symmachi and Nicomachi families. The production and dissemination of Christian books was based on the same mechanisms, once the new religion was institutionalized. Even if some high quality books, particularly biblical texts, were produced in book workshops to the same standard as some of the classics, the majority of patristic works, such as those by Jerome and Augustine, were published within the authors’ circle, and distributed through a network of friends and connections, within which > copies were also produced privately.

ers, and also > Tryphon, Atrectus, and Dorus (Sen. Ben. 7,6). Some booksellers’ stands could also be found

at the harbour in Brindisi, frequently selling fantastic fiction. In near or distant provincial towns, tabernae librariae could be found, for example in Vienne or Lyon in Gallia, and in Britannia. In the enthusiastic view of authors of that period, books of their works could be disseminated to the ends of the world. The entrepreneurs operating such workshops were usually freedmen; as a rule, these enterprises undertook all aspects of book production, from getting-up to selling an edition. In fact, in Rome, it was traditional for books to be produced and copied by slaves and freedmen in private patrician households; this was often a part of a genuine production system, as in the case of Atticus, the ‘publisher’ of Cicero’s works and of others texts (including Greek ones). Many a librarius slave in the service of the rich — once emancipated — turned entrepreneur himself, and established a ‘publishing house’, especially in the rst to 3rd cents. AD; at that time, there were many people who could read, and thus the demand for reading material was great. Different levels of + education in those who purchased books were catered for by wide range of publications as well as prices. Books produced for the trade came with a high price; for example, a luxury edition of the first volume of Martial’s Epigrammata cost five denarii, nearly twice as much as a legionary would then earn in ten days. The price soared to dizzy heights for antiquarian — centuries-old — books, equally for genuine or counterfeit MSS of well-known authors. If one was lucky, one could also find books at discounted prices, because they were well used or yellowed from being displayed for a long time. There were also less expensive editions of poorer quality (of workmanship or script), second-hand books, and also books that were

produced on reused parchment (after the earlier text had been removed: — palimpsests) or on the reverse of discarded books or document scrolls. Presumably, editions targeted at bibliophiles (even if these were often little educated) and public libraries were of better technical quality. Whereas in the East, the tradition of attaching workshops for the production of books to libraries survived, it is presumed that public libraries in the Roman West got their supplies from external sources: Some books were donated by authors who wanted to see their works accepted into a public library; some were purchased directly from the producers, either in accordance with specific selection criteria or certain cultural criteria, and some were perhaps copied to order. None of this is any proof that the number of readers was very high. Readers constituted a minority, and one that was mainly restricted to the urban areas. However, in the first cents. of the imperial period, this minority was undoubtedly larger and more complex than in other period of antiquity.

BOOK

D. PRIVATE AND PUBLIC READING In antiquity, the most common way to read a book was to read it out aloud, which, particularly in public readings, made it necessary for the reader to adapt his voice in intonation and modulation to the specific character and rhythm of his text. A good reading was almost like the interpretation of a musical score. With the exception of experienced or professional readers, the reading of a book wasa prolonged process: the text presented itself in scriptio continua; it was only rarely or irregularly structured by punctuation marks, so that it was very difficult for the eyes to separate one word from

the next, or to recognize the meaning of an entire sentence. The verbal articulation of the written text was thus very helpful to its understanding, because the ears are better at comprehending the sequence of words, their meaning, and the separation of sentences than the eyes. Vases and wall paintings, mosaics and sculptures depict a variety of settings and postures during the reading of a book: a reader alone with his book, or one reading from it in the presence of listeners; the teacher reading at school; the orator reciting his lecture with a book

BOOK

728

727,

in front of him; a traveller seated on a wagon and reading; a guest reclining at a banquet, casting his eye over an

opened book; a woman attentively reading, whilst standing, sitting or walking along under arcades. However, there are no images of people reading in a library, an indication that these, whether private or public, were primarily intended for the storage of books. For Romans in particular, it was common practice to read a book in public places. The literature business knew of recitationes in front of large audiences, often with the purpose of presenting new works; these took place in purposely adapted auditoria, stationes, and theatra. In private life, alongside private reading, it was also common practice to have a servant — slave or freedman— reading aloud, who, at receptions and particularly banquets, would try his hand at reciting froma variety of books. Less common than reading aloud was silent reading or reading in a whisper: both of these practices are evident in antiquity, but did not become

lavishly coloured pictures in tempera. The term ‘miniature’ for book illustrations derives from the cinnabar (Lat. minium) used in the Middle Ages to emphasize margins and initials. Grounds were raffia, > papyrus, and > parchment. From the end of the rst cent. AD — at the latest the 2nd cent. AD —, the scroll (+ Book),

West.

the common book form of the Old Kingdom in Egypt and subsequently the entire Mediterranean region, was increasingly replaced by the > codex. This change in form influenced the manner of reading, and also altered the shape, format and placement of the illustrations within the text. The oldest examples of ancient book illustrations are found in the ‘Books of the Dead’ of the Egyptian New Kingdom, which were used in the tomb cult. [6]. The figured friezes, closely related to hieroglyphs, are — at times staggered and framed, at times sporadic — placed within the text, ina manner similar to > wall paintings (such as the Hunefer papyrus, pap. 9901, London, c. 1300 BC). For Graeco-Roman antiquity, evidence of original book illustrations is very poor. For that reason,

~> Book illustration

the sparse and sometimes indirect literary accounts are

predominant before the Middle Ages, at least not in the

G. BINDER, Offentliche Autorenlesungen, in: Kommunikation durch Zeichen und Wort, 1995, 265-332; A. BLANCHARD, Les papyrus littéraires grecs extraits de cartonnages: études de bibliogie, in: M. MANtAcI, P.; Munafo (ed.) Ancient and Medieval Book Materials and Techniques, 1993, 15-40 H. BLanck, Das B. in der Ant., 1992; G. CAVALLO, Libri, scritture, scribi a Ercolano, 1983; Id., Libro e pubblico alla fine del mondo antico, in: Id. (ed.),

Libri, editori e pubblico nel mondo antico, *1992, 83-132 (fn. in 149-162); Id., Tra ‘volumen’ e ‘codex’. La lettura nel mondo romano, in: Id., R. CHARTIER (ed.), Storia della lettura, 1995, 37-69; P. FEDELI, I sistemi di produzione e diffusione, in: G. CAVALLO, P. FEDELI, A. GIARDINA (ed.),

Lo spazio letterario di Roma antica II, La circolazione del testo, 1989, 343-378; A.GEYER, Die Genese narrativer Buchillustration,

1989; T. KLEBERG, Buchhandel und Ver-

lagswesen in der Ant., 1967; H.-I. MARROU, Movowxds vig. Etude sur les scénes de la vie intellectuelle figurant sur les monuments

funéraires romains,

1938; E.POHL-

MANN, Einfiihrung in die Uberlieferungsgesch. und in die Textkritik der ant. Lit., vol. 1: Alt., 1994; E. Rawson,

Intellectual Life in the Late Roman Republic, 1985; C.H. Roserts, T.C. Skeat, The Birth of the Codex, 1983; W.ScHuBART, Das B. bei den Griechen und R6mern,

34962; T.C. SkeaT, The Length of the Standard Papyrus Roll and the Cost-Advantage of the Codex, in: ZPE 37, 1980, 121-136; E.G. TuRNeER, Athenian Books in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries B.C., *1977; J].VAN SICKLE, The Book-Roll and Some Conventions of the Poetic Book, in: Arethousa 13, 1980, 5-42, I1§-127. G.CA.

Book hand see — Writing, styles of

Book illustration These are hand-painted illustrations in manuscripts of cultic, lexical, geographic (and cartographic), or literary content, which explain the text through images, or supplement or ornament it. Painting techniques range from roughly-sketched pen or brush drawings using drawing ink and/or water-colour up to

combined with our knowledge of the creative principles ofother genres as well as with Byzantine or Carolingian copies or replicas. The earliest illustrations were simple didactic pictorial instructions in scientific treatises, such as in Greek papyri on mathematics (5th cent. BC). From the 4th cent. BC, such sketches were also used in medical and technical treatises, as well as in those on the

natural world [4]; vignettes of animals decorated + Nicander’s didactic poems on zoology (znd cent. BC). A pharmacology of — Dioscorides from the rst cent. AD, copied in Constantinople at the beginning of the 6th cent. AD (Vienna, Cod. Med. Gr. r) [4], contains high-quality images of plants and animals. By contrast, pictorial Illustrations of plays, epics, or novels remained rather uncommon for a long time to come.

In Hellenism, some

such MSS.

were

adorned

with portraits of the author and tondos of masks, as extant in the late-antique Plautus and Terenz MSS. [10. 31,95]. In addition, it has been repeatedly assumed that independent picture scroll books existed, that narrated the story-lines of epic and dramatic works [9-11]; however, none of these are extant. Such assumptions are based on series of pictures of extant late Roman MSS., for example the Ilias Ambrosiana (Milan, Cod. F 205 Pinf.), the Vergilius Vaticanus (Rom, Cod. Vat. Lat. 3225, both c. AD 400), the somewhat younger Vergilius Romanus

(Rom,

Cod. Vat. Lat. 3867), and the

Quedlinburg Itala (Berlin, Cod. Theol. Lat. fol. 485, late 4th cent.). Conversely, the assumption that such scroll picture books existed, served to explain late Hellenistic figured friezes with a continuous sequence of scenes, also analogous structures in other, particularly Roman, genres [7]. For example, relief ware and toreutic vessels [8.349], cycles of wall paintings and various mythological reliefs on sarcophagi are all said to derive from illustrated editions of the classics; the sequence of reliefs on Roman memorial columns also taken as dem-

729

730

onstrations of this compositional principle. However, reasonable doubts have recently been cast on the existence of such pictorial scrolls as artistic models, especially in view of the problems of preservation and transmission of such material (sample books?) [3]. Late-antiquity book illustrations influenced not only the style and composition of contemporary wall frescoes (+ Dura Europos [12. 6-9]), but also those of later medieval picture cycles.

thought of as a bear, the former, as its companion, is termed instead ‘bear-keeper’, Arktophylax (Arat. 91— 83; Ov. Fast. 3,145; Manil. Astr. 1,316-318 etc.). Its brightest star is Arcturus (Arktouros), which occasion-

1 H.Biancx, Das Buch in der Ant., 1992, 102-112 2 G. CAVALLO, Libro e cultura scritta, in: Storia di Roma, 4, 1989, 693-734 3A.GeEyER, Die Genese narrativer Buchillustration, 1989 4 H.GrapeE-ALBERS, Spatant.

Bilder aus der Welt des Arztes,1977. 5 M. Harrner, Die Bildereinleitung eines karolingischen Agrimensorenkodex, in: JbAC 34, 1991, 129-138 6 N.HorsFatt, The

Origins of the Illustrated Book, in: Aegyptus 63, 1983, 199-216

7P.MEyBOoOom, Some Observations on Nar-

ration in Greek Art, in: Meded Rom 40, 1978, 55-82 8 C. W. Mutter, Das Bildprogramm der Silberbecher von Hoby, in: JDAI 109, 1994, 321-352 9K. WEITZMANN, Ancient Book Illumination, 1959 10K. Weitzmann, IIlustration in Roll and Codex, *1970

~=11 K. Weitzmann,

Spatant. und frithchristl. B., 1977. 12 K. WertzMANN, H.Kessier, The Frescoes of the Dura Synagogue and Christian Art, 1989 13 D.H. Wrictn, Vergilius Vaticanus, 1993. M. CRAMER, Koptische B., 1964; H.GrERSTINGER, H.E. KILLy, s.v. B., RAC 2, 734-77; F. UNTERKIRCHER, Die B.

Entwicklung, Technik, Eigenart, 1974; T.B. STEVENSON, Miniature Decoration in the Vatican Virgil, 1983; C.Jacos, Buchmalerei, 1991; M.L. KessLer, Studies in Pictorial Narrative, 1994. N.H.

BOREAS

ally gives its name to the whole constellation (Eratosth. Catast. 8).

Various legends about the stars give a mythical background to the meaning of Bootes. 1. He is generally understood to be > Icarus, the father of > Erigone: after his fellow citizens had slain him for bearing them wine as a gift from Dionysus, he was placed among the stars by Dionysus as Bootes, and Erigone as the constellation Virgo (Hyg. Fab. 130. Poet. Astr. 2,4, based on the Erigone of — Erastosthenes). 2. He is Philomenus, one of the sons of > Demeter and > Jason, inventor of the plough, whom his mother turned into a star because of his devotion to farming (Hermipp. ap. Hyg. Poet. Astr. 2,4); he then carries a plough instead of a staff. 3. Arctophylax, for his part, is > Arcas, transformed into a star; son of > Callisto who was changed into a bear by Artemis (Eratosth. Catast. 8; Ov. Fast. 2,153-192: custos ursae; Hyg. Poet. Astr. 2,4 arctum servams). 1F.Boxt, Sphaera, 1903

+2 S. FERABOLI, Astrologia in

Nonno, Corol. Lond. 4, 1984, 43-55.

Boran Sassanid queen, daughter of + Chosroes I] and possibly the sister-bride of > Cavades II. She came to power in spring 630, after the usurper Sharwaraz was deposed, and ruled until autumn 631 (PLRE 3A, 246). M.-L. CHAUMONT, s.v. BOoran, Enclr 4, 366.

Book of Letters Armenian collection of important theological letters, documenting the history of the Armenian church and its relations with neighbouring churches (Syria, Georgia, Byzantium), such as the separation of the Georgian church from the Armenian in c. 600. The Book of Letters is divided into three chronological phases: sth-7th, 8th-rrth and r1th—13th cents. + Byzantium; - Georgia; > Syria Girk T’6Toc’,

1901;

E. Ter-MINnASSIANTZ,

Die armen.

Kirche in ihren Beziehungen zu den syr. Kirchen. Bis zum Ende des 13.Jh. Nach den armen. und syr. Quellen bearbeitet (text and commentary 4), 1904; N. AKINEAN, Kiwrion kat ogikos Vrac’, 1910, 37-45; M. TALLON, Livre des Lettres I, 1955, 9-28. KSA.

M.SCH.

Borbetomagus Modern Worms. As an ancient traffic junction at the crossing point of the road along the Rhine valley (CIL XVII 2,675), B. was occupied by various Roman troops (fort inside the town area) from the Augustan era to the end of the rst cent. After that the vicus, which at times had been walled (CIL XIII 6244),

flourished as a suburb of the civitas Vongionum. It was protected by milites II Flaviae (Not. Dign. occ. 41,8320), but after a siege sometime before 409 (Jer. Ep. TAG ky TSM Woy telaxe > Burgundiones, — Huns, +» Alamanni, and (from 496) > Francs. M. GRUNEWALD, Worms, in: H. CUppers (ed.), Die Romer in Rheinland-Pfalz, 1990, 673-681. K.DI1.

Bookprices see > Book

Borders see > Frontiers

Books, destruction of see > Censorship

Boread Painter see ~ Laconian vase painting

Books, subdivision of see

Boreas (Bogéac; Boréas)

Codex, see > Scroll

FG.

A. METEOROLOGY

B.MyTHOLOGY

Bookselling see > Book Bootes

(Bowe;

Bootés).

(‘Ox-driver’)

One

of the

names of a constellation near that of Ursa Major; attested since Hom. Od. 5,272. If the latter constellation is

A. METEOROLOGY According to Ps.-Aristot. De mundo 4,394b20, the winds blowing from the north towards Greece were called Booéat ot a6 Goxtov (Boréai hoi apo arktou)

BOSPORUS

735

736

Ancient sanctuaries on the shores of the Bosporus Site of cult, sanctuary, temple

|

/

Kyaneai Argonaut myth

Other cult site, statue, etc.

Tomb, sanctuary, hero’s altar Church of St. Michael

Ankyraion/Psomion

Other church

Myth of Jason

Location named after mythical figures

/

or events Hieron fs

é

— Ancient name

Emirgan

fog

[

f

if

é

Aphrodision 4y

) Sanctuary of/Aphrodite

Modern name

(

(

f

; : Dios Hieron

Current (according to Pol. 4,43)

} Sanctuary of Zepss

Sanctuary where Jason sacrificed to the twelve iympiah gods; Milton/Hieron temple of the Phrygian goddess; Sarapieum

e

SS

Altars to Apolloand the Mother of the Gods Skletrinas \ \ Statue of Aphrodite Simas

é

Altar of the herd:Saron of Mars Bathykolpos o

Argyronion Curches of St. Panteleimon and St. Michael j

~~
Hasdrubal and Hamilcar in 256 BC against M. > Atilius Regulus, fell prisoner to the Romans at the battle of Adis and died in Rome (Pol. 1,30; Diod. Sic. 24,12) [1.20]. [2] Carthaginian sub-commander in Spain in the 2nd Punic War; in 217 he fell back from the Romans to Saguntum, where he let himself be duped into releasing the Spanish hostages (Pol. 3,98—99; Liv. 22,22) [1. 21

When the latter, in B.’s presence, is about to sacrifice a sheep to Apollo, B. eats the animal’s brains before it is placed on the altar. Thereupon his father strikes him with a firebrand. Apollo, however, takes pity on him

22s [3] Member of an embassy from > Hannibal to > Phi-

south-west of Tripoli (Lebanon), now Batrun; mentioned several times, as Batruna, in the > Amarna letters (middle of the r4th cent. BC), it was under strong economic and political Egyptian influence; a topo-

BOUDICCA

and turns him into the bird, Aeropus (Bee-eater), which

broods in an underground nest and continually seeks to fly (Ant. Lib. 18). RB. Botrys (Boteus; Botrys) Greek name of a coastal town

lippus V of Macedonia in 215, which was supposedly intercepted by the Romans (Liv. 23,34; 38) [2. 244246]. [4] from Nora, murder victim (2?) of M. > Aemilius Scaurus, propraetor in Sardinia in 5 5/4 (Cic. Scaur. fr.

graphical list of > Ramses II names place names of the area of B., Pol. 5,68 mentions B. as involved in > Antiochus III’s battles with Egypt (218 BC). B. also appears

1,8).

in later ancient transmission, where Str. 16,2,18 refers

1Geus

2 J.Se1BERT, Hannibal, 1993.

L.-M.G.

to B.’s being a base for Lebanese mountain-dwellers. B. is mentioned, as Botrus, as a locality linked to the Roman road network. H.KL.

Bostra Small town on the southern edge of the Syrian basalt desert (Hauran). The modern name Busra cor-

Bottiaea see > Bottice

responds with the Nabataean and Palmyrenian version BSR? (‘fortress’). B. was a settlement from the early

Bottice (Bottixh; Bottiké). Region on the western coast

Bronze Age and, in the 2nd. millennium BC, had close relations with Egypt because of its role as a caravanserai and a staging-post on the road to northern Syria and to the Red Sea (epigraphical evidence in Saqqara, Karnak, Amarna since the Twelfth Dynasty). B. was Nabataean since the beginning of the rst cent. BC and, under

of the Chalcidice peninsula, named after the inhabitants

Rabel Il (AD 70-105), it became the second capital of

the Nabataean kingdom after Petra. Under Trajan and Septimius Severus, B. rose to become a Roman colony, the capital of the provincia Arabia and the home garrison of the legio III Cyrenaica; at that time, it boasted town walls, four main roads, thermal baths, a hippodrome and an amphitheatre. The most important Byzantine heritage is an octagonal centrally planned building (4th-sth cents.). Under the protectorate of the Christian Gassanids, B. became the reloading point for caravans from Arabia. B. is the location of the Islamic Bahira legend, in which a monk identified Muhammad as the future prophet. The first Syro-Byzantine town to be taken by the Muslims in AD 634, it was still flourishing in the 14th cent. The colonnades along the main north-south road were turned into a bazaar under the Umayyads (8th cent.), the theatre into a fortress in the 11th cent. F.AALUND et al., Islamic Bosra, 1990; R.BRUNNOW, A.v. DOMASZEWSKI, Provincia Arabia, 1909, vol. 3, 1-843

K.FREYBERGER, Damaszener

Hammam

Zur Datier. des Theaters in Bosra, in:

Mitt. 3, 1988,

17-26; M.MeEtnEcKE,

Der

of the Macedonian Bottiaea, driven out of their homeland in around 600 BC, with several towns, of which

only Olynthus (lost to the Chalcidicians in 479 BC) has been localized with certainty. In the Athenian League, Spartolus, as the most important town of the B., represented the tribal federation, and from 43 4/3 BC, further Bottiaean towns are registered in the Athenian tribute lists. In 432 BC, all Bottiaeans broke away from Athens, and were partially evacuated into southern Mygdonia (— Calindoea). The Bottiaeans conducted the war against Athens initially as a tribal federation (capital Spartolus, common minting of coins), but the Athenians were able to win back some of their former allies during the early years of the war, and signed a treaty with some of the Bottiaean towns in 422, which was directed against Spartolus (retained its autonomy in the peace of Nicias, but had to pay tribute to Athens). In the first half of the 4th cent., the Bottiaean state coexisted as an independent state alongside that of the Chalcidicians. In 349 BC, B. fell to Philip II, and was divided up amongst Macedonian noblemen; after 315 BC, the region was part of the municipal territory of the new foundation of Cassandria. M.B. HarzorouLos, Une donation du roi Lysimaque, 1988; F. PAPAZOGLOU, Les villes de Macédoine a l’€poque romaine, 1988, 417-426; M.ZAHRNT, Olynth und die Chalkidier, 1971, 171-178. M.Z.

Manfgak und die islamische Architektur von M. SarTRE, B.: no.

Boudicca British ruler; widow of > Prasutagus, client

9001-9472, Inscriptions Grecques et Latines de la Syrie,

king of the — Iceni. In AD 60 [1. 56] B. led a bloody revolt (Tac. Ann. 14,31ff.; Agr. 15f.; Cass. Dio Epit.

Busra, in: Berytus 32, 1984, 181-190;

vol. 13.1, 1982; Id., B. des origines a ’Islam, 1985.

TL.

62,1ff.) against Rome, devastated the Colonia Camu-

Botany see > Plants

lodunum and the cities of Verulamium and Londinium.

BOUDICCA

740

739

The legate of the ninth legion, Q. > Petillius Cerialis, suffered a severe defeat. The cause of the revolt was the ill-considered behaviour of the procurator, Decianus Catus, who after Prasutagus’ death harshly confiscated the property, to which Nero was supposed to be joint heir. On top of that, there was an abrupt calling-in of debts, by Seneca, amongst others. Incursions and physical mistreatment of the royal family provoked the uprising, which was joined by the Trinovantes, who had been suffering under the newly established colonia, as well as from the tribute for the temple to Claudius. The governor, C. > Suetonius Paulinus, crushingly defeated B.’s force after the withdrawal from the Welsh coast. Draconian reprisals were threatening to cast the prov-

minantur {x]) an important sanctuary of Saturnus Balcaranensis (Punic Ba’al Qarném, ‘Ba’al of the two horns’), from the Roman imperial period but based on Punic tradition. Picture-steles (c. 600 preserved) of

dedication basically belong to two different groups: either popular-‘neo-Punic’ with symbolic pictures or conventional Roman sacrificial scenes. 1 H.G. Niemeyer, in: AU, 1993/2, 4rff.

M. Lectay, Saturne Africain. Monuments I, 1961, 32ff.; DCPP, s.v. Bou Qournein, 79f. H.G.N.

Boule (BovAn; Boule). A. GENERAL

B. ATHENS

C. FUNCTIONS

ince into further chaos, until Nero took the decision to

remove Paulinus. 1 BIRLEY.

G. WEBSTER, Boudica, 1978.

C.KU.

Boukoloi (Bovxddo1; Boukdloi). Male members of Dionysian communities with different tasks, including dance (Lucian. Saltatione 79; schol. Lycoph. 212). The term relates to 1. shepherds in mythical stories who have been converted to servants of the god by witnessing a miracle (Eur. Bacch. 660-774); 2. the transformation of Dionysus from human to animal form, especially as a bull (idem 616-22; Plut. Quaest. Graec. 299b) [1]. The place associated with mythical shepherds is the mountains, the connotations of this landscape referring to the ambivalence of the god. The expression Bovxoreic LapdaCuov (‘you are keeping Sabazius’) in Aristoph. Vesp. 10 suggests that the institution already existed in some form or other in the sth cent. (cf. the title of the comedy ‘Boukoloi’ by Cratinus, and Eur. Antiope, fr. 203 TGF). In spite of some Hellenistic inscriptions (e.g. IG 12.9.262, Eretria), most references originate from the imperial age (Asia Minor, Thrace [3.61 n. 7]). In some

cases bouk6loi seems to be a term for a privileged group and the archiboukolos the leader of the whole community (e.g. [Pergam. 2.485). In other cases we find individual boukoloi listed next to various officials (e.g. IGBulg. 1* 4or). Of the c. 500 members of Agrippinilla’s thiasos (IGUR 1.160) there are three archiboukol6loi and seven boukoloi hieroi in the first column and 20 boukoloi in the second. Boukolos is used also of (O)sarapis [4] and of other gods: Orph. H. 1.10; 31.7. 1 C.Berarp, Meélanges P. Collart, 1976, 61-75 2R.G. A. Buxton, Imaginary Greece, 1994, 81-96 3 R.MERKELBACH, Die Hirten des Dionysos, 1989

A. GENERAL In Greek communities the boule was a council assembly, usually that responsible for current public duties, which also had to prepare the work of the public assembly (> ekklésia). Composition and responsibilities could change according to the respective form of constitution. In Homeric times the council consisted of nobles convened by the king as advisors; in oligarchically organized communities the boule could become a relatively powerful body, compared with a comparatively weak public assembly, by restricting eligibility and extending membership for long periods (the > gerousia, for instance, the council of elders in Sparta; see

also > apélla); in democratically structured municipalities a larger number of citizens could normally be voted on to the council and a limited time in office ensured broad participation and prevented the formation of a privileged stratum of councillors overshadowing the public assembly. The council could participate in political decisions, administration and legislation and in this way unite in organization an otherwise very disparate administration system. Most of the municipalities, with the possible exception of some of the smallest, had a boule of this kind, but the subdivisions of the citizenry, apart from Rhodes, did not have any councils of their own. In the municipalities of Boeotia in the classical period a municipality of full citizens was divided into departments, which each acted alternately as council. Federal states and federations of states also normally formed a council, which was occasionally called a boule, but sometimes something different, like > synédrion (‘gathering’). A council of this kind normally consisted of representatives from the member states; as

well as this there was in some of these organizations, though not in all, an assembly that was open to all citizens of the member states.

4 Urkunden der Ptolemaerzeit I, 1923, 57.7. A.Henricus, Studies for K.K. Hulley, Nitsson, GGR 1, 5393 2, 358-63.

1984,

69-91; R.G.

Bou Kornein The c. 550 m high massif over the eastern shore of the bay of Tunis holds between its two distinctive peaks (Verg. Aen. 1,162f. vastae rupes geminique

B. ATHENS Athens had the oldest council assembly, which was to become a body of former archontes, the > Areopagus. > Solon held to this in 594/93 BC, but a second council of 100 members from each of the four phyles, which had to prepare the work of the public assembly, is attributed to him ([Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 8,4; Plut. Solon

741

742

19,1-2). Doubts about this council are not justified; since a council expressly designated as a council of the people, attestable in Chios for the 6th cent. BC (boule

The boule in Athens began to acquire administrative and judicial powers with the reforms of > Ephialtes of 462/61. It became a general supervisory body of the administration, monitoring the work of numerous committees with particular duties and also providing the members for some of these boards. The finances of the city and the sanctuaries, the war fleet and naval equipment in general, the cavalry and its horses, prizes for the > Panathenaea, public buildings and the care of invalids who received state support were all part of the responsibility of the boule.

hé démosié)

(ML

8), indicates that another council

could exist as well as or instead of a more aristocratic council. In the year 508/7 - Cleisthenes replaced Solon’s council with a council of 5 50 members from each of the newly created ro phyles, each phyle electing the council members (bouleutai) from the individual demes in proportion to their size. All citizens over 30 were eligible with the exception of the lowest census category; at the latest from the second half of the sth cent. election to the boule was by lot for one year and at the latest by the 4th cent. council service was limited to a maximum of two years in a citizen’s lifetime. The council met daily except on public holidays. Although in the late 5th cent., or even before, service as a councillor was remunerated (+ Misthos), conscientious exercise of duty took up so much time that rich people were probably better represented on the council than those of moderate means. In the Hellenistic period additional phyles were created (and disbanded again), to demonstrate respective loyal commitment by Athens; the number of 50 councillors (bouleutai) per phyle remained the same until AD 127, when the council was reduced nominally to 500, in fact to about 520 members. No later than from the middle of the sth cent., the 50 members of a phyle served for part of the year as > prytaneis (‘ruler’) in an order decided by lot. They acted as the boule’s executive committee under the daily changing leadership of an epistdtés (‘chairman’), who together with the prytaneis from one of the three > trittyes of the phyle was on duty for the whole 24 hours. The prytaneis convened the boule and the public assembly, at which initially possibly the archontes, but from the mid 5th cent. until early in the 4th. cent., the prytaneis presided. From the early 4th cent. a new committee, the + prohedroi, consisting of one councillor from each phyle, except for the prytany on duty in each case, took over the chairmanship for one day each. The original task of Solon’s and also Cleisthenes’ council was probouleusis, preparation of the work of the public assembly. This practice was widespread in Greece. In Athens they were able to reduce the limitations of the public assembly implicit in this to a minimum: the public assembly was able to decide only on matters presented to it by the council, but the probouleuma (‘prior resolution’) did not always contain a special recommendation, although this was within the competence of the boule, and in addition every citizen could propose changes at the public assembly or introduce alternative petitions. Moreover, though only a council member could propose a probouleuma, any citizen could formally approach the council via the prytaneis or informally persuade a councillor to act in his interest. Additionally, if a subject came up for discussion there for the first time, the public assembly could commission the council to submit a probouileuma on this matter by the next meeting.

BOULE

C. FUNCTIONS In Greek cities the administrative bodies had little authority (> Bureaucracy), and, since it was believed

that the courts should not be allowed to function independently of the administration, but ought to reinforce the administration with judicial powers, the boule in Athens also carried out the function of a court, particularly in cases concerning magistrates or public duties of private citizens. The council took part in the ~ dokimasia (test of suitability for office) of the archontes and the councillors for the following year; ~ logistai (‘accountants’), who checked the public accounts of each prytany, and also the > euthynoi (‘correctors’) for general matters, but not the logistai who as auditing officials were responsible for checking the officers at the end of their office. The council was also involved in introducing the > eisangelia in cases of major offence against the state. There is an account of membership and duties of the Athenian boule in [Aristot.] Ath. Pol. 43-9. In the civic unrest of 411 the democratic council was replaced first by a council of Four Hundred (> Tetrakosioi), which had a monopoly of power, and then under the regime of the Five Thousand by an elected council of Five Hundred, which did not, though, have as much power as the Four Hundred. In 404-403 the Thirty (> Triakonta) kept a compliant council of Five Hundred. In Roman Athens the democratic council continued to exist, but the Areopagus again became an important institution. In some other cities the council was reorganized on the Roman model, with lifelong membership, so the council members became a privileged group within the citizenry. ~ Athens GENERAL OVERVIEW: J.BLEICKEN, Die Athenische Demokratie, *1994, 102-128, 184-190, 351-52 (general overview); BUSOLT/SWOBODA; V. EHRENBERG, The Greek State, *1969; J. A.O. LARSEN, Representative Government in Greek and Roman History, 1955; Id., Greek Federal States, 1968; K.-W. WeLwEI, Die griech. Polis, 1983, 6668, 206-209, Index s.v. Rat.

ATHENS : M.H. Hansen, The Athenian Democracy in the Age of Demosthenes, ch. 10, 1991; P.J. RHODES, The Athenian Boule, 1972; R.K. StncLatr, Democracy and

Participation in Athens, ch. 3-5, 1988.

PLR.

BOULETEE SCRIPT

744

743

Bouletée script Manneristic style of writing Greek minuscules (also termed ‘Church Fathers’ style’ because of the main texts in which it was used [r]) in the roth cent. (913/4—983/4 on the dated examples), characterized in particular by buttonhole-shaped and knotty thickening of ascenders and in many of the small letters. The normally vertical and broadly executed script shows a strong tendency to bilinearism, with shortened ascenders and descenders; the round letters are given a squarish shape. Also characteristic are the unidirectional, minuscule delta, the two-part majuscule kappa and the frequent majuscule nu. Abbreviations are rather rare. The bouletée script was predominantly but not exclusively used in Constantinople, mainly for de luxe MSS of a generally biblical or patristic character. 1 H.Huncer, Minuskel und Auszeichnungsschriften im 10.-12.Jh., in: La paléographie grecque et byzantine,

1977, 203-204. J. Irntcom, Une écriture du X° siécle la minuscule bouletée,

in: La paléographie grecque et byzantine, 1977, 191-198; M.L. Acati, La minuscola ‘b.’, 1992. P.E.

Bouleutai (BovAevtai; bouleutai). Members of Greek council assemblies (+ Boule).

Bouleuterion Building where the > boule met. Attestable from the archaic period, from the 4th cent. BC the bouleuterion was regularly one of the public buildings at or in the vicinity of the > agora. On function and construction > assembly buildings. W.ED.

FoORTENBAUGH,

R.W.SHaARPLES

(ed.)

Theophrastean

Studies, 1988, 272-295 6 B.GLapiGow, Ovids Rechtfertigung des blutigen Opfers, in: AU 14/3, 1971, 5-23 7 A.HEenricus, Gott, Mensch, Tier. Ant. Daseinsstruktur und rel. Verhalten im Denken Karl Meulis, in: F.GRAF (ed.), Klass. Ant. und neue Wege der Kulturwiss., 1992,

129-167, esp. 157f. J.L. Duranp, Sacrifice et labour en gréce ancienne, 1986. CA.

Boustrophedon see — Script Bovianum Drawing on Plin. HN 3,107 (colonia Bovianum

vetus et alterum

cognomine

Undecumanorum),

some people had concluded that there existed two B. in Samnium

(— Samnites):

B. Vetus

(now

La Piana

in

Pietrabbondante, cf. [1]), a colonia of the III viri lege Iulia since 43 BC; B. Undecumanorum (now Bojano), Flavian colonia since AD 73/75 (veterans of the legio

Claudia, and thus of the undecumant). Others thought there was only one city, which underwent a change in name [2-5]. The place was a Samnite sanctuarium. A settlement in Caesar’s time by veterans of the legio XI, instead of the legio XI Flavia, and thus the existence of two settler communities, has also been conjectured: that of the veteres, i.e. of the residents of the municipium, which is attested for 48-46 BC, and that of the undecumani. 1 R. Ruta, M. Carroccta, Vie ed insediamenti del Sannio

nella tabula Peutigeriania, in: Rendiconti della Pontificia Accademia di Archeologia 60, 1987/88, 254-266 2 A.La Reaina, Le iscrizioni osche di Pietrabbondante e

Bouphonia (Bovdowa; bouphdnia). In the Athenian Dipoleia, the ox that first eats of the sacrificial grain is sacrificed because it has desecrated the gift for the god (Porphyr. Abst. 2,28-30; this probably goes back to Theophrastus [5]; Paus 1,24,4). The slaughterer — a hereditary office of the Thaulon family [3. 161] —kills the animal for this reason and then flees. In the myth the Delphic oracle orders that the fleeing slaughterer, the farmer Sopater, be brought back and that he repeat the killing of the ox. In a court case in the Prytaneion, one person pushes his guilt onto the next person until finally the axe is condemned and lowered into the sea [1; 2. 153-161]. The name of the festival (also Bouxdtia; boukdtia) and of the month are also attested outside Athens [4]. For W. Burkert the bouphonia are an element that links the ‘comedy of innocence’ (K. MEULI)

of the prehistoric hunting period with the killing of animals justified on the basis of religion as sacrifice [2. 159]. However, the court case is to be understood more as histrionics than a consciousness of guilt about the ‘murder of an ox’, which could be associated with

any sacrifice [6; 7].

la questione di Bovianum Vetus, in: RhM 109, 1966, 260-286 31d.,Sannio. Pentrie Frentani dal VI alI sec. a. C.,1980 41d., in: G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), Italia

omnium terrarum parens, 1989, 363-365 Silico Molise, 1991, 32-37. 6 L. Keppte, Colonisation and Veterans’ Settlements in Italy 47-14 BC., 1983, 55, 161-163.

G.De BENeEDITTIS, Repertorio delle iscrizioni latine del Molise. I. Bovianum, 1995.

M.BU.

Bovillae Town in Latium, colony of Alba Longa, ancestral seat of the gens Iulia, 11 miles south-east of Rome in Frattocchie near the via Appia, which had been extended to B. in 294 BC. B. became a municipium under Sulla. In 52 BC, it was the location of the dispute between Clodius and Milo. In memory of the obsequies of Augustus, Tiberius erected a memorial to the gens Iulia in B. (Tac. Ann. 2,41). Monuments: remains of quadratic town walls made from tufa (lapis peperinus) near Due Santi, and also of the arcades of a circus and a theatre.

Villa of Domitianus. Aqueducts Graves near the via Appia.

and three cisterns.

1K.Meu.t, Gesammelte Schriften 2, 1976, 1oosf. 2 W.BuRKERT, Homo necans, 1972 +=3 DEUBNER, 158-

A.Dososti, B.,in: Eph. Dacor. 6, 1935, 240-366;

174

Nuovi documenti epigrafici da B., in: Miscellanea graeci e

4C.TRUMPpY, in: ZPE 100, 1994, 407, fn.7, fn.9

5 D. OpBink, The Origins of Greek Sacrifice, in: W.W.

De Rosst, B., 1979, 298-323; M.G. GRANINO romani 16, 1991, 239-60.

G.M. CECERE, G.U.

74S

746

Bow and arrow The use of bow and arrow for war and hunting goes back a very long time, and was widespread even in prehistoric times. In the Near East, bows and arrows were important weapons of war. As demonstrated on reliefs from Mesopotamia, the Assyrian archers often stood in a war chariot (palace of Assur-

fight. At the time of the Principate, Rome recruited her archers predominantly from the eastern provinces; normally, they served in special units of the > auxilia known as sagittarii (‘archers’) (ILS 2724: coh. I Ulpia

nasirpal Ilin Nimrid (> Kalhu), 9th cent. BC; London, BM); in the siege of cities, archers on foot were fre-

quently deployed (relief of > Tiglatpileser III in Nimrad, 8th cent. BC; London, BM); the Arabs were fought by archers on horseback (palace of > Assurbanipal in Ninive (+ Ninus [2]), 7th cent. BC; London, BM). Assyrian kings hunted lions and bulls with bow and arrow, both on foot and from a war chariot (depiction of a hunt with a war chariot in the palace of Assurnasirpal II in Nimrtd, 9th cent. BC; London, BM). In Egypt as early as the 2nd millennium BC, the pharaoh or high dignitaries are depicted hunting with bow and arrow, such as Userhet (grave no. 56 in Thebes, 15th cent. BC) or Tutankhamen (1347-1336 BC). Greek literature provides early evidence for the use of bow and arrow in Greece (Hom. Il. 4,122ff.; 5,171ff.; 11,582ff.; Hom. Od. 21,1-421), Persia (Hdt. 7,61,1), as well as by the + Sarmatians (Paus. 1,21,5).

The lion hunt with bow and arrow was a frequent topic of Mycenaean art (16th-cent. BC dagger, Mycenae; Athens, NM).

In the Roman

army, archers are first

mentioned for the period of the Second > Punic War; Hieron [2] of Syracuse initially supported Rome by sending Cretan bowmen (Pol. 3,75,7; Liv. 22,37,8). Even though Syracuse went over to Rome’s enemies in

214 BC, archers remain evident in the Roman troops (Liv. 24,34,53; 27,38,12). Bow and arrow were also used in Caesar’s war against the Gauls, with the bowmen hailing from Numidia and Crete (Caes. B Gall. 2,7,1). From the Hellenistic period, the > catapult as well as the bow was used to fire arrows. The bow (Greek téxon; Lat. arcus) was always of composite make, with the limbs strengthened at the tips; when not in use, it was unstrung. The arrows (Greek toxeuma; Lat. sagitta) were stored in a quiver (Greek pharétra; Lat. pharetra). Their shafts were made from wood or bamboo and principally triangular in cross-section; the arrowheads were always made from iron. By the addition of lead, the total weight and thus the effectiveness could be increased. Roman soldiers were also equipped with hand-thrown darts (mattiobarbuli or > plumbatae: Veg. Mil. 1,17; 2,15; 3,14). In late antiquity, fire arrows were also used (Amm. Marc. 23,4,14; 23,6,37). Poisoned arrows are already mentioned in Homer (Hom. Od. 1,260ff.; cf. Iulius Africanus, Cestes 2,5 on the Scythians). Triple-feathered arrows also existed; arrowheads can be sorted according to their lengths into four categories: short (2.7 cm), medium (two: 1.9 to 3.6 and 2.7 to 3.9 cm) and long (3.5 to 3.7 cm). Arrows had a range of about one > pléthron (c. 30 m). Soldiers on foot as well as those on horseback fought as archers, attacking the enemy, before the heavily armed infantry began to

BOW-SHOOTING

sagittariorum; ILS 2005: coh. I Aelia sagit.; ILS 2740:

coh, III sagittariorum). Other units were named after their geographical origins (Syria: ILS 1403; 9168; Damascus: ILS 2585; Ituraea: ILS 2004; Tyre: ILS 2685; Commagene: ILS 9273; Apamea: ILS 2724; Thrace: ILS 2006; Hamii: ILS 2551). > Palmyra too supplied the Roman army with bowmen (ILS 9173). + Bow-shooting 1D. Baarz, Zur Geschiitzbewaffnung rom. Auxiliartruppen in der friihen und mittleren Kaiserzeit, in: Id., Bauten und Katapulte des rom. Heeres, 1994, 113-126 2M.C. BisHop, J.C.N. Coutston, Roman Military Equipment from the Punic Wars to the Fall of Rome, 1993 3 M. FeuGEreE, Les armes des Romains, 1993 4 M.GrcHon, M. ViraL£, Arrow Heads from Horvat Eqed, in: IEJ 41, 1991, 242-257 5 T.VO6LLING, Plumbatae sagittae?, in: Boreas 14-15, 1991/92, 293-296. Y.LB.

Bow-shooting In contrast to the ancient Middle East [x] and ancient Egypt [2. 42-54; 3. 1,139-189, 2, pl. 68-83, 446-450, folding plate A], where impressive reports and depictions of competitions or royal demonstrations in the art of bow-shooting (especially from Amenophis II, 1438-1412 BC) have survived, bowshooting played only a modest role in athletic contests of later Greece

[4.365-371; 5.155-158]. However, bow-shooting appears a number of times in both the Iliad (23,850-883; and, following it, Verg. Aen. 485544) as well as in the Odyssey [6. 62-68]. During the funeral games to honour Patroclus in the Iliad, the competition narrows down to Teucer and Meriones with bow-shooting as the seventh event [7. 241-243]. In the Odyssey, a bow-shooting competition plays an important role (the entire 2 1st Book of the Odyssey deals with it; announced

in 19,572-579)

because

its winner

is

Odysseus who has just returned to Ithaca to take back the throne that is rightfully his and to take revenge on the suitors [8. 512-523]. The bow-shooting contest described by Homer where the competitors had to shoot through the eyes of several axes is ballistically impossible [6. 66]. The core motive was borrowed from

Egypt where kings of the 18th dynasty would shoot through bars of copper whose shape was somewhat similar to a Greek méAexuc (pélekys) [9; ro]. As this motive was passed down through oral tradition over the centuries, its original form was watered down and thoroughly misunderstood. Interesting to note is an inscription about a bow-shooting contest from Olbia (4th cent. BC, located on the border of the Greek world), in which the aim was to shoot the furthest possible distance [11. no. 32]. 1 V.Haas, Kompositbogen und BogenschiefSen als Wettkampf im Alten Orient, in: Nikephoros 2, 1989, 26-41

2 W.Decker, Sport und Spiel im Alten Agypt., 1987 3 Id., M. Hers, Bildatlas zum Sport im Alten Agypt., 1994 4R.Parrucco,

Lo

sport

nella

Grecia

antica,

1972

BOW-SHOOTING

748

747 6 S. LASER,

12,525 e-f; > Ear ornaments); by the beginning of the

ArchHom T 71. Wetter, Der Agon im Mythos, 1974 8 Cu. AuFFaHRT, Der drohende Untergang, 1991 9 W.BurKertT, Von Amenophis II. zur Bogenprobe des

Persian wars (at the latest), bracelets worn by men were

5 B.ScHRODER,

Der Sport im Alt., 1927

Odysseus, in: Grazer Beitrage 1, 1973, 69-78

10 W.

Decker, Zur Bogenprobe des Odysseus, in: Kolner Beitrage zur Sportwissenschaft 6, 1977, 149-153 11 L. Morertt, Iscrizioni agonistiche greche, 1953.

W.D.

Boxwood Several evergreen bushes make up the genus Buxus (mb€o0¢; pyxos), among them Buxus sempervirens (cf. Theophr. Hist. pl. 1,5,4 and passim), widespread in the macchia of southern Europe (on Mount Olympus up to heights 2,200 m). Like the > cypress (Cupressus sempervirens) and the yew (Taxus), it is a cemetery plant that has been popular since antiquity. The hard wood was used for carvings: from it were made, for example, the boxes (xvEic; pyxis) named after it for medicines (used e.g. in Dioscorides praef. 9 [1. I.5; = 2.21], also the Apollo image of Olympia, cheese moulds (buxeae formae in Columella 7,8,7), flutes (Verg. Aen. 9,619; Ov. Met. 4,30 and 12,158) and tops

(Verg. Aen. 7,382: volubile buxum), as well as > writing tablets (e.g. Prop. 3,23,8). > Wood 1 M.WELLMANN (ed.), Pedanii Dioscuridis de materia medica 1, 1908, repr. 1958 2 J.BERENDES (ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre ubers. und mit

Erl. versehen, 1902, repr. £970.

C.HU.

Brabeion see > Agonothetes Bracata South-eastern Gaul, later “Togata’ or ‘Narbonensis’, named after the trousers worn by the barbarians (Mela 2,74; Plin. HN 3,31). By contrast, the rest of

Suet. Cal. 52; Petron. 32,4). In Roman imperial times, silver and golden bracelets, armillae ( Dona militaria)

were used as military decorations (> Jewellery). 1 M.Pa.ioTino (ed.), Die Etrusker und Europa, exhibition cat.1992/93, 1992. E. pe Jutus (ed.), Gli ori di Taranto in eta ellenistica, con-

ference 1985, 1989; M.CrisToFANi, Civilta Etruschi, exhibition cat., 1985; A.DeEsportni LSINAOZ,

KATAAOTOZ

THE

EKOESHS,

cat.,

degli (ed.), 1985;

M.PFROMMER, Unt. zur Chronologie friih- und hochhell.

Goldschmucks, 1990; B. DepreRrT-Lippitz, Goldschmuck der Romerzeit im R6m.-German. Zentralmus. Bonn, exhibition cat., 1985; B. SCHNEIDER, H. Rose, U. SCHIER-

WATER, 1993.

Goldschmuck

der rém.

Frau, exhibition

cat., RH.

Brachylles (BoaybArys; Brachyllés). From Thebes, son of + Neon, firm supporter of the pro-Macedonian party in Boeotia; in 222 BC royal commissioner

of

+ Antigonus Doson in Sparta, ally and confidant of Philip V in the 2nd Macedonian

War

(Pol. 18,1,2;

20,5,12) [1. 50-51]; when released from captivity by ~» Flamininus, B. was elected > boeotarch in 197/6, and that so unsettled the pro-Romans in > Zeuxippus’ entourage that they had him murdered with the acquiescence of Flamininus and help from > Alexamenus (Pol. 18,43; Liv. 33,27,8-28,3) [1. 54-57]. 1 J. DEININGER, Der polit. Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland, 1971. L.-M.G.

Brachylogy see > Figures

Gaul was called comata (‘hairy’, cf. Cic. Phil. 8,27). M. Py, Les Gaulois du midi, 1993.

regarded as a sign of softness and were thus reserved for women; the same was true in Rome (e.g. Mart. 11,21,7;

val.

Bracelets Bracelets were already common in the old cultures of the Near East and Egypt (> Jewellery). For the Aegean region, we know of examples from Early Cyclade times, and from the Minoan and Mycenaean epochs. Bracelets were worn on the forearm above the wrist or on the upper arm, often on both arms or on forearm and upper arm at the same time. The basic shape was a bangle with room for decorations and inscriptions, either closed or with sculpted ends. Spirally wound bracelets which ended in snake protomes (Sodxwv, Ps.-Lucian. Am. 41) were also popular. These types of bracelets as well as bangles with snake heads must be regarded as apotropaic. Bracelets were made primarily from precious metals, but also from glass, bronze and other materials. Often coins, medallions or gems were attached as additional decoration. Among the Persians and the Medes, men also wore bracelets (Hdt.3,20 and 22; 8,113 and passim); the same among the Etruscans [1. 409 no.5 33]. Samians were known for their luxury items, including bracelets (Asius at Ath.

Braetius Roman personal name (ThIL 2,2163). [1] B. Sura, Q. Legate (pro quaestore) of C. > Sentius Saturninus in Macedonia, successfully fought against Mithridates VI’s troops in Boeotia in 87 BC (H. GAEBLER, Die ant. Miinzen v. Makedonia und Paionia 1, 1906, no. 225; name: IG IX 2,613; Plut. Sull. r1,6-8; App. Mith. 113-115). K-LE. Brahmin (Boaynavec, also Boayudvar, Boayurvec; Brachmanes, Brachmdnai, Brachménes). Collective name of the Indian priestly caste. Sanskrit brabmana ‘praying person, priest’, members by birth of the highest caste, together with the samanaioi (Sanskrit $ramana) scholars, clerics and people of high social standing in Ancient Indian society (Str. 15,1,39). Entirely unknown in the Greek world prior to Alexander’s campaign (Arr. Anab. 6,16,5; Str. 15,1,61), viewed as exemplary ascetics, were immediately described as the teachers of ~> Pythagoras and later of + Apollonius [14] of Tyana (Philostr. Ap. 3,10-5). However, the knowledge of them that reached the West was partly accurate (Apul. Flor. 15,11-13; Hippol. Haer. 1,24). + Gymnosophists

749

750°

J. ANDRE,J.FILLIOzAT, L’Inde vue de Rome, 1986; P. OLIVELLE, The Asrama System, 1993;J.W. SEDLAR, India and the Greek World, 1980, 68-74; B.K. SmitTH, Classifying the Universe, 1993. R.G.

Branchidae Term used, since their discovery in 1765, for statues from the oracle sanctuary of Apollo Branchos in + Didyma. The 15 extant statues of seated males date from 590-540 BC, record the names of their sculptors and were placed on the sacred road linking + Miletus to the sanctuary. They are significant examples of Ionian sculpture style and of the oriental influence on Greek iconography. FUCHS/FLOREN, 374-375; K. TUCHELT, Die archa. Skulpturen von Didyma, IstForsch 27, 1970. RN.

Brasidas (Boaoidac; Brasidas). Son of the respected

Spartiate Tellis, who was one of those who took the oath sealing the Peace of Nicias in 421 BC (Thue. 2,25; 5,19; 24).B. distinguished himself right at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War when he freed the Messenian coastal city of Methone which was surrounded by Athenians. That was probably the reason for his appointment in 431/30 as eponymous ephor (Diod. Sic. 12,43,2) and military ‘adviser’ at a relatively young age. In 429 he was adviser to admiral + Cnemus in the so-called second sea battle of Naupactus and in an assault on Salamis (Thuc. 2,85-94), and to admiral + Alcidas in 427 during the unsuccessful intervention on Cercyra (Thuc. 3,69; 76-81). As trierarch, B. excelled in the battle against the new Athenian strong point at Pylos in 425 (Thuc. 4,11f.; Diod. Sic. 12,62). When the Chalcidians and the Macedonian > Perdiccas II sought Spartan assistance in 424, he argued in

BRASS

Eion remained in Athenian hands (Thuc. 4,103-107). Sparta did not grant B. the reinforcements necessary for further progress, as influential circles there were seeking an accommodation with Athens so as to secure the release of Spartiates taken prisoner on Sphacteria (Thuc. 4,108,7; 117,1f.). When a one-year truce came into force in April 423, B. refused to relinquish Scione that he had just captured; shortly afterwards Mende also opened its gates to him (Thuc. 4,120-123). In the course of another campaign undertaken with Perdiccas against Arrabaeus, he fell out with the Macedonian, who was siding with the Athenians who had in the meantime recaptured Mende and besieged Scione. In the summer of 422 > Cleon arrived in Thrace with reinforcements, was brought to battle by B. at Amphipolis toward the end of October and defeated there. Both commanders fell in that battle (Thuc. 5,2f.; 6-11). B., who was regarded as a model of Spartan bravery and received the heroic honours of a ‘city-founder’ (o/kistés) at Amphipolis, was a persistent representative of the Spartan policy of projecting power and pursuing its vital interests. Because of his activities far beyond Sparta he aroused the distrust of influential fellow citizens who saw his ambitious politico-strategic plans as endangering their traditional patterns of administering the polis. 1 J.RoISMAN, The General Demosthenes and his Use of Military Surprise, 1993. H.D.

West Lake, Individuals in Thucydides, 1968, 148-

165.

K.-W.W.

Brass I. DEFINITION PRODUCTION

II. THE TECHNIQUE OF BRASS III. USES OF BRASS IN ANTIQUITY

favour of extensive operations in the Thracian region,

maintaining that only from there could the Athenian positions be effectively challenged. He was entrusted with an expedition along those lines but received only 700 Helots equipped as hoplites and was expected to recruit other troops himself. While he was preparing for the mission in the neighbourhood of Sicyon and Corinth, the Athenian generals Demosthenes and + Hippocrates made a surprise push on Megara (Thuc. 4,70-74). B. thwarted the annexation of that polis to Athens [1. 44f.], reinforced his army of Helots with 1,000 mercenaries, and made a forced march to Thrace.

Though he did link up with Perdiccas II, he quickly found himself at loggerheads with him on fundamental issues during a short campaign against the Lyncestian prince > Arrabaeus (Thuc. 4,78-83). Shortly thereafter, by employing a combination of anti-Athenian liberation propaganda and veiled threats, he caused the city of Acanthus, a member of the Delian League, to break away from Athens (Thuc. 4,84-87). After a vic-

tory at Stageira, he won his greatest success with the capitulation of the strategically important city of Amphipolis before the arrival of the Athenian strategos, the historian > Thucydides. Only the harbour area of

I. DEFINITION Brass (0v00¢ yahdc/erythros chalkds, ‘red ore’, doixadxoc/oreichalkos; Lat. orichalcum) is an alloy of ~ copper and zinc. As the percentage of zinc in ancient brass varied greatly (between 1-28%), modern literature includes information on whether the brass in question had a low (1-5 %), medium (5—10%), high (1o20%) or very high (above 20%) zinc content. Since metalworkers in antiquity used copper alloys which in addition to zinc, contained > tin and > lead in addition to zinc, such alloys can also be referred to as brass if it is indicated that the brass contains tin, lead, or a combination of the two. The most important zinc ores are calamine and zinc spar or carbonate of zinc (Galmei); ancient authors used a large number of terms to refer to Galmei (cadmea: Plin. HN 34,2) and especially to refer to man-made products similar to Galmei that were produced by smelting zincous ores (Plin. HN 34,100-104). I]. THE TECHNIQUE

OF BRASS PRODUCTION

Unlike nowadays, the ancient Greeks and Romans did not produce brass by alloying copper with metallic zinc because the process of producing metallic zinc had

BRASS

751

not yet been discovered. Instead, copper was molten together with Galmei (Plin. HN 34,4; cf. also Str. 13,1,56, whose descriptions should however, be interpreted critically). If zinc ore (Galmei) is added to molten copper, a zinc content higher than 28% cannot be achieved in the brass, because when too much Galmei is

added, the zinc vaporizes out of the molten ore. The Romans mined zinc ore primarily from deposits located

Ps ence 5, 1978, 1-16

Brass,1990

31d. (ed.), 2000 Years of Zinc and

4 J.F. Heary, Mining and Metallurgy in the

Greek and Roman World, 1978, 213f.,229

5 J.RAMIN,

La technique miniére et métallurgique des anciens (Coll. Latomus 153), 1977, 181ff. 6 J.RIEDERER, Metallanalysen rom. Sesterzen, in: JNG 24, 1974, 73-98 7 Id., Metallanalysen und ihre Auswertung, in: F. JuRGEIT (ed.), Die etr. und it. Bronzen im Badischen Landesmuseum Karlsruhe, 1998. JO.R.

around Aachen; in addition, it was also possible to mine

other zinc deposits. Brattea (xétadov; pétalon). Ancient term uncommon in

III. UsES OF BRASS IN ANTIQUITY

The early cultures of the Near East, the ancient Egyptians, the Etruscans, and the Bronze Age cultures in other parts of Europe did not purposely produce brass. There are isolated cases of copper-based alloys with higher zinc content, found e.g. in Etruscan use that resulted from the use of rare zincous copper ores (cf. + Etruscans, map: the Etruscan heartland). The earliest brass objects intentionally alloyed are Hellenistic coins from Bithynia (1st. cent. AD), which contained approximately 20% zinc. From the time of the Principate, brass was a widespread metallic material; it was referred to as aurichalcum because it looked like gold (Plin. HN 3 4,2; 34,4, or rather orichalcum corresponding to the Greek word oreichalkos; cf. Plat. Kritias 1r4e) and was highly valued. Fibula, coins and individual types of vessels were produced from pure brass of prescribed composition. Brass consisting of tin and lead was used to produce decorative objects such as handles, ornamental fittings for furniture, vessel handles and smaller devices. Roman brass fibula are characterized by their very similar composition which only fluctuates very little; hence we can assume that standardized alloys were used to make them. All of the brass types conventionally used in Rome were easy to pour, to shape cold, and to work. Since Augustus, the copper-zinc alloy was to a large extent used for > minting; a bimetal system for smaller nominals (sestertius, as) was introduced. Sestertius and

dupondium were in Augustan times made from high quality brass rich in zinc, while as and quadrans ('/, as) continued to be made of copper. In comparison to the copper coins, the new brass coins were light in weight (sestertius: 25 g; as: 11 g). It was evidently as a result of coin devaluation that the quality of the brass diminished from the time of Augustus to Vespasian: a decrease in zinc content was combined with an increase in copper content, from Vespasian’s time with a slow increase in tin content, and from Antoninus Pius with a rapid increase in lead content, until finally the coins minted during the rule of Gordianus III (238-244) barely contained any zinc at all (> Coins, decline in quality of). +» Money, money economy; > Metallurgy 1 BLUMNER, Techn. 4, 92ff., 193-201

2P.T. Crap-

DOCK, The Composition of the Copper Alloys Used by the Greek, Etruscan and Roman Civilizations: 3. The Origins and Early Use of Brass, in: Journal of Archaeological Sci-

archaeological terminology; in Greek originally the ‘leaf or foliage of a tree’ (Hom. Il. 2,312; Od. 19,520), in Bacchyl. 5,186 the Olympian wreath of the wild olive, in the 2nd cent. BC at the latest considered to be the artificial metal leaves of a golden > wreath. In Roman sources brattea is used to describe a thin metal foil,

mostly silver or gold for gilding objects, also veneers of precious

wood

(Plin.

HN

16,232)

or

tortoiseshell

(Mart. 9,59,9), but mostly gold leaf or gold foil is meant. Re the varying strength of the foils: Plin. HN 33,61f.; the thicker small pieces were also called lam/(i)nae (Plin. HN 16,232f.). These foils were used to embellish walls and ceilings (Plin. HN 33,54; 57; 36,114), as well as statues (Arnob. 6,21; in Juv. 13,152 called bratteola), furniture (cf. for klinai: Mart. 8,33,5f.3 9,22,6 [2.174-176 no. 284ff., especially 287-300]). Vessels could also be fitted with brattea and the leaves of (golden) wreaths (Ael. VH 5,16), golden

ornaments, and even the gold-painted horns of sacrificial animals were called brattea. The goldsmith or gilder was called aurifex brattearius, and the term brattea-

ria (CIL VI 9211) has also been handed down to us. A relief in Rome (MV, [3. no. 214]) shows a craftsman

preparing the foil at work. CIL VI 95 mentions a collegium brattiatiorum inauratorum. + Intarsia 1 L.BREGLIA, s.v. Brattea, in; EAA 2, 1959, 164-165 2 J. W. Hayes, Greek, Roman and Related Metalware in

the Royal Ontario Museum, 1984 Berufsdarstellungen, 1982.

3 G. ZIMMER, Rom. RH.

Brattia (Boattia; Brattia). Liburnian island, also called

Brettia (Steph. Byz. s.v. B.) or Cratea (Scyl. 23), modern Bra (Croatia), dependency of > Salona (12 km to the north), known for its goats, wine and quarries. + Liburni J.J. Witxes, Dalmatia,

1969; Id., The Illyrians, 1992.

D.S.

Bratuspantium

Oppidum

of the > Bellovaci, men-

tioned in Caes. B Gall. 2,13, localization uncertain. It is

a matter of dispute whether it was a settlement on same location as — and preceding— the capital of civitas - Caesaromagus, or whether is was a Celtic tlement in a completely different location (Bailleul Therain, Breteuil sur Noye).

the the setsur

F.SCH.

ADS Brauron

754

(Beavemv;

Brauron), now

Vraona.

Prehis-

toric settlement and sanctuary of Artemis on the east coast of Attica at the mouth of the Erasinus that became marshy owing to land subsidence. According to Philochorus in Str. 9,1,22 (FGrH 328 F 94), one of the 12 poleis of the Attic Dodecapolis. Home of Peisistratus, probably therefore it did not become an independent demos in the Cleisthenian reforms but part of Philaidai. Excavations by I. PAPADIMITRIOU between 1948 and 1963 revealed traces of a (fortified?) settlement from the end of the Neolithic Period, a few Early Helladic as well as significant Middle Helladic to Late Helladic remains on the crescent-shaped acropolis rock in the south of the bay. A mighty terrain edge on the northern slope of the acropolis obviously conceals a (Middle) Bronze Age defensive wall similar to that which was found at a place now impossible to locate [1; cf. 3. 59 fig. 56]). With the absorption of local princely residences by Athens (at the end of Late Helladic IIIA? [2]) in B. too, the acropolis was no longer settled. Parallel to

BREAD

There is a large Christian basilica from the 6th cent. AD. + Artemis; > Attica; > Cleisthenes; > Peisistratus 11.PAPADIMITRIOU, Avacxadai ev Boavewv, in: Praktika 1956, 79 pl.23a 2Id., The Sanctuary of Artemis at B., in: Scientific American 208, 1963, 111ff. 3 TRAVLOS, Attika, 5 5ff. fig. 53-91 (with bibliography) 4 M.BENz1, L’ Attica in eta micenea, in: P.E. Arras, G. PUGLIESE CarRRATELLI (ed.), Un decennio di ricerche archeologiche 1,

1978, 139ff.

5 M.B. HoLiinsHEaD, Against Iphigenia’s

adyton in three mainland temples, in: AJA 89, 1985, 4zoff. esp. 432ff. 6 Cur. BOrKER, Festbankett und

griech. Architektur, in: Xenia 4, 1983, 17f. fig. 19 7 DEUBNER 207f. 8 L.GHALI Kant1, Autour de |’Artémis attique, in: AK 8, 1965, 25ff. 9Id., L’Artémis de Brauron. Rites et mystére, in: AK 20, 1977, 86ff.

10 Id.,

Le craterisque d’Artémis et le Brauronion de |’Acropole, in: Hesperia 50, 1981, 253ff. 11 C.N. EDMonson, Brauronian Artemis in Athens, in: AJA 72, 1968, 164f. 12 T. LINDERS, Studies in the Treasure Records of Artemis Brauronia found in Athens, 1972. H.LO.

this, directly to the east in Lapoutsi (Chamolia) a Myce-

naean chamber tomb necropolis from the Late Helladic I/INA.B [4] phase was built. Below the acropolis the sanctuary of Artemis Brauronia was partly uncovered. We obviously owe its fine state of preservation and the rich findings to its early abandonment (3rd cent. BC?). For Mela 2,46 B. only ROMANS

AY iavhnoed

TARY

teieiae

(Ss, Ieee

Sua nee

8,46,8) mentions the ancient wooden image of Artemis, although he probably did not see it. At the foot of the acropolis rock, a Doric temple with antae, a cella with three naves and adyton from the early sth cent. BC (? [5]) on a partially man-made terrace rose above a previous building from the 6th cent. It is assumed that the oldest place of worship and the ‘tomb’ of Iphigenia (Eur. IT 1462ff.) are in a cave south-east of the temple, and that an additional ancient place of worship is under the chapel of St. George (15th cent.). Around 420 BC a large banquet building with a peristyle and 10 kline rooms for 11 klinai each was erected north of the temple [6], and a stoa built on to it stored votive offerings. This building is not identical to the Amphipoleion with an upper floor (cf. IG TV 39) in an inscription on a building from the 3rd cent. that included the child priestesses of Artemis, the Arktoi (‘she-bears’). The in-

scription also mentions temples, Parthenon, o/koi, a gymnasium, Palaistra and stables [3. 56; 5]. At the sanctuary of the prehistoric goddess of the hunt, Artemis, that is said to have been founded as atonement for the killing of a bear, people celebrated the penteteric festival of Brauronia [7] at which the Arktoi performed dances in saffron yellow robes; according to Aristoph. Pax 874 (with schol.) also a Dionysian festival. The Attic cults of Artemis resembled each other: in Piraeus the same chalices were found as in B. [8; 9; 10]; however, the function and age of the Brauronion on the Acropolis in Athens are a matter of contention (Peisistratid or 4th cent. BC?) [11]. The inven-

tories found there are now considered to be copies of the inventories in B. [12].

Bread A. ANCIENT EAst

B. GREECE AND ROME

A. ANCIENT East In the Ancient East bread was a staple form of > nutrition. As far as may be judged from epigraphical and archaeological evidence, > barley was the principal bread grain in Mesopotamia from the 3rd millennium, — emmer and > wheat being less important. In Asia Minor, Syria/Palestine and Egypt wheat seems to have played a greater role than barley. Institutional establishments looked after their members and the workforce in their employ with regular rations of bread grain (e.g. Mesopotamia, Syria), less frequently of readymade bread and —> beer. This is evidenced by, i.a., Mesopotamian lists of rations (early 3rd millennium to 5th cent. BC). Daily rations (c. 1.61 barley/day/adult male; women, children and the aged c. 0.8 I/day) were based on minimum dietary requirements. The grain that was distributed was made into > meal and bread in individual households. Within institutional establishments professional bakers-cooks were responsible for baking bread, pastry goods and preparing meals. Bread was generally unleavened. In an urban environment bread was, for the most part, baked in an oven; nomads and pastoralists baked it in hot ashes. For fine pastries (including adding fat, honey/syrup, fruits) clay containers were used. M. CHazan, M. LEHNER, An Ancient Analogy: Pot Baked Bread in Ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia, in: Paléo-Orient 16/2, 1990, 21-35; R. DotcE, C. ZaccacninI, Il pane del re. Accumulo e distribuzione dei cereali nell’Oriente Antico,

1989; H.A.

1974, 129-220.

Horrner,

Alimenta

Hethaeorum,

MASS.

B. GREECE AND ROME Baked foodstuff (Gotos; drtos, ottoc; sitos; panis) made from cornmeal (especially wheat, less often bar-

BREAD

756

Tp)

ley, millet and spelt; in times of need, acorns or beans as

Breeding, of small domestic animals

well), water and salt; sourdough was used as the raising

I. ANCIENT ORIENT

II. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

agent; only in Gaul and Spain was brewer’s yeast common. Bread was known in Greece from Homeric times,

was regarded as a luxury then and up to the sth cent. BC and was eaten predominantly by the upper classes; humbler folk ate instead the earlier stages of breadmaking, especially barley pancake (uaa; mdza). In Rome it took until the 2nd cent. BC for bread to prevail over the spelt (puls) porridge that had been particularly popular until then amongst the lower classes, though without ever completely ousting it. As bread became established throughout the entire ancient world as a staple foodstuff, it underwent a change in production. Bread was initially baked in individual households, but in urban centres was increasingly baked by professional bakers from the classical period onwards. The technique of bread production was refined over time; in the Hellenistic and Roman periods there was a rich literature — lost to us — about the art of bread-baking (e.g. Chrysippus of Tyana). Different types and quality of meal, production processes, uses and applications, and additives (milk, wine, eggs, fat, oil, herbs and spices) all

produced a large, regionally distinct supply of bread varieties, such as, for example, oyster bread, cake bread, quick bread, oven bread, pan-cooked bread or water bread (Plin. HN

18,72-106; Ath. 3,108-116a).

According to archaeological sources (e.g. from Pompeii), bread was mostly flat, round or square in shape, heavier and more compact than today’s bread. Jt had a high nutritional value which ancient medicine researched in detail. Bread was an accompaniment to every meal. Wheat bread was especially popular; barley bread, which was less highly regarded but more nourishing, was eaten by the lower classes in particular. In metropolitan centres the provision of bread to the populace took on great political significance; its price was controlled and subsidized; in Rome, and later in Constantinople, many citizens received bread rations free of charge. Together with wine, bread constituted a major factor in drawing a distinction from a ‘barbaric’ lifestyle. In pagan cult and custom it played a large role as an offering on commemorative occasions and at religious festivals. B. was also an integral part of the Christian Communion. M.-C. AMoureTTI, Le pain et l’huile dans la Gréce antique, 1986; J.ANDR£, L’alimentation et la cuisine a Rome, *1981; BLUMNER, Techn.; J. HAUSSLEITER, TH. KLAUSER, A.STUIBER, s.v. B., RAC 2, 611-620; A.Mau, s.v. Backerei, RE 2, 2734-2743; B.J. B. Mayeske, Bakeries, Bakers, and Bread at Pompeii, 1972; M. WAHREN, B. und Geback im alten Griechenland, 1974; J. WILKINS,

D. Harvey, M.Dosson

(ed.), Food in Antiquity, 1995. AG.

I. ANCIENT ORIENT Fowl breeding is of particular significance: domestic chickens (Gallus gallus f. domestica) were probably kept as early as about 8,000 years ago in China, certainly however in the Harappa culture in the Indus Valley (3rd millennium BC; bone finds, statuettes, vase paintings, seal depictions). In the rst millennium BC it spread to the Mediterranean via Asia Minor. +» Domestication of the greylag goose (Anser anser) can be established in Egypt in the 3rd millennium BC; perhaps geese were kept at an early time in Mesopotamia. In Classical-Hellenistic Greece then the keeping of domestic geese was generally widespread. It is postulated that the mallard (Anas platyrhynchos) and the rock dove (Columba livia) were domesticated early in the area of Syria, northern Iraq and Palestine; in the south-eastern Mediterranean both had been used in worship and everyday life since antiquity. In Mesopotamia at the end of the 3rd millennium, wild gazelles and deer that had been hunted were kept in a type of animal enclosure until they were slaughtered. ~ Fishing N. BENECKE, Der Mensch und seine Haustiere, 1994; I. A. Mason, Evolution of Domesticated Animals, 1984.

CO.B. II]. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY B. THE VILLATICA PASTIO C. THE MOST IMPORTANT ANIMAL SPECIES D. BREEDING METHODS E. ECONOMIC ASPECTS F,. FATTENING A. DEVELOPMENT

A. DEVELOPMENT Although the keeping first of smaller, then also of larger animals started out in Greece in the course of its adopting Neolithic economic forms, there is no evidence of the keeping of small domestic animals until several millennia later. The breeding of small domestic animals did not develop until relatively late, in the areas around larger settlements, into an autonomous branch of > agriculture. Hesiod’s Erga and Xenophon’s Oikonomiko6s do not demonstrate any special interest in it; Cato mentions poultry fattening, only in passing (Cato Agr. 8of.: chickens, geese, pigeons). Varro in his De re rustica is the first to dedicate a lengthy exposition to intensive farmstead breeding (villatica pastio; also in plur.), with the place where animals are kept being decisive for the definition of villatica pastio: altera est villatica pastio, altera agrestis (‘animal keeping is directly linked with the villa, the other is carried out away from the villa in the pastures and fields’). At the same time it is emphasized that this branch of agriculture had previously not been dealt with separately (separatim) by any earlier author (Varro, Rust. 3,1,8; cf. 3,2,13; 3,351):

757

758

B. THE VILLATICA PASTIO Varro divides this kind of farming into three branches: poultry keeping, the keeping of game, and fish breeding (ornithones, leporaria, — piscinae; Varro, Rust. 3,3,1). Fowl included birds such as pigeons and water birds (geese and ducks); apart from game proper (hares), extra villam we find bees, snails and dormice (Varro, Rust. 3,3,3). In Varro’s opinion, the breeding of small animals had become quite differentiated in the late Roman Republic, which he leads back to the development of a special demand for extravagant meals (u-

and mentions crosses between the two. That, in spite of their exceptional sense of direction, many pigeons did not show a liking for a particular place seems to have been a problem. Hence writers advised how pigeons could be made to feel a connection with their dovecotes (Varro, Rust. 3,7; Columella 8,8; Plin. HN 10,104-110;

xuria, Varro, Rust. 3,3,6); in earlier times, however,

only hares, chickens and pigeons were kept (Varro, Rust. 3,3,23 3,3,6). Columella, too, describes the villatica pastio in detail; fowl keeping and fowl fattening as well as > apiculture are foregrounded (Columella 8,115; 9,2-16), but attention is also given to fish breeding and game preserves (Columella 8,16f.; 9,1). Also in Columella is small animal breeding divided up into two categories: vel in villa vel circa villam (‘it is carried out either in direct proximity of the villa, or in the area surrounding the villa’; Columella 8,1,3). The villatica pastio in the narrower sense referred to small animals (quae intra saepta villae pascuntur, ‘which were kept inside a fold near the villa’; Columella 8,2,1); Palladius uses the term cors (‘farm’; Pall. Agric. 1,22) to describe

this area.

C. THE MOST IMPORTANT ANIMAL SPECIES Among the animals important for the villatica pastio the Roman agrarian writers name first and foremost > chickens, which probably reached southern Europe via the Near East. Homer and Hesiod do not yet mention them but they must have been rather widespread in

BREEDING, OF SMALL DOMESTIC ANIMALS

Pall. Agric. 1,24).

It was more difficult to keep > ducks than geese. It remains doubtful whether they already became truly domesticated in antiquity. As an animal surviving in areas developed by man, the mallard, from which the domestic duck is descended, provided less incentive for > domestication. Ducks, whose capacity for flight had not diminished, were kept as wild fowl in closed compounds — unlike chickens and geese that were allowed into the pastures. Even in the Principate duck breeding often started by collecting the eggs of wild ducks that were then hatched by chickens (Varro, Rust. 3,11; Columella 8,15; Plin. HN 10,56; Gp. 14,23,4). These animals essentially remained the ‘classical’ poultry for food. Their meat was more highly regarded and later more expensive than that of > sheep, > goats and — cattle. Other small animal breeding basically served only special requirements and table fashions. The Greeks had adopted > peacocks — that lived wild in India — from the Persians as ornamental birds. For breeding purposes, one liked to keep them on islands in a type of free captivity. In Italy, too, they initially were ornamental birds; only Q. Hortensius introduced the peacock to Rome as a dish at some point before 67 BC (Varro, Rust. 3,6,6). At the time of Varro, peacock

breeding was considered very profitable, and even in Columella it still was economically important (Varro, Rust. 3,6; Colum. 8,11). > Pheasants were kept in

ancient Greece: there are pictorial representations of

Classical

> cockfighting, and the rooster was a popular present for boys being courted, as vase images show. In Italy (Paestum) there is archaeological evidence of chickens for the 6th cent. BC. The Greek breeds of chicken that were reared mainly for cockfighting were not too highly regarded by the Romans. In agriculture the villatica gallina, especially the reddish dark variety, was favoured (Varro, Rust. 3,9; Columella 8,2-7; Pall. Agric. 1,27). Two species of the domestic > goose that is descended from the greylag goose were known: one was white, very fertile and domesticated, the other was greyspotted and closer to the wild goose with which it was cross-bred again and again (Columella 8,14,3). The breeding of geese was considered simple and cheap; it also provided feathers that could be plucked twice a year. The requirement for keeping geese was a sufficiently large area of water and ample grass (Varro, Rust. 3,10; Colum. 8,13f.; Plin. HN 10,51~-55; Pall. Agric.

654c) and were only mentioned very much later in Italy (Colum. 8,8,10; Plin. HN 10,132; as a speciality: Mart. 13,45). [hey appear with other fowl in the description of the estate of Faustinus near Baiae (Mart. 3,58,16) and in Palladius’ agrarian writings (Pall. Agric. 1,29; cf. Edictum Diocletiani 4,17ff.; Gp. 14,19). > Quails were probably only of scant importance for small animal breeding as it was assumed that they fed on harmful plants (Varro, Rust. 3,5,2; Plin. HN 10,69). > Hares, which were kept together with rabbits in the leporarium (> Zoo), were kept as game (Plin. HN

1,30).

The domestic > pigeon goes back to the rock dove. Varro distinguished a less domesticated grey genus saxatile that lived in towers or in dovecotes on roofs of the villae from the domestic pigeon that was mostly white and was kept in the yard or in the pigeon coop,

8,220).

and

Varro

Hellenistic

mentions

Greece

(Alexandria:

three genera:

Italicum

Ath.

(the

European hare), the Alpine hare with a white winter coat (a rare animal; Plin. HN 8,217) and the wild rabbit (coniculus, first in north-west Africa, Spain and southern France). A rabbit was much cheaper than a hare (Edictum Diocletiani 4,32). Already before Varro people had begun to fatten rabbits in cages (Varro, Rust. 3,12; Columella 9,1,8f.; Plin. HN 8,217-220). > Snails were kept in Roman times in the cochlearium that had to be enclosed by water all around; they were fed thickened must, semolina, laurel leaves and bran. There were three species: the small white snails from Reate, big ones from the Illyricum and medium-sized ones from

759

760

Africa (Varro, Rust. 3,14; Plin. HN 9,173f.). Dormice,

writers for exactly this reason. Varro cites several ex-

BREEDING, OF SMALL DOMESTIC ANIMALS

too, were provided with their own enclosures; they were given acorns, nuts and chestnuts and fattened in dark, narrow cages made of clay (Varro, Rust. 3,15).

amples: a villa of M. Seius is said to have assured its owner an annual income of 50,000 HS, and M. Aufidius Lurco is said to have achieved an income of 60,000

Small wild animals were often kept without any intention of increasing their numbers or of controlling their reproduction. Several bird species did not reproduce in cages and were therefore caught only for fatten-

HS through peacock breeding (Varro, Rust. 3,2,14; 3,6,1). For 5,000 thrushes bought for a banquet in Rome, 60,000 HS are said to have been paid (Varro, Rust. 3,2,15; 3,558). Columella, too, repeatedly refers to the opportunity of increasing the income of a villa by selling poultry (Columella 8,1,2; 8,2,4; 8,4,6; 8,8,15

ing (turtle doves; thrushes; Columella

8,8,9; 8,10,6; 8,11,9; 8,13,3).

D. BREEDING METHODS

8,9,1; 8,10,1).

For actual breeding, people used appearance standards as a guide (size, shape, colour— for instance, in the case of chickens; cf. Varro, Rust. 3,9,4-6; Columella 8,2,711; geese: Columella 8,14,3); if these criteria were met,

people sought to improve their stock as much as possible by purposeful selection of animals that were retained in autumn or sold; in particular, animals that were old, laid too few eggs or even ate eggs were removed (Columella 8,5,24). There was also amelioration breeding: the native breed could be changed in a specific manner by crossing with roosters of other breeds (Columella 8,2,13). A domesticating effect was attributed to the domestic chicken for hatching and raising other fow! (Columella 8,15,7). In general small animal breeding, as with animal breeding as a whole, reached a high standard during the Principate from the point of view of both expertise and economics. The agronomists prescribed protected and clean chicken and geese yards with well-tended nesting facilities, exercise areas and ash and sand baths or ponds (Varro, Rust. 3,9,6; Columella 8,3; 8,14f.); a large net was placed over the duck enclosure (zessotrophium) to keep birds of prey off and prevent the ducks from flying away (Varro, Rust. 3,11,3; Columella 8,15,2). Attention was paid to natural behaviour of the animals in the design of these enclosures (choice of plants or layout of a pond; Columella 8,15,3-6). There also are exact measurements for age-related and seasonal concentrated feed or simple maintenance feed (Columella 8,4). Even across the species there already was a division into tasks between laying, brooding and breeding hens: so that geese, peacocks and pheasants laid eggs more than once a year, chickens would hatch those eggs; mother hens took over the raising of the young. The goal was to boost production and prolong the reproductive phase, to raise the young more quickly and fatten them faster (Columella 8,5,4ff.; 8,11,9ff.; 8,14,4ff.; Plin. HN Os aa515

F. FATTENING Fattening was, as is also shown in the Greek terminology used in Roman writings (Columella 8,1,3f.), already known to the Greeks; the fattening of chickens on Delos for example is singled out for praise several times (Varro, Rust. 3,9,2; Columella 8,2,4; Plin. HN 10,139). If we apply modern ideas, fattening involved

considerable cruelty for the animals: in a warm and dark place they were locked individually into very narrow crates or baskets so that they could not move (chickens: Columella

8,7; geese: Columella

8,14,11;

dormice: Varro, Rust. 3,15); by stuffing them, the livers of geese were supposed to become large and delicate to taste (Pall. Agric. 1,30,4). To fatten young pigeons Columella recommends breaking their legs (Columella 8,8,r1), and Plutarch reports that for fattening purposes the eyelids of cranes were sown up (Plut. Mor. 997a). Roosters were castrated through the singing of their spores (Varro, Rust. 3,9,3; Columella 8,2,3) or the scorching of the coccyx (Aristot. Hist. an. 631b 26f.; Plin. HN 10,50). — Castration of animals; > Agriculture 1 J.ANDRE£,

Essen und Trinken

im alten Rom,

*1998

2 N. BeNEcKE, Arch. Stud. zur Entwicklung der Haustierhaltung, 1994 3Id., Der Mensch und seine Haustiere, 1994 4F.Capponi, Ornithologia latina, 1979 5 A.Da.By, Essen und Trinken im alten Griechenland, 1998 6 Cu. GurRauD, Varron. Economie rurale, Livre Ill, 1997 (text, translation, commentary) 7 V.HEHN,

O.SCHRADER, Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere in ihrem Ubergang aus Asien nach Griechenland und Italien sowie in das ibrige Europa, r911 8KeELLER 9 G.KocHHarnack, Knabenliebe und Tiergeschenke,

1983, 97ff.

10 H. Lerner, Plinius, 1972

Zoologische Terminologie beim Alteren 11J.PrereRs, Rom. Tierhaltung und Tier-

zucht, 1998

12 W.RINKEWITZ, Pastio Villatica. Unter-

suchungen zur intensiven Landwirtschaft, 1984

Hoftie:haltung in der rom. 13 TOYNBEE, ‘Tierwelt

14 Wuite, Farming, 322-327.

E.C.

E. ECONOMIC ASPECTS

Varro and Columella were mainly concerned with animal keeping on a large scale; they therefore recommended keeping 200 chickens that would be looked

Bremenium One of a line of Roman outposts north of Hadrian’s Wall near the modern High Rochester. Established by Agricola (AD 77-84), the camp was reno-

after by a chicken keeper (gallinarius) (Varro, Rust. 3,9,6; Columella 8,2,7). Birdhouses could house up to

vated by Lollius Urbicus (AD 139-142), and again restored under Septimius Severus and Diocletian

5,000 thrushes, dovecotes likewise up to 5,000 birds

[rz. 242-244]. CIL VII p. 178f.

(Varro, Rust. 3,5,8; 3,7,2). The villatica pastio brought

— Limes

high profits and was recommended

by the agrarian

1 E.B. Brriey, Research on Hadrian’s Wall, 1961.

761

762

D.J. Breeze, The Northern Frontiers of Roman Britain,

1961, 138f.

M.TO.

BREVITAS

TIR L 32,39; H. WoLrram, Tiroler Randgruppen, in: FS A. Betz, 1985, 673-677; H. Wo.rr, Die Kontinuitat der Kirchenorganisation in Raetien und Noricum, in: E. Bos-

Brennus (Boeévvoc; Brénnos). Celtic titular name, from

HOF,

the Breton brennin ‘King’ [1. 105-108]. [1] In the Roman annalistic tradition, prince of the Gallic + Senones, who in 390 BC decisively defeated the Romans at the Allia and occupied and pillaged Rome. When the Romans besieged on the Capitol tried

Raum, 1994, 1-27, especially 8-10.

Breviarium Short, narrative form of > historiography and as such, distinct from the primarily non-narrative ~ chronicle. As detailed history, breviaria seek to enter-

to negotiate the withdrawal

tain (+ Velleius Paterculus), but instruction, leading to

of the Gauls for 1,000

pounds of gold, B. threw his sword on the scales as well, saying vae victis (Liv. 5,38-49; Plut. Camillus 18-30). Rome’s destruction created the bogey of ‘barbaric Celts’ for centuries to follow. As it is not to be found in Polybius and Diodorus, the name B. is probably unhistoric and a borrowing from B. [2]. 1H.Rankin, Celts and the Classical World, 1987 2 HOLDER I, 517-520 3 .B.KREMER, Das Bild der Kelten bis in augusteische Zeit,1994 4 I. WERNICKE, Die Kelten in It., r991, 128.

W.SP.

[2] Military king of the Galatian > Tolistobogii, who raided Greece in 279 BC, initially fighting and plundering his way through Macedonia towards Central Greece, and then suffered heavy losses against a Greek contingent at Thermopylae. In the winter of 279/278 the Celts were finally defeated in an attempt to pillage the Apollo sanctuary at Delphi. The wounded B. committed suicide after appointing Acichorius as his successor; with the remnants of the army, Acichorius withdrew beyond the Danube, or into Thrace (Paus. 10,19-23; Just. Epit. 24, 6-8; Diod. Sic. fr. 22,9; Pol.

4,46,1). HOLpDe_R 1, 520-524; H. RANKIN, Celts and the Classical

World, 1987, 87-96.

W.SP.

Breuci (Plin. HN 3,147; Suet. Tib. 9,25 Str. 7,5,3; Ptol. 2,15,3: Boedxou; Brezkoi). Illyrian tribe, settling in Pan-

nonia Inferior along the lower reaches of the Save, subjugated by the Romans between 12 and ro BC; the B. took part in the Pannonian revolt of AD 6 to 9. From then on, the B. were recruited as Roman auxiliaries — eight cohortes Breucorum are attested for the imperial period. A. GraF, Ubersicht der ant. Geogr. Pannoniens, 1938, 15; TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 40. J.BU.

Breuni (Breones). Tribe living in the inner Alps in + Raetia, subjugated by Drusus in 15 BC; often mentioned in connection with the Genauni (e.g. Hor. Carm. 4,14,11: veloces; Plin. HN 3,137), they were wrongly associated with the Brenner Pass. Under the name of Breones, they were still active as a group in late antiquity (Cassiod. Var. 1,11,2; Venetius Fortunatus, Vita

Martini 4,645; Carm. praef. 4), and gave their name to a diocese (Acta Conc. Oec. IV 2,135 § 18 v. 591).

H.Wo.rFF

(ed.), Das Christentum

im bairischen

K.DI.

abbreviation as a didactic technique, is in the foreground: the target groups were above all the upwardly mobile classes that needed a means of educating themselves — this explains the increase in that type of textual material in the 4th cent.; (rhetorical) education is often

both the starting-point and the medium. In its origins and its function there is a close relationship with — epitome literature and collections of short biographies (De viris illustribus, > Biography). For the most part transmission has been very scanty (and often only in MSS containing a variety of texts); the breviarium of ~+ Eutropius, which became a medieval and early modern school textbook, constitutes an exception. A.Momic.Liano,

Pagan and Christian Historiography,

in: Id. (ed.), The Conflict Between Paganism and Christi-

anity in the 4th Century, 1963, 79-99; P.L. SCHMIDT,

HLL § 529-539.

JR.

Brevitas The first systematically composed form of brevitas in expression is the laconism (PI. Prt. 342bc). In Plato’s view, it not only consisted of dart-like short phrases and sentences but even more it reflected Spartan philosophy and view of the world. Demetrius (elocutiones 7; 242f.) explains laconic brevitas as: ‘orders are short and sharp’. This corresponds to the brevitas imperatoria of Tac. Hist. 1,18. Plato also provides the first example of philosophical striving for brevitas; in Prot. 329b; 33 5a-c and Gorg. 449bc Socrates pokes fun at the macrology of the Sophists and claims to be incapable of understanding any speeches that were not short. From as early as Zenon (SVF 1, fr. 4, 302, 310), Boayviroyia (brachylogia) and ovvtopia (syntomia) were then regarded by the Stoics as the real virtues in speech. In Rhet. Her. 4,54,68, as in Rutilius (Quint. Inst. 9,3,99), brevitas appears as a figure of speech, while it is rejected by Quintilian (ibid.). Thus it is included in the ornatus, especially so (Rhet. Her. 4,68) when the issue itself has no need of any long presentation and not much time is available either. Brevitas also occurs in sententiae (maxims) and belongs to the acutum dicendi genus. Brevitas is also related to individual sections of rhetorically structured speech, namely to elocutio and narratio. According to Quint. Inst. 4,2,31, Isocrates’ students considered narratio to have three qualities: oadrnveta. (saphéneia), ovvtopia (syntomia), mOavorns (pithanotés). Not only in this context did Cicero (De or. 2,326) take a stand against excessive brevitas; Horace (Ars 25f.) expressed the same view without limiting it to

BREVITAS

764

763

narratio. Quint. Inst. 4,2,44; 8,3,82 and Plin. Ep. 1,20 continue the debate. C.O. Brink, Horace on Poetry, 1971;

G. CALBOLI, Cor-

Corinthian

nifici Ars Rhetorica, 71993; L.CALBoL1 MONTEFUSCO, Exordium, Narratio, Epilogus, 1988; P.V.Cova, La critica letteraria di Plinio il Giovane, 1966; M.S. CELENTANO, La laconicita, in: A. PENNACINI (ed.), Studi di retorica oggi in Italia, 1987, 109-115; Id., L’epistola laconica, in: A. PENNACINI (ed.), Retorica della comunicazione nelle letterature classiche, 1990, 109-129; G.MoOrEeTTI, Acutum Dicendi Genus, 1995; G. Prconer, L’eloquenza di Plinio, 1978; L. Vorr, AEINOTHS, 1934; B.R. Voss, Der pointierte Stil des Tacitus, *1963. Ge:

Briareus see

Laconian

Hekatoncheires

Bricinniae Fortress of Leontini (eastern Sicily), in 422 BC the scene of disputes between the oligarchs and democrats of Leontini (Thuc. 5,4,4), probably near

—

Colle S. Basilio (Scordia), where remains of walls (5th

cent. BC), large silos, hewn into the rock, and an epitaph have been found. The late Byzantine period is documented through graves and a lead blade with a Greek prayer of exorcism.

Sicili

an

BTCGI s.v. B.,; G.MANGANARO, in: Scritti classici e cristiani offerti a Francesco Corsaro, Universita Catania

1 Tile

1994, 461f.

Types of roofing using brick tiles

GLMA.

Bricks; Brick stamps I. ANCIENT ORIENT

II. CLASsicaL ANTIQUITY

I. ANCIENT ORIENT

In Egypt and the Near East, the history of the brick and its predecessor, the mud brick, dates back to the

8th/7th millennia BC. The raw material was generally a local mixture from clay/loam and sand/gravel, in Egypt the silt deposits of the Nile. The mixture, made lean through the addition of vegetal (chopped) straw, chaff, mineral (crushed stones or potsherds) or waste material (animal dung), was shaped into bricks in wooden frames. After drying out in the sun, they were laid in clay mortar. While standardized within each time period, bricks greatly varied in shape and size across the millennia. Fired bricks (rare because of the high fuel consumption) were used in building fortifications, for monumental structures such as temples and palaces, and for the facing of walls made from unfired bricks. As paving stones and in the context of water usage, they were generally laid in bitumen (- Pitch). From the 3rd millennium, bricks in the Near East and in Egypt were marked with royal inscriptions (hand-written or stamped), more rarely with signs and symbols prior to being fired. By varying the bricklaying techniques, facades could be richly embellished with horizontal or vertical structures. From the mid 2nd millennium BC, relief bricks were used for figurative wall decorations (Karaindas temple/Uruk). Fired bricks with coloured glaze are known from written records dating back to

2 Kalypter

the mid 2nd millennium BC and archaeologically evident from the Neo-Assyrian period. Of particular fame are the Babylonian brick reliefs with their colourful glazes (> Ishtar Gate: beginning of the 6th cent. BC). Corresponding Achaemenid reliefs (~ Susa) were made from quartz frit. P. R.S.Moorey, Ancient Mesopotamian Materials and Industries, 1994, 302-322; P. T. NICHOLSON, I. SHAW (ed.), Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology, 2000, 78-84; M. SauvacE, La brique et sa mise en oeuvre en Mésopotamie. Des origines a l’@poque Achéménide, 1998. R. W.

II]. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

In Classical Antiquity, too, loam and clay were used as the universal raw materials; as building material — with the addition of chopped straw to increase their fracture strength —they are for Greek antiquity already evident in the Mycenaean period (+ Tiryns), and soon put to a wide range of uses and an equivalent range of shapes and appearances. Apart from its easy availability and potential for simple mass production by using cutters or moulds, the main advantages of this material were its easy formability and not least the possibility of putting up buildings at significantly lower cost and greater technical simplicity than massive stone constructions. The general disadvantage of air-dried bricks however lay in the long time they took to dry (storage in special drying barns). Alongside air-dried bricks (in Graeco-Roman culture, unlike in the Near

765

766

East, fired bricks are only found from the late 4th cent.

region, and sometimes even supraregionally. Producer and place of production are frequently marked by textual or ornamental stamps. Especially those brickyards operating within the context of the Roman military stamped their bricks (with the designation of the appropriate legion), which allows modern historians to draw far-reaching conclusions regarding the age and social and economic environment of a particular building (furthermore, it documents the important role played by the military in civilian life). Brickstamps from the city of Rome frequently bear the name of the consul alongside that of the producer; in their majority, they originate from the 2nd cent. AD. It was rarer for brick stamps to serve as alignment markers (in the case of special bricks such as those on the rotunda of the Asclepieum in > Pergamum). Finally, in Roman antiquity bricks were specifically used in the construction of > heating systems: support bricks for hypocausts; hollow bricks (tubuli) with a barely 3 cm thick inner skin for wall heating systems. > Construction technique; > Building trade; > Heating; Masonry; > Terracottas; > Brickyards

BC), various kinds of terracotta material were used:

clay pipes for > water supply as well as richly decorated revetments of timberwork. Wide roof tiles (+ Roofing) were fixed onto a wooden roof frame and linked at the joins with regionally differently shaped cover tiles; a Laconian type of roofing can be distinguished from a Corinthian one. Greek architecture used the brick (xhivOo0c/plinthos fem.; x€eavoc/kéranos, uegavic/keranis) in both secular and sacred buildings (walls of the cella of the Heraeum [x] of + Olympia; temples of Kombothekra and Kalapodi/+ Hyampolis); they were used in particular whenever a large volume of building output had to be produced within a short period of time (city walls, e.g. the Themistoclean Wall in Athens; cf. - Themistocles; ~ Athenae II.7.). Massive stone plinths served as substructions and protection against rising damp. Into the

Hellenistic period, this building method can be found also in representative public buildings (Pompeium in Athens; Palaestra in Olympia; ‘market architecture’ in

+ Cassope; even in Hellenistic palaces: complex of ~— Aegae [1]/Vergina). Extant fired brick of the Greek period (Olympia; Cassope; Lycosura) are between 30 and 50 cm long, and 5 to ro cm thick. Sizes could vary considerably within a building, leading to the conclusion that mass production of bricks was not based ona homogenous mould. Such variations in size could, however, be easily evened out through the insertion of bind-

ers. In Roman antiquity, fired bricks (Lat. later, laterculus; roof tile = tegula) were a widely used building material, expressively praise by Vitruvius (2,8,9-10). From the later rst cent. BC onwards, however, in line with the increasing luxury of buildings (at least in the public sector), it carried a whiff of shabbiness — para-

digmatically phrased in Suet. Aug. 28, who attributed to > Augustus the achievement of turning Rome froma city of bricks into a city of > marble. Thus the brick core ofa building, considered unattractive until into the 3rd cent. AD, was customarily — similar to a building structure made from — opus caementicium — faced: with marble or travertine slabs (—> incrustation), but also bricked up with tufa; only in late antiquity and the Byzantine early Middle Ages was an independent aesthetic quality attributed to brick buildings. In the Roman > building trade building with bricks had advantages that were generally on a par with those of cast concrete: an almost equal formability of the building structure (arches, vaults, domes, apses), because the material is made up from small parts, along with an appropriately ‘industrial’ production (at times in highly organized brickyards with division of labour) and processing (creation of large volumes of building output at high speed through the mass employment of temporary workers). Roman bricks, in comparison to modern ones flatter and larger, were produced in large kilns of specialized -» brickyards and as merchandise traded within a

BRICKYARDS

G. ALFOLDY, Die Verbreitung von Militar-Zieglen im rom. Dalmatien, in: Epigraphische Stud. 4, 1967, 44-51; J. C. ANDERSEN JR., The Thomas Ashby Collection of Roman Brick Stamps in the American Academy in Rome, 1991; H. BLocu, I bolli laterizi e la storia edilizia romana, 1968; G.Bropriss, Roman Brick and Tile, 1987; T. Darwitt, A.McWuirr, Brick and Tile Production in Roman Britain. Models of Economic Organisation, in:

World Archaeology 15, 1983/84, 239-261; H. DRERUuP, Zum Ausstattungsluxus in der rom. Architektur, *1981;

T. HELEN, Organization of Roman Brick Production in the rt and 2" Centuries A. D., 1975; H.-J. Kann, Einfiihrung in rom. Ziegel-Stempel, 1985; W. MULLER-WIENER, Griech. Bauwesen in der Ant., 1988, 218 (Index s. v. Ziegel); A.K. ORLANDOs, Les matériaux de construction et la

technique architecturale des anciens grecs, vol. 1, 1966; A. PLuUMRIDGE, W.MEULENKAMP, Brickwork. Architecture and Design, 1993; A. McWuirr (ed.), Roman Brick and Tile. Stud. in Manufacture, Distribution and Use in the Western Empire, congr. Oxford (= British ArchaeoInternational Series logical Reports, 68), 19793

M. STEINBY, s. v. Ziegelstempel, stadtrom., RE Suppl. 15, 1489-1531 (fundamental); Id., L’industria laterizia di Roma nel tardo impero, in: A. GIARDINA (ed.), Societa romana e impero tardoantico, vol. 2, 1986, 99-159; C. Zaccaria (ed.), I laterizi di eta romana nell’area nordadriatica (congr. Udine 1987), 1993. C.HO.

Brickyards (figlina). Building bricks and roof tiles were produced in brickyards close to clay deposits and then transported to the building sites. Because of their great weight, every effort was generally made to avoid long transport distances; for that reason, brick production was not concentrated in certain centres, but spread across all of Italy. Nonetheless, brickyards close to the coast, whose bricks could be transported by ship, supplied entire coastal regions; bricks of the figlina of Vibius Pansa near Ariminum can be found across the entire northern Adriatic region (ILS 8648a-h).

767

768

Caused by a change in Roman > architecture, from about the Principate of Claudius [III 1] and esp. since the fire of Rome under Nero [1] in AD 64, bricks as well as > opus caementicium increasingly replaced natural stone in wall constructions for dwellings and functional buildings, but also for representative monumental structures; this resulted in a sharp increase in the demand for bricks, which had by then become the most important building material. The example of the + thermal baths of Caracalla in particular demonstrates what huge amounts of material were required by such large building projects. Senatorial families who owned large estates made use of the clay deposits on their lands by setting up their own brickyards (cf. Varro, Rust. 1,2,22 f.). Amongst the brickyard owners, Senator Cn. Domitius [III 1] Afer is noteworthy: he set out on his political career as pros-

Bridge, Bridge construction see + Construction of

BRICKYARDS

ecutor under Tiberius [1]; through inheritance, his assets, including brickyards near Rome and Pompeii, came to Domitia [8] Lucilla, mother of Marcus [2] Aurelius; several owners

(both male and female) of

brickyards were apparent within the wider family environment of the principes from Trajan [1] to Marcus

Aurelius— such as Annius [II 15] Verus, cos. IJ in AD 126, and the younger Matidia [2], great-niece of Trajan and sister-in-law of Hadrian. The stamps on bricks used in the baths of Caracalla prove that a large number of them originated from brickyards owned by the princeps himself. The figlinae were managed by officinatores, whose names frequently appear on the brick-stamps alongside

that of the dominus, the owner of the clay deposits; the officinator supervised a number of slaves; however, it is unlikely that the manufacture of bricks was organized as mass production on a large industrial scale. Inscriptions from Siscia provide evidence that one man produced 220 bricks in a day, and that the brickyard’s entire daily production amounted to 880 bricks (ILS 8675a-c). The annual production of the large brickyards around Rome is estimated at more than r million bricks each. The foundation charter of the colonia Genitiva Iulia prohibited private ownership of brickyards with a daily production exceeding 300 bricks; such brickyards were to be seized by the colonia and held in public ownership (ILS 6087, 76). A compilation of Roman brick-stamps is published in CIL XV (cf. also ILS 8646-8676). + Brick stamps 1 J.-P. ADAM, La construction romaine, 1984 2J. DELaine, The Baths of Caracalla, 1997, 89-91; 114-118

3 ESAR 5, 207-209 4T. HELEN, Organization of Roman Brick Production in the First and Second Centuries A.D.,1975

5S. MRATSCHEK-HALFMANN, Divites et

praepotentes, 1993, 73 ff.; 103 ff. 6 P. SETALA, Private Domini in Roman Brick Stamps of the Empire, 1977 7 J.B. Warp-Perkins, Architektur der Romer, 1975. H. SCHN.

roads and bridges

Brigandry A. POLITICS, LITERATURE AND LAW

B. PROBLEMS

OF DEFINITION C. POLITICAL DISINTEGRATION AND BANDITRY D. TOPOGRAPHY OF BANDITRY E. THE ROMAN EMPIRE (IMPERIUM ROMANUM) F. LEGITIMIZATION STRATEGIES G. CHRISTIAN AWARENESS

A. POLITICS, LITERATURE AND LAW The collective social behaviour that in Greek was described as kyoteia/léisteia and in Lat. as latrocinium (literally ‘robbery’) included attacks by robbers on land as well as raids by pirates out at sea (> Piracy). It was a form of personal exercise of power that was defined by the legitimate political powers in the ancient Mediterranean, and at the same time stood in opposition to them. From the archaic period down into late antiquity, the history of banditry was characterized by the changing disassociations and relationships between the legal political powers on the one hand, and the unlawful and violent exercise of power on the other. This complex history is reflected in all genres of ancient literature, in

historiography as well as in fictional texts. Roman law defined the latro (‘bandit, robber’) as a clear threat to

the community that however was difficult to grasp (Dig. 49,15,24; 50,146,118). It was not the actual extent

of the threat, rather precisely the element of political opposition that characterized the robber. The existence of a band (factio) and the organized exercise of power that was not under the control of the community were considered the most important characteristics that distinguished robbers from ordinary thieves (Dig. 48,19, 1,2).

The bands varied in size; small groups consisted of the leader and his companions, a few dozen men at the most (e.g. Apul. Met. 3,28-7,12). In contrast, pirate captains commanded large fleets and dominated entire regions of the Mediterranean. The so-called Cilician pirates, for example, exercised a reign of terror along the eastern Mediterranean that lasted for many decades, until in 67 BC Pompeius

[13] was

issued an

extraordinary imperium to eradicate them (Plut. Pompeius 24-25). An additional example of a bandit group that controlled entire regions were the Isaurians, masters of the highlands of south-eastern Anatolia as described by Ammianus Marcellinus (Amm. Marc. 14,2; 19,133 27,9,6-7; cf. Lydius the Isaurian, who occupied Cremna during the rule of Probus [1], Zos. 1,69 f.). B. PROBLEMS OF DEFINITION It is very difficult, especially in border areas, to precisely define ancient banditry. Sometimes, in a situation where political powers declined, those who had held that power were designated as robbers, as for example the former Roman soldiers in Raetia and Noricum in the 6th cent. AD (Eugippius, Vita S. Severini, 4,1; 10,2).

769

770

Even the + Bagaudae in the Gaul of the late Roman period are difficult to classify in legal, political and social terms. They hardly were social rebels or simple criminals, but rather regional groups who attempted to achieve a certain independence during the downfall of the Roman Empire. However, even at the peak of Roman power, soldiers who deserted the Roman army crossed the line of legality and began the life of a bandit. This applied to the Thracian > Spartacus from the first half of the rst cent. BC (App. B Civ. 1,116) as well as to ~ Tacfarinas from North Africa in the early rst cent. AD (Tac. Ann. 2,52,1). In late antiquity on the other hand, it was possible to hire bandits to protect the borders of the Roman Empire. Thus, under Julian [x1] the German Charietto received a high military command

activities (Thuc. 1,5), and in the 4th cent. BC, Aristotle

on the Rhine (Amm. Marc. 17,10,5; 27,1,5; ZOS. 3,7);

in the 4th cent. AD, Roman power on this border was still so great that a bandit like him could be integrated into the regular army.

BRIGANDRY

[6] ranked banditry among the traditional ways of life (bioi) that allowed earning one’s keep (Aristot. Pol.

1256a-b). Competing powers were also able to intentionally create these autonomous regions if they wanted to increase the extent of interior chaos for their rivals. A classic example of this is the intentional destabilization of Hellenistic kingdoms in the eastern Mediterranean by Rome in the 2nd cent. BC; the result of this Roman policy was the rise of independent and violent leaders in the Seleucid regions, mostly on the Cilician coast. In the end, the bands evaded any control after

they had originally been supported by the rivalling groups within the Seleucid Empire. The usurper Diodotus > Tryphon in > Cilicia probably was one of the first of these local rulers (Str. 14,5,2: in Coracesium). Their economy was based on systematically planned and violent undertakings, plundering, and extensive kidnappings and raids, a.o. for the slave trade (> Slavery).

C. POLITICAL DISINTEGRATION AND BANDITRY The less ancient communities were able to assert their power in their respective territories, the more they resorted to ‘bandits’ and ringleaders who exercised unauthorized rule over a region. Particularly after the ~ Peloponnesian War, robber bands were deployed by the city states to distant theatres of war (Xen. Hell. 4,8,35). This process — the spread of banditry and piracy caused by a weakening of the city states — repeated itself during the period of the > Diadochi and particularly during the downfall of the > Seleucid empire in the 2nd cent. BC. Both Demetrios [2] Poliorketes and Lycon, a field commander of > Lysimachus, accepted support from pirates during the siege of Ephesus in 287 BC. At around the same time, Agathocles [2] of Syracuse supported raids by ‘barbarians’ in lower Italy by employing pirate ships (Diod. Sic. 21,4). Destabilization of the Hellenistic monarchies reinforced by the expansion of the Roman Empire created favourable conditions for the rise of piracy in the eastern Mediterranean. On the one hand, the pirates exploited the weaknesses of the Seleucid Empire and of + Rhodos; on the other hand, this indirectly reinforced the position of the Romans, to whom the pirates additionally delivered slaves in large numbers (— Slavery). Rome’s suppression of piracy was closely related to the establishment of Roman provinces in the eastern Mediterranean. Between 102 and 67 BC, several extraordinary commandos with extensive authority were necessary in order to be able to successfully take action against the pirates (> Piracy). Large regions of the ancient Mediterranean evaded any political control; thus the bearers of legitimate power were also always forced to come to agreements with bandits. During the troubled times of the > Peloponnesian War and thereafter, bandits operated relatively unhindered in some regions of Greece. Thucydides states that in some Greek communities, robbery and plunder were considered profitable and honourable

D. TOPOGRAPHY OF BANDITRY However, such conditions of extreme decline in political power were not a necessary requirement for the spread of banditry. Even in times of peace and stability, robber bands operated in regions which evaded any constant political control. It was the mountainous highlands that provided bandits and political rivals just the opportunity to assert themselves, as for example in Aetolia on the Greek mainland or in Crete’s interior. The entire southern highlands of Anatolia, especially the Taurus mountains, could never be truly conquered until late antiquity. The highland of Syria and Lebanon also were able to successfully resist any political occupation. Even in flat coastal regions, there were areas difficult to reach that provided protection to rebels and robbers. In the swamps of the Nile Delta, Amyrtaeus [x], the ‘king of the swamps’, was able to protect his independence from the Persian Great King in the sth cent. BC (Thuc. 1,110). The revolts of Bovddov boukoloi in the late 2nd cent. AD also started from the Nile Delta (Cass. Dio 72,4). E. THE ROMAN

EMPIRE (IMPERIUM ROMANUM)

Robber bands often made large regions of the Roman Empire unsafe and represented a danger for travellers. Thus, it could happen that Roman citizens on a > travelling even in Italy would suddenly disappear (Plin. Ep. 6,25). In North Africa, Nonius Datus was

held up by robbers on his way to Saldae (ILS 5795). Numerous tomb inscriptions from almost every province of the Roman Empire mention that the deceased was murdered by robbers (interfectus a latronibus: ILS 2646; 8504; cf. in addition ILS 5112; 8505 ff.). Although banditry was widespread, the history of ancient robber bands is still largely unknown; we only have precise information concerning a few individual cases. Cassius Dio, for example provides a detailed report about > Bulla Felix, who, in the late 2nd cent.

BRIGANDRY

Tail

V7

AD, was the leader of a robber band in central Italy

exploit the widespread belief that bandits worshipped dark and evil ghosts (Plut. Pompeius 24,5).

(Cass. Dio 77,10). However, such reports are heavily influenced by an ideological view of the countryside. The relationships between banditry, local society and political rule are impressively described by Josephus in his account of the situation in Galilee at the beginning of the war with Rome (AD 66-72) (Jos. BI 2,585-594; 2,614-631).

F. LEGITIMIZATION STRATEGIES As the conversation between Alexander [4] the Great and an imprisoned pirate captains reveals, bandits and pirates were very well able to justify their behaviour; when Alexander reprimanded the pirate for his raids and plundering, he countered by saying that he was only doing the same as Alexander, but that Alexander did it on such a large scale that he was being praised for it. Augustine was of the opinion that polities without justice were not much more than robber bands on a large scale, and that robber bands were nothing other than polities on a small scale (Aug. Civ. 4,4). The fact that robber bands exercised power and were similar to a polity in many respects made it possible to use the traditional terms for bandits, robbers and pirates as political catchwords and to direct them against rulers that were (or at least were viewed as being) illegal. As a consequence, the Athenians could call a ‘barbarian’ such as Philip [4] Il of Macedon a robber (Dem. Or. 10,34). Similarly, those in Rome who tried to exercise power illegally — from L. Sergius > Catilina and M. — Antonius [I 9] in the Late Republic to the usurpers in the 3rd and 4th cent. AD — were described by their opponents as robbers (/atrones).

There existed the concept that robber bands were characteristic of an early form of society, such as that prior to the founding of Rome (Liv. 1,4,9; 1,5,3). Ac-

cording to the opinion of ancient historians, Rome emerged from earlier chaos in which robbery was the rule. At the same time, banditry could be idealized and described as a place of pure, free, ‘barbarian’ primitivity in which the leaders were brave and just men. In both historiography and fiction, e.g. the > novel, there are accounts of the ‘noble robber’, famous for his egalitarian behaviour and for his just dividing of the spoils. This enabled the myth of the robber to also be critically directed against the legitimate powers: the noble robber here embodies the good ruler, the current ruler the bandit. There for example is the story that after his capture, the Italian robber Bulla Felix had the impudence to answer the question of the Roman prefect Papinianus as to why he had become a robber with the counter-question of why the Praetorian prefect had become a prefect — thus intimating that there was no real difference between the two (Cass. Dio 77,10). In the early Principate, as Rome had re-established order in the Mediterranean, bandits had become a ‘tame’ threat. Robbers and pirates could be described in the novel as typical criminals. The idea of the robber as a chaotic, amoral power directed against the community could also

G. CHRISTIAN AWARENESS In the Christian literature of late antiquity, especially in the lives of the saints, pirates and robbers were equated with > demons or diabolical powers. The traditional Christian image of the robber differed only slightly from the descriptions in earlier, non-Christian texts: Undesirable people such as heretics were branded as ‘robbers’; in contrast, the ability of a saint to convert a robber, evil incarnate, was seen as a proof of the saint’s holiness. 1 M. CLavEL-LEVEQUE, Brigandage et piraterie: representations idéologiques et pratiques impérialistes au dernier siécle de la république,in: DHA 4, 1978, 17-31 2 A. GiarpINA, Banditi e santi: un aspetto del folklore gallico tra tarda antichita e medioevo, in: Athenaeum 61, 1983, 374-389 3 T.GRUNEWALD, Rauber, Rebellen, Rivalen, Racher: Studien zu Latrones im rom. Reich,

4K.Hopwoop,

1999

Policing the Hinterland: Rough Cilicia

and Isauria, in: S$.M1IrcHEL (ed.), Armies and Frontiers in

Roman

and

Byzantine

Anatolia,

1983,

5 R.MACMULLEN, The Roman Concept der, in: RIDA Ser. 3, 10, 1963, 221-225

173-187

RobberPreten6A.MrLAN,

Ricerche sul latrocinium in Livio, I: Latro nelle fonti preaugustee, in: Atti dell’istituto Veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti, 1846, 138; 179ff.; 171-197. 7 B.D. SHaw, Bandit Highlands and Lowland Peace: The Mountains of Isauria-Cicilia, in: Journal of Economic and Social History of the Orient, 33, 1990, 199-233; 238-270 8 1d., Bandits in the Roman Empire, in: Past & Present 105, 1984, 3-52

9 P. DE Souza, Piracy in the Graeco-Roman World, 2000 10 R. VAN Dam, Leadership and Community in Late Antique Gaul, 1985 11A.J.L.VAN Hoorr, Ancient Robbers; Reflections Behind the Facts, in: AncSoc 19, 1988, 105-124 12 J.WINKLER, Lollianos and the Desperados, in: JHS roo, 1980, 155-181. B.D.S.

Brigantes The B. settled in northern England, from the Tyne-Solway isthmus to Derbyshire. In the Iron Age the B. lived in scattered communities; there were few hill-

forts or large settlements. Their queen Cartimandua entered into a treaty relationship with Rome before AD 50 but lost the support of her nobles and had to appeal for Roman assistance, before the leadership was stripped from her in c. AD 69 (Tac. Hist. 3,45). The B. were defeated by Q. Petilius Cerealis (AD 71-74) and Cn. Julius Agricola (AD 77-78) and organized as a civitas with Isurium Brigantum (now Aldborough) as its

centre. Other centres of the B. were Cataractonium and Condate. B. Hart ey, L. Firrs, The Brigantes, 1988.

M.TO.

Brigantia Goddess of the Briton tribe of the Brigantes in two inscriptions. An epithet for Victoria, represented on the stele of Birrens (CIL VII 1062) as Minerva, but

shown with Victoria’s wings. This iconographic connection is a contemporary

expression of a syncretic interpretation of the local goddess. Description of her

TEMS

774

as Dea Nympha B. (CIL VII 875) and as Caelestia B. (ILS 9318) seems to point to curative powers.

Brisae (Botout; Brisai).

N. JOLLIFFE, in: Arch. Journal 98, 1941, 3 6ff.; M.A. MarWOOD, in: Latomus 43, 1984, 316ff; M. HENIG, s.v. B.,

LIMC 3.1, 156.

M.E.

BRITANNIA

[1] Nymphs on Ceos; introduced the rural deity > Aristaeus to olive oil and honey (Hsch s.v. B. 348; schol. Theoc. 5,53). Even in antiquity they were associated with the Lesbian Dionysus, > Brisaeus, whom a nymph Brisa is said to have nurtured (schol. Pers. 1,76). RB. [2] Thracian sub-tribe above the lower Nestus, neigh-

Brigantium (now Bregenz). In Celtic ‘brigant— ‘high’. Important locality of the Brigantii (Str. 4,6,8) in ~> Rhaetia, situated on the north-eastern bay of Lake Constance at an intersection of important east-west and north-south traffic routes, which become narrower in that area. As well as a putative pre-Roman oppidum in the upper part of town, late La Téne finds (level D 2) have been found on the Olrain, a plateau of c. so ha. (34 m above Lake Constance). Archaeologically there may well have been a military post between the 15 and 8 BC; a fortress is attested under Emperor Tiberius but was probably surrendered under Claudius, and a flourishing civil settlement emerged, extending westwards over the terrace of the Olrain. As well as sanctuaries (AE 1986, 530), covered marketplaces, thermal baths and a cemetery, extensive artisan districts (metal craftsman-

ship) [1] with rows of houses were found south of the Roman main street. Severely damaged in the civil wars of AD 69/70, B. was also able to withstand attacks by the > Alamanni, but the main emphasis of settlement at the end of the 3rd cent. fell upon the better protected upper town. A numerus Barcariorum was stationed in the late Roman naval harbour of B. (harbour walls on the Leutbihel) (Not. Dign. Occ. 35,32 [2. 206]). ~ Lacus Brigantinus 1 M.Konrap, Ein Fibel-Depotfund aus Bregenz (B.), in: Germania 72, 1994, 217-229 2R.ROLLINGER, Eine

spatrom. Strafenstation auf dem Boden des heutigen Vorarlberg?, in: Montford 48, 1996, 187-242. B. OvERBECK, Das Alpenrheintal in rom. Zeit I, 1982, 20-34, 191f., 203f.; E. VORBANK, H. SwoziLeEk (ed.), Das rom. B., 1985; H.Swozitex, B. und Vorarlberg zur

bours of the Sinti and Mygdones; only attested once in literature (Plin. HN 4,40), frequently conjectured to be Brigas (Brison in Arr. Anab. 3,12,2?). An inscription

from > Diana Veteranorum mentions the proconsul of Moesia inferior, Valerius, in connection with the pacification of the B. in the border region between Thrace and Macedonia. Ly.B. Brisaeus (Bowaioc; Brisaios). Epiclesis of Dionysus through which he was worshipped on the promontory of Brisae in Lesbos (Steph. Byz. s.v. Boioa). The tragedian — Accius Brisaeus is mentioned in Persius (1,76

with schol.).

RB.

Briseis (Be.onic; Briséis). Prisoner of war and beloved

of > Achilles who carried her off as booty in Lyrnessus (Mysia) after he had slain her husband and three brothers (Hom. Il. 2,688-693; 19,291-297). According to Il. 9,128-134; 270-276 (with schol. Il. 1,366), B. was one

of seven girls whom Achilles had captured on Lesbos. In schol. Il. 1,392, B. is called Hippodamia. According to the Cypria, B. came from Pedasus in the Troad, another town that had been conquered by Achilles (schol. Il. 16,57). When Agamemnon after the oracle of Calchas has to surrender > Chryseis, he demands B. as a substitute. The reason for Achilles’ wrath and absence from further battles was that she was taken away. When Agamemnon gives B. back, he swears an oath that he has not touched her (Hom. Il. 19,258-265). She is a frequent theme of Roman poetry (Ov. Epist. 3) and art (Polygnotus in Delphi: Paus. 10,25,4). A.Kossatz-DEISSMANN,

s.v. B., LIMC

3.1,

157-167.

Romerzeit kleine Bibliographie, in: Jb. Vorarlberger Lan-

RB.

desmuseumsverein 1986, 3-58; G.GRABHER, B., in: Osterreichischer Arch. Anzeiger 5/1, 1994, 59-66. KDI.

Brigetio Important Roman settlement (1st —4th cent. AD; municipium, later colonia); legion camp on the right bank of the Danube in Pannonia inferior, now Szény/Komarom (Hungary). The legio I adiutrix was

Briseus, Brises (Bewoevc; Brisevs, Botons; Brisés). [1] Father of > Briseis (Hom. Il. 1,392; 9,132).

[2] Epiclesis of > Dionysus in Smyrna (CIG 316o0f.;

3190). Nixsson, GGR 2, 344, 361, 379.

RB.

stationed in B. As the counter fort Celamantia (now Iza/ Komarne in Slovakia) on the left bank of the Danube, B.

was a strong military base in the defence against the tribes settling beyond the Danube. In B. Emperor Valentinian I died in 375 during negotiations with the Quadi (Amm. Marc. 30,6,1-6). Rich archaeological findings (inscriptions, military certificates, milestones,

Britanni see > Britannia Britannia A. NAME STRUCTURE

B.ROMEAND

BRITANNIA

D. THE END OF ROMAN

C. SOCIAL RULE

coins). TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 4of., 45; Ki. $z. POczy, Stadte in Pannonien, 1976, 56ff.; J. Frrz (ed.), Der rom. Limes in Ungarn, 1976, 324f. J.BU.

A. NAME Originally the island was known as Albion (Avien. Ora maritima ro8f. probably goes back to Pytheas, c. 325 BC). In the oldest Greek sources, B. appears as

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Provincial border

Province (with capital)

Provincia Britannia (Londinium ?)

Praefectura Praetorio Galliarum ae.

AD 197 — 3rd cent. Dioecesis Britanniae (Londinium):

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Provincia Britannia superior (Londinium) Provincia Britannia inferior (Eboracum)

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Provincial borders

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Battle

provincia Britannia Prima et Secunda

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provincia Maxima Caesariensis

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(Eboracum) Frontier of the empire

AD 72 AD 78 - 84

Movements of the Saxons and Angli(i) (early 5th cent. AD) Roads (Fosseway and main roads)

779

780

Boetavvixai vijoou (Bretannikai nésoi) and the inhabi-

such as > Verulamium, — Calleva, Chichester, Winchester, Canterbury and Cirencester made especially good progress [5]. However, Romanization in the north and west was less successful. Throughout the whole of B., the Celtic language remained dominant, Celtic social structure retained its significance, and Celtic cults were widespread [6].

BRITANNIA

tants as Boettavoi (Brettanoi, Str. 2,1,18; 2,5,12). In

Latin authors the form B. is common from the rst cent. BC (Caes. B Gall. 2,4,7ff.; 4,20ff.; 552ff.; Cic. Fam.

7,6ff.). The general term for the island was coined by classical authors [1]. B. ROME AND BRITANNIA The first contacts between B. and the Mediterranean world were of a commercial nature (see maps). The reason for the journey of > Pytheas around B. (late 4th cent. BC) was to search for ore and other raw materials.

The interior of the land, prior to the invasions by Caesar, was for the most part unknown. Caesar’s enterprise in 55 BC gave him the information he needed about the country and in 54 BC he planned to conquer it. He made no permanent gains, and in the following century B. remained outside the area of Roman rule. Commercial transactions were undertaken with Gaul and Italy (Str. 2,5,8; 4,5,1-3), some princes had diplomatic contacts with Rome, and two kings came as refugees to the Roman empire (R. Gest. div. Aug. 6,32). The kingdoms of the Trinovantes, > Catuvellauni and > Atrebates [2]

were important. Because of the disputes of the Trinovantes and the Catuvellauni regarding supremacy in B., the kingdom of > Cunobellinus gained considerable ground (c. AD 10-40). The Roman conquest of B. was

effected through military campaigns and diplomacy [2]. The south was quickly conquered by AD 47; in the west, however, the battles continued until Flavian times. Northern B. was more problematic because of the mountains and opposition from the indigenous population. Governors in Flavian times (Petilius Cerealis, Tulius Frontinus and Julius Agricola) completed the conquest of the west; Roman armies penetrated as far as north-eastern Scotland (Roman victory on — Mons Graupius AD 84 : Tac. Agr. 29-38). Roman control of the north was of brief duration. The efforts for a stable northern border continued until Hadrian in c. AD 122 ordered the building of the boundary wall across the narrow corridor of Tyne-Solway [3]. Antoninus Pius erected a boundary wall between Firth of Forth and Firth of Clyde in central Scotland which held for barely 20 years and c. AD 165 was abandoned. From then on Hadrian’s Wall formed the Roman border until the end of Roman rule [4]. C. SOCIAL STRUCTURE Towns in B. developed through a combination of colonies being established and the growth of indigenous communities. The first colonia was > Camulodunum (AD 49 in an Iron-Age oppidum). > Lindum and -» Glevum were founded after the conclusion of the conquests in the north (late rst cent.).

> Eboracum was

probably accorded the status of a colonia in connection with its elevation to a provincial capital city (early 3rd cent.). Elsewhere, to a great extent, the civitates of the

indigenous population contributed to the development and administration of urban life. In the south, towns

D. THE END OF ROMAN RULE After a further futile attempt to conquer Scotland (Septimius Severus and Caracalla in 208-212), a long period of peace began for B.. Although Saxons and Franks occasionally attacked B. in the 3rd cent., the towns remained safe and agriculture blossomed as never before. On the coasts, defence fortifications were built, from the Wash to the Solent (Litus Saxonicum with Burgh Castle, Richborough and Portchester) [7]. From 286 to 296 a separate empire was formed under + Carausius and his successor > Allectus, which was defeated by Constantius Chlorus. In the first half of the 4th cent. general prosperity was maintained; to this time belong the great villae of Woodchester, Bignor, North Leigh and Chedworth. The first signs of serious disturbances were in the 360s (Amm. Marc. 18,2,3; 20,1,1-3; 27,8,I-10; 28,3,1—-93 29,4,7). In 360 and 364

Picts and Scots attacked the Roman province. In 367 they formed an alliance with the Saxons and caused severe devastation. In 368 the comes Theodosius was able to bring the situation under control again. In 383 the usurper Magnus Maximus rose up against Emperor Gratianus, withdrawing troops from B. in order to maintain his position. After the fall of Maximus, it seems that most of these units did not return to B.. Stilicho probably attempted around AD 400 to re-establish the authority of Rome in B. one more time. In 407 the usurper Constantinus III crossed the channel to the continent and for this purpose withdrew those fighting units still in B. In 410 Roman rule of B. ended definitively, even before Emperor Honorius called upon the civitates in B. to take charge of their own security (Zos. 6,10,2). From that time onwards, only ecclesiastical connections tied B. to the Roman empire (cf. Germanus, bishop of Autessiodurum, in 429 and after 445) [8]. — Limes 1A.L. F. Rivet, C.Smiru, The Place-names of Roman Britain, 1979, 282 2S.S. Frere, B., 31987, 48-69 3 D.J. BREEZE, The Nothern Frontiers of Roman Britain, 1982, 73-92 45S.S. FRERE, B., 31987, 332-48 5J.S.

WacHER, The Towns of Roman

Britain, 1975

HeEnic, Rel. in Roman Britain, 1984

Roman

Forts

of the Saxon

Shore,

6M.

7S. JOHNSON, The

1976

8E.A.

THOMPSON, St. Germanus and the End of Roman Britain, 1984.

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puewly funus publicum). From the Augustan period it was often decided to hold public funerals with state mourning and > iustitium for the Princeps and members of his family. The Christianization of the Roman empire caused only slight modifications to the outward form of the burial despite fundamental changes in the concepts of the afterlife: people tried to replace the lamentation for the dead with the singing of Psalms (Jer. Ep. 108,29); instead of the old sacrifices for the dead, only gifts of oil were supposed to be offered at the tomb (Prudent. Liber Cathemerinon 10,171) — in essence the traditional ritual remained intact. + Dead, cult of the

Burnum Roman legion camp and municipium (now Supljaja/Suplja crkva — camp, and Ivogevci near Kistanje — municipium in the wider area of Knin, Croatia) on the Titius (Krka), centre of the local Liburnian Burnistae, one of the 14 Liburnian civitates that were administered by the conventus in — Scardona (Plin. HN 3,1393 3,142; Ptol. 2,16,10; Tab. Peut. 5,1), important Roman base during the occupation of > IIlyricum, certainly during the wars of the future Augustus in 35-33 BC when the building of a Dalmatian limes was commenced (B. possibly related to Siscia > Promona— Kadijina Glavica— Magnum—-~ Andetrium — Tilurium — Bigeste), during the Pannonian-Dalmatian uprising in AD 69 and the temporary stationing of the legio XX (AD 9) in B. The local fort Puljani is opposite the Roman camp on the left bank of the Titius. Later B. was the camp of the legio XI; which was called C(laudia) p(ia) flidelis) after the unsuccessful revolts of

835

836

Arruntius Scribonianus. In AD 70 the legion was replaced until 86 by the reorganized legio IV F(lavia)

— have been found in great numbers from Etruria to Sicily; in some instances, they have to be taken as reductions of half-figures, similar to those found in various neighbouring cultures. In Rome, from the late Republican era onwards, busts gradually succeeded the imagines maiorum; initially, they were restricted to the neckline and a base. From then on, the form of the Roman portrait bust developed clear steps, making it an indispensable dating aid in the study of portraits. Whereas at the turn of the Imperial Age, busts only incorporated the neck to just below the collar bones, in the Julian-Claudian period, the neckline was extended further downwards in broad sweeps or the shape of a lyre. Flavian busts already included the shoulders balls; they came to a point lower down and were covered by a shallow relief of a robe or armour. From the Trajan period, busts in their outline take into account the shape of a body, culminating finally in the plastic representation of the upper torso including chest muscles and the roots of the upper arms. In addition, diagonal sword bands and robe clasps

BURNUM

f(elix) when it was moved to Singidunum (Moesia su-

perior). Excavations have brought to light earlier and later principia from various periods. There is also evidence of auxiliary units: cohors Montanorum, II Cyrrhestarum, I Belgarum. B. probably became a municipium under Hadrian (developed from canabae); Aelii documented in inscriptions, cf. CIL III 9890. The earlier

prata legionis was administered by the Procurator of the province. Excavations at the civilian settlement that was partly built by immigrants and partly by locals: amphitheatre, sanctuarium, with several arches, water

supply system. In 537 B. was under the control of the Ostrogoths. M. Zaninovic¢, B., castellum — municipium (B., from Castellum to Municipium), in: Diadora 4, 1968, 119-129; S. ZABEHLICKY-SCHEFFENEGGER, M.KANDLER, B. | (Schriften der Balkankommission, Antiquarische Abt. 14), 1979; B. ILAKovAC, B. II (as above, 15), 1984. M.S.K.

Busiris (Egyptian Pr-Wsjr). Name of several places where there was a sanctuary of > Osiris. [1] City in the mid Delta on the left bank of the arm of the Nile called Damiette, south of Sebennytus. Capital of the 9th lower Egyptian district, Djedu and Anedjeth, today Abu Sir Bana (Abusir). Home of the god Anedjti, who may have been a deified ruler and whose symbols of rulership, crook and whip, were transferred to Osiris when the two merged. The holy symbol of the place, the Djed pillar is known as Osiris’ backbone. B. was considered to be a favoured site with a tomb of Osiris (Plut. De Is. et Os. 21) and the place of the mourning rites for the dead Osiris (Hdt. 2.59). Historically B. first emerged in the Assyrian period as a separate principality. The city was destroyed in AD 293 after an uprising. Remains of a temple of Darius I have been preserved. [2] Village near the Sphinx of Giza (Plin. HN 36,76) on the site of a place of worship of Osiris. [3] Name of a king of Greek myth, which comes from a place of the same name near Alexandria. B. is said to have sacrificed foreigners to Osiris and to have been slaughtered by > Heracles. J.v.BECKERATH, in: LA 1, 883-884.

R.GR.

Busts From the Renaissance, the word bust (from Ital-

ian busto) refers to a three-dimensional free-standing human image, which is restricted to head and chest (> Portrait). There is no ancient technical term, be-

cause busts were predominantly classified as portraits (imagines). The term — bustum, on the other hand, meant gravesite, which in Italic cultures was marked by a> cippus ora stele, contouring a human head; in some instances as early as the 6th cent., but more commonly by the 4th and 3rd cents. BC, these developed into rudimentary column-mounted portraits. In addition, from the 7th cent. onwards, simple terracotta busts and shoulder busts — grave memorials and votive offerings

appear as accessories. The increase in size necessitated

the development of a wider base, in the rst cent. AD still in the shape of a simple drum. During Hadrian’s rule, the rudimentary upper arms become detached from the body and armoured busts with > paludamentum became the most common form. Antonian busts went on to include the abdominal region and, in the famous bust of Commodus

as Hercules

(Rome,

MC),

the entire

upper body complete with arms. The Attic base became the common shape of plinths, with a small name plate inserted in between. In place of naked bodies, richly sculpted draped robes and body armour prevailed. With the beginning of the 3rd cent. AD, the fashionable toga contabulata (— toga) also appeared on busts. In the 3rd cent. AD, the bust line decreased somewhat;

also, older types of bust saw a revival.

From as early as the Antonine period, garments were carved from coloured marble, into which head portraits were inserted. The plinth could also take the form of an acanthus-clad bell. Busts made of bronze or precious metal were usually small and frequently bore portraits of Greek philosophers. Small busts were used a desk weights. A separate variety are the small busts applied by artist craftsmen to medallions, as well as the > clipeus which was fitted to round bucklers. The latter was already known in Hellenistic Greece, but rarely used for portraits. In the Imperial Age, the free standing marble busts were only in exceptions used for divine images, usually only for representations of — Sarapis. Apart from that, bust-size copies of masterpieces are modern adaptations. Busts are well suited to being lined up in galleries, and thus are found from as early as the rst cent. BC on casket gravestones as reproductions of actual family groups in the > atrium and on grave monuments (Haterii relief). B. BARR-SHARRAR,

The Hellenistic and Early Imperial

Decorative

1987;

Bust,

FirrscHEN/ZANKER,

passim;

H. Jucker, Das Bildnis im Blatterkelch, 1961; M.F. Kir-

837

838

BUTHROTUM

MER, The Shoulder Bust in Sicily and South and Central Italy, 1977; G.Lirpotp, Kopien und Umbildungen

King Pandion’s son (Apollod. 3,193), need to be considered. In the latter case, he is the brother of Erechtheus

griech. Statuen, 1923, 162-163; V.SCRINARI, s.v. busto,

who assumed Pandion’s worldly power and left his priestly functions to B. Not clearly separable from this figure is the Attic Argonaut B. (Apoll. Rhod. 1,95ff.)

EAA 2, 227-232.

RN.

Bustum The term already defined in the > Tabulae duodecim (Cic. Leg. 2, 64) as ‘tomb’ was, according to Paul. Fest. 6, 78; 25,3; 27,11 and Serv. Aen. 11,201, the place where the corpse was cremated and the remains buried, whilst the place where dead bodies were actually burnt was generally known as > ustrinum. There is a lot of archaeological evidence of this type of funeral. > Burial T. BECHERT, ROm. Germanien zwischen Rhein und Maas, 1982, 244-246; M.STRUCK (ed.), ROmerzeitliche Graber als Quellen zu Rel., Bevolkerungsstruktur und Sozialgesch., 1993 (Arch. Schriften des Inst. fiir Vor- und Frith-

gesch. der Univ. Mainz, 3).

RH.

Butadae (Bovtéda; Boutddai). Attic > asty deme of the phyle Oenieis, later of the Ptolemais; one bouleutes; of uncertain location, but the connection of the > Eteo-

boutadai with the Scirophoria and the town quarter of Sciron suggests a position of B. at the Holy Way near Laciadae and the Cephisus. TRAIL,

Attica

9,48,62,69,109

(no.

27), table

6,13.

H.LO.

whose father was Teleon, but who shares the mother

Zeuxippe with the figure in Apollodorus. This B. jumped ship when he heard the sirens, but he was saved by Aphrodite who let him live in Lilybaeum and with whom he became father of Eryx (Apoll. Rhod. 4,912ff; Apollod. 1,135; cf. Diod. Sic. 4,83 where Eryx’ father Butas is a Sicilian). A third B., son of Boreas, could also have some relevance here; his brother was Lycurgus, a common name amongst the Eteoboutadai. This B. was banned after he had schemed against his brother. He came to Thessaly where he raped Coronis, one of Dionysus’ wet-nurses, and was driven to madness and suicide by the gods (Diod. Sic. 5,50). A further B. appears in Oy. Met. 7,500 as son of the Attic > Pallas. 1 DEUBNER, 162

2 KEARNS, 69 n. 23.

E. SIMON, s.v. Boutes, LIMC 3.1, 152-3.

[2] Sculptor of the 4th cent. BC (?) in Athens. Patronymic and ethnicon are not recorded and were added by RumpPF without a reason [1]. He created a portrait statue of > Isocrates. 1 A.Rumpr, s.v. B. 4, KIP 1, 975. FGrH, 2B, 116 no. 59 (Philochorus)

Butades Legendary sculptor of kouroi from Sicyon who in ancient sources is credited with the invention of figurative antefixes (7th cent. BC) and of portraiture. Until 146 BC, one of his works, probably a mask, was displayed in Corinth. FucHS/FLOREN, (sources).

196. 211;

OVERBECK,

no.

259.260

EK.

RN.

Buthoinas see > Buphagus Buthrotum (Bov0ewtdv; Bouthroton). A. GREEK AND ROMAN

PERIOD

B. BYZANTINE

PE-

RIOD

R.N.

Butas (Bovtac; Bositas). The name possibly refers to a

freedperson of Cato Uticensis (Plut. Cato 70 = SH 236); he wrote Aitua (‘Causes’) of Roman content in the elegi-

A. GREEK AND ROMAN PERIOD Harbour town in Epirus opposite Corcyra (Str. 7,7,5), modern Butrint/Albania. Its mythological foundation by Helenus has been attested (FGrH 274 fr. 1), its early habitation verified by archaeological finds

ac metre in which, i.a., he dealt with the origin of the

(prehistoric and Corinthian pottery of the 7th to 5th

Lupercalia (a distich in Plut. Romulus 21,8 = SH 234) and the Bona Dea (Arnob. 5,18 = SH 235). M.D.MA.

cents. [1]) and by Hecataeus. (FGrH 1 fr. 106). Caesar

ordered the foundation of a colony in B., which became a statio in Roman

times [2. 690-694]. B. retained its

Buteo Roman cognomen (‘the goshawk’) amongst the Fabii (ThIL 2,2259). Legend of the adoption of the

importance throughout late antiquity and the Middle Ages (diocese in the 5th cent. [4]). Ruins (theatre with

name in Plin. HN 10,21.

manumission

Kr

records,

basilicas).

Inscriptions:

[1;

5- 447-449]; SEG 32, 622-625; 35, 666; 36, 560-568; Butes (Bovtns; Boutés). , [1] Attic hero about whom several traditions exist. There was an altar of B. in the > Erechtheion, in the

vicinity of the altars of Poseidon, Erechtheus and Hephaestus (Paus. 1,26,5), and this establishes a clear link to the traditions of the > Eteoboutadai who were the priests for Athena Polias and Poseidon Erechtheus. B. could indeed have been the title of Poseidon Erechtheus’ priest [1]. In this context, the genealogies which claim the hero to be Poseidon’s (Hes. fr. 223 M-W) or

37, 5093 38, 470-519; [5]. Coins: HN 320. 1L.M. Ucotini, Albania Antica 3, 1942 2N.G.L. HAMMOND, Epirus, 1967 3 SousTaL, Nikopolis, 132134 4P.Casanes, L’ Epire, 1976 SId., F.DRint, Attoitas, théorodoque de Delphes, in: BCH 118, 1994, 113-130.

G. PoLLo, Quelques aspects de la numismatique coloniale de Buthrote, in: P. CABANES (ed.), L’Illyrie méridionale et lEpire dans l’antiquité 2, 1993, 257-261. D.S.

839

840

B. BYZANTINE PERIOD B. is mentioned, i.a., in the It. Ant. 324,5; 488,7; 489,1, in the Tab. Peut. VI 3 WeBER (under a distorted name) as well as in Hierocles, 652,4 and, in Byzantine times, belonged to Maio “Hmevgog. A Christian congregation may have existed as early as the 3rd cent.; an encomium of the roth cent. describes how, under the emperor -» Decius, a certain Therinus was martyred in the theatre [1. 3 rof.]. Bishops are documented in the AD 457/458 series ot letters and also that of 516 (CSEL 35, 527£.), although probably not at the Council of Chalcedon in AD 451 [2. 132]. Important archaeological remains of the 5th and 6th cents. AD, i.a. a trikonchos with a narthex [3. 274f.5 4. 126, 129], also a baptisterium with excellently preserved mosaics [3. 275f. and figs. 35, 37; 4. 129-132 and figs. 81-84], as well as a large basilica, reconstructed in the Middle Ages [3. 276f. and figs. 36; 4. 124 and figs. 75-78, 80], and also written documents [1. 132, 134 fn. 3, 45] all point to a flourish in the 5th/6th cents. and in the 9th/ roth cents.; in the roth cent., B. was under Bulgarian rule, in ro81 and 1084 in Norman hands, during the 13th cent. part of the despotate of Epirus, until finally, after a vicissitudinous history, it became Venetian from 1386, together with Corcyra.

dence. The cultic-ideological importance of B. is far greater than its historic one: B. is the home of the crown and protective goddess of Lower Egypt as well as the relevant sanctuary (just as Hieraconpolis is the one for Upper Egypt), and thus plays an outstanding role in myths and festive rituals. According to statements by Greek historians (Hdt. 2, 83; 111; 1333 1523 1553 Str.

BUTHROTUM

1 L.M. Ucotin1, Orientalia Christiana Periodica 2, 1936

2 SousTaL,

Nikopolis

3 G.Kocu,

Albanien,

1989

4Id., in: A.EGGEBRECHT (ed.), Albanien, 1988.

P. BarTL, Albanien, 1995, 292; H. Frets, Spatant. Kirchen in Albanien, in: P.R. FRANKE, Albanien im Altertum, 1983 (Antike Welt, Sondernummer 1983), 65-73 (especially 65-70); G.Kocn, Albanien, 1989, 267-281; PE 1976,

175f.; RBK

2, 1971,

207-334

(especially

232-235);

R.SOrrrESs, Frihchristl Denkmaler in Albanien, in: Antike Welt 14,4, 1983, 7-26 (especially 12-14). E.W.

Butilinus Alemannic duke in Frankish service. In AD 539, he accompanied king Theudebert I on a campaign to Italy. In 552, B. accepted a request for help by the Goths and, on his own initiative, crossed Italy together with his brother Leuthari and reportedly 75,000 men down to the straits of Messina. After great success initially, the venture came to an end in 5 54 near Casilinum where B. lost a battle against Narses and his life as well. PERE BiAna 53: W.ED. Buto City in the west delta to the north of Sais in the 6th region of Lower Egypt; actually a twin city which, in older sources, only appears in the names of its parts Pe and Dep. The name B. has its origins in the Egyptian Prw dyt, house of Wsdy (Uto), who, in the form of a snake, is the national and crown goddess of Lower Egypt and who, together with > Horus, is the most important local deity. B. was already settled in prehistoric times and was apparently an important centre. Archaeological finds and epigraphic reports about B., however, exist in larger numbers from the Old Kingdom only, the 19th dynasty and especially the 26th dynasty, when it was a neighbouring town to the royal resi-

17, 802; Ael. VH 2,49), B. had a famous oracle; there is no evidence from Egyptian sources.

LA 1, 887-9; D.B. REDFORD, in: Bulletin of the Egyptological Seminar 5, 1983, 67-101.

K.J.-W.

Butter (Bowtveov; bovityron, butyrum). Fat mainly from cow’s milk, less commonly extracted from sheep’s or goat’s milk; unlike today it was mostly used in liquid form. Many peoples on the northern and southern edge of the ancient world (especially the Thracians and Scythians but also the Lusitanians, Gauls, Germanic tribes and Arabs) used butter intensively as cooking fat and ointment (Plin. HN 28,13 3f.). In the Mediterranean Sea area, people preferred to use olive oil instead, the cost of which at the beginning of the 4th cent. AD was much higher than that of butter (Edicta imperatoris Diocletiani 4,50; cf. ibid. 3,1-4). Cultured Greeks and Romans viewed butter as a ‘barbaric’ product, but used it occasionally in human and veterinary medicine. + Fat; > Cooking oils J. ANDRE, L’alimentation et la cuisine a Rome, F.OLck, s.v. Butter, RE III 1, to89-1092.

*1981; AG,

Butterfly see > Lepidoptera Butunti Town of the Peucetii at the crossroads of the via Gellia and the via Traiana between Rubi and Barium (It. Ant. 117; It. Burd. 609) where the church of San Pietro sopra Minerva conceals a temple to Minerva, now Bitonto. Municipium of regio II: Plin. HN 3,105; Mart. 2,48,7. Minting in the 3rd cent. BC [1]. 1 HN 46 2 V.ACQUAFREDDA, Bitonto attraverso i secoli, 1937 3 F.P. Pacmieri, Manufatti di eta preclassica, in: Studi Bitontini 18-19, 1975-76; 32f., 1980-81 53-82 4M.R. DEPALO, 1984 5 BTCGI 4, 67-80. G.U.

Buxentum Town in Lucania, modern Policastro Bus-

sentino (Salerno province) at the Gulf of Policastro. It succeeded the Greek settlement of Pyxus (coins minted in the 2nd half of the 6th cent. BC: HN 83), was newly founded under Micythus of Messene in 471 BC (Diod. Sic. 11,59,4; Str. 6,1,1), and subsequently left to the Lucani. Roman colonia in 194 BC, renewed in 186 BC (Liv. 32,29,4; 34,45,23 39,22,4), in 89 BC municipium

of the tribus Pomptina. Bishop’s seat in AD 592. Both the river, which discharged into the sea at B. (modern Bussento) and the foothills to the south-west (modern

Punta degli Infreschi) were also called B. NISSEN, 2, 897; EAA 6, 222.

G.U.

841

842

Buzes Leader of a Thracian troupe of horsemen under

for her twin brother Caunus drives him into exile and herself into death. In respect of her end, the stories vary: she hangs herself (Parthenius 11; Conon 2), she jumps off a cliff and is transformed into a hamadryad by

~ Belisarius against the Persians in AD 530. Since about 539, together with him magister militum per

Orientem, he undertook the campaigns against the Persians in 541 and 542. According to Procopius, Historia arcana (reliable source?), he was recalled in 542 supposedly because of high treason, and was incarcerated for more than two years. In 554, he saved an army under general Bessas in Lazica (Colchis) from annihilation by the Persians. It is highly likely that he is identical with a B. who, together with other army commanders, was dispatched by > Justinian I in 549 with auxiliary troupes for the Lombards to fight against the Gepidae (PLRE 3 A, 254-257). B.RuBIN,

Das

Zeitalter Justinians,

vol. 1, 1960,

281,

BYLAZORA

nymphs (Ant. Lib. 30 according to Nicander), or she

dissolves into tears and becomes a spring (Ov. Met. 9,450-665). According to Steph. Byz. (s.v. B.), B. is the eponym of the Phoenician town of Byblus. F.Bomer, P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphosen (comment on the passage), 1977, 411-468; C.J. CLassEn, Eine Ovidinterpretation, in: A&A 1981, 163-178; B.R. NacLe, B. and Myrrha. Two incest narratives in the Metamorphoses, in: CJ 78, 1983, 301-315. RB.

Byblus (Bupioc; Byblos).

322-326, 337-341, 361f.; vol. 2, 1995 (ed. by C.CaPIZZ1), see index, 266; E. STEIN, Histoire du Bas-Empire 2,

Already in the Old Kingdom, B. (Gubla), today Gubail,

1949 (repr. 1968), index, s.v. B.

exporting cedar wood [2; 7]. Contacts between Gubla

ET.

Buzygae (BovCbyat; Bouzygai). One of the most distinguished Athenian dynasties of priests, that traced its origins back to > Buzyges. Amongst others, Xanthippus, the victor of Mycale, also belonged to this family as well as his son Pericles (schol. Aristid. 473). The B. carried out the sacred ploughing below the Acropolis (Plut. praecepta coniugalia 42 p. 144). Furthermore, they were the hereditary priests for Zeus Teleios (CIA 294) and for Zeus on the Palladium (CIA 71; 273). BURKERT, 159; NILSSON GGR, 1,709.

RB.

Buzyges (Bovtbync; Bouzyges). {1] Athenian hero, original ancestor of the family of

~» Buzygae; also the title of the priest for Zeus Teleios or éxi Maddadi (epi Palladioi), who therefore would have been a member of this family. The hero, whose name literally means ‘he who puts oxen under the yoke’, was the first who put oxen into a yoke for the purpose of ploughing; his plough was kept on the Acropolis as a votive offering, and there was a connection between him and the act of sacred ploughing (schol. Aeschin. 2,78; Plut. Mor. 144B). B. was also a lawmaker (Lasus PMG 705), and the proverbial curses, BovCvyetot coat

(bouzygeioi arat), uttered by the Buzygian priests against wrongdoers, can be associated with Zeus Teleios and the Palladian court. Aristotle is said to have equated the hero with Epimenides (fr. 386 ROSE). [2] Epithet of Heracles (Suda, s.v. BovCvyns). Lactant. Div. inst. 1,21 relates the aition of a Heracles feast in Lindus: duo iuncti boves (two oxen tied together) are sacrificed at an altar called BowCuyov (bouzygon). Here, too, curses and insults were uttered, but this time, curiously, against Heracles himself. C. BERARD,

s.v. Bouzyges,

LIMC

3.1, 154-5; W.Bur-

KERT, Buzyge and Palladion, in: ZRGG 22, 1970, 359-68;

c. 30 km north of Beirut (+ Berytus), was a port for and Mesopotamia as well as the use of the cuneiform script are documented for the end ofthe 3rd millennium BC [6]. A pictographic script developed around 2000 BC, the so-called Byblus Script, did not become established. Princes of B., known from hieroglyphic inscriptions of the r9th and r8th cents. BC, are perhaps mentioned in the > Mari Archive [5]. Amongst the +» Amarna letters are 67 tablets of Rib-Adda, king of B. A dynasty founded shortly after tooo BC by > Ahiram ruled up to the time of the neo-Assyrian empire (tribute payments to Assyria). After the conquest in 332 BC by Alexander [4] the Great, the town is referred to as B. by several ancient authors (Str. 16,2,18; Mela 1,67; Plin.

HN 5,78; 6,213; Ptol. 5,14,3). Since 1920, building remains from the Neolithic to the Byzantine period were uncovered [1; 3; 4]; amongst them the temples of Ba’alat Gebal and of > Reshep (so-called obelisk temple) and the city walls of the Bronze Age as well as the > Adonis sanctuary from Roman times. The residential quarters are largely under the present-day town. 1 J.Cauvin,

Fouilles de B. IV, 1968

2 M. CHEHAB,

Noms de Personalités égyptiennes découvertes au Liban, in: Bull. du Musée de Beyrouth 22, 1969, 1-47 3 M.Dunanpb, Fouilles de B. L-Il, 1939-1958, V, 1973 4.N. JrpejIan, B. a travers les Ages, 1977. 5 H.KLENGEL, Syria 3000 to 300 BC, 1992, 79 6 E.SOLLBERGER, B.

sous les rois d’Ur, in: AfO 19, 1959/60, 120-122 7 W.A. Warp, Egypt and the East Mediterranean, in: JESHO 6,

1963, I-57. Maps: M.DuNanpD, Fouilles de Byblos Il, 1958

N.Ji-

DEJIAN, Byblos a travers les Ages, 1977.

Byblos. For writing utensils see

ULF.

> Book, > Papyrus

Bylazora (BuAdtoea, BuAdtwg, -weoc; Bylazora, Bylazor, —oros). Largest town

in — Paeonia

(Pol. 5,97),

Sacrifice and labour en Gréce ancienne,

seized by Philippus V as a bulwark against the > Dar-

EK.

dani (cf. Liv. 44,26,8 for 168 BC). Generally localized

Byblis (BuBiic, BiBAic; Byblis, Biblis). Daughter of

in the Axius valley near Veles, but so far finds have been insufficient to allow a definite identification.

J.-L. Duranp, 1986, 145-93.

Miletus and Eidothea, the daughter of Eurytus, or of

Cyane, the daughter of Maeander. Her passionate love

F.Parpazoc.Lou,

Les villes de Macédoine,

1988,

308.

MA.ER.

BYBLUS

844

843

NectopolK

?sy

e

-— = nymphaeum

ios 3

ens (Persian

> period)

Royal tombs (more recent) @ s.

\

Roman theatre D

‘Chapelle WA Orientale’ NS e

Temple of Ba’alat-Gebal

(temple)

P

Tenle of Reshep, 3rd millennium

o “Enceinte sacrée’

[ow

\ \ \

‘1

Sanctuary

o

o ie

\

fond

re)

Bronze-Age dwellings

o ro)

(

Temple of Reshep,\ / 2nd millennium

4

(obelisk ternple)

oe

1 Roman temple (sanctuary of iy

a

2)

\

Sanctuary

o

eS

pee

=

Byblus E28

Neolithic

Original site of the Roman theatre

Chalcolithic period and Bronze Age

Ore site of the Mtl esof Reshep, 2nd millennium (obelis temple)

{]

Persian and Roman periods

(]

Post-Roman

iii:

Roman road

Byllis (BudAic; Byllis). Settlement on the right bank of the Aous in the hills of the Mallakastra near the modern

Koinon des Bylliones, in: L’Illyrie méridionale et ’Epire

Gradista de Hekal. Founded in the ath cent. BC, B. was independent from 230 BC until its conquest by Rome. The structure of its governmental institutions was modelled on those of Epirus and Apollonia [1]; it is possible that a polis and a koinon of the Bylliones coexisted. In the vicinity of B. was the town of Clos. B. experienced a late bloom in the 6th cent. AD; four early Christian basilicas. (literary sources: Scyl. 27; Str. 7,5,8; 7,7; Ptol.

Rivista d’Albania 4, 1943, 35-50; Id., Il nome antico di Klos in Albania, in: Atti di Acc. dei Lincei 1951, 411-418;

dans l’Antiquité, 1987, 135-149;

P. CaBanes, L’Epire, 1976, 384.

P.C. SEsTrErRI, B., in:

M.8.K.

Byrebista(s) (BugeBiotas; Byrebistas, BowwePiotas; Boirebistas). King of the Dacians, c. 60 BC founded a

302,35 Plin. HIN 3,235 4,00; Liv. 36,7: 44,30; Caes, B

coherent kingdom, which at times extended from the Hungarian low plain to the Julian Alps. His conquests included Scordisci, Taurisci and Boii; his attacks on

Cive 3522: 40; Cich Pan. mae4o8 Phila

ras Pish4on elit.

Thracian territories in the western Pontus region also

Brutus 26,2; 1G V 1, 28 [1]; SEG 24, 449; CIL III Goo).

led to heavy plundering of Greek colonies (i.a. Apollonia). Pompey negotiated with him in 48 for military support (Syll.3 762,22-42). In 44 Caesar planned a campaign against B. (Str. 7.3.5), but almost simultaneously with his assassination the latter was deposed by an uprising. In spite of a far-reaching attempt at a new order in the areas of religion and economy with the co-operation of the priest Decaeneus, B.’s kingdom

1 L. ROBERT, in: BCH, 1928, 433f. C.Patscu, Das Sandjschak Berat in Albanien, in: Schriften der Balkankomission 3, 1904, 119, Fig. 97; B. LEoNARDOS, in: AE, 1925-26, 26, no. 140, 1.11; A.PLas-

SARD, Liste delphique des théorodoques, in: BCH, 45, 1921, 22, col. TV 37; N. CeEKA, Mbishkrime Byline, in: Iliria, 1987, 2, 49-115 (French resumé 116-121); Id., Le

845

846

lasted only a short time; after 44 it disintegrated into

Byzantine Triad see > Aeschylus, ~ Euripides, > Sophocles

several sections (Str. 7,3,11; lord. Get. 11). R.L. Dise, Cultural Change and Imperial Administration, 1991, 28f.; A.Mocsy, Pannonia and Upper Moesia,

1974, 17ff. Corns: C. Prepa, Monedele Geto-Dacilor, 1973, p. 448;

pl. 76.

— Aristophanes,

Byzantium (BuCdvtov; Byzdntion). I. TOPOGRAPHY AND HISTORY Ill. ART

II. CULTURE

M.MEI.

Byrsa Usual name (Lat., Greek bursa, ‘cow hide’) for

the acropolis of + Carthage, supposedly as a reminder of Dido’s legendary purchase of land (‘as much as a cow hide can cover’) for the foundation of the town, or oldest place name (Serv. Aen. 1,70: Carthago ante Byrsa, post Tyros dicta est), as a result of misunderstanding the Phoenician toponym bi’r-8a (‘Sheep’s well’). E. LrpiNsxt, B., in: Actes du IV¢ colloque international sur

histoire et archéologie de l’Afrique du Nord. Strassbourg 1988,

BYZANTIUM

1990,

123-130.

Id., in: DCPP,

s.v. B., 83f.

H.GN.

Byssos (Bvoooc; byssos). Plant and animal fibres that were made into mainly see-through garments (Pvo-

owoc, BLoowov néthwuc). These are probably especially linum (Mvov, linen, flax), later (obviously already in Hdt. 2,86) seed hairs of + cotton, perhaps of the Asclepiadacea Gomphocarpus fruticosus introduced from Africa, as well as fibres of mushrooms and lichens. Still called byssus today, the adhesive fibers of seashells clinging to the bottom of the sea, such as the large Mediterranean Pinna nobilis, also supplied 3-8 cm long fibres used for making ropes, socks or gloves. Byssolith (byssinum Plin. HN 19,21) is the fibrous rock. -» Asbestos; > Textiles

C.HU.

Byzacium (BuCdxcg or Buoodtc; Byzdkis, Byssdtis). Originally probably the region between Neapolis (Zeugitana) and Thapsus, including the hinterland, and the Sahel of Sousse with the plains of Kairouan. B. is probably derived from the BUGavtes (Byzantes) (Steph. Byz. s.v.). From Punic times onwards, B. was renowned for its rich yields of wheat and olives (Ps.-Scyl. rro [GGM 1, 88f.]; Pol. 3,23,2; Varro, Rust. 1,44,2; Bell. Afr. 97,3; Plin. HN 5,24; 17,41; 18,94; Sil. Pun. 9,204f.; Plut. Caesar 55,1; App. Lib. 33,139). The region between Thapsus and Thenae was only considered part of B. in the 2nd cent. AD. During the 3rd cent. AD, an imperial procurator seems to have administered a tractus Byzacenus (Inscr. latines de |’Algérie 1, 2035). Diocletian separated (in AD 303?) Byzacena (as Tripolitana) from Africa Proconsularis, and assigned to it the region south of the line Pupput — Mactaris — Ammaedara (part of the new Proconsularis) and north of the line Tritonis Lacus — Tacape (belonging to Tripolitana). > Hadrumetum was initially the seat of the praefecti, later of the consulares. J. DESANGES, s.v. B., EB, 1674-1677.

W.HU.

I. TOPOGRAPHY AND HISTORY Greek city on the southern shore of the > Bosporus [x] on a peninsula bordering on the Chrysokeras in the north and on the Propontis in the south, today’s Istanbul; traces of prehistoric settlement. Founded by Megarians (cf. names, phylae divisions, institutions, calendar, pantheon) in the 7th cent. BC (together with colonists from Argus, Corinth and Boeotia: Dionysius of Byzantium fr. ro; Eus. Chronicle 2,87). With oligarchic constitution after the Persian Wars, taken over by Pausanias in 478 BC, democratic from 476 and member of the rst > Delian League being liable for very high tributes. In 411 BC, after a conflict with Samos, B. defected to the Peloponnesian League. Alcibiades reconquered B. in 409. Six years later, the Spartan Clearchus rampaged through B. and in 390, B. was forced by Thrasybulus to join the 2nd > Athenian League. In 356, B. left the league again. In 340/339, Philip II unsuccessfully besieged B. In 220 BC, B. was at war with Rhodes over maritime customs duties. In Rome’s wars against Philip V, Antiochus III and Perseus, B. was on the Roman side; this is the reason for B. becoming civitas libera et foederata. Under Vespasian, the city was integrated into the Roman Empire. Punished by Septimius Severus because of its support for his rival Pescennius Niger (AD 196), B. was rebuilt by Caracalla, but destroyed by the Goths during the reign of Claudius II. In the tetrarchy period, B. was overshadowed by Nicomedia. It was renamed -> Constantinople in AD 330. W.NewskajA, B. in klass. und hell. Zeit, 1953; N.FiRATLI, New Discoveries Concerning the First Settlement

of Ancient Istanbul-Byzantion, in: Proc. of the roth Intern. Congr. of Class. Archaeology 1, 1978, 265-574. Lv.B.

II]. CULTURE . GENERAL INTRODUCTION B. LANGUAGE . IDENTITY D. ADMINISTRATION AND LAW md OS . RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT F. ECONOMY AND G. INTERPRETATIVE SUMMARY Nn OCIETY

A. GENERAL INTRODUCTION ‘A Roman political constitution, Greek culture and Christian faith are the main sources of Byzantine development’ [1]. This sentence by OsTROGORSKI, at the beginning of his ‘History of the Byzantine State’, still has validity today: when, during the 3rd to the 8th cents., those processes had run their course, at the end of which the unity of the Mediterranean world in late antiquity split into three separate parts (Latin West, + Caliphate, East Roman Empire), B. was that part which most strongly remained in the tradition of the

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876

877

878

1G.Srumpr, Numismatische Studien zur Chronologie der rom. Statthalter in Kleinasien, 1991, 6of. 2E.Bapran, The Consuls, in: Chiron 20, 1990 3 WALDE/HOFMANN,

2.

J. VAN OOTHEGEM, Les Caecilii Metelli de la République, 1967.

K-L.E.

{I 14] C. Metellus, L. Around 52 BC quaestor in Sicily (MRR 2, 478). As a people’s tribune, he tried in April 49 to prevent Caesar from making use of the moneys stored in the aerarium Saturni for his preparations for war (i.a. Plut. Pompon. 62; glossed over by Caes. B Civ. 1,3353)-

W.W.

[I 15] C. Metellus, M. Probably son of C. Metellus [I 11], praetor urbanus and peregrinus in 206 BC (MRR 1,298). In 205 member of a legation to Pessinus transferring the > Mater Magna (MRR 1,304).

[1 16] C. Metellus, M. Son of C. Metellus [I 27], mint master in

127 BC (RRC 263), praetor no later than 118,

consul in r15 and proconsul during 114-111 nia

and

Corsica

(triumph:

InscrIt

in Sardi-

13,1,85;

MRR

2,538). {1 17] C. Metellus, M. Son of C. Metellus [I 21], belonged to the college of judges of C.— Verres in 70 and be-

came praetor in 69 with his financial support (Cic. Verr. erat tee {1 18] C. Metellus, Q. Son of C. Metellus [I 11] (funeral oration for his father in Plin. HN 7,139-141), most important member of the family around 200 BC. Plebeian aedile in 209, curule aedile in 208, reported in 207 the victory at the Metaurus in Rome (Liv. 27,51,3). At the end of 207, cavalry colonel of the dictator M.> Livius Salinator, in 206 consul with L. > Veturius Philo

with whom he was stationed in Bruttium, where he also remained as proconsul in 205 until, by the end of 205,

he became dictator for the conduct of elections. During 204-202 he supported Scipio the Elder in the Senate, especially in the affair concerning Q. > Pleminius (Liv. 29,16-22). In 201 he was Xvir for the settlement of Scipio’s veterans. During 186-184 he led a legation charged with examining the disputes with Macedonia and on the Peloponnese (MRR 1,373 [1. 234f.; 485f.]). Pontifex from 216 onwards. He is probably identical with the consul Metellus who reportedly had the poet + Naevius arrested because of his attacks on the Metelli (Cic. Verr. 1,2,9 with Ps.-Ascon. commenting

on that passage; Gell. NA 3,3,15). [I 19] C. Metellus Baliaricus, Q. Son of C. Metellus [I 27], probably in Thessaly around 130 BC as aedile for grain purchases (SEG 34, 1984, 558; MRR 3,39), prae-

tor no later than 126, consul in 123 with the task to subjugate the inhabitants of the Balearic Islands who practised piracy and over whom he triumphed in 121 (cognomen). Censor in 120 (MRR 1,5 13f} 5325 3,3 6f.). [I 20] C. Metellus Calvus, Q. Probably son of C. Metellus [I 18], was consul in 142 BC and possibly proconsul in £41 in Gallia Cisalpina (MRR 3,37). During 140/139 legate with Scipio Aemilianus and Sp. Mummius in Egypt and Greece (MRR 1,481).

CAECILIUS

{I 21] C. Metellus Caprarius, Q. Youngest son of C.

Metellus [I 20], in 133 BC he served under Scipio Aemilianus at Numantia (Cic. De or. 2,267), was praetor in

117 (?), consul in 113, fought as proconsul in Thrace during 112/111 and triumphed in rrx (InscrIt 13,1,85; MRR 1,535). In 102 censor with his cousin Numidicus [I 30] (Vell. Pat. 2,8,2). Elogium: InscrIt 13,3, no. 73. 1 GRUEN.

K-LE.

[I 22] C. Metellus Celer, Q. Probably son of C. [I 28], brother of C. [I 29], married to Clodia [1]. His early career is in dispute: his office as a military tribune in 78 can only be deducted from a fragment of Sallust’s writings (Hist. 1,135 M.), his office as a people’s tribune in 68 is doubtful, and his aedileship in 67 unlikely (MRR 3, 37). In 66 C. acted as a legate for Pompey in Asia (Cass. Dio 36,54,2-4), in 63 he was city praetor and gathered troops for fighting Catiline’s followers; in 62 he went into Gallia Cisalpina as propraetor with proconsular imperium and received the consulate in 60 (MRR 2, 166, 176, 182f.). Politically he stood on the side of the Optimates and opposed his brother-in-law + Clodius, he agitated against Pompey and fought against Caesar’s agricultural laws in 59 (Cass. Dio 38,7,1). He died in April of that year. w.W. [123] C. Metellus Creticus, Q. Son of C. Metellus [I 21], was praetor between 74 and 72 BC (MRR 3,38) and, as consul designate in 70, supported C. — Verres (Cic. Verr. 1,26) together with other Metelli. As consul in 69 together with Q. > Hortensius, he was given the command against the Cretan pirates, an offer his colleague had declined, as proconsul successfully subjugated the island and organized it as a province. When Pompey operated in the eastern Mediterranean in 67, he did not recognize Metellus’ imperium and accepted the submission of individual cities that hoped for his leniency, which led to a severe falling out between the two men (Plut. Pompeius 29; Cass. Dio 36, 18f.; 45,1). Thus, Pompey prevented Metellus’ triumph until 62 (InscrIt 13, I, 85; cognomen), and Metellus, until 60, the ratification in the Senate of the reorganization of the East by Pompey [1. 78f.]. In 60 he was ambassador in Gaul to prepare for the war against the Helvetians (Cic. Att. 1,19,2-3), Pontifex from 73 until his death (probably in

54). [124] C. Metellus Delmaticus, L. Elder son of C. Metellus [I 20], was consul in 119 (opponent of C. > Marius, Plut. Mar. 4,4f.), fought against the Dalmatians over whom he triumphed in 117 (InscrIt 13,1,83; MRR 3,38). With the war booty, he renovated the temple of Castor (Cic. Scaur. 48 with Ascon. 28C; Verr. 2,1,154;

Plut. Pompeius 2,8) and built the temple of Ops Opifera (Plin. HN 11,174). Possibly censor in 115 (s.v. C. Metellus [I 26]). As Pontifex Maximus in 114, he was

president in the trial.of three Vestals accused of incest (Ascon. 45f.). {I 25] C. Metellus Denter, L. Consul in 284 BC, fell as proconsul (?) in 283 near Arretium against the Senones (Pol. 2,8,19 i.a.; MRR 3, 78f.).

CAECILIUS

879

880

{I 26] C. Metellus Diadematus, L. Second son of C. Metellus [I 27] (cognomen because of the bandage ona head wound, Plut. Cor. r1, 4), probably opponent of C.

Fam. 5,4). In 56 he participated in the conference of Luca, then went to Spain as proconsul (partial success against Vaccaei), returned to Rome in 55 and died soon afterwards. He nominated C. > Carrinas [I 2] as his heir. Active as a prosecutor several times during his youth, but according to Cic. Brut. 247 he was not very

Gracchus (ORF I* 194). As consul, he promoted infra-

structure improvement in Italy and possibly constructed the via Caecilia [2]. He or C. Metellus [I 24] was censor in 115 together with Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus (MRR 1,531f.), expelled 32 senators from the Senate and stopped offensive theatre performances (Cic. Cluent. 191; Liv. per. 62; Plut. Mar. 5, Cass. Chron.s.a.). In 100 he fought against L. » Appuleius [I 11] Saturninus (Cic. Rab. perd. 21), in 99, together with C. Metellus [I 21], he supported the recall of his cousin Numidicus (Cic. P. Red. Sen. 37; P. Red. Quir. 6). [I 27] C. Metellus Macedonicus, Q. Probably son of C. Metellus [I 18] and mint master around 150 BC (RRC 211). Fought in Macedonia in 168 and brought the victory message from Pydna to Rome. As praetor in 148, he received the command in Macedonia, defeated the pretender — Andriscus and fought against the Achaeans until he was relieved by Sp. Mummius in 146. He celebrated a triumph, adopted the cognomen Macedonicus and with the booty erected the Porticus Metelli which he decorated with looted works of art (Vitr. 352,53 Vell. 1,11,3-7 i.a.). In 138 he defended L. Aurelius Cotta against Scipio Aemilianus [3.7] in a sensational trial. As consul in 143 and proconsul in 142, he fought successfully against the Celtiberians and conquered Contrebia (MRR 1,475); in 136 as legate for P. > Furius Philo he is in Spain once again. In 133 he put down a slave revoit in Minturnae (Oros. 5,9,4). In

131 censor together with Q. Pompeius (dispute with the people’s tribune C. Atinius Labeo; famous speech against the Roman aristocracy for having no children, ORF I* 107f.). As a conservative aristocrat, he was an opponent of the Gracchi (Cic. Brut. 89, Plut. Tiberius Gracchus 14,4), but also of Scipio Aemilianus (Cic. Rep. 1,31; Off. 1,87). Augur from 140 to 115. Legend-

ary because of his four sons who all became consuls; his two daughters (Caecilia Metella [4] and [5]) married into the families of the Servilii and Cornelii Scipiones. [I 28] C. Metellus Nepos, Q. Eldest grandson of C. Metellus [I 27] (therefore probably the cognomen); as consul in 98 BC, he issued a law together with his colleague T. Didius about a deadline to publish draft legislation (Cic. Dom.

41; Sest. 135 i.a.; > trinundinum)

and the prohibition of leges saturae (Cic. Dom. 20). [I 29] C. Metellus Nepos, Q. Son of C. Metellus [I 28], went to Asia Minor in 67 BC as legate for Pompey and later to Syria where he remained until 63. As the people’s tribune for 62, he interceded against Cicero’s accountability report on Cicero’s last day as consul. After violent clashes with his colleague M. Porcius Cato Uticensis, he went to Pompey in Asia and was suspended by the Senate (Cass. Dio 37,43,1-4; Plut. Cat. 26-29). Praetor in 60 (law about the abolition of customs duties in Italy, Cass. Dio 37,51,3). As consul in 57 together with L. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther, he supported Cicero’s recall despite earlier enmity (Cic.

important. [I 30] C. Metellus Numidicus Q. Son of C. Metellus [I 20], possibly mint master in 117 or 116 BC (RRC 284),

praetor no later than 112 BC, then propraetor (Cic. Verr 2,3,20; Balb. r1). As consul in rog, he was charged

with waging the war against Jugurtha. He reorganized the Roman troops in Africa, occupied Vaga and was victorious at the Uthul. A battle near Zama remained without result (Sall. Iug. 47-60). As proconsul in 108, he defeated Jugurtha and conquered Thala. Upon the news of his former legate C. Marius having been elected consul and successor, he terminated the operations and handed the army over to Marius via a legate (Sall. Iug. 61-83; Plut. Mar. ro,r) [4. 143-145]. In 106 he triumphed (InscrIt 13,185; cognomen). As censor in 102

together with his cousin C. Metellus [I 21], he tried without success to expel L. Appuleius Saturninus and C. Servilius Glaucia from the Senate. In roo he did not swear to Saturninus’ farmland law, voluntarily went to Rhodes and was then formally banned (MRR 1,375f.). In 99 he was allowed to return, but no longer played a role politically. He probably rebuilt the burnt-out Mater

Magna

temple (Ov. Fast. 4,347). Cicero re-

garded him as a good orator (Brut. 135; fragments: ORF I* 209-213). Elogium: InscrIt 13,3, no. 16b. [I 31] C. Metellus Pius, Q. Son of C. Metellus [I 30], under whom he served in Africa in 108 BC, in 99 he

received the cognomen Pius (Vell. 2,15,3) because of his efforts for his father’s recall. He was praetor in 89 and then, in 88/87, successfully fought as proconsul in the Social War. As a follower of Sulla, and after Sulla’s de-

parture to Greece, he was unable to defend Rome against the advancing Marians and the allied Samnites and went to Africa, then to Liguria. After Sulla’s return,

he fought with him in 83 against the incumbent consuls, then in northern Italy in 82 (coins with the title of imperator: RRC 374). In 80 he became consul together with Sulla and, as proconsul, took over the war against Ser-

torius in 79-71, which he waged without success for a long time until, in 77, Pompey was dispatched to support him. Both ended the war only in 71 and triumphed in the same year (imperator iterum: ILLRP 366; main sources: Sall. Hist.; Plut. Sert.; Pompon. 17-20). Pontifex from c. 97, he was Pontifex Maximus from 82

until his death; in 63 Caesar became his successor. He owned a villa in Tibur and gave one of Varro’s logistorici that name (Gell. NA 17,18). 1 GELZER, Pompeius 1653

2 G.Rapxe, RE Suppl. 13, 1649-

3 ALEXANDER, Trials

4 R.SyMeE, Sallust, 1964.

K-LE.

[132] C. Metellus Pius Scipio, Q. Born c. 95 BC, son of P. + Cornelius Scipio Nasica, around 64 transferred by

881

882

testamentary adoption (> C. Metellus [I 31]) into the gens of the C. Metelli (see family tree). The date for his first mention as adulescens summa nobilitate (Ascon. 74 |. 16f. C) is probably the year 78; in 70 he appeared in the trial against > Verres as defence counsel (Cic. Verr. 2,4,79). Together with Crassus, he delivered anonymous letters to Cicero in October 63 that warned of Catilina’s assassination plans which, presumably, were well known to Cicero anyway (Plut. Cic. 15). In the sos, his career in office appears to have proceeded normally, but there are differences of opinion about the exact path: in 59 people’s tribune or quaestor, in 57 (?) curule aedile (in that year, referred to as pontifex for the first time, Cic. Dom. 123, he probably had been in that office since 63), praetor in 56 or 55, interrex in 53

tions, he supported Pompey (for a few weeks). During the occupation of Corfinium in February 49, he fell into Caesar’s hands, but he let him go free. C. died in Augustan times (Epitaph: CIL XIV 2464 = ILS 880). W.W.

(MRR 2, 189, 201, 215, 229). At first, C. kept various

political options open. During his candidature as a consul for 52, he accepted support from — Clodius, but, after his death, turned to Pompey, whose daughter he married. An imminent ambitus suit because of election bribery was averted by Pompeius as consul sine collega. For the last five months of 52, C. was even co-consul of his father-in-law (MRR 2, 234f.) whose policies he subsequently supported vigourously. On 1.1.49, C. moved the motion which triggered the Civil War once it became a resolution (i.e. that Caesar discharge his army within a certain time; see Caes. B Civ. 1,2,6). As proconsul in the same year, he went to Syria, fought against the Parthians and gathered troops against Caesar (MRR 2, 260f.). Near Pharsalus (9.08.48), he commanded the battle and, after his defeat, escaped to Africa (MRR 2, 275, 288). There, as

supreme commander of the Pompeians, he was defeated by Caesar near Thapsus (6.04.46). In his attempt to flee to Spain, he was caught near Hippo Regius and committed suicide (MRR 2, 297). Against the favourable opinion by Cicero (Phil. 13,29), there is the pragmatic assessment by Caesar (B Civ. 1,4,3). M. GELZER, Caesar, °1960 (repr. 1983).

WW.

[1 33] C. Niger, Q. was a native Sicilian and took part in 72 BC as quaestor for C. Verres in Sicily in his extortion activities. Therefore, in a preliminary trial in 70, he was in competition with Cicero, without success, for the indictment against Verres in order to prevent the trial (Cic. Div. in. Caec., passim). NICOLET, 2, 807f.

K.-LE.

{I 34] C. Rufus, L. Sulla’s half-brother, presumably quaestor in 66 BC, people’s tribune in 63. During his year in office as praetor (57), he supported Cicero’s recall from exile (Cic. P. Red. Sen. 22). In July 57, during the udi Apollinares organized by C., a large crowd demonstrated in front of his house against the current grain shortage. This activity had apparently been instigated by > Clodius Pulcher so that Cicero could later reinterpret it as gang riots (Mil. 38). C. presumably held the office of proconsul in Sicily in 56 (MRR 2, 210). During the Civil War, in line with his political convic-

CAECILIUS

Il. IMPERIAL PERIOD {il 1] C. Aemilianus. Proconsul of the Baetica, executed

by Caracalla because he consulted the oracle of Hercules Gaditanus (Cass. Dio 77,20,4; PIR* C 16). Whether identical with Sex. C.A. (from Thibiuca in Africa) remains uncertain (PIR? C 17) [x]. {II 2] C. Africanus, Sex. Roman jurist, contemporary

and probably disciple of Salvius Iulianus —> C. [III r]. [II 3] C. Agricola. Follower of Plautian; sentenced after Plautian’s death, he committed suicide (Cass. Dio TOs 55 OnLLRs Garo) {Hl 4] C. Aristo. Curator operum publicorum in 214,

consular legate of Pontus-Bithynia in 218 (Cass. Dio FSBOs LIRA Gon [Ae 2521)

{II 5] C. Avitus, Q. Cos. suff. in 164 (CIL XVI 185); possibly native of Lusitania [5. 91]. [II 6] C. Capella. According to Tert. Scap. 3,4 involved in persecuting Christians, he met his death in 196 during the battle for Byzantium (PIR* C 27); probably an army leader for Pescennius Niger [6. 79; 7. 247, no. 26].

[I 7] C. Celer. After Domitian’s death, he was expected to reconcile Aquilius Regulus with Pliny the Younger (Ep. 1,5,8). He possibly came from Lusitania (PIR* C 28) [Zevoleas 7772|\)e [II 8] C. Classicus. Senator from Africa, praetorian proconsul of Baetica probably in 97/8. Even though he died before the start of a > repetundae trial, he was nevertheless sentenced in the Senate (Plin. Ep. 3,4; 9; PIR* C 23) {II 9] C. Cornutus, M. Son of M. Cornutus [I 8], who

killed himselfin 43 BC. Frater Arvalis in 21/20 BC (CIL VI 32338; PIR* C 34). Tibullus dedicated his poem 2,2 to him [8. 3.4ff.] {11 10] C. Cornutus, M. Son of C. [II 9], documented as frater Arvalis in AD 14 and 20; Member of the collegium of the curatores locorum publicorum iudicandorum under Tiberius; involved in 24 in the trial against ~+ Vibius Serenus, he killed himself (Tac. Ann. 4,28,2f.; ZO su PIRS Ga 59). [If 11] C. Dentilianus, Q. Cos. suff. in 167 (CIL XVI 123), probably son of C. [II 15]. [Il 12] C. Faustinus, A. Cos. suff. in 99, consular legate of Moesia inferior c. 103-105, consular legate of Pannonia superior until rrr or the beginning of 112 (unpublished military diploma dated 3 May 112). Proconsul of Africa probably in 115/116 (PIR* C 43

[9. 339ff., 359]). [If 13] C. Fuscianus Crepereianus Floranus, M. Related to C. [II 19]. Praetorian legate of Arabia (PIR* C 47; EOS II 733 [1. 269f.]).

[Il 14] C. Macrinus. Friend of Pliny the Younger, perhaps related to Caecilius [II 8] Classicus (Plin. Ep. 3,4;

URAC, GA).

883

884

{1 15] C. Marcellus Dentilianus, Q. Probably from Africa. After some time in his career, he became praetorian governor of Aquitania, probably father of C.

Quaestiones (nine books), sometimes with his own critique. Alongside Pomponius, Africanus, as the last classical jurist, also wrote Epistulae (at least 20 books, only Dig. 30,39 pr. cited) and possibly a commentary Ad legem Iuliam de adulteriis|1|. PIR* C 18.

CAECILIUS

(eer (BIRAGi se):

{1 15a] C. Maximus. Praetorian governor of Arabia under Severus [2] Alexander (AE 1998, 1444); perhaps to be identified with the vir clarissimus L. C. Maximus in the album of Canusium (CIL IX 338). S. AuGusTA-BouLARET et al., Un ‘nouveau’ gouverneur d’Arabie, in: MEFRA 1998, 243-260. W.E.

{If 16] C. Metellus Creticus Silanus, Q. Presumably adopted by a Junius. Cos. ord. in AD 7, consular legate of Syria between 12/13 and the end of AD 17. Vonones, the expelled Armenian king, was taken into protective custody by him. When Germanicus was sent to the East, Tiberius replaced Silanus, reportedly because his daughter Iunia was engaged with Germanicus’ son Nero (Tac. Ann. 2,4; 43; PIR* C 64) [ro. vol. 1, 305]).

{II 17] C. Natalis. Pagan conversation partner in the dialogue Octavius by > Minucius Felix (PIR* C 65).

{II 18] C. Novatillianus, M. Senator. After a fairly long senatorial career, adlectus inter consulares and legate of Moesia superior, probably around the middle ofthe 3rd cent. In CIL IX 1571/2 = ILS 2939, he is called curator of Beneventum and orator et poeta; Beneventum need not have been his home town (PIR? C 66) [r1z. r12f.]. [II 19] C. Rufinus Crepereianus, Q. Senator, probably from Theveste. Praetorian governor of Pannonia inferior and cos. suff., probably between 163/4 and 166/7 (AE 1976, §44; PIR? C 76) [1. 201; 12. 528f., no. 315] [II 20] C. Secundus Servilianus, Q. Praetorian governor of Thracia under Commodus, cos. suff. c. 193, curator

1 SCHULZ, 232

2A.Wacke, Dig. 19,2,33: Africans Ver-

haltnis zu Julian, ANRW II 15, 1976, 458ff. 172f.,410 4SyYMERP, vol. 6, 431f.

3 KUNKEL, TG,

[III 2] C. Balbus. An interlocutor of Augustus invented by John of Salisbury, Policraticus 3,14 (so7ab W.[?]), as a dissimilation of the name of > Pliny the Younger. On the basis of what follows at 507c ff.[?], it came to be used (cf. [2] against [1]) for a collection of aphorisms [3] from late antiquity based on a Greek original with the addition of 16 sayings of Publilius Syrus which, from the Carolingian epoch, became available to the gnomic literature of the Middle Ages. EDITION:

1E.WOLFFLIN, 1855.

LITERATURE: 2 A. REIFFERSCHEID, Zwei lit.histor. Phantasmata, in: RhM 16, 1861, 12-26 3 REYNOLDS, 329 4G.G. MEERSSEMAN, Seneca maestro di spiritua-

lita nei suoi opuscoli aporifi dal XII al XV secolo, in: IMU 16, 1973, 59-69 and passim 5 R. Quapri, I Collectanea di Eirico di Auxerre, 1966, 62-64. 134-138 SCHANZ/ Hosius 1, 262f.

PLS.

PIR? C 84).

[II 3] C. Epirota, Q. was grammaticus and freedman of T. > Pomponius Atticus (after autumn of 58 BC, when Atticus was adopted by his uncle Q. Caecilius; cognomen presumably from the Epirote estates of Atticus). He was teacher of > Caecilia Attica, Atticus’ daughter, when she was M. Agrippa’s wife (after 42, before 28). Under suspicion of adultery with her, he left the house and became a confidant of - Cornelius Gallus. After Cornelius’ death (in 27 BC), he opened an exclusive school for older pupils where he, as the first grammaticus, introduced spontaneous discussions in Latin as well as lectures on Virgil and other contemporary poets

[If 22] C. Strabo, C. As consul designate in 105, he filed

(Suet. Gram. 16). Writings are not known.

operum publicorum in 196, procos. Asiae in 208/09 (AE 1971, 28; PIR* € 82 [13. 11f.; 6.79; 4. 242f.]).

{11 21] C. Simplex, Cn. Praetorian proconsul of Sardinia in 67/68 (CIL X 7852 =ILS 5947); cos. suff. probably from t November 69 onwards (Tac. Hist. 3,37,1. 68,2;

charges against Corellia Hispulla (Plin. Ep. 4,17,1ff.), cos. suff. from September to December to5. Documented in ror and 105 as frater Arvalis; died in 117 (PIR* C

85) [14. 39, 352]. 1 LEUNISSEN, Consuls 2 KUNKEL 3 SyME, RP 4A.Koxs, Die kaiserliche Bauverwaltung, 1993

5 CABALLOS vol. r

6EcK, RE Suppl. vol. 14

7A.R.

BiRLEY, Septimius Severus, 1982 8 ScHEID, Recrutement 9 W.Eck,in: Chiron 12,1982 10 THOMASSON,

Lat. 1993

11ALFOLDY, FH = 12 Fitz, Verwaltung, vol. 2, 13 J.NoLié,

14 SCHEID, Collége.

Nundinas

instituere

...,

1982

W.E.

III. PERSONS KNOWN FROM LITERATURE {Il 1] C. Africanus, Sex. Jurist under Hadrian and the

Antonines, probably identical with Favorinus’ discussion opponent

(Gell. NA

20,1); therefore a disciple,

who died before AD 175, of > Iulianus (Dig. 25,3,3,43 EOS 2,735 [3; 4]) whose decisions he recorded in his

HLL § 320; R.A. Kaster, Suetonius, De Grammaticis et

Rhetoribus, 1995,

182-190.

RAK.

{Ill 4] C. Iucundus, L. In 1875, 153 wax tablets were found in Pompeii; they belonged to L.C. lucundus, a freedman who was active in Pompeii in the rst cent. AD as argentarius or coactor argentarius (CIL IV Suppl. 1,3340 K.). Sixteen wax tablets are receipts for payments to the city. They refer to four different lease payments: to the levying of a tax for the use of municipal land as well as a tax for running local markets, the lease payment for a fullery and finally the lease payments for a larger country estate (the fundus audianus). The other wax tablets are receipts that were issued at auctiones by the sellers to the argentarius when he paid the amount due. Named amongst the sold items are mules, linen, furniture and especially slaves; the 44 known sale prices are between 520 and 38,000 sesterces. These wax tablets show what limited, but not unimportant busi-

885

886

ness from an economic point of view, was pursued by the argentarii during the principate period.

Chron. a. Abr. 1838 = 179 BC). Asa result of a RomanCeltic war (Insubrian campaign in 223/2 or 200-194, Guarpi, rf.), he was taken to Rome asa slave and freed there (Gell. NA 4,20,12f.) by a Caecilius (M. Caecilius Denter/Teucer, Plin. HN 7,101, cf. [9]; or M. Caecilius, Liv. 31,21,8, GUARD! rrf.). His birth name Statius

~ Argentarius; > Auctio; > Coactor 1 J.ANDREAU, Les Affaires de Monsieur Jucundus, 1974 2 Id., Remarques sur la société pompéienne, in: Dialoghi di Archeologia 7, 1973, 213-254 3 W.JONGMANN, The Economy and Society of Pompeii, 1988, 212-224.

JA.

{Il 5] C. from Cale Acte. Apart from his friend > Dionysius of Halicarnassus, who was about ten years older, he was the most important Greek rhetorician and grammarian of Augustan times, born about 50 BC in Cale Acte on Sicily. Perhaps of Jewish descent, his original name reportedly was Agatharchus (Suda); his teacher was probably Apollodorus of Pergamum (Quint. 9,1,12). Together with Dionysius, he is regarded as the founder of literary > Atticism, but his actual influence on later writers can hardly be estimated because only a few fragments remain of his numerous writings. The known titles of his works can roughly be assigned to three different areas: historiography (ovyyoauua meol TOV OOVALKMV TOAEUWY, EEL totoQLacs); rhetorical technical writings (téyvn Ontoeimnh, mEQi oynUdTwV, Teel bpovc, xata Pevy@v); literary criticism in the narrow sense (tivt duadéeeet 6 ‘Aotavos Choc tov “Attixod, meet TOU YAQAXTHEOS TMV SExa ONTOQWY, OLyxELOLG ANnUoOODEvous xal Kixéewvoc). Apart from that, he produced an

Atticist lexicon. An assessment of C. is difficult because of the lack of sources: if one believes the author of Peri hypsous, who heavily criticized C.’s writing of the same title, he was at once a superficial and pedantic quibbler (Ps.-Longin, De sublimitate 1,1-2; 1,8). His extreme Atticism cannot be denied which encouraged him to put Lysias above Plato (fr. 150). C. probably found the canon of the ten orators, of which he was long regarded as the originator, to be in existence already. EDITION: E. OFENLOCH, 1907 (repr. 1967). SECONDARY

LITERATURE:

W.Ax,

Quadripertita

ratio,

in: D.J. TayLor, The History of Linguistics in the Classical Period, 1986, 191-214; J.J. BATEMAN, The critiques of Isocrates’ style in Photius’ Bibliotheca, in: Illinois Classical Studies 6, 1981, 182-196; M.A. CAVALLARO, Dionisio, C. diK.A. e l’Ineditum Vaticanum, in: Helikon 13-14, 1973-74, 118-140; J. A.COULTER, Iegi twoug 3,3-4 and

Aristotle’s theory of the mean, in: GRBS 5, 1964, 197213; A.E. Douctas, Cicero, Quintilian and the canon of ten Attic Orators, in: Mnemosyne Ser. 4,9, 1956, 30-40; G. FANAN, II lessico di P. Oxy. ror2, Studi Classici e Orientali 26, 1977, 187-248; D.A. RussELL, in: Cambridge History of Literary Criticism vol. 1, 1989, 307-309.

MW.

{Il 6] C. Statius. Poet of Roman comedy (Palliata), c.

230/220-168 BC (the date of birth has been estimated from Ter. Hec. 10 based on Ambivius Turpio’s age, GuARDI, ed. 9ff.), was of non-Latin origin like all Roman

poets of the 3rd and 2nd cents. BC, with the exception of Lucilius. He was a Celt from the north Italian tribe of the Insubres and perhaps came from Mediolanum (Jer.

CAECILIUS

(which occurs frequently in the Oscan-speaking area), he retained as a cognomen (Jer.; Anon. de praenom. 4; Cic. De or. 2,257, Cato 24 calls him just Statius). As a contubernalis of Ennius (Jer.; [6. 281f.]), he became

familiar with Latin poetry, but he only dealt with comedy. He preferably derived his Greek models from the New Comedy, especially from Menander (18 titles, of those, 4 in Menander only; Philemon four, of those, two in Phil. only; Diphilus, Posidippus and Macon one each, none exclusively), few from the Middle Comedy (Antiphanes four; Alexis two, of those, only one each

exclusively). This preference for Menander and the Nea and the avoidance of contamination by several sources, deducted by [12. 99] as a result of not being mentioned in Ter. An. 18, allows the assumption that there is a greater closeness to the artistic programme of the Nea and explains why C. could only impress the public, against his opponents, with the help of the then still young theatre director and actor > Ambivius Turpio, the later sponsor of Terence who initially was also unsuccessful (Ter. Hec. prol. II 11ff.). Whether he, like

Terence, already presented his ideas on art in prologues and polemicized against his opponents is not clear from the records. According to Jerome, his prime is in the year 179, i.e. significantly after the death of Plautus (c. 184) who was far more popular with the audience. He died one year after Ennius (169 or 168 BC) and was

reportedly buried on the Ianiculum (Jerome). Of C.’s comedies, 42 titles and 177 fragments with 294 verses (the longest with 15 verses from the Plocium) are preserved, predominantly via quotations from grammarians. The outline of the plot can only be reconstructed for three comedies: the Plocium (summary of content in Gell. NA 2,23) already famous in antiquity, the Hypobolimaeus/Subditivos Chaerestratus or H. Rastraria and the Synephebi. — In his selection of topics and the greater faithfulness to the Greek original, C. appears to be a predecessor of Terence; in language and style, however, he is close to Plautus: he likes aphorisms, metaphors (marine and military subjects; [5]) and newly formed abstract terms, sharp antitheses and oxymorons, irony, accumulation, lively change of statement classes, rich alliteration and homoioteleuta, also onomatopoeia, archaisms as well as neologisms and Greek words (hapax legomena in [11]|). The sentence structure changes between colloquial brevity and verse-filling constructions in the style of the tragedies by his contemporaries Ennius and Pacuvius. C.’s_ comedies were initially admired (Quint. 10,1,99); in > Volcacius Sedigitus’ canon, he is regarded as the best comedy writer, ahead of Plautus and far ahead of Terence, who is in 6th place. Cicero appreci-

887

888

ated the content of his comedies (Cato 24f.), liked to refer to them and therefore recommended his verses as adornment for public speeches (Cic. De or. 2, 257); he

BC in a ‘property dispute under private law’. The speech (Pro Caecina) is extant [2].

CAECILIUS

acknowledged him as a translator (Opt. Gen. or. 2. 18),

but confirms that readers rather preferred the Greek originals (Fin. 1,4). Varro praises his plots (argumenta, Men. 399) and the arousal of 140n, pathe (Ling. fr. 60 GoeEtTz-SCHOLL). Horace ridicules the earlier appreciation of his gravitas (Epist. 2,1,59), but mentions him, i.a., because of the right to be daring with the creation of new words (Ars 53ff.). Quintilian also devalues C., as he does all Roman comedy, in comparison with Greek comedy, with Gellius (2,23) endorsing that opinion. EpITION: CRF, 40-94

Remains of Old Latin, ed. E.H.

WARMINGTON, vol. 1, 1935 SECONDARY

LITERATURE:

T.GUARDI, 1974. 1 ALBRECHT',

167-173

1 W.V. Harris, Review by P. Bruun et al. (ed.), Studies in the Romanization of Etruria, 1975, in: CPh 76, 1981,

67-70

2H.Bocut, Uber Ciceros Rede fiir A.C., 1906.

[14] C., A. Expert in and teacher of > Etrusca disciplina (the art of prophecy by inspecting entrails and interpreting flashes of lightning; cf. Cic. Fam. 6,6,3). He was a lifelong friend of Cicero (Cic. Fam. 6,7,1-2; 6,9,1). During the Civil War, he published a pamphlet against Caesar (Suet. Jul. 75,5); Caesar was so hurt by this, that — in spite of Cicero’s intercessions (the correspondence with C. from Oct./Dec. 46 BC is extant in Fam. 5-9) — he refused to pardon him. Pliny used C.’s material for his chapter about lightning (HN 2 ind. auct.; 137ff.).

2 L.ALFonst, Su un verso di C.S., in: Dioniso 40, 1966, 27-29 3 R.ARGENIO, Il Plocium di C.S., in: Mondo

w.W.

Classico 7, 1937, 359-368 4 BARDON, 1,39. 48f. 5 S. BOSCHERINI, Linguaggio di marinai nelle commedie di Cecilio Stazio, in: Studi in onore di C.A. Mastrelli, 1994, 47-52 6P.FartpeER, Le poéte comique C., in: Musee Belge 12, 1908, 269-3413; 13, 1909, 5-35 7 LEO, 217-

Il. IMPERIAL AGE {11 1] C. Alienus, A. Hailing from Vicetia, he was quaes-

266

8 CHR. RiEDWEG, Menander in Rom, in: Drama 2,

1993, 133-159 9D.O. Rosson, The nationality of the poet C.S., in: AJPh 59, 1938, 301-308 10 A. TRAINA, Sul vertere di Cecilio Stazio, in: Id., Vortit barbare, 1970, 41-53. +11O.SkuTscH, s.v. C. 25, RE 3, 1189-1192 12 F. LEO, Plautinische Forsch., 1913, 217-226

JU.BL.

Caecina Roman family name of Etruscan origin (Ceicna, SCHULZE, 75, 285, 567; ThIL, Onom. 15f.), whose bearers belonged to the city aristocracy of Volaterrae (cf. Cic. Fam. 6,6,9), where the family is attested in

several branches and partly through richly adorned graves. (CIE 18-24; 36-42 et al.). The lineage appeared in Rome from the rst cent. BC, but never lost its links with its homeland (cognomen Tuscus in C. [II 9]); villa

of the Roman city prefect of AD 414, Caecina Decius Atinatius Albinus, (PLRE 1, 50) near the modern Volterra), where the name also survived in the name of the river (> C. [III 1]) and the place name of Cecina. K-LE.

I. REPUBLICAN AGE

II. IMPERIAL AGE

III. GE-

OGRAPHY

Antonius Primus at Cremona, he was sent to Vespasian,

who bestowed honours on him. Towards the end of Vespasian’s rule, he was executed by Titus on the allegation ofaconspiracy (PIR* C 99; EOS 2, 339f.) [1. 8f.] [II 2] C. Silius A.C. Largus. Cos. ord. AD 13, originally from Volaterrae; son of C. [II 3] (AE 1966, 16 [2. 168, 171ff.]).

{II 3] C. Largus, C. Co-architect of the theatre in Volaterrae, (CIL XI 6689, 54; AE 1957, 220); Father of C. [II 2], brother of C. [II 8]. {II 4] C. Largus, C. Probably a son of C. [II 3], frater

Arvalis [3. 218ff.]; cos. ord. with Claudius in AD 42. In AD 48, he was one of Claudius’ closest assistants in the execution of Messalina (Tac. Ann. 11,33f.). Deceased before AD 57 (PIR? C rox; Lex. urbis Romae II 26).

I. REPUBLICAN AGE {I 1] C., A. An opponent of Caesar in the Civil War,

pardoned by him after the battle of Thapsus in April 46 BC (B Afr. 89,5). [I 2] Legate of Octavian (MRR 2, 375f.). With L. Cocceius Nerva, he travelled to Phoenicia in 41 BC in order to negotiate with M. -> Antonius [I 9] (App. B. Civ.

5,251). He is presumably identical with C. quidam Volaterranus, who — as Octavian’s trusted envoy — visited Cicero at the end of 44 BC (Cic. Att. 16,8,2). SYME RR, 131, 208.

tor in Baetica in AD 67/68. Galba appointed him as a legate, probably of the legio IV Macedonica in Upper Germania. He transferred his allegiance to Vitellius, and lead part of the Vitellian army to Italy. At Bedriacum, he — together with Fabius Valens — defeated the Othonians, resulting in both their appointments as suffect consuls in Sept./Oct. AD 69. C. led the Vitellian troops against the Flavians; his attempt to go over to them was foiled by his own soldiers. After the victory of

WW.

{II 5] C. Paetus, A. Cos. suff. in AD 37. He was involved in the conspiracy of Camillus Scribonianus in AD 42; after receiving his sentence, he committed suicide, following the example of his wife Arria (Plin. Ep. 3,16; PIR= G2103; EOS 2; 2/90). [II 6] C. Laecanius Bassus C. Paetus. Probably a son of C. [II 5], adopted by C. Laecanius Bassus, cos. ord. in AD 64 [4. 114f.]. Cos. suff. probably in AD 70, curator riparum in AD 74, proconsul Asiae probably in AD 78/79 (PIR* C 104 [5. 233ff.; 6. 23 9f.] [II 7] Caecina Primus, Q. Cos. suff. in AD 53 (AE 1977,

18) [7. 43, 71f.].

{I 3] C., A. Born in Volaterrae (Cic. Caec. 18), father of

[II 8] C. Severus, A. From Volaterrae. Cos. suff. in x BC, in AD 6/7 military commander in Moesia, finally in

the following [1. 68f.]. Cicero represented him 69 (68)

Pannonia; In AD 8/9 or 9/10 proconsul of Africa (AE

889

890

1987, 992). Commander of the Lower German army, at least from AD 14 to 16 (PIR* C 106) [8. 107ff.; 9. 9ff.] {II 9] C. Tuscus, C. Son of the nutrix Neronis, of equestrian rank (Suet. Nero 35,5). Iuridicus Alexandreae et Aegypti in AD 51/52, praef. Aegypti under Nero, later exiled by him (PIR* C 109; Lex. urbis Romae II 73).

This myth is a combination of familiar motives (birth from the hearth fire like > Tarquinius Priscus, abandonment [1], upbringing by maternal uncles, and the foundation of a town by a group of marginal people, similar to > Romulus), partly influenced by Roman myths, but also hinting at a tradition of indigenous Lat-

1TH. FRANKE, Legionslegaten, 1991 2 SyME, RP 4 3 ScHEID, Recrutement 4 SaLomies, Nomenclature, 1992 5 M.Draecer, Die Stadte der Prov. Asia in der Flavierzeit, 1993 6BRUUN 7FOst_ 8 Eck, Statthalter 9 pi Vita EvrarD, Lib. Ant. 15/16, 1978/79. WE.

in founding myths; however, in view of the Etruscan

1] (Caecina

fluvius).

River

in Etruria,

passing

through the Volaterrae region, ancestral home of a gens of the same name (cf. Cic. Fam. 6,6,9), modern Cecina. Statio of the via Aurelia. Remains of a Roman villa (1st6th cents.) in San Vincenzino. Finds in the Museo Civico Archeologico in Cecina (Prov. Livorno). G. BEyor et al., Lo scavo della villa romana di S. Vincenzino. Rapporto 1983, in: Studi Classici e Orientali 34, 1984, 197-243; Id. et al., Lo scavo della villa romana di S. Vincenzino. Rapporto 1984, in: Rassegna di archeologia 551985, 235-344; M.C. Parra, Il museo civico, in: ASNP 16, 1986, 91-103; BICGI 5, 204-209.

GU

Caecinus (Kaixtvoc; Kaikinos). According to Paus. 6,6,4, the C. is the border river between > Locri and Rhegium, where the Athenians under — Laches [1] de-

feated the Locrians under Proxenus (Thuc. 3,103,3) in what is today Amendolea/Sicily. The Locrian fist fighter Euthymus was worshipped at a hero-shrine and regarded as the son of the river god C. (Ael. VH 8,18). NISSEN 2, 955.

name, these are not conceivable prior to the Etruscan conquest [2; 3]. ~ Exposure myths 1 G.BINDER,

Die Aussetzung des K6nigskindes,

1965,

30f. 2 A.MoMIGLIANO, Quarto Contributo, 1969, 457-460 3J.N.BREMMeER, N.M. HorsFat_t, C. and the

III. GEOGRAPHY (I

CAELESTIS

E.O.

foundation of Praeneste, in: Id., Roman Myth and Mythography, 1987, 49-62. EG.

Caedicius Name of a plebeian lineage, attestable from the 5th cent. BC (ThIL, Onom. 18f.). [1] C., L. People’s tribune in 475 BC (MRR 1, 28).

[2] C., M. allegedly heard a divine voice near the Vesta temple in 391 BC, warning him of the impending attack by the Gauls. In the same place, the sanctuary of > Aius Locutius was later erected. [3] C., Q. According to a later annalistic invention, he was a centurion, who — chosen as their leader by the Romans who had fled to Veii after the battle at the Allia — supposedly beat back an Etruscan attack (Liv. 5,46f.). [4] C., Q. (as in Cat. Orig. 83 PETER) As a military tribune in Sicily in 258 BC, he saved the Roman army from destruction, through the self-sacrifice of his troops. Other sources refer to the name as Q. > Calpurnius [I 6] Flamma or > Laberius (MRR 1,207). [5] C., Q. Consul in 256 BC, died in office (InscrIt 13,1,43).

[6] C. Nocuta, Q. Probably father of C. [5], consul in Caecosthenes

(Kaixoo0évyc; Kaikosthénés). Son of Apollonides, bronze sculptor from Athens. Eight bases from the early 2nd cent. BC are inscribed with his and his brother Dies’ signature. Some originate from portrait statues, which is why C. is usually identified as Chalcosthenes, who, according to Pliny, is supposed to have mostly sculpted statues of actors and athletes. In the Athenian Kerameikos, one could find ‘rough’ statues of gods and goddesses made of terracotta, perhaps the clay models for bronze statues. OVERBECK no. 1380-1381; LOEWY no. 113-117; 220; G.CarETTONI, EAA 4, 288; A.STEWART, Attica 1979, 103; 162. RN.

289 BC. (InscrIt 13,1,41).

K.-L.E.

Caelemontium As regio I of the Augustan division of Rome (CIL XV 7190; for the preceding period, see Varro, Ling. lat. 5, 46), C. corresponds largely with the + Caelius Mons. Its expansion probably coincided with the slopes of the hill: in the west, it bordered > the Palatine, in the east it is questionable whether the Lateran was included. To the south, its approximate boundary is marked by the modern via delle Terme di Caracalla, and to the north, it was succeeded by regio III with the later Colosseum, at about the line of the modern via dei SS. Quattro Coronati. G. GIANELLI, LTUR 1, 208-209; RICHARDSON, 61.

RF.

Caeculus Mythical founder of > Praeneste (Cato Orig. 59 Perer; Verg. Aen. 7,678-81; Serv. Aen. 7,678; Solin. 2,9, according to the libri Praenestini; Festus s.v.). Conceived from a spark of the hearth fire and thus a son of Vulcanus (or euhemeristically — according to Cato — found on a hearth), he was abandoned and brought up by his maternal uncles. He gathered shepherds around him, and with them founded the town.

Caelestis Latin name for the female counterpart of the highest Punic-Berber deity — Saturnus. The earliest iconographic portrayal, on the denarii of Q. Caecilius Metellus 47-46 BC, show C. as a lion-headed figure, genius terrae Africae (RRC 1. 472, no. 460. 4. pl. LIV). Literary sources describe her as the city goddess of Carthage; C. was also the protective goddess of Thuburbo

891

892

maius, Oea and probably of other towns; ruler of the

Caelibatus The unmarried state (caelibatus) was a significant object of social evaluation and legal regulation in Rome. In the Republican period, perhaps following early precursors as early as 403 BC (Val. Max. 2,9,1), the censor (102, not 131 BC) Q. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus spoke out against the unmarried state and childlessness in a speech to the people (Gell. NA 1,6). Augustus took this up, expressly to justify the lex Iulia de maritandis ordinibus, in the first main piece of his legislation relating to marriage (18 BC) (Liv. 59). This law made it obligatory for unmarried men between the ages of 25 and 60 and unmarried women between 20 and 50 to marry; in the case of caelibatus, their right of

CAELESTIS

stars in the heavens, and of the Earth with all its produce and its inhabitants, as well as of the Underworld; she also gives oracles [1]. Her epithets, such as aeterna and domina, are parallel to Saturnus, but she is also

called pollicatrix pluviarum (Tert. Apol. 23). Although she is a virgin like her Punic predecessor Tanit-PeneBa’al, she takes on features of maternal deities especially > Atargatis and > Cybele; seated on the lion (Apul. Met. 6,4), ritual bathing (Aug. Civ. 2,4) and the sacred dramas of Carthage (ibid. 2,26). The cult spread in Africa, especially under the Severians, but there is scarcely any evidence for it amongst the upper classes of the cities [2]. In Rome, C., whose temple was on the Capitol [3], was first introduced by Emperor

> Elagabalus

(Cass. Dio 80 (79),12; Hdn.

556,4f.) [4]

~» Juno (Caelestis); + Saturnus

Evocatio; > Atargatis;

> Cybele;

1 G-C. PIcarD, Pertinax et les prophétes de C., in: Revue de Vhistoire et des religions, 1959, 41-62 2 PA.FEvRIER, Religion et domination dans |’Afrique romaine, in: Dialoques d’histoire ancienne 2, 1976, 305— 36 3M.Guarpbucct, Nuovi documenti del culto di C.a Roma, in: BCAR 72, 1946-8,

11-25

41. MuNDLE, Dea

C. in der Religionspolitik des Septimius Severus, in: Historla 10, 1961, 228-37.

E.La Rocca, s.v. Juno C., LIMC 5.1, 837ff.; M. LeGiay, Saturne africain, 1966, 3 vols. R.G.

inheritance based on wills was withdrawn

(> cadu-

cum). The great extent to which the population policy viewpoint was decisive here can be seen from the fact that childless married people (orbi) were also restricted in their earnings to half the money. The duty to marry was expressly revoked by Constantine in 320 (Cod. Iust. 8,57,1), and the sanction on the right of inherit-

ance by Justinian in 534 (Cod. lust. 6,51,1). Christian criticism of the Augustan laws may have influenced these decisions, perhaps even a general change from a view of continued life after death — rather more related to this world — to eschatological and spiritual positions; the scant effectiveness of this type of population policy may ultimately have played a role as well. Kaser, RPR I, 320f.; S.TREGGIARI, 1991, 57-80, 2o5f.

Roman

Marriage, Gs

Caeles Vibenna see > Mastarna

Caelius Plebeian family name (in MSS frequently con-

Caelia [1] Town of the Peucetii in Apulia at the via Municia

Tranana, modern Ceglie del Campo (province of Bari). Over a length of more than 5 km encircled by a town wall. Inside, graves from the 6th/4th cents. BC; traces of centuriation. Minting in the 3rd cent. BC. (HN 46: KAIAINON). Municipium of the tribus Claudia (Str. Gages btole gener): V.Ropro,

C., 1921; M.GErRvasio,

in: Iapigia 1, 1930,

241-272; F. BIANCOFIORE, La viabilita antica, in: ASPugl 15, 1962,

230-32;

I.ALBERGO

FRucis,

Atti XI Conv.

Taranto 1971, 333-3373 Ceglie peuceta 1, 1982; BTCGI 5, 221-28.

[2] Messapian

I. REPUBLICAN

AGE

II. IMPERIAL AGE

I. REPUBLICAN AGE [I 1] C., C. praetor or propraetor in Gallia Cisalpina in 90 BC (Liv. per. 73; MRR 2,25). K.-LE. [I 2] C., C. see C. > Coelius.

[13] C., M. People’s tribune in the 2nd cent. BC, against whom Cato — perhaps as censor in 184 BC— directed a speech (ORF I# 46-48) [xz. 86]. 1 A.E. AsTIN, Cato the Censor, 1978.

town in Calabria Romana

(Plin. HN

3,101), modern Ceglie Messapico (province of Brindisi). Town wall (c. 5 km), inside graves from the 6th to

3rd cents. BC; Iapygian pottery from the 8th/7th cents. BC at the farmstead of San Pietro. Dedication to Aphrodite from the grotto of Monte Vicoli. Epigraphical kailomaidihi. P.Coco, Ceglie Messapica, 1937; P. LocoROTONDO, C. Messapica,

fused with > Coelius), attested from the 2nd cent. BC. (ThIL, Onom. 24-26).

1963;

G.MAGNOo,

Storia

di C. Messapica,

1967; C.SANTORO, Nuovi studi messapici 2, 1983, 104— 106; G.UcceERI, La viabilita romana, 1983, 129-30; BTCGI 5, 228-32. GU.

K.-L.E.

[14] C. Rufus, M. Descendant of an equestrian family in Picenum, born c. 88 BC (MRR 3, 44). At the beginning of his political activities, he was friends with Catilina (Cic. Cael. ro-14) and later with Clodius, with whose sister > Clodia [1] C. had a relationship after her break with the poet Catullus (who referred to her under the pseudonym of Lesbia). In April 56 BC, C. was put on trial for political insurrection (de vi). Cicero defended him successfully [1. 13 4f.]. Along with Cicero’s extensive correspondence from 51 to 49 BC (Cic. Fam. 2,8— 16; 8,1-17), his extant speech is the most important source for the life of C; however, many of its statements (such as those about Clodia) have little credibility. As

893

894

people’s tribune of 52 BC, C. also supported > Annius Milo, the murderer of Clodius (Cic. Mil. 91). In 50 BC, C. became aedilis, and praetor in 48 BC. Initially, C. had put his trust in Caesar, but felt disappointed by him; following his suspension from office, he attempted — in conjunction with Milo — to start an uprising in Campania, in the process of which he was killed in March 48 (MRR 2, 273).

compilation from numerous sources: a book of recipes and dishes, a part of Apicius’ text De condituris, prescriptions from a medical text, and also recipes translated from the Greek. The Greek titles of the ten books

1 ALEXANDER, Trials.

J.-M. Davip, Le patronat judiciaire au dernier siécle de la République romain, 1992, 856-858; M.H. DerrenHoFER, Perdita Juventus, 1992, 79-99, 136-164. WW,

II. IMPERIAL AGE {II 1] C. Calvinus. cos. suff. prior to becoming governor of Cappadocia in AD 184 (CIL III 6052 =ILS 394; PIR* C 125). Perhaps related to [II 9]. {II 2] C. (Calvinus) Balbinus, D. = Imperator Caesar D.C. Calvinus Balbinus see Balbinus. [II 3] C. Cursor. Roman eques, condemned by the Senate in AD 21 on the basis of false accusations (Tac. Ann. 35371).

[II 4] C. Faustinus, M. Cos. suff. in AD 206 (RMD 3, 189).

{II 5] C. Felix. Consul, who was killed by Commodus (SHA Comm. 7,6).

[Il 6] C. (= Coelius) Honoratus, C. Senator, who, following a lengthy praetorian career, became procos. Cypri inc. AD ro1/2 and in 105 cos. suff. (IGR 3, 970; AE 1975, 836. 836 up to) [I. 46; 2. 336]. {MI 6a] P. C. Optatus. Praetorian legate of the legio III Augusta in Africa in AD 166; cos. suff. presumably immediately afterwards, 167 or 168. THOMASSON, Fasti Africani, 156; P. We1ss, Neue Flotten-

CAELIUS

— Epimeles, Sarcoptes, Cepuros, Pandecter, Ospreon,

Trophetes, Politeles, Tetrapous, Thalassa, Halieus —

probably reflect the continuous alterations which the book was subjected to through the integration of new recipes. J. ANDRE, Apicius, L’art culinaire, texte, traduction et commentaire, 1974; R. Mater, M. Gavius Apicius, De re

coquinaria, Uber die Kochkunst, ed., trans. and comm., 1991. P.S.-P.

[If 11] C. Aurelianus. Physician from Sicca Veneria.

Nothing is known about his life, not even the dates of his birth and death; however, a comparison with Cassius Felix indicates that C. was active somewhat earlier, i.e. around AD 400 [1; 2]. Three of his works are extant in Latin: two fragments of the Medicinalium Responsionum libri III, dealing with dietary aspects, a large part of his Gynaecia, as well as a work in eight volumes on acute and chronic illnesses — the most comprehensive nosological text surviving from antiquity. In addition, he corresponded in Greek with Praetextatus (Morb. chron. 2,1,60); however, these letters have been lost. C. was a Methodist. In content as well as structure, the majority of his work was closely modelled on Soranus of Ephesus (active around AD roo), whom he quoted at length —e.g. in Morb. ac. 2,1,8 —, and whose authority he regarded as unimpeachable. Nevertheless, C. was no uncritical translator or compiler. Thus, he pointed to inadequacies in the provision of information in his source material (e.g., Morb. ac. 2,31,163), had recourse to the

diplome fiir Thraker aus Antoninus Pius’ spaten Jahren,

general basic convictions

in: ZPE 139, 2002, 219-226.

dressed subject areas in his own works that Soranus does not mention, such as a chronic form of catalepsy (Morb. chron. 2,5,86). His nosological material is carefully structured. Normally, his presentation of an illness starts with a definition—a procedure of which Soranus disapproved (Morb. ac. 2,31,163), but which was customary in other works on acute and chronic diseases, for instance those by > Aretaeus and those in the

W.E.

[fl 7] C. (Rufus), C. Cos. suff. in 4 BC [3. 5]. [fl 8] C. Rufus, C. Praetor aerarii in AD 13, and cos. ord. AD 17 (PIR? C 141). [II 9] C. Secundus, C. Cos. suff. in AD 157 (RMD 3, 170; CIL XVI 106); in 159 curator operum publicorum (G@UOWIESI57 Aad 577t-l) vet. Co len] 1FOst

2 W.Eck, in: Chiron 12, 1982

4 W.Eck, in: Kélner Jb. 26, 1993.

3 DEGRASSI, FC W.E.

[If 10] C. Apicius. The name given by humanists to the author of the Roman cookbook from the 4th cent., which was perhaps entitled De opsoniis et condimentis sive de re culinaria libri decem, ‘Food and Spices’ or ‘About the art of cooking, in ten books’. Quite possibly the work also contained recipes by M. Gavius (Apicius), a rich gourmet, who lived at the time of Tiberius. Gavius spared no expense and effort in his meals, and created a great number of his own recipes for meals and sauces; according to Seneca (Dial. 12,10,9), he would have rather poisoned himself than restricted his lifestyle. The collection ascribed to C. Apicius represents a

of all Methodists,

and ad-

+ Anon. Parisinus; in that context, C. sometimes also

puts dissenting views for discussion. This is followed by a list of the disease’s symptoms — differentiating carefully between those of the disease in question and those of related diseases — emphasizing those which are decisive for the diagnosis, followed by therapeutic suggestions. é As a physiologist and pathologist, C. was a dedicated Methodist, who upheld the doctrine of a human body constructed from atoms and pores of variable widths. As a therapist, however, he was manifestly more open-minded, and paid regard to remedies used by Hippocrates or by empiricists such as Heraclides of Tarentum. However, there is not a single reference to Galen. C.’s Latin is stylistically demanding and not

895

896

always easy to understand. He frequently used tautological expressions, especially in his translations from Greek, and also coined his own words, which he employed to achieve a higher degree of differentiation [3; 4] The sheer size of De morb. combined with its difficult style may therefore have been the reason why this text was soon replaced by simpler and briefer therapeutic advice. > Cassius Felix; > Galen; > Gynaecology; > Heracli-

conduits across the CM: the aqua Appia, aqua Marcia, and aqua Iulia underground, and the aqua Claudia ona substruction of arches.

CAELIUS

des of Tarentum; > Methodists; > Soranus 1M. WELLMANN, s.v. C., RE 3, 1256-1258 Studien zu C.A. und Cassius Felix, 1964

2G.BENDz, 3 P.SCHMID,

Contributions a la critique du texte de C.A., 4 G. BENDZ, Caeliana, 1943. Epitions:

1529

J.SicHart,

Morb.

chr.

(editio

1942

princeps),

J.GurinTERIUS, Morb. ac., ed. pr., 1533

Graeca I], 1870, 161-240.

LITERATURE:

T.MEYER-STEINEG,

LTUR

1, 208-211;

RICHARDSON,

61-63. RF.

[2] modern Kellmiinz. Late-Roman fort (0,86 ha.) of the cohors III Herculea Pannoniorum, in a topographically favourable location about 35 m above the river Iller. Built under Diocletian at the earliest in AD 297, it probably existed until the mid 5th cent. H.-J. KELLNER, Kellmiinz, in: W.Czsyz, FiscHER,

H.-J. KELLNER

(ed.),

Die

K.Dierz, TH.

Romer

in Bayern,

1995, 461f.; M. MACKENSEN, Das spatrom. Grenzkastell Caelius Mons-Kellmiinz, 1995. K.DI.

I.E.

DRABKIN (ed. and Engl. trans.), 1950 G.BENDzZ, I. PAPE (ed. and Germ. trans.), CML 6.1, 1990-1993 -F.Z. ERMERINS, Gynaecia (editio princeps), 1869 M.F. und I.E. DRaBKIN (ed. and Engl. trans.), 1951 V.ROseE, Medicinales responsiones (editio princeps), Anecdota SECONDARY

G. GIANELLI,

Das

medizinische System der Methodiker, 1916 J. PIGEAUD, Pro Caelio Aureliano, in: MemPalerne 1982, 105-118 P.H. ScurijveERS, Eine medizinische Erklarung der mannlichen Homosexualitat aus der Ant., (C.A. De morb.

chron. 4,9), 1985 A.RosELLI, Le Responsiones medicinales di C.A., in: MemPalerne 1991, 75-86. V.N.

Caelus, Caelum Translation of the Greek — Uranus

(‘Heaven’). The genealogy of C. (Cic. Nat. D. 2,63.3,44; Hyg. Fab. praef. 2) corresponds with some variations to that in Hesiod. Varro (Ling. 5,57) named C. and Terra as the oldest ofthe deities. C. had no cult in Rome; inscriptions venerating him as aeternus (CIL VI 181-84; cf. also Vitr. 1,2,5) refer to foreign cults [1]. Graphically, C. is portrayed as a bearded man holding a garment above his head in the shape of an arch, as for example on the breast plate of the statue of Augustus of Prima Porta [2]. 1 Gi Wissowa,)s.v. Cl RE 3; 1277 s.v. Ouranos, LIMC 7.2, 92 (no. 4).

2 TRAN TAM TINH, RB.

Caelius Mons [1] Hill in Rome, c. 2 km long, 400-500 m high. Although Caelius Mons (CM) is counted amongst the oldest of the city’s hills (Dion. Hal. 2,50,1; Tac. Ann.

Caenae

4,563 11,24), its largest part was outside the > pomerium. Even though graves were still sited there in the Republican age, the area later developed into a fashion-

Zab; according to Xen. An. 2,4,28 a large, flourishing

able residential district (Cic. Off. 3,16,66; Plin. HN 36,48; Tac. Ann. 4,64); in the Imperial Age, when the

slopes of the Esquilin and the Colosseum were built up with insulae, the fashionable district moved to the upper part of the hill. The last of the Severi built a new imperial villa, the sessorium, on the eastern slopes ofthe hill, below the modern church of S. Croce in Gerusa-

(Kawai; Kainai). Settlement on the western

bank of the Tigris close to the confluence of the Lower polis; cf. also Kavat in Steph. Byz.; its identity with the Neo-Assyrian Kannw’ near Assur is doubtful, see [1]. In the Bible it is attested as Kanné(h) (Ez 27,23) and located near Tekrit [2]. Its etymology is unclear; perhaps it is related to Aramaic ganna, ‘wall’. 1 F.R. WeissBacn,

s.v. Kawai, RE ro, 1508

2 ReaD:

BARNETT, Xenophon and the Wall of Media, in: JHS 73, 1963, 25.

K.KE.

lemme. In the 4th cent. AD, some of the most important

noble families owned properties on the via Caelimon-

Caeneus (Katvevc¢; Kainetis, Lat. Caeneus). The name

tana (Symmachus Ep. 3,12,2; 3,88,1; 7,18 1; CIL 6, 1699, 1782; SHA Tric. Tyr. 25,4). The Constantinian

of a Lapith ruler, father of the Argonaut > Coronus. In early Greek mythology, this figure is clearly only connected to centauromachy. Because C. is invulnerable, the + Centaurs destroy him by ramming him into the earth with trees and stones (first recorded by Pind. fr. 167). His story is later elaborated on whereby C. was originally a girl (Lat. Caenis) who was raped by Poseidon and then requests that he change her into a man

regionaries list 7 vici, 127 domus and 3,600 insulae. In the early Imperial Age, the dominant public buildings were the temple of Claudius on the highest elevation in the west of the CM (Suet. Vesp. 9), the macellum magnum (CIL VI 9183; ILS 9432); later on, there were

also several military barracks: the statio cohortis V vigilum (CIL VI 221, 222, 1058) within the villa Caelimontana (Mattei), in Trajanic times the castra peregrina

near S. Stefano Rotondo, and in the early Severian period the castra equitum singularium, to which the houses of the /aterani near S. Giovanni in Laterano had to give way (SHA Mare. 1,7). There were four water

(schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1.57-64a; Ov. Met. 12.169~209;

459-535). F. Boer, P. Ovidius Naso, Metamorphosen B. 12-13, 1982, 62-64; E.LAuFER, K. Stud. zur Ikonographie, 1985.

EV.

897

898

Caeni (Kawoi; Kainoz). Thracian tribe between Astae

Caere (Kouwgéa; Kairéa, “Ayvika; Agylla, Etruscan Cisra). Town in southern Etruria (c. 150 ha.) on a tuff

and Corpili in the region of the Paeti (Hdt. 7,110 Arr. Anab. 1,11,4). After the fall of the Odrysean kingdom, the C. were located in the area east of the river Hebrus spreading to the coasts of the Propontis and the Aegean Sea. The province Caenica at the lower reaches of the river Hebrus was named after this tribe (Plin. HN 4,47; Ptol. 3,11,6). In 188 BC, the C. followed the advice of Philip V and attacked the baggage train of Cn. Manlius Volso loaded with the Galatian booty in a place west of Cypsela (Liv. 38,40,7-9). Attalus II defeated Diegylis, king of the C., son of Zibelmius (Diod. Sic. 34,12; Str. 13,4,2). A.Fou,

Trakija

i Balkanite

prez

epoha, 1975, 86.

ranno-elinisti¢eskata

Lw.B.

Caenina Town in Latium, probably near Antemnae, inhabited by Siculi and Aborigines; legend has it that Romulus captured and destroyed the town, then ruled by King Acro; Romulus was also supposedly the first to sacrifice > spolia opima to Jupiter Feretrius. There is documentary evidence for the Caeninenses sacerdotes in imperial Rome, but the town itself had disappeared at the latest by the time of Pliny the Elder (HN 3,68). NISSEN, 2, 560; RUGGIERO, 2, 10.

G.U.

Caenus (Kaivuc; Kainys). The Italian foothills (modern Punta del Pezzo), from where the shortest distance be-

tween the mainland and Sicily (— Pelorias) across the — fretum Siculum was measured (Str. 6,1,5: 6 stades; Thuc. 6,1: 20 stades; Plin. HN 3,73: 12 stades; ibid. 86: 1.5 miles —the modern measurement is about 3.2 km). NISSEN, vol. 2, 962.

E.O.

Caepio [1] A.C. Crispinus. Quaestor in Pontus-Bithynia under the proconsul Granius Marcellus, against whom he raised charges of high treason before the Senate in AD 15 (Tac. Ann. 1,74). The urn with his ashes was found in the ‘Tomb of the Platorini’ (CIL VI 31762) [1. 4rff., Salle [2] A. C. Crispinus. Cos. suff. in an unknown year (RIRAECin5 0):

[3] Ti. C. Hispo. Cos. suff. perhaps in AD rot or 102; also mentioned in Plin. Ep. 4,9,16 (PIR* C 151) [2. 482;

Bo UaOuelk —» Galeo Tettienus Severus 1 PF.SILVESTRINI, Sepulcrum Marci Artori Gemini, 1987, 4iff. 2Syme,RP7 3 Saromres, Nomenclature,1992.

CAERELLIUS

plain in the north-east of which lies what is now Cerveteri. Founded by the Pelasgians (Plin. HN 3,51; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,20; 3,583 Str. 5,2,3; Steph. Byz. s.v. K.), C. demonstrates a pattern of development that stretches from the oldest necropoleis in Sorbo (from the Iron Age via an orientalizing phase — cf. Regolini Galassi tomb —to the sth cent. BC) and the Cava della Pozzolana (late Villanova Culture) to those of the Banditaccia and the Monte Abatone (7th-3rd cents. BC),

with a change in tomb architecture from subterranean tomb chambers covered with tumuli via cube-shaped tombs, palazzetto tombs, to a layout connected by a road system and finally to tomb passageways dug into the tuff. C.’s special position in the western Mediterranean led to the rich artistic production between 700 and 550 (wrought iron art, vase painting, gold work, ivory working). In 540 BC C. fought at Alalia together with the Carthaginians against the Phocaeans (Hdt. 1,167); on this occasion consultation of the Oracle in Delphi where C. had a thesauros (Str. 5,2,3). In 509 BC Tarquinius Superbus is said to have found refuge in C. (Liv. 1,60,2). Because of the help given to the Romans during the Gaul attack, C. received in 386 BC the hospitium publicum and the civitas sine suffragio (Liv. § 540,103 50,35 7520525 Plut. Camillus 2a; Str. 5.2533 Val. Maxs 1,1,10; Gell) NAUx6,13;) Schol Hore Epist: 1,6,62). After a war (357-353) together with Tarquinia and the Falisci against Rome (Liv. 7,19,6; 20,8), C.

again restored good relations with Rome until C. once again rose up against Rome and in 293 or 273 BC lost

half its territory (Liv. 7,19,6; Cass. Dio fr. 33). A short flourishing in the Augustan period was unable to prevent the decline of C. Its inhabitants, finally threatened by barbarians and Saracens, moved inland to Ceri. M.Sorpt, I rapporti romano-ceriti e l’origine della civitas sine suffragio, 1960; M. CrisToFANI, BT'CGI 1987, 251266; M. BALDONI, Cerveteri, Atlante storico delle citta italiane, 1989. S.B.

Caerellius [1] Q.C. Eques from a provincial town; in AD 238, Censorinus dedicated De die natali to him (PIR* C156).

[2] Q.C. (= Cerellius) Apollinaris. Praetorian tribune who, after serving twice as procurator, is attested as praef. vigilum in AD 212 (CIL VI 1063 = ILS 2178). Admitted

to the ordo senatorius

(AE 1969/70,

193:

funerary inscription) [1. 59ff.5 2. 230]. [3] C.C. Fufidius Annius Ravus Pollittianus. Senator, quaestor candidatus under Caracalla, procos. Macedoniae probably under Severus Alexander (PIR* C 157)

[3. 303f.] [4] C. Priscus. Senator under Marcus Aurelius, rose to

Caeratus (Kaioatoc; Kairatos). River on Crete. On its

western bank lies > Cnossus, occasionally also referred to as C. (Str. 10,4,8; Callim. H. 3,44; Eust. in Dionys. Per. 498). M.S. F. Hoop, D.Smytu, Archaeological Survey of the Knossos Area, *1981.

H.SO.

the position of consular governor of Britannia (fr. Vat. 244; CIL XIII 6806) [4. 409ff.]. [5] C.C. Sabinus. Legionary legate in Dacia between AD 183 and 185, praetorian legate of Raetia, father of Co BI (BIR CG seg |e 2B Gael

CAERELLIUS 1 PFLAUM 3 LEUNISSEN

900

899 2 HALFMANN, in: Chiron 12, 1982 4 DieTz, in: Chiron 19, 1989 5 Piso.

1J.M. Hemetrijk, Caeretan Hydriae, 1984 IsLER, in: Gnomon 59, 1987, 721-731

Palle

(review).

M.A. R1zzo, Una nuova hydria ceretana ed altri prodotti della ceramografia arcaica d’Etruria, in: BdA 56-57,

Caeretan hydriae A collection of hydriae (about 40 have been documented to date), dating from 530-510 BC, from a workshop which was presumably located in Caere, the main finding place; the term Caeretan hydriae (CH) was coined by C. HUMANN and O, PucHSTEIN [1. 198]. After they were for many years consid-

ered to be of Etruscan or Corinthian origin, they are now regarded as the work of immigrant eastern Greek master potters, a view supported by Ionian signatures [1. 46f., no. 30]. CH are wide vessels, with a maximum height of 45 cm, concave circular feet, heavy bodies, as well as broad, concave

necks and bulbous

mouths.

1989, 1-16; E.S1mon, Die griech. Vasen, *1981, pl. XX,

41-43.

M.ST.

Caerius (Kaiguoc; Kairios). Tragedian who, according

to DID A 3b, 55, won once at the Lenaea, probably in 2/51 DG: MeTTE, 183; IrGF 82.

FP.

Caesar I. Historicat

II. Lirrrary

IJ. Historica. IN-

FLUENCE

They are frequently poorly fired. The foot, the interior of the mouth, and the point, where the handles are at-

tached to the side of the vessel, are always painted with coloured tongue friezes, and a palmette is located underneath the vertical handle. The neck is adorned with separate ornaments or an ornamental frieze, especially ivy chains and lotus-palmette friezes; to date, only one bucranium has been found [t. 37ff., no. 21]. The paintwork of the body is always divided into four zones: the shoulder with tongue or ivy friezes, painted figures, then an ornamental zone (usually lotus-palmette friezes; an exception is the frieze of figures of the CH [r. soff., no. 34]), and finally a ray pattern. The figurative paintwork on the facing side always shows movement, that on the reverse frequently heraldic arrangements. Ornaments and figurative images of the CH are very colourful and rich in detail. Red, black, and

white are generously used. As HEMELRIJK recognized, the figurative images can be attributed to two artists; quite correctly, though, his distinction between potters and ornamental painters has not prevailed [2. 702]. The leading master and probably also founder of the workshop is the Eagle Painter (named after his harechasing eagles) [1.67], who painted 32 of the CH. More remarkable even than his pictures of everyday life (such as hunting and chariot racing) or his heraldic compositions (depicting horses, riders, sphinxes) are his rich mythological images: the familiar deeds of Hercules, or Europa on the bull, but also ingenious scenes such as Hermes as a cow thief [1. roff., no. 3] or Cetus,

accompanied i.a. by a seal [1. 45ff., no. 29; Coll. Niarchos]. The drawing style of the Eagle Painter is both precise and powerful. In addition to CH, he also painted an alabastron, depicting Hercules with Pholus and a circle of dancing women [t. 201]. The Busiris Painter (named after the CH [1. 46f., no. 30] showing Hercules and — Busiris) worked on a larger scale. He preferred the deeds of Hercules (four of his five mythological images), otherwise scenes of hunting and chariot racing. One of the CH [r. 46f. no. 30] appears to have been a collaboration of both painters. The ingenious and delightful CH led on to neck amphoras painted in stripes.

I. HisTORICAL A. YOUTH AND EARLY CAREER B. FROM QUAESTOR TO CONSUL C. THE WARIN GAUL D. THE Civit War E. THE FINAL MONTHS

A. YOUTH AND EARLY CAREER C. Iulius Caesar was born in roo BC on the 13th of Quintilis (from 44 BC: Tulius/July); his mother was Aurelia, a daughter of L. Aurelius Cotta (cos. 119 BC; [1. 327]). His father became praetor in 92 BC, and died 85 BC. Nothing is known of C.’s childhood and early youth. As it was the custom for the Roman aristocracy, C., too, presumably spent his first years in the care of his mother, followed between the ages of 7 and r5 by elementary schooling and grammatical tuition (Greek and Latin literature, basic rhetorics). His private tutor was M. Antonius Gnipho, a freedman who had received rhetorical training in Alexandria. In 84 BC, C. was designated for the office of flamen Dialis and, as a nephew of Marius, he was married to Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna. His daughter Iulia, his only child from a legitimate marriage and later to become the wife of > Pompeius, was born in 83 BC (or 76 [2. 19]). > Sulla’s victory in Noy. 82 BC endangered the career, but not the life of the young C. Sulla allegedly demanded that he divorce Cornelia, but C. refused and left Rome. In 80 BC, he entered as an officer the service of the governor of Asia, M. Minucius Thermus, a dedicated follower of

the dictator. He took part in the storming of Miletus, and for his bravery was awarded the corona civica. In 78 BC, under the command of the proconsul of Cilicia, P. Servilius Vatia, C. was involved in a naval campaign against piracy, but his period of military probation came to an end with Sulla’s death in that same year. Back in Rome, he attempted to make his name as a jurist and orator. He raised lawsuits against two of Sulla’s leading politicians; although they were unsuccessful, they established his fame as a legal orator. In 75 BC, while travelling to the East — for the purpose of studying rhetorics with the Rhodian grammarian and rhetorics teacher > Apollonius and also probably some financial dealings in the familiar province of Asia—, he

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Roman allies

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Battle, skirmish Attack Roman victory

Greek towns

Roman defeat

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CAESAR

903

was taken captive by pirates. This episode is one of the best known in C.’s life, and thus anecdotally embellished. After some weeks of imprisonment, he was released following the payment of a ransom; he then pursued the pirates, and personally authorized their crucifixions. In 74 BC, he took part in the war against Mithridates, and in the following year, he was co-opted to the college of pontifices in Rome. For approximately the same period, his presence in the Spartan harbour of Gytheum (action against pirates?) is established by an inscription (Syll.3 748); whether he —as a military tribune — also participated in the fight against Spartacus (73-71 BC), is not known (mention of servilis tumultus in Caes. B Gall. 1,40,5). Sources: [2. 17-23]. B. FROM QUAESTOR TO CONSUL

C.’s political ascent began in 69 BC, the year that both his wife Cornelia and his aunt Julia — > Marius’ widow — died. In that same year, he served in south-

western Spain as military quaestor to the propraetor Antistius [I 16] Vetus (MRR 2, 132). In 67 BC, he mar-

ried Pompeia, a granddaughter of Sulla. In the Senate, he gave his full support to the lex Gabinia and lex Manilia (66 BC), designed to grant extraordinary powers to Pompey in his fight against piracy and also in the Mithridatic war in the east. In 67 BC, C. had been elected curator of the via Appia, followed in 65 BC by the curule aedileship. In his new office, he financed animalbaiting and expensive gladiatorial games, which increased his popularity, but also incurred him Rome’s largest debts. Into this period also fell the unsuccessful attempted coup by P. Autronius and P. Cornelius Sulla, who had been elected as consuls for 65 BC, but subsequently convicted for electoral corruption. The later accusation of C.’s involvement in this plot is probably no more than defamation from his consular period. However, C. seemed to have developed closer political links with > Crassus —

who, too, was suspected of

904 praetors of 62 BC — to exert some influence on subsequent investigations. After that turmoil subsided, C. became embroiled in a further scandal towards the end of his period of office. P. + Clodius Pulcher had unlawfully visited and thus disturbed the exclusively female cultic festival of Bona Dea, which had been organized by Pompeia on 5 December 62 BC. As Pompeia’s husband, C. felt his position compromised and divorced her. However, Clodius’ impending trial on account of religious impropriety together with complaints by his own creditors prevented him as propraetor from making a quick departure to his province in 61 BC. Only after Crassus vouched for him, was C. able to depart for Hispania ulterior. A successful campaign against the Lusitani gained him important military experience, war-booty to cover his debt, as well as the approval of a triumphal procession (later thwarted by Cato). In 60 BC, he returned to Rome, and was successful in the consular elections; however, mutual political problems at the end of that year led him into a secret alliance with Pompey and Crassus, later known as the (First) Triumvirate. The common denominator which they had agreed upon (there should be no political action which was disadvantageous to one of the three), was, however, the narrowest imaginable and formed no basis for longer-term politics. Upon taking up his consular office on 1 January 59 BC — against the opposition of the majority of the Optimates and also that of his colleague in office, Calpurnius Bibulus, who was soon to be reduced to politics of obstruction—C. pushed through the Senate, in rapid succession and not always by entirely legal means, a series of planned laws, namely: two leges agrariae, aimed to relieve contemporary rural poverty; a law reducing the tithe for the province of Asia — favouring Crassus’ clientele, the publicani, as well as gaining C. great speculative profit through share certificates (partes) in the tax leases of that province -; a bill to ratify

complicity —, with whom he also sided in the Catiline

Pompey’s reforms in the east, and another to recognize

conspiracy (63 BC). In 63 BC, C. was elected praetor, and, against much more influential candidates, ponti-

Ptolemy XII as king of Egypt. Finally, a bill introduced by his confidant Vatinius, tribunus plebis in 59 BC, presented C. for his proconsulate with the lucrative provinces of Gallia Cisalpina and IIlyricum; under pressure, the Senate in the end rounded these off with Gallia Transalpina. Later there also followed a repetundae law and the lex Vatinia de colonia Comum deducenda (for these, see [3. 387-393]). C.’s consular year did not pass

fex maximus with the help of generous financial backing; however, he put his newly gained reputation at risk by his obscure attitude to the second Catiline conspiracy, an affair of the state much exaggerated by Cicero. It is not known exactly what connections C. had with > Catilina, but no one in Rome, least of all Cicero, seriously doubted that they existed. C. decided that attack was his best defence, and was the only speaker in the session of the Senate in which the fate of the conspirators— who by then had been taken into custody— was being decided to plead against the death penalty. Although he was only an aedile, he very nearly succeeded in changing the Senate’s mind. It was only a great speech by > Cato the Younger, who was to become C.’s bitterest opponent, that finally swayed the Senate’s vote in favour of execution. C. could console himself with the fact that he had well established himself as a popularis; he was also able — as one of the

without further scandal either. Vettius, a professional denouncer (ille noster index, Cic. Att. 2,24,2), accused

various optimates of participating in an (entirely fictitious) conspiracy against Pompey. His accusations were

transparent: they were a rather clumsy attempt at isolating disagreeable opponents of the triumviri. But before he could name any of his instigators, he was strangled in prison. At the end of his consulate, C. had obviously achieved a great many of his goals, but also made many enemies. The legality of his laws was called in question; whilst he, as proconsul, enjoyed immunity within his provinces, he was threatened by lawsuits in

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Rome. The Civil War of 49 BC had its roots in C.’s

D. THE CrviL WAR When C. left Rome in March 58 BC, it was almost his final farewell to the city. In the remaining years of his life, he was to stay in Rome for less than one year in total. After his victory in the Civil War, it was no longer the politician who returned, but the military commander. In his absence from Rome, C. was dependent upon the support of other politicians; however, the more successful he became, the less he could rely on his fellow triumviri. In negotiations in Ravenna and Luca in 56 BC, though, they managed once more to restore unity: Crassus and Pompey took on the consulate for the following year, and were respectively awarded the proyinces of Syria and both Spains; C.s imperium was renewed. However, Iulia’s death in 54 BC severed the last remaining bond between C. and his son-in-law, and when a year later Crassus died fighting the Parthians, everything headed towards a duel between Pompey and C. for the highest position in the Republic. Pompey offered himself in Rome as a guarantor of that very order, to which he himself in the long run presented the most profound threat. When civil unrest broke out in Rome after the murder of Clodius on 18 January 52 BC —in the course of which the curia, too, was burnt down —, the Senate appointed Pompey consul sine collega. From then on, — in alliance with C.’s opponents in the Senate — it was Pompey’s main aim, though never openly acknowledged, to recall the proconsul from Gaul. C. received skilful support from the people’s tribunes Scribonius Curio and M. Antonius, but even they

CAESAR

consular year ten years earlier. (Sources: [2. 24-91];

MRR 2, 132, 136, 158, 173, 180, 184f., 187f.).

C. THE WAR IN GAUL C. arrived in Genava/Geneva during the latter half of March 58 BC. While still in consular office, C. had already made preparations for a war in Gaul for the double purpose of increasing his dignitas and replenishing his empty coffers. The lex Vatinia had granted him three legions, the Senate added a fourth. Subsequently, that number even rose to ten. C.’s enemies in Rome viewed his politics with suspicion. He was not authorized to lead the conquest of Gaul — his true desire —, and thus he required a special cause to justify his intervention in independent Gaul. He believed he found it in the attempt by the Helvetii to emigrate to the Atlantic coast. The first book of the Bellum Gallicum contains a brilliant mixture of justification and display of his military achievements of 58 BC. In one summer (April-September), C. conducted two separate campaigns, in which he succeeded in forcing the Helvetians back to their original settlements, and the Germanic king and military leader > Ariovistus out of Upper Alsace, as well as in establishing himself in south-eastern Gaul. The justification for his offensive was the same in both cases: to defend Rome’s allies (> Haedui) and to avert acute danger from the provinces, indeed from Rome itself. In 57 BC, C. extended his conquests in the north and north-west of Gaul. At the end of July, he defeated the tribe of the > Nervii at the Sambre (Sabis) ina battle involving heavy losses (for a magnificent self-portrayal, see B Gall. 2,16—28), and his armies advanced into Brittany and Normandy. 56 BC saw the occupation of south-western Aquitania, and victories over the seafaring nations of the Veneti, Menapii, and Morini. The conquest of Gaul seemed more or less complete. In the summer of 55 BC, C. crossed the Rhine (at Neuwied ?) on a pile bridge, in order to demonstrate Roman presence to the Germans (second crossing of the Rhine in 53 BC); he also went on an exploratory expedition to the south coast of Britain. In 54 BC, the actual invasion followed. This expensive venture, hailed with no small degree of propaganda, was disappointing in its results. Instead, from the winter of 54/53 BC, new revolts in Gaul endangered all previous achievements. It was only then that the bloodiest years of the war began. At the hands of + Ambiorix, the leader of the Eburones, whose guerilla tactics were difficult to counter, C. suffered his most sensitive defeat ( Aurunculeius [3]). When the resistance of the Eburones was finally broken, C. was confronted with > Vercingetorix, an opponent, who knew how to unite most of the Gallic tribes behind him. Despite his defeat at the hil! fort of Gergovia, C. still managed in one last great effort to encircle the Gauls in Alesia and to ward off the approach of their relieving army. When Alesia fell (cf. map), the war was effectively over, even though some minor skirmishes continued until 51 BC. (Sources and chronology [4. 66-114]).

were powerless against the Senate. C.’s willingness to compromise was in vain. On 7 January 49 BC, he re-

ceived the Senate’s ultimatum, ordering him to demobilize his legions. C. resolved to march on Rome. In the night of ro to rz January, C. went in armour across the river Rubico, the southern border of Gallia

Cisalpina; thus began the Civil War, which initially lasted until 45 BC, but continued after C.’s death along new fronts until 3 1 BC (battle of Actium). C. started the war for the sake of his dignitas, but, because the re-

sources of even the rich provinces had long been exhausted, it became a last great redistribution battle of the republican aristocracy. C. seized the initiative, both militarily and propagandistically (clementia Corfiniensis). On 21 February, Corfinium in the north-east fell, the majority of the senators left Rome, and Pompey left Italy on 17 March. C. did not pursue those who were fleeing, but turned to Spain, where seven legions loyal to Pompey were stationed. On 2 August, he was victorious at Ilerda, and thus banished the danger of a military encirclement. After a detour to Rome, where he had elections held, he crossed over to Epirus on 5 January 48 BC. A lengthy positional war commenced at Dyrrhachium. On 9 August, the opponents finally met each other in open battle at Pharsalus in Thessaly. C.’s experience of the Gallic campaigns paid off: he gained the upper hand, Pompey fled to Egypt, where he was murdered only a few days before C.’s arrival, (2.10.). In the Egyptian dispute over the throne, C. supported > Cleo-

909

910

patra. Street battles broke out in course of which parts of the famous Only after reinforcements of fresh did C. gain control of the situation.

not delight me’, wrote Cicero (Att. 15,4,3), ‘(in any case), he would never have come back’. (for C.’s last year, see [6; 7; 8; 9 passim]). How C. is judged, changes

Alexandria, in the library burnt down. troops had arrived, At the beginning of June, he set off for Rome, and on the 23rd of that month, Cleopatra bore him a son, Caesarion. On his march through Asia Minor, C. was confronted by Pharnaces II at Zela (2.8.). It was to become C.’s fastest victory (veni, vidi, vici: Plut. Caes. 50,3). C. arrived in Rome in early October, but by the end of December, he was already back on his way to Africa, where his senatorial opponents had recruited new legions. On 6 April 46 BC, C. won victory at Thapsus, and a little later the most uncompromising of his enemies, Cato the Younger, committed suicide in Utica. After his return to Rome, C. celebrated no fewer than four triumphs, before he set off again for Spain at the beginning of November to fight the last battle of the Civil War. His opponents were the sons of Pompey; C. defeated them at Munda on 17 March 45 BC [5. 148-193]. (Sources:

[2. 179-251])

CAESAR

with the spirit of the times: his personality can be venerated or demystified. He can be held up as a grand outsider, or denigrated as the liquidator of the republican aristocracy, acclaimed as the executor of the Universal Spirit or degraded as a great inquisitor; however, there is one achievement— albeit not an intentional one — which no one can deny C.: it was he who razed to the ground the structures, upon whose ruins the new edifice, the Augustan principate, was to be built. 1 Miinzer' 3Roronpi

2M.GELZER, C., °1960, 4S.L.UTrscHENKO, C.,1982

repr. 1983 5 W.WILL,

J.C., 1992 6A.ALFOLDI, Studien iber C.s Monarchie, 1953. 7H.Bruuns, C. und die r6m. Oberschichten in den Jahren 49-44 v.Chr., 1978 8 M.JEHNE, Der Staat des Dictators C., 1987 9 F.VitTTINGHOFF, R6m. Kolonisation und Burgerrechtspolitik unter C. und Augustus, 1952. E. BapIAn, C.’s Cursus and the Intervals between Offices,

in: JRS 49, 1959, 81-89; J.P. V. D. Batspon, J.C. and

E. THE FINAL MONTHS After the fall of Corfinium, C. faced no more opposition in the capital. His followers filled the Senate (from 45 BC: 900 seats), and divided amongst themselves the vacated positions within the magistrate (from 45 BC, int. al., 16 praetorial and 40 quaestorial positions). C. himself was appointed dictator for eleven days in December 49 BC, followed by his second consulship, and, after Pharsalus, his second dictatorship (for one year), and finally from 46 to 44 his third to fifth consulships. In April 46 BC, he was appointed dictator for ten years, from February 44 for life (perpetuo). He rejected the royal diadem. After Munda, C. started on an— on the whole successful — policy of colonization. About 80,000 citizens were settled in the provinces, in Spain, Gallia Narbonensis, Greece, North Africa, or Asia Minor. The Transpadanes were granted Roman citizenship (as early as 49 BC), and Sicilian and Gallic communities received Latin law. C. attempted to restructure local government of towns, he planned a codification of the law, and he reformed the calendar (from 1 April 45: solar year with 365 1/4 days). Larger building projects (temples, theatres, streets, and canals) also served to create employment; swamps and lakes were to be drained to gain agricultural land. However, problems mounted. C. no longer had the energy to see to the implementation of most of his reform projects. Instead, he planned a lengthy campaign against the Parthian kingdom. It is probably not far off the mark to interpret

this as a flight from Rome and the bustle of life in the capital. Whether he succeeded in winning over the plebs urbana, is not known; most of the aristocracy, however, remained hostile to him. About 60 senators under the leadership of M. Iunius Brutus and C. Cassius Longinus joined in a conspiracy, and stabbed C. on 15 March in the curia of Pompey. On 18 March, C. had planned to set off for the Parthian campaign. ‘The Ides of March do

Rome, 1967; L.CaNFora, Giulio Cesare, il dittatore democratico. 1999 (Engl. trans.: Julius C. The Democratic Dictator, forthcoming); J.CARCOPINO, César, 1935; K.Curist, C., Annaherungen an einen Diktator, 1994; M. W. FREDERIKSEN, C., Cicero and the Problem of Debt, in: JRS 56, 1966, 128-141; H. GescueE, C., 1976; C. GouDINEAU, César et la Gaule, 1990; CH. METER, C., 1982;

E. MEYER, C.s Monarchie und das Principat des Pompejus, 31922, repr. 1963; H.OPPERMANN, C., 1958; K. RAAFLAvB, Dignitatis contentio, 1974; M.RaMBAUD, C., 1963; E.Rawson, C.: Civil War and Dictatorship, CAH 2nd edn. IX, 424-467; H. STRASBURGER, C.s Eintritt

in die Gesch., 1938, repr. 1965.; R.SYME, C., the Senate and Italy, in: PBSR 14, 1938, 1-31; T. P. WISEMAN, C.,

Pompey and Rome, 59-50 B.C., CAH 2nd edn. IX, 368423 W.W.

Il. LITERARY C. was one of the finest orators of his time (Quint. Inst. 10,1,114). The few small fragments originate from

legal speeches (the earliest from 77 BC against Cn. -» Cornelius Dolabella) and > laudationes funebres to his aunt (amita) Julia and his (2nd) wife Cornelia (69/68); their scope is insufficient for a comprehensive

assessment. Cicero (Cic. Brut. 261 f.) joined Quintilian in praising the power of C.’s speech and his meticulous choice of words (elegantia, latinitas). C. established the theoretical basis of the analogical position, upon which his rhetorics were based, in two volumes, entitled De analogia, written in 55 or 54 BC [8] (31 fragments from Gellius and grammarians [1]). The contemporary judgement of C.’s oratorical style was also applied to his commentarii (comm.) (Cic. Brut. 262; Hirt. Gall. 8, pr.), and confirmed by C.’s standardization of vocabulary and syntax. C.s poetic ceuvre was suppressed by Augustus (Suet. Jul. 56,7; Tac. Dial. 21,10 f.); only the travel poem Iter can be dated (end of 46 BC). C.’s prose was almost entirely political: 7 vols. Comm.

CAESAR

912

git

rerum gestarum belli Gallici (BG), written at the end of

52 or early 51 BC, in the developing dispute over C.s successor in Gaul and his claims to a second consulship; five letters to C. > Oppius and > Cicero from 49 BC (Cic. Att. 9,6a., , 13a16; 10,8b); 3 vols. of comm. on the war with Pompey, perhaps written as early as 48/47, while still in Alexandria, but no longer published (BC);

two vols. Anticatones, published as part of a public controversy following the suicide of -» Cato—an invective directed at Cicero, which, according to the few extant fragments and the reception in Plutarch’s life of Cato, was not really directly abusive but emphasized the mediocrity of Cato’s alleged merits [16]. Works published in conjunction with the calendar reform (46 BC) of calendaric and > parapegmatic content were seemingly only circulated under C.’s name, but were more likely written by the Alexandrian astronomer > Sosigenes. C.’s literary fame in modern times is founded solely on the comm., which were published posthumously in the Middle Ages as part of the > Corpus Caesarianum; rarely read in antiquity, they survived in a late-antique MSS (corrected in the BG ?) [6; 9], which in the Middle Ages was transmitted in a few copies, mainly in France. In Fleury, the local history interest, apparent in so many ofthe C. legends [ro], led to the production of a ‘special edition ’of just the BG, which 1213 was translated for the Fet des Romains (i.e. an imperial biography of C.). The medieval view of C.- influenced particularly by Pliny (HN 7,91-94), Orosius (vol. 6), and Sallust (Catil.

51-54)—as the first emperor, as calendar reformer and victor in exotic campaigns was only in the 16th cent. replaced by the image emerging from the works of Suetonius and the comm. themselves; only from then on were C.’s works studied in schools and by military strategists: the literary reduction of warfare to an operation with large units of soldiers can be taken as a model for the armies of modern times. The study of the comm. reached its peak in Prussian military colleges and schools of the roth cent. Apart from an interest in national history (by Germans and French in their Germanic and Gallic ancestry), the canonization of C.’s works

was also furthered by his linguistic standardization, combined with the general absence of technical vocabulary. The seven books of the BG report on the seven campaign periods of the 58 to 52 BC, but avoid an annalistic pattern [15.216]. From the war against the Helvetii

script [11] (except in the description of movement sequences), and without gruesome details: war is a matter of labor, disciplina, ratio [7]. The choice of a narrator, who identifies himself as a Roman war participant, but never as C. himself [13], makes the comm. more approachable; corresponding with this is the sober factual introduction — presenting the comm. as technical literature — with its tripartite division of the ‘subject’ Gaul [15], which in turn structures the entire text. His (originally also three) vols. on the bellum civile (not the original title) follow on from the BG. Beginning with the final discussiens in the Senate, the reports continue with C.’s campaigns in Italy and Spain (1), the operations of his commanders at Massilia and in Africa (Curio, 2), and finally the war in Greece, ending with C.’s victory at Pharsalus (3). Pompey appears as the challenger, offended in his dignitas, forced into false military decisions by his self-seeking — at times satirically portrayed — allies (1,5; 3,82 f.). This personal interpretation became untenable in the further course of the Civil War from 47 to 45 BC, which may have been the reason for C. to abandon its publication. C.’s account is subordinate to his argumentative needs, it is rhetorical in nature. For that reason, the very question of C.’s credibility [12] presents a factual problem; as far as the BG is concerned, the lack of parallel

sources means that it can hardly be resolved. EDITIONS:

1 A. Kotz, C. Iulius Caesar. Commentarii, 2O.SEEL, BG, 1961 3 W.HERING, BG, 1987.

3 vols., 1927-41957 COMMENTARIES:

4 F.KRANER et al., Caesar, Commen-

tarii, 3 vols., 31975. SECONDARY LITERATURE: 5 K.BARWICK, C.s BG, 1951 6 V. Brown, The Textual Transmission of C.’s Civil War,

1972 7H.CAncik, Disciplin und Rationalitat, in: Saeculum 37, 1986, 166-181 8 H.DAHLMANN, C.s Schrift

iiber die Analogie, in: RhM 84, 1935,258-275 RING, Die Recensio der C.-Hss., 1963

9 W.HE-

10 J. LEEKER, Die

Darstellung C.s in den romanischen Lit.en des MA, 1986 111.OpeLt,

‘Téten’

und

‘Sterben’

in C.s Sprache,

in:

Glotta 58, 1980, 103-119 12 M.RamBaup, L’art de la déformation historique dans les commentaires de C., 1953 13E.J. Re1yowart, Zur Erzahlung in C.s Commentarii, in: Philologus 137, 1993, 18-37 14 W. RicHTER, C. als Darsteller seiner Taten, 1977 —15 J. RUPKE, Wer las Caesars bella als commentarii?, in: Gymnasium 99,1992, 201-226 16H.J. TSCHIEDEL, C.s ‘Anticato’, 1981.

eke

and Ariovistus’ Suebi (1), the Belgae (2), the Veneti and

Aquitani (3), the first crossing of the Rhine and first campaign in Britain (4), the second campaign in Britain and the catastrophe inflicted by the Eburones (5) as well as the second Rhine crossing (6), the work is set out to

culminate in the climax of Vercingetorix’ revolt and his defeat in Alesia (7). C. had at his disposal the standard linguistic tools of an artistic > historiography (such as geographic, ethnographic, and technical excursions, speeches, vignettes, prodigies, gods), but he used them rarely and only if they were of strategic importance to his arguments. The language remains neutral, nonde-

Ill. HistoRICAL INFLUENCE

With his elevation to one of the gods of the state (officially in 39/38) C.’s afterlife already began some weeks before the ‘Ides of March’ ([{1. 513f.] but cf. [2. 163ff.]). Only about two weeks after C.s death, his heir Octavian assumed the name of his great-uncle and referred to himself as ‘Caesar, Caesar’s son’ (App. B Civ. 3,38); from 16 January 27 BC, his full title was Imperator Caesar Divi Filius Augustus. After his death, the traditional cognomen of the Iulii was passed on to his adopted sons. When the gens Iulia died out with

913

914

Caligula in AD 41, his successors turned the epithet into an integral part of their imperial title. From AD 69, C. became the title of the designated successor, only to heirs to the throne was this cognomen later given. Under > Diocletianus, the title C. was given to both of the subordinate rulers appointed to the Augusti. PostConstantine, the term finally disappeared from the imperial title [3. 107f.; 4. 24f.; 5. 824f.], but was revived from the 9th cent. as one of the oldest Germanic loan-words from the Latin language in the title of

standing of C. Parallel to the fading memories of the civil war, both biographies opened up a view on C. asa private person (Suet. Iul. 44,4ff.). The psychological analysis of his personality became more important; more space than in the previous accounts was also devoted to C.’s conquests in Gaul (Plut. Caes. 18-27; cf. Flor. Epit. 1,45,1-26). Appianus (c. AD 90-160) provided the comparatio between C. and Alexander (B Civ. 2,619-649), missing in Plutarch’s parallel biography. However, from the mid 2nd cent., interest in C. seemed to be on the decline; Cassius Dio’s (c. AD 15 5235) writings about him (vols. 37-55) betray an inner distance and appear — including the interspersed fictitious speeches — powerless and at times superficial. In 361, Julian the Apostate once again took up on the comparison between Alexander and C., but significantly in form of a satire (Caes. 308D-33 5D). In Orosius’ Historiae adversus paganos (417/18), C. concludes the ‘repulsive examples’ of arrogance prior to Christ’s birth

Kaiser (Middle High German keiser, Old High German keisur, keisar) as a general term for ruler [6].

C.’s literary afterlife began with Sallust, a supporter of the dictator. In his work Coniuratio Catilinae of 42 BC, he places C., whose role at the time he deliberately exaggerates, with a great speech right at the centre of the Senate’s debate on the execution of the Catilinarians (50-53,1). However, his antipode, Cato — C.’s bitte-

rest opponent —, is given equal standing. Both are acknowledged in their different aptitudes and attainments, both are portrayed as significant representatives of Roman virtus (53,2-54,6) — an attempt at balancing, perhaps in view of the fact that the fights, which had broken out after C.’s death, were by then not yet finally resolved. During the early years of the principate, authors were polarized by the after-effects of the terror evoked by the civil war against Pompey and the Senate. Unless C. was consciously faded out — as the poets of the Augustan age did so conspicuously [7.334¢f.] —, it was until the age of Nero scarcely possible to study that war sine ira or sine studio (only later, C.’s war in Gaul as his greatest achievement became a prime topic). In his Historiae Romanae, Velleius Paterculus (19 BC-c. AD 35), a loyal officer of Augustus and of Tiberius, whose political legitimization derived from C., emphasized explicitly (2,41-57) C.’s misericordia, alongside his other virtues, and, in contrast with it, the obstinacy of his opponents (2,52). This is the earliest evidence for the comparison between C. and Alexander the Great (2,41,1), which through Plutarch later became canonical. Conversely, in the unfinished epic by Annaeus Lucanus (AD 39-65) about the civil war between C. and Pompey (its parodistic counterpart in Petron. Sat. 119-124), C. appears as an unscrupulous criminal, ‘tainted by the Thessalian bloodbath’ (10,73f.). The sympathy of the author lies with Cato [3. 83-97]. It is debatable to what extent C.’s increasingly darkened portrayal in the course of the book was linked to the growing tension between Lucan and + Nero, the last representative of the Tulio-Claudian dynasty. In the Flavian age, the experience of the year of four emperors (AD 69) brought with it an increased awareness of the destructive consequences of C.s wars [3. 97f.]; however, at the time of the adoptive emperors, especially after > Trajan’s Dacian and Parthian wars, C. rose once again in public esteem. Suetonius (c. 70140) and Plutarch (c. 45-125) wrote biographies which were to have a decisive influence on the modern under-

as

CAESAR

the

‘teacher

of humility’

(6,17,9-10).

C.

bore

scarcely any significance for ancient Christian thinking [3. 108-114; 8. 822-824].

In medieval western European, notions of C. were based in particular on Isidore of Seville, Eutropius, Orosius, occasionally on Suetonius and Lucan. C.’s own writings had largely disappeared from view; however, this did not prevent C. from being raised to the progenitor of the medieval concept of king and emperor. In the German literature of the High Middle Ages,

this eventually resulted in C. appearing as ruler of the world in the Song of Anno of the late rrth cent. (5,271ff.), from there in the Chronicle of Emperors (Kaiserchronik) of c. 1150, and finally in Jans Enikel’s World Chronicle (c. 1280). In the medieval literature of England, C.’s invasion of Britain was particularly embellished in various versions, as in the Venerable Bede’s Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum (731) or in the different versions of the Arthurian myth. In the literature of the romance languages, Dantes’ positive image of C. asa military leader became dominant (Paradiso 6,5 5-72); pivotal for the acceptance of this image was Petrarch’s monograph on C., written as part of his incomplete collective biography De viris illustribus (after 1353) [8. 1352f., 1355-593 3. 116f.; 9. 53ff.] The modern reception of C. reached its first peak with Shakespeare’s drama, ‘J.C.’ (1598/99). However, the subject matter had already been treated by anumber of other authors (incl. M.A. Muret, 1550; J. GREVIN, 1561; R.GARNIER, 1568, 1574, 1578). After studying the > commentarii, M.E. DE MONTAIGNE, too, in his

essays (1580-1595) had paid full tribute to C. (similarly F.Bacon, Essays, 1597ff.). SHAKESPEARE is based on Plutarch’s biographies of Brutus, C., and Mark Antony (Engl. translation TH. NortH, 1579, based on the French translation of J.AMyoT from 1559); however, his character study highlights new aspects of C.’s personality — C.’s image is stripped of its heroic aura. The subject retained its popularity throughout the 17th and r8th cents.; the subject was tackled with varying results

915

916

by P. CorNEILLE (‘La mort de Pompée’, 1643), ST. EVRE-

tura in Cesare, 2 vols., 1993; Z. YAVETZ, C. in der Offentlichen Meinung, 1979. WW.

CAESAR

MOND (‘Jugement sur César et sur Alexandre’, 1663), VoLTAIRE (‘Mort de César’, 1736), and BODMER (J.C.,

1763), and HANDEL composed an opera, ‘J.C.’ (1724). In his Considérations sur les causes de la grandeur des Romains et de leur décadence of 1734, C.-L. MONTESQUIEU regarded C. and Cato as interchangeable in their political roles, and the ‘decline’ of the Republic as inevitable. He compared the crossing of the Rubico to Hannibal’s march on Rome. Conversely, Rousseau, in a strongly moralizing view — typical for the Age of Enlightenment —,, interpreted the traditional antagonism between Cato (or Brutus) and C. as that between free-

dom and tyranny [3. r21f.]. In parallel with the contemporary criticism of Alexander’s campaigns (e.g. by J.C. Wezet in Belphegor 1776), J.G. HERDER emphasized the suffering of the defeated in his radical criticism of C.’s conquests (‘Materials for the Philosophy of the History of Mankind’, 1784-1791). His accusations were directed less at C. in person but at soldiering in general. WIELAND, who as translator of Shakespeare and Cicero was confronted with different views of C.,

also emphasized — at least in the prologue to the later edition of Cicero’s letters (1808ff.) — C.’s uncompromising focus on power (after a conversation with Napoleon about C. [1o0. IV 422f.]). The Romantic F. SCHLEGEL attested to C. ‘imperatorial power’ and a mind to match. However, in Schlegel’s view C. failed on the essential requirement of his era, namely to give to Rome ‘a firmly established constitution and an organically structured state’ (F.SCHLEGEL, C. and Alexander, 1796). In contrast with Schlegel, G.W.F. HEGEL, as Montesquieu before him, again saw C. entrusted C. with a world-historic task, i.e. the violent conclusion of

the Republic, which was already doomed to decline (G.W. F. HEGEL, Berliner Vorlesungen, 1822-1831). What C. did and wanted to do, ‘was endowed with the

higher justification of the world-spirit, and thus had to succeed’ [11. 377]. When Napoleon I had risen to power, his deeds affected all views on C. It became impos-

sible to write about Alexander or C., without comparing them to Napoleon, who himself was an admirer of C. The ‘mighty pair’ C. and Alexander (Schlegel) grew in European historiography into a powerful trio: Alexander, C., and Napoleon [3. 117-133; 9. 164-265]. This was the beginning of the modern history of science. > CAESARISM 1 E.Meyer, C.s Monarchie und das Principat des Pompejus, *1922, repr. 1963 2 H.GESCHE, C., 1976 3 K. Curist, C., 1994 (fundamental, with bibliography) 4 KIENAST, *1996 6 KLuGE, s.v. C., Etym. Augustan Rome, in: 8 D. BRIESEMEISTER, F.

5 A.Heuss, RAC 2, 822-826 WB, *31995 7 P.WHiTE, J.C. in Phoenix 42, 1988, 334-356 BRUNHOLZL, s.v. C. im Mittelal-

ter, LMA 2, 1352-1359 9 F.GUNDOLF, C., Gesch. seines Ruhms, 1924 10J.G. Gruper, C.M. Wielands Leben, 1827/28 11 G.HEGEL, Vorlesungen iiber die Philos. der Gesch., 12, 1986, 377.

R. CHEVALLIER (ed.), Presence de César, 1985; B. KyTzLER, Shakespeare, Julius C., 1963; D.Pott (ed.) La Cul-

Caesar (Kaioao/Kaisar). At first a > cognomen of the gens Iulia; after the adoption of Octavian (> Augustus) by > Caesar it became established, in the style of a gentilicium as a component— from Claudius [III 1] (from the gens Claudia) onwards not inherited — of the names of all Roman rulers, with the exception of Vitellius [II 2] (recusatio, ‘repudiation’, of the C. name: Tac. Hist. 1,62,2; 2,62,2; 3,58,3; Suet. Vit. 8). The individual designated C., usually a son or adoptive son, was thereby named successor [1. 24]. Under the tetrarchy (> Tetrdrchés TV) two Caesars ruled as subordinates alongside two Augusti. The inferior status of the position of C. led to conflicts, sc that with the end of the Constantinian dynasty in AD 360 it ceased [2. 51-56]. From the early Middle Ages onwards, individual rulers were named C. in reference to Caesar the person, or saw themselves as his successors; hence the origin of the modern German title ‘Kaiser’. + Augustus [2]; — Ruler(s) IV. B.; — Emperor(s); + Nobilissimus; > Tetrarchs IV. 1 KrENAST

2A. Passt, Divisio regni, 1986, 46-56.

Id., Comitia imperii, 1997.

ME. STR.

Caesaraugusta Modern Zaragoza on the Iberus. Originally the likely location of the Iberian settlement of Saduia (Plin. HN 3,24: Salduba) in the tribal area of the Edetani

(Ptol. 2,6,62). The Roman

colony, founded

under Augustus, developed into one of Spain’s most important urban centres (cf. Mela 2,88; Str. 3,2,153

4,10; 13). Important road junction. Possibly the garrison of the roth legion up to the time of Nero. C. retained its importance into the late Roman period (Paul. Nol. Epist. 301; Prudent. Peristephanon 4,54). Bishops of C. attended the synods of Illiberis and Serdica, and also numerous Spanish councils. Franks and later Visigoths captured the city. In the 8th cent. AD, the Arab commander Muza seized C. A.BELTRAN MARTINEZ, in: Numisma 6, 1953, L.Garcia IGLesias, Zaragoza ciudad visigoda, TOVAR 3, 386-390.

9-40; 1979; P.B.

Caesarea [1] (Kaiodgeia; Kaisdreia, Iranian or cunei-

form Mazaka). Main town 12,2,7-9), modern Kayseri.

of > Cappadocia

I. EaRLy History TO ROMAN

TIMES

(Str.

II. Byzan-

TINE PERIOD

I. Eanty History TO ROMAN TIMES C. succeeded the nearby ancient centre of Kani’ (Kiiltepe; > Asia Minor), although that was still of importance in Hellenistic and Roman times. The indigenous name of Mazaka is in evidence into the Byzantine period. The name of the settlement was changed to

917

918

Eusebeia (on Mount Argaeus) by Ariarathes IV. In about 77 BC, Tigranes ordered its inhabitants to be deported to > Tigranocerta. In AD 17, C. was the metropolis of the Roman province of > Cappadocia, later of Cappadocia I; renamed as C.; captured by the Sassanids in AD 260. Early Christian congregation. The oldest part of the town is situated on the lowest foothill

tine troops occupied C., and in the following year, the city was elevated by Justinian to become the capital city of Mauretania secunda (Cod. Just. 1,27,2,1; Procop. Vand. 2,20,31).

of Mount > Argaeus [2]. In Roman times, the town was

laid out spaciously and densely populated.

N.BENSEDDIK, S.FERDI, PH. LEvEAU, Cherchel, 1983; S.GSELL, M.Lectay, E.S. Cotosrer, Cherchel, +1952; S. LANCEL, E. Lrprnsk1, s.v. Cherchel, DCPP, 1o4f.; C. LePELLEY, Les cités de |’Afrique romaine 2, 1981, 513-520,

547f.; PH. Leveau, C. de Maurétanie, 1984; Id., s.v. C.

HILp/RESTLE, 193-196; T.OzGUwz, Kiiltepe and its Vicinity in the Iron Age, 1971; W. RuGE, s.v. Caesarea (5), RE

3, 128of.

CAESARIUS

Mauretaniae, EB, 1698-1706; T.W.

Late

Antiquity:

lol Caesarea

and

Potrer, Towns in

its Context,

K.ST.

1995. W.HU.

[3] C. Maritima. Former Phoenician docks (Migdal Sorson, cf. Tosefta, Seri‘it 4, rr), known in the Hellenis-

Il. BYZANTINE PERIOD Emperor ~ Iulianus Apostata withdrew C.’s municipal status following the destruction of the town’s temples by the Christians. However, C. not only retained its importance as a military base and production centre of weapons and textiles into the early 7th cent. AD, but also as a centre of Christian teaching (> Basilius [x] the Great., > Gregorius [2] of Nyssa, Gregorius [3] of Nazianzus) as well as of Cappadocian monasticism. > Iustinianus I, though, felt compelled to enclose the scaled-down area of the town with a shorter wall (Procop. Aed. 5,4,7-14). The town, which experienced a renewed

bloom,

mounted

a successful

resistance

against the Sassanid ChosroesI (AD 575), but not against Chosroes II (+ Chosroes [5-6]), who laid it in ashes. Apart from a short Arab intermezzo in AD 726, C. remained under Byzantine control until its capture by the Turkish Danismendids in AD ro92. A. GABRIEL, Monuments turcs d’Anatolie 1, 1931, 6-30.

tic period as the “Tower of Strato’. The city (C.) and harbour (limén Sebast6s) were refounded by Herod the Great (22-10/9 BC) in honour of Augustus. From AD 6,

it was the seat of the Roman procurators of the province of Judaea. Under Vespasian, it rose to become Colonia Prima Flavia Augusta, and Metropolis Provinciae Syriae Palestinae under Alexander Severus. In late-Roman and Byzantine times, C. was a centre of Jewish and Christian learning. It fell into decline after the Muslim conquest of 640. To date, partial excavations in the 500 ha. city area have yielded in its centre the remains of a monumental temple podium, dedicated to Augustus and the city of Rome. The Herodian harbour consisted of three basins with offshore breakwaters (Jos. Ant. Iud. 15,331-339, Jos. Bell. Iud. 1,408-15). The Roman theatre is the finding place of the only known inscription by Pontius Pilatus to date (ed. [1]). 1 A. Frova, in: RIL 95, 1961, 419-434.

Tee

K.G. Holum et al., King Herod’s Dream: C. on the Sea, 1988; A. Frova et al., Scavi di C. Maritima, 1965; A. Ra-

[2] (Kotodeea; Kaisdreia, Punic lol; modern Cherchel).

BAN, The Harbours of C. Maritima, 1989; A. REIFENBERG, C., A Study in the Decline of a City, in: IEJ 1, r950f.

96 km west of Algiers, C. was initially a Punic, if not even a Phoenician trading centre (Ps. Scyl. 111 [GGM 1, 90]; Str. 17,3,12; Ptol. 4,2,35). At the time of the Berber princedoms, Iol grew to central significance (KAI 161; Sol. 25,16). Juba II named the town C., in honour of Augustus (Str. 17,3,12; Mela 1,30; Plin. HN 5,20; Suet.

Aug. 60; Eutr. 7,10,3). In his fifty years of rulership, he extended both town and harbour magnificently, and turned C. into a centre of Hellenistic culture. Claudius elevated C. to become the capital of the new province of Mauretania

Caesariensis

(Cass. Dio 60,9,5). C. also

became a colonia (Plin. HN

5,20). With its immense expansion (area of the town 370 ha., length of the town wall 7 km), C. was one of the most significant cities of northern Africa. Its size was matched by the splendour of its temples, its forum, theatre, amphitheatre, and circus, as well as its thermal baths, its lighthouse of the island of Joinville, and not least by that of its private villas. Christianity was introduced into C. from the 2nd cent. AD, with > Donatism gaining a large following. Between 370 and 373, > Firmus seized the city, had it plundered and set afire (Symmachus, Ep. 1,64; Amm. Marc. 29,5,18; 29,5423; Oros. 7,33,5). In 533, Byzan-

Tite

Caesarius [1] Hailing from Cilicia, C. was educated in Antioch (Lib. Ep. 1399). He was a brother of > Alypius (Jul. Ep. 9-10). In AD 362-363, he was possibly vicarius Asiae (Lib. Ep. 764; 1384). After the death of— Iulianus, he

became comes rerum privatarum (Cod. Theod. ro,1,8) and gained great influence at the court of Valens (Lib. Ep. 1449; 1456). As praef. urbis Constantinopolitanae, C. was taken prisoner by the usurper Procopius in 365 (Amm. Marc. 26,7,4; Zos. 4,6,2) and possibly executed

(Them. Or.7,92c). He was the recipient of many letters from — Libanius. PLRE 1,168f. no. tr. [2] From Cappadocia, a younger brother of > Gregory of Nazianzus, who later honoured him in a funeral oration (or.7; PG 35,755) and by epitaphs (6-23, PG 38, 13ff.). C., who had. studied geometry, astronomy and medicine in Alexandria, became one of the leading physicians in Constantinople and a friend of > Constantius II. (Greg. Naz. Or. 7,9-10; Epitaphia 7,14,16~-18). Dismissed by the emperor Julian after a futile conversion

CAESARIUS

920

919

attempt (Greg. Naz. Or. 7,11-13), he was given a position in the financial administration (comes sacrarum largitionum or comes thesaurorum?) in AD 368. He

probably died in that same year. PLRE 1,169f. no. 2. W.P. [3] Mag. officiorum in AD 386/87; praef. praetorio Orientis from 395 to 397; cos. in 3973 praef. praetorio Orientis Il from 400 to 403 (or 401 according to [1.150]); patricius. His identification with the evil Typhus of Synesius (De prov. 90c-91c) is disputed (for this [2.175ff.], against this [3.261ff.; 4.115ff.]); if identical, he was a brother of > Aurelianus, and probably a comes sacrarum largitionum (but see [2.178]). In 387,

he was a member of the commission investigating the tax revolt in Antioch. Removed from office after the fall of > Eutropius, he was reinstated under > Gaenas. In his > dealings with Stilicho, he was intent on conciliation [2.250]. He is frequently described as pro-Germanic (but cf. [5.81ff.; 2.335f.]). He was a Christian, reputedly sympathetic to Arianism [2.327f.] (PLRE 1, meals) 1 CLAuSs 2 AL. CAMERON, J.LONG, Barbarians and Politics at the Court of Arcadius, 1993 3J.H. W.G. LIEBESCHUETZ, 4 DELMAIRE

Barbarians and _ Bishops, 1990 5 G. ALBERT, Goten in Konstantinopel,

1984.

v. HAEHLING, 74-78.

HLL.

Saint C., Sermons,

1962;

D.HARMENING,

Superstitio,

1979; R. ARBESMANN, The cervuli and anniculae in C., in: Traditio 35, 1979, 89-119; W.E. KLincsnirn, Authority, consensus and dissent. C. and the making of a Christian community in late antique Gaul, 1985; Id., C. of Arles, 1993; C. LavarRRA, II sacro cristiano nella Gallia merovingia ..., in: Annali della Facolta di Lettere e Filosofia di Bari 31, 1988, 149-204. KU.

Caesarodunum

(Katoaoddovvov;

Kaisarédounon).

Capital of the Celtic -» Turoni (Ptol. 2,8,14; Tab. Peut.

2,3; Notitia Galliarum 3); probably since Augustus the civitas Turonorum on a bluff on the left bank of the + Liger (the modern Loire), about 16 km above its confluence with the Cares (the modern Cher); the modern

Tours (Dép. Indre-et-Loire). The Celtic settlement was directly opposite on the right bank of the river; in the rst cent. AD it was transferred to the plain between the rivers, clear of high water levels. Here C. developed into a flourishing mercantile centre, favourably positioned at the junction of roads from Condevincum (the modern Nantes)

to the west,

— Burdigala

to the south,

> Cabillon(n)um or > Cenabum to the east and Noviodunum [4] to the north. Destroyed by German troops in

AD 275; at the end of the 3rd cent. rebuilt on a reduced plan in the hilly terrain to the east, and secured by fortifications (thinly populated castrum). From 374 capital of the province of Lugdunensis Tertia. Bishopric; first attested bishop Litorius, 337-371; his successor was

[4] of Arelate. (Arles), born c. AD 470 in Cabillonum (Chalon-sur-Sa6ne), died 27 August 542; between c.

Martinus [1].

490 and 499, he lived as a monk on the Isles of Lérins, then in Arles, where he briefly studied rhetorics and was ordained as a priest. He was abbot from 499 to 503; from 503, bishop and metropolitan of Arles. Banished to Bordeaux by Alaric II because of an alleged conspiracy with Burgundy, he provided an intensive ministry there: he held councils (529 in Arausio/Orange), foun-

Roman Empire, built under Hadrian (now built over);

ded monasteries, established rules for monks (CPL ro12) and nuns (CPL roo9—10), preached and collected

sermons, and — a first in the western world — gave (country) priests permission to preach sermons themselves. In 513 bearer of the pallium; in 514 vicarius for all of Gaul and Spain. C. assimilated in particular the sermons of > Augustine, > Ambrosius, > Faustus Reiensis, and > Eusebius Gallicanus. Of the 238 (Morin)

sermons only 67 are written independently of any models. Their influence on the sermons of the Middle Ages and their knowledge of ancient realities was enormous. The historically valuable Vita Caesarii (CPL 1018) was written prior to 549. EpiTions:

(CPL

roo8-1o0o17):

G.Morin,

S. Caesarii

opera omnia I-2, 1937-1942 (repr. sermons 1953): CCL 103-104); Sermo 1-10: M.-J.DELAGE, C. Sermons au

peuple, 1-3 (SChr 175; 243; 330), 1971-1986;

Extant is one of the biggest amphitheatres in the remains of 3rd-cent. AD city walls (built with the aid of reused stones) and a round temple. M. Provost, Carte archéologique de la Gaule 37, 1988, 15.0; Gy LELONGs Se V1 Ga PE £62) i E.O.

Caesaromagus Civitas, main centre of the > Bellovaci ona

loop of the river Thérain, modern Beauvais (Oise).

There is no archaeological evidence of a preceding Celtic settlement in this location (> Bratuspantium), nor

for the assumption — derived from the name C. — that it was founded by either Caesar or Augustus. The beginnings of Gallo-Roman urbanism probably lay in the early rst cent. AD, more significant traces of building structures point to the 2nd cent; it has not been possible to localize a forum. As a result of the destruction in the 3rd. cent., the inhabited area was reduced to one tenth

of its former size at the beginning of the 4th cent., and enclosed by fortifications. In C.’s role as an episcopal see, the old administrative structures survived beyond Roman rule. E. FREZOULS, Les villes antiques de la France I. Belgique r.

A.DE

Amiens, Beauvais, Grand, Metz, 1982, 107-176; Recher-

VocugE, J. COURREAU, C. CEuvres monastiques 1-2 (SChr

ches archéologiques récentes 4 Beauvais (Oise), in: Revue archéologique de Picardie 3/4, r991. ESCH.

345;

398),

1988-1994;

J.CouRREAU,

S.BOUQUET,

L’Apocalypse expliquée par C., 1989. SECONDARY LITERATURE: M.DORENKEMPER, The Trinitarian Doctrine and Sources of S.C., 1953; A. BLAISE,

921

922

Caesellius Vindex Probably somewhat older than > Terentius Scaurus and — Sulpicius Apollinaris; with his alphabetical lexicalization of linguistic-antiquarian material under linguistic aspects, he produced a work, which in his archaizing tendency was characteristic of

6818 = ILS 1017). Possibly identical with the cos. suff. of the same name of 114 (RMD 1, 14) [2. 321; 3. 1043 ff.; 4. 256].

the Hadrianic era (Stromateis sive Commentaria lectio-

num antiquarum, probably 20 bks.). The material was taken from republican authors up to Virgil and was likely substantially based on > Probus. As famous as it was disputed, it also exposed — according to Gell. NA 2,16,5ff.; 6,2,1ff; 11,15,2ff; 18,11,1ff. — numerous weak points to attacks by Terence and Sulpicius. Nevertheless, traces of C.’s influence — mainly indirect through intermediaries — can be found in Charisius (via Iulius Romanus) and Priscian, in Nonius and Papirianus; even Cassiodorus’ work on orthography could fall back on two series of excerpts.

CAESIUS

1FOst

2 W.Eck, in: Chiron 12, 1982

3 SyME, RP 3

W.E.

4 THOMASSON, I.

Caesernius [1] T.C. Statius Quinctius Macedo. Eques from Aquileia. Procurator of Pannonia(?), praesidial procurator of Mauretania

Caesariensis in AD

107 (PIR* C 181)

[r. 15 8ff.].

[2] T.C. Statius Quinctius Macedo Quinctianus. Son of C. [1]. He was much supported in his senatorial career by Hadrian; i.a., he was comes Hadriani per Orientem et Illyricum, and attained a suffect consulate in c. AD 138, (AE 1957, 135; CIL V 865 =ILS 1069) [2. 347].

EpiT1on: GL 7, 138-140. 202-207. SECONDARY LITERATURE: P.L. ScHmipt, HLL § 434.

[3] T.C. Statius Quinctius Statianus Memmius Macrinus. Son of C. [1]. Like his brother (C. [2]), he was also

PLS.

greatly assisted by Hadrian in his senatorial career; cos. suff. probably in AD 141, in AD r50, he was consular legate for Germania superior (CIL VIII 7036 =ILS 1068 SIVA s(623-sAbeno6ms)2.2\9s. PIR @ar83)slomaa7ites

Caesena Small Umbrian-Celtic town at the foot of Mt. Garampo on the river Savio (Str. 5,1,11; Cic. Fam., 16,27,2; cf. also the Cesuola, a stream, which flows into the Savio), modern Cesena. Road junction on the via Aemilia; municipium, possibly tribus Pollia. Centre of

3. sof.]. [4] C. Veiento. Proconsul of Creta-Cyrenae under Claudius (AE 1951, 207). 1PFLAuUM1

2 ALFOLDY,Konsulat

3 Eck.

W.E.

centuriation. A. Ca tsi, La tradizione locale dell’antichita cesenate, in: Storia di Cesena 1, 1982, 223-231; A. Donati, Aemilia tributim discripta, 1967, 49f.; Id., Fonti cesenati romani, in: Studi Romagnoli 15, 1965, 11-67; A.SOLARI, Curva Caesena, in: BCAR 56, 1928, 133-140; Id., La curva sotto

il Garampo, in: Il Carrobbio 21, 1995, 5-11; G.C. SUSINI, Storia di Cesena 1, 1982,

111-127.

Caesia Silva see > Silva Caesia

Caesius Roman family name, evident from the 3rd. cent. BC, in Rome from the rst cent. (SCHULZE, 135 ThIL, Onom. 49-51).

GSU.

I. REPUBLICAN

Caesennius [1] L.C. Antoninus. Cos. suff. in AD 128, perhaps son of C. [5] [1. 49, 118]. [2] A.C. Gallus. As legate of the Jegio XII Fulminata, he

fought the Jewish rebellion in AD 66 (Jos. Bell. Iud. 2,510ff.; 3,31). After a suffect consulate, he was governor of Cappadocia-Galatia from 80 to 82/3 (PIR* C 170) [2. 304ff.]. [3] L. Iunius C. Paetus. Cos. ord. in AD 61 (AE 1973,

141f.). Extraordinary governor of Cappadocia from 61 to 63; after several defeats by the Parthians, he returned to Rome (Tac. Ann. 15,6-8. 10-17. 24f.). He was re-

AGE

II. IMPERIAL AGE

I. REPUBLICAN AGE {I 1] C., L. Mint master 112 or rrr

BC (RRC 298),

perhaps identical with the praetor or propraetor of Hispania ulterior of 104 BC (AE 1984, 495). D. Norr, Aspekte des rom. Voélkerrechtes, 1989, 24-27.

[I 2] C., M. Praetor in 75 BC. (Cic. Verr. 2,1,130; MRR

3,44f.).

K-LE.

II. IMPERIAL AGE [fl 1] C. Anthianus, T. Imperial procurator under the Severian emperors (ILS 9014) [1. 827f.].

lated to Vespasian, and therefore in 70 appointed by him as governor of Syria. He was instrumental in the annexation of the kingdom of Commagene (Jos. Bell. Iud. 7,219ff.). he probably died in early 73 (PIR* C 173) [2. 287ff.; 3. 1043 ff.]. [4] L. Iunius C. Paetus. Cos. suff. in AD 79, procos.

Perhaps related to C. [7]. [II 3] C. Cordus. Procos. Cretae Cyrenarum, was prosecuted for repetundae in AD 21, and sentenced in AD

Asiae in 93/94 (I. Smyrna 2, 826); Son of C. [3] (PIR* C

Oo Mac eAnines

174). [5] L.C. Sospes. Probably a younger son of C. [3]. Following a lengthy senatorial career, he became praetorian legate in Galatia, perhaps c. AD 93/94. (CIL I

[Il 4] Catius C. Fronto, Ti. Cos. suff. in AD 96; in the first years of Trajan’s rule, he was frequently involved in lawsuits in the Senate (PIR* C 194) [2. 95f.].

[Il 2] C. Aper, C. Eques from Sestinum, admitted to the Senate shortly after AD 60 (CIL XI 6009 = ILS 981).

2 .oygie7. Os)

923

924

{II 5] C. Martialis, L. Cos. suff. in AD 57, together with

was accepted into the patriciate, and became cos. suff. in c. AD. 225/230 [1. 184]. In 238, he was one of the XXviri, who by senatorial decree were to protect Italy from Maximinus; later, he became procos. prov. Africae and praef. urbi between 241 and 253 [2. 103ff.]. {I 2] C. Caesonius Macer Rufinianus. After a long senatorial career he became cos. suff. in c. AD 197/8, thereafter, amongst other offices, legate of Germania superior, procos. Africae, and comes of Severus Alexander (CIL XIV 3900=ILS 11827) [3. 76f.]. Father of Cx (Men): {Il 3] L.C. Ovinius Manlius Rufinianus Bassus. Son of C. [Il 2]. After a lengthy senatorial career, he became cos. suff. c. AD 260, procos. Africae for three years, city prefect and cos. IT (AE 7964, 223) [4. 81f.5 5. 15 8ff.].

CAESIUS

Nero (PIR? C 200).

[II 6] C. Nasica. Legionary legate in Britain under Didius Gallus (AD 52-57; Tac. Ann. 12,40,4) [3. 231]. [II 7] C. Propertianus, Sex. Roman eques, who, after serving under Vitellius in various military positions, created a precedent by taking up tasks commonly undertaken by freedmen: procurator a patrimonio et hereditatibus et a libellis (CIL XI 5028 = ILS 1447; cf. Tac. Hist. 1,58,1) [4. 6rof.]. 1PFLAUM 3 BiRLEY

2 2 SaLomies, 4 DEMOUGIN.

Nomenclature,

1992 W.E.

{II 8] C. Bassus. Lyrical poet of the rst cent. AD; according to Quint. Inst. 10,1,96, he was — apart from

-» Horace — the only Roman lyricist worth reading; only one verse is extant. ~ Persius was a friend of B., and dedicated his sixth satire to him; after his death B.

1 LEUNISSEN

2 Dietz; Senatus

3 Eck, Statthalter

4Id.,RESuppl.14 5 M.CurrstTot, Essai sur l’evolution des carriéres sénatoriales, 1986. W.E.

published his poems (Vita Pers.). B. is probably identical with the writer of a work on metrics, which was

repeatedly quoted by late antique grammarians (dated by Rufinus to the time of Nero, Gramm. 6,555,22). A fragment on metrics, handed down under the name of ~ Atilius Fortunatianus, probably originates from this work (allocated with good reasons by KerL, GL 6,245-254). The author represents the derivation theory, which derives all metres from iambic trimeters and dactylic hexameters.

Caesorix Celticized Germanic name ending in —rix ‘king’ [1.160]. Cimbrian chieftain (> Cimbri), captured at Vercellae in ror BC. (Oros. 5,16,21).

— Metrics, Latin

EDITIONS: FPL fr. 1-10 (fr. 2-9 are example verses from the work on metrics); COURTNEY, 351; GL 6,245-272

Caiatia Town of the > Caudini in Samnium at the junction of the roads connecting Capua, Allifae and Telesia, modern Caiazzo. Possibly a civitas sine suffragio prior

(Metrics); GRF (add.) 1, 1955, 124-155.

to 306 BC, C. became a civitas foederata after the Sec-

CONCORDANCE: P.R. Diaz y Diaz, Scriptores Latini de

ond Punic War and, following the Social Wars, in 89 BC a municipium of the tribus Falerna, with IT virt. There is

re metrica

7, 1990.

LITERATURE: O. SkuTSCH, s.v. C.B. 16, RE 3, 1312f.; F. J.

M. ConsBRuCH, s.v. C.B. 17, ibid., 1313-1316; W.KissEL, Aulus Persius Flaccus, Satiren, 1990, 763f.; J. LEONHARDT, Die beiden metr. Systeme des Altertums, in: Hermes 117, 1989, 43-62.

J.LE.

1 SCHMIDT.

Caestus see - Fist-fighting

documentary evidence of a bishop’s seat after AD 967. G. CHOUQUER

(ed.), Structures agraires en Italie centro-

meéridionale, Collection de l’Ecole Francaise de Rome 100, 1987, 150-151; H.SOLIN, Le iscrizioni antiche di Trebula, Caiatia e Cubulteria, 1993, 65-143. M.BU.

Caeso see > Kaeso

Caicus (Kdixoc; Kdikos).

Caesonius Roman family name, documented from the rst cent. BC (SCHULZE 136f.; ThIL, Onom. 54f.).

Minor (Hdt. 6,28; 7,42; Xen. An. 7,8,18; Str. 12,8,12; 13,1,70; Arr. Anab. 5,6,4; Paus. 1,10,4; 5,13,3). It rises

[1] Today called Bakir Cayi. River in western Asia

in the western Temnus mountains, a landscape that Livy I. REPUBLICAN

AGE

II. IMPERIAL AGE

I. REPUBLICAN AGE [I 1] C., M. In 74 BC, judge in the first trial of A. Cluentius Habitus, judge in the > Verres trial in 70 BC; in 69 BC, curule aedile together with Cicero (Cic. Verr. 1,29; MRR 2,132). Possibly praetor in 66 BC, because he was regarded as a candidate for the consulship of 63 BC (Cic. Att. 1,1,1); probably identical with the C. mentioned by Cicero (Att. 12,11). K-LE. II]. IMPERIAL AGE

{II 1] L.C. Lucillus Macer Rufinianus. His cursus honorum is documented in CIL XIV 3902 = ILS 1186. He

(37,3753) and Pliny (HN

5,125) referred to as Teu-

thrania. The plain named after the river C. was fertile and well populated. C. reached the ocean between Elaia and Pitane in the Aeolis, where the river’s sedimentation has pushed the land far into the bay of Elaia (the "Ehaityg xoAmoc; Elaites kdlpos, today’s Candarh kérfezi). W.M. Ramsay, The Historical Geography of Asia Minor, 1890; ROBERT, Villes. E.SCH.

[2] Personification of the Mysian river C. Oceanus and Tethys (Hes. Theog. 343). In ‘Mysians’, a priest of C. is being addressed 143). C. was depicted with Trajan on copper Pergamum.

[1], son of Aeschylus’ (TrGF 3 F coins from RE.ZIL

925

926

Caieta Port on the Tyrrhenian Sea, located in the foothills of the same name which form the western end of the sinus Caietanus or Formianus; modern Gaeta (province of Latina). It was reputedly named after either ~ Aeetes, the father of Medea (Lycoph. 1274), or the wet-nurse of > Aeneas [1], who was supposedly buried there (Verg. Aen. 7,1-7), or after the shoals in its bay (Laconian xatetac, Str. 5,3,6); temple of Apollo (Liv. 40,2,4). In Roman times, it was a health resort, same as Formiae (four miles away), with villae and attached mausolea. C. was also the location of the villae of Scipio, of Laelius and of Cicero (Cic. Att. 1,3,2; 1,4,3), as well as of the emperors Domitian and Antoninus Pius and the empress Faustina. Antoninus Pius ordered the building of the harbour. Archaeological monuments: remains of a temple and an aqueduct, reused stones in the tower of the cathedral, also in the cloister, and the

(Messapia) and Yahevtivy (Salentiné) for the peninsula south of the isthmus of Tarentum — Brundisium. The earliest mention of the tribe of that region as Kahafooi (Kalaboi) in Pol. 10.1; in Roman triumphs (of 280, 267, 266 BC: inscriptions 1,3,1,2,17; 20), the defeated tribes are named only as Sallentini and Messapii, and most Latin historians preferred the term Sallentini (cf. Liv.

Diocesan museum. S. AURIGEMMA, A. DE SANTIS, Gaeta, Formia, Minturno,

1955, 3-21; R.FELLMANN, Das Grab des L. Munatius Plancus bei Gaeta, 1957; Il Lazio nell’antichita romana, 1982, 561-580; BT'CGI 7, 529-532. GU.

Caiphas (Kau(a)pac, Cai(a)phas). Joseph, with the epithet Caiphas (from Aramaic gayyafa), was high priest of the Temple of Jerusalem (AD 18-36) and therefore the leader of the Sanhedrin (> Synhedrion), the highest Jewish authority for civil and political issues during Hellenistic and Roman times. As son-in-law of the high priest Ananus (or Annas, Hannas; AD 6-15), he belonged to one of the important families of priests that regularly occupied this office (Jo 18,13; also mPar 3,5 and tYev 1,10) [4. 234]. He was appointed by the Roman procurator Valerius Gratus (AD 15-26), stayed in office under Pontius Pilate (AD 26-36), and was thus contemporaneous to Jesus Christ (Ios. Ant. Iud. 18,2,2; Mt 26,3.573; Lk. 3,2;Jo 11,49; 18,13f.; 24; 28; Acts 4,53

Socr. 5,17,11). He was removed from office by Vitellius, governor of Syria (Ios. ant. Iud. 18,4,3). His role in the arrest, condemnation and execution of Christ is contested [2]. 1J. JEREMIAS, Jerusalem z.Z. Jesu, 1962, 175, 218ff., 246f. 2 K.KeRTELGE (ed.), Der ProzefS Jesu, 1988 3 S. SaFRAI, M.STERN, The Jewish People in the First Century

I,

1974,

400-404

4 SCHURER

2,

227-236

5 P. Winter, On the Trial of Jesus, 1961, especially 3 1-43. LWA.

Calabri, Calabria A. DEFINITION

B. ROMAN

ERA

C. BYZANTINE

AGE

A. DEFINITION South-eastern extension of the Italian peninsula (Str. 6,3,1: its name possibly of indigenous origin; [1; 2. 32], for different view [5]), modern Salento. KakaBoia (Kalabria) is first attested for Rhinto (Hsch. s.v. K.), ¢. 300 BC; according to Str. 6,3,5, most authors used Kalabria synonymously with “Ianvyia (lapygia), Meooanta

CALABRI, CALABRIA

9,42; 10,23 25,1; 27,15; Flor. Epit. 1,15). Connections

with the Illyrian Todé&Bouor (Str. 7,5,7; [1]), Greek x0haBeos (‘piglet ’) [5], or the Bruttian river named Kahaveds or KadaBedc

(Paus. 6,6,11), are question-

able. Kadaveia in Eust. Dion. Per. 378 represents a later transformation. B. ROMAN ERA In Roman times, C. described the southern and south-eastern part (all of the modern middle and southern Puglia and parts of eastern Lucania) of the second region (Plin. HN 3,99; later the second province: liber coloniarum 2,261) — Apulia et Calabria [6]. In literary, particularly in geographic sources, the border between C. and Sallentini to the south appears undefined and changeable: mostly, the C. held the interior of Apulia and the Adriatic side of the Salentine peninsula (as far as Hydruntum), the Sallentini the southern tip and the Ionian side of the peninsula; the same applied to the borders between C. and Peucetii or Poediculi to the north (Str. 6,3,1; Mela 2,66f.; Plin. HN 3,102; ro5 with a list of the communities of the Calabri mediterranet; Ptolesyrsi2nis hs 67iess| Us aesl— 5 Ons 5)53117725 etta) eel Strabo’s times, the most important towns were > Brundisium and Tarentum (Str. 6,3,5). The land was arid, but, through careful cultivation, rich in meadows and tree crops (Str. ibid.; Hor. Epod. 1,27f.; [3]). It was famous for its wool production and apiculture (Str. 6,3,6; Hor. Carm. 3,16,33 with Porphyr. ad loc.), for its olive groves (Colum. 12,51,3), especially saltus (Verg. G. 3,425; Hor. Epist. 2,2,177f.), and for cattle breeding (Hor. Carm. 1,31,5f.; Val. Fl. 3,729; Sil. 7,365). Ennius came from Calabria (Hor. Carm. 4,8,20; Ov. Ars. am 3,409; Sil.12,393-397). Roman roads: via Appia, via Traiana Calabra, via Sallentina [7. 179ff.]. 1 G.Atessio, Apulia et Calabria nel quadro della toponomastica mediterranea, in: Atti e memorie del VII Congr. Internazionale di scienze onomastiche, 1, 1962, 65-129

2R.COMPATANGELO, Un cadastre de pierre, 1989 3 M.LomBarpbo, I Messapi e la Messapia nelle fonti letterarie greche e latine, 1992 4 G.NENCI, KodaPoiteoar (Vet. Test, Job. 5,4), in: ASNP 12, 1982, 1-6 5 NISSEN,

1, 539ff.; 2, 86rff. 6R.THOMSEN, The Italic Regions, 1947, 52ff., 85ff. 7 G.UcGceERI, La viabilita romana nel Salento, 1983. MLL.

C. BYZANTINE AGE In the Byzantine age, the term Calabria referred to all of southern Italy. From the Langobardic conquests (7th cent.) to present times, C. is restricted to the toe of Italy’s boot. Subject to the exarchate of Ravenna from the 7th cent., threatened by Arabs, an independent

CALABRI, CALABRIA

— theme from the roth cent., C. remained Byzantine,

until it was conquered by the Normans in AD ro6t. Greek — especially ecclesiastical Greek — culture blossomed until the late Middle Ages, and produced such luminaries as St. Neilos of Rossano, Elias Spelaiotes and Elias the Younger as well as the theologian Barlaam of C. (14th cent.); the Greek language has survived in isolated villages to present times. C. Bizantina, I. Istituzioni civili e topografia storica, 1986;

Il. Testimonianze D. Minuto,

d’arte e strutture

Conversazione

di territori,

su territorio

1991;

e architettura

nella C. bizantina, 1994; A. PERTUSI, Scritti sulla C. greca medievale, 1994; G. ROHLES, C. e Salento. Saggi di Storia linguistica, 1980. G.MA.

Calachene (Kakaynvy; Kalachéné). Region bordered by the > Tigris and the Great Zab around the earlier Neo-Assyrian capital > Kalhu (now Nimrid), east of the Tigris, north of the > Adiabene (Str. 11,4,8; TisLA,T2s 16,01; Ptol. 65n,2) F.H. WeIssBACH, s.v. K., RE 10, £530.

K.KE.

Calagurris [1] Fibularia. A settlement of the > Vascones, probably the modern Loarre in the Spanish province of Huesca in Spain. Bishop Ianuarius, one of the participants in the Council of Iliberis, may have come from C.

[2] Nasica. Iberian town on the Iberus in the Spanish

province of Zaragoza, modern Calahorra. It played a part in the Celtiberian Wars (181-133 BC) and in the revolt of Sertorius (80-72 BC). Under Augustus — who

for a while had a bodyguard of Calagurritani —

C.

became a municipium. Numerous Roman remains (cir-

cus, amphitheatre) and inscriptions attest to the importance of C. in the imperial age. It was the birthplace of the rhetor > Quintilianus. Prudentius (Peristephanon 1) mentions the Christian martyrs Emeritus and Celedonius. Under the Visigoths, C. developed into an important episcopal see. TOVAR 3, 380-381.

P.B.

Calais and Zetes (KdAaic, Zits; Kalais, Zeétés). Boreads, wind gods, the winged sons of > Boreas and > Oreithyia, brothers of Cleopatra and Chione [tr]. Sent by their father from Thrace (Pind. Pyth. 4.179183), they become members of the + Argonauts (Apollod. 1.111; 3.199; Apoll. Rhod. 1.211-223; Ov. Met. 6.712-721). In Salmydessus they free the blind prophet who

is married

which have since been called the > Strophades from their turning back (Apollod. 1.122ff.; Antimachus fr. 71; Apoll. Rhod. 2.78-300; Val. Fl. 4424-528; for the depiction of the battle with the Harpies on the throne of + Amyclae [1] and the + Cypselus chest, see Paus. 3.18.15; 5.17.11). After joining the Argonauts > Heracles [x] kills and buries the Boreads on the island of Tenos. According to the myth, they were returning from participating in the funeral games for King > Pelias and Heracles sought vengeance against them because they spoke against searching for him in Cius (Apoll. Rhod. r.1298-1308; id. 1.1304-1308: their grave with aetiology). The Boreads search for Heracles in Libya, but are unable to find him (Apoll. Rhod. 4,1484). According to a version in tragedy (Soph. TrGF 4 F 645; 704-717; Soph. Ant, 966-987; Diod. Sic. 4.43 ff.5 Orph. A. 671-679), the Boreads punish their brotherin-law Phineus because he has blinded his sons with his wife Cleopatra because his second wife falsely accused them (according to other versions, they were buried alive). They also return their nephews’ eyesight. According to Sil. 8.512-514, 12,525ff., C. is the founder of the city of > Cales. For the origin of the rationalist interpretation of the myth of C. and Z, see [2. ro4ff.]; for their representation in art, see [3. 5 rff.]. 1 U.v. Witamow1tTz-MOoELLENDORFF, Hell. Dichtung 2,

1924, 71962 21d., Die griech. Heldensage 2, 1925, in: KS V 2, 85-126 3M. Vojatz1, Friihe Argonautenbilder, 1982.

TOVAR 3, 381-382.

+ Phineus,

928

927

to Cleopatra,

from

the

~ Harpies. In the fight, C. and Z. were initially supposed to die, like the Harpies (Apollod. 1.122; 3.199 [1.229'; 2. ro4ff.]). However, divine intervention rescues both later: the Harpies fly into a cave on Crete after the Boreads catch up with them (after praying to Zeus: Hes. Cat. 156) on the Plotae or Echinades Islands

P.D.

Calama Probably a Libyan settlement of the later Africa proconsularis, 74 km south-west of Hippo Regius, modern Guelma, strongly influenced by Punic traditions (documentary evidence: KAI 165-169; Inscr. latines de Algérie 1, 233; 290). Under Trajan (AD 98-117), it became a > municipium (Inscr. latines de PAlgérie 1, 285), and a > colonia before 283 (Inscr. latines de Algérie 1, 247). Imperial domains were located within the territory of C. (CIL VIII 1, 5383-5494). Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 5288-5494; Inscr. latines de PAlgérie 1, 176-444. C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de l'Afrique romaine 2, 1981, 90—

103; G.SOUVILLE, s.v. C., EB, 1707-1709.

W.HU.

Calamae (Kodcuct; Kalaémai). Settlement in south-east Messenia (x@un, Paus. 4,31,3; yweiov, Pol. 5,92,4 for 217 BC). Small hillock with remains of walls, 1 km south of the modern Jannitsa. C. probably extended to a further hillside nearby, where today a chapel of Hagios Vasilios is found. The modern Kalamata (officially Kalamai) corresponds with the ancient Pharae. Inscriptions: IG V 1, 1360f. E. MEYER, s.v. Messenien, RE Suppl. 15, 18of.

Wels

Calamis Greek sculptor; ancient sources praise his horses and female figures, refer to him as the sculptor who made the transition to the classical period. He

929

930

CALAMUS

endowed his works with both ‘hardness’ and ‘grace’.

508; P.ORLANDINI,

He is linked with > Onatas, > Praxiteles and > Sco-

della questione dalle origini ai nostri giorni, 1950; Id., Calamide, 1-3, 1950; G.RICHTER, The Sculpture and

pas. Many researchers have tried to solve the chronological contradictions by assuming that there were numerous sculptors of the same name with various surviving works ascribed to them. Since no work can be sufficiently proven to originate from C., the extent of his work is not known. From the famous C. originated a statue of a horsedrawn chariot in Olympia, which he created in 466 BC with Onatas for > Hieron [1] I. Further chariot teams to which Praxiteles added a charioteer, were attributed

to him. Pausanias attributes to C. a group of bronze statues of young boys praying, a dedication of the polis of Acragas in Olympia after a victory around 450 BC. C. created a cult image of Zeus Ammon in Thebes for Pindar. Cult images of Dionysus and of Hermes Kriophoros (‘carrying a ram’) made of marble and sculpted by C. were located in Tanagra; both are represented on local coins. C. created the > gold-ivory cult image of a young Asclepius for Sicyon. A colossal statue of Apollo sculpted by C. in Apollonia on the Pontus was later brought to Rome by Lucullus. On the Athenian Agora stood a statue of Apollo by C. with the epithet Alexikakos (‘warding off evil’), which Pausanias wrongly explained as signifying the end of the plague in 426 BC. Around 465 BC, C. sculpted a statue of Aphrodite on the Acropolis in Athens as a dedication from Callias. Pausanias saw this statue at the Propylaea; its base is preserved. It is often equated with a statue located at the entrance of the Acropolis known as Sosandra, whose grace Lucian singled out with particular praise. Among

the other female figures created by C. are a statue of Hermione as a dedication by the Spartans to Delphi and a statue presumably representing Alcmene referred to as Alcumena in a corrupt passage (Plin. HN 34,71). The middle of the three Semnai (Erinnyes) on the Athenian Agora were attributed to both C. as well as an unknown Calus, which is probably due to a writing mistake. C. created a Nike without wings for the Mantineans in Olympia. Attempts have been made to identify all works mentioned in literature with extant copies: from the throng of early classical Apollo statues, the type OmphalosApollo (Athens, NM) is preferred as the Apollo Alexikakos. The Sosandra is often identified with the socalled Aspasia Louvre-Naples type which corresponds to Lucian’s description, though it is designated as Europa by an inscription on one replica. Thus, a definitive basis for the numerous additional works attributed to C. is lacking. Perhaps a descendent of C. with the same name worked in toreutics mentioned several times by Pliny from whom yet another Apollo originated, although made of marble. It was located in the Horti Serviliani in Rome. C., the teacher of > Praxias may

also have been a descendant. OVERBECK no. 508-5323 857; 1155; 2167; 2185; LOEWwy no. 415; 485; PICARD 2, 1, 45-66; A. RAUBITSCHEK, Dedications from the Athenian Akropolis, 1949, 136; 505-

Calamide.

Bibliografia e sviluppo

Sculptors of the Greeks, 1950, 203-207; LiprpoLD 110112; J.Marcapé, Recueil des signatures de sculpteurs grecs, I, 1953, 39-44;

M. RoBerTsoNn, Europa, in: JWI

20, 1957, 1-3; P. ORLANDINI, EAA 4, 291-294;J.DORIG, K.-Stud., in: JDAI 80, 1965, 138-265; B.S. RipGway, The Severe Style in Greek Sculpture, 1970, 61-70; 87; 89; Id., Fifth Century Styles in Greek Sculpture, 1981, 184186; 235; 237; G. HAFNER, Zu K,, in: Riv. di archeologia 15, 1991, 61-68.

RN.

Calamites (Kadauityc; Kalamités). Attic hero whose sanctuary was probably not far from the market, near the municipal Lenaion in Athens, which suggests a connection to Dionysus [1. 124]. According to schol. Patm. on Demosth. Or. 18.129, C. derives from the word + kdlamos (‘reed’) [3]; by deriving kaldmé (‘grain stalk’) according to a different tradition [2], C. would become a part of the Demeter circle. 1 DeEUBNER 25S.EITREM,s.v. K.,RE 10,1537 SAKKELION, Scholies de Démosthéne, in: BCH

3M.J. 1, 1877,

142.

JO.VO.

Calamus see > Pen

Calamus [1] (KaAauoc; Kdlamos). Son of the river god > Maeander. When his lover Carpus drowns, C. begs Zeus for a premature death. In response, Zeus turns him into a reed, Carpus into a field fruit (Serv. Ecl. 5,48; Nonn. Dion. 11,370ff.; [2. 279]). In a different myth, C. is the lover of > Cissus [3. 168 n. 2]. 1 H. Meyer, s.v. K., RE 10, 1538

zenwelt in der griech. Myth., 1880 griech. Roman, 31914.

2 J. Murr, Die Pflan3 E.RoHDE,

Der

JO.VO.

[2] xdXan0c, Lat. calamus, harundo, canna, the name of all types of reeds, 56vak, called ddnax almost solely in Homer (Il. 10.467 und 11.584; Od. 14.474). It has been mentioned in the writings of many poets and in literature since Aeschylus and Herodotus (Hdt. 3.98 and 5.101). Since Theophr. Hist. pl. 1.5.2 and 3 (among others), botanical literature has provided much information concerning the structure, growth, spread, and use of the many types that are distinguished by special attributes but hardly determinable. Dioscorides 1.85 WELLMANN = 1.114 BERENDES knows the right reeds for making flutes (details about the instruments in Plin. HN 16.170-172, during his time, however, these were produced primarily from other materials), pipes (both of which Theophr. Hist. pl. 4.11.12 identified with the low quality Spartan donax), for writing and arrows (= Cretan in Theophr. Hist. pl. 4.11.11; an expert description of the military significance of reed arrows used by the inhabitants around the Mediterranean and in the Orient according to Plin. HN 16.159-161) as well as the reed moayuitys/phragmites usually used as a com-

CALAMUS

931

press in case of inflammation. The grass pAowdc/phloids is supposed to be burned and applied with vinegar to heal ‘mange’; according to Hdt. 3.98, it was used by the inhabitants of India to make clothes. The reed with its hollow and gnarled stem, tapering toward the tip and turning into a hair-like tuft at the end is accurately described in Plin. HN 16,157ff. This tuft served as the stuffing for upholstery in taverns and, in crushed form, as the sealing for ship joints. Many stalks (Plin. HN 16.163) surrounded by leaves spring from the rhizome with joints. Pliny (HN 16,156) is familiar with thatched roofs only from northern Europe. Under a back reference to the 28 reed types mentioned in bk. 16, Pliny (HN 24. 85-87) provides several recipes that referred, among others, to the fragrant calamus, Acorus calamus L. (x. deMpatixds or evMdyc/k. aromatikos or euddes, Lat. calamus odoratus). It was imported dried

from Syria, Arabia, and India (Plin. HN 12, 104-106) as a drug for manufacturing perfume and ointments (cf. among others, Theophr. Hist. pl. 4.8.4 and 9.7.1-2; C. plant. 6.18.2 and 6.14.8; Dioscorides 1.18 WELLMANN = 1.17 BERENDES; Str. 16.2.16 (755)). Tree-high bamboo, the reed from India (x. Ivéixdc) that was used to manufacture Indian boats has been frequently mentioned since Hdt. 3.98. Theophr. Hist. pl. 4.11.13 (cf. Geop. 2.6.3) and Plin. HN 16.162 make distinctions between the male and female types, Str. 15.1.56 (710ff.) exaggerates (according to > Megasthenes) their height of 30 fathoms. + Pen; > Graminea H. STADLER, s.v. K., RE 10,1538-1544.

C.HU.

Calanus Name or nickname of an Indian sage who is said to have come into contact with the Greeks when Alexander the Great stayed in Taxila at the beginning of 326 BC. According to his own report, Onesicritus made contact with the Brahmans of Taxila on the orders of Alexander; he claims that C. initially mocked him, but then related to him his theory on the ages of the world (cf. Str. 15,1,63-65; Plut. Alexander 65). According to Megasthenes (in Str. 15,1,68; Arr. Anab. 7,2) and the later versions of PGenev. Inv. 271 and Palladius, De vita Bragmanorum 2,3 and rr, C. was quick to accept Alexander’s invitation to join him, whereas his colleague -» Dandamis refused. On the other hand, according to the reports of Philo of Alexandria (Phil. Probus 94-96) and Ambrosius (Epist. 34; 37), C. stood alone before Alexander and refused to follow him. All ancient sources (apart from Philo and Ambrosius) are as one in reporting that C. agreed to leave Taxila and follow Alexander to Persia, where he took his life on the pyre shortly before Alexander’s death. The descriptions of his death differ as to detail, but all emphasize the sage’s

courage [1]. For the Indian sage, this mode of departing life represented the completion ofhis spiritual path, and so cannot be equated with an ordinary suicide [2]. 1 C. MuCKENSTURM, s.v. Calanos, in: GOULET 2,

157-180

2 J. Fitt10zat, L’abandon de la vie par le sage et les sui-

are cides du criminel et du héros dans la tradition indienne, in: Arts Asiatiques 15, 1967, 65-88. C.M--P.

Calasiris (KaAdovotc; Kaldsiris). The priest C. is one of the main figures in > Heliodorus’ [8] novel Aithiopika. H.Kexs, s.v. Kalasiris, RE 10, 1547; A.B. LLoyp, Herodotus, Book II, vol. 2, 1976, 342. KJ.-W.

Calata comitia Apart from the > comitia curiata the earliest form of the Roman people’s Assembly convened by the > pontifices twice yearly [1. 215] (about 6th—4th cents. BC). The calata comitia (CC) take their

name from the word calare (‘to call’; cf. Fest. p. 251 S.v. procalare) that was common in priestly language etc. in conjunction with the ‘proclamation’ of the dies fasti (> Calendar) [2. 312].

The sources have passed down to us the occasions for the convening of theCC — the > inauguratio of the rex (later of the rex sacrorum) and the so-called ‘great Flamines’ of Rome (Gell. NA 15,27,1ff.), the announcement of the feriae statae sollemnes (Varro, Ling. 6,28), the setting up of testaments

(Gai. Inst. 2,107;

Ulip. 20.2) and the arrogatio (change of a free adult citizen to another gens, connected with the detestatio sacrorum, i.e. breaking away from the previous sacral association of the earlier gens). The roles of the people assembled by the pontifex during the CC appear to have been rather passive. For this reason the CC have been described as ‘information-meetings’ — characteristic of most political assemblies of the Romans of the monarchic and early Republican periods [1. 216, 614]. Whilst for the detestatio sacrorum there was a formal petition and decisionmaking process, in the case of information regarding the calendar, the citizens probably only noted this. With testaments and inaugurations the people are said to have functioned ‘as witnesses’ [3. 512]. It was still the Republican Period when other legal forms took the place of the CC. 1J.Ripxe,

Kalender

2 WIEACKER, RRG

und

Offentlichkeit,

1995

3 G. Wissowa, Religion und Kultus

der Romer (1912, repr. 1971).

B. KUBLER, s.v. C. c., RE 3, 1330-1334; G.J. Wor, Comitia quae pro collegio pontificum habentur, in: K. Luic, D. Lress (ed.), Das Profil des Juristen in der europaischen Tradition (Symposion fiir F. Wieacker), 1980,

I-24.

CE.

Calatiae (Hecat. in Steph. Byz. FGrH; Kallatiai in Hdt. 3,38). Indian ethnic group whose members according to Hdt. used to eat their parents —an ethnological curiosity that in another citation (Hdt. 3,99) was attributed to another Indian people, the Padaioi, likewise to the Iranian Massagetae (Hdt. 1,216) and the > Issedones

(Hdt. 4,26).

K. KARTTUNEN, 197-202.

India in Early Greek Literature,

1989, KK,

259

934

Calatores From calare—‘to call’. a) Slaves who convey orders (Fest. p. 3.4; differently [1] who equates calatores with nomenclatores on the basis of Plaut. Merc. 852. The latter are slaves who give their masters the names of those passing while away). b) Assistants of the higher priests, almost exclusively freed persons. They are al-

Calceus Roman shoe or half-boot made of leather that was probably adopted from the Etruscans and was part of the clothing (vestis forensis) of the noble Roman citizen. Ifa member of the nobility dressed in other shoes in public, he would be criticized (Suet.Tib. 13; an exception was the dress for the banquet at which people wore the solla; Hor. Sat. 2,8,77; Mart. 3,50,3; Suet. Vit. 2). In Roman literature and art the calceus was represented in many ways; three variants can be distinguished that at the same time served to differentiate between social ranks. The first form was the closed, high calceus with the shoelaces (corrigiae) wound round the ankles and tied above the instep of the foot and two other tied shoelaces above the foot; the ends of the latter were pulled through the lower shoelaces so that they did not hang down freely (calcei patricii). In the case of the second variant, only two laces were tied above the ankle

ready in evidence on the Forum stele (CIL I’ r). Their

task was to prepare the way for the priest by calling and to stop the priest coming into contact with polluted elements or unfavourable omens prior to sacrifices. The Arval inscriptions in particular provide precise details of the calatores (> Arvales fratres). 1 P. Enx, Plauti Mercator II, 1932, 173. Latre, 408f.; G.Wissowa, Religion und Romer, 19717, 497; SCHEID, Collége, 467.

Kultus

der RB.

Calaurea (Kadovoeta; Kalatireia). Island in the south of the Saronic Gulf off the coast of the Argive Acte (21 km’, up toa height of 283 m), modern Poros. Grave finds have verified that the island was already inhabited in Mycenaean times [1. 297ff.]. The ancient town with its famous > Poseidon sanctuary (right of asylum) — partially extant and excavated — was situated in the interior of the island. The earliest finds from the sanctuary date back to the geometric period; the temple was built at the end of the 6th cent. and further extended in the 5th/4th cents. BC. C. was the centre of an ancient amphictiony, together with Hermione, Epidaurus, Aegina, Athens, Prasiae, Nauplia, and the Boeotian

Orchomenus. In historical times, C. belonged to + Troezen. On C., Demosthenes [2] committed suicide (and was buried there). Sources: Scyl. 52; Str. 8,6,33 14; Paus. 2,33,2-5; Mela 2,109; Inscriptions: [1. 287ff.]; IG IV 839-852. 1S. Wipe,

L. KJELLBERG, Ausgrabungen auf Kalauria, in:

MDAI(A) 20, 1985, 267ff. H.v. Geisau, s.v. K., RE 10, 2535-2541; PHILIPPSON/

KirRSTEN 3, 199ff.; G. WELTER, Troizen und K., 1941, 43ff.; J.P. HarLanp, The Calaurian Amphictiony, in: AJA 29, 1925, 160ff.; D. FIMMEN, Die kret.-myk. Kultur, *1924, 13, 66; D. HENNIG, s.v. Poros, in: LAUFFER, Grie-

chenland, 56r.

CALCHAS

(calcei senatorii). The third form was a gaiter-like shoe

without laces (calceus equester). The calceus patricti differed from the calceus senatorii because of the number of laces, their black colour and the crescent-

shaped lacing hooks (/unulae) made of ivory attached to the tie knots that could also be worn by non-Patricians. A distinction should also be made between the calceus and the — mulleus of the Roman triumphators that came from the dress of the Roman kings. Women, too, wore red, green, yellow and white calcei (Ov. Ars am. 35271; Apul. Met. 7,8). H.R. Goette, Mulleus —- Embas — Calceus, in: JDAI 103,

1988, 449-464 (fig.).

R.H,

Calceus Herculis Oasis west of the Aurés mountains,

nowadays probably El-Kantara (north of Biskra). The road from Lambaesis to the Numidian limes went through C. (Tab. Peut. 3,5). This strategically important location was, in the 2nd and 3rd cent., garrison to archers and camel-riders from Emesa and Palmyra, who introduced their native gods to C.H.: CIL VIII 1, 2502, 2505, 2515; Suppl. 2, 18007f. Further inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 2496-2515; Suppl. 2, r8004-18012. W.HU.

H.KAL.

Calavius Campanian family name, whose bearers were highly respected in Capua, and who in the Republican age were one of Rome’s foremost enemies (ThIL, Onom. 71). [1] Calavii. were executed for arson in Rome in 210 BC (Liv. 26,27).

[2] C., Novius and Ovius. They headed a conspiracy against the Romans in 314 BC, and after their exposure committed suicide (Liv. 9,26,7). Their father was perhaps Ofilius C., named in Livy (9,7,2-5) [3] C., Pacuvius. Related by marriage to the Claudii and

the Livii, he was in 217 BC in Capua leader of the proCarthage faction and the highest-ranking official (meddix tuticus). His son remained an ardent supporter of Rome even after the fall of Capua (Liv. 23,2-4; 8-9). K-LE.

Calchas (Kéiyac; Kdlchas, Lat. Calchas). Son of Thestor, seer and augur for the Greeks during the Trojan War who ‘knew what is, what will be, and what was’ (Hom. Il. 1.70). To the army gathered in > Aulis awaiting departure, C. correctly prophesied, based on the flight of birds, that Troy would be defeated in the tenth year of the war (Hom. Il. 2.303ff.; Kypria argumentum p. 40 BERNABE). When the Greek fleet was prevented from departing due to lack of wind, C. explained that Artemis was angered and required that > Iphigenia (Cypria arg. p. 41 BERNABE; Aesch. Ag. 104-257; Eur. IA) be sacrificed. Himself a priest of Apollo, C. traces the plague that was rampant among the besieging army back to > Agamemnon’s (Hom. Il. 1.93ff.) lack of respect towards Apollo’s priest Chryses. That C. was held in high regard is further apparent by the fact that

CALCHAS

Poseidon appears to the Greeks in his form to give them advice (ibid. 13.4 5ff.). C. anticipates the suicide of Ajax [1], but he intervenes too late (Soph. Aj. 745ff.). Returning from Troy, C. allegedly met the seer > Mopsus in Colophon, was defeated by him in a contest and died from the sorrow of his defeat (Hes. fr. 278 M.-W.). Later sources add that C. was one of those behind the ruse using the wooden horse (Verg. Aen. 2,176ff.). He declares that Troy is impregnable without Heracles’ bow, in possession of > Philoctetes (Apollod. Epit. 5.8) and without Achilles’ son ~ Neoptolemus (Q. Smyrn. 6.65ff.). He also requires the sacrifice of > Astyanax and - Polyxena (Sen. Tro.). Iconographic representations mostly depict C. in connection to the sacrifice of Iphigenia [1]. 1 V.SALADINO, s.v. K., LIMC 5.1, 931-935.

RE.N.

Calchedon (Kakyydmv; Kalchédon, also Chalkedon; Lat. Calchedon, Calcedon, Chalcedon). I. PREHISTORY TO ROMAN

936

95)

PERIOD

II. LATE AN-

TIQUITY AND BYZANTINE PERIOD I. PREHISTORY TO ROMAN PERIOD Prehistorical settlement area on the south-eastern entrance into the > Bosporus (map); in c. 685 BC, the

harbour town was founded as a Megarian colony; modern Kadikoy. Its territory extended along the eastern shore of the Bosporus beyond Chrysopolis, at times up to the hieron (‘sanctuary’) of Zeus Urios; its hinterland was the region around the rivers of C. and Aretas, and in the south-west, it continued to Panteichion (modern Pendik). In the course of the > Ionian Revolt, it was besieged and captured by the Persians; its population escaped to Mesambria. C. was a member of the + Delian League; it seceded from Athens in 412/1 BC, capitulated to Athens in 409 BC, was captured for Sparta by Lysander in 405 BC, and in 389 BC for Athens by Thrasybulus. In 416 BC, it joined Byzantium and its Thracian allies in an internecine war against Bithynia (Diod. Sic. 12,82,2). From 387/6 BC, C. was

under Persian supremacy, but, notwithstanding, occupied by Byzantium in 3 57 BC. A > sympoliteia between C. and Byzantium was set up, which, with was still in existence at times in the 3rd cent. Zipoetes’ siege of C. in 315 BC was relieved by Antigonus [1], with whom C. entered a symmachia. In 302/1, C. was utterly defeated by Zipoetes, who took possession of Astacus; Byzantium mediated in the negotiations of a peace deal [r. 191]. C. enjoyed far-reaching independence from Lysimachus. In 281 BC, it joined an anti-Seleucid alliance with Byzantium, Heraclea [7], Mithridates I of Pontus, and, from 280 BC, also Nicomedes I of Bithy-

nia; In 278 BC, C. appeared as signatory to the contract regarding the recruitment of the Galatae as symmachoi of Nicomedes and the alliance [1. 203ff.]. In 213/203 BC, C. entered an isopoliteia with the Aetolians, and in 202 BC, it was conquered by Philip V; in 196 BC, Rome

proclaimed the freedom of Greek cities. C. retained its close links with Byzantium in the 2nd cent. BC. In 73 BC, it was in C. that Aurelius Cotta was besieged by Mithridates VI. In Augustan times, it was for a period under the control of Rhoemetalces I. 1 K.STROBEL, Die Galater 1, 1996. R.MERKELBACH, Die Inschr. von Kalchedon (IK 20), 1980; H.Merte, Die Gesch. der Stadte Byzantion und Kalchedon, 1916; W. OrTH, Die Diadochenzeit im Spiegel der histor. Geogr. (TAVO-Beih. B 80), 1993, 40f.;

W.RucGE, s.v. K., RE 10, 15 55-1559; R. JANIN, Les églises et les monastéres des grands centres Byzantins, 1975, 31— 60; D. FetsseL, De C. a Nicoméde, in: Travaux et mémoires 10, 1987, 405-436. K.ST.

Il. LATE ANTIQUITY

AND BYZANTINE

PERIOD

In the 3rd and 4th cents. AD, C. suffered from military events: in 258, it was plundered by the Goths, in 365, it was besieged by emperor > Valens — because C.’s support of the usurper > Procopius—and its walls destroyed (Amm. Mare. 26,6,4f.; 26,8,2f.; 26,10,3; 31,1,4). It was a diocese from the 2nd/3rd cents., initial-

ly belonging to the metropolis of - Nicomedia, but from 451, it was a metropolis in its own right, although without suffragan bishops. C. gained fame because of the

(4th Ecumenical)

Council,

which,

for reasons

unknown, was relocated at short notice by emperor + Marcianus

from — Nicaea to C., and which con-

vened in the basilica of St. Euphemia from 8 to 25 October 451. During the 7th cent., C. was occupied several times by either Persians or Arabs. In the Middle Ages, the town is often described as a suburb to > Constantinopolis, as the emperors used it both as place of escape and as a starting-point for their campaigns. In 13 50, C. was captured by the Turks, and enfeoffed by Mehmed II to Hidir bey, the first kadi of Istanbul (thus its Turkish name Kadikoy, ‘village of the judge’). Only sparse remains of late antique and medieval buildings are extant. G.E. BEAN, s.v. Chalkedon, PE, 216; C. Foss, s.v. Chalcedon, ODB 1, 403f.; R. JANIN, s.v. Chalcédoine, DHGE

12, 270-277; A.KAZHDAN, s.v. Chalkedon, LMA 2, 1650f.; U.PEscHLow, s.v. Chalkedon, LThK? 2, 999; W.RuGE, s.v. K., RE to, 1555-1559. E.W.

Calchus (KdAyos; Kdlchos). King of the Daunians (> Daunia), lover of > Circe prior to the arrival of Odysseus. Because he continues to importune her against her will, she drives him to madness with enchanted food and drink. As a Daunian army begins looking for him, Circe releases him from her spell, but only after C. promises never to set foot on her island again (Parthenius 12). CW. Calcidius (not Chalcidius). Christian philosopher; his dates are disputed: he either lived from the second half of the 3rd to the first half of the 4th cent. AD [1] or from the first half to the middle of 4th cent. [2]. Assigning his commentary on Plato’s Timaeus to a particular school

937.

938

of thought (for Middle Platonism see [1] or Neoplatonism, see [25 3; 4; 5]), is further complicated by the fact that important tenets, like those on providence and fatum, have basically remained unchanged from Middle Platonism to the end of Neoplatonism [6].

Caledoniae in Plin. HN 4,102 suggests that the C. settled across a large area of eastern Scotland. Almost unknown prior to the Roman invasion, they offered fierce resistance to it, before they were decisively defeated by Agricola at > Mons Graupius in AD 84 (Tac. Agr. tof.; 25-31). Archaeological evidence leads to the assumption of a military aristocracy with several local power bases. There was no kingship; Calgacus, who led the C. at Mons Graupius, was an elected military lead-

1J.DiLton,

The

Middle

Platonists,

1977,

401-408

2 Timaeus a Calcidio translatus commentarioque instructus, ed. J.H. Waszinx,

1962, IX-XVII

3 Id., Studien

zum Timaioskomm. des C., 1964 4J.C. M. van WINDEN, C. on Matter, His Doctrine and Sources, *1965 5 J.DEN BoeErT, C. on Fate, His Doctrine and Sources,

1970 61.Hapot, Le probléme du néoplatonisme alexandrin, 1978, 117-142. P.HA.

C.s Timaeus commentary is also the first Latin source to contain numeric diagrams in the shape of a A (labdoma) in its passages on harmonics, which were partially based on Greek sources. On these, other writers based their works up and into the early Middle Ages. J. Hanpscuin, The ‘Timaeus’ Scale, in: Musica Disciplina

4, 1950, 3-42; M. Huc o, La réception de C. et des Commentarii de Macrobe a l’époque carolinienne, in: Scriptorium 44, 1990, 3-20; Id., Les diagrammes d’harmonique interpolés dans les manuscrits hispaniques de la Musica Isidori, Scriptorium 48, 1994, 171-186. F.Z.

Calculi see > Abacus; see > Board games Caldarium see > Baths; see

> Thermal baths

Caldis Auxiliary fort, north-west of > Cirta, west of the modern Mechta Nahar. Many steles, dedicated to Saturnus. Inscriptions: Inscr. latines de |’Algérie 2,1,

3442-3569. AAAlg, sheet 8, no. 173.

W.HU.

Cale Acte (Kadi) ’Axtn; Kale Akté). Greek town on the northern coast of Sicily, founded in 446 BC by > Ducetius with the support of Archonides, the tyrant of Herbita (Diod. Sic. 12,8,2f.). As early as 495 BC, > Scythas of Zanclae had planned the foundation of an Ionian colony on that site. C.A. was probably first entered in around 200 BC into the lists of the thedrod6koi of Delphi. It was plundered by Verres (Cic. Verr. 2,3,101). Birth place of the rhetor > Caecilius [III 5]. Localized near the modern Caronia Marina. Remains of a reservoir, statue of a togatus. Coins: [1. 129f.]. 1R.Catciatr 1983.

(ed.), Corpus

Nummorum

R.J. A. Witson, Sicily under the Roman

MOM S743

7 Oe 2 $55 DUGG s.mmrt.

Siculorum

1,

Empire, 1990,

GLMA.

Caledonii Ancient authors applied the name C. variously: either to the inhabitants of Scotland north of a line from the Forth to the Clyde (Tac. Agr. 25), or toa tribe in the region of the Great Glen (Ptol. 2,3,8), or toa group of tribes in northern Scotland (Cass. Dio 76,12).

The reference to Caledonia in Tac. Agr. 27 and to silvae

CALENDAR

er. Various forms of settlements, hill-forts, enclosed farmsteads, brochs (stone towers) and crannogs (lake-

side dwellings). The use of pottery and metal objects was not particularly common. I.A. RICHMOND (ed.), Roman and Native in North Britain, 1958; G. and A.Rircuie, Scotland, 1981; M. Mac-

GREGOR, Early Celtic Art in North Britain, 1976.

M.TO.

Calendae see > Calendar

Calendar A. Basic PRINCIPLES 1. TERM 2. SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF TIME 3. TECHNICAL PROBLEMS B. HISTORICAL CALENDARS 1. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT 2. GREECE 3. JUDAISM/ HELLENISTIC-ROMAN PALESTINE 4. ITALY 5. CHRISTIANITY C.PRAGMaTiIcs D. History OF INFLUENCE AND SCIENCE

A. Basic PRINCIPLES 1. TERM Calendar developed its modern meaning in post-antiquity from the Latin word for ‘debt register’ (> Calendarium). In the following, the term is taken as an element of > chronography within a culture which attempts to describe or regulate annual periodicities. Typically, a day represents the smallest unit of a calendar (~ Clocks). 2. SOCIAL CONSTRUCTION OF TIME Hunting and farming both demand a harmonization with seasonal variations (-» Seasons), thus leading to annually repeated patterns of actions (periodicity). In line with the increasing complexity of societies and the increasing division of labour, the need for co-ordination also increased (see [1]). It was not only necessary to

find the right time for example for sowing, but also to define the time for communal activities: ‘time reckoning’ is not so much a descriptive, analytical process, but rather a normative procedure — time is constructed socially, even though this is often hidden behind metaphors of ‘measuring’ [2]. There is no need for the rules governing the structurization of time to be explicit or even set down in writing. Systematic calendar structures often appear only late in ancient societies, often with a number of systems operating concurrently. It is surprising, how frequently interventions in individual systems occurred, especially in contrast with the calendrical stability demanded by a modern society so strongly based on the division of labour (cf. [3; 4] for Greece).

CALENDAR

940

939

3. TECHNICAL PROBLEMS It is characteristic for all early calendars that they took the phases of the moon as their basic orientation; the moon provides an indicator of time which can easily be observed from anywhere, providing easily discernible periodicities, i.e. the months (Greek weic, mess, Lat. mensis). Although here, too, precise empirical observation remains difficult, it is comparatively easy to conventionalize the varying duration of lunations of 29.5306 days on average by alternating between months of 29 and 30 days (> Moon). The greatest problem facing systematic calendars is the relationship between the solar year (365.2422 days) and lunar months. The difference between 12 months (354 days) and the solar year can easily be rectified empirically through the occasional insertion of an additional month, whereas determining the rules governing the long-term insertion of intercalary days and months presents greater difficulties (cf. [5. 35]). Such rules seem to have first been set out in an octaeteris dating from the end of the 6th/beginning of thé sth cent. BC, e.g. with the intercalation of 30-day months in years 3, 5, and 8 of an ‘8—year-cycle’ (Geminus, Elementa astronomiae 8; Cens. 18). Of greater precision (regarding the agreement with the actual lunations) was the 19-year-cycle consisting of 235 months, defined by > Meton, and according to Diod. Sic. 12,36 beginning with 27 June 432 BC [6. 44f.]. Such cycles, which were improved by further refinements (e.g. by > Callippus [5], Epoch: 330 BC), enabled the long-term prediction of — eclipses; however, they were of little or no influence on the actual, often arbitrary, interventions by the relevant, mainly political, decision makers. The decisive forward leap in practicability was only achieved by Caesar’s radical reform of the Roman calendar into a Roman solar calendar with months of newly defined lengths and entirely divorced from lunar cycles, with the insertion of only a single intercalary day every four years. Nonetheless, in many places lunisolar calendars retained their dominance as local calendars; because of its (modified) adoption of the (lunisolar) calculation of

the Jewish Passover for its Easter celebrations, Christianity, too, required an, if only mathematical, continuation of this calendar system. The basic calendric unit of the month is often further structured internally. Days of a full or a new moon are marked (Babylonian Sapattum = Sabbath in its oldest meaning; Lat. Idus). Here, too, problems occur for empirically based lunar months; only conventional lunar months enable the definition of ten day cycles (decades) as in the Greek calendar. Such subdivisions do not define + weeks; the concept of a week continuously repeating itself without ‘leap days’ requires the transcendence of monthly divisions and seems only to have been instituted in special circumstances (Judaism in exile; early Republican Rome). It was the monthly structures which presumably exerted the strongest influence on the daily life of ancient societies; frequently, the great festivals, which dominated the perception and

shaped the year as a whole, were firmly embedded within the monthly structure. The requirement of a systematic calendar of distinguishing clearly and equally between the (12) months of a year is met by naming the months individually (+ Months, names of the), frequently with references to important - festivals or their associated deities; however, only in abstract schemes (e.g. the calendar of the Twelve (Olympian) Gods or that of the French Revolution) are such points of reference distributed evenly across a year; in the irregular distribution of festivals (with typical concentrations in spring or autumn; — feriale; > feriae), the points of ref-

erence whose names appear in the calendar are of widely varying quality. ~ Astronomy

TR.

B. HisTORICAL CALENDARS 1. ANCIENT ORIENT AND EGYPT

The ancient Mesopotamian calendar was based on the day as the smallest unit, defined as beginning with sunset and consisting of twelve double hours, and a lunar year of twelve months (of 29 or 30 days), i.e. a total of 354 days. The week as a calendric unit was unknown, but in a comparable rotation, different names were given to the various days within the phases of a lunar cycle, and there were also days named after festivals. Based on the seasons, the beginning of the Babylonian calendar year and thus the date of the ~» New Year’s celebrations was from the early 2nd millennium BC set around the spring equinox, whereas the Assyrian year certainly at least initially began in autumn. In north Syrian — Ugarit, the year began in September/October [7. 50-52]. The OT is aware of a 365 day lunar-solar year. From the OT [8. I 303-305], very little is known about calendric adjustments by inserting intercalary months, and nothing from Ugarit. In Egypt, the heliacal rising of Sirius (> Sothis) in mid-July was from as early as the beginning of the 3rd millennium observed as coinciding with the onset of the Nile inundation, which marked the start of the agricultural year with its seasons of ‘Inundation’, ‘Appearance (of the Seeds)’, and ‘Heat’, each lasting four months. Independent of an equally observed lunisolar year (of either 12 or 13 lunar months), the Egyptian administration was from very early on based ona calendar year of 365 days in 12 months, with 5 additional days (epagomenes). On the basis of an uncorrected annual deferment of the beginning of the new year by ‘/, day, the introduction of this calendar can be dated to around 2270 BC. Religion and festivals were governed by the lunar calendar [9]. In Mesopotamia, the duration of a month as a calendric unit was defined as the time elapsed between the reappearance of the new moon after its conjunction with the sun. Accordingly, a month could thus have 29 or 30 days. In consequence, twelve months covered only a total of 3 54 days compared with the solar year of 365.2492 days. From the Ur III period (around 21st cent. BC) at the latest, attempts were made to com-

941

942

pensate for the mounting deviation between the lunar and the solar year by inserting intercalary months. The practice during the Middle Assyrian period (2nd half of

ventional lunar months, could have been the result of

the 2nd millennium BC), for which no evidence of inter-

calary months has yet been found, remains uncertain. In law and administration as well as in certain astronomical texts, calculations were at times based on standard months of 30 days without exception. Only after 380 BC, an almost complete agreement between the lunar and the solar year was achieved following the observation in Mesopotamia of a 19 year (Metonic, cf. + Meton) cycle, with an intercalary month scheduled for years 1, 3, 6, 9, 12, 14, and 17. H.FR. 2. GREECE Named months as calendric units are evident even in the Mycenaean period [11]. In historical times, the Greek world was dominated by conventional lunisolar calendars (occasionally, such as at the beginning of the year, empirically controlled, but deviating from the lunar phases through the insertion of leap days) with months of regionally different names. Stabile sequences of > names of the months could have originated from as early as the late 2nd millennium BC (the ancient Ionian calendar: [12. 18-38]), thus explaining the common characteristics within larger groups of calendars; reconstructible calendars have laid to rest NILs-

sOn’s [13] theory of a centralized introduction of the calendar originating from Delphi (see also [14]). Days were numbered sequentially in monthly cycles, beginning with the new moon (numenia); the final ten day cycle was also numbered backwards; in a ‘hollow’ month, the penultimate day was simply omitted. The new moon following the summer solstice marked the beginning of the Athenian year with the month of Hecatombaeum, followed by Metageitnion, Boedromion, Pyanopsion, Maimakterion, Posideon, Gamelion, Anthesterion, Elaphebolion, Munychion, Thargelion,

and Skirophorion. Intercalation, when required, generally followed Posideon, i.e. after the winter solstice. In many poleis, the solstices marked the beginning of a new year; the autumn equinox only became popular during the Roman Imperial Age: Augustus’ birthday (23 September) gained an astronomic interpretation. Apart from the beginning of a new year, the names of the months were the most adaptable elements; name changes in honour of Hellenistic rulers or Roman emperors were common [15]. From the Hellenistic period onward, there are occasional finds of calendars in which the names of the months are based on a group of twelve deities ({12. 266ff.]; comprehensive in [16]; the concept of a tutelary deity associated with a particular month can also be found in the Roman menologias, in which the religiously and astronomically most significant days of each month are compiled). The Greek calendar was an export commodity. To a large extent, colonies adopted the calendars of their mother cities, thus spreading Greek calendars far into the Mediterranean region. In Italy, the setting of months of a fixed length, i.e. the establishment of con-

CALENDAR

Greek influence. Even in Sicily, Greek calendars survived until well into the Imperial Age, concurrent with knowledge of the Roman calendar (for Tauromenium see [17. 133f.; 18]). In the Hellenistic kingdoms, the

indigenous and Greek or rather Macedonian calendars were frequently adjusted, allowing parallel use. This could even lead to the Greek calendar losing its lunisolar character in favour of a solar calendar: That applied to Ptolemaic Egypt and the Egyptian calendar as well as to some provinces in Asia Minor, where the

Roman calendar was adopted while at the same time largely preserving their ancient names of the months, beginnings of the year and ways of numbering (‘double— 30° instead of — unthinkable for lunar calendars —

*31’) [19]. 3. JUDAISM/HELLENISTIC-ROMAN PALESTINE At the latest from the rst cent. AD, the JewishPalestinian lunisolar calendar seems to have used a 19-year cycle to support the empirical intercalation (after AD 70 the duty of the Nas? as head of the Sanhedrin) [z0. 430-437]; the use of such cycle is verified from AD 359 (Hillel I of Tiberias). In the post-exile period, the Babylonian names of the months prevailed: Nissan, Ayyar, Siwan, Tammuz, Ab, Elul, Tishri, Marcheshwan, Kislew, Tebet, Shebat, Adar, with any intercalation following the latter. For the 3rd and 2nd cent. BC, it has to be assumed that this calendar was in competition with the Seleucid one. The Jewish calendar system was further complicated by the continuous 7—day~> week. Certain festivals were not allowed to fall on a ~ Sabbat, which could only be prevented by moving the beginning of a year; these settings were later laid down as rules [21]. These problems were avoided by an earlier calendar— extensively described in the Book of Jubilees (> Liber Iubilaeorum) — of 364 days in 52 weeks, possibly used to regulate temple services in the early post-exile period [22; 23]; that same calendar ([24]; critical [25]) or similar ones were handed down by individual Jewish groups, i. a. in > Qumran. Ape TVANTEY. The oldest significant evidence of an Italic calendar is provided by the Etruscan Tabula Capuana [26], a > feriale. It presents a calendar which unlike the later mummy bindings of Agram (> liber linteus) does not yet display the familiar Greek numbering of the days of the months [27]. It rather seems to have structured the days around the centre of the Idus, and generally corresponds with the significant days of the Roman calendar (which in turn have been understood as being of Etruscan origin: Macrob. Sat. 1,15,14) [28]. —

Rare

notes on further Italic calendars recorded in the antiquarian literature (Macrob. Sat. 1,15,18; Sol. 1,34; Censorinus, DN 20,3) are curiosa, used to support certain arguments within the wider tradition [17. 197],

but insufficient to allow a reconstruction of the calendars on which they were based. The Roman calendar is the best documented of the Italic calendars; in the Imperial Age, it seems to have

CALENDAR

Kalendae Februariae

1 February

| (In the pre-Republican calendar this period was variable; later it was fixed at 3 days, 5 in some other months.)

| Nonae

Se

| (7 days) | Idus

iy

ee

| (7 days) |

replaced all other Italic calendar systems, even if some differences may have continued regarding the beginning of a year or the names of the months. The pre-Julian calendar is clearly evident only in the-> Fasti Antiates, dating from the 6th decade of the rst cent. BC, which in its essence may have its origins in the decemviral codification of the Twelve Tables in around 450 BC [29]. In its fixed form, setting the lengths of the months and thus separating them from lunations, it still shows traces of an empirical lunar calendar; based on lunar observation of the moon, the Kalendae (de facto the end of a month, in the written form the beginning of amonth) signified the start of a cycle of three times eight days between the Nonae and the next Kalendae, in

Feralia Caristia

Dig 2 De

which the second marker day, the Ides, should coincide with the middle of the month (full moon), with the third

Terminalia

PGi Ds

(8 days after the Ides) marking the position of the most important annual festivals [17. 214-225]. Fixing the space between Kalendae and Nonesat 5 (or respectively 7 in March, May, July, October) days also set the lengths of the months at 29 or 31 days respectively. Calendar dates were worked out by counting back-

2 ante diem bissextum K. Mart.

1

944

943

(24.)2

Instead of Regifugium, every second year intercalation = Kalendae Interkalariae (every fourth year: prid. K. Interk.)

| (3 days) |

wards from these marker days (Kal., Non., Id.). If a

written form of this calendar mid—5th cent. BC, it would nation of the calendar with whose marker days served

had existed as early as the have enabled the co-ordia continuous 8-day week as market days (> nundi-

nae).

Nonae Interk.

The sequence of the months — Maius,

(7 days)

Iunius,

Quintilis

Martius, Aprilis,

(Augustan:

(Augustan: Augustus), September,

Iulius), Sextilis October, Novem-

ber, December, Ianuarius, and Februarius — presum-

vs Interk.

oe a.d. sextum Kal. Mart. = Regifugium

(25 aean2

(2 days) a.d. tertium Kal. Mart. = Equirria

(28.)za2

pridie Kal. Mart.

(one Sia2

Kalendae Martiae

1 March

Intercalation in the Roman and Julio-Gregorian calendars

1 Intercalation in the pre-Julian calendar (the last 5 days of the 27-day intercalary month — from Regifugium — are identical with the 5 last days of February). 2 Intercalation in the Julian calendar. The modern way of counting (on the right) obscures the place where the intercalary day is interpolated. In leap years, 24 February can be identified as an interpolation in the menology only, since the feast normally falling on that day is moved to the 25. The Roman method of counting backwards also counts in the first and the final days, so the penultimate day of February (27) is called ante diem tertium Kalendas Martias.

ably even predates the decemviral calendar. Intercalation took place before the end of February, as part of a complicated ritual structure, with the winter solstice as the presumed indicator for its requirement [17. 296]. With the length of the standard year fixed at 355 days, the intercalation of a leap month of 27 days at the end of February, but replacing the last five days of that month, effectively resulted in 22 additional days —or rather 23 when February 22 (bisextilis) was doubled; this position was also retained by the Julian (and also Gregorian) leap day. The leap rules implied in the peculiar length of year and mode of intercalation are neither preserved nor— judging by the historically evident disorder — do they seem to have been observed over longer periods of time: Originally, it may have been the aim to assimilate certain dates with certain astronomical events (equinox points or similar). At the end of the Republican era, intercalation lay in the hands of the pontifices (+ pontifex) and could lead to considerable disturbances of the political and economical life. In the ‘Julian Calendar’ introduced in 45 BC, C. lulius —» Caesar reduced the intercalary period to a single day by—supposedly by drawing on the Egyptian calendar— lengthening the 29—day-months to 30 or 31 respectively, thus lengthening the year to a total of 365 days; in a one-off intercalation to make up for accumulated errors, 67 more days were added to the leap

DAS

946

year of 45 BC [17. 360ff.]. In that form, the calendar of the city of Rome was exported as the calendar of an increasingly intensive administration across the entire Imperium Romanum, where it was frequently adopted, at least as a technical system (whilst using local and varying names of the months of beginnings of a year) [6. 171ff.]. Apart from the minor specifications by the Gregorian (1582) and later the Orthodox (1924) reform (see below D..), the Julian calendar is still widely used today. 5. CHRISTIANITY Even though neighbouring settlements used different calendars, differing also from the calendar of the Roman military and the Roman administration (as in the language) from dominant local calendars, there seems to have been considerable pressure for the use of a local calendar (with rare exceptions, e.g. ILLRP 210 = ILS 4053 on Samothrace). Even Jews and Christians seem to have based their calculation on local calendars, although they (in line with other migrant cultures) converted and thus integrated foreign dates. This process is clearly evident in the Christian arguments regarding the correct dating of Easter: It took a long time for the modified Jewish calculation of the date of Passover to prevail over the fixed Julian dating (25 March) which had been particularly popular in the West [20]. On the whole, the church adopted the Roman calendar for supralocal communication; with its facility to provide a graphic representation of weekly cycles (cf. > fasti), it also eased the integration of the 7-day-> week and Sunday. Local variations in form or style were possible; thus the Coptic calendar combined the Julian calendar and its quadrennial leap day with the ancient Egyptian calendar of 12 months of 30 days each plus 5 epagomenal days [30]. Alongside the recurrent Sunday (which liturgically was initially more characterized by continuous bible readings than the number of special festivals seems to indicate today) and the (initially only very few) associated festivals, it was the memorial days for the > martyrs which provided the decisive medium for the religious re-qualification of the Roman calendric structure. The memorial days [31. 571f.], generally linked to the date of interment (dies depositionis), initially marked the dates of a special cult at the graves themselves, but were soon compiled in feriale style lists (Sanctorale); these were at first transmitted alongside the non-Christian religiously qualified calendar (e.g. in the > Chronographer), but soon replaced the old dates in the calendar itself (+ Polemius Silvius); in the sth cent., they coalesced into comprehensive martyrologies, allowing the integration of supraregional dates [32].

months (7/8—-day-weeks, ten-day-cycles, Kalendae/ Ides), hardly in the sense of marking days for work or rest (> feriae), but in the sense of alternative activities (market/production); family celebrations were often set on such marker days. Depending on social standing, the number and extent of - festivals shaping the course of a year and interrupting everyday life were strictly limited; in Roman literature, there is hardly any evidence of dating on the basis of festivals. The calendar’s low ideological cathexis also serves to explain the readiness to convert dates of distinctive and separate religious calendars into the local calendars (in this Qumran is an exception); in this respect, the eponymous counting of years (> Eras; > Chronography) was more perilous. Changing the names of the months is evidence of a propagandistical instrumentalization of calendars, but generally these name changes were revoked as easily as granted. It is illuminating that calendar were so rarely set down in writing. A common graphical representation of all days within a year was only developed in Rome (— fasti), where initially — beyond its practical function of co-ordinating the nundinae with the dates of the months — it served to order days systematically according to their political and legal quality and thus define the time available for public action (end of the 4th cent. BC); later it served as a medium to represent military successes which found their expression in the foundation of temples and cults (early 2nd cent. BC; [17]). Comments on the calendar thus became a form of aetiological reflection on the religious, political and urban constitution (+ Ovidius, copied by Baptista Mantuanus [33]; — Verrius Flaccus; + Polemius Silvius). In Christianity, martyrology turned the calendar — in form of a calendar, a list, or a poem — into an instrument of religious devotion [34; 35]. A similar degree of theological systemization was also achieved by the Egyptian hemerologies, which in their multiple theological and pragmatic qualification of each individual day far exceeded the tangible need for orientation of their potential (probably at least partially fictional)

C. PRAGMATICS There is no indication that in ancient societies calendars were internalized to a degree comparable with for example the weekly rhythm within modern Western societies. For large sections of the population, time was in the first instance structured by the divisions into

CALENDAR

users ([36]; > Hemerologion).

D. History OF INFLUENCE AND SCIENCE Without displacing other calendars, the Julian solar calendar has developed into a time-grid used globally. Apart from European imperialism, another major contributing factor in that was the detailed astronomical knowledge gained in the calculations of the date of Easter (in detail in [37]; see also [38]), allowing an im-

provement and long-term co-ordination of local lunisolar calendars; the best examples for this is Johann Adam SCHALL (1592-1666), a monk who worked in China on the production of the imperial calendar [39].

The long-term stability of the Julian calendar and its Christian-theological content also explain its rejection for religious reasons and its increasing immutability. Even the Gregorian reform (1582 by Gregory XIII: no intercalation in century years indivisible by 4, i.e. 1700,

948

947

CALENDAR

Reconstruction of the Fasti Antiates, i.e. the pre-Julian Roman calendar AKIANE BEV CnC

K BEBNGs

cc

CNG:

ine

HN AN

ENONE F F\VICAEPOTAE

= B NON N

G (G

G NY

HC A AGON BC CCAR N

DN EN FN GN

D) CVVIVRNAE

E EIDVS N FEN

cise,

)

(BKC MAR

AK APRE

FK MAIF

EKIVN

Die EC FC EE HNONF

CG DC

Ee ING BC QE D NONN

GC HC

ANON

DN EN F POPLI Ne GN HNONN

E F

B N\PIFIDI

A N\PALIBvs

F LEMVRN Ge HLEMVRN AG

CN DN EVESTN EIN eae

BN GE DG EC

ery

BF

ven.

GF

ENONN PVBL

BK QVIN

PEA

ate CNW

A F\IN CAPITOL

F N\FORT

BC exe: DC EC

GN HN AN BN

HN

FEN

CN

N

G MATR N2

F C-LOED APOL

AN BEIDVS ravon

G EQVIR HEIDVS ann.

DN E EIDVS NP

CE D EIDVS NP

PENN ee A EIDVS NP

a H EIDVS NP

G CARN

CN

A F.\PERENNAE

2 Ne

E F\MAME INVICT

BN

AR

H C\CARMENT

D LVPER NP

B LIBER NP

G FORDI N®

FC

CQSTDF

B C-HONoRI

Ace

EEN

GE

HN

Gis

Dig

D C-ALLIENS DIE

ine

F QVIR NP

D QVIN

©

AN

HC

EC

D LVCNe

G e

e C\QVIRINO

E C MINERVAE

B N

A CG

F G

E Cc

MDMI

BLEMVR

I

DIG

HC

FC

C CERIA NP

B AGON N

GC-minervaE

FLVC NP

E Ge

A (G

Ge G

D N\CERERI

(é;

H (@

GC\CONCORDIAE

KG (Qe lac INC BC GG DiC EC

B FERA F EG D TERMI Ne E REGIN FC GEN HEQVIRN® NG

H TVBIL NP AQRCF BC GE DIG EC FC EG HC

E PARIL NP BN ROMS COND G VINAL F EL G WER ENS A ROBIG Ne BC GG DIG EC

AG BC ONG DIG EC FC G C—LaRVM HC ING

H NEPT Ne AN BEVRR NW CG DG EC EC xe HC

The sequence of letters A-H on the far left in each monthly column represents the 8-day Roman nundinae week (‘nundinal letters’). These are followed (e.g. on 2 January) by an indication of the legal qualification of the day (> Fasti, B.). F for dies fasti, C. for d. comitiales and N for d. nefasti;

N designates feriae (presumably nefas piaculum). The name of the day’s feast is interpolated between these two where applicable: featuring regularly are

1800, 1900, 2100 ...) with its slight changes to the leap rules and the omission of the accumulated deviation of to days led to centuries of two calendars coexisting within Christian Europe (Protestant countries frequently only adopted the reform in the 18th and roth cent., the Soviet Union only in 1918) [40]. The 1924 revision of the leap rules by the Orthodox Church has ensured the correspondence of the Gregorian and the Julian calendar during this millennium, but did not eliminate the existing differences. A complete countermodel — initially even at the price of technical deterioration — was created by the calendar of the French Revolution (1792-1805), whose provocative nature contributed in the medium term to consideration and

LIB LIB

D TVBIL NP SHOR LG ONES ASE GG HC ANG BC Ge DC

the K(alendae) with the month indicated by an adjective (Ianuariae, etc.), the Non(ae) and the Eidus (ides). Further abbreviated feast names are: 9.1. Agonium; 11./15.1. Carmentalia; 15.2. Lupercalia; 17.2. Quirinalia; 21.2. Feralia; 23.2. Terminalia; 24.2. Regifugium; 27. 2./14.3. Equirria; 17.3. Liberalia; 19.3. Quinquatrus/-tria; 23.3. Tubilustrium; 24.3. Q(uando) R(ex) C(omitiavit) F(as);

increased internalization

of the Gregorian calendar

[41]. The history of a scientific approach to the calendar and its astronomical foundation continues the confrontation with antiquity; + Beda’s works on chronology have to be seen as pivotal in this context. The modern study of calendars in a stricter historical sense begin with the works of the Prussian court astronomer IDELER on ancient astronomy and time-reckoning [42; 43] as well as on Ovid’s Libri fastorum [44]. JR. ~ Chronography 1 M.P.

Nixsson,

Primitive

2N.Ettas, Uber die Zeit, 1988 Athenian Year, 1961

Time-Reckoning,

1920

3B.D. Meritt, The

4 J.D. MrKaLson, The Sacred and

949

950

CALENDAR

AK SEX F B F\SPEI VICTOR

II

EK

SEPF

(Gik OG

N

BK

NOV F

GK DECN

GKINTF

cc (e

G F

D F\ FIDE

CF

HN

HF

DIC

1a AG

EC EC

DiC

AN

AG

EG

BC

BC

Ge ENON BV

BNONF

Fue A NONF

G GC

@ F\OV! STATORI

B Ps

EG

DC-M

AC

BC

F NON F

C NON

GF

DF

DF

(ENG,

H C-p

EG

EG

EC-M

D C.IVNON MON

AC-P

F C-TIBERINO GAIAE

FC

F C-M

E MEDI NP

B C-P

GC

GG

CC-P D C-P

EG A AGON N®

ENG AC

ue

F

CNONF

GG

G C-M

EE

DE

H C-M

G FONT

E EIDVS NP F Foy HERC vis

A C-M 2 EIDVS NP

HEN A EIDVS NP

E C-P

BEN

BC

F EIDVS Ne

C EIDVS Ne

C EIDVS Ne

—«C Rae

BEN

GC

D N\LOED MAGNI

Ge

GF\ean

CD

DF

H C-LoED PLEBEI

E CONS EN

Es,

HC

EG

DIG

A PORT NP

RIG

E ARMI Ne?

BC

GC

EE

AC BC CC

FC G SATVR EN H C\SATVRNO

He GG HC

C VINA FP

HC

GC

DIG

A OPA N-or!

AC

D C\VENERE

AC

Fue

EC

BC

Be

E CONS

BC

AC

FEN

iS

BC

FC GC

C DIVAL D C\EAR PERM

Ge DC

G VOLK N

DC

CC

1a Ke

E LARE N°

E REGIN

FC

CAST POLL CAME

OO) Sree

eee

DC

AC

FC\Neamprempe

A OPIC N? Be

FC GG

EC FC

BIC

GC

GEN

GE

Ble

HE QVIR NP

C VOLTV N

HC

GC

INS

EG

IDKE EC

AC BiG

AG

DiC

ine

Bic

WG

Rie

Cis

11.4. (in smaller letters) M(agnae) D(eum) M(atri) I(deae); 15.4. Fordicidia; 19.4.Cerialia; 21.4. Parilia; 23.4. Vinalia; 25.4. Robigalia; 9./11./13.5. Lemuria; 21.5. Agonium; 23.5. Tubilustrium; 24. 5. Q(uando) R(ex) C(omitiavit) F(as); 9.6. Vestalia; 11.6. Matralia; 15.6. Q(uando) St(ercus) D(elatum) F(as); 5.7. Poplifugia; 19./21.7. Lucaria; 23.7. Neptunalia; 25.7. Furrinalia; 17.8. Portunalia;

Civil Calendar of the Athenian Year, 1975 5 J.Goopy, s.v. Time II. Social Organization, International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences 16, 1968, 30-42 6A.E. SAMUEL, Greek and Roman Chronology, 1972 7 J.v.

BECKERATH,

s.v.

Kalender,

LA

3,

1980,

297-299

8 H. HuNGER, s.v. Kalender, RLA 5, 297-303 9R.DE Vaux, Die Lebensordnungen des AT,*1964 10P.ViTA,

19.8. Vinalia; 21.8. Consualia; 23.8. Volkanalia; 25.8. Opiconsivia; 27.8. Volturnalia; 712.9. (in smaller letters) (ludi) M(agni); 11.10. Meditrinalia; 13. ro. Fontinalia; 19.10. Armilustrium; 7.-12. 11. (in smaller letters) (ludi) P(ublici); rz. 12. Agonium; 15.12. Consualia; 17.12.

Saturnalia; 19.12. Opalia; 21.12. Divalia; 23.12. Larentalia. For the intercalary month, see February.

1972, 3-9

15 C.R. Lone, The Twelve Gods of Greece

and Rome, 1987.

16 K.Scorr, Greek and Roman Hon-

orific Months, in: YCIS 2, 1931, 199-278

Kalender und Offentlichkeit, 1995 ten

von

Taormina,

in:

ZPE

17 J. RUPKE,

18 B. RUCK, Die Fas111,

1996,

271-280

19 U.Larri, Le iscrizioni relative all’introduzione nel 9

Datation et Genres littéraires 4 Ougarit, in: F. BRIQUEL-

a. C. del nuovo calendario della provincia d’ Asia, in: Studi Classici e Orientali 16, 1967, 5-98 20 A. STROBEL,

CHATONNET, H.LozacHMeuR (ed.), Proche-Orient Ancien — temps vécu, temps pensé, 1998 11 C. TRUMpy, Nochmals zu den myk. Fr.-Tafelchen, in: SMEA 27,

Ursprung und Gesch. des frithchristl. Oster-Kalender, 1977. +21 L.Basnizxt, Der jiid. Kalender, 1938 (repr. 1989) 22 J.OBERMANN, Calendaric Elements in the

1989, 191-234 121d., Unt. zu den altgriech. Monatsnamen und Monatsfolgen, 1997. 13 M.P. Nixsson, Die

Dead Sea Scrolls, in: Journal of Biblical Literature 75, 1956, 285-297 23 J.M. BAUMGARTEN, The Calendars

Entstehung und rel. Bed. des griech. Kalenders, 1918 14 J.SarKapy, Zur Entstehung des griech. Kalenders, in:

Testamentum 37, 1987, 71-78

Acta Classica Universitatis Scientiarium Debreceniensis 8,

Maccabees 6,7a and Calendrical Change in Jerusalem, in:

of the Book of Jubilees and the Temple Scroll, in: Vetus 24J.C. VANDERKAM, 2

CALENDAR

952

951

Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman

Period 12, 1981, 52-74

25P.R. Davies,

Calendrical Change and Qumran Origins, in: Catholic Biblical Quarterly 45, 1983, 80-89 26 M. CRISTOFANI, Tabula Capuana, 1995 27 K.Oxzscua, Die KalenderDaten der Agramer Mumienbinde, in: Aegyptus 39, 1959,

340-355

28 J.RUPpKE, Rezension von [26], in: Gnomon

71,1999

29A.K.MrcHeEts, The Calendar of theRoman

Republic, 1967 30 C. Wissa Wasser, Le calendrier copte, de l’antiquité a nos jours, in: JNES 30, 1971, 1-48 31 Y.DuvaL,

Loca

sanctorum

Africae,

2 vols.,

1982

32 W.H. Frere, Studies in Early Roman Liturgy, vol. 1, 1930 33 H.TrUmpy, Die Fasti des Baptista Mantuanus von 1516 als volkskundliche Quelle, 1979

34 J. HEN-

NIG, Kalendar und Martyrologium als Lit.-Formen, in: Id., Lit. und Existenz, 1980, 37-80

35 P. McGurk, The

Metrical Calendar of Hampson, in: Analecta Bollandiana

104,1986,79-125 36 C.LEITz, Die Nacht des Kindes in seinem Nest in Dendara, in: Zschr. fiir 4g. Stud. 120,

1993, 136-165 37J.Mayr, Der Computus ecclesiasticus, in: Zschr. fiir Katholische Theologie 77, 1955, 301330 38A.BorstT, Computus, 1990 39 H.BERNARD,

L’encyclopédie astronomique du Pére Schall, in: Monumenta Serica 3, 1938, 35-77; 441-527

40 G.V.CoyNE,

M.A. Hoskin, O.PEDERSEN, Gregorian Reform of the Calendar, 1983 41M.MeErnzeEr, Der frz. Revolutions-

Kalender, 1992 42 L.IDELER, Histor. Unt. tiber die astronomischen Beobachtungen der Alten, 1806 43 Id.,

Hdb. der mathematischen und technischen Chronologie, 2 vols., 1825-26 (condensed and improved as: Id., Lehrbuch der Chronologie, 1831) 44 Id., Uber den astrono-

1 F. Jacques, Le privilége de liberté, 1984, 143-148 2 D.Manacorna, Il kalendarium Vegetianum e le anfore della Betica, in: MEFRA 89, 1977, 313-332. J.A.

Calenian Pottery Generic term for lower Italian black-glazed pottery (> Relief ware), evident from the second half of the 4th cent. to the 2nd cent. BC. The term Calenian Pottery (CP) (askoi, bowls, omphalos phialae, gutti) is commonly used for this group of vessels, yet they were undoubtedly also produced in other regions (Paestum, Sicily, Tarentum). Particularly wellknown are bowls with medallions, worked ina medium relief (“Arethusa bowls’); their origin from Cales (Calenus) or rather Campania

askoi with medallions are also described as ‘Calenian’,

but Apulian and Campanian workshops were equally involved in their manufacture.

picting elephants or Gauls) events.

(de-

R. PAGENSTECHER, Die calenische Reliefkeramik, 8. Erg.-

RH.

Calenus Roman cognomen (probably for descent from Cales) in the gens > Fufia in the rst cent. BC; frequent epigraphical attestations in the imperial age (ThIL, Onom. 79).

169.

Cales

Calendarium The Roman calendarium was a register of > loans; the meaning of the word stems from the fact that loan agreements often came into force on the Kalendae, the first day of the month, and that the Kalendae

Some medallions

refer to contemporary

Heft JDAI, 1909; M.O. JENTEL, CVA Paris, Louvre (15), 1968, 21ff.; M.BENz, CVA Gottingen (1), 1989, 63.

mischen Theil der Fasti des Ovid, in: Abh. der K6nigl. Akad. der Wiss. Berlin, Histor.-philol. Kl. 1822-3, 137J.R.andH.FR.

(Gabinius, Atilius) is con-

firmed by moulds and workshop signatures. Gutti and

K-LE.

[1] (Kady; Kalés). Emporium and river in Bithynia in the region of > Heraclea [7]; today probably Alapli on the mouth of the Alapli Cayi. W.Rucg, s.v. K., RE 10, 1603; K. BELKE, Paphlagonien und Honorias, 1996, 223. K.ST.

or the Idus (mid-month) were commonly set as the day

the loan became due. In their calendarium, private individuals kept a record in their of the sums they had loaned with interest, of the debtors, the provisions of the loan agreements and the due dates of the loans (Sen. Ep. 87,7; cf. Dig. 15,1,58). In the area of > public finances, the word calendarium could refer to the totality of the sums that a city had loaned with interest; often however it denoted a

sum that had been given or bequeathed to the city as part of an endowment. Such a sum of money was kept strictly separate from the city’s other sources of income; it was usually loaned out, and the interest produced then spent in a manner that had been specified by the donor. Curatores (> cura |2]) or procuratores kalen-

darii are attested for the 2nd cent. AD; they were appointed by the princeps or the provincial governor to manage the finances of provincial cities; in Iliberri (Baetica) for instance we know of procuratores kalendarii Vegetiani. A single city might very well possess several calendaria; in Puteoli, for example, we know of a cura-

tor kal(endariorum) maioris et Clodiani et Minu{ciani| (CIL X 1824).

[2] Main centre of the Ausones in Campania (KaAnoia;

Kaleésia: Steph. Byz. s.v.; Calenum: Plin. HN 3,63; Cale), on an elevated plain, enclosed on three sides by the Rio de’ Lauzi and the Rio di Pezzasecca, modern

Calvi Risorta. For its foundation myth cf. Verg. Aen. 7728

(Aurunca),

Sil- Pun.

855125

12,525

(Calais);

Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 6,32,37 (Volsci). Conquered by the Romans in 334 BC (Liv. 8,16; Vell. Pat. 1,14,3), municipium, seat of the quaestor for Campania (Tac. Ann. 4,27).

C. was famous for its grapes (Str. 5,4,3; Hor. Carm. 1,20,9; Plin. HN

14,65) and ceramics

(Varro Men.

114). Monuments: necropolis 7th/6th cents. BC, amphitheatre, theatre (2nd cent. BC), baths, sanctuarium (Sulla), temple (early imperial age), grave monuments to the west of C., traces of fortifications. Inscriptions: CIL IX 1 4631-4716. L.SANESI, Sulla firma di un ceramista caleno e sulla questione dei vici, in: PdP 33, 1978, 74-77; L. BURELLI, s.v. Calvi Risorta, in: BTCGI 4, 1985, 281-286. B.G.

953

954

Calesius (KaAnotog; Kalésios). Trojan ally from Arisbe

under official supervision and then were handed over to shops and to the authorities. The weights came in varying shapes and often show engraved images and inscriptions, abbreviated at times, which guaranteed official control through references to the city, the unit of measurement, and especially to the name of the agoranomoi or metronomoi. The inscription DEMOSION (AEMOSION) also indicates official character. The weights do not always correspond to the appropriate scale, but the various commercial weight systems in the Greek poleis must be taken into consideration. The weights in commercial circulation were tested every year by the market official or his clerks, such as the measuring clerk (prometretés), and were stamped upon approval. False or altered weights were confiscated and the appropriate penalties imposed. While extant weights and moulds allow a certain insight into calibration, the question how hollow measures for dry and liquid goods were calibrated in Greek times is not yet sufficiently answered. In Athens, fragmented cylindrical cups made of clay and more rarely from bronze were found from the 4th and sth cents. BC. Some of these show the inscription AEMOXION as well as a stamp with the image of an owl or the representation of Athena, marking them as official hollow measures. On their upper end, we can find horizontal grooves which occasionally still contain broken ‘calibration sticks’, probably used for levelling the dry contents. The younger vessels often show indented markings on the inside, which probably represent a kind of calibration scale. The official vessels for liquid goods come in the shape of an > olpe, an > oinochoe or an + amphora; they also show the stamp and the inscription AEMOXION. The few intact measuring vessels for dry and liquid goods follow the standardized system for hollow measures. In Roman times, the aediles were in charge of producing and controlling weights and measures. The weights, which were poured in lead and bronze under official supervision, had various shapes and show letters as well as monograms to indicate the measure. Again, the weights in commercial circulation were examined every year by the market officials, with correct weights receiving the stamp of the aediles and the designation exacta pondera. Roman calibration vessels for liquid goods corresponded to those in Greece, the former having the measure inscribed on them. Dry measures were calibrated primarily with the modius, such as the bronze corn measure of Carvoran, whose inscription shows that it holds 17 '/, Sextarii (= 0,564 1) [2. 55]. Calibration of liquid and dry measures was however also accomplished through the so-called mensae ponderariae, which were marble calibration blocks with indentations of various sizes that stood on the Forum, as we can see from the example of Pompeii [1. 63f.]. On these calibration tables, merchants and buyers could immediately check the amount of the goods just sold. + Aediles; > Agoranomoi; > Bronze; -» Metronomoi; -» Modius; > Sextarius

(northern Troad), charioteer of Axylus, slain together

with Axylus by Diomedes (Hom. Il. 6.18). P. WATHELET, Dictionnaire des Troyens de I’Iliade, 1988, no. 184. MAST.

Calestrius [1] C. Tiro. Friend of Pliny the Younger (Ep. 7,16), quaestor Caesaris, tribunus plebis, praetor in AD 93, procos. prov. Baeticae c. AD 107 (Plin. Ep. 6,22,7; 9,53 PARC @ro72))) lec rote [2] T.C. Tiro Tulius Maternus. Son of C. [3], governor

of Lycia-Pamphylia AD 132-135 (AE 1972, 651a;IGR

3, 704, I) [2. 83f.5 3. 39, 43]. [3] T.C. Tiro Orbius Speratus. Senator, probably a younger brother or cousin of C. [1]; after a lengthy senatorial career, he became proconsul of Achaea (?), praetorian legate of Cilicia c. AD 113-116, and finally cos. suff. in 122 (AE 1965, 320 = 1966, 485; 1972,

651b) [z. 779ff.; 4. 3 51ff.]. 1SyME, RP 2 2EcKk, RE Suppl. 14 3 M. WOrRLE, Stadt und Fest..., 1988 4 W.Ecx, in: Chiron 12, 1982. W.E.

Caletor (Kadtytwo; Kalétor). [1] Achaean, father of Aphareus who was killed by Aeneas (Hom. Il. 13.541). [2] Trojan, son of > Clytius [4], cousin of Hector (Hom. Il. 15.419ff.), brother-in-law of > Cycnus [2] (Paus. 10.14.2). Killed by > Ajax [1] when attempting to set one of the Achaean ships on fire (Hom. Il. 15.419ff.; > Tabula Iliaca). R. Hampe, s.v. Alexandros (89), LIMC

1.1, 517; P. Wa-

THELET, Dictionnaire des Troyens de I’[liade, 1988, no. 185.

MA.ST.

Calgacus One of the Caledonian leaders (dux) in the battle at mons Graupius (possibly north of Aberdeen) in the late summer of AD 84, which gained Agricola the triumphalia ornamenta (Tac. Agr. 29ff.), but did not lead to a permanent annexation of Caledonia. W.S. Hanson, Agricola and the Conquest of the North, 1987.

C.KU.

Caliadne (Kadiddvyn, Kadvévdn; Kaliddné, Kalidnde). Naiad, mother of twelve sons fathered by Aegyptus (Apollod. 2.19). RE.ZI. Calibration In Greece, the authority over calibration as well as the control over official measures and weights lay in the hands of the agorandmoi, although from the mid 4th cent. BC at the latest there is evidence that assistant officials called metrondmoi were in charge of these affairs. Fireproof moulds for weights were kept in the office of the market official or the scale master (zygostdtés). Weights were poured from bronze or lead

CALIBRATION

CALIBRATION

955

956

1 J.Overspeck, A.Mau, Pompeji in seinen Gebauden, Alterttumern und Kunstwerken, 1884 2 0O.A. W. DILKE, Mathematik, MafSe und Gewichte in der Ant., r99r.

Rome after the death of his father on 10 October 19. Initially, he was educated by his mother, then — after she was exiled — by his grandmother Livia, and finally by Antonia, his father’s mother. In 29, he gave the funeral oration for Livia. In 31, Tiberius took him to Capri. There he learnt to assert himself in intrigues and to hide his true feelings. He was able to protect himself from Seianus (~ Aelius [II 19]), who had initiated a number of legal prosecutions against the family of Germanicus. Elected quaestor in 33, he was granted legal permission to apply for all offices five years early; thus, he was predestined to succeed Tiberius, alongside Gemellus, Tiberius’ grandson; in his will, Tiberius made them both joint and equal heirs. Allegedly, C. was actively involved in the death of Tiberius on 16 March 37. On the same day, soldiers in Misenum acclaimed him as imperator; the Senate followed two days later (CIL VI 2028c |. ro). On that 18 March. C. also assumed all of his predecessors’ individual titles, with the initial exception of > pater patriae, which he assumed later on 21 September 37. He was cos. suff. from 1 July to 31 August 37, again consul in 39 and 40 (without a colleague), and also in 41. At the instigation of the prae-

E. PERNICE, Griech. Gewichte, 1894;

V. EHRENBERG, S.V.

Metronomoi, RE 15, 1485-1488; M.Lanc, M. Crossy, Weights, Measures and Tokens, Agora X, 1964; V. GASsNER, Die Kaufladen in Pompeji, Diss. Wien 1982, 36; J.No.té£, Zwei Bleigewichte der Staatlichen Miinzsammlungen in Munchen, in: JNG 37/8, 1987/8, 93-100; E. S1MON (ed.), Minoische und griech. Antiken. Die Sammlung Kiseleff im Martin-von-Wagner-Museum der Universitat

Wirzburg II, 1989, ro4ff. no. 323-329; 215f. no. 356357; K.Hrrzz, Ant. Gewichte im Tibinger Arch. Institut, in: AA 1992, 243-257; Id., Die Gewichte griech. Zeit aus Olympia, 1996. A.M.

Calidius Plebeian family name, attested in Rome from the rst cent. BC (SCHULZE, 138; ThIL, Onom. 8rf.). [1] C., M. Mint master in 117 or 116 BC (RRC 284),

perhaps later praetor or propraetor (IG VII 18, Z. 14).

K.-L.E. [2] C., M. Praetor in 57 BC; as such he supported Cicero’s return from exile (Cic. P. Red. Sen. 22), and on

this occasion probably gave the speech De domo Ciceronis (Quint. Inst. 10,1,23). In 52 BC, he took up the cause of T. Annius [I 14] Milo, the murderer of > Clodius Pulcher (Ascon. 34 Z. 17C). He was unsuccessful

in attaining the consulate in 51 and 50 BC (Cic. Att. 5519,33 6,8,3). In 49 BC, C. went over to Caesar (Caes.

B Civ. 1,2,3), who in the same year entrusted him with the administration of Gallia Cisalpina. C. died in Placentia, possibly in 47 BC (MRR 2, 280). For his importance as an orator see Cic. Brut. 274-278.

W.W.

[3] C., Q. As people’s tribune of 99 BC, he advocated the recall of Q. Caecilius [I 30] Metellus Numidicus (MRR 2,5). In 82 BC, he possibly served as senatorial

legate to Murena (App. Mith. 272); with the support of Caecilius [I 31] Metellus Pius, he became praetor in 79 BC, then propraetor in Hispania Citerior in 78 BC; after his return, he was convicted of extortion (Cic. Verr. TH 3.O3253503))s

K-L.E.

Caliga see — Shoes Caligo Personification of darkness, analogous to the Greek — Erebus and Skotos. She is the mother of + Chaos, and by him she is also mother of Nox, Dies, Erebos and Aether (Hyg. Fab. praef. r). RB.

Caligula C. (Iulius) Caesar Augustus Roman

emperor AD

Germanicus.

37-41. Born 31 August 12 in

Antium, son of Germanicus and Agrippina the Elder. A grandnephew of Augustus and grandson ofthe triumvir Mark Antony by birth, he also became Augustus’ grandson, following Germanicus’ adoption by Tiberius. He was given the nickname C. (‘bootee’) by the soldiers on the Rhine front, where his mother had taken

him in AD 14. On the 26 May 17, he took part in his father’s triumph over Germania, followed by a journey to the East, from where he and his mother returned to

torian prefect Macro,

Tiberius’

testament

was

sup-

pressed, and Tiberius Gemellus excluded from the succession

(Cass. Dio

59,1,2;

Suet. Cal.

14,1). On

28

March 37, C. entered Rome. Many expected an improvement in the imperial rule; these expectations were based on the memory of C.’s father Germanicus. Images of C.’s family — especially Germanicus and Agrippina, but also his three sisters — were presented to the public on coins; his sisters were given the privileges of Vestals. In 37, C. abolished the charge of maiestas. C. carried out scarcely any political acts of significance and importance. His politics were mainly a matter of erratic decisions, many of them soon to be repealed. In 39, he set off on a campaign against the Germans; after wintering in Lugdunum, he began ‘exercizing’ the legions along the Rhine and the Channel coast, but without any real strategic aim. It is unlikely that an invasion of Britain was ever planned. On 31 August 40, a small triumphal procession in Rome concluded this ‘campaign’. In 40, C. instigated the murder of Ptolemy, the king of Mauretania, in Rome. This resulted in the establishment (under Claudius) of both Mauretanian provinces. C. relations with the communities and social groups of the empire is best seen in Philo (Legatio ad Gaium), the description of a legation of Jews and Greeks from Alexandria. C. was quick to realize that his power was actually unlimited, and that no-one was able — or willing — to prevent him from doing whatever he wanted. Because of the instability of his character, perhaps aggravated by psychological disturbances as a result of illness, he transgressed all boundaries with regards to the Senate and the people. Executions were numerous; women he desired he took from their husbands. For a short period, he took as his wife > Drusilla, his sister— whose name with those of his other sisters had been included into the oath of

957

958

loyalty to C. —, then he married her to Aemilius Lepidus, whom he regarded as his successor until Drusilla’s death in June 38. Increasingly and ever more openly, he demanded public deification, both in Rome and beyond; in Rome, he was built a temple. The legate of Syria, P. Petronius, was supposed to erect a colossal statue of C. in the temple in Jerusalem, only prevented by C.’s death. There were many conspiracies against him, especially by Cornelius Lentulus Gaetulicus and Aemilius Lepidus, with whom C.’s sister Agrippina was also linked; the conspirators were executed, Agrippina thereafter exiled. A conspiracy involving senators and praetorian tribunes — including > Cassius Charea — succeeded on 24 January 41. C. was killed, alongside his wife Milonia Caesonia and their daughter Iulia Drusilla (PIR* J 665). All reminders of him were erased — particularly statues and inscriptions —, and his orders repealed (+ damnatio memoriae; rescissio actorum). C.’s corpse was hastily buried in the Lamian gardens by king Agrippa, later to be given a proper burial by C.’s

Caliph (halifa). ‘Successor’, ‘representative’, elliptical for ‘successor of the Prophet’? >»Muhammad, since the Umayyads (661-750; contested, perhaps even earlier) ‘representative of Allah’. The following caliphs were regarded as ‘rightfully appointed’ (by election; Muhammad did not leave any regulations): » Abu Bakr (632634), > Omar (634-644), who was the first to also hold the title ‘ruler of the believers’, > Othman (644-

sisters. (PIR*J 217).

CALLAS

656), and > Ali (656-661). Since the > Umayyads, we

find hereditary succession. The postulates of the > Abbasids (750-1258) required that the caliph stem from the family of the Prophet. The caliph was in charge of political, military, administrative, legal and religious functions, the latter also being indicated by the Shiite title > ‘Imam’ (which is later also used by > Sunnites). Beginning in the roth cent., caliphs appointed delegates: emirs, later sultans —a process which gradually led

to the weakening and disintegration of the caliphate. At the same time, a caliph established himself in al-Andalus (Spain). The caliphate was not officially abolished until 1924 through the National Assembly in Ankara.

H. WILLRICH, C., in: Klio 3, 1903, 85-118; P.V. D. BALsDON, The Emperor Gaius, 1934; A.A. BARRETT, C., 1989;

THo.W.

A.FERRILL, C., Emperor of Rome, 1991; Z. YAVETZ, C. Imperial Madness and Modern Historiography, in: Klio 78, 1996, 105-129; W. TRILLMICH, Familienpropaganda der Kaiser C. und Claudius, 1978; D.BoscHuNG, Die Bildnisse des C., 1989. WE.

Kualifa, EI 4, 937a-953a.

Calindoea (Kadivdoua; Kalindoia). Town in Mygdonia/ Macedonia near the modern Kalamoton. In the 5th cent. BC, C. was part of the > Bottice (IG P 76) and was probably still independent in 360 BC (IG IV* 1, 94 Ib 13), but may have come into the possession of the Macedonian kings under Philip I, and, together with neighbouring settlements, passed on to Macedonian settlers as a ‘donation’ (dored) by Alexander the Great (SEG 36, 626). Latest under Augustus, C. became an autonomous city with its own council, ekklesia, and

politarchs (SEG 35, 744). R.M. Errincton, Neue epigraphische Belege fiir Makedonien z.Z. Alexanders

des Grofen, in:

W. WILL

(ed.),

Alexander der Grofe. Eine Welteroberung und ihr Hintergrund, 1998, 79-82; M.B. Harzorou os, L.D. LouKOPOULOU, Recherches sur les marches orientales des Teménides, 2 vols., 1992 and 1996. MA.ER.

Calingae People on the east coast of India, Sanskrit Calinga, lived about where Orissa is today; capital city Pertalis (Plin. HN 6,64; 65; 7,30, perhaps following Megasthenes). Their land was conquered in 261 BC by + Asoka in a bloody war and incorporated into the empire of the Mauryas; probably identical with the Calliga of Ptol. (7,1,93, in the > Maesolia in eastern India). A. HERRMANN, S.v. Kalingai, RE 10, 1604f.

K.K.

ARNOLD,

M.Hinps,

*1967;

P.CRONE,

God’s Caliph, 1986; D.SouRDEL

The

Caliphate,

et al., s.v.

H.SCHO.

Callaeschrus (Kd\AcoyQoc; Kdllaischros). Son of Critias, Athenian, born about 490 BC, grand-nephew of Solon and father of the sophist > Critias (Diog. Laert. 3,1; Pl. Chrm. 153¢; Pl. Prt. 3 16a). C. is possibly identical with an oligarch of the same name in 411 (Lys. 12,66). Davies 8792,VI.

HA.BE.

Callaici Celtic tribe in north-western Hispania, giving its name to the modern region of Galicia. First mentioned in connection with the Celtiberian Wars (181— 133 BC) (App. Ib. 300). The Roman governor Junius

Brutus, who crushed them between 138 and 136 BC, was given the cognomen Callaicus. Caesar, too, had dealings with them during his propraetorship in 60 BC. For a time, the C. appeared alongside the > Astures and + Cantabri, when Augustus was at war with these and subjugated them finally and definitely in 19 BC. In the 5th cent., the Suebi invaded and ruled the country, until the Visigoths brought it into their sphere of control in AD 585. The Arabs never completely succeeded in subjugating either the C. or the Astures. J.M. ALonso-NUONEZ, Rez. SANTOS YANGUAS, El ejercito y la romanizacion de Galicia, in: CR 2, 1990, 510; TOVAR

3, LI1§-124, 129.

P.B.

Callas (Ka)iac; Kallas). River on the northern coast of Euboea [1] near Histiaea-Oreos, probably identical with the modern Xerias or Xeropotamos (Str. 10,1,4). F, Geyer, Top. und Gesch. der Insel Euboia 1, 1903, 9, 825 PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 1, 574f. H.KAL.

CALLATIS

960

959

Callatis (Ké)dAatic; Kdllatis). Port town on the western coast of the > Pontus Euxinus, modern Mangalia in Romania, founded at the end of the 6th cent. BC by -» Heraclea [7] Pontica. The economic boom of the town was originally brought about by the agricultural production from its surrounding area; C. was of less importance as a harbour town, compared with Odessus, Tomis and Ister. In the > Persian Wars, C. was

allied with Athens, and apparently joined the > Delian League. This led to a strengthening of the trade relations between both communities. C. also maintained

Calliades (Kahin; Kalliddeés). {1] Writer of New Comedy, appearing on the inscription of Lenaea winners in 6th place after Menander, sth after Philemon and 3rd after Diphilus [5], and thus to be dated to the end of the 4th cent. BC [1]. Ath. 9,401a quotes ‘Diphilus or C.’, as author of an Agnoia, but at another point (15,700c) he talks only of Diphilus as author of this play. Even the barb against the orator Aristophon [2] that Ath. 13,577b attributes to C. is dubious [1. 53]. PRCGIVA TOSS ar.

TH

economic links with Thasos, Rhodes, Paros, and Delos.

C. opposed and resisted attempts by the Macedonian kings Philip II and Lysimachus of extending their rule to the western coast of Pontus, but was defeated. In the

aftermath of the decline of the Macedonian Empire, C. was for a period the dominant power on the western cost of Pontus. It was threatened by the > Bastarnae in the 2nd cent BC, and captured by Lucullus in the Third Mithridatic War (72 BC; Eutr. 6,10; App. Ill. 30); later it was ruled by the Dacians under > Burebista. Under Augustus, it was administratively linked with Thracia. Findings made within the area covered by C. include the remains of buildings (Roman and Byzantine), graves, remains of town fortifications, as well as inscriptions and coins. Cur. DANoFF, s.v. Pontos Euxeinos, RE Suppl. 9, 1079ff.; C.Prepa,

K., 1963; T.W.

BLawatsxaja,

West

Pontic

Towns in the 7th—rst cents. BC, 1952 (Russian).

J.BU.

Calleas (Kadiéac; Kalléas) of Argos. Otherwise unknown composer of a sympotic epigram (Anth. Pal. 11,232) based on the saying: ‘wine reveals one’s character’, a version of the old saying in vino veritas (cf. Alcaeus fr. 333 VoicT; Thgn. 500; Aesch. fr. 393 RADT etc.). The very rare compound dvooouavie (‘raging’, v. 2) was probably adopted from > Antipater [8] of Sidon (Anth. Pal. 6,219,2). V.Lonco,

L’epigramma

scoptico

greco,

H. Becxsy, Anthologia Graeca, III-IV, *1967.

1967,

106;

[2] Sculptor; according to Tatian, C. produced a statue of the hetaera > Neaera (2nd half of the 4th cent. BC). A genealogical link with C., father of a sculptor whose name we do not know and who was working in Delphi before the middle of the 3rd cent. BC, is uncertain, as is also a link with C., the son of > Sthennis, active in Lindus around 240-220 BC. OVERBECK no. 1370; C. BLINKENBERG, Lindos, 2. Inscrip-

tions, 1, 1941, 331-336 no. 103;J.MARCADE, Recueil des signatures de sculpteurs grecs, 1, 1953, 45f.; G. CARETTONT, in: EAA 4, 296; F. COARELLI, Il complesso pompeiano del Campo Marzio e la sua decorazione scultorea, in: RPAA 44, 1972, 99-122; A. STEWART, Attika, 1979, 160; P. Moreno, Scultura ellenistica, 1994, 370. RN.

Callianax (Kaddvaé; Kallidnax). Doctor, adherent of + Herophilus [1] and member of his ‘house’, which possibly refers to the fact that he worked in the mid 3rd cent. BC [1]. > Bacchius [1] in his memoir on the early followers of Herophilus (Galen in Hippocratis Epidemiarum 6 comment. 4,10

= CMG V 10,2,2,203), men-

tions that C. quoted Homer and the Greek tragic writers if his patients told him that they were afraid of dying. He gave them to understand by this that only the immortals could escape death (or that even heroes like Patroclus had to die). Galen found C.’s commentaries

unfeeling and inappropriate. 1 STADEN, 478f.

V.N.

M.G.A.

Calliarus (KadAiaooc, ta Kaddtaga; Kalliaros, ta Kal-

Calleva Atrebatum (modern Silchester). An Iron Age oppidum, main centre of the Atrebates [2], it developed from roo BC into a significant political centre. Through its links with

> Commius, the settlement boomed in the

mid rst cent. BC. It is likely that, after AD 43, Calleva Atrebatum (CA) was incorporated into Cogidubnus’ empire. The early Roman town was established within the Iron Age fortifications [1]. From its very beginnings, CA’s development was strongly influenced by Rome (baths, forum, amphitheatre, temple); in late antiquity, CA was modest in size and importance, and at the end of 5th/beginning of 6th cents. it was abandoned. CIL VII p. 16. 1 M.G. Futrorp, Silchester defences 1974-80, 1984. G.C. Boon, Silchester, 1974.

M.TO.

liara). Listed

as one

of the east Locrian

towns

in

Homer’s ship catalogue (Hom. Il. 2,531), deserted at the time of Strabo (Str. 9,4,5; Hsch. s.v. C.); it took its

name from the surrounding plain, etymologically derived from the eponymous hero in Steph. Byz. s.v. C. (= Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 13). The localization of C. near Skala Atalandis, the finding place of pottery from the Early and Middle Helladic as well as the Mycenaean period, is uncertain. W.A. OLDFATHER, S.v. K. (1) and (2), RE 10,

1613-1615;

J.M. Fossey, The Ancient Topography of Opountian Lokris, 1990, 75, 94.

G.D.R.

961

962

Callias (Kaddac; Kallias, lon. Kaddnc; Kalliés). Common Attic name from the 6th — 4th cent. BC, especially in the rich priestly family (several dadouchoi) of the Ceryces, which was associated with the cult of Eleusis. C. appears there in alternation with > Hipponicus.

covered by a three-day march, and not to enter the Aegean with battle ships (demarcation points: Phaselis and the island of Cyanea), while the Athenians promised in return not to attack the Great King’s territory. However, most scholars doubt the historicity of the peace of 449 (see especially [3]); it was already disputed in antiquity (Callisthenes FGrH 124 F 16, Theopomp. FGrH 115F 153, 154).

PA, Stemma S. 520; F.BourrRIoT, Recherches sur la na-

ture du genos, 1976, vol. 2, 1198ff., especially 1216ff. M.MEIL.

{1] Mythical son of the Heraclid > Temenos, king of Argos, and the brother of Agelaus, Eurypylus and ~ Hyrnetho. Since the king preferred Hyrnetho and her husband > Deiphontes to his sons, they had Temenus murdered but the army ousted them from the throne in favour of the legitimate royal couple (Apollod. 2,179). RAMI [2] C. of Athens, the son of Hyperochides, belonged to the retainers of > Peisistratus, probably since a marriage alliance (about 5 50 BC) which united his daughter Myrrhine with > Hippias [1], the son of Peisistratus (Thuc. 6,55,1). Davies

450;

L.pE

Lipero,

Die Archaische

Tyrannis,

1996, 67.

[3] C. of Athens, son of Phaenippus, victories at the Pythian and Olympic games (Hdt. 6,122). According to Herodotus (6,121), C. bought the estates of the exiled

> Peisistratus and probably fled from Athens after the latter’s return in 546/5 BC. According to Pausanias

(1,26,4) he is probably named on the seated statue of Athena on the Acropolis that was created by Endius. DAVIES 42.

BP.

[4] Son of Hipponicus, grandson of C. [1], married to Elpinice, the sister of Cimon [2]. In 490 BC, C. participated in the battle of Marathon (Plut. Aristides 5). Posterity considered him the wealthiest man of Athens (Plut. Aristides 25,6; Lys. 19,48: 200 talents), schol.

Aristoph. Nub. 64 cites three Olympic victories. The family’s wealth was apparently based on mine ownership: the mocking name Lakkoploutos, which was invented by comedic writers, should probably be translated as ‘mining baron’ [r. 1616] despite the stories spun around him by Plutarch (Aristides 5). In 465/4 C. was staying as a delegate at the court of Artaxerxes I in Susa but Herodotus (7,151) does not state the purpose of the mission. According to Demosthenes (Or. 19,273) C. was fined 50 talents after his return. In the winter of 446/5 he participated — C. was a Spartan > proxenos — in a delegation that concluded the 30-year peace with Sparta (Diod. Sic. 12,7). However, C.’s name is particularly associated with a peace that was supposedly concluded or renewed in 449 between Athens and the Persians [2]. According to the extant sources (mostly from the 4th cent. BC) the Persians committed themselves to respecting the autonomy of the Greek cities of Asia Minor, not to approach the coast of Asia Minor with the army within the distance

CALLIAS

1 H.Swosopa, s.v. C. (2), RE 10,2, 1615-1618 2 E. Bapian, The Peace of Callias, in: JHS 107, 1987, 1-39 3 K. Meister, Die Ungeschichtlichkeit des Kalliasfriedens und deren histor. Folgen, 1982.

[5] Son of > Hipponicus, grandson of C. [4], born about 450 BC, died after 371. His mother married ~ Pericles in her second marriage (e.g. Plut. Pericles 24), his sister Hipparete was the spouse of > Alcibiades (Plut. Alcibiades 8). C. does not appear to have distinguished himself politically and militarily during the Peloponnesian War. He was the target of the comedic writers’ mockery because of his wastefulness. Eupolis’ K6lakes (‘Parasites’), which was performed in 421, put

the lifestyle in the house of C., which was also frequented by the sophist Protagoras and by Socrates, on the stage as a parody (‘He who wears the Graces’ scent, waddles to the minuet, poops sesame spice bread and spits out pomegranates’, Eupolis, Kolakes 17 FCG 2,1; translation: O. WEINREICH [r1]). Plato drew a different image in Protagoras (337d) as did Xenophon in Symposion (passim). In the so-called Trial of the Mysteries (> Herms, mutilation of the), C. apparently levelled false accusations against the defendant Andocides [1] (And. 1,112-116). As an Athenian strategos in 391/90 [2], he participated in 390 in a victory over a Spartan regiment near Corinth (Xen. Hell. 4,5,13-18). Since he

was a Lacedaemonian > proxenos like his grandfather C. [4] (Xen. Hell. 5,4,22), in 371 he stayed in Sparta for the peace negotiations (Xen. Heli. 6,3,2f.). According to the speech, which Xenophon put into his mouth on this occasion (Xen. Hell. 6,3,4-6), C. successfully represented Athens on two other peace missions. Reports on complete impoverishment (Ath. 12,537b f., Ael. VH. 4,23; large losses of wealth: Lys. 19,48) and marital scandals only merit limited credibility because they probably originated in slanders as were commonplace in Attic trials (And. 1,124-127). 1 L.SEEGER,

O. WEINREICH

(ed.), Samtliche

Komédien

des Aristophanes ... nebst Fr. der Alten und Mittleren Koméodie, vol. 2, 1953, 419

2 DEVELIN, 213.

WwW,

[6] Poet of the Older -» Comedy, contemporary and rival [1 test. 2] of Cratinus, whom he probably follows on the epigraphical list of victors at the Dionysia [1 test. *5]. There, two victories at the Dionysia are attested of which one pertains to 446 BC [1 test. 3]. IGUR 216 also attests to some lower rankings achieved by C. in various agons [1 test. *4]: a 3rd place with the Kuxdasec (‘The Cyclopes’) at the Dionysia in 434, a 4th place with the Satugor (“The Satyrs’) at the Lenaea in

963

964

437 and another with the Bateayor (“The Frogs’) at the

Chalcis and an alliance of this Euboean federation with Athens. In the spring of 341 a symmachia was conclu-

CALLIAS

Lenaea of

431; also, two 4th places at the Dionysia (one

before 440, another in 440, both titles unknown), a 3rd place at the Lenaea (date and title unknown), another 4th place between 437 and 431 (title of the play Jeoa ovdyea) anda sth place in 434 (title unknown). In total eight play titles and 40 fragments are preserved of which almost half pertain to the ‘Cyclopes’ (which is attributed in part to Diocles [5]) and the Medijrat (‘The Prisoners’). The ‘Cyclopes’ possibly deals with the story of Odysseus and Polyphemus; in the ‘Prisoners’ mockery of Socrates (as ‘co-author’ of Euripides; fr. 15), the

tragic poet Acestor (fr. 17), the seer Lampon (fr. 20), and — Aspasia (as the oratory teacher of Pericles; fr. *21) is recognizable. Whether C. is identical with the author of the yoaunatixit teaywdia (‘The Alphabetical! Tragedy’), who bears the same name is disputed ([t test. *>] with commentary). 1 PCGIV, 38-53.

H.-G.NE.

[7] Son of Calliades, Athenian politician, according to

Plato (Alc. rr9a) a student of Zeno of Elea. C.’ actions aimed to strengthen Athens for the looming war with Sparta. This is the context of the Callias Decrees (Syll.3

91 = ML 58 A/B=IGP 52) that should probably be dated to 43 4/3 BC, i.e. before the support of Corcyra by Athens (433) (regarding dating: [1. 519-523]; cf. by contrast [2]) and which ordained the repayment of state debts to gods other than Athena after 3,000 talents had been put into the Athena sanctuary on the Acropolis. The remaining money was to be used for docks and fortifications (on the relationship of the decrees to Pericles’ building programme cf. [3. 70]). In 433/2 C. advocated an alliance with Rhegium and Leontini (ML 63 and 64 =IGP 53 and 54). He died in battle in 432 as

ded between Athens and Chalcis (StV 339), in the same

year a similar one was concluded between Athens and Eretria (StV 3 40); in addition, in 341 C. obtained Athenian political and military support against the tyrants of Eretria and Oreos through the endeavours of Demosthenes [2]; on the initiative of Demosthenes C. received Athenian citizenship [1. T 73]. in the spring of 340 C. led the Euboean federation (StV 342) into Demosthenes’ Hellenic League against Philip II and, thus, in 338 into defeat. His objectives of preserving Euboea for the Euboeans and limiting the influence of Philip II and the Athenians on the island failed. 1 M.J. OsBorne, Natvralization in Athens, vol. II-IV,

1983, 72-75. SCHAFER II* 84f., 418-424; H. WANKEL, Rede fiir Ktesiphon iiber den Kranz, 1976, 425f., 451-454. JE.

[10] C. of Syracuse, favourite and historian of > Agathocles [2]. C. related ‘The Deeds of Agathocles’ (FGrH 564 T 1 and 2) in 22 books in which he omitted his crimes but panegyrically emphasized his humanity and fear of the gods (Diod. Sic. 21,17,4 = T 3). It is uncertain if and to what extent this excursive work (F 5: the origins of Rome, F 3: Thaumdsia, ‘Marvellous Things’) influenced tradition. In any case, Timaeus (FGrH 566 T 17) polemicized against C. FGrH 564. K.MEIsTER, Die griech. Geschichtsschreibung, 1990, 136; L. PEARSON, The Greek Historians of the West, 1987, 32.

K.MEI.

Marx, The Kallias Decree, in: CQ 83, 1989, 94-113

[11] Greek grammarian, born in Mytilene on Lesbos (Ath. 3,85-86), probably lived in the 3rd/2nd cents. BC: the dating relative to Aristophanes [4] of Byzantium, with whom C. is mentioned in Athenaeus, is disputed. C. treated Sappho and Alcaeus exegetically (Str. 13,618); Ath., ibid., records the title of one of his

3 W.ScuMitz,

works: Iegi tig mao’ “Adnaiw Aemddoc.

stratégos before Potidaea (PA 7827). 1 R.Merces, The Athenian Empire, 1984 Wirtschaftliche

2 L. KALLeT-

Prosperitat,

1988.

M.MEI.

[8] Son ofTelocles of the Athenian Pandionis phyle (IG II 3018: dedicatory inscription as victorious gymnasiarch of the early 4th cent. BC), husband of the sister of the orator > Andocides [1], initially he was arrested as an accomplice in the affair of the Herms

A.GUDEMAN, s.v. C. (23), RE 10, 1629-1630;

A. NAUCK,

Aristophanis

61;

Byzantii

fragmenta,

A. Porro, Vetera Alcaica, 1994, 8-11;

1848,

275;

W. J. SLATER, Ari-

stophanis Byzantii fragmenta, in: SGLG 6, 132-133; U.von WiLamMowiTz-MoOELLENDORFF, Textgesch. der griech. Lyriker, 1900, 74-76. F.M.

(> Herms,

mutilation of the) in 415 BC upon denunciation by Diocleides but then was released (And. 1, 40, 42, 66, A.W. Gomme, A. ANDREWES, K.J. Dover, A Historical Commentary on Thucydides, vol. IV (Books V 25 — VII),

Callibius (KadAiptoc; Kallibios). Spartan, was sent as harmost to Athens in 404/3 BC at the request of the Thirty and after the intervention of Lysander. He was courted by the rulers there and attempted to support their regime (Xen. Hell. 2,3,13f.; [Aristot.] Ath. Pol.

1970, 271-288.

37523 38,2; Diod. Sic. 14,4,4).

68).

[9] C. of Chalcis, son of Mnesarchus. In 342 BC, when Chalcis, presumably as the only polis of Euboea, was not yet in the hands of > Philippus II or his supporters, C., who was still an opponent of Athens in 3 49/8, advocated together with his brother Taurosthenes a federation of the poleis of Euboea under the leadership of

K.-W.WEL.

Callichoron see > Athens Callichorus (KoAdiyoooc; Kallichoros). River thynia between > Heraclea [7] Pontica and (Apoll. Rhod. 2,904; Plin. HN 6,1; Amm. 22,8,23); it was allegedly named after the orgies

in BiTieion Marc. of Dio-

965

966

nysus, but also referred to as Oxynon (schol. Apoll. Rhod. 2,904; cf. Arr. Peripl. p. eux. 19; Peripl. m. eux. 12; Marcianus of Heraclea, Epit. peripli Menippi 8). Its equation with the Parthenius (Orph. A. 731) cannot be correct. J. TIscHLER, Kleinasiat. Hydronymie, 1977, 70.

C.MA.

Callicles (KaA\xhjijc; Kalliklés). [1] Collocutor in Plato’s ‘Gorgias’; taking it as his premise that nature ranks above the law, he advocates the right of the stronger (Pl. Grg. 483 c-d). This is the lesson of the > Gorgias (Gorg. Encomium Helenae 6), understood by Aristotle (Aristot. Soph. el. 12,173a 8-16) as the conflict between truth and the opinion of the majority. C. is, however, no Sophist: on the contrary, he distances himself from them (PI. Grg. 5202). From his Sophist’s training he draws only that which is of practical use for his political goals. C. is not mentioned in any source apart from the ‘Gorgias’; attempts to see the name as a pseudonym for one Athenian politician or another are not convincing. 1 ZELLER IIl.1, 1330, n.3

2 W.NEsTLE, Vom Mythos

zum Logos, *1942 (repr. 1975), 335 3 E.R. Dopps (ed.), Plato, Gorgias, 1959 4 A.Lev1, Storia della Sofi-

stica, ed. by D. PESCE, 1966, 39-41.

MINA.

[2] Sculptor in bronze from Megara. As his father -» Theokosmos was active until 405 BC, and his son ~» Apellas [1] in the early 4th cent. BC, C.’s creative period falls in the late sth cent. BC. In Olympia C. created two of the victors’ statues for the Diagorides family. A family connection with C. [4] is uncertain, as is the attribution of philosophers’ statues given to C. by Pliny. OVERBECK, no. 1035-1038; 1370; LIPPOLD, G. CaRETTONI, EAA 4, 297, no. 3.

174; 204; RN.

[3] Greek painter, probably of the 4th cent. BC; according to Plin. HN 35,114 he produced everyday genrescenes in particularly small formats. Such miniaturists, because of both their subject and the technique required for it, must have enjoyed particular popularity, as they are repeatedly singled out for praise in the sources. L. Fort, s.v. Kallikles (1), EAA 4, 296; G.Lipro_p, s.v. Kallikles (7), RE 10, 1637. N.H.

[4] Son of Eunicus; Greek sculptor in bronze. A surviving base of a statuette from Megara bearing C.’s signature is dated to the late 4th cent. BC. A family connection with C. [2] is uncertain. LipPOLp, 174; 362; EAA 4, 296f., no. 2.

RN.

[5] Greek historian or grammarian of the Hellenistic period (3rd cent. BC?). He considered Salamis in Cyprus to be Homer’s home city (FGrH 758 F 13). FGrH 758. K.MEI. [6] Son of Callicles, from Alexandria; archisomatophylax, cavalry officer and diddskalos tou basiléés taktikon under Ptolemy VI (OGIS 149; cf. the other titles in SEG 20, 199; 41, 1478).

CALLICRATES

L.Mooren, The Aulic Titulature in Ptolemaic Egypt, 1975, 172f., no. 0279/220; no. OO57. W.A.

Callicolone (Kadhxokmvn; Kallikoloné). Place 40 stades east of Troy, the settlement mound of Karatepe east of Saricali (also Sargali) [3. rrof.]. There, above the river Simois, Ares allegedly called the Trojans to battle (Hom. Il. 20,51; Str. 13,1,35). According to schol. Hom. Il. 20,3, it was also the location of the contest of the three goddesses Hera, Athena, and Aphrodite (judgement of > Paris). Whereas FORCHHAMMER only discovered few traces of habitation and some foundations [1.26], VircHow [2.72] believed to have found an ancient building, which he assumed to have been a temple. SEYK thought that he found a peripteral temple (20 x 15 m), and Kosay/SPERLING believed to have discovered a temple (12 X 26 m) with octagonal

wooden columns, possibly dating from the 4th cent. BC. The sparse pottery finds only point to habitation in the late Classic and Hellenistic periods. 1P.W.

FoRCHHAMMER,

Beschreibung

der Hochebene

von Troia, 1850 2R.ViRCHOW, Ilios, 1880 Cook, The Troad, 1973.

3J.M.

H.Z. Kosay, J.SPERLING, Troad’da dort yerlesme yeri, 1936, 21ff.; V.SEYK, Das wahre und richtige Troia-Ilion, 1926.

E.SCH.

Callicrates (Kahdwnodtng; Kallikrates). [1] Athenian demagogue and politician in the succession of + Cleophon, he abolished the > diobelia with the promise of increasing it by an obolos; later sentenced to death (Aristot. Ath. Pol. 28,3). RHODES, 356-357.

WS.

[2] Sculptor in Laconia. Together with > Myrmecides, C. was considered the legendary, probably archaic creator of microscopic sculptures made of iron, bronze, ivory and marble. Ants whose legs were too small to be seen and a wagon drawn by flies are mentioned. OVERBECK, no. 293; 2168; 2192-2197;

2

FUCHS/FLOREN,

RN.

[3] Greek — architect and builder (?) of the 5th cent. BC. Written sources, extant building inscriptions and attributions yield a profile that identifies C. as one of the most active builders of his age. He participated as much in the construction of the ‘Long Walls’ of Athens (Plut. Pericles 13.5) as he did in the repair work on the Athenian Acropolis (IG I? 44). Together with > Ictinus he was named as builder of the > Parthenon (Plut. Pericles 13.4). It is disputed if he merely claimed responsibility for the ‘Pre-Parthenon’ [1. 15-62] or was leading the planning of the ‘Periclean’ Parthenon [2]. The resolution of the Athenian popular assembly (IG I* 24) that probably commissioned him in 449/8 BC with the construction of the Nike temple on the Athenian Acropolis ( Athens II. A. 1.) is clearly documented. Apparently, the construction of this temple, whose

967

968

construction history is much discussed [3], was only completed after 425/4 BC (IG I 25). It has often been surmised that the Propylaea of > Mnesicles for a while delayed the execution of the Nike temple while C. instead created the Artemis temple [4] on the Illissus, and after 425/4 BC adapted his original design to the new situation arising from the Propylaea’s encroachment on the construction site [5]. The four-column type of amphiprostylos in the Ionic order, as well as the column bases and capitals, which appear somewhat antiquated and awkward for the construction period, were retained. The merging of the vestibule and portal wall to leave only two pillars between the antae behind which the cella immediately follows is, however, novel, being enforced by the lack of building-space. Based on the Nike temple and the style of its architectural components, both the Athenian temple on > Delos and the Erechtheum have been attributed to C. [6]. Furthermore, links of C.’s workshop with the Hephaesteum and the Artemis temple in Athens, the Poseidon temple on Cape Sounion and the Nemesis temple in ~ Rhamnus have been considered [1. 93103]. However, it is doubtful whether one architect was able to design and execute so many representational construction projects in such a short time.

sus (IK 14, 1422), he possibly donated two wreaths in Delos.

CALLICRATES

1 R. CARPENTER, The architects of the Parthenon, 1970 2B. WESENBERG, Wer erbaute den Parthenon?, in: MDAI(A) 97, 1982, 99-125 3I1d., Zur Baugesch. des Niketempels, in: JDAI 96, 1981, 28-54 4M.M. Mites,

The Date of the Temple on the Ilissos River, in: Hesperia 49, 1980, 309-315 5 G.GRUBEN, Die Tempel der Griechen, +1980, 188-193

61.M. SHEAR, C., in: Hesperia

62, 1963, 375-424. G.LiproLp, Architekten

[7-8] Two sculptors, both of them respectively sons of an Aristeus of Argos, the elder known from signatures on two bronze statues in Epidaurus about 300 BC (IG

IV rooo, roor), the younger from a signature in the Asclepieum in Argos about 220 BC (IG IV 1478); the

younger is perhaps the grandson of the elder.

DLWI.

[9] Son of Boescus, from Samos, after 279 BC Ptolemaic

nauarchos, i.e. supreme commander of the fleet. Primarily honoured in this fanction in the Aegean but also on Cyprus. C. dedicated statues of Ptolemy Il and Arsi-

noé IT in Olympia as well as an Isis and Anubis sanctuary in Canopus ‘on behalf of Ptolemy and Arsinoé. He was the first eponymous priest of Alexander and the theoi adelphoi (Ooi &Seddot) (269/8). Two epigrams for him by Poseidippus are preserved (XII/XIII Gow/Pace) and celebrate the construction of another temple in Canopus as well as the foundation of a cult of Arsinoé as Aphrodite Euploia (probably still before 268). Together with his brothers Perigenes and Aristonicus (PP 6,14941;

14896;

the

wider

family

cannot

be

reconstructed with certainty) > proxenos of Olus in the Chremonidean War in 264, then in 262/1 as a Ptolemaic diplomat in Miletus. In 257 still attested as the collector of the triérarchéma, therefore probably still naviarchos. Robert, OMS

7, 1990, 622, 624ff.; H.HAuBEN,

Calli-

crates of Samos, 1970; L.Mooren, The Aulic Titulature

in Ptolemaic Egypt, 1975, 58ff., no. oro; W.CLARYSSE,

s.v. C. (11), RE 10, 1639f.; W.MULLER, in der Welt der Ant., 1989, 171-173;

H.Svenson-Evers,

F. Jacosy, Abhandlungen, 1956, 348ff.; H.HAUBEN, Callicrates of Samos, 1970, 16ff., 2 1rff. W.A.

G.v. D. VEKEN, The Eponymous

Priests of Ptolemaic

Egypt, 1983, 4.

W.A.

Die griech. Architekten archa. und

klass. Zeit, 1996, 214-236 (sources); C. WEICKERT, S.v. Kallikrates, in: THIEME-BECKER, Allg. Lex. der bildenden

Kunstler 19, 472-474.

H.KN.

[4] Poet of the Middle Attic Comedy about whose life nothing is known. C. is only attested in Ath. 13,586a, where his Moschion (Mooyiwv) is cited as one of the comedies that mention the well known hetaera Sinope (about the mid 4th cent. BC) [1]. UPECGIVemo 835 5a.

T.HI.

[5] In 346 BC the Athenian C. together with Metagenes unsuccessfully negotiated, by order of the popular assembly and the strategos Proxenus, with the Phocians regarding the transfer of the three fortified locations, Alponus, Thronium and Nicaea, which controlled access to > Thermopylae (Aeschin. Leg. 132-134). ~ Athens III; > Phocis

JE.

[6] Macedonian; philos, kélax (2?) and emissary of Pto-

lemy I; in 310 BC together with > Argaeus [1] successfully active against Nicocreon on Cyprus (Diod. Sic. 20,21,1f.; FGrH 74 F r); probably > proxenos of Ephe-

[10] C. of Tyrus. Author of a panegyric text on > Aurelianus [3]. The excerpt in the Historia Augusta (SHA Aurelian. 4,2-5,6) concerns the omens presaging Aurelian’s future status. FGrH 213. F. JAcosy, s.v. C. (10), RE ro, 1639.

K.MEI.

[11] Son of Theoxenus of Leontion, strategds of the Achaean League in 180/79 BC, controversial politician, sharply condemned by Polybius for his unconditionally pro-Roman stance, which he first revealed as a delegate to Rome in 180 and then unhesitatingly enforced against > Lycortas and others (cf. Pol. 24,10,6-12,4; 28,3,3710;,

29,25,1f5 Paus. 7,10,53 Live 41,23-24.45

Veexovhin vient) (Ni iaGines Oyaeciaelly lin aaa (C. supported the deportation of 1,000 Achaeans to Rome; he died in 149/8 while travelling as part of a delegation to Rome (Pol. 30,13,3-11; Paus. 7,12,8; Liv. 45,31,5f.)

[no nomitiaanr mite 22m

somths Toms

1 J. DEININGER, Der polit. Widerstand gegen Rom in Griechenland, 1971 2 K.NotrMeyeEr, Polybios und das Ende des Achaierbundes, 1995. L.-M.G.

969

970

Callicratidas (KadAxoatidac; Kallikratidas). {1] Spartan nauarch (naval commander) in 407/6 BC, was only able to relieve > Lysander of his command in the spring of 406 and was confronted through the latter’s intrigues with extremely serious problems while preparing his operations. However, he was as unimpressed by these as by the affront he suffered from Cyrus the Younger. C. secured the finances for his warfare and took the initiative. After relocating his naval base from Ephesus to Miletus he conquered Methymna and blockaded an Athenian squadron under Conon at Mytilene. However, he was defeated by the Athenian relief fleet in August 406 near Arginusae and died in battle there (Xen. Hell. 1,6,1-33; Diod. Sic. 13,76-79; 97-99; Plut. Lysander 5-7,1). C. was characterized by Xenophon as a representative of the old Spartan mentality with a future-oriented pan-Hellenic vision. The claim that C. was a mothax, which is only found in

probably his also; Planudes however assigns them to Nicarchus. The erotic poems Anth. Pal. 5,29 and 45 are attributed to the name Cillactor; the rarity of both

Aelian (Ael. VH 12,43), is unlikely to be accurate even

Trebianos lophos, from Trebula).

though not only illegitimate sons of Spartans were considered > mothakes. > Peloponnesian War D.Lorze, Mothakes, in: Historia 11, 1962, 427-435; D.Kacan, The Fall of the Athenian Empire, 1987, 327353; J.L. Mo.es, Xenophon and Callicratidas, in: JHS

114, 1994, 70-94.

K.-W.WEL.

CALLIEIS

names,

not attested elsewhere and still of uncertain

form, argues in favour of identification with C. FGE rr4f.; V.Lonco, L’epigramma scoptico greco, 1967, 75, 113-115; M.LAusBerG, Das Einzeldistichon. Studien zum ant. Epigramm, 1982, 305, 406. M.G.A.

Callicula Mountain north of Campania, which constituted the border of the ager Falernus at Casilino. It probably corresponds to the massif of Monte Maggiore (1037 m), which is encircled by a great loop of the river Volturnus. It was here that Q. Fabius Maximus attempted to halt Hannibal’s progress in 217 BC (Liv. 22,15,3; 22,16,5). In Pol. 3,92 named as “Egipiavocs hogoc, Eribianos léphos (possibly ToeBiavosg hOdos; NISSEN 2, 688.

G.U.

Callidice (KadMdixn; Kallidiké). [1] The most beautiful daughter of the Eleusinian king — Celeus and his wife > Metaneira. Along with her sisters Cleisidice, Demo, and Callithoe, she meets > Demeter who is mourning her daughter > Persephone and

[2] Probably the pseudonym of the author of the Pythagorean treatise ‘On the Felicity of Families’ (Meo

invites her home in the name of her sisters (H. Hom. 2.110; 146).

oixov evdamovias) in Doric dialect; four extant fragments in Stobaeus (4,22,11; 28,16-18). The dating is

[2] Queen of Thesprotia in Epirus. In the Cyclic epic > Telegonia, she becomes the wife of > Odysseus once his journey comes to an end. After her death, Odysseus gives their son > Polypoetes the kingdom and returns to Ithaca (Apollod. Epitome 7.3 4-3 5; PEGI, 101-103). RA.ML

disputed: 3rd cent. BC [1] to 2nd cent AD [2], in any case unlikely before the end of the rst cent. AD. The fragments concern the household (28,16) and especially marriage. A section of 22,11 is almost identical to a part of 28,18. Fr. 22,11 presupposes a version of the Platonic teaching of the defining One as the first and active principle and the duality to be defined (— Dyas) as well as the categories of the absolute and the relative, and,

additionally, the Platonic microcosmic concept of man and the theory of the tripartite soul. Fr. 28,11 differentiates three forms of government: despotic, epistatic and political — depending on whether its objective is the well-being of the self, others or all. Modelled on the cosmos, political rule is ideal in marriage and the state; the concept that the divine politically rules the world is interesting. EDITIONS:

1H.THESLEFF,

1965, 103-107. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

The

2F.WILHELM,

Pythagorean

Texts,

in: RhM

1915,

7o,

167-185 3H.THesLeFF, An Introduction to the Pythagorean Writings ofthe Hellenistic Period, 1961, 57-59. MER.

Callicter (Kadduxtho; Kalliktér) of Manesium. Writer of epigrams, possibly from the rst or 2nd cent. AD, to whom are ascribed the satirical two-line epigrams from the Anth. Pal. 11,2; 5; 6 and, according to Planudes, 333. The epigrams against doctors, 11,118-122, are

Callidromus (6/f Kadaidgouoc; ho/hé Kallidromos; v6 Kaddtseouov; to Kallidromon; Lat. Callidromus). Name of the massif above > Thermopylae (Str. 9,4,13), modern Saromata, up to 1374 m in height, its spatial extent variously defined. Generally it is seen as part of the Oete (+ Oetaei). The C. massif consists of Mount Acrurium (later known as Galate, Plut. Phocion 33), Mount C. itself, Mount Phricion (summit with the for-

tress of C., Liv. 16-18; App. Syr. 77; 81; 85). By going across Mount C., both the Persians in 480 BC (> Per-

sian War) and the Romans in r91 BC bypassed Thermopylae. H.v. GEIsAU, s.v. K., RE 9, 428; F.STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 192, 194 (sources). HE.KR.

Callieis (KadMetc; Kallie?s). The westernmost branch of the Aetolian > Ophieis in the upper Daphnus valley (modern Mornos; Thuc. 3,96,3). Their chief place of Callion (or Callipolis, modern Kallion, formerly Velouchovo) occupied a strategic position above the right bank of the Daphnus, and, for that reason, is mentioned in connection with the campaigns of > Demo-

CALLIEIS

971

sthenes [1x] in 426 BC, of> Acilius [I ro] Glabrio in 191 BC, and also the raid by Gauls in 279 BC (in which the town and its inhabitants were annihilated, cf. Paus. 10,22,3-7). The site with its fortified acropolis was inhabited from geometric to late antique/Byzantine times. The town, which was built ona planned layout in the 4th cent. BC, is nowadays largely flooded by the Mornos reservoir. Important finds include houses of the late Classic period, manumission records, and the archive of the C., containing more than 600 seals [1]. Inscriptions: SGDI 2137; FdD III 4, 240; IG IX 1’, r, 154-158; SEG 16, 368; 28, 504; 37, 427f.5 40, 458. 1 P.A. Pantos, Ta sphragismata tis Aitolikis Kallipoleos, 1985.

C.Antonetti, Les Etoliens, 1990, 289-294; $.BomMELJE£ (ed.), Aetolia and the Aetolians, 1987, 84f.; R. SCHEER, S.v. Kallion, in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 294f.;

D.StTRAucH, R6m. Politik und griech. Trad., 1996, 291-

294.

D.S.

Calliena According to Peripl. M. Rubr. 52f., an emp6orion on the west coast of India close to what is now Bombay, Sanskrit Kalyana. C. was established by the elder Saraganes as an important commercial harbour; under Sandanes in the rst cent. AD it was abandoned in favour of > Barygaza. Also attested in Cosmas [2] Indikopleustes as Calliana (11,16; 11,22). H.P. Ray, Monastery and Guild. Commerce under the Satavahanas, 1986. K.K.

Calligenea ( KadAtyéveta; bé Kalligéneia). Goddess of birth and growth, whose name is derived from the C. festival, which was particularly celebrated in Athens (Aristoph. Thesm. 298 with schol.; Alci. 2.37). Even in antiquity, C. was interpreted in various ways: as epithet to Ge (- Gaia) or - Demeter (Hsch. s.v. K.; CIG III

5432) or as wet-nurse, priestess, or servant of Demeter. ~ Thesmophoria H. UsENER, GOtternamen, 1896, 122ff.

AL.FR.

Calligone (novel) Name given to a Greek novel of which only two fragments are extant; one has yet to be published [3]; in the other (PSI 981, 2nd cent. AD) the female protagonist, C., enters the tent of an Eubiotos; her grief appears to have been caused by news of the fate of an Erasinus. C. thus reaches for her sword but, with

prudent foresight, Eubiotos had already taken it away when he stood next to her. The name Eubiotos and the reference to the Sauromatae suggest a link with 1M.Norsa, PSI 981.

LITERATURE: 25.A. STEPHENS, J.J. WINKLER (ed.), Ancient Greek Novels. The Fragments, 1995, 267-276 3 P. PARSONS, in: STEPHENS, WINKLER no.

I

Novels, in: G. SCHMELING (ed.), The Novel in the Ancient World, 1996, 666-667. M.FU.andL.G.

Callimachus (KaAAiuayoc; Kallimachos). [1] Athenian, archon polémarchos (> Archontes) in 490 BC, supreme commander at > Marathon (490 BC). It is disputed if C. was appointed polémarchos by lot (Hdt. 6,109). Aristotle’s claim (Ath. Pol. 22,5) that the archontes were first selected by lot in 487/86 appears preferable. But perhaps areas of responsibility were already distributed among them by lot after 509/8. C. only nominally held supreme command, but he was a voting member of the war council. In the stalemate among the ro generals his vote led to the adoption of ~» Miltiades’ plan to confront the Persians in an open battle. C. fought on the right wing and was killed during the attack on the Persian ships (Hdt. 6,110; 114; 114). In the Marathon painting of the Stoa Poicile he is honourably depicted beside gods and heroes (Paus. 1,15,3). An inscription on the Athenian Acropolis commemorates his achievement (ML 18). J.F. Lazensy, The Defence of Greece,

1993, 57ff.

E.S.-H.

[2] Sculptor, toreutic artist and painter. C. bore the epithet Katatéxitechnos (Paus. 12,26,7), which described

his attention to detail and inventiveness. The invention of a drilling technique and the Corinthian capital were ascribed to C. His masterpiece was considered to be a gilded oil lamp with a palm as the smoke release in the Erechtheum of Athens. Written sources attest to an enthroned Hera in Plataea and saltantes Lacaenae (‘dancing Spartan women’). His style was praised as

refined and elegant but also criticized as manneristic. Therefore, scholars consider him a representative of the Rich Style (late 5th cent. BC) and a model of the NeoAttic School, whose partially archaizing, partially classicistic reliefs bear a fine-lined style. The claim that the Calathiscus relief with dancing women is derived from the saltantes Lacaenae and the attribution of Maenad reliefs to C. are hypothetical. C.’s signature was later added to an archaizing relief with Pan and the nymphs (Rome, MC). Other attributions of masterpieces in the Rich Style (Aphrodite of the Fréjus type; Nike balustrade) to C. are speculative. Tert., De corona 7; OVERBECK no. 531; 532; 795; 894— 896; 1950; LOEWY no. 500; PICARD 2, 2, 615-636; LipPOLD 222f.; W.FucHs, Die Vorbilder der neuattischen Reliefs, 1959, 72-96; 127-128; L.GUERRINI, EAA 4, 1961, 298-300 no.2 and G.CARETTONI, 300 no. 4;

B.SCHLORB, Unt. zur Bildhauergeneration nach Phidias, 1964, 45-53; B. RipGway, Fifth Century Styles in Greek Sculpture, 1981, 97; 200; 213; H.FRONING, MarmorSchmuckreliefs mit griech. Mythen im r. Jh. v.Chr., 1981,

Lucian’s “Toxaris’ [4]. FIRST EDITION:

97%

(see above), 268,

4 F. ZIMMERMANN, Lukians Toxaris und das Kai-

rener Romanfragment, in: Philol. Wochenschrift 55, 1935, 1211-1216 5S.STEPHENS, Fragments of Lost

37; H.U. Cain, in: Forsch. zur Villa Albani. Kat. der ant. Bildwerke,

1, 1988, no.

15.94;

L.Topisco,

Scultura

greca del IV secolo, 1993, 52 pl. 39; L. Toucnerre, The Dancing Maenad reliefs, 1995. RN.

974

973

[3] C. of Cyrene Hellenistic poet and grammarian. A. APPRECIATION GUAGE AND STYLE

B. Lire C. Works E. INFLUENCE

D. Lan-

A. APPRECIATION C. was an exceptionally productive poet and grammarian: according to the Suda his works comprised more than 800 books. As a poet he was one of the foremost poets of the learned poetry of High Hellenism; he attained such a degree of perfection in the genre of the elegy that Quintilian bestowed the title elegiae princeps on him (Quint. Inst. 10,1,58). As a grammarian

he

founded systematic cataloguing of the Greek literary heritage (Pinakes, in 120 bks.). B. LIFE The entry ‘Kallimachos’ in the Suda (x 227 ADLER) is virtually the only source. Currently, there is a tendency to attribute no value to the statements of this source and the scholia of Apollonius [2] Rhodius regarding a dispute between the two poets. More promising is the pos-

sibility of being able to prosographically pinpoint C.’s grandfather of the same name, who was nauarch of Cyrene about 345 (Callim. Epigr. 21), in the town’s elite. C. was born between 320 and 303 BC in Cyrene; in 263 he was celebrated in Alexandria at the court of Ptolemy (Alexandriae apud Ptolemaeum regem celebratus est, Gell. NA 17,21,41). He was a page at the Ptolemaic court (if Tzetzes’ statement veavioxos ths avis, CGF p. 31 KAIBEL, is to be understood in this manner), was part of the retinue of Ptolemy II Philadelphus and was especially close to his sister Arsinoé {II 3] Il. In 246 he became a member of the circle surrounding Berenice [3] II; in the second half of the 40s certain information disappears. That Battus is mentioned as the name of his father is perhaps due to an improvised derivation of his nickname Battiades (= Cyrenean, cf. Callim. H. 2,96), which he wanted to establish for himself (Callim. Epigr. 35). Nor are we able to say on what basis C. claimed to be a descendant of Battus [1] the oecist (Str. 17,83 8c). C. was one of the main figures in the cultural life of Alexandria [1] but as a foreigner almost certainly not the head of its library (> Library Il. B.2.a). He was a student of Hermocrates of Iasus and in turn was the teacher of > Apollonius [2] Rhodius, his compatriots + Eratosthenes [2] and Philostephanus, the slave + Istrus [4] and the Peripatetic > Hermippus [2] of Smyrna. C. Works The majority of C.’s works are completely lost (the Suda list mentions short mythological poems, dramatic poetry, prose writings on grammar, geography and paradoxography) but there is such a large number of fragments available of the three works Aitia, lamboi and Hekdlé, which are not preserved as manuscripts, that they must be considered as more or less preserved.

CALLIMACHUS

The Aitia (‘Origins’) is a collection of elegies in four bks. with a total content of 4,000-6,000 verses. The collection as it now appears is divided into two dyads and sporadically treats the origin (aition) of individual cults and rites: a dream dialogue with the Muses serves as the frame for the first dyad, the second strung scattered elegies together and is introduced and concluded by a poem on Berenice [3] II (the wife of Ptolemy III Euergetes). The work almost certainly appeared in two editions. The concluding pentameter (fr. 112,9) linked it to the subsequent [amboi. The first book begins with an invective (fr. 1 = prologue) against the ‘Telchines’, inclement spirits and opponents of the poet; Apollonius [2] Rhodius is not listed among them but Asclepiades and Poseidippus, admirers of > Antimachus [3] of Colophon’s Lydé, are among them. C. defends himself against the accusation that he is not capable of composing a ‘uniform, coherent poem’ (&v Getoua Sunvexés) but

only short, modest poems after the example of the best compositions of Mimnermos and Philetas. C. claims to be weak with age and accuses the Telchines of having a purely quantitative concept of poetry and recalls that Apollo himself was behind his vocation to the tender (Aesttahén) Muse when he was young. It should be noted that both the prologue and epilogue were only added to the second edition though some scholars believe that it was created about the same time as the first dyad, i.e. about 270, when Arsinoé [II 3] Philadelphus was at the

peak of her power. The prologue is followed by an acclamation of the Muses > Muses, acclamation of the and the reminis-

cence of a dream in his youth in which the poet, who was brought from Libya to the > Helicon (Anth. Pal. 7,42), was informed by each of the nine goddesses in turn of the aitia of religious customs (from Egypt to the far west). The second dyad began with an > epinikion on the four-horse chariot victory of Berenice II at the Nemean Games (244 BC?) and concluded with the placing among the stars (katasterism6s) of the queen’s lock — in reference to the martial and astronomic events of 246/45 BC — before the epilogue. The cult of remembrances, nourished by an unusual availability of books, and scholarly engagement with the demands ofa colonial court elite for novelty turned the Aitia not only into the prototype of the new Alexandrian — poetry book but also the polished heir to the encyclopaedic tradition of Homeric/Hesodic character. There followed, as intended by the author and publisher, 17 ‘iambs’ ([amboi; later the ‘epodes’ of Horace have the same number): 13 in trimeters and various epodic metres, the others in properly lyrical meters that are not stanzaic but stichic. The actual lambi combine elements of the tradition of > Hipponax (whose personal appearance in the first iambos sets the tone for the entire work) along with inspirations from wisdom literature and the Oriental > ainos [2], together with scenes from private life and urban mimos, phallic excesses (which, however, are tuned down by aetiological irony) and epigrammatic and epinician elements. The

CALLIMACHUS

975

976

lambi maintain a tone of witty reflection that seems to foreshadow Horace’s ‘Satires’: they retain little of the original aggression of the iambos and owe much to an unusual cross-fertilization of genres. Among the four poems inaptly described as wéAn (mele, ‘songs’) the

the Argive > Plynteria and the ‘Demeter Hymn’ intended for a Thesmophoric ceremony each contain a mythic example: the tale of Teiresias, who became blind because he saw the goddess while she was bathing, and the tale of + Erysichthon, who was punished with ravenous hunger because he deliberately insulted the goddess of grain. In the ‘Artemis Hymn’ and the ‘Delos Hymn’, pure divine power is expressed in the catalogue of an excess of names and epithets; the mode fluctuates between decorative and picturesque. More than sixty of C.’s epigrams are preserved including all the main genres: some approach topics in poetry with determined simplicity (rejection of the cyclical poem 2 GA, praise of refinement 56), others move in the courtly retinues of Arsinoé and Berenice (14 and 15). Occasional resonances of the sympotic eros appear, but C. appears to give far less thought to this theme than, for example, > Asclepiades [1] of Samos. C. is the master of funerary poetry: restrained emotion alternates with accents of heroic scepticism with regard to the Beyond (31 GA); impotent sorrow and joy in poetry mark the lament for > Heraclitus [3] of Halicarnassus as one of the most lively monuments of Hel-

complaint (thrénos) at the death of Arsinoé (fragment

228) is impressive, in which the apotheosis of the queen is permeated by notes of personal loyalty and empathy for the mourning of her house. The short poem Hekdlé (1,000-1,500 hexameters),

which has a branch of the Theseus legend as its theme and is restricted to the modest setting of a mountain hut, establishes the guidelines for a new subgenre of the epic, the > epyllium: Theseus, having returned from Troezen to Athens, sets out to conquer the bull of Mara-

thon but is surprised by a storm on the Brilettus. The hut of the widow Hecale, who was impoverished by adverse circumstances, provides the freezing traveller with refuge for the night. At dawn Theseus once again sets out and kills the monster but his triumphal return to Athens is overshadowed by news of the old woman’s death. In her memory he founds the Attic demos Hecale [2] and annual rites for Zeus Hekaleios. The ‘Hecale’ uses the new technique of mixing genres on a larger scale but also an imbalance between individual aspects of genres. The anti-hero Theseus appears almost crushed by the human dimension of his hostess and his heroic battle is dwarfed by her modest but warm-hearted reception. Meteorological precision, archaisms of dialect and topographic details could freeze the “Hecale’ as an abstract construction; but the tenderness with which C. lets birds speak (fragment 70-74 H.) and draws objects and food in loving detail casts a warm light on this lonely encounter between youth and death. Six ‘Hymns’ (1,084 verses) are completely preserved: the first four and the sixth (‘Zeus’, ‘Apollo’, ‘Artemis’, ‘Delos’, ‘Demeter’) in hexameters, the fifth (‘The Bath of Pallas’) in elegiac distichs. Behind this apparent hierarchical order of transition, elements of a relative chronology may be hidden: the ‘Hymn to Zeus’ confirms the dynastic transition from Ptolemy Soter to Ptolemy Philadelphus with the defeat of the giants; the ‘Hymn to Apollo’ contains poetological reflections that place it close to the prologue of the A/tia; the ‘Delos Hymn’ appears to reflect the extension of Lagid maritime power before the battle of Cos; the ‘Hymn to Demeter’ perhaps refers to Berenice II (if those who link it to a Cyrenaean cult are right). The discussion of the significance and purpose of the ‘Hymns’ is still in progress. The thesis that they were associated with festive occasions finds increasingly fewer supporters but in the case of three (‘Apollo’, ‘Pallas’ and ‘Demeter’) one may speak of asacred mime, while the others, which perhaps were intended for recitation at the court, are perhaps supposed to represent the rhapsodic process itself. Only in one case can the festivity alluded to be identified with certainty: the Cyrenaean - Karneia in the ‘Apollo Hymn’ contains a wealth of references to the founding of the City of Cyrene. The ‘Pallas Hymn’ intended for

lenistic literature (34).

D. LANGUAGE AND STYLE C.’s language is obviously based on Homer, in the

Aetia clear influences of the elegiac tradition are added, in the Iambi those of Archilochus and Hipponax. C. experimented with both style and dialect. He demonstrated a preference for short, broken syntax with frequent use of hyperbata and interruptions. Spoken language exerts strong influence (especially in the forms of the self-address, the direct question and the interjection); in addition there are dialect forms (often in a

mimetic style), technicisms, neologisms and hapax legomena (words only attested once). In the Hecale touches of Attic dialect can be found and Ionic in the choliambs. Elsewhere literary Doric is used, e.g. in sev-

eral of the Jambi and especially in the ‘Pallas Hymn’ (through his sources Hagias and Dercylus) and in the ‘Demeter Hymn’, whose readers (or audience in the case of a declamation) may have included the Cyrenaean emigrants in Alexandria. The essential characteristic of C.’s style is a new type of narrative; it is based on two components: on the one hand brevity and novelty, inversion of proportion, irony and allusion; on the other emotional intensity, directness of tone and deliberate use of pathos. C. also introduced metric innovations by reducing the hexameters under exclusive observation of Hermann’s and Naeke’s bridge and a series of other rules to 21 basic types (of which seven were frequent). The impoverishment of rhythm (compared to Homer) is compensated with rigourous control of variation in the sequence of dactyls and spondees, frequent use of enjambement and a preference for the ceaesura kata triton trochaion and the bucolic dihaeresis (> Metre).

Sh

978

E. INFLUENCE

Despite polemical disputes, C.’s work easily established itself as a model of a new poetry even during his lifetime (beginning with Apollonius Rhodius). The effect of the elegies was immediate and enormous, while traits of the Hecale (the motive of being host to the gods, theoxénion) reappear from the ‘Erigone’ of Eratosthenes to Ovid’s ‘Metamorphoses’ and the ‘Fasti’, and from Silius Italicus to Nonnus. Commentary on C. already began at an early time and included, for example, > Theon and > Epaphroditus [3] on the Aetia and in late antiquity Salustius on the Hecale. About AD roo the summaries of his works known by the title Dihégéseis (‘Tales’) must have been completed. C. exercised an irresistible attraction for educated Roman poetry until the late rst cent. AD. While his influence on Ennius appears to be limited to the dream proemium of his Annales, » Lucretius and — Cicero were among his readers; > Catullus (65-66) translated the elegy of the ‘Lock of Berenice’ verse by verse and shared his antipathy towards Antimachus (95,10). Among the Augustan poets, Ovid was closest to him and formed entire tales (Baucis and Philemon, Erysich-

thon, Hyrieus, Acontius and Cydippe in the ‘Metamorphoses’) and titles (‘Ibis’) following his example, while ~ Propertius, who presents a series of aetiological elegies in the 4th book, resolutely called himself Callimachus Romanus (4,1,64). The wealth of forms in his writings was recorded — at times critically — by a multitude of grammarians, so that now (also because of selection by the great medieval lexicons and corpora of scholia) a treasury of more than 2,000 quotes is accessible. The majority of his writings was lost in the Imperial period but even in 1205 a copy of the Aetia and the Hecale were owned by Michael Akominatus, the metropolitan of Athens. The epigrams were partially preserved in the ‘Garland’ of Meleager (and by other means). The ‘Hymns’, together with the ‘Homeric’ and ‘Orphic Hymns’, the ‘Orphic Argonautica’ and the ‘Hymns’ of Proclus, became part of a collection between the 6th and roth cents., perhaps even later, on which archetype w of our tradition depends. The editio princeps was produced about 1495 by J.LASKARIS in Florence. The first critical edition of the fragments (then already more than 400) is the work of R. BENTLEY (1697), while the Dutchman A. HECKER in 1842 discovered the rule named after him by which numerous epic frs. could be detected in the Suda (- Indirect tradition). After the discovery of 56 papyri there are currently almost 900 frs. by C., some of which are quite extensive. The w-scholia on the ‘Hymns’ are poorer than the scholia on Theocritus and Apollonius Rhodius but, as the papyri show, they are excerpts from an originally equally learned commentary. + Hellenistic poetry; -» Neoteric poets EDITIONS: R. PFEIFFER, 2 vols., 1949-1953 (with Dihegeseis and scholia); SH, 1983. COMMENTARIES:

Fr.: R. PFEIFFER,

1 vol., 1949

(with

CALLIMACHUS

additions and corrections in vol. 2); Aetia 1-2: G. MasSIMILLA, 1996; lambi: C.M. Dawson, 1950; Hecale: A.S. HOLiis,

1990;

Hymns:

E. CAHEN, 1930;

H. 1 (Zeus):

G.R. McLennan, 1977; H. 2 (Apollo): F. WiLuiams, 1978; H. 3 (Artemis): F. BORNMANN, 1968; H. 4 (Delos): W.H. MINEuR, 1984; V.GIGANTE LANZARA, 1990; H. 5

(Pallas): A.W. BuLLocu, 1985; H. 6 (Demeter): KINSON, 1984; Epigrams: GA, vol. 1, 1965.

N. Hop-

Lexicons: 1976-1980.

4 vols.,

Hymns:

E.FERNANDEZ-GALIANO,

BiBLIOGRAPHY: H.HertTER, Bericht ... Hell. Dichtung, in: Bursians Jahresber. 255, 1937, 82-218; L. LEHNUS, Bibliografia callimachea 1489-1988, 1989. SECONDARY LITERATURE: M.ASPER, Onomata allotria, 1997; P.Binc, The Well-Read Muse, 1998; T.FUHRER, Die Auseinandersetzung mit den Chorlyrikern in den Epinikien des K., 1992; M.A. Harper, R.F. Recruit, G.C. WAKKER (ed.), Callimachus, 1993; H.HERTER, K. aus

Kyrene, RE Suppl. 5, 386-452;

Id., Kallimachos

aus

Kyrene, RE Suppl. 13, 184-266; G.O. Hurcuinson, Hellenistic Poetry, 1988, 26-84; L.KOENEN, The Ptolemaic King as a Religious Figure, in: A. BULLOCH et al. (ed.),

Images and Ideologies, 1993, 81-113; M.R. LEFKowI!Tz, The Quarrel between Callimachus and Apollonius, in: ZPE 40, 1980, 1-19; L. LEHNUuS, Callimaco tra la polis e il regno, in: G.CAMBIANO et al. (ed.), Lo spazio della Grecia antica, vol. 1.2, 1993, 75-105; Studia Hellenistica, 1 vol., 1991, 161-219; Id., Baoxavins, 1993, 9-117; Id., Da Callimaco

letterario E.Livrea, Koéooova a Nonno,

1995, 7-74; H.LLoyp-Jonges, Academic Papers, 2 vol., 1990, 123-152 and 231-249; C. MEILLIER, Callimaque et son temps, 1979; C.W. MULLER, Erysichthon, 1987; P.J. Parsons, Callimachus: Victoria Berenices, in: ZPE 25, 1977, I-50; PFEIFFER, KP I, 123-151; R.SCHMiITT, Die

Nominalbildung in den Dichtungen des K. von Kyrene, 1970; E.-R.SCHWINGE, Kiinstlichkeit von Kunst, 1986; G. WeBer, Dichtkunst und h6fische Ges., 1993;

U. voN

WILAMOWITZ-MOELLENDORFF,

in der

Hell. Dichtung

Zeit des K., 1 vol., 1924, 169-218; Rom, 1960.

W. WIMMEL, K. in it,

[4] C. the Younger. Epic writer, son of a sister of > Callimachus [3] (Suda 3,227 and 3,228). Author of awork ‘On Islands’ (SH 309) that matched his uncle’s geo-

graphic interests (cf. fr. 580-583 PFEIFFER).

S.FO.

[5] Doctor, follower of > Herophilus [1] and member of his ‘house’, which may indicate that he was active in

Alexandria in the mid 3rd cent. BC [1]. A later Latin catalogue of famous doctors notes that C. came from Bithynia but this is not certain [2]. Polybius (12,25d 4) speaks of him as the founder of the Rationalist or Dogmatist school (+ Dogmatists [2]) and says of his successors that they were different from the Herophileans. Galen (In Hippocratis Epidemiarum 6,1,4 comment., 1,5 = CMG 5,10,2,2, S. 21) claims that C. mocked his teacher because he taught things that were common knowledge. In his medical writings he emphasized how important symptoms and signs of illnesses were (Rufus, Quaestiones medicinales 3,21). He continued the Herophilean tradition of Hippocratic exegesis (Erotianus Vocum Hippocraticarum collectio, praef.; fr. 33) and

979

980

21,9,12;

economy and the military. In a great honorary decree (SEG 24, 1217) his achievements were in 39 BC equated with those of the kings; he clearly assumed the duties of the dynasty when he aided the population during the famines of 41 and 4o.

CALLIMACHUS was interested in pharmacology

(Plin. HN

25,106,167-168). 2 M. WeLLMANN, Zur Gesch. der 1 STAGES, 480-483 V.N. Medizin im Alt., in: Hermes 35, 1900, 369f.

[6] Sculptor from Athens. Also, a signature is preserved on the fragment of a late Hellenistic hero statue from Minturnae. The signature on an archaizing relief (Rome, MC) presumably also refers to C. [2]. L.Guerrini, 1979, 168.

EAA

4, 300

no. 3; A.STEWART,

Attika, RN.

[7] Stratégos of > Mithridates VI, defended -» Amisus in 72/1 BC for 18 months against Roman troops by using all means of the defensive arts; he finally set the city on fire and escaped when > Licinius Lucullus breached the city wall (Plut. Lucullus 19,2). In the summer of 68 C. was able to hold > Nisibis for a while against Lucullus (Plut. loc. cit. 32,5f.); after the fortress was stormed, he was executed for setting fire to Amisus

PP 1/8, 194; 448; R.HurMacuer, Das Ehrendekret fiir den Strategen K., 1965. W.A.

Callimander (KahAiuavdeoc; Kallimandros). Delegate of the Alexandrians who was to offer the Egyptian monarchy to a Seleucid prince in 56 BC. PP 6, 14768. W.A. Callimedes (Kadduuhdyc; Kallimedes). Ptolemaic local commander, who surrendered + Aenus [1] in 200 BC to Philip V. PP 6, 15113. W.A.

[2]).

Callimedon (KaAhuédov; Kallimédon). Athenian, son of Callicrates, pro-oligarchic politician. He was forced to leave Athens before 324 BC because of his pro-Macedonian position. In Megara he participated in the anti-constitutional activities of the Athenian émigrés, which is why Demosthenes [2] had an - eisangelia issued against him (Din. 1,94). During the > Lamian War C. stayed with > Antipater [1], upon whose orders he attempted to prevent the Peloponnesian states from joining the Hellenic League (Plut. Demosthenes 27,2; Plut. Phocion 27,9). In 322 he was able to return to Athens as a result of the oligarchic transformation and became active as a mine lessee. After the democratic turn in the spring of 318, C. once again had to flee Athens and went to Beroea. During his absence he was sentenced to death together with > Phocion and others (Plut. Phocion 33,4; 35,2 and 5; Ps.-Aeschin. Epist.

— Court titles B. 2

12,8).

(Plut.

loc.

cit.

32,5f.);

Amisus

[1.238],

Nisibis

be, B5Ol|, 1 L. BALLESTEROS

Pastor, Mitridates Eupator, rey del

Ponto, 1996.

E.OLSHAUSEN, Zum Hellenisierungsprozefs K6nigshof, in: AncSoc 5, 1974, 153-170.

am

Pont. E.0.

[8] Father of Cronius (PP 8, 194b) and C. [9] as well as the grandfather of C. [ro] (sometimes the three Callimachi are treated as one person, cf. [1]). Syngeneés, stra-

tegos of the Egyptian district Coptites, supreme commander of the Red Sea and Indian Ocean (74/3 BC),

then epistratégos of the Thebaid. C. held several offices in Ptolemais, where he donated a temple of Isis (78 BC;

1 HOLBL, 252

2SB, 2264; 3926.

PP 1/8, 171; L.M. Ricxerrs, The Epistrategos K. and a Koptite Inscription, in: AncSoc 13/4, 1982/3, 161-165.

[9] Son of Callimachus [8] and father of Callimachus [ro]. Syngenes, stratégds and epistratégds of the Thebaid (— Court titles bk. 2), supreme commander of

the Red Sea and Indian Ocean, Thebarch (62 and 51 BC). His proskynémata to Isis of Philae are preserved [1]; OGIS 190 is a dedication for C. in the style normally reserved for kings: after royal central authority decayed, the inheritance of the same high offices in the family must have engendered special loyalty by the population (cf. K. [ro]). 1 SB, 4084; 8398.

PP 8,267a; J.D. THomas, The Epistrategos in Ptolemaic and Roman Egypt 1, 1975, 1o6ff., no. XI.

[10] Son and grandson respectively of C. [8] and [9]; syngenes, highest official of the Perithebas district (under his father?), he was in control of finances, the

BERVE 2, 190 no. 404; M. Crossy, The Leases of the Laureion Mines, in: Hesperia 19, 1950, 28of.; DAVIES, 279; H.-J. GEHRKE, Phokion, 1976, 98-100; O.ScH™itT, Der Lamische Krieg, 1992. WS.

Callimorphus Military doctor, who according to Lucian (Quomodo historia 16,24 = FGrH II 210), wrote, ina highly tragic and stilted style, a history of the Parthian Wars of Lucius Verus in the years AD 162-166

that bore the title Parthica. Unless this was a figment of Lucian’s imagination, it appears that he served in the Parthian War, either in the legio VI Ferrata, or in an ala contariorum (a troop division of pike-bearers). VN. Callinicus

(KoaAdiv(e)inoc; Kallin(e)ikos:

‘The noble

victor’).

[1] Epithet of > Heracles (Eur. Herc. 582; Aristid. Or. 40.15; OGIS 53; Iscrizioni di Cos ED 180,28ff.; SEG 28.616), according to Archil. fr. 324 IEG in a hymn used as a victory song in Olympia (Pind. Ol. 9,rff. with schol.; according to schol. Aristoph. Av. 1764 composed in Paros: cf. IG XID, 234); probably first used for Heracles as a victorious warrior (cf. the aetiologic myth

981

982

in Apollod. 2.13 5), later often in an apotropaic epigram (PREGER,

Inscr. Graecae

metricae

213; EpGr

1138).

AN.W. [2] C.f. (?) Sutorius (Hieronym. in Danielem, praef., PL

25, 494A, CCL 75A, p. 775; Zountmeuoc: Suda K 231 s.v. Kaddtvixoc) C. from Petra. According to the Suda, he was a rival of > Genethlius (Suda s.v. Pevé@Atoc) and

taught rhetoric in Athens (comp. Lib. Vita 1.11). He wrote ‘enkomia and orations’ (cf. Menander

Rhetor

386, 30 Sp. for an epibatérios), namely a treatise Heoi dvavemoews (‘On the Revival of the Romans’). From the latter probably originate the frs. in the Codices Laurentianus 57.12 and Vaticanus 1354 with the title Eic ta mé&teva “Poungs (‘On the History of Rome’) which praises Rome or an emperor (? Aurelian [1]). The Suda mentions a speech to Gallienus (between

Tis Pwuaiwv

260 and 268), scarcely 5 uéyacg Baotdixds (‘the Great Imperial Oration’) from Menander Rhetor 370, 14 Sp. [2]). Additional works include ‘On Affectation’ (Heoi xaxoCniias Ontoeixijs), dedicated to one (Virius) Lupus (cos. ord. 278, perhaps praeses Syriae et Arabiae c. 268) and ‘On Philosoph. Schools’. Ten books ‘On Alexandrian History’ are dedicated to Cleopatra (? could be the name of Zenobia after her conquest of Egypt 269, cf. SHA Tyr. Trig. 30.2), more likely 271 than 270 B.C.

[3]. 1 Jacosy, FGrH

281 (with comm.)

2D.A.

RussELt,

N.G. Witson, Menander Rhetor, 1981, 275 3 A: CAMERON, The Date of Porphyry’s Kat& Xouotiavay, Ins COs m7 lOO 7513.55. PIR? C 229; A. STEIN, K. von Petra, in: Hermes 58, 1923, 448-456. E.BO.:

[3] Engineer from Heliopolis

(Baalbek) in Syria, es-

caped in AD 673/4 to Constantinople. During the siege of Constantinople between 674 and 678, C. supervised the use of ‘Greek fire’ (Theophanes 3 54, 13-16), which he likely improved technically, but probably did not invent. + Fire, Greek H.Wapba, To heyouevov Oetov &xveov bei Malalas, in: Oriens 11, 1975, 25-34.

[4] C.1. Patriarch of Constantinople from 693-705,

saint of the orthodox Church, participated in 695 in the deposal of Emperor Lustinianus II and was overthrown upon his return, blinded, and exiled to Rome. J.L. van DieTEN etc., Gesch. der Patriarchen von Sergios I. bis Johannes VI. (610-715), 1972, 15 6-160. ALB.

Callinus (Ka\Atvoc; Kallinos). [1] Elegiac poet from Ephesus, c. 650 BC. His only long fr. (21 verses, 1 W./G.-P., from Stobaeus) urges young men (néoi), presumably symposiasts, to defend their city. The enemy were perhaps the Cimmerians — they are mentioned in a hexameter in 5(a) W./G.-P., which was adduced by Str. 14,1,40 (cf. 13,4,8) as evidence for a Cimmerian invasion that led to the capture of Sardes

CALLIOPE

(thus c. 652 BC). This invasion had taken place earlier than that of the Trerians (also in 4 W./G.-P.), which

destroyed Magnesia. In theme, presentation and language C. resembles Tyrtaeus but handles enjambment and sentence structure more skilfully. Str. 14,1,4 was familiar with a prayer to Zeus (2 W. 2a W./2 G.-P.), and Pausanias 9,9,5 (6 W./T 10 G.-P.) with a poem in which

C. quoted Homer (even if not specifically by name; [1] more sceptical) as the writer of a ‘Thebaid’. C. is claimed to be the ‘inventor’ of the (T 3; 5; 113 13; 15 G.-P.), Xen. An. 3,1,14 is phraseologically reminiscent of him [2] and Ath. 525c refers to him; C. however is quoted only by Strabo, Pausanias, Stobaeus and Stephanus. 1J.A. DAvipson, Quotation and Allusion in Early Greek Literature, in: Eranos 53, 1955, 136 =Id., From Archilochos to Pindar, 1968, 81f. P. GIANNINI, Echi di Callino e Tirteo ..., in: Studi D. Adamesteanu, 1983, 145-151. Ep1T1ons: JEG IP; GENTILI/PRATO I. COMMENTARIES: D.A. CAMPBELL, Greek Lyric Poetry, 1967, 161-168; W.J. VERDENIUS, Callinus fr. 1, in: Mne-

mosyne 4.25, 1972, 1-8; A.W.H. Apkins, Callinus 1 and Tyrtaeus 11 on Poetry, in: HSPh 81, 1977, 59-97 (adapted in: Id., Poetic Craft in the Early Greek Elegists, 1985,

55-66); G.F. Granortt, Alla ricerca di un poeta, Callino di Efeso, in: E. Livrea (ed.), Studi A. Ardizzoni I, 1978, 403-430; D.E. GERBER, in: Lustrum 33, 1991, 136-8 (ad-

ditional bibliography).

E.BO.

[2] Peripatetic philosopher. He is named in > Theophrastus’ will (288/286 BC) as fourth of the ro ‘companions’ (koindnountes) and executor of the will: he

receives Theophrastus’ property in Stageira and 3,000 drachmae (Diog. Laert. 5,52-6). + Peripatos [3] of Hermione. Peripatetic philosopher. He is named in > Lycon’s will (228/224 BC) as second of the 1o ‘companions’ (koinOnountes). As well as other bequests, Lycon left him his unpublished books, ‘that he might edit them carefully’ (Diog. Laert. 5,74; 70; 73). He perhaps was the grandson of C. [2]. -» Peripatos H.B. GotrscHaLk, Notes on the Wills of the Peripatetic Scholarchs, in: Hermes 100, 1972, 321, 337. H.G.

Calliope [1] (Greek Kadiorn, Kaddoreva; Kallidpe, Kallidpeia; Lat. Calliopa; on the etymology Diod. Sic. 4.3). Of the nine -> Muses (Hes. Theog. 79), C. is mentioned most often and is particularly depicted on an individual level. She was originally the Muse of epic poetry honouring warfare, but later, in a paradoxical turnaround, of the

‘peaceful’ Roman love elegy (Prop. 3.3) or of lofty poetry in general (Ov. Tr. 2, 568). C. is considered the patroness of poetry and, among others, is appealed to in Homer’s Hymn to Helius (31,1-2) which is a kind of epic song celebrating the deeds of the Meropes; also: Alcman, fr. 27 PMG; Sappho fr. 124 VoicT; Pind. Ol.

983

984

10.14; Bacchyl. Epin. 5.176). In Callimachus (Aitia 1.7.22; 3.75.77 PFEIFFER) and Ovid (Fast. 5), she appears as a storyteller. Since Empedocles, C. has been particularly singled out as the Muse of truth-seeking and of the beautiful and good (31 B 3, 121 DK; cf. Pl. Phdr. 259b-d). Her children included, among others, ~ Orpheus (Apollod. 1.3.2; cf. Paus. 9.30.4;), > Linus

lik (remains of an ancient sanctuary and a church; the

CALLIOPE

(Apollod. ibid.), but also as part of C.’s function as

Muse of epic poetry, the poet > Homer [1] (Meles 76; Anth. Pal. 16.296.8). In Orph. A. 1384, C. makes her son Orpheus aware of the dangers of the Symplegades. In epics of later antiquity, she plays an active role in the plot. In Nonnus (Dion. 24.92), she carries her wounded husband Oeager off the battlefield; at Quint. Smyrn. 3.594, she comes to comfort > Thetis. LITERATURE:

see Muses.

CW.

associated settlement about 1.5 km east of Kizilkaya, stone-cist tombs on the eastern side of the mound). C. was under the rule of the Persian Orontopates, until his was defeated in the battle against Ptolemy and Asander in 333 BC [1. 196]. Extant are an honorary inscription

by the demos of C. for Domitia Longina, the wife of Domitian [2. 651], also bronze coins of the 2nd/rst cents. BC. 1 A.B. Bosworth, A Historical Commentary on Arrian’s History of Alexander 1, 1980 2 W.BLUMEL, Die Inschr. der rhodischen Peraia (IK 38), 1991. G.E. Bean, J.M. Cook, The Carian Coast 3, in: ABSA 52,

1957, 81-85; G.E. BEAN, Kleinasien 3, 1974, 164f.; L. BURCHNER, s.v. K. (2) and (3), RE 10, 1658f.; P.M. Frazer, G.E. BEAN, The Rhodian Peraea and Islands, 1954, 71f.; L. ROBERT, Et. Anatoliennes: Recherches sur

[2] (Kaddonn; Kalliépe; Middle Indian: Kaliyapa). Indo-Greek queen in rst cent. BC, wife of > Hermaeus [1], known only through their common coins. BOPEARACHCHI, I123 325.

K.K.

les inscriptions grecques de |’Asie mineure, 1937, 491500; J.SEIBERT, Die Eroberung des Perserreiches durch Alexander d.Gr. (TAVO Beih. 68), 1985, 61. H.KA.

Calliphana (Lat. Calliphana, also Calliphoena). Priestess of Ceres in Rome. Originally a priestess of Demeter in Elea/Velia. In accordance to the concept that Ceres was a goddess of Greek origin and that her ritual must observe Greek form, she was brought to Rome from

[2] Syrian town (App. Syr. 57,298) of unknown location, founded by > Seleucus Nicator. |.RE.and.H.T. [3] Town on the Thracian Chersonesus on the > Hellespontus, opposite Lampsacus (Str. 7a,1,36; 56; 13,1,18; Ptol. 3,11,9; Amm. Marc. 22,8,4), modern Gelibolu. In Byzantine times, C. was an impoztant base and supply depot (Procop. Aed. 4,10,22); Suffragan

Elea, like most priestesses dedicated to Ceres. However,

diocese of Heraclea (ancient Perinthus).

in order for her to be able to fulfil her duties as a citizen

H. AHRWEILER, Byzance et la mer, 1966, 318-325.

Lv.B.

in the service of fellow citizens (civis pro civibus) (and

with the appropriate fundamental attitude) — according to Cic. Balb. 55, she was granted Roman citizenship by the praetor C. Valerius Flaccus around 95 BC (Val. Max. 1.1.1b). B.STANLEY

SPAETH, The Roman

Goddess

Ceres, 1996. ERP.

[4] Allegedly a Greek settlement (according to Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 19,3 a port of the Tarentines, where the Spartan Leucippus used cunning to settle; a similar report for Metapontum in Str. 6,1,15; cf. also urbs Graia, Mela 2,67; Callipolis quae nunc est Anxa, Plin. HN 3,100) on the Ionian coast of Calabria, near > Ale-

tium, c. 45 km north of Leuca, 90 km south of Tarentum (LXXV m.p., Plin. HN 3,100).

Callip(p)idae (KadAtn()iScu; Kallip(p)idai). Name of the inhabitants of the region neighbouring the emporium of Borysthenes on the modern Dnieper, characterized as Hellenoskythai (Ehdnvooxv0a, Hdt. 4,17; cf. Str. 12,3,21; Mela 2,7). They seem to be identical with the Graeco-Scythian population, referred to as Mixhéllénes (Migé\Anves) in decree IOSPE 1* 32, Z. 26f. The name alludes both to the Scythians as an equestrian people and to the derisive nickname of C. (‘unlucky fellow’).

NISSEN 2, 886; BTCGI 7, 5 42f.

ML.

[5] A town founded by the Sicilian + Naxos, captured by > Hippocrates [4] of Gela (498-491 BC) (Hdt. 7,154), deserted at the time of Strabo (Str. 6,2,6); C. is likely to be localized near the modern Mascali on the north-eastern coast of Sicily. No epigraphical or numismatic sources. E. Manni, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 1981, 153; BICGI 7, 544-548.

D.SA.

I. von BREDOW, Der Begriff der Mixhellenes, in: B. FUNCK

(ed.), Hell., 1996, 467-474.

Lv.B.

Callippides (Kaddxnidye; Kallippidés). Tragic actor of Callipolis (Ka)Aimodtc; Kallipolis). {1] Place in Caria (Arr. Anab. 2,5,7; Steph. Byz. s.v. Callipolis), its location disputed: either near the modern Gelibolu, south of the eastern end of the Ceramic Gulf (ancient and medieval remains, no finds indicating a settlement),or east of it, ro km inland, near Duran Cift-

the sth/4th cents. BC, who, popular and controversial, was remembered long after his death. He himself was many times the victorious > protagonist, for example at the Lenaia of the year 418, but the tetralogy of his poet did not win a prize [1]. His expressive gesticulation, aimed at producing a realistic effect, was modern in its style; it displeased Mynniscus who had once ap-

985

986

peared with Aeschylus and who described the young colleague as a ‘monkey’ because of his exaggerated mimesis (Aristot. Poet. 26,1461b 34). His female figures appeared more torn than dignified (ibid. 1462a 9) and probably mirrored Euripidean psychology. C. was proud of being able to move even a large audience to tears (Xen. Symp. 3,11). One of the earliest star actors, he was at home in the Greek-speaking world (Polyaenus, Strat. 6,10), sought close ties with powerful people (Plut. Alcibiades 32,2) and reacted in an insulted way if he was ignored (Plut. Agesilaus 21,8; Mor. 212ef). C. even seems to have been the title-giving character in a comedy by > Strattis (PCG VII, 630).

at the Hellespont, went as the co-student and friend of ~» Eudoxus [1] of Cnidus to Athens and joined Aristotle [6]. C. improved the planetary theory of Eudoxus by adding two spheres each to the spheres of the sun and moon and one sphere each to the spheres of Mars, Venus and Mercury. Therefore, he calculated with (2x4) + (5x5) =33 spheres (Aristot. Metaph. 12,8,1073b 32; Simpl. in Aristot. Cael. 2,12,293a 4; p. 493,5-497,21 HerBerG following Eudemus, ‘Aoteohoyixh iotogia/Astrologike historia). C. observed the exact length of the > seasons or, rather, the periods between the annual turning points (Siaothpata/diastemata). The resulting > parapegma with variable solar velocities under each zodiac sign influenced the Phaseis of Ptolemy. His most important achievement was a refinement of the lunisolar > calendar. He quadrupled the 19-year cycle established by - Meton and > Euctemon to 76 years with 912 regular and 28 leap months = 27,759 days (Geminus 8,50-60). The beginning was the year

1 H.-J. Metre, Urkunden dramatischer Auffiihrungen in Griechenland, 1977, 144, 184. J.B. O’Connor, Chapters in the History of Actors and Acting in Ancient Greece, 1908, 107 no. 274; P. GHIRON-

BisTAGNE, Recherches sur les acteurs dans la Gréce antique, 1976, 334. H.-D.B.

Callippus (Kéi\Ainnoc; Kallippos). [1] Athenian student of > Plato, who took Callistratus, who had been sentenced in an > eisangelia proceeding, to Thasos in 361 BC on the order of the stratégdés Timomachus (Dem. Or. 50,47-52). In 357 C. evaded charges in Athens by accompanying > Dion [I 1] during his enforced return to Sicily (Plut. Dion 22,5 and 54,1; Pl. Ep. 7, 333e). Though initially held in high esteem by Dion as a philosophical and political advisor and ‘condottiere’, C. turned against Dion in 354 and had him murdered by his own mercenaries (Plut. Dion 54,35735; Nep. Dion 8,1-9,6 with misspelling of the name; Aristot. Rh. 1373a roff.). The Syracusans celebrated him as a tyrannicide and for a short period C. was able to control politics in democratic Syracuse [1] until + Hipparinus [2], the son of Dionysius [1], conquered Syracuse during C.’s campaign against Catana. When C. was no longer able to pay his mercenaries during the attempt to free cities subject to Dionysius he was murdered (Diod. Sic.16,45,9; Plut. Dion 58,1-5). [2] The Athenian C. of Lamptrae was a student of + Isocrates (Isoc. Or. 15,93); possibly identical to the > proxenos of the Heracleots, who in this function was the opponent in the trial of > Apollodorus [1] (Ps.Demy@xn7 521) (2):

[3] The Athenian C. of Paeania requested in 3 57/56 BC a — psephisma on the regulation of property ownership in > Cardia and was unsuccessfully sued by Hegesippus (- Paranomon graphe) for this reason (Ps.-Dem. Or. 7,42£.; hypothetically Dem. Or. 7,3f.) [35 4].

+ Athens; > Cersobleptes 1 K. TRAMPEDACH, Platon, die Akademie und die zeitgenoss. Politik, 1994, 111, 121-124 2 SCHAFER 4, 134137. 3PA8078 4 DEVELIN, no. 1550. JE.

CALLIRHOE

330 BC (= Ol. 112,3). Asa result, dates of the Athenian calendar can be precisely converted into dates of the Egyptian or Julian calendar. He assumed that the apogee of the apparent solar orbit was located in the centre of Gemini and the year began with the summer solstice. The Callippian period, which is named after him, was used by > Hipparchus [6] (Ptol. Syntaxis 3,1 Pp. 195,10-207,17), but perhaps also by > Timocharis (ibid. 7,3 p. 28, 11-13). J.K. FoTHERINGHAM, The Metonic and Callippic Cycles, in: Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society 84, 1924, 383-392; F.K. GinzeL, Hdb. der mathematischen und technischen

II, r911;

K. Mant-

pegma, RE 18, 1346-1348; B.L. vAN DER WAERDEN, Die

Astronomie der Griechen, 1988, 88-92, 100.

W.H.

Callipus Earlier thought to be a writer of comedies because of a transcription error in Ath. 15,668c, where three lines are quoted from KaA\utog év Mavvuytdt (‘C.

in the Pannychis’). Since the appearance of the PBerolinensis 13417 with the rest of the drinking poem Pannychis by > Callimachus [3], including the lines quoted by Athenaeus, there can be no doubt that the phrase in question should read KaAhtuayos [1; 2]. 1 A. KOrTE, s.v. C. (18), RE 10, 1667

Callimachus I, 1949, 217 (F 227).

2 R. PFEIFFER, T.HI.

Callirhoe (KadMo[o]on; Kallir(r)hdé, ‘the fair-flowing’). [1] Daughter of Oceanus, wife of > Chrysaor [4], mother of + Geryoneus (Hes. Theog. 351; 979ff.; Apollod. 2.106; Hyg. Fab. 151). She appears in the circle of - Persephone

[4] see > Callipus [5] C. of Cyzicus. born about 370 BC, astronomer, according to Ptol. Phaseis p. 67,5 made his observations

Chronologie

Tius, Ptolemaus, Hdb. der Astronomie I, 1963, 426f.; A. REHM, s.v. C., RE suppl. 4, 1431-1438; Id., s.v. Para-

(H. Hom.

5,419); also men-

tioned as wife of Manes or of Poseidon (Dion. Hal. Ant. 1.27.1; schol. Pind. O. 14.5).

CALLIRHOE

988

987

[2] Daughter of Achelous, wife of — Alcmaeon [1], mother of Amphoterus and Acarnan (Apollod. 3.88ff.; Eur. Alcestis TGF fr. 79). [3] Daughter of the river god > Scamander, wife of + Tros, mother of > Ilus [1] and > Ganymede [1],

among others (Hellanicus schol. Hom. Il 2.231); also mentioned as wife of — Erichthonius [2] (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,62,2).

[4] A Calydonian maiden with whom the Dionysian priest Coresus falls in love. Because C. does not reciprocate this love, the Dionysian oracle instructs that she should be sacrificed. Coresus could not bear to sacrifice C. and kills himself instead. C. thus becomes overcome by his love for her and cuts her own throat (Paus. Tea ttts)e [5] A bride from Ilium who was seduced by one Cimon

during the ritual bath in the Scamander (Ps.-Aeschin. IO).

RE.ZI.

[6] see > Athens [7] A thermal spring located on the east bank of the

Dead Sea that is mentioned by Josephus (Ant. Iud. 17.6.5, Bell. Iud. 1.33.5), Pliny HN 5,16) and Jerome (Quaestiones hebraicae in genesim 10,19). It is identified with the springs of ‘Ain az-Zara [1. 4] and is also included on the Byzantine Madaba mosaic map (Ocoue Koaddoons, Therma Kallirhoés; 6th cent. A.D.) [2]. 1 ABEL I, 87, 156, 461 Mosaic Map, 1954, 40

2 M. Avi-YoNnAH, The Madaba

ZPalV 79, 1963, 59-89

4 SCHURER 1, 325f.

3 H.Donner,

Kallirhoe, in:

LWA.

Callisthenes (KaddoOévyc; Kallisthénés). [1] Callisthenes of > Olynthus, > Alexander historian, son of a female cousin of > Aristotle [6], who raised him (Plut. Alexander 55,8) and whom he accompanied to -» Assos, Macedonia and then perhaps to Athens. After the death of > Hermias [1] he wrote in praise of him (quoted by Didymus, In Demosthenem 5-6). Together with Aristotle he composed a list of Pythionikai (> Pythia) and agonothetai (+ Agonothetes) of the Pythian Games for which the two were honoured in Delphi (Syll.3 275). The list’s compilation was delayed for several years and is ascribed by tradition to Aristotle alone. In Macedonia C. wrote a ‘History of Greece’ (time period covered: 387/6-356 BC) in ro bks. anda monograph on the 3rd > Sacred War (356-346 BC). On Aristotle’s recommendation he was invited by Alexander [4] the Great to accompany him as a historian of his deeds to Asia. His work Alexandrou praxeis (‘The Deeds of Alexander’), which was directed at the

Greek world, extended at least to 330 and was the only primary source for the first years of the campaign. C. reported Alexander’s marches and victories and celebrated him in Homeric overtones as a hero and, after the visit to Ammon, as the son of Zeus-Ammon. He

depicted - Parmenion, perhaps with the king’s consent, in a derogatory manner. C. also concerned himself with scientific interests and wrote in the Alexandrou praxeis, for example, on

the sources of the Nile. In Asia Minor he probably wrote a > Periplus of the Black Sea. C.’s rigid self-confidence estranged him from the courtiers’ circle and after 330 Alexander’s introduction of a Persian court ceremony also estranged him from the king. A rupture resulted when C. resisted the attempt to require the > proskynesis of Greeks and Macedonians as well, which was deeply offensive to the king. (The dispute was then embellished by both sides and philosophers celebrated C. as a hero). After the conspiracy of the pages (> Basilikoi paides), who had been entrusted to C. for their education, he was suspected of instigation. However, that the boys accused C. under torture (e.g. > Ptolemaeus and > Aristobulus [7] in Arr. Anab. 4,14,1) is a vicious fabrication as a surely authentic letter by Alexander in Plut. Alexander 55,6 demonstrates [1. 219-221]. However, the king had him arrested and probably immediately executed (e.g. Ptolemy in Arr. Anab. 4,14,3); to completely exculpate Alexander, > Chares [2] and, probably based on him, Aristobulus [7] report that C. died a death of natural

causes months later as a prisoner. Some frs., which were apparently quoted from other writings, must either be attributed to the said writings or are forgeries. Fragments: FGrH 124 (Add. in III B). + Alexander historians; > Alexander [4] 1 T.R. HAmiLTon, Three Passages in Arrian, in: CQ 5, 1955, 217-221.

L.PEARSON, The Lost Histories of Alexander the Great, 1960; P.PE£DECH, Historiens compagnons d’ Alexandre, 1984; L. PRANDI, Callistene, 1985 (with complete index of sources).

E.B.

[2] A freedman L. Licinius [I 25] Lucullus, who according to Nepos (fr. 51 [52 M] in Plut. Lucullus 43,1f.; cf. Plin. HN 25,25; Vir. ill. 74,8) gave his former master a love potion that clouded his mind and led to his death (56 BC).

P.N.

Callisto (Kaddot; Kallisto, Lat. Callisto). Arcadian nymph or princess, daughter of > Lycaon (Eumelus of Corinth, EpGF p. roo fr. 10; Hes. Cat. fr. 163; Apollod. 3.100), according to Asius (EpGF p. go fr. 9) of Nycteus, according to Pherecydes (FGrH 3 fr. 157) of Ceteus; Hunting companion of Artemis who falls in love with Zeus. He approaches her in the shape of Artemis or Apollo and either seduces or rapes her (Amphis, CAF II fr. 47; Apollod. 3.100; Ov. Met. 2,425). Artemis (Hes. Cat. fr. 163) or Hera (Callim. Fr. 632; Paus. 8.3.6; Ov. Met. 2.476-484) discover that she is pregnant and turn her into a bear as punishment for losing her maidenhood. According to others, Zeus transforms her in order to hide his deed from Hera (Apollod. 3,101). C. gives birth to + Arcas, the progenitor of the Arcadians (e.g. Paus. 8,4,1). C. dies from arrows shot by Artemis and is transformed into the constellation of the Great Bear (Callim. Fr. 632), or she is killed by her son Arcas during a hunt and Zeus turns both into constellations (Eratosthenes, Katasterismoi 1 p. 1 OLIveRt). Accord-

989

990

ing to a further version, she is driven by Arcas into the sanctuary of Zeus Lykaios, where Zeus transfers both C. and Arcas to the heavens when a mob of Arcadians try to kill them (Eratosthenes ibid. p. 9f.). The oldest version of the myth is found in Hesiod who probably already knew two versions. Aeschylus wrote a tragedy ‘CY (TrGF Ill, p. 216). Eur. Hel. 375-380 mentions C. No coherent version has been found prior to Ovid (Ov.

Methone, later Thasos and Byzantium (Hyp. 4,1; Ps.Dem. Or. 50,46-49). For a time, he was also in the service of Philip II of Macedonia (Aristot. Oec. 13 50a 16-22). Upon his return to Athens, probably in 3 5 5 BC, he was executed (Lycurg. 93).

Met. 2.409-5 30; Ov. Fast. 2.153-192). 1A. ADLER,

s.v. K., RE 10, 1726-1728

CALLISTRATUS

DAVIES, 277-282; M.DREHER, Hegemon und Symmachoi, 1995, 27-29, 42, 73; P.FUNKE, Homonoia und Arché, 1980, 145-147, 166f.; R.SEALEY, Callistratos of

Aphidna and his Contemporaries, in: Historia 5, 1956, 2 R. ARENA,

178-203.

WS.

Considerazioni sul mito di Callisto, in: Acme 32, 1979, 5-26 31.McPues,s.v.K., LIMC 5.1,940f. The Story of Callisto in Hesiod, in: RhM

122-141 RhM

4 W.SALE, ros, 1962,

5 Id., Callisto and the Virginity of Artemis, in:

108, 1965, 11-35

6M.L. West, The Hesiodic

Catalogue of Women, 1985, 91-93.

K.WA.

Callistratus (Kad\toteatoc; Kallistratos). [I. 1] Tragedian (TrGF I 38), whose ‘Amphilochus’ and ‘Ixion’ (DID A 2b, 80) won him second place at the Lenaea of 418 BC; probably not identical with the didaskalos (‘director’) of > Aristophanes [3]. P. GeIssLeR, Chronologie der altatt. Komédie, 1969, 6f.; PCGIV, p. 56. B.Z.

{I. 2] Important Athenian politician and outstanding orator, nephew of > Agyrrhius and kédestés (probably father-in-law) of Timomachus (Dem. Or. 18,219; 19,297; 24,135; cf. Xen. Hell. 6,3,10-17; OA 2,218). In 392/1 BC, he was successful in prosecuting and sentencing - Andocides [1] and his fellow ambassadors for misuse of office (parapresbeia) (Philochorus FGrH 328 F 14ga). Elected stratégds in 378/7 (Diod. Sic. 15,29,7), he exerted considerable influence on the formation and organization of the Second — Athenian League (Theopomp. FGrH 115 F 98: it was C. who suggested to refer to the payments as syntdxeis rather than phorot). In 373/2, again elected stratégos (Xen. Hell. 6,2,39), he joined > Iphicrates in prosecuting + Timotheus after the latter’s removal from office (Ps.-Dem.

Or. 49,9;

13). In 372/1, he accompanied

Iphicrates on his expedition on the Ionian Sea. In 371, he represented the Athenians at the peace negotiations in Sparta (Xen. Hell. 6,3,10-17); subsequently, he championed supporting Sparta against Thebes (Ps.Dem. Or. 59,27). The loss of Oropus to Thebes (366) and the failure of Spartan support to materialize resulted in C. being charged with treason (Aristot. Rh. 1364a roff.); C. only escaped sentencing because of his brilliant defence, a speech which supposedly made a great impression on the young > Demosthenes [2] (Plut. Demosthenes 5,1-5; Gell. NA 3,13). In around 366/s5, he appears as syntrierarch (IG II? 1609,103;

118f.),

subsequent diplomatic missions in the Peloponnese can not be verified beyond doubt (Aristot. Rh. 1418b 10). In c. 361, probably as a consequence of Athenian failures in Thrace and against Alexander [15] of Pherae, he became involved in an > eisangelia trial, but evaded the death sentence by going into voluntary exile to

[I. 3] Bronze sculptor. Pliny names tors after 156 BC. Tatian mentions of Euanthe, who together with memorable women adorned the

C. in his list of sculpof C.’s work a statue the statues of other porticus Pompei in

Rome. OVERBECK, no, 2206; F. COARELLI, Il complesso pompeiano del Campo Marzio e la sua decorazione scultorea, in: RPAA 44, 1972, 99-122.

RN.

[I. 4] Greek grammarian of the first half of the 2nd cent. BC. His origins are unknown, but he certainly worked in Alexandria and was a disciple of > Aristophanes [4] of Byzantium (according to the — problematic— schol. Aristoph. Thesm. 917; in Ath. 1,21c and 6,263¢, C. is referred to as 6 “Aguotoddvetog (‘the Aristophanian’),

which however would not be decisive proof in itself), i.e. a contemporary of — Aristarchus [4] of Samo-

thrace. The majority of the surviving fragments deal with Homer (35 definitely, all of them from the schol.: 15 on the ‘Iliad’, 20 on the ‘Odyssey’. It is a rare exception that the material on the ‘Odyssey’ is greater in volume than that on the ‘Iliad’; this may reflect C.’s personal preferences). C. deals mainly with problems of textual criticism and thus takes his place among the philologists and grammarians of the Alexandrian tradition. He adopts the views of his teacher Aristophanes and polemicizes against his fellow student Aristarchus. Three titles are known: [eds tas GOetHoEIc (‘Against the Athe-

teses’, i.e. those of Aristarchus; a polemic discussion of the latter’s expunctions); Tegi TAuddo¢ (‘On the Iliad’, at least 2 vols); Atog@wtxd (‘Emendations of Texts’), perhaps a treatise or commentary concerned specifical-

ly with philology and textual criticism. A Homer edition (ékdosis) is unverified. Furthermore, as shown in the testimonia, C. concerned himself with Hesiod, Pindar (perhaps also Simonides) and dramatists such as Sophocles, Euripides (perhaps also Aeschylus), Cratinus and most of all Aristophanes, thus following his teacher in his specific interests and concerns. C.’s farreaching interests in philology and textual criticism are also reflected in his ‘Mixed Works’ Duuwixta (Symmiktd, at least 7 vols; FGrH 348 F 2-6). A work entitled Teoi étatodv (‘On Hetaeras’, FGrH 348 F 1; mentioned

in Ath. 13,591d) was part of a genre in between historiography and erudition (Aristophanes of Byzantium has written a similar treatise).

CALLISTRATUS

Eprri1ons: R.ScHMIDT, Commentatio de Callistrato Aristophaneo, in: A. Nauck (ed.), Aristophanis Byzantii fragmenta, 1848, 307-338; FGrH IIIB, 348; H.-L. Bart, Die Fr. aus den Schriften des Grammatikers K. zu Homers Ilias und Odyssee, diss. Bonn 1984. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

992

991

BARTH, see above; P. BOUDREAUX,

Le

texte d’Aristophane et ses commentateurs, 1919, 48-51; A.GUDEMAN, 8.v. Kallistratos (38), RE 10, 1738-1748;

ticus (Socr. 3,21,14-17). He reports how the emperor

died having been slain by a daimon. Possibly he is identical with Callistion, the epic poet and assessor of the praefectus praetorio Orientis Sallustius Secundus, to whom Libanius addressed his letters no. 1233 and Ease O.SEECK, RE Suppl. 4, 864.

5.FO.

D. Hotwerpa, K. Schiiler des Aristophanes von Byzanz,

in: Mnemosyne 40, 1987, 148; A.Lupwicu, Aristarchs hom. Textkritik, 1884-85 (cf. Index s.v.); PFEIFFER, KP I, 236, 258-9, 271, 274; SCHMIDT, see above; F. SUSEMIHL,

Gesch. der griech. Lit. in der Alexandrinerzeit, 189 1-92, I, 449-450. FM.

{I. 5] (Domitius) C. Author of a local history of the

Pontic Heraclea in at least 7 vols, apparently with detailed consideration of its earliest history. Perhaps a continuation of the > Nymphis for the period when the Romans took over from the Greeks and Macedonians. Presumably one of + Memnon’s main sources. FGrH

Callithera (KadOjoa; Kallithéra). Southern Thessalian town, the target of an Aetolian raid in 198 BC; they drove the inhabitants of C. back inside their walls, but were unable to capture the town (Liv. 32,13,11f.). Judging by the itinerary of the Aetolians, C. is not to be located near the modern Kallithira (formerly Seklitsa), but about 10 km south-east of it near Paliuri. B. Herty, Incursions chez les Dolopes, in: I. BLuM

(ed.),

Topographie antique et géographie historique en pays grec, 1992, 48-91, especially 77ff.; F.STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, 132. HE.KR.

4335 434F. Jacosy, s.v. Kallistratos (39), RE ro, 1748.

K.MEI.

[I. 6] Author of ‘descriptions’ (ekphrdseis) of 14 statues

Callithoe [1] (KadAvO0n, Kallithoe, ‘excelling in speed’). Oldest daughter of Celeus, King of Eleusis, and of > Meta-

in the manner of the ‘pictures’ (e#kdnes) of > Philostratus [5] and [8], whom C. also quotes. His use of

neira. C. and her sisters Callidice, Cleisidice and Demo

accent marks suggests that the text was not written before AD 400, but its place of origin remains uncertain: it was not necessary for him actually to have seen for himself the statues in Sicyon (6), Athens (11), Macedonia (13), or in Egyptian Thebes (1). C. provides information on the subject matter and background, as well as (frequently) on the material and the sculptor, but in his rhetoric, he is more concerned with appreciating the successful depiction of affects and closeness to life rather than with conveying a clear description. + Second Sophistic

Persephone, to their home (H. Hom. 2,110).

Ep1TIoNns: in Manutius, Venice, 1503 (first edition, with Lucian); C.SCHENKL, E.REISCH, 1902; A. FAIRBANKS, 1931 (with Philostratus; text, translation). BIBLIOGRAPHY: St. ALTEKAMP, Zu den Statuenbeschreibungen des K., in: Boreas (Munster) 11, 1988, 77—

154.

N.J. RicHarpson, 1974, 183-185.

The

Homeric

Hymn

to Demeter, RA.ML.

[2] First priestess of Hera Argia’s sanctuary in Argos or

in Tiryns [1]. She was the first to decorate a column with wreaths, which was taken for an image of the goddess (Phoronis fr. 4 KINKEL, in Clem. Al. strom. 1,24,164). The name C. — documented

also as Kalli-

thyia (Plut. in Euseb. Praep. evang. 3,8) and Kallithyessa (Hsch. s.v. Ia KadaOveooa) — is derived from KoaAMOvy and means ‘the beautiful worshipper’. C. was later identified with — Io, the first priestess of the Her-

aeum of Argos. 1 K.SCHERLING, s.v. Kallithoe (2), RE 10, 1750f.

FR.P.

E.BO.

{I} A provincial jurist of the Greek-speaking area [3], who under Septimius Severus and Caracalla (early 3rd cent. AD) wrote tractates on extraordinary procedural law — the first in classical jurisprudence (De cognitionibus: 6 vols.; see [2]) —and fiscal law (De iure fisci et populi: 4 vols.), furthermore a commentary on edicts (Edicti monitorium: 6 vols.; see [1]) as well as Institutiones (3 vols.) and OQuaestiones (2 vols.). PIR* C 231. 1 SCHULZ, 238f.

2 R.Bonint, I ‘Libri de cognitionibus’

di Callistrato, 1964 prudenz, ANRW

invited > Demeter, who was grieving for her daughter

3 D.LieBs, Rom. Provinzialjuris-

II 15, 1976, 310ff.

Tee

Callistus (KadMotoc; Kadillistos). Author of an epic about the Persian Wars of Emperor > Iulianus, whom he accompanied on his campaigns in his role as domes-

Callixeinus (Kahai€ewoc; Kallixeinos) of Rhodes, probably 2nd cent. BC. Wrote ‘On Alexandria’ in at least four bks. Two longer quotes are preserved in Athenaeus (5,196a—206c): F 2 on a splendid procession (pompe) of Ptolemy II Philadelphus (279/78? BC), the other F on the grand shipbuilding of Ptolemy IV Philopator (221-204). The work was neither a local history nor a perihegesis (> Periegetes) of Alexandria, but rather a collection of reports on special events ordered according to content. FGrH 627. G.GrimM, Alexandreia. Die erste K6nigsstadt der hell. Welt, 1998, 5off.; F. Jacosy, s.v. Callixeinus, RE 10, 1751-1754; O.LENDLE, Einfiihrung in die griech. Geschichtsschreibung, 1992, 270; H.VOLKMANN, s.v.

Ptolemaier, RE 23,

1578-1590.

K.MEI.

eS)

994

Callixenus (Ka)diSevoc; Kallixenos). Athenian, successfully pleaded in the Council in 406 BC for a sentencing of the generals because they failed to rescue shipwreck victims after the battle of the Arginusae; his request to have the generals executed when found guilty was submitted to the popular assembly. After > Euryptolemus was forced to drop a suit of unlawfulness (> Paranomon graphe), the generals were sentenced to death. Later when proceedings were initiated against the accusers, C. fled and only returned to Athens after the amnesty of 403 to die of starvation (Xen. Hell. 1,7;

[2] Bronze sculptor from Elis. Pliny gives 432-29 BC as his acme. His main work was a votive offering dedicated at Olympia by the Messenians c. 430 BC, representing a chorus of 35 boys with flute-player and chorus leader. The base of his statue of Hermes at Olympia, with an inscription, has been preserved and is dated to c. 420 BC.

CALPETANUS

OVERBECK, nos. 419; 475; 476; M.T. AMORELLI, EAA 4,

303f.; J.DOrIG, Kalon d’Elide, in: Mélanges P. Collart, 1976, 125-146; B.RipGway, Fifth Century Styles in Greek Sculpture, 1981, rrof.

R.N.

Suda s.v. évavetv). R.A. BauMAN, Political Trials in Ancient Greece, 1990,

70-733 78; 96.

WS,

Callonitis (Kad\wvitic, Kallonitis, other form of the name

Xahwvttic/Chalonitis).

Area mentioned

by Pol.

5,54,7 and considered part of Media, directly west of the great > Zagrus passes along the upper Diyala; here + Antiochus [5] III had the corpse of the rioter ~ Molon impaled; neighbouring region of Apolloniatis. Str. 16,1,1 considers C. as still part of ‘Atovgia, i.e. Mesopotamia. H.H. ScHmitt, Unt. zur Gesch. Antiochos seiner Zeit, 1964, Index s.v. Chalonitis.

d.Gr. und JW.

Callynteria see > Plynteria Calocaerus Magister camelorum (Aur. Vict. Caes. 41,11: perhaps in the sense of ‘leading shepherd slave’) on Cyprus. The revolt of AD 334 (?), which he led, was of only local significance and quickly suppressed, C. himself sentenced in Tarsus by > Dalmatius (PLRE 1,

177). KIENAST, *1996, 308f.

Calones see > Impedimenta

Calpe [1] The rock of Gibraltar (+ Pylae Gadeirides). The derivation of the name from the Greek xdAmn (Ralpeé) = xdAmic/kalpis ‘jug? (already found in Avien. 348) is founded on popular etymology, based on the cavity in the eastern face of the rock (Mela 2,95), which nowadays is largely taken up by fill and the town of Gibraltar itself [x]. Maybe the Greeks transferred this name — of unknown origin — from the Bithynian C. (modern Kirpe) to the Spanish peninsula [2]. C. was one of the two ‘Pillars of Heracles’; the other — African — one was Abila (Alybe, Abilyx). The Arabs then renamed

them as Gibraltar (= Gabal at-Tariq) and Gabal Masa. Ancient descriptions (especially Mela 2,95 and Str. 3,1,7) show that the rock looked just the same then as it does now [3]. An unimportant settlement of the same name also seems to have existed (It. Ant. 406,3; Nicolaus of Damascus, Vita Augusti 2,34; 79). 10. Jessen, Die Strafe von Gibraltar, 1927, rorff. 2 Fontes Hispaniae Antiquae 1, 1955, 122; 4, 144 3 F. DE CarRANZA, Gibraltar hist6rico, 1943, 25ff. Tovar 1, 72£f.

B.BL.

[2] (KdAnyc Au;

P.B.

Kadlpés limen, also Kogmeva; Kar-

peia, Calpas). Port in Bithynia (Thynias), close to the

Calon (also Callon; Ké(A)Awv, Kal(l)6n). [1] Sculptor from Aegina. C. was considered a contemporary of + Hegesias and a pupil of Tectaeus and + Angelion; his style was seen as archaic compared to that of > Canachus. An extant base from the Acropolis is dated to c. 500 BC. Pausanias describes a bronze tripod made by C. at Amycae —a Spartan dedication after a victory against Messene — featuring Kore as its support. It appears that other tripods, by > Gitiades, were also part of the offering, so that this tripod can be dated to the late 6th cent. BC. There was a > xoanon of Athena by C. in Troezen. OVERBECK, nos. 334; 3583 4173; 418; 420; 454; A.Rau-

BITSCHEK, Dedications from the Athenian Akropolis, 1949, 85-87; A.BorBEIN, Die griech. Statue des 4.Jh. v.Chr., in: JDAI 88, 1973, 200-202; FUCHS/FLOREN, 216; E. Watter-Karyp1, Die Aginetische Bildhauerschule, 1987, 13-18.

mouth

of the Calpas, where the “Ten Thousand’

at-

tempted to found a colony (Xen. An. 6,2—6; Str. 12,3,73 Plin. HN 6,4,1-6); near the modern Kefken (Kerpe). W.Rucg, s.v. K., RE ro, 1760; C. Marek, Stadt, Ara und Territorium in Pontus-Bithynia und Nord-Galatia, 1993, 16.

K.ST.

Calpetanus [1] According to Plin. HN

29,7 a famous physician

(PIR* C 234).

[2] C.C. Rantius Sedatus Metronius (?) Curator tabulariorum publicorum in AD 45 (CIL VI 916 = 31201); cos. suff. in AD 47 [1]. Consular legate of Dalmatia

after AD 47 (ILJug. 2064; PIR* C 235). [3] C.C. Statius Rufus. Member of the collegium of the curatores locorum publicorum iudicandorum and the curatores riparum et alvei Tiberis under Tiberius. Probably the adoptive father of C. [2] (PIR* C 236). 1 G.CAMODECA,

in: Ercolano

1738-1988,

1994,

525. W.E.

CALPURNIA

995

996

{1] Daughter of L. Calpurnius Piso Caesoninus (Suet.

opponent of the Gracchi, from exile, and then became a member ofthe (previously Gracchian) land commission

Calpurnia Tul. 21). On the Ides of March AD 44, she pleaded urgently with her husband Caesar to stay away from the Senate session (Suet. Tul. 81,3; Plut. Caes. 63,8-12; Cass; Dio 44,17,1;) Val. Max. 157,2 Velly Pat: 2557.2):

Caesar

had married

the

18-year-old

for political

reasons in 59 BC (Plut. Caes. 14,8; Pomp. 47,10; App. B Civ. 2,51; Cass. Dio 38,9,1, [1. 75 A.46]). Their mar-

riage remained childless [2. 466]. After Caesar’s death, C. transferred his assets to Mark Antony (Plut. Ant. 15; App. B Civ. 2,524). 1 R.A. BAUMAN, Women

1992

and Politics in ancient Rome,

2CAH9,*1994.

ME.SCH.

[2] Daughter of a L. Calpurnius Piso, wife of a (Nonius) Asprenas and mother of three sons (CIL VI 1371 = ILS 927; for identification see RAEPSAET-CHARLIER no. mpg WEG shy) iu, Bieuael [3] Daughter of L. Calpurnius Piso Augur, cos. 1 BC

(AE 1949, 199; 1964, 270). [4] Woman

of senatorial rank, driven into exile by Agrippina, because Claudius had praised her for her beauty; she returned to Rome after Agrippina’s death ((AaGwA TIT asi2. 223 ticAati2 42).

[5] Daughter of L. Calpurnius Piso, cos. AD 57, and Licinnia Magna; wife of Calpurnius Galerianus (Tac. Hist. 4,49,2; RAEPSAET-CHARLIER no. 176). [6] Probably originally from Comum, third (?) wife of Pliny the Younger, whom she accompanied to Bithynia

(ILS 28). As consul of 111 BC, he took supreme command against Jugurtha in Numidia. Allegedly bribed by him, he granted him a lenient peace, and returned to Rome (Sall. ug. 27-29). For this reason he, together with other former consuls, was charged in to9 BC with high treason before a special court, established at the instigation of the people’s tribune C. - Mamilius Limentanus (Cic. Brut. 128; Sall. Jug. 40,5). In 90 BC,

he went into voluntary exile, when he was threatened with prosecution because of an alleged conspiracy with the rebellious allies (App. B Civ. 1,167). [I 2] C. Bestia, L. As a designated people’s tribune, he sympathized with the Catilinarians in 63 BC (Sall. Cat. 17,3); after taking office, he was supposed to give the signal for revolt in the people’s assembly by attacking the consul Cicero (Cat. 43,1). Despite the discovery of this alleged conspiracy, C. was able to take up office unhindered, and — together with his colleague Q. Caecilius Metellus Nepos — directed severe accusations against Cicero because of the latter’s actions against the Catilinarians (Cic. Sest. 11; Sull. 31). Perhaps identical with C. [I 3]. [I 3] C. Bestia, L. Perhaps identical with C. [I 2] (MRR 3,46), a friend of Cicero, who defended him on numer-

ous occasions. Plebeian aedile latest in 57 BC; in 56 BC, he was prosecuted by M. Caelius Rufus for > ambitus, initially successfully defended by Cicero, but later sen-

et Pontus (PIR* C 326; RAEPSAET-CHARLIER no. 177).

tenced in a second trial (Cic. Ad Q. Fr. 2,3,6; Cael. 16; 263 Phil: 11,013 03,26 et. al.)

[7] C. Hispulla. Daughter of L. Calpurnius Fabatus, aunt of C. [6] (PIR* C 329).

J.CrawrForp, M. Tullius Cicero: The Lost and Unpublished Orations, 1984, 143-149.

1 Eck, CABALLOS,

FERNANDEZ,

Das s.c. de Cn. Pisone

patre, 1996.

W.E.

Calpurnius Name of a plebeian gens in Rome, probably

of Etruscan

origin

(ThIL,

Onom.

101-104)

[x. 138]; attested from the 3rd cent. BC. The most important family into the rst cent. AD was that of the Calpurnii Pisones (I 13ff.). Family connections and the identification of individual members in the Republican period have not been completely clarified. Late Republican pseudo-genealogy declared Calpus, one of the sons of king Numa, the progenitor of the ges (Hor. Ars P. 292; Laus. Pis. 3f.; 14f.; Plut. Numa 21,2 et al.; portraits of Numa on coins of the Calpurnii).

I. HoFMANN-LOBL,

Die Calpurnii.

Polit. Wirken

familiare Kontinuitat, 1996 Corns: RRC 446; RIC 17 390-394. I. REPUBLICAN

AGE

und K.-LE.

II. IMPERIAL AGE

FIGURES

I. REPUBLICAN AGE {I 1] C. Bestia, L. As people’s tribune of 121 or 120 BC

(MRR

Hor. Sat. 1,10,86 refers to C. as his learned friend; ac-

cording

to Plut.

Brutus

13,

he wrote

a booklet

‘Arouvyuovevuata (Apomnémoneumata) about Brutus

1 SCHULZE.

II]. LITERARY

{I 4] C. Bibulus, L. Third son of M.C. Bibulus and Porcia, he was unsuccessfully proposed for augur by his father in 50 BC, and for pontifex by his stepfather M. Junius Brutus in 44 BC. In 45 BC, he studied in Athens, affiliated himself with Brutus in 43 BC, fought with him at Philippi in 42 BC; he then went over to Mark Antony, who in 36 BC made him praef. classis and designated praetor. As an envoy, he attempted to mediate between Mark Antony and Octavian, and in 36 BC supported Octavian in his fight against Sextus Pompeius (MRR 2, 4orf., 404). Between c. 34 and 32 BC, he probably served as governor in Syria, where he died (PIR* C 253).

1,524), he recalled P. + Popilius Laenas, the

(probably a collection of apophthegms). [15] C. Bibulus, M. Served alongside Caesar as aedile in 65 BC, praetor in 62 BC, and consul 59 BC; son-in-law of Cato the Younger and in his consulate Caesar’s opponent. After unsuccessfully opposing Caesar’s land laws (Suet. Caes. 20 et al.), he changed to obstruction. He withdrew himself from his official activities, and declared that on comitial days he would inspect the heavens; although he issued a number of edicts, they only confirmed that in 59 BC Caesar ruled practically alone.

297,

998

In the following years, he was of some importance in the Senate. In 56 BC, he proposed that envoys return king Ptolemy Auletes to Egypt, in 52 BC he agreed —as the first one to be asked — to appoint Pompey as sole consul. In 51 BC, he was governor in Syria and thus a neighbour of Cicero. After his return to Italy in March 49 BC, he went over to Pompey, became supreme commander of the fleet (Caes. B Civ. 3,5,4 et al.), and selected Corcyra as headquarters; he could not prevent Caesar’s crossing to Epirus, but subsequently largely cut him off from Italy. He died even before the battle at Dyrr-

praetore of Pompey in Hispania ulterior (ILS 875), was

hachium (Caes. B Civ. 3,18, 1). Cic. Brut. 267 describes

him as an orator. M. GELZER, Caesar, °1960 (sources).

[1 6] C. Flamma, M. As military tribune in Sicily in 258 BC, by sacrificing his force of 300 men, he liberated the Roman army under consul C. Atilius Calatinus, who had been entrapped in a Carthaginian ambush near Camarina; he himself survived. This deed — later often recounted (Liv. per. 17; Liv. 22,60,11; Plin. HN 22,11 et al.) — was also attributed to a C. Caedicius and a — Laberius (MRR 1,207).

{I 7] C. Lanarius, P. In 81 BC legate of C. Annius [I 3]; he defeated L. Livius Salinator, a follower of Sertorius, who was controlling the passes across the Pyrenees (MRR 3, 46), and was successfully defended in a trial by M. Porcius Cato (Cic. Off. 3,68). [I 8] C, Piso, C. Praetor urbanus in 211 BC. When Han-

nibal advanced, he took charge of defending the Capitol and the Arx, and proposed the reinstatement of the ludi Apollinares (Liv. 26,20,2; 23, 3; therefore the head of Apollo on the coins of the Calpurnii Pisones, RRC 3 40, 408). As propraetor, he served in Etruria in 210/09 BC. [I 9] C. Piso, C. Praetor 186 BC with Hispania ulterior

as his province. There he was victorious at the Tagus in 185 BC,and triumphed in 184 BC. In 181 BC, he was a member of the committee for the foundation of the colony at Graviscae. Consul in 180 BC, but died soon after taking office (Liv. 40,37,1). [I 10] C. Piso, C. Praetor in 71 BC (?), consul in 67 BC;

he bitterly opposed the granting of special powers to Pompey in the war against the pirates, and succeeded in introducing a law against the fraudulent accession to office (MRR 2,142f.). In 66/65 BC, he served as proconsul of both Gallic provinces, and fought against the Allobroges (MRR 3,46). In 63 BC, he was prosecuted at Caesar’s instigation, but successfully defended by Cicero, whose actions against the Catilinarians he supported. In 59 BC, he sought to mediate between Caesar and his colleague Bibulus; he seems to have died soon after. [I 11] C. Piso, C. Roman historian, whom Plut. Mar. 45,8 names as his source for the death of Marius (HRR 1 hie) [I 12] C. Piso, Cn. Consul in 139 BC (MRR 2,481). {I 13] C. Piso, Cn. Alongside > Catilina leader of the

(probably fictitious) first Catiline conspiracy in 66 BC (Cic. Sull. 67; Mur. 81 et al.); in 65/64 BC, quaestor pro

CALPURNIUS

beaten to death by his Spanish auxiliary troops (MRR AGERE WS).

[1 14] C. Piso, Cn. During the Civil War proquaestor of Pompey in Hispania citerior (coins: RRC 446), fought against Caesar in Africa 46 BC, and after the latter’s death affiliated with his murderers. In 23 BC, he became cos. suff. at the request of Augustus and thus his colleague in office (Tac. Ann. 2,43). He is possibly the Piso, to whom — together with his two sons Cn. (consul 7 BC) and L. (consul 1 BC) — Horace addressed the Ars poetica. PIR* C 286. [I 15] C. Piso, Q. Fought as consul in Spain in 135 BC (MRR 2,488f.). [I 16] C. Piso Caesoninus, L. Probably a son of C. [I 9],

thus not adopted from the family of the Caesonii [1. 400]; praetor in 154 BC and governor in Hispania

ulterior, where he was defeated by the Lusitanians. As consul of 148 BC, he commanded — not without losses — the land forces in Africa (MRR 2, 450; 461). 1 E.Bapian, The Consuls, in: Chiron 20, 1990.

[I 17] C. Piso Caesoninus, L. Son of C. [I 16], consul 112

BC, as proconsul later charged with extortion; in 107 BC, he served as legate in Gaul, where he died fighting against the Tigurini (MRR 2, 538; 5523 3, 46f.). [1 18] C. Piso Caesoninus. Son of C. [I 17], quaestor 103

or 100 BC (MRR 3,47); was responsible for the purchase of grain (coins: RRC 330). During the Social War, he was in charge of weapons production (Cic. Pis. 87). He was married to the daughter of the Gaul Calventius. [I 19] C. Piso Caesoninus, L. Son of C. [I 18], 70 BC

quaestor, 64 aedile, 61 praetor, and, following his propraetorship in 59 BC, was unsuccessfully indicted for extortion by P. > Clodius. As consul of 58 BC, he supported Clodius and prevented Cicero’s return from exile, leading to many years of hostility from the latter, culminating in 55 BC in Cicero’s invective In Pisonem.

Together with his colleague A. > Gabinius, he passed a law — extant on an inscription — for the benefit of the Delians (Roman Statutes 1, no. 22). From 57 to 55 BC, he was proconsul of Syria at the application of Clodius. As censor, he expelled in 50 BC the future historian C.- Sallustius Cripsus from the Senate (Inv. in Sall. 16). In the Civil War, he remained neutral. As Caesar’s son-in-law, he conducted his funeral ceremonies in 44 BC; in the conflicts which followed, he again sought to mediate, but apparently died soon after 43 BC. R.G. M. Nispet, M. Tulli Ciceronis in L. Calpurnium Pisonem oratio, 1961.

[I 20] C. Piso Frugi, C. Son of C. [I 23]. Mint master 67 BC (RRC 408), in 63 BC married Cicero’s daughter Tullia; in 58 BC, he became quaestor, but died in the following year. {If 21] C. Piso Frugi, L. Annalist and consul in 133 BC.; ~ Calpurnius [III r]. [122] C. Piso Frugi, L. Son of the annalist, fought in 133 BC under his father in the Slave War; he fell in battle 112 BC as praetor in Hispania ulterior.

CALPURNIUS

[I 23] C. Piso Frugi, L. Son of C. [I 22], mint master in

90 BC (RRC 340; as the people’s tribune 90 BC (? cf. MRR 3,48, also regarding the problems of his identification), he introduced a law for the establishment of

two further — tribus and the granting of — citizenship to soldiers (Sisenna fr. 17 PETER); Prosecutor ofP.Gabinius, then praetor in 74 BC and thus the colleague of >

Verres, whom he frequently opposed. Probably the father of C. [I 20], Cicero’s son-in-law (Cic. Caecin. 35): K-LE. Il. IMPERIAL AGE [II 1] C. Agricola, Sex. Cos. suff. in AD 154 (RMD 1, 47; 3, 169). Governor of Germania superior [1. 65f.] and of Britannia (163). C. 166/168 military commander against the Germans of the middle Danube region [2. 128; 3. 88]. Perhaps hailing from Cirta (EOS 2,

764). [II 2] C. Atilianus, P. Cos. ord. AD 135; consular governor of Syria Palaestina in 139 (CIL XVI 87; PIR* C 250).

[II 3] C. Aviola, C. Cos. suff. AD 24, procos. of Asia probably in 37/38 [4. 296f.]. Presumably adopted by an Acilius and identical with A. Aviola, the legate of Lugdunensis in 21 [5. vol.3, 1228; vol. 4, 368]. [fl 4] C. Bibulus, C. Aedile AD 22 (Tac. Ann. 3,52,2) [5.

vol. 6, 203]. [II 5] C. Crassus Frugi Licinianus, C. Cos. suff. in AD 87 [6. 26]. Descendant of the triumvir Crassus. Son of M. Licinius Crassus Frugi, cos. ord. in 64 (cf. [7. 270ff., stemma XVII]). Under Nerva, he was exiled to Tarentum because of a conspiracy, and under Trajan to an island. When he left the island during Hadrian’s rule, he was killed by a procurator. His funerary altar with erased name is extant (CIL VI 31724). PIR* C 259. [II 6] C. Domitius Dexter, Ser. Patrician, who served in various offices only within Italy, until he became consul. Cos. ord. in AD 225, procos. Asiae (CIL VI 1368 = US Seimei iS, algo ui); WIRES ayer [II 7] C. Fabatus, C. Eques from Comum, who assumed

military command of the legio XXI Rapax and of auxiliary troops (CILV 5267 =JLS 2721). In AD 65, he was indicted for incest with Iunia Lepida, but acquitted (Tac. Ann. 16,8,3). Pliny was married to his great-niece.

Numerous letters from Pliny the Younger were addressed to him. Died in 110/r1rr [5. vol. 7, 5o9f.; 561]. PIRGGr Gs [II 8] C. Flaccus, C. Procos. of Cyprus AD

122/123,

later cos. suff. IGR 3, 991 is to be taken as referring to him (PERS

ITOO0O

929

7a G68) (Ons25 716 [II 9] C. Galerianus, C. Son of C. [II 13], but was not drawn into his downfall in AD 65. It was not until the end of 69 that Mucianus had him assassinated as a potential political competitor (PIR* C 301) [15. 283]. {fl 10] C. Longus, M. Cos. suff. AD 148 (NovemberDecember) [10. 23 5ff.]. He is probably identical with L. Marcius Celer M.C. Longus of AE 1972, 620f. = SEG 17, 570f., who came from Attaleia in Pamphylia, and also with C. Longus, procos. of Achaea (SEG 32,

466 = AE 1986, 635) probably only under Antoninus Pius. Perhaps son of C. [II 27]. [Il 11] C. Macer Caulius Rufus, P. Cos. suff. AD 103 [11. 46]; consular governor of Moesia inferior c. AD TroO-112 [12. 349ff.]. He was the addressee of Plin. Ep. 5,18; C. [II 2] is perhaps his son (PIR* C 273f.). [I 12] (C.) Piso. Horace dedicated his Ars poetica (Hor. Ars P. 24. 235) to him and his two sons. Most likely identical -withiy Gis (Mle (chelissnvOlemsspune sorte

7. 3794f.]). {II 13] C. Piso, C. The ‘Pisonian conspiracy’ of AD 65 was named after him. His origin is unresolved. He was married to Cornelia Orestilla, whom Caligula took from him on their wedding day. Frater Arvalis from 38. Banished in 40, he was recalled by Claudius. Probably consul in the early years of Claudius’ rule; possibly governor of Dalmatia. He was wealthy because of his maternal inheritance, and occupied himself with various arts. After his name was allegedly already mentioned to Nero as that of a conspirator as early as 62, in 65 he became the figure-head— but not the initiator— of a conspiracy against the emperor. When the conspirators were betrayed, C. slashed his wrists. His son C. [II 9] survived. The >

lJaus Pisonis is addressed to humic (PIRA G84) izes 78s) ns eeiOmtt. mena OG ttes Seen ttalle [II 14] C. Piso, C. Cos. ord. AD 111; late descendant of the Calpurnii Pisones (PIR* C 285). His own descendants were probably C. [II 22] and [II 29]. Married to a Cornelia (RAEPSAET-CHARLIER no. 280). [JI 15] C. Piso, Cn. Proquaestor of Pompey in Hispania citerior c. 49 BC, fought in Africa and Macedonia on

the side of the Pompeians and opponents of Caesar. When Octavian allowed him to return, he sought no further office, until Augustus offered him the consulate in the crisis year of 23 BC. When Augustus became ill, it was Piso received the fiscal and military records (Cass. Dio 53,32,2). Tacitus (Ann. 2,43,2), with reference to the son, refers to the insita ferocia a patre Pisone (PIR* C 286) [15. r99ff.]. {If 16] C. Piso, Cn. Son of C. [II 15]; born c. 42 BC tresvir monetalis c. 23/22 BC, perhaps legionary legate in the 15 BC (Oros. 6,21,22) [16. 207ff.]. Cos. ord. in 7 BC alongside Tiberius; procos. of Africa, pontifex (IRT 520). Consular governor of Hispania citerior AD 9/10 (lacyAnns3;13,1; Cla ll a7o3% ct) [savolees marie) Amicus of Augustus and Tiberius. Admitted in AD 14 to the sodales Augustales; a frank speaker in the Senate AD 14-17. Consular legate of Syria 17-19. With the consent of the Senate, Tiberius assigned him as adiutor to Germanicus, who had a special command in the east with a maius imperium, (Tac. Ann. 2,5 5-71) [17. 71ff., 123ff.]. Bitter conflicts arose between them, resulting in Germanicus withdrawing his friendship. When Germanicus became ill and finally died, Piso and his wife Plancina were accused of poisoning him. Piso attempted to win back Syria by force, but was defeated. Prosecuted in Rome in the Senate in December AD 20, he was convicted for inciting a civil war, but not for poi-

Ioo.l

1002

soning; he had already evaded the sentence by suicide, probably as early as 8 December. The s.c. de Cn. Pisone patre, found in six copies in the Baetica (publication by

later Piso was murdered on the order of Valerius Festus (legate of the legio III Augusta) (PIR* C 294 [14. 260ff; 15. 284ff.]). [II 22] C. Piso, L. Cos. ord. AD 175; Brother of C. [II 29]. Undoubtedly a patrician (PIR* C 295). [Il 23] C. Piso, M. Younger son of C. [II 16]. When he accompanied his father to Syria from AD 17 to 19, he advised him against the use of force. Indicted in 20 in the Senate, but acquitted after the intervention of Tiberius (PIR* C 296 [17. 8off.] s. C. II 16). It is possible that he did not take any senatorial office.

Eck, CABALLOS,

FERNANDEZ,

see below.

[17]), was

published in all provincial capitals and in every legion (RIRAG28i7): [fl 17] C. Piso Pontifex, L. Born as son of C. Caesoninus

(cos. 58 BC) in 48 BC. Cos. ord. 15 BC, probably shortly thereafter engaged in Mediolanum with the official authority of a proconsul (Suet. De rhet. 6), province unknown (Oros. 6,21f. is not to be taken as referring to him, s. C. II 16). Governor of Pamphylia 13-11 BC, perhaps with the inclusion of Galatia. He served in Thracia as legate of Augustus from rr BC, and was honoured by the Senate with the triumphal insignia

CALPURNIUS

[Hl 24] C. Piso Frugi Licinianus, L. Son of M. Licinius Crassus Frugi, cos. ord. AD 27; born AD 38 (Tac. Hist. 1,48,1). Because of his long years of exile, he held no

known of his sons. For a possible daughter s. Calpurnia lth WIRE (Caskey [Ga Reehin, Bo7aame ivi, ieyuues 15. 206ff.].

office; nonetheless, he was recalled by Galba, adopted and named as his successor; the adoption is also mentioned in the acts of the Fratres Arvales (CIL VI 2051). He was murdered on 15 January 69, together with Galba. The honour of his memory was not restored in early 70 (Tac. Hist. 4,40,1). The grave inscription to him and his wife Verania is preserved in CIL VI 31723 = ILS 240 (PIR* C 300). [If 25] C. Proculus, L. After a lengthy career, he rose to the proconsulate of Achaea and governorship of Belgica. Perhaps identical with a homonymous proconsul of Asia, son of C. [II 26] (PIR* C 302/3 [21. r4rf.]). [II 26] Proculus Cornelianus, C. Praetorian governor of Dacia, probably under Marcus Aurelius and Verus (BIRS@ 4io4//5\ [Bars tts): [If 26a] C. Quintianus. Financial procurator of Syria Palaestina, attested in AD 152.

{II 18] C. Piso Augur, L. Younger son of C. [II 15]. Cos.

W. Eck, Ein Prokuratorenpaar von Syria Palaestina in P.

(Cass. Dio 54,34,7; Tac. Ann. 6,10,3). Whether he be-

came proconsul of Asia, and subsequently legate of Syria, is disputed and partially dependent upon the allocation of CIL XIV 3613 = ILS 918 (re this [5. vol. 3, 869; 18. arff.; 19. 207ff.]). From AD 13-32 city prefect, a confidant of Augustus and Tiberius. He was a member of the pontifical college and the fratres Arvales. He died in AD 32, and was honoured with a state funeral (Tac. Ann. 6,10,3). His deeds and his independence were highly regarded. Horace’s Ars poetica was probably dedicated to him (cf. C. II 12). Antipater of Thessalonica dedicated many epigrams to him (Anth. Pal. CRA

2ADSB BISOGAG MADOily Anns 525) LOs2)5) wluittle 1S

ord. in 1 BC, member of the augures. Proconsul of Asia between AD 5 and 12. (IGRIV 94 = ILS 8814). In AD 16, he threatened to leave the city because of symptoms of decline in the legal system, but was reconciled by

{Il 27] C. Rufus. Proconsul of Achaea under Hadrian (Dig. 1,16,10); perhaps father of C. [II ro] (PIR* C

Tiberius; he summoned Urgulania, a friend of Livia, to court (Tac. Ann. 2,34). He defended his brother (C.

Bulls) [If 28] C. Rufus, M. Senator, died in Ephesus as legate

II 16) in the Senate in AD 20 (Tac. Ann. 3,11,2). In AD

of Asia (GIL Il 6o72) = 1 Ephe 35 632) PIR= @373) [Zax moztis|: {fl 28a] L. C. Sabinus. Equestrian praefectus classis in Germania inferior, AD 98.

24, he himself was charged with maiestas in the Senate, but died before the trial concluded (ibid. 4,21,1f.). His character is described as ferox and atrox. PIR* C 290. [II 19] (C.) Piso, L. Praetorian legate in Hispania cite-

rior, probably acting in place of L. Arruntius, the actual governor; he was murdered by an inhabitant of Termes in AD 25 (Tac. Ann. 4,45; PIR* C 292 [7. 337ff.]). [Il 20] C. Piso, L. Son of C. [II 16], who altered his

praenomen Cn. to L. in AD 20 after his father’s trial. His career was not influenced by the fate of his father. QOuaestor Augusti in AD 18, cos. ord. 27, 36-37 city prefect, 38/39 or 39/40 proconsul of Africa (PIR* C 293 lngan7 atelesee Callen): [Il 21] C. Piso, L. Son of C. [II 20]. Cos. ord. AD 57 alongside Nero; frater Arvalis, curator aquarum from 60 to 63. In 62, he was one of three members of a working party to regulate the levying of taxes; the /ex portorit Asiae is extant on an inscription from Ephesus [20]. Proconsul of Africa 69/70; Mucianus sent a centurion, who was meant to kill him, but Piso had him executed;

Berol. 21652, in: ZPE 123, 1998, 249-256.

J. K. Haatesos, W. H. J. WitteMs, Traian und die Hilfstruppen am Niederrhein. Ein Militardiplom des Jahres 98 n. Chr. aus Elst in der Over-Betuwe, in: Saalburg Jb. 50, 2000, 31-72. W.E.

[II 29] C. Scipio Orfitus, Ser. Cos. ord. AD 172. Elder brother of C. [II 22]. 1 Eck, Statth. 2BrrtEy 3PiIso 4 VoGEL-WEIDEMANN SSyYME,RP 6DeGrRassi, FC 7SyMeE, AA 8 G.Camopeca, ANRW II 13.1 9 W.Eck, in: Chiron 13, 1983 10 G.CaMODECA, in: ZPE 112, 1996 11 FOst 12 W.Eck, in: Chiron 12,1982 13 CHAMPLIN, in: MH 46, 1989 14 SCHEID, Recrutement 15 HOFMANN-LOBL 16 W.Eck, in: ZPE 70, 1987 17 Eck, CABALLOS, FERNANDEZ, Das s.c. de Cn. Pisone patre, 1996 18 Koxkinas, in: ZPE 105, 1995 19 Erers, in: ZPE r1o, 1996 20 H. ENGELMANN, D.Knipse, in: EA 14,1989 21LEUNISSEN 22 W. Eck, in: ZPE 86, 1991.

CALPURNIUS

1004

1003

R. Syme, AA, chs. 24 and 26; I. HOFMANN-LOBL, Die Calpurnil, 1996.

W.E.

adopted by the European education system into the early rgth cent. [2]. EpitTron:

III. LrrERARY FIGURES [II 1] C. Piso Frugi, L. Roman senator and historian. As tribunus plebis of 149 BC, his lex de repetundis established Rome’s first permanent quaestio (Cic. Brut. 106; Verr. 2,3,195 [1]). Probably already as praet. (Flor. Epit. 2,7,7, chronology unclear), but definitely as cos. of 133 BC, he fought with various success against the rebellious slaves in Sicily (Liv. per. 58; Oros. 5,9,6; futile siege of Henna: ILLRP 1088); probably censor in 120 BC (Censorius in Plin. HN 13,87; Cens. 17,11); committed orator and politician, decided opponent of C. > Gracchus. He wrote (unlikely before his consulate) at least seven books of Annales (eight books: [2. 52f.]), which covered the period from Rome’s prehistory (Origo 13,8) to at least 146 BC (fr. 39), perhaps also including the Sicilian slave war (thus [2. 46ff.]). The strictly annalistically (+ Annalists) composed report (fr. 36; cf. fr. 26) contained many antiquarian references to buildings and religious rites [3. 706ff.], interpreted old legends rationalistically (fr. 6), and apparently used every opportunity for a sharp criticism of contemporary issues (fr. 38; 40), combined with a glorification of the past (Romulus anecdote fr. 8; Tarpeia fr. 5). The simple and old-fashioned style of verbatim quotes (especially fr. 27) confirm Cicero’s assessment (Brut. 106 sane exiliter scriptos). His works were used by Varro, Livy, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Pliny the Elder. Gellius 11,14,1 praised his simplicissima suavitas. Fragments: HRR 1, 120-138 and also Origo 10,2; 13,8; 18,3. 1 J.S. RicHarpson, The purpose of the lex Calpurnia de repetundis, in: JRS 77, 1987, 1-12 ~=—2. L.CARDINALI, Quanti libri scrisse L. Calpurnio Pisone Frugi?, in: Maia 40, 1988, 45-55 3E.Rawson, The first Latin annalists, in: Latomus 35, 1976, 689-717 (=Roman Culture and Society, 1991, 245-271).

N. Bert1, La decadenza morale di Roma e i viri antiqui, in: Prometheus

15,

1989,

39-58;

145-159;

G.FORSYTHE,

The historian L.C. Piso Frugi and the Roman annalistic tradition, 1994; K.Larre, Der Historiker L.C. Frugi, 1960, no. 7 (=KS, 1968, 837-847); SCHANZ/HosIus, 1, 195f. W.K.

SECONDARY

1L.HAKANSON, BT 1978. LITERATURE:

2H.SILVESTRE, Note sur la

survie de C., in: CeM 21, 1960, 218-223 MAN, The Declamations of C., 1994.

3L.A. SussCw.

[UI 3] C. Siculus, T. Bucolic poet. His seven eclogues are transmitted in the MSS together with four others, ascribed by Haupt [4] to M. Aurelius > Nemesianus. C.’s eclogues form a complete, well-arranged book of poetry: its beginning, middle and conclusion are made up by > panegyric poems (1; 4; 7); symmetrically interspersed between these are bucolic poems in the strictest sense (2; 3; 5; 6). Monologic poems (1; 3; 5; 7) alternate with dialogic ones (2; 4; 6); three shorter poems frame

the long fourth eclogue. The dating of C. into the Neronian age is based on contemporary allusions in the panegyric eclogues ([5; 6]; differently in [7]). The first eclogue may have been written shortly after Nero’s accession, at the end of AD 54 or early AD 55, the fourth a little later, c. AD 55, the seventh shortly after AD 57. In + bucolics, C. saw himself as — Virgil’s successor (4,62-72); by glorifying Nero’s rule as a new Golden Age (especially 1,42-45; 4,5—-8), he takes up from Virgil’s 4th eclogue (4,73-77). In addition, C.’s works were noticeably influenced by > Theocritus and other Augustan poets and correspond with Seneca’s Apocolocyntosis. C.’s personal achievements lie in the transformation of traditional bucolic motives and the increasing introduction of new and previously alien elements into the bucolic genre ([8]; a thorough analysis of all eclogues in [9], of the fourth in [ro]). C.’s own biography is generally deduced from that of the shepherd Corydon. The patron Meliboeus, who was to hand the poems to the emperor (1,94; 4,157—

159), is identified as C. > Calpurnius Piso, the leader of the Pisonian conspiracy, but also Seneca and others —a sign of the inadequacy of C.’s allegoresis. Whether the cognomen Siculus refers to C.’s homeland or to the country frown whence Theocritan poetry originated, can not be determined. C. is unlikely to be the author of the > laus Pisonis, and certainly not that of the > Einsiedel Eclogues. EDITIONS: 1 C.GIARRATANO, 31943 (repr. 1973) 2 D. KoRZENIEWSKI, Hirtengedichte aus neronischer Zeit,

[IMI 2] C. Flaccus. Latin rhetor c. AD too, perhaps a

member of the circle around > Pliny and > Quintilian [1. 6]. The smallest of the four collections of + declamationes, which is extant under his name, contains —

for educational purposes— the highlights of fifty-three ~ controversiae. Despite their fantastic scenarios common to declamations (tyrants, poisoning), his topics appear closely related to Roman jurisdiction. Even the excerpts exhibit linguistic dexterity and wordplay; by contrast, however, the line of his argumentation can only be surmized. — Intertextuality is perceivable, especially with Virgil, Ovid and Roman comedy. In common with all Latin rhetorical works, C. was

*1987 3J.AMAT, 1991. SECONDARY LITERATURE:

4 M.Haupt, De carminibus

bucolicis C. et Nemesiani, 1854 = Opuscula vol. 1, 1875, 358-406 5 G.B. TOWNEND, C. and the murus Neronis, in: JRS 70, 1980, 166-174 6T.P. WisEMAN, C. and the Claudian civil war, in: JRS 72, 1982, 57-67 7 E. CHAMPLIN, History and the date of C., in: Phiiologus 130, 1986, 104-112 8 B.Erre, G. Binper, Die ant. Bukolik, 1989, I15—-130 9 W. FRIEDRICH, Nachahmung und eigene Gestaltung in der bukolischen Dichtung des T.C.S., 1976 10 B.SCHRODER,

1991.

Carmina

non quae nemorale resultent,

B.F.-W.

1005

1006

Calumnia In classical Roman law, the deliberate, groundless and bullying filing of suits and charges. In the regulatory procedure for disputes amongst private individuals, the Praetor awarded a special indicium calumniae decimae partis, i.e. a penalty for failure to observe correct procedure of ‘/,, of the value of the claim (Gai. Inst. 4,175). In the case of manumission or status claims the sanction against the fiduciary claimant (— adsertor in libertatem) amounted to as much as */, of the value of the slave. The person affected could demand four times the value (quadruplum) within a year of the calumniator if he had acted for money (Dig. 3,6,1 pr.). According to Gai. Inst. 4,172 and 4,176, the parties to the suit could, instead of this proceeding, demand that the opponent take an oath of calumny. In criminal proceedings any private plaintiff (> delator) who committed calumnia made himself liable to criminal prosecution. According to the Late Republican lex Remnia, a person sentenced for calumnia lost citizenship rights (— infamia). In Imperial times the penalties were made considerably more severe, the maximum punishment being the death penalty in particular-

Calvinus

ly serious cases (Cass. Dio 68,1). The idea of the talion

was foregrounded from the Severan period onwards: anyone who committed calumnia suffered the same punishment as would have been meted out for the offence for which an unjust accusation had been made (particularly Constantine 319, Cod. Theod. 9,10,3). This concorded with a legal position already widespread in the Orient. + Accusatio;

> Praevaricatio;

> Talio; > Tergiversa-

tio MommMsen, Strafrecht, 491-498 Kaser, RZ, 214 E. Levy, Von den rom. Anklagervergehen, in: Gesammelte Schriften II, 1963, 379-395 H.PerscHow, Altorientalische Parallelen zur spatr6m. calumnia, in: ZRG 90, 1973, 14-35 M.Brurti, La problematica del dolo processuale nell’ esperienza Romana, 1973, 758-768. Gs:

Calventius L.C. Vetus Carminius. Praetorian governor of Lusitania in AD 44/45 (AE 1950, 217); cos. suff. in 51 [x. 265]. CIL VI 1544 is possibly a reference to him, a complete senatorial cursus, which ended with the proconsulate of Africa (PIR* C 338) [2. 137]. 1G. Camopeca, L’archivio Puteolano dei Sulpicii, 1992 2 ALFOLDy, GFH.

W.E.

Calvia Crispinilla Woman of senatorial rank, close confidante of Nero, after whose death she attempted to incite Clodius Macer to rebel. After her return to Rome in AD 69, she enjoyed the protection of all emperors, partly due to her marriage to a consular senator (Tac. Hist. 1,73; RAEPSAET-CHARLIER no. 184; PIR* C 363).

For brick stamps from Tergeste bearing her name, see [x. 168], for property ownership suppl. It. 8,38, no. 6; AE 1972, 102. 1 C. Zaccaria,

M. Zupanéré in C. Zaccaria (ed.): I late-

rizi di eta romana nell’ area nordadriatica, 1993.

W.E.

CALVISIUS

[1] see > Domitius

[2] Roman cognomen, in the Republican period particularly common in the > Domitii family, but also in the Sextii and Veturii (ThIL, Onom. 108). KAJANTO, Cognomina, 235.

Calvisius Roman family name, whose bearers appear in public life from rst cent. BC (ThIL, Onom.

108f.).

K.-LE. [i] C. Client of Tunia Silana, exiled after bringing charges against Agrippina in AD 5 5. He was recalled after her death) Tacs Ann® 13.09,3)2152022,2-6r4en240h Ro ©

343). [2] C. Ruso, P. Cos. suff. in AD 53 [1. 43; 72]; father of

C. [3] and [4]. [3] C. Ruso, P. Cos. suff. in AD 79, procos. Asiae in 92/93 (PIR* C 350) [2. 218; 3. vols. 4, 397]. [4] C. Ruso Iulius Frontinus, P. His > cursus honorum

from Antioch/Pisidia is known from AE 1914, 267 (cf. JRS 15, 1925, pl. XXXV). Traditionally identified with C. [3] (cf. PIR* C 3 50), according to [3. vol. 4, 397-417] more likely his brother (according to [4. 28rff.] his son, cf. [5. 135]; however, his admission to the patrician

rank by Vespasian and a consulate as late as c. 102 can hardly be reconciled with this). Admitted by Vespasian to the patrician rank, cos. suff. c. AD 84, procos. Asiae c. AD 98/99, governor of Cappadocia in 105/106 [2.268]. Married to a Dasumia and an [Eggia] Amf[ibula] (RAEPSAET-CHARLIER no. 337); father of C.

(II 10].

[5] C. Sabinus. Ridiculed by Seneca because of his inexperience (Sen. Ep. 27,5ff.; PIR* C 351). [6] C. Sabinus, C. From Spoletium. A follower of Caesar; conquered Aetolia in 48 BC. After his praetorship, he became procos. Africae in 45/44 BC. When Caesar was murdered, he was virtually the only one who tried to shield him. He was initially allied with Mark Antony. In the end, he had to relinquish the province of Africa. cos. suff. in 39 BC. As prefect of Octavian’s fleet, he fought against Sex. Pompeius. Proconsul in Spain. There he won the title of imperator; and triumphed on 26 May 28. With the spoils of war, he financed the rebuilding of the > via Latina (PIR* C 3 52); the inscription CIL XI 4772= ILS 925 is to be taken as a reference to him [6. 33]. [7] C. Sabinus, C. Cos. ord. 4 BC, son of C. [6] (PIR* C

353): [8] C. Sabinus, C. Son of C. [7]. Cos. ord. in AD 26. In AD 32 charged with high treason, but acquitted of the accusation by a tribune of the city cohorts (Tac. Ann. 6,9,3). Consular legate of Pannonia; in AD 39 he was charged, together with his wife Cornelia; after returning to Rome, they committed suicide (Cass. Dio

59,18,4; PIR* C 354). [9] C. Statianus, C. Eques from Verona (CIL V 3336 = ILS 1453). Ab epistulis Latinis under Marcus Aurelius and Verus; friend of Cornelius Fronto. From AD 169-

CALVISIUS

1007

1008

175 praef. Aegypti. C. joined the revolt of > Avidius Cassius; in punishment, he was only exiled by Marcus Aurelius (Cass. Dio 71,28,3f.; PIR* C 356) [7. 406ff.;

Titus) [1]. In the Middle Ages, the C. was named after

the town of Seleucia (Saleph). The emperor Frederick I Barbarossa died in its waters in AD r190.

8. 186, 193].

1 M.H. Sayar, Strafenbau in Kilikien unter den Flaviern nach einem Meilenstein, in: EA 20, 1992, 57-61.

[10] P.C. Tullus Ruso. Probably son of C. [4]. Cos. ord. AD

tog. Married to Domitia

Lucilla, a daughter of

Domitius Tullus, whose cognomen he adopted [3. vol. 4, 397ff.]; their daughter Domitia Lucilla was the mother of Marcus Aurelius (PIR* C 357) [3. vol. 1, 246 and vol. 5, 521ff.; 8. 245]. 1 FO? 2 THOMASSON I 3 SyME, RP 4pDI VITA EvRARD, in: MEFRA 99, 1987 5 SALOMIES, Nomenclature, 1992 6SyME,AA 7PFLAUMI _ 8 BIRLEY, Marcus Aurelius, *1988. W.E.

Calvius Roman family name (ThIL, Onom. rro). C. Cicero, C. People’s tribune 454 BC, brought an accusation against the former consul Romilius (Liv. 3,3 1,5); probably a late annalistic invention [1. 448]. 1R.M.

Ocirvie,

A commentary

on Livy books

1965.

1-5, K-L.E.

Calvus Roman cognomen (‘bald-head’) of the Caecilii Metelli, Cornelii Scipiones, Licinii et al. (ThIL, Onom. EnuEts):

HiLp/HELLENKEMPER, 284.

FH.

Calyce (Kadvxn; Kalyké = ‘Bud’, ‘Rose blossom’). [1] Daughter of the Thessalian king > Aeolus [1] and Enarete; she had seven brothers and four sisters and is

the mother of > Endymion by Aethlius or Zeus (Apollod. 1,50; 56; Hes. fr. roa M-W). [2] Daughter of Hecaton, mother of > Cycnus by Poseidon (Hyg. Fab. 157; cf. schol. Pind. Ol. 2.91 where she is called Kalykia). [3]

A woman

whose love is unrequited;she prays to

Aphrodite to aid her in becoming the wife of Euathlus, he scorns her and she throws herself from the Leucadian Rock (Stesich. fr. 277 Davies). A women’s song was named after her: Ath. 14.619d (after Aristoxenus).

[4] Girl’s name (Aristoph. Lys. 322); name of members of the ruling house of Bassarus (Nonnus, Dion. 29.251ff.); Name of a Bacchante figure on a red-figured bowl from Vulci [1]. 1 A.KossatTz-DEISSMANN,

s.v.

K.,

KaJANTO, Cognomina, 235.

LIMC

5.1,

945. RE.ZI.

Calvus, Licinius see > Licinius Calvus, C.

Calydnae (Kéivdvai; Kalydnai). [1] Archipelago between Tenedus and the mainland

Calx see > Circus

(Sen. Tro. 839; Quint. Smyrn. 7,407; 12,453; Lycoph.

Calybe (Kaivpn; Kalybé).

between Lecton and Tenedus, but north of Tenedus; modern Tavsan Adalari. [2] see > Calymna

25); in disagreement with Str. 13,1,46, probably not [1] Nymph who bore to the Trojan king > Laomedon a son named Bucolion (Apollod. 3.12.3). Without mentioning the name of the mother, Homer (Il. 6.23-24) also mentions the birth of Laomedon’s illegitimate son Bucolion. [2] Priestess of > Juno in Ardea. The fury Allecto takes on her form when she appears to > Turnus in a dream and incites him to fight against the Trojans (Verg. Aen. 7-419).

FR.P.

Calycadnus (Kakixadvog; Kalykadnos). Most import-

ant and abundant (Amm. Marc. 14,3,15) river in Cilicia

L. BURCHNER, s.v. K., RE 10, 1761f.

H.KAL.

Calydnus (KéAvdvoc; Kalydnos). Son of > Uranus, architect and first king of Thebes (+ Thebae) which he fortifies with a wall. The city is therefore also called Kalydna or Kalydnou tyrsis, ‘fortress of C.’ (Steph. Byz. in schol. Lycophron 1209). The incorrect translation of C. as ‘good singer’ was linked with the building of the wall around Thebes through music. AL.ER.

Tracheia (> Cilices) in Isauria, whose southern tribu-

tary (modern Gevne Cay1) rises in the border region of Pamphylia and Isauria, passes through the Cietis to the south of Germanicopolis to its confluence near > Claudiopolis [2] with the other tributary (Gok Cay1) from the region of Bozkir in the border region of Lycaonia and Isauria; then called Goksu, it flows via Seleucia (Roman bridge from the time of Vespasian) and reaches

the Mediterranean after c. 15 km (navigable in that stretch, cf. Amm. Marc. 14,8,1), where its deposits have formed Cape Calycadnon (— Zephyrion). Its valley provided a communication link between Seleucia and > Iconium, verified by a milestone (from the time of

Calydon (Kadvdwv; Kalydon). [1] The eponymous of the Aetolian city of the same name, C. [3], son of > Aetolus and > Pronoe, brother

of Pleuron, husband of Aeolia and through her the father of Epicaste and Protogenea (Apollod. 1,58—59). A similar genealogically linked construct in Deimachus (FGrH 65 F r = schol. Hom. Il. 217-218 Erpse) where the succession Endymion-Aetolus-Pleuron-C. is found, also the names of the region and both of the largest cities. According to Steph. Byz. s.v., either Endymion or Aetolus is the father of C.

1009

1010

C. is also the name of a heroine portrayed in a painting that depicts the fight between Heracles and Achelous (Philostr. Imag. 397,23 C.). Her crown of oak leaves refers to the thick oak forest surrounding the city OG

maris magni 28of.; Scyl. 90; Hdt. 7,99,2£.; Str. 10,5,193

[2] Son of > Ares and Astynome, sees > Artemis bathing and, as punishment, is turned into the mountain on

the Achelous previously called Gyrus (Ps.-Plut. De fluViis 22,4 = 7,322 BERNARD). The same writings (22.1)

mention a C., whose father Thestius, upon C.’s return from Sicyon, sees him with his mother and kills him, believing him to be her lover. After discovering his mistake, he flings himself into the river Axenus that is subsequently called Thestius after him and then later Achelous.

JOS.

[3] (Lat. Calydon). A coastal city in Aetolia on the southern foot of the Aracynthus Mountains above the right bank of the river Evenus, 2 km north of the modern Evenochori. C. is mentioned in Homer (Il. 2.640; 13,2173 14.116) as an Aetolian city, it plays an important role in myth (King Oeneus; and Meleager and the Calydonian boar hunt). In the sth cent. BC, independent as part of Aeolis, from c. 390 to 366 in the Achaean koinon, later, one of the main cities of the Aetolian League (> Aetoli, with map). Under Augustus the territory fell to Patrae, and the cult images were transferred there; the city became desolate, Roman veterans settled in the countryside [5]; in later antiquity, a road station was created there [3; 4]. A city wall c. 4 km long (4th cent. BC) surrounds the settlement’s mound with two

peaks on whose north side, Mycenaean remains are supposedly located. The main sanctuary in front of the west gate [2], which was dedicated to Artemis Laphria, Apollon Laphrios and Dionysus (Paus. 4.31.1; 7.18.8f.5 21,1) has been excavated, along with temples from the end of the 7th, beginning of the 6th and of the rst half of the 4th cent.; Also uncovered was a heroon from the rst cent. BC [1]. Additional references: Scyl. 35; Str. 10.2.21. Inscriptions: IG IX 17, 1, 13 5-153, p. 833; CIL Ill 509; SEG 15, 360; 25, 621ff.; 38, 429.

CALYNDA

Diod. Sic. 5,54,1f.; Plin. HN 5,133; 11,32; Steph. Byz. s.v. Kalymna.; [1; 2. 8f. no. ro]. The earliest finds date back to the Neolithic. at the northern end of C., near Emporios, a Mycenaean tholos tomb was found; near Damos, above Chorio, Mycenaean graves; a large Mycenaean settlement on a hillside called Perakastro. C. was probably first settled by Carians, followed by Dorians from Epidaurus. C.’s constitution and institutions were Dorian. There is no evidence that a polis of that name existed. Near Chorio on the south coast, remains of walls from the classic and Hellenistic periods have been found. That was the location of the temple of the Delian Apollo, on top of which the basilica of ‘Christos of Jerusalem’ had been built in the 6th cent. AD. Competitions in athletics and performing arts (Dalia) were held in the Apollo sanctuary. A cult statue of Asclepius, found near the church of Hagia Sophia, points to the existence of a sanctuary of + Asclepius, whose main cult was based on the neighbouring island of > Cos. C. was under Persian rule from 546 BC, and, in the 5th and 4th cent. BC, a member of the Athenian Leagues [1]. Fortifications near Kastri above Emporios date back to the time of Mausolus (4th cent. BC). At the end of the 3rd cent. BC, C. belonged to Cos, and since then was divided into three demes: Porthaea in the south-west, Panormus in the north, and Orkatus in the south-east (inscriptions;

Dio Chrys. 31,593). For the Hellenistic and Roman period, archaeological finds indicate an extensive settlement in the fertile Vathys valley. Inscriptions: [2]; SEG 3,673; 743f.3 19,547. Coins: HN 631. Remains of Byzantine buildings point to a density of habitation also in later periods. 1 ATL 1, 294f.5 3,213 2M.SeEGrE, Tituli Calymnii, in: ASAA 22/3 (N.S. 6/7), 1944/5 (published 1952). L. BURCHNER, s.v. K., RE 10, 1768ff.; C.E. BEAN, J.M. Cook, The Carian coast III, s.v. K., in: ABSA

127ff.; G.GERoxA,

52, 1957,

| monumenti medioevali delle tredici

sporadi, Calamo, in: ASAA 2, 1916, 5 5ff.; K.HOGHAM-

1 P.Bot, Die Marmorbiisten aus dem Heroon in K., in: AntPl 19, 1988, 35-47. 2 E.DycGeve, Das Laphrion, der

MER, The Koan Incorporation of Kalymnos and Statues Honouring Ptolemy and Arsinoe III, in: Dt. Arch. Inst.

Tempelbezirk von K., 1948 3 MILLER, 564 4 PRITCHETT 3, 281ff. 5 D.STRAUCH, Rom. Politik und griech. Trad., 1996, 294-300.

496f.; A.Maturi, Clara Rhodos

(ed.), Akten XIII Kongref$ fiir Klass. Arch. Berlin 1988,

1, 1928, 1o4ff.; F.G.

Mater, Griech. Mauerbauinschr. 1, 1959, 172f.; R. HOPE

86;

Simpson, J.F. LAZENBy, Notes from the Dodecanese, in: ABSA 57, 1962, 154ff.; H. KALETSCH, s.v. K., LAUFFER, Griechenland, 296-298; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 4, 282ff.;

R. SCHEER, S.v. Kalydon, in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 296; L. SCHNEIDER, CH. H6cker, Griech. Festland, 1996,

L.Ross, Reisen auf den griech. Inseln des agaischen Meeres 2, 1840, 92ff.; 3, 1845, 139ff. H.KAL.

C.Antonetti,

MELJE

(ed.),

Les

Etoliens,

Aetolia

and

1990,

the

243 ff.

243-269;

Aetolians,

S.BOM-

1987,

D.S.

Calydonian Hunt see > Meleager

Calynda (ti Kéhuvda; ta Kalynda). Settlement on the

Calymna (KéAvuva; Kdlymna) Island of the Sporades north of Cos (also Kdélydna or Kdlydnai, which prob-

south-western coast of Asia Minor, taken as being part of Caria as well as Lycia, 60 stades inland from the coast on the Axon (modern Kargin gayi) east of the + Indus [2] (Hdt. 1,172; Str. 14,2,2; Plin. HN 5,103;

ably also referred to the surrounding smaller islands),

with the more common modern name of Kalymnos (109 km?, predominantly limestone, maximum height: 686 m). Documented in Hom. Il. 2,677; Stadiasmus

Ptol. 5,3,2; Steph. Byz. s.v. C.). In 480 BC, it was under

the rule of + Damasithymus (Hdt. 8,87f.), in the middle of the sth cent. a member of the > Delian

CALYNDA

IOI

League (as Klajinda); Ptolemaic in the 3rd cent. In 166 BC, C. was subordinate to > Caunus [2], seceded in 163 and was besieged; it was supported by Cnidus and Rhodes (Pol. 31,4f.), and later received Rhodian citizenship (probably in the form of a sympoliteia); in the rst cent., C. belonged once again to Caunus. In the 2nd cent. AD, it was a member of the Lycian League (cf. inscriptions), possibly ever since the province of Lycia et Pamphylia was established under Vespasian (AD 69-79). Archaeology: walled town (4 ha.) with a small Hellenistic acropolis, and a necropolis with tombs cut into the rock 4 km east of Dalaman near the modern Kozpinar. G.E. BEAN, Kleinasien 4, 1980, 30ff.; BENGTSON 3, 175f.; P.M. FRAseR, G.E. BEAN, The Rhodian Peraea and Islands, 1954, 70 with n. 3; MAGIE 2, 929, 1371, 1391; H.H. Scumitt, Rom und Rhodos, 1957, 169f., 175f.5 G.E. BEAN, s.v. K., PE, 434. H.KA.

Calypso (Kaiupo; Kalypso, ‘salvager’, ‘rescuer’; Lat.

Calypso). The entire C. myth can be traced back to the ‘Odyssey’ [1. 115] (Hom. Od. 1.50ff.; 5.5 5ff.; 7.244 ff.; 12.447ff.; 23.333ff.): C., goddess and nymph, daughter of > Atlas [2] (only Hyg. Fab. praef. 16 mentions her mother

— Pleione), lives with maidservants on the island of > Ogygia. C. takes in > Odysseus who has been drifting on the sea for nine days (Hom. Od. 7,253¢f.), makes him her lover and tries to win him over by tempting him with the promise of immortality [2. 29ff.; 3. rooff.]. However, after seven years and criticizing the gods, she releases him (gender-ideological explanation [4. 204f., 295ff.; 5. 28ff.]); she hints that Hermes has tactfully [6] conveyed Zeus’ command (Hom. Od. 5.169ff.; 7.263; differently [2. 31]). But before she can set free the suspicious Odysseus to depart on his raft, she must swear to him that she will do him no harm. She also tries one last time to tempt him to stay by telling him of his future sufferings. The function of C. is to confront Odysseus with a choice between two forms of existence [7. 243ff.; 8. 16rff.]: in his first appearance in the epic, he consciously decides to continue his journey, thus rejecting immortality in favour of human existence, meaning his marriage, home, and his rule on Ithaca. His long stay with C, functions as a basis for Odysseus’ decision, along with other reasons [9.1793]: maturity [ro. 215ff., 46ff.] or the ‘awakening’ of > Telemachus, who is experiencing his own ‘minor Odyssey’ [5. r17ff.]; opportunity for the suitors to carry on for many years; extending length of journey to ten years; result of Athena’s wrath (Hom. Od. 5.108ff. [r1. 40ff.]). It therefore follows that the Homeric C. is ‘an enchantingly beautiful invention’ [12. 177ff.; 1. 115f.], cf. [13. 18ff. n. 3] that can only have come from the poet of the ‘Odyssey’ himself. However, due to the sparseness of the material, the traits of the ‘characters’ (C., Odysseus) and esp. ‘localities’ (grotto, sea) become the focal point: ‘a description of nature that stands in ...

Ioiz2z

inner artistic relationship to the persons dealt with in this scene’ [1. 139]. C., in particular, is identified as a woman who occupies herself with cultural activities (the hearth; singing; weaving; viticulture) and is thus

classified as the antithesis of Penelope (therefore already introduced as weaving in Hom. Od. 2.94ff.) [Seresisiitealls On the other hand, C., descended from the sacrilegious Titans and daughter of malevolent Atlas (Hom. Od. 1.52), can in retrospect (ibid. 7.245ff.) naturally (SCHADEWALDT:) be considered ‘scheming’ and ‘terrible ’ (SoAoéooa, Sewn) as well as ‘gifted with language’ (abvdneooa, ibid. 12,449) due to her once elementary nature [14. 8of.]. The relationship of the nymph C., ‘the soul of the ocean island’ [12. 177 n. 1], with Atlas, ‘who knows the depths of the entire ocean’ (Hom. Od. 1.5 2ff. [15. 76ff., 181]) has parallels in Hittite-Hurrite mythology where in the ‘Song of Ullikummi’ the primordial giant Upelluri demonstrates a similar nature [16. 363ff.], differently (Heracles myth) [1. 23]; shamanistic [17. 26ff.]. Assuming that C. is a functional invention by Homer makes symbolical interpretations of C. on Ogygia (demon of death [18. r5ff.] in folklore or shamanism [17. 26ff.]; overview [9. 1773ff.; 19.250, 253]) and parallels with figures from other cultures (Sinuhe in Egyptian fairy-tales [19.250]; the Ishtar hypostasis Siduri in the > Gilgamesh epic [9. 1775; 14. 82]; Hel in Germanic myth [20. 28, 49ff.]) is pointless. It is not necessary, however, to rule out the fairylike traits (C. as elf; elven spell [8. 155] for compulsion to love, cf. Plat. Rep. 458d 5). The comparison of > Circe and C. (same epithets: dewn, doAdECoa, avdieoou; practitioners of the same domestic arts: weaving, singing; both swear an oath; Hermes appears to both) proves the Circe adventure to be older in legend, with magical, fantastic, and novella-like traits [1. r15ff.; 9. 1788ff.]. In contrast, in the poetry C.‘the spiritual replaces the magical’, concerned with the C. episode as an epic situation already demonstrating ‘the psychological at its height ’ [21. 77ff.]; cf. [1. r16ff.; ro. 46ff.]. The post-Homeric evidence for C. in literature and art are based on the ‘Odyssey’ [1. 115]: Hesiod (Theog. 359) uses the name [r. 17, 23] for a daughter of Oceanus and Tethys (as an > Oceanid probably also H. Hom. Cereris 4225 in contrast, a > Nereid in Apollod.

1.12); In Hesiod’s narrative, she and Odysseus (Hes.

Theog. ror7f.) have two sons > Nausithous/Nausinous and, due to Hermes’ visit to Ogygia (Hom. Od. 5,88; 12,390), he makes her (Hes. Cat. 150,30f.) the progenitrix of the Cephallenians. According to Lucian (Verae historiae 2.29; 35), Odysseus announces to C. by letter his escape from the Islands of the Blessed and from Penelope. Ov. Ars am. 2.119ff. and Prop. r.15.9ff. describe in detail C.’s agony of love; In Hyg. Fab. 243.7, C. commits suicide. For novel-like characteristics cf. [22. 284]; for depictions in paintings (Plin. HN 35,132) see [23].

1013

IOT4

1 U. von WitamMowitTz, Homer. Unt., 1884

2 A.LEsky,

Vom Eros der Hellenen, 1976 3 P. Maurirscn, Sexualitat im friihen Griechenland, 1992 4 J.J.WINKLER, Der gefesselte Eros, 1994 5 G. WOuRLE, Telemachs Reise, 1999 6M.Batres, Hermes bei Kalypso, in: WJA 4, 1978,7-26 7F.FockE, Die Odyssee, 1943 8 R. HarDER, Odysseus und Kalypso, 1952, in: Id., KS, 1960, 148-163 9H.LAmMeR, s.v. K. (1), RE 10, 1772-1799

10 W.J. WoopHouse, The Odyssey, 1930, repr. 1969

Composition of Homer’s 11J.STrRauss CLay, The

Wrath of Athena, 1983 12 U. von WiLamowi7z, Die Heimkehr des Odysseus, 1927,*1969 13 Id., Die Ilias und Homer, 1916, 31966 14 F.DrriMEIER, Die

‘schreckliche’ Kalypso, 1967, in: Id., Ausgewahlte Schriften zu Dichtung und Philos. der Griechen, 1970, 79-84 15 A. Lesxy, Thalatta, 1947,*1973 16 Id., Hethit. Texte und griech. Mythos, 1950, in: Id., Gesammelte Schriften, 1966, 356-371 17 A. THORNTON, People and Themes in Homer’s Odyssey, 1970 18 G. CRANE, Calypso, 1988 19 A. HEuBECK et al., A Comm. on Homer’s Odyssey 1, 1988 20L.RADERMACHER, Die Erzahlungen der Odyssee, SAWW 1915, 178.1 21K.REINHARDT, Die Abenteuer der Odyssee, 1942/1948, in: Id., Trad. und Geist, 1970, 47-124

22 W.KuULLMaNN, Homer. Motive, 1992

23 B. RAEN, s.v. Kalypso, LIMC 5.1., 945-950.

P.D.

Camara [I] (xawcaoa; Ramdra), the correct version for camera, related to camurus (‘curved’), describing the curvature

of a room or a barque or indeed the barque itself. This type of small round-bottomed sailing vessel with inward-curving side walls, which could travel in a circle and in both directions, was used on the north-eastern

coast of the Black Sea, particularly by pirates (Str. I1,2,12, 495f.; Tac. Hist. 3,47,3). The side walls could

be raised in such a way that they formed a closed canopy in a heavy swell. They were suitable for 25-30 people, and could be portaged over land (Str. ibid.). > Ships A.KOstTeErR, Das ant. Seewesen, 1923; KROMAYER/VEITH.

C.HU.

CAMARINA

mouth of the Hipparis. The foundation by > Syracusae in 599 BC (Thuc. 6,5,3) marked the end of the DorianSyracusan expansion into the south-western hinterland. Its original foundation may have taken place from the sea; however, contact by land must soon have been established, as shown by the development of Greek and Siculan inland settlements during the 6th cent. BC. In contrast with the military colonies of Acrae and Casmenae, C. was the first proper Syracusan colony which underwent a process of independent development. In its whole layout, C. was not directed against the Siculan centres in its east; on the contrary, secure in its

possession of the western plains, C. embarked on a peaceful commercial eastward expansion up to the Siculan town of Hybla Heraea, where the existence of a Greek suburb (necropolis of Contrada Rito) has to be expected for the 2nd half of the 6th cent. This also explains C.’s alliance with these Siculi in its dispute with Syracusae in 5 53 BC, in which the latter was victorious and destroyed C. (Thuc. loc. cit.; Philistus FGrH 556 F 5). After 492 BC, Syracusae had to surrender the territory to C. to Hippocrates of Gela; under his leadership as an oikistés, C. was rebuilt (Hdt. 7,154,3; Thuc. loc. cit.; Philistus F 15). Gelon [1] terminated the new foundation in 484 BC, and transferred its inhabitants to Syracusae (Hdt. 7,156,2; Thue. loc. cit.; Philistus loc. cit.). After the fall of the Deinomenids, C. was established again for a third time by the Gelans (Thuc. loc. cit.; Diod. Sic. 11,76,5), and from about 460 BC, experienced a time of prosperity; into this period also fell the Olympic victory of Psaumis (Pind. Ol. 4f.). The town walls enclosed an area of 180 ha., i.e. space for about 15,000 inhabitants. In the > Peloponnesian War, C. was in 427 BC initially the only Dorian polis in to join sides with the Tonian-Athenian faction (Thuc. 3,86,2). Fighting ended with the Congress of Gela in 424 BC. The clause in the peace treaty which states that Syracusae should surrender Morgantine to C. (Thuc. 4,65,1) indicates the

(I (Kaudea; Kamara).

extent its sphere of influence: Morgantine lies more than 60 km to the north of C. Though willing in 422 BC

[1] Harbour settlement in eastern Crete, originally Lato

to once again ally itself with Athens (Thuc. 5,4,6), in

(Aatm moc or émi Kapcdoat, Ptol. 3,17,5; Hierocles,

415 BC, C. refused to receive the Athenian fleet (Thuc. 6,52), sent some minor support to Syracusae (Thuc. 6,67,2), and finally declared its neutrality (Thuc. 6,75,3-88, cf. Diod. Sic. 13,4,2); In 413, C. allied itself

Synekdemos

650,1), modern Agios Nikolaos. Close

political links with > Lato [1. no. 72, p. 428]. 1 A. CHANIOTIS, Die Vertrage zw. kret. Poleis in der hell. Zeit, 1996.

F.Gscunitzer, 49-SI.

Abhangige Orte im griech. Alt., 1958, H.SO.

[2] According to Peripl. M. Rubr. 60, an > emporion on India’s south-eastern coast, perhaps to be identified, same as Chaberis in Ptol. 7,1,13, as Kaveripattinam, the

important ancient trade city of the southern Indian Cola empire on the mouth of the Kaveri. K.K. Camarina

(Koudewa; Kamdrina, Lat. Camarina, Camerina). Dorian town 60 km west of the southern tip of Sicily on a hillside of about 40 m in height, at the

with Syracusae (Thuc. 7,33,1; 58,13 Diod. Sic. 13,12,4).

When the Carthaginians attacked in 406 BC, C. fought with the Siceliote army (Diod. Sic. 13,86,5; 87,5). In 405 BC, the territory of C. was laid waste in the course of the Carthaginian advance on Gela (Diod. Sic. 13,108,3), and the town itself abandoned; the town people, whom Dionysius led to Syracusae (Diod. Sic. 13,111,3), went from there into exile in Leontini (Diod.

Sic. 13,113,4). When peace was made, the citizens of C. were allowed to return, but had to pay tribute to Carthage. In 339 BC, > Timoleon increased the population of the weakened settlement by attracting new settlers (Diod. Sic. 16,82,7), and thus effected its final bloom.

CAMARINA

TOI6

IOIS

Following the defeat of Agathocles [2] in 311 BC, C. joined the Carthaginians (Diod. Sic. 19,110,3); in 309 BC, mercenaries of Agathocles laid waste the surrounding countryside (Diod. Sic. 20,32,1f.), as did the Mamertines three decades later(Diod. Sic. 23,1,3). In the First > Punic War, the Romans captured C. in 258 BC (Pol. 1,24,12; Diod. Sic. 23,9,4f.; Zon. 8,12); the town was destroyed, and its inhabitants sold as slaves (Diod. Sic. loc. cit). C. was inhabited trom prehistoric times to the Middle Ages: a fortified settlement of the early bronze age near Branco Grande; archaic and classical period: town walls with gates and towers (1st half 6th cent. BC). In its western sector was a temple of Athena (rst half 5th cent.); the agora with porticus was linked by a narrow lane to the canal port on the mouth of the Hipparis, and divided into two sections by the western stoa. In Roman and Arab-Norman times, the settlement was restricted to this western sector; remains from the

W.Czysz,

G. WeBER, Kempten, in: W.Czysz,

K. D1erz,

Tu. Fiscuer, H.-J. KELLNER (ed.), Die Romer in Bayern, 1995,

200-206,

463-468;

A.FaBER,

Zur Bevélkerung

von C.-Kempten im 1.Jh., in: FS G. Ulbert, 1995, 13-23; G. Weber, Im Land der Estionen, ibid. 261-272. K.DL.

[2] Roman camp of uncertain location in the vicinity of Leeds (Yorkshire): It. Ant. 468,6 [1. 292f.]. 1A.L. F. Rivet, C.SmitH, The Place-names of Roman Britain, 1979. M.TO.

Camboricum ‘Ford on the river bend’ (It. Ant. 474,7), presumably modern Icklingham (Suffolk) [1. 294]. 1A.L. F. Rivet, C.Smity, The Place-names Britain, 1979.

of Roman M.TO.

the town walls in the region of Rifriscolaro. In classic and Hellenistic times, a potters’ quarter was located near the Hipparis. In the east of the settlement (near

Cambounia (Kaufotwa; Kambounia). Mountainous region in northern Greece west of Mt. Olympus, which separated the Macedonian region of > Elimea from the tripolis of the Perrhaebi, and forms the southern watershed of the > Haliacmon. The easiest way to cross the C. was via the pass of Volustana (918 m) (cf. Liv.

Rifriscolaro) archaic necropoleis; in the south (near

42,5 3,63 44,2,10).

3rd/2nd cents. BC are found near the river mouth. A sanctuary, dedicated to chthonic deities, was outside

Passo Marinaro) classical ones. Coins and inscriptions,

underwater finds (remains of ships). In the surrounding countryside estates and rural settlements. B.PAce, Camarina, 1927; BICGI, vol. 4, 286-314; F. CoRDANO, s.v. C., EAA, 2. Suppl. 1970-1994, 827829; M.MartrTIou, C. in eta ellenistica e romana, in:

Kokalos 41, 1995, 229-270.

GLF.andH.-P.DRO

Cambaules (Kaufatrnc; Kambazles). Leader of a Celtic army that invaded Thrace in 281 BC but who had to retreat from there (Paus. 10,19,5—6).

W.SP.

Cambles (Kaupanc; Kambleés, also KauBys; Kambes).

Mythological king of Lydia. His insatiable appetite (perhaps caused by poison given to him by his enemies) drives him to cannibalism. Driven mad by hunger, he devours even his own wife. Upon waking the next morning with the rest of her hand in his mouth and realizing what he had done, he kills himself (Xanthus, Lydiaca, fr. 12., FHG vol. I, 36ff.; Nicolaus of Damascus FGrH 2 A 90 F 28; Ael. VH 1,27). CW.

Cambodunum [1] modern Kempten in the Allgau region of Bavaria. Main settlement of the Estiones (Str. 4,6,7); on the right bank of the Iller, Tiberian wooden houses, from the

time of emperor Claudius stone buildings in a rectangular grid of streets centred around a sacred precinct comprising of ‘forum’, basilica, and baths. Possibly the first seat of the governor in > Raetia, probably splendidissima

colonia

(Tac. Germ.

41,1). Displaced

by

Augsburg, C. was destroyed in the > Alamanni attacks of the 3rd. cent. Left of the Iller on the Burghalde plateau, late Roman fortifications of a praefectus of the legio III Italica (Not. Dign. Occ. 35,19).

B. SartA, s.v. Volustana, RE 9A, 906.

Cambyses

(KauBvons;

Kambysés,

MA.ER.

Old

Persian

Ka"bujiya; Elamite and Babylonian Kambuzija).

[1] Father of > Cyrus II, called ‘the Great King, King of Anan’ (TUAT I 409,21) in the Cyrus cylinder. According to Hdt. 1,107, married to the Median princess

+ Mandane;

according to Ctesias, Cyrus II and the

Median king were not related (FGrH 680 F 9,1). More

recent research emphasizes that before Darius there were no family ties between the dynasty of Cyrus and the Achaemenids [1]; any attempt at deriving (geo-)political history from these genealogical constructs is therefore untenable. 1 D. Stronach, Darius at Pasargadae, in: Topoi, Suppl. 1,

1997, 351-363. [2] Cyrus II. eldest son of Cyrus II, Great King of Persia from 530 to 522. According to Hdt. 2,1, 3,2-3, his mother was Cassandane, the daughter of Pharnaspes, but according to Ctesias Amytis, it was the daughter of the Median king > Astyages. The ‘Egyptian’ descent of Cyrus as reported by Hdt. 3,2 is an Egyptian attempt to link the Persian conquest with local tradition. C. was — as attested by Babylonian year data — king of Babylon only during the first year after its conquest (539/8). The reason for this short period in office remains unclear. According to the Nabonid Chronicle, that is garbled at this point [5. 111 iii 24-8], he took part in the Babylonian New Year’s celebrations (> Akitu Festival). There are no further reports about C.’s activities until the death of his father, whom he succeeded in 530. Prior to the commencement of the

IO17

Egyptian campaign he is said, according to the > Bisutun inscriptions of Darius I [TUAT I 424f. i 29-32] to have killed his natural brother > Bardiya [1]. This act is also reported by Hdt. 3,30, who however states that the murder was committed during C.’ stay in Egypt. Ctesias (FGrH 688 F 13) offers a very colourful story that is, however, broadly similar. Here the brother is called

Tanyoxarkes and is killed by means of bull’s blood —a drink that is deadly only in Greek literature, not in reality. The successful conquest of Egypt, already planned by Cyrus II, took place in 525 BC. Arabs helped C. to cross the Sinai Desert. After the decisive battle at Pelusium C. marched to Memphis, which put up little resistance. > Psammetichus III who had been the successor of his father Amasis since 526 was taken captive. According to Hdt. 3,16, his life was spared, but later, when his role on the uprising was discovered, he was forced to drink bull’s blood. In Egypt C. represented himself as the successor of the > Pharaos: his Horus name is inscriptionally attested (in the traditional Pharao cartouche). According to the inscription of Udjahorresnet, C. called himself ‘Son of Re’. Udjahorresnet’s > autobiography attests to the efforts of C. to fulfil the traditional role of a pharaoh in the way that Cyrus II in Babylonia had led local tradition guide himself. This stands in stark contrast to the Greek tradition,

particularly in Hdt. 3,27-29, who attributes to C. an angry nature that gradually intensified to the point of madness: C. is said to have killed the sacred > Apis bull, to have desecrated the body of > Amasis [2] (3,16), killed his own pregnant wife who was also his sister (3,31-32) and given the order for the murder of ~ Croesus because he had criticized him. These heinous deeds are not confirmed by Egyptian sources: the sarcophagi of the Apis bulls discovered in the > Serapeum in Saqqara (Memphis) demonstrate, rather, that in September 524 an Apis bull was buried in a sarcophagus donated by C. [11. 35f.]. The next Apis bull — born in 525 — died in the 4th year of the reign of Darius I. Egyptologists have for a long time been disputing the historical accuracy of Herodotus’ report [8; 12] and consider it to be a literary topos, as the same atrocities were also attributed to Artaxerxes III [1]. Recently it has been argued, however, that the long period that elapsed between the death and burial of the bull (one and a half years instead of the usual 70 days) allows us to doubt the innocence of C. [4]. The defilement of the body of Amasis has likewise not been confirmed; the burning of the mummy is not credible because of the Iranian fire cult. The destruction of Amasis cartouches (perhaps during this period) could be the occasion which gave rise to this motif. The Egyptian sources tend to represent C. as a ruler who reigned in a politically rational manner rather than as someone who violated Egyptian tradition. C. did grant privileges to certain temples (Neith at Sais, Elephantine, Ptah in Memphis) but at the same time also instituted taxation regulations

1018

CAMEL

against the priests. This is probably the origin of the hostile tradition then found by Herodotus [2. ro9].

Libya and Cyrene voluntarily submitted to C. According to Herodotus, C.’s expeditions against Nubia and the oasis of Siwa (522) were unsuccessful. There is evidence of a Persian presence in the area of the 2nd cataract in the 5th cent. BC which perhaps goes back to the time of C. [6; ro]. C.’s marriages to his two sisters (to Atossa before the Egyptian campaign, and to a younger sister — accord-

ing to Ctesias Roxane —

during the Egyptian cam-

paign) are interpreted by Hdt. 3,31 as arrogance. They

should probably, however, be seen as the first step towards a conscious policy of marrying within the royal house rather than as an expression of Zoroastrian practice or Egyptian tradition. C. was recalled to Persia because of the rebellion of Bardiya. He died in Ecbatana in Syria, not in Median Ecbatana, as he had supposedly expected on the basis of a prophecy. The Bisutun inscription [TUAT I 425,43] describes his death as uvamarsiyuS (literally ‘his own death’) — whether suicide or the ‘death predestined for him’ is meant is not clear [14]. According to Hdt. 3,65, C. confessed on his deathbed to the murder of Bardiya and ordered the Persians present to kill the usurper. If, as is the belief of recent research, Bardiya really was the son of Cyrus, this would be an example of narrative elaboration like Cyrus’ farewell scene in Xen. Cyr. 8,7,1-28 and in Ctesias FGrH 688 F 8. The unfinished gravestone of Taht-i Rustam that is without an inscription and similar to the tomb of Cyrus, as well as a nearby terrace system [13] are probably the only buildings in Iran from the reign of C. 1 E.BresciANi, The Persian Occupation of Egypt, in: Cambridge History of Iran II, 526 2 BRIANT, 71, 109 3 P. BrrantT, Ethno-classe dominante et populations soumises, in: AchHist 3, 1988, 137-174

4 L. DepuypDT,

Murder in Memphis, in: JNES 54, 1995, 119-126 5 A.K. Grayson, Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, 1975 6L.A. Herworn, The Saite and Persian Period Forts at Dorginarti, in: W.W. Davies (ed.), Egypt and Africa: Nubia from Prehistory to Islam, 1991, 205-219

7 A.Kunrt, 112-138 net, in: JEA in: AchHist

Babylonia from Cyrus to Xerxes, in: CAH 4, 8A.B.Lioyp, The Inscription of Udjahorres68, 1982,166-180 9Id., Hdt. on Cambyses, 3, 1988, 55-66 10R.Morxort, Nubia and

Achaemenid Persia, in: AchHist 6, 1991, 321-336 11 G. POsENER, La premiére domination perse en Egypte, 1936 12J.Ray, Egypt 525-404 BC, in: CAH 4, 254-260 13 D.STRONACH, Pasargadae, 1978, 302-304 14G. WALseER, Der Tod des K., in: Historia-Einzelschriften 40,

1983, 8-23.

A.KU/H.S-W.

Camel I. GENERAL

IJ. ANCIENT ORIENT

III. CLAssIcAL

ANTIQUITY I. GENERAL

Cloven-hoofed animal of the Old World from the

hot deserts and steppes of Africa and the Arabian Penin-

CAMEL

1019

sula (Camelus dromedarius, one-humped) and the cold deserts of South-West and Central Asia (Camelus bac-

trianus, two-humped): various anatomical and physiological adaptations to extreme climates. The camel descends from a North American fossil type (Protolabis) that migrated to Eurasia c. three million years ago. Wild camels were common from Central Asia to North Africa (bone finds). Fertile cross-breedings between the dromedary and the camel are possible. Il. ANCIENT ORIENT To date the oldest traces of an autochthonous > domestication of Camelus dromedarius on the Arabian Peninsula come, among other places, from Umm anNar, Ra’s Ghanada (late 3rd millennium BC) and Hili 8

(end of the 4th millennium BC; link to copper mining and transportation). Little is known about the origins of the two-humped domestic camel: Shards from Sialk depicting camels, a few finds of camel dung, hair and bones from Sar-e Sohta. One problem is that osteological differences between wild and domestic camels are barely discernible, and furthermore, the number of finds is still small. Whether African dromedaries descend from indigenous fossil forms or from already domesticated camels that migrated from the Arabian Peninsula in the Iron Age is a matter of contention. Domesticated Camelidae supply meat, milk, wool and manure and are used for riding, as pack animals and for ploughing. H. GauTuier-Pitters,

A.I.

Dacc,

The

Camel,

1981;

I. KOHLER, Zur Domestikation des K., Diss. Hannover 1981;

H.-P.UERPMANN,

TAVO

A

27,

1987,

48-55.

CO.B. III. CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY

The Greek name x&pnioc/kdmelos (cf. Latin camelus) is presumably a transliteration of the common Semitic term gamal. Camels were already known to the Greeks in the 5th cent. BC; Herodotus therefore considered a precise description of the animals to be superfluous (Hdt. 3,103). Nonetheless, the literary texts on the whole provide very little precise, and sometimes even false information. Herodotus for example, erroneously believed that camels were just as fast as horses (Hdt. 3,102,353 7,86,2); regarding the anatomy of camels he correctly notes that the genitals were directed backwards, but his description of the hind legs is inac-

1020

tes iconography. As an exotic animal that could be used for riding like a horse, the camel held great fascination for the Greeks, as individual reports show (e.g. Hdt. 7,125 or the particular mention of camels amongst the spoils of war of Spartan kings in Hdt. 9,81,2; Xen. Hell.

354524). As a pack animal and also in its use for riding, the camel was very widespread throughout Arabia, Syria, Egypt and North Africa (Amm. Marc. 28,6,5); it was also occasionally used in agriculture and even, at least in Roman Tripolitania, hitched up for ploughing; its use for military purposes was, however, limited to the Middle East. In the Roman army camels were used in the eastern provinces to transport supplies (Tac. Ann. 15,12,1). In Mesopotamia, Arabia and Egypt in particular, camels were utilized in large numbers to trans-

port trading goods. By the time of Strabo at the latest (around AD roo), traders with their camels

(xapnréeurogoVkamélémporoi, literally ‘camel traders’) travelled in large caravans along clearly marked routes with regular stopping places (Str. 16,1,27;

16,4,23;

17,1,45). These trading roads linked Persia and Babylonia with towns like > Petra and > Palmyra and with the coasts of the Mediterranean, the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf, and in Roman times the ports on the Red

Sea with the Nile. In these regions, where water and vegetation were scarce, camels were an efficient and economical means of transportation. The nomads in western Arabia kept large herds of camels and had developed a way of life that harmonized almost completely with the animals. Although the camel in North Africa and in the Middle East was to a large extent domesticated, there were still some wild herds of drom-

edaries on the plain of Nabataea at the time of Strabo (Str. 16,4,18; > Nabataei). The symbolic significance of the camel in Greek and Roman culture was closely connected with the great trading routes to Arabia and India. At the solemn procession of Ptolemy II Philadelphus (c. 270 BC) the camels carried Indian spices (Ath. 200f-201a; [5]). Occa-

sionally camels were displayed at Roman games (Claudius: Cass. Dio 60,7,3); both > Nero and > Elagabalus

[2] had carriages pulled by four camels in the > Circus (Suet. Nero 11,1; SHA Heliogab. 23,1).

The representation of camels on Roman coins had the function of emphasizing Roman victories in the east (denarii of 58 and 55 BC). The hunting mosaic of

curate (Hdt. 3,103). Furthermore, Herodotus assumed

~ Piazza Armerina (Sicily, 4th cent. AD) shows not just

that horses shied away from camels — which in a war could decide the outcome of battles (Hdt. 1,80,4; cf.

an antelope and a tiger, but also a camel; the scene can probably be interpreted as the shipment of animals from Africa or the Middle East to Rome for the arena (+ munera). On relief sculptures from Palmyra, camels symbolized trade and affluence. Christian artists included camels in pictorial scenes from both the Old and the New Testament. Camels appear on Christian mosaics, wall paintings and sarcophagi from the western Roman empire. ~ Dromedarii; > Caravan trade

7,86). Although Aristotle mentions the camel repeat-

edly in his zoological writings (Aristot. Hist. an. 499a; 578a; 630b) his descriptions are often imprecise and even contradictory (on the length of the gestation period cf. Aristot. Hist. an. 546b; 578a); he differentiates between the Bactrian camel with two humps and the Arabian camel with one hump (dromedary; Aristot. Hist. an. 499a). Most observations in ancient literature

refer to the one-humped dromedary that also domina-

1021

5O22

CAMIRUS

1 O. BRoGaN, The Camel in Roman Tripolitania, in: PBSR

P. GriFFO, Sull’identificazione di Camico con l’odierna S.

22,1954,126-131 2R.W.BUuLuteT, The Camel and the Wheel, 1975 3KeELLER 4D.J. MatTINGLy, Tripolitania, 1995 5E.E. Rice, The Grand Procession of Ptolemy Philadelphus, 1983 6 M.I. RosrovrzerF, Caravan Cities, 1932 7RRC,I, 446f.; Il, pl. LI 8J.M.C.

Angelo Muxaro a nord-ovest di Agrigento, in: Archivio Storico per la Sicilia Orientale 50, 1954, 58-78; P. Or-

TOYNBEE, Animals in Roman Life and Art, 1973.

—P.DS.

Cameria, Camerium Town of the Aborigines and Prisci Latini, colony of Alba Longa; seized by Tarquinius Priscus; destroyed 502 BC by the consul Opiter Verginius Tricostus. Listed by Pliny (HN 3,68) as one of the Latian towns that had disappeared by his time. The gens Coruncania came from C. (Tac. Ann.

11,24,2).

Location unknown. NISSEN 2, 563.

G.U.

Camerinum Town in Umbria (regio VI) in the Apennines between the rivers Potenza and Chienti on the border with Picenum, modern Camerino. Allied with

Rome by an aequo foedere from 309 BC (Liv. 9,36), it supported Scipio in 205 BC in his fight against Hannibal (Liv. 28,45); Marius granted Roman citizenship to two cohorts from C. in the war against the Cimbri. Municipium of the tribus Cornelia. Septimius Severus confirmed the rights of the municipes Camertes (CIL XI 5631). Mosaic on the Piazza Garibaldi, finds in S. Giorgio, aqueducts on the Paradiso hill in Le Mosse, Gallic burial place in Vallicelli, villae with mosaics in Mergnano. Inscriptions: CIL XI 5628-41. G. RapKE, Ricerche su C., 1964; G. ANNIBALDI, L’architettura dell’antiquita nelle Marche, in: Atti del XI Congresso di storia dell’architettura, 1965, 45-86; C. e il suo territorio, Atti XVIII Conv. 1983.

Studi Macerata

(C. 1982), G.U.

LANDINI, s.v. Sant’Angelo Muxaro, PE, 783f.; G.RIzza,

S. Angelo Muxaro e il problema delle influenze micenee in Sicilia, in: Cronache di Archeologia 18, 1979, 19-30; E. Manni, Geografia fisica e politica della Sicilia antica, 1981, 102, 155; D.PALERMO, Early Societies in Sicily, 1996, 147-154.

DA.P. andK.Z.

Camilla A Volscian Amazon maiden warrior, whose myth is recounted only by Verg. Aen. 11,539-828 (cf. [1. 803]). While fleeing with the young C., her father, ~> Metabus, the king of the Volscians, tied her to an ash spear, dedicated her to Diana, and hurled her across the river Amisenus; she grew up as a huntress in the forest. In the war against the followers of Aeneas, she joined forces > with Turnus, and was killed by the Etruscan Arruns. Set up as an ideal virgo virilis by Hier. Adversus Jovinum 41,306 BD, she became with Dante (Inferno 1,107; 4,124) a heroic Italian virgin, to whom some

attention was paid in Renaissance and Baroque poetry and visual arts, for instance in Boccaccio’s De claris mulieribus; she also served as the literary model for Clorinda in Tasso’s Gerusalemme Liberata [1. 127-160].

To what extent the myth existed prior to Virgil, is, as in other similar cases, a matter of dispute; whereas some

take her story as an old Italian myth [1], others advocate that it is solely a figment of Virgilian fantasy based on existing models [2; 3]. In view of the source material, it is impossible to come to a clear conclusion, in line with most of other Italian myths that are only attested from the Augustan age. 1G. ARRIGONI, 1982 2N.M. in: Athenaeum jeunesse de C.,

C. Amazzone e sacerdotessa di Diana, HorsFAtt, C. 0 i limiti dell’ invenzione, 66, 1988, 31-51 3 G.CAPDEVILLE, La in: MEFRA 104, 1992, 303-338. F.G.

Camicus (Kéwwx0c; Kamikos). Town (and river) near

+ Acragas on Sicily. According to legend (Diod. Sic. 4,78f.), it was there that > Daedalus built a rocky fortress for the Sicanian king Cocalus, on whose orders Minos was murdered there, when the latter demanded that Daedalus be extradited. Cretans were supposedly directed by the gods to send an expeditionary force to Sicily, and for five years laid siege to C. without success (Soph. Kamikoi, fr. 300-304). In 476/5 BC, relatives of Theron of Acragas rose in rebellion against the tyrant and settled in C. (schol. Pind. Ol. 2,173; Pind. Pyth. 6,5). During the First Punic War, the Romans captured C. in 258 BC (Diod. Sic. 23,9,5). In Strabo’s times (6,2,6), the town was deserted. Several searches for C. have been undertaken within the region of Acragas; in line with G.Caputo and P. Grirro, the inclination nowadays is to localize C. in Sant’Angelo Muxaro, c. 30 km north-west of Acragas, where P. Orsi excavated a necropolis in 1931 (Myce-

naean style tholos tombs). The place was inhabited from the 13th cent. BC into Roman times.

Camillus Roman cognomen of presumably Etruscan origin (SCHULZE, 290, 322; ThIL, Onom. 120-122), in

its meaning probably linked with camillus ‘noble-born, not yet mature youth’, then‘ assistant at sacrifices’ (Fest. 38; 82L; Varro, Ling. 7,34 et al.) In the Republican Age, C. is the family cognomen of the Furii; its most famous bearer was M. > Furius C., conqueror of Veii in 396 BC and saviour of Rome after the Gallic invasion. WALDE/HOFMANN

I, 147.

K.-L.E.

Caminos see > Hearth; > Oven

Camirus (Kéuwe0c; Kamiros, Lat. Camirus). City on the western coast of > Rhodes near the modern Kalavarda; it was one of the three ancient Rhodian cities, together with > Ialysus and — Lindus (this configuration is already mentioned in Hom. Il. 2,656). According to the evidence of grave finds, C. was already inhabited in Mycenaean times. Its true foundation was by Dorian settlers. Together with Ialysus and Lindus, as well as

CAMIRUS

1024

1023

Cos, Cnidus, and Halicarnassus, C. formed the Dorian hexapolis (Hdt. 1,144; schol. Thuc. 17,69). From 478/7 BC, C. was a member of the > Delian League; in accordance with its economic output which was based on the export of ceramics, it paid an annual tribute of initially nine, then six, and finally ten talents (ATL 1, 296f.; 2, 80; 3, 213; 242). In the > Peloponnesian War,

together with Ialysus and Lindus, C. was in 412/1 BC cajoled by Sparta into seceding from Athens (Thuc. 8,44,2). C. boasted an extensive chora (Diod. Sic. 5,59,2),as well as island (Chalce) and mainland territory. After the three large Rhodian cities had united ina federal state in 408 BC, and a new city was founded on

Campania A. REGION

B.PRE-ROMAN

PERIOD

C. ROMAN

PERIOD

A. REGION The name of the region

(Scyl. 10; Varro, Rust. I,10,I; 1,20,43; 2,6,5) probably derived from > Capua, its most significant town; C. was bounded by mons Massicus and Sinuessa in the north, mons Lactarius and

Surrentum in the south, and the hill country at the foot of the Samnite mountains in the east. In the Augustan age, C. also encompassed the ager Picentinus as part of the regio I (Str. 5,4,13; Plin. HN 3,6o0ff.; Schol. Juv.

the northern tip of the island, C. continued to exist as a

3,219, Latium et Campania; 226; Serv. Aen. 8,9,564).

settlement, but with greatly diminished importance. In

C. comprised of the following districts from north to south: the ager Falernus between Sinuessa and the river Savo, the + campi Phlegraei, the Campanian plain between the lower course of the Volturnus and mons Tifata to the north and Vesuvius to the south; the Sarnus valley with the peninsula of Sorrentum and the ager

Roman imperial times, C. is mentioned in connection

with a severe earthquake which had struck Rhodes and parts of Asia Minor (after AD 140, Paus. 8,43,4), which allegedly resulted in the complete destruction of C. (Aristid. 25,31). Perhaps C. was amongst those who profited from the extensive relief measures by the emperor Antoninus Pius (SHA Antoninus Pius 9,1).

Excavations have provided an excellent insight into the layout of the ancient city with streets, houses and squares. Outstanding amongst the public buildings are the Athena sanctuary on the acropolis, and the stoa with a length of 220 m, dating from the 3rd/and cents. BC. Extensive necropoleis have yielded rich finds. A. ANDREWES, The patrai of C., in: ABSA 52, 1957, 30ff.; P.M. Fraser, G.E. Bean, The Rhodian Peraea and Islands, 1954; R.SCHEER, s.v. K., in: LAUFFER, Griechen-

land, 299f.

H.SO.

Camma

(Kéuua; Kadmma). Wife of the Galatian tetrarch Sinatus, priestess of Artemis in the 2nd cent. BC. Plutarch notes her as an example of marital love and fidelity because she poisoned the murderer of her husband, > Sinorix, who had forced her to marry him, and herself in the temple (Plut. Mor. 257e-258c; 768b-e; Polyaenus, Strat. 8,39).

Picentinus between Sarnus and Silaris (Pol. 3,91; Str.

554,3ft.; Mela 2,70; Plin. HN 3,6off.; Ptol. 3,1,6ff.; 68ff.). Economy: agriculture, perfume, production of bronze (Capua) and glass ware (Puteoli), marble sculptures (Baiae), pottery (Pithecussae). Volcanism is the cause of C.’s great fertility (Pol. 3,91,2; Str. 5,4,3; Plin. HIN 3,36; Flor. 1,12):

B. PRE-ROMAN PERIOD In the early Iron Age, the Fossa culture developed between Cumae and the Sarnus valley, followed from the 8th cent. BC by Greek colonization on Pithecussae and near Cumae (757/56 BC) (cf. the Greek influence on the necropoleis of Calatia/Maddaloni, Suessula, Saticula, and Caudium). In the 6th cent., the Etruscans

advanced into C. as far as Pontecagnano and Fratte di Salerno and conquered the Oscans. At that time, Capua rose to particular importance. On the initiative of the Etruscans and Greeks, numerous

centres of coloniza-

W.SP.

tion were established (Pompeii, Stabiae, Nola, Nuceria, Vico Equense, Fratte di Salerno); the Greek influence

(dvOeuic; anthemis, Latin anthemis, Plin., later chamomilla, from which the English name is derived) probably is today’s composite genus, Matricaria L. Dioscorides 3,137 WELLMANN = 3,144 BERENDES (cf. Plin. HN 22,53f.) knew of three species with differently coloured flowers that had warming as well as thinning powers. In antiquity the camomile, as a flower infusion, was already used externally and internally as an anti-inflammatory and antispasmodic medicine. - Anthemis

dominated at the Gulf of Capua with the foundations of Dicaearchia (Puteoli; 531 BC) and Neapolis (c. 470

Camomile

P. WAGLER, s.v. Anthemis (2), RE 1,2364f.

Campana Reliefs see > Relief

CHU.

BC),

and

with

the settlement

on

Pithecussae

and

+ Capreae, whilst the Etruscan influence diminished after their defeat at Cumae in 474 BC. The sth cent. is characterized by Samnite dominance (painted graves in Capua, Nola, Sarno, and Samnite weapons placed in graves); Neapolis became the commercial centre of the region. A growth in population led to the establishment of new settlements such as Herculaneum and Surrentum. C. ROMAN PERIOD The Romanization of C. began with the Samnite Wars: civitas sine suffragio for Capua in 338 BC, foedus Neapolitanum 326 BC, building of the via Appia in 3 12 BC — a direct link between Rome and Capua —, extended to Beneventum in 291 BC, to Venusia in 268 BC

1025

1026

and probably as far as Brundisium 246-243 BC; coloniae Latinae in Cales 334 BC, Suessa Aurunca 313 BC,

CAMPANIAN

VASES

de la terre en Campanie, in: MEFRA 92, 1980, 387-444.

UPA.

Teanum, Sinuessa 296 BC, Paestum 273 BC, Picentia

and Beneventum 268 BC. In the second cent., the har-

bour of Neapolis became less significant because of the foundation of the Roman colonia of Puteoli in 194 BC; at the same time, Volturnum and Liternum were established. Salernum was set up as a military base against the Picentini, who had entered an alliance with Hanni-

bal. The via Popilia to Nuceria, Nola and the Diano valley was built in 182 BC, in order to link Vibo Valentia with Rhegium. Under Augustus, the importance of Neapolis together with the adjacent region was reduced to that of a place for spending summer vacations. The portus Julius was established in 37 BC, and the naval base at Misenum in AD 12. In the early Imperial Age, alongside the great centres and the towns which were later destroyed by the eruption of Vesuvius in AD 79 (Pompeii, Herculaneum, Stabiae), many villae rusticae

were established, particularly in Casertano and on the slopes of Vesuvius, as well as summer residences along the entire coastline from Baiae to Surrentum and Capreae. The via Domitiana was built in AD 91. In late antiquity, the importance of C. was limited mainly to supplying the city of Rome with grain. The Goths invaded in 476, and clashed with Byzantine troops under Narses and Belisarius (at the Sarnus, AD 553: Procop. Goth.). In 570, the Langobards invaded C. B. D’AcostTIno, Le genti della C. antica, in: G. PUGLIESE CaRRATELLI (ed.), Italia, omnium terrarum alumna, 1988, 531-589; C.ALBORE LivaDIE (ed.), Tremblements de terre, éruptions volcaniques et vie des hommes dans la Campanie antique, 1986; P.AMALFITANO, G.CAMOpEcA, M.Meprti (ed.), I Campi Flegrei, 1990; J.H. D’ARMs, Romans on the Bay of Naples, 1970; P. ARTHUR, Territories, Wine and Wealth. Suessa Aurunca, Sinuessa, Minturnae and the Ager Falernus, in: G. BARKER,J.LLoyD (ed.), Roman Landscapes, 1991, 153-159; J. BELOCH, Campanien, *1890; G.CAMODECA, Puteoli porto annoario e il commercio del grano in eta imperiale, in: Le ravi-

taillement en blé, 1994, 103-125; R. CANTILENA, Monete della C. antica, 1988; L.CeRcHrarI, I Campani, 1995; M. Conta Hatter, Ricerche su alcuni centri fortificati in

opera

poligonale

M. FREDERIKSEN,

in area

campano-sannitica,

1978;

C., 1984; E.GRECO, s.v. Latium et C.,

EAA Suppl. 2, 291-297; G. GuaDAGNO (ed.), Storia, eco-

nomia e architettura nell’Ager Falernus, 1987, 59-68; J. HeurGoN, Recherches sur Vhistoire, la religion et la civilisation

de Capoue

préromaine,

1942;

W.JOHAN-

NOWSKY, La situazione in C., in: P. ZANKER, K. FITTSCHEN

(ed.), Hellenismus in Mittelitalien, 1976, 267-299; W. JoHANNOWSKY, Materiali arcaici dalla C., 1983; E. Lerore, Originie strutture della C. antica, 1989; P.M. Martin, La Campanie antique, 1984; J.P. Moret, La produzione della ceramica campana, in: A.MOMIGLIANO, A.SCHIAVONE (ed.), Societa romana e produzione schiavistica 2, 1981, 81-97; J.P. MOREL, Céramiques campaniennes, 1981; A. PONTRANDOLFO, A.ROUVERET, Pittura funera-

ria in Lucania e C., Dialoghi d’Archeologia

1,2, 1983,

gxff.; G. PUGLIESE CaRRATELLI (ed.), Storia e Civilta della C. 1, 1991; E.RENNA, Vesuvius Mons, 1992; A.STAZIO, La Via Appia, 1987; J.P. VALLAT, Cadastration et contrdle

Campanian Standard see > Coinage, standards of Campanian vases The Campanian vases (CV) of the

5th—4th cents. BC were made of a light brown clay and the surface often painted with a red-coloured coating. Artists generally preferred smaller vessels, besides these as the main shape, strap-handled amphora, also hydriae and bell craters; only seldom do pelike types appear (+ Pottery, shapes and types of, vessel shapes with fig.). Characteristics attributed to > Apulian vase painting such as volute and column craters, loutrophoroi, rhyta or nestorides are absent in CV; inscriptions also seldom appear. The range of motifs of the represented themes is limited: the repertoire includes figures of standing youths and maidens, thiasos scenes, cloaked youths (on the back of the vessels), images of birds and animals, but mostly images of local warriors and women. Mythological themes are not as significant as in Apulian vase painting; the same applies to representations of graves and > naiskoi, which did not appear until after 340 BC under Apulian influence. The same is true of some objects traditionally depicted in Apulian vase painting (e.g. ‘xylophone’, louterion) and also for the ornamental decoration with ivy and grapevines and the use of polychromy. With the exception of the > Owl Pillar Group of the 2nd half of the 5th cent. BC, ceramic production did not occur in > Campania until the 2nd quarter of the 4th cent. BC. The CV painters originally came from Sicily and established various workshops in Campania. CV can be divided into three main groups: 1. The workshop of the Cassandra Painter, who was named after a painting of Cassandra in Capua and stylistically was still under the influence of — Sicilian vase painting. The Cassandra Painter had two successor workshops, the first run by the Parrish Painter, the second run by the Laghetto and Caivano Painters. A tendency toward painting images using the additional colours of white, red and yellow can now be seen; characteristic of this school are the satyr figures with > thyrsus, heads, especially under the hydria handles and merlon-shaped borders on the garments. Obviously there has been a certain amount of migration because numerous vessels by the Caivano and Laghetto Painters were produced and found in Paestum (— Paestan vase painting). 2. The AV group (AV stands for Avella) also resided in Capua. One of the first and most significant painters from this main group is the ‘Whiteface’ Frignano Painter, named after the fact that he added the colour white

to his vases by applying it to the faces of his female figures. In this AV group, the depictions of local women and warriors, warrior’s farewell scenes, and combat scenes are the leitmotifs. The vessels were often painted with only one figure to a side, many with hurriedly applied cloaks, or with only a head portrait. In contrast, there were relatively few multiple-figured scenes (e.g. hunting scenes).

CAMPANIAN VASES

1027

3. The CA Painter working in Cumae after 350 BC, the painters of this workshop and the successor groups. The CA Painter’s work was of the highest quality — perhaps even among all of the CV painters; After 330 BC, he is influenced by his contemporary Apulian vase painters. Among his central themes are grave and naiskos scenes, Dionysian themes, and symposium images. Characteristic are also images of women’s heads decorated with > diadem, > sakkos or > kekryphalos. His images are convincing through his use of polychromy, even if the colour white is sometimes too lavishly applied to architectural images and on women’s parts of the body. Some of his successors were able to maintain the quality he achieved, but soon a thematic and stylistic decline set in among the successor groups, which led around 300 BC to the end of CV painting. TRENDALL, Lucania, 189-572; Id., Lucania Suppl. I, 1970, 31-98; Id., Lucania Suppl. Il, 1973, 181-251; Id., Lucania Suppl. Ill, 1983, 89-261; Id., Red Figure Vases of South Italy and Sicily, 1989, 157-174; H.KasIMATES (CassIMATis), Le Lébés a anses dressées Italiote (Cahiers du Centre Jean Bérard 15), 1993; G.SCHNEIDER-HERR-

MANN, ted on Suppl. kenslg.

The Samnites of the Fourth Campanian Vases and in 61), 1996; B. RUCKERT, in: des Arch. Inst. der Univ. 6,

Century BC as Depicother Sources (BICS CVA Tubingen, Anti1996, 80-90. R.H.

1028

(SHA Aurelian. 23,3; Eutr. 9,13; Jer. Chron. AD 273), and in AD 366 the victory of general Iovinus over a Germanic army (Amm. Marc. 27,2,4). The Campi Catalauni attained particular fame with the battle of Chalon of 451, when, under Avitus’ leadership, a coalition between Rome and the Visigoths under Theoderic succeeded in preventing further advances of the Hunni and their Germanic allies (lord. Get. 194-218) [1]. With this military success, which Aetius fought hard to achieve and which was largely due to the efforts of the Visigoths, — Attila lost the nimbus of invincibility. 1 F. ALTHEIM,

Gesch. der Hunnen

4, *1979, 319-329.

F.SCH.

Campi Phlegraei (Greek, ®iéyoa, Pieyoatov mediov, Preyoata media; Phlégra, Phlegraion pedion, Phlegraia pedia). Name of a coastal strip north of > Campania (between Capua, Nola and Vesuvius: FGrH 566 Timaeus fr. 89; Pol. 2,17,1; from Cuma to Pozzuoli: Str. 5,4,4; Plin. HN 3,61; 18,111); the name was coined by the Chalcidians, who founded > Cumae; Phlegra (— Pallene, > Chalcidice), the volcanic home of the giants, is supposed to be the root of the place name, possibly because of this region’s similar volcanic nature. BTCGI 4, s.v. Campi Flegrei, 322-327; I Campi Flegrei, 1987;

Campe (Kéunn; Kampé). Gigantic jaileress who stands guard in > Tartarus over the > Cyclopes and the Hecatoncheires, monsters with one hundred hands. In the Titanomachy, Zeus follows the advice of Gaia and kills C. (according to Diod. Sic. 3.72.3 she is killed by Dionysus near the Libyan city of Zabrina) so that the former prisoners can support Zeus (Apollod. 1.6); a detailed description of C. as a sort of dragon (starting with the appellative meaning ‘caterpillar’) can be found in Nonnus, Dion. 18.236-264. W.KROLL, s.v. K., RE 10, 1842.

E.V.

P.AMALFITANO,

G.CamMopeEca,

M.Mepr1,

Campus Agrippae Part of the > campus Martius in Rome; according to the Constantinian regionaries, it was located in regio VII to the right of the via Flaminia and north of the aqua Virgo; originally belonging to Agrippa, it was given to the Roman people by Augustus in 7 BC (Cass. Dio 55,8). According to one of the fragments of the acta fratrum Arvalium from AD 38, it was also the location of the Tiberian ara Providentiae. F. COARELLI, in: LTUR 1, 217; RICHARDSON, 64.

Campestris

(-ter, -trius, —tovoc). Roman

§ 409.2.

RF.

astrologer,

possibly of the 3rd cent. AD (differently in [1]), who, according to Lyd. De ostentis p. 24,5 WACHSMUTH, revived the prophetic > astrology and magic of > Petosiris, perhaps as an alternative to the Middle Platonic + demonclogy. He wrote De cometis (Lyd. Ost. p. 35,8, chs. r1-16; Adnotationes super Lucan. 1,529), and about powers of the underworld such as > Typhon (Serv. Aen. 10,272), the title Catabolica infernalia (according to Fulg. Exp. Verg. p. 86 HELMET) is doubtful. ~ Astrology 1 E/Riess, s.v. C., RE 3, 14436.

I

Campi Flegrei. Un itinerario archeologico, 1990; F. CECI, s.v. Campi Flegrei, EAA Suppl. 2,2, 674-678. M.G.

2 K.SALLMANN, HLL

KL.SA.

Campi Catalauni Settlement area of the + Catalauni in modern Champagne, repeatedly the scene of significant battles, thus in AD 273 the victory of emperor Aurelianus over the Gallic usurper > Esuvius Tatricus

Campus Martius (Field of Mars). Tract of land in Rome, shaped like an irregular quadrangle, between the Palazzo Venezia, S. Carlo al Corso, the Ponte Vittorio

Emanuele, and the Piazza Cairoli. According to legend, with the foundation of the Republic, the campus Martius (CM) passed from Tarquinian (Dion. Hal. 5,13,2) to public ownership (Liv. 2,5,2; Plut. Poblicola 8,1). The level terrain, not fragmented by private property, was predestined for monumental architecture for public or representative purposes, as in Strabo’s (5,3,8). description from Augustan times. The most important building

complexes

are

known

for their functions,

while their architectural history remains largely obscure. The altar to Mars (Varro at Fest. 204 L; Liv. 40,45,8) for the censorial lustrum (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,22,1) prevailed from the earliest times in naming this area the CM. The associated sanctuary formed a single complex (Varro, Rust. 3,2,1) with the saepta

1029

1030

and the villa publica, housing the offices of the > censors; the latter was located extremo Campo Martio

Its name is not of Celtic origin (different view in [z. 197f.]); as a place of pilgrimage (image of Christ, translation to Constantinople in AD 574), it became a town under the name ofIustinianopolis; documented as a diocese from AD 553 into the 13th cent.

(Varro, Rust. 3,2 5; Val. Max. 9,2,1) and from 193 BC

connected with the porta Fontinalis through a porticus (Liv. 35,10,12). The size and orientation of the saepta, an enclosure of 310 x 44m flanked by colonnades, determined the further development of this area. Four developmental periods can be discerned. The only evidence of the middle Republican phase are the remains of — later remodelled — sanctuaries (sanctuary of Apollo at the Marcellus theatre, founded in 431 BC; Bellona temple, early 3rd cent; area sacra di Largo Argentina with temples of the late 4th cent. to the early first cent. BC). The second phase (c. 200-40 BC) was strongly influenced by Hellenistic patterns of representative architecture: the temple of Hercules and the Muses (187 BC), porticoes of Octavius (168 BC) and of Metellus (146 BC) the theatre of Pompey (Plin. HN 34,403 Plut. Pomp. 40,5; 44,3), and also Caesar’s plans to divert the Tiber and to join the CM with the > ager Vaticanus (Cic. Att. 13,33,4).

The third phase comprises the architectural reorganization of the CM by Augustus, Agrippa and other members and friends of the gens Iulia. The complex around the circus Flaminius with the theatre of Marcellus and that of Balbus was newly built; the latter occupied a part ofthe villa publica, robbed of its ancient function after the removal of the traditional census in AD 22 (Cass. Dio 54,1). Possibly at the same time, the porticus Minucia frumentaria was built within the grounds of the villa publica. From the Augustan age also date the > amphitheatre of Statilius Taurus, the baths of Agrippa, the Pantheon, the completion of the saepta Iulia, and the complex around the Ara Pacis Augustae, including the sun dial and the mausoleum (Suet. Aug. 100,3). Apart from the baths of Nero (Cass. Dio 66,24,2), there was little building activity on the CM before the fire of AD 80; concurrent with Domitian’s restoration of the damaged buildings, the stadium Domitiani was built in the west, and in the east the Odeum together with the sanctuary of the deified emperors and the temple of Minerva Chalcidica. Hadrian and the Antonines ordered the building of the temples to Matidia and the deified Hadrian, also, north of them, the two famous > column monuments to Antoninus Pius and Marcus Aurelius. T. WisEMAN, in: LTUR 1, 220-224; RICHARDSON, 65-67. RE.

CAMULOS

1 HiLp/RESTLE. W.RucGE, s.v. K., RE 10, 1844.

K.ST.

Camulodunum The largest iron age oppidum in Britannia was situated on the lower reaches of the river Colne in Essex; under the rule of kings Dubnovellaunus and — Cunobellinus [1]. C., modern Colchester, developed. In its heyday (from about AD ro to 40), the oppidum comprised 30 km? within a system of protective dykes. As an important centre of power, C. attracted the import of luxury goods from Gaul and Italy. A richly decorated royal tomb has been found near Lexden (c. AD 1). C. was captured by the Roman army in AD 43, and was set up asa legionary base [2. 31-35], but given up again even before AD 49, when the Colonia Victricensis was founded. Municipal buildings were quickly erected, such as a temple to Divus Claudius (c. AD 55.; Tac. Ann. 14,31); for that reason, the Trinovantes in AD 6o felt compelled to join the uprising of the > Iceni. C. was razed to the ground, but subsequently rebuilt. Large potteries in the 2nd cent. AD [3]. Inscriptions: CIL VII 33-36. 1 C.F. C. Hawkes, M.R. Hutt, C.,1947

2 R.DUNNET,

The Trinovantes, 1975 3M.R. Hutt, The Roman Potters’ Kilns of Colchester, 1963. M.TO.

Camulogenus Compound Celtic name, ‘descendant of the (god) Camulus’

[1.60-61;

2.160]. An Aulercan,

who in 52 BC lead the > Parisii and their neighbouring tribes against T. > Labienus, but fell in a battle at the Seine (Caes. B Gall. 7,57-62). A gold coin of the > Arverni was possibly dedicated to him [3.419, fig. 4545 4.726-727]. 3 A. BLANCHET, Traité monn. 2 SCHMIDT. 1 EvANs W.SP. 4 HOLDER, I. gaul., 1905

Camulos Celtic god, by interpretatio Romana assigned to Mars. Among only six extant dedications, the inscription found in Rindern/ Germany provides evidence for a temple of C. The inscription in Rome (CIL VI 46) — often claimed to refer to C.- makes no mention of this god [1. 87ff.].

Campylus (Kauntdoc; Kampylos). One of the tribu-

1 J. Terrisse, in: Bull. Soc. Arch. Champenoise

taries of the Achelous in Aetolia (Diod. Sic. 19,67,3); its

no. 2.

location cannot be determined more closely. H.v. GEISAU, s.v. K., RE 10, 1844.

D.S.

1991,

Cu.B. RUGER, in: BJ 172, 1972, 643ff.; F. LEFEVRE, in: Bull. Soc. Arch. Champenoise 1983, no. 4, 51ff.; G. BAUCHHENSS,

s.v. Mars

Camulus,

LIMC

2.1, 568.

M.E.

Camulianae (Kapovdavat; Kamoulianat, Kamuliana). Settlement on the road from Caesarea/Mazaka to

Tavium in Cappadocia, possibly the modern Kermer.

CAMUNNI

Camunni Inhabitants of the upper Oglio valley (Val Camonica), described by some

who were defeated by Augustus in 16 BC (CIL V 7817),

they were possibly put under the administration of Brixia (Plin. HN 3,133f.) With the civitas Camunnorum (modern Cividate Camuno) as their administrational centre [2.25f.], the C. enjoyed far-reaching autonomy. 1 R. DE Marinis, in: G. PUGLIESE CARRATELLI (ed.), Italia 2 La valle ASA. Camonica in eta romana, 1986.

omnium terrarum alumna, 1989, 131-155

Cana (Kavn, Kavoit; Kane, Kanai). Frequently mentioned foothills (4xewtjeuov, Hdt. 7,42,3; Diod. Sic. ARS Ga2 GEO AA Ls ROLl mLOsIa5 aseOSs MICOUVT COO,

Ptol. 5,2,6,1) with a settlement and a harbour in north-

western Aeolis, at the southern end of the bay of Adramytteum, near the modern Kara Dag. A decree from Demetrias [1] bestows honours on three citizens of C. (IGTxXSy re

Canabae see > Logistics

sources as Raeti (Str.

4,6,7) or rather Euganei (Plin. HN 3,134) in the central Alps. A continuity in culture of more than 1000 years is evident in numerous rock paintings, ranging from phases I-III (Neolithic to Bronze Age) to phase IV (from the 8th cent.) and IV 4 (3rd to rst cents. BC), sociosacral expressions by hunter and warrior tribes [r. 131ff.]. Listed among the gentes Alpinae devictae,

Canace (Kavaxn; Kandké). Daughter of the Thessalian ~ Aeolus [1] and Enarete, who had an additional five

daughters and six sons (Apollod. 1,50). C. is mother of five sons fathered by Poseidon, among them is Aloeus, progenitor of the > Aloads (Apollod. 1.53). According to Diod. Sic. 5.61, the Tyrrhenian king Aeolus is C.’s father. The Tyrrhenian and Thessalian Aeolus were blended and said by Homer to be the king of the winds -» Aeolus [2], whose six sons and six daughters lived in pairs as married couples (Hom. Od. 10.1-9). In the tragedy Aeolus, Euripides described an incestuous love affair between C. and her brother Macareus which ended in the death of both (TGF fr. 14-41; Part of the hypothesis: [1]). Ovid’s revised version of this material is based on this tragedy and probably other non-preserved sources (Ov. Epist. 11; cf. Ov. Tr. 2,384). Fur-

ther references: Aristoph. PCG III 2 fr. 1-16; Hyg. Fab. 238. This motif was very popular in pantomime (Anth. Pal. 11.254). According to Suet. Nero 21 and Cass. Dio 63.10.2, the Canace parturiens (‘C. in labour’) is sup-

posed to have been a role played by Nero. 1 C. Austin, Nova fragmenta Euripidea, 1968, 88f. G. BERGER-DOER, s.v. Kanake, LIMC 5.1, 950; K. SCHERLING, s.v. Kanake, RE ro, 1853-1855. K.WA.

si)

L. BURCHNER, s.v. K., RE 20, 1844f.; W. Lear, Strabo on

the Troad, 1923, 335-337; ROBERT, Villes, 18; J.STAUBER, Die Bucht von Adramytteion 1 (IK 50), 1996, 273-

277.

E.SCH.

Can(n)a (Kav[vJa; Kan[n]a). Town in eastern Lycaonia, modern Begagil (formerly Gene), east of > Iconium on the road from Amorium to the Cilician Gates [1. roof., 185]. Seen by Ptol. 5,6,15 as part of Lycaonia (within Cappadocia). From AD 381 at the latest, there was a diocese in Lycaonia (suffragan of Iconium), which continued to exist into the r2th cent. [1. 185]. Inscriptions, amongst those two which bear the town’s name, are extant from the 2nd cent. AD [2] onwards. 1Berke

1032

1031

2MAMA

8, XIII, 38-40.

K.BE.

Canachus (Kavayoc; Kaénachos). [1] Sculptor from Sicyon, lived and worked in the late archaic period. Sources describe his style as hard and strict. His most famous work, the bronze statue of Apollo Philesios in Didyma holding a movable deer in one hand, was looted in 494 BC by the Persians. C. created a copy out of cedar wood for the temple of Apollo Ismenios in Thebes. Reliefs and coins depict the statue which was also recognized in Roman reproductions. In Sicyon, C. created a gold-ivory statue of the goddess Aphrodite seated and with his brother Aristocles and Hageladas one of three statues of Muses. According to Pliny, he did sculptures of boys on racehorses (celetizontes) and also worked in marble. Confusion with the younger C. [2] cannot be ruled out. OVERBECK, no. 403-410; 418; 477; 796; L. Lacrorx, Les

reproductions de statues sur les monnaies grecques. La Canaan see > Palaestina

Canaanite Traditional general term for a dialect group of north-west Semitic, spoken and written in Syria, Palestine and in the Mediterranean

(c. roth cent. BC to

today; with proto-Canaanite precursors). Canaanite includes > Phoenician, the closely related > Ammonite, > Punic as a late further development of Phoenician, - Edomite as a link between Phoenician and ~» Hebrew (the Canaanite dialect passed down best and longest) and > Moabite, which is close to Hebrew. The existence of additional local dialects is still a matter of contention. W.R.

Garr,

Dialect

1000-586 B.C.E., 1985.

Geography

of Syria-Palestine, CK.

statuaire archaique et classique, 1949, 221-226; G.CaRETTONI, in: EAA 308f. no. 1; K.TucHELT, Die archa. Skulpturen von Didyma (IstForsch 27), 1970, 200-203;

I, Linrert-Reicn, Musen- und Dichterinnenfiguren des 4. und frithen 3. Jh., typescript, diss. Freiburg 1971, 7; B. Ripeway, The Archaic Style in Greek Sculpture, 1977, 3.16; FUCHS/FLOREN, 212-213. R.N.

[2] Bronze sculptor from Sicyon. C. belonged to a group of students of > Polyclitus who designed and sculpted the victory dedication of Lysander after the battle of Aigospotamoi (405 BC). When visiting Olympia, Pausanias saw the statue of a victorious youth by C.

1034

1033

OVERBECK, no. 395; 979; 983; 984; L. GUERRINI, in: EAA

4, 310 no. 2; D. ARNOLD, Die Polykletnachfolge, 1969, 6-13; 85-65; 97-109; 175; C. VATIN, Monuments votifs

de Delphes, 1991, 103-138.

RN.

Canalization A system of > canals had the function of draining precipitation and utility water as well as surplus fresh water. In the advanced civilizations of Egypt and the Near East, as well as amongst the Minoans, there were well-organized waste water disposal systems; in the Near East, apart from discharge into sewerage systems, waste water was often discharged into individual seepage pits. In the Mycenaean palace of -» Tiryns, these channels (c. 90 x 60 cm) are built into the ground with large stones and cover plates, and sometimes also cut into rock. Narrow feeder shafts are covered with perforated cover plates. Not only were the courtyard areas drained; from the bath, for example, a clay gutter led to the drains. In antiquity, the discharge of rainwater often took place independently of the disposal of waste water via the sewerage system. On rocky ground in towns, stone gutters served that purpose, but probably also small ditches no longer visible. Monumental buildings such as temples or columned halls often had stone gutters or masonry gutters with settling pits to intercept run-off (e.g. south stoa in Elis). Narrow corridors, so-called

channel lanes, between dwellings permitted the passage of water and made rainwater run-off possible. Appropriate falls and V-shaped gutters in the stone road pavement (e.g. Pompeii, Ephesus) directed the precipitation

water and the overflow water from wells into the sewer via vertical openings at the kerb. In archaic and classical times in Athens or Olynthus, surplus water from fountain houses was discharged via clay pipes as in the eastern tradition (as is documented in Habuba Kabira at the Euphrates). At the Enneakrounos well on the agora in Athens (> Athens), a Y-shaped pipe fitting joined two pipe runs. Covered and open U-shaped clay pipes with stepped joints were common in the post-classical period. Apart from special disposal or utilization of rain or overflow water, its discharge into the sewer was common to help flush the system. The installation of asewerage system can be detected in Athens since late archaic times and in Rome since the end of the rule of kings. The sewerage systems of antiquity can be divided into four categories. Initial channels (zst order) from various individual buildings discharged into street sewers (2nd order) which in turn

were subordinate to major sewers with a larger crosssection (3rd order). In larger towns, they in turn could be joined into a collector sewer (4th order). Thus, such sewerage systems have been examined in Athens, Delos, Pergamum, Pompeii or Thasos for example. Vertical, mortar-lined shafts with a cross section of 15 x 15 cm (Delos) or clay pipes (Pompeii) directed the water from the upper floor into the house drain built in stone. Lead gratings in the discharge opening on the ground served as protection against blockages. Apart from stone, the

CANALIZATION

use of roof tiles (edge tiles) for house drains was popular in Roman times. Even Strabo (14,1,37) in his time considered the open street sewers in Smyrna as unusual. These 50 cm deep, open channels of the ‘second order’ were, as in Priene, placed along the edge of the street and had settling pits for sediments. Enclosed channels of similar cross-sections were usually located directly under the pavement in the middle of the street. The routing of these street sewers allows conclusions to be drawn as to the network of streets and the layout of the town. When new towns were founded, the network of streets and sewers was planned concurrently and constructed as one project. The orchestra drains in theatres were designed in suitably large sizes. The cross-sectional shape of waste water drains can be compared to the channels for water pipes: block construction in stone with flat or arched cover plates as well as rubble masonry set in mortar (or > opus caementicium) with arched or flat covers of irregular stone plates were just as common as the saddle-roof cover made of stone plates or tiles. From Athens, a clay pipe drain (diameter c. 67 cm) made up of clamped half rings is known, from Xanten and Osterburken wooden drains. With a width of c. 5o cm and a height of 60 to 80 cm, the drain could be reached by crawling in from inspection shafts; in larger towns, where they reached heights of almost 2 m, they were suitable for walking through. In Roman times, the lids of sewer shafts were mostly given star-shaped openings as was the case in the baths. In the Roman systems, the smaller drains often entered the larger ones at a certain distance from the larger drain’s bottom in order to avoid backwash. A narrowing of the cross-section towards the drain bottom in order to increase the flow speed at low water levels, was not customary in antiquity. The main sewers (3rd order) made of stone blocks, tiles, rubble masonry or Opus caementicium discharged the waste water into the sea, into rivers or into open country. Canalization of the 3rd and 4th order occurred only in truly large cities. The ‘great drain’ in Athens mainly carried rainwater from the area south of the agora northward to the Eridanus and to the 4.20 m wide collector drain (made of Piraeus limestone) in the vicinity of the > Kerameikos. Just as for the Cloaca maxima in Rome, it is assumed that originally there was only a ditch spanned by a bridge with cantilevered vaulting, and which later was completely covered by vaulting. Slightly to the west of the Kapnikarea church, a vaulted, 2.10 m wide waste water drain (made of Piraeus limestone, intermittently of bricks) runs at a depth of 6 m. Based on the dating of the ‘great drain’ (1st quarter of the sth cent.), the drains of the 3rd and 4th order were probably built not long after the late archaic waterworks of the city. For Pliny (Plin. HN 36,24,104), the — Cloaca Maxima in Rome is the greatest construction ever built by man; according to written sources (Plin. loc. cit.; Liv. 1,3 8,63 1,56,2; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 3,67,5; 4,44,1), it

1036

1035

CANALIZATION

Examples of ancient canalization

=

. Tiryns, Mycenaean palace: sewage duct laid through rock and soil.

= GaGa

aEe

2. Priene: open drain, c. 50 cm deep.

|eerie 4. Priene:

covered drain.

3. Priene: open drain with sedimentation basin.

5. Xanten: wooden drain.

6. Diagram of a Roman sewer. The smaller drains discharge into the main sewer well above the sewer floor.

1037

1038

is supposed to date back to the 6th. cent. and initially had the purpose of draining the depressions between the hills of Rome into the Tiber. The various building materials, when compared to dated buildings, point to the time of construction for individual sections of the sewerage system. Alongside the types of cover already

lemy II; its mouth is said to have been to the north of Lake Timsah into the Red Sea (at different elevations than today). The technology used here for the construction of locks appears to have been an invention dating back to the time of the pharaohs. Also, various connecting canals between the Euphrates and Tigris, located at the point of shortest distance between the rivers, were probably intended mainly for shipping. Because of the violent storm of the year 492 BC, Xerxes in 480 arranged to complete a cutting through the > Athos peninsula after a construction period of

mentioned, the cantilevered vault also occurs. Between the Basilica Aemilia and the Basilica Iulia, the Cloaca

Maxima ran in two parallel channels directly adjacent to each other so that the apex of their vaults would not project above the pedestrian pavement level of the + Forum [III 8] Romanum. The purpose of the socalled ‘distribution corridors’ in the area of the Forum has not yet been explained. The more recent sections of the Cloaca Maxima are obviously also the wider ones. Just as in Athens, one could detect slots for fitting barrier arrangements (weirs) so that stored water when released could flush out the drain. The supply of water was especially important for > latrine drains. Sharp bends in the Cloaca Maxima demonstrate that considerations regarding fluid behaviour played no part. Poorly sealed walls resulted in a drainage effect and led to the lowering of the ground water level which in turn resulted in subsidence of up to 50 cm; this, for example, caused the fagade of the > Basilica Aemilia to collapse (around AD 410?). A final instance of restoration work on the Cloaca Maxima in antiquity under Theoderic is documented by Cassiodorus (Var. 3,30). E. ZILLER, Wasserleitungen Athens, in: MDAI(A) 2, 1877, 117-119; K. MULLER, Tiryns 3, 1930, 172f.; R. MarRTIN, L’urbanisme dans la Gréce antique, 1956, 209f.; J.D. Konpis, Zum ant. Stadtbauplan von Rhodos, in: MDAI(A),

1958, 146-158; J.M. Camp, Die Agora von Athen, 1989, 43; H. Bauer, Die Cloaca Maxima in Rom, in: Schriftenreihe der Frontinus-Ges., H. 12, 1989, 45-63; R. TOLLEKASTENBEIN, Ant. Wasserkultur, 1990, 166-176; D.P. Coucn, Water Management in Ancient Greek Cities, 1993, 176; 178f.; C. HEMKER, Altoriental. K. Unt. zu Be- und Entwasserungsanlagen im mesopotam.-syr.-anatol. Raum (Abh. der Dt. Orient-Ges. 22), 1993; J.P. Apam, Roman Building. Materials and Techniques, 1994, 261-263; U. GROTE, in: Xantener Ber. 6, 1995, 277-300. F.GL.

Canals A. CANALS

FOR SHIPPING

C. DRAINAGE

B. IRRIGATION CANALS

CANALS

A. CANALS FOR SHIPPING Both the Nile as well as the extensive canal systems of Babylon equally served as traffic arteries and the country’s water supply. Only a few canals were exclusively dedicated to traffic purposes. One of these exceptions was a shipping canal between the Nile and the Red Sea, construction of which was started towards 600 BC under Pharaoh Necho II; further work on this project took place during the time of Darius I (Hdt. 2, 158), PtolemyI and II (Str. 17, 804) as well as Trajan. An inscription from the year 26 5/4 BC found in Heroopolis (Pithome) confirms the completion of the canal by Pto-

CANALS

three years (Hdt. 7,22-24; Thuc. 4,109), while Demetrius of Scepsis (fr. 35) points to an earlier canal which in part already existed. The canal connected Nea Roda with Tripiti, was about 2200 m long and had a water depth of 1.5 — 2 m; its width allowed two triremes to pass each other without any danger. The maximum depth of the cutting down to sea level was around 15.7m. Also of military importance, i.e. to safely bypass the rapids of the Danube near the Iron Gate, was a 3 km long and about 14 m wide canal from Trajan’s wars in Dacia. A system of ancient canals in conjunction with rivers (overall length: 112 km) in east England is also primarily considered to have been established as a military measure, namely for the supply of legions in northern Britain with agricultural products. Also under discussion is the interpretation of these canals as drainage and run-off canals for salt production and land reclamation. Like Trajan at the Iron Gate, Claudius [II 24] Drusus before him had already built a canal and dike system as part of the campaigns on the Lower Rhine (12 BC), which was completed by the legate Paulinus Pompeius in AD 58 in the context of work creation schemes for the army. Also a result of the work measures after an aborted campaign is the fossa Corbulonis, which was built in AD 47; the legate Cn. Domitius [II 11] Corbulo wanted to join Rhine and Maas with a canal of about 37 km in length in order to avoid the dangerous journey through the North Sea. The canal envisaged by the legate L. Antistius Vetus between Moselle and Sa6ne was meant to be a shipping connection between the Mediterranean and the North Sea, but it remained stuck in the planning stage (Tac. Ann. 13,53). Just like the planned cut through the Isthmus of Corinth (Cass. Dio 63,16), which was actually started by Nero, the river diversion project in Bithynia also had economic aims that were already referred to by Pliny in a letter to Trajan (Plin. Ep. 10,41). By diverting the rivers Sangarius and Melas into Lake Sapanca, a waterway was to be created extending from the Black Sea into the Sea of Marmara (Gulfof Ismit). The diversion and a preserved bridge (AD 56r) from the time of emperor Justinian are named in sources of late antiquity and Byzantium (Procop. Aed. 5,8,3; Theophanes, Corp. Scr. Hist. Byz. 41,362; Pachymeres, Corp. Scr. Hist. Byz. 2,330). For carrying out this project, locks were necessary.

CANALS

1039

Section of the canal built by Xerxes between Tripiti and Nea Roda Height twenty times enlarged

Tripiti 0.0m ¥, Height above sea level

Distance in m.

B. IRRIGATION CANALS Irrigation canals (also see — Irrigation) served to assist in growing crops in gardens and fields in areas

without rain or in intensifying cultivation. All-year irrigation was an option in the ancient world for gardens (> Horticulture, > Agriculture) because of the manageable size of the area under cultivation. This required constant maintenance of the installations; instructions

and laws already existed in Mesopotamia for keeping irrigation canals in good order and for regulating water rights. Canals were combined with dams (made of stone or earth) to store water and to regulate the flow of water. Improper operation by users could lead to claims for damages. Babylon and Egypt were criss-crossed with a tight network of irrigation canals, an outstand-

ample water supply as in Pompeii made it possible to have garden nymphaea (~ Nymphaeum) and to utilize the surplus water, with the canals or channels sometimes consisting of roof tiles placed upright (Delphi). The aqua Alsietina and Anio Novus supplied nondrinking water to Rome (where it was suitable for use in naumachiae (-> munera) and mills). Overflow water was also used for public landscaping; the Romans used it for supplying fuller’s workshops and baths in exchange for a fee. Irrigation canals (artificial ditches) and streams were not allowed to be dredged, to have their

course changed or to have weirs installed (IG 14,645).

C. DRAINAGE CANALS Drainage canals (also see > Drainage, for drainage

ing characteristic of the country (Hdt. 2,108). Water

canals in towns see > Canalization) were created for

remaining stagnant for a long time led to high salinity in the soil which made it necessary to build appropriate drainage canals (see below). Originating in Persia, the Quanat system (~ Water supply) spread into semiarid and arid regions and, under certain geological conditions, was applied to both the supply of drinking water as well as irrigation. From the water catchment area, water was carried to the target area at minimum falls (0.2 — 0.1 per cent) via galleries (tunnel and gallery construction). This method, however, did not allow the irrigation flow to be regulated. For Greece, the utilization of enclosed springs for irrigating plantations and gardens has been documented since Homer’s times (Hom. Od. 7,129-130; Hom. Il. 21,257-262). Irrigation canals of stone with high seepage losses and simple earth channels in the countryside can rarely be detected and dated by archaeological means due to their later neglect, abandonment or modification. It can be assumed that there were gardens in many Hellenistic palaces ( Palace), but as is the case for irrigation, no proof has been found for them in excavations. The gardens of the Hellenistic aristocracy were a model for Roman villa and palace architecture. The

gaining and protecting agricultural land as well as preventing salinization; the lack of knowledge about the fact that drainage can prevent salinization of soils led to large agricultural losses in Babylon. The purpose of drainage canals was the drainage of rainwater in autumn and winter; intensive maintenance of the ditch-

es, some of which consisted of simple channels made with a plough, was necessary (cf. Columella 2,8,3; 2,2,9-11; Varro Rust. 1,14,2). Theophrast (Caus. pl. 3,6, 3-4) describes a drainage system including ditches that were filled with stones and covered with earth,

leaves or straw —such as those documented by Roman writers.

By regulating rivers and building dams, lakes in regions with a basin topography were drained at least in part (polder) and agricultural land was gained that way. Already in Mycenaean times, such measures are documented for the Kopais basin (Boeotia) where, along its northern edge, ac. 25 km long, 40 m wide, 2-3 m deep canal was situated. The canal’s edges were principally formed by the mountain slope on one side and by a 30 m wide earth wall on the other side; this was finished with stone facing on both sides. The canal led to a

IO4I

1042

Nikomedeia e

Lake Sapanca

Bo

CANALS

(Adapazari)

D> SSS

Course of the

& Melas 1909

Sluices Sluices

BSS

~32,8

Nikomedeia

Bridge of lustinian

(Izmit) Drainage). In residential building since the Neolithic period, canal ditches for draining rain and seepage water have been documented. For drainage, Vitruvius (7,4,1) recommends a double wall with cavity for the deepened

CANALS

1044

1043

drainage canal into the open. The discharge also took under the floors (occasionally via covered, U-shaped wooden troughs, e.g. Magdalensberg); if required, rain and seepage water were collected in — cisterns. For channels intended as hot air duct see > Heating; for canals used in drinking water supplies see > Water pipes; ~ Water supply. place

SHIPPING CANALS: F.G. Moore, Three Canal Projects, Roman and Byzantine, in: AJA 54, 1950, 97-111; J.SaSEL, Trajan’s Canal at the Iron Gate, in: JRS 63, 1973, 80-85; M.STot, H.J. NIssEN, s.v. Kanal(isation), RLA 5, 355-368; S.FRoRIEP, Ein Wasserweg in Bithynien, in: Antike Welt 1986, 2. Sondernummer, 39-50; C. TUPLIN, Darius’ Suez Canal and Persian Imperialism, in: H. SANcISI-WEERDENBURG (ed.), Achaemenid History 6, 1991, 237-283; W. WERNER, Der K. von Korinth und seine Vorlaufer, in: Das Logbuch 1993, Sonderheft; B.S. J. IsserLIN, R.E. JONES i.a., The Canal of Xerxes on the Mount Athos Peninsula, in: ABSA 89, 1994, 277-284; N. HANEL, Ein rom. K. zw. Rhein und Grofs-Gerau, in: Arch. Korre-

ferred to as > Decapolis. After 23 BC, it apparently was governed by > Herodes [1] the Great and his successors. Since the death of > Iulius [II 5] Agrippa Il (AD 96), C. belonged to the province of Syria, and starting with Septimius Severus (AD 193-211) it belonged to Arabia. By no later than the early 2nd cent. AD, C. owned extensive territory that included the central region of the mountains in the east and parts of the Hauran plains in the west. Inscriptions indicate that the Greek constitutional model was combined with local clan structures; minting is documented for imperial times. In the period thereafter, C. lost its status as the most important city of the Hauran to Bostra. In the late 2nd cent., a part of C.’s estate was re-appropriated to the newly founded polis Dionysia (today’s as-Suwaida’). By Arab-Islamic times, C. had apparently sunk into insignificance. Archaeology: partially well-preserved building remnants from imperial times and late antiquity. Gu. AMER et al., L’ensemble basilical de Qanawat (Syrie

spondenzblatt 25, 1995, 107-116.

du Sud), in: Syria 59, 1982, 257-318; H.C. BuTLer, An-

IRRIGATION CANALS: R. TOLLE-KASTENBEIN, Ant. Wasserkultur, 1990, 39-42; M.CAROLL-SPILLECKE, Der

cient Architecture in Syria, Southern Syria (Publ. of the

Garten von der Ant. bis zum MA, 1992; W.SONNE, Hell. Herrschaftsgarten,

in: R.HOEPFNER,

G.BRANDS

(ed.),

Basileia. Die Palaste der hell. K6nige, 1996, 136-143; W.F. JASHEMSKI, The Gardens of Pompeii, 1979, 2493 G. GARBRECHT, Wasserversorgungstechnik in rém. Zeit, in: Wasserversorgung im ant. Rom, 71983, 33f. DRAINAGE

CANALS:

H.VETTERS,

G.PICCOTTINI,

Die

Ausgrabungen auf dem Magdalensberg 1975 bis 1979, 1986, 20f.; H. J. KaLczyk, B. HErnricu, Die Melioration des Kopaisbeckens in Boéotien, in: Antike Welt 1986, 2.

Sondernummer, 15-38; J.KNAUss, Die Melioration des Kopaisbeckens durch die Minyer im 2.Jt.v.Chr., 1987; E. PAPAKONSTANTINOU, Stoicheia tes agoras tes Elidas sto parachthio analema tou Peneiou, in: Archaia Achaia kai Eleia, 1991, 329-334; M.P. Gora, He neolithike Nea Makre. Ta oikodomika, 1991, 180; J.P. ADAM, Roman Building Materials and Techniques, 1994, 263; E. ZANG-

GER, Landschaftskontrolle im griech. Alt., in: Spektrum der Wissenschaft 5, 1995, 88-91. F.GL.

Canastraeum

(Kavaotgatov;

Kanastraion).

Princeton Univ. Archaeol. Exped. to Syria 1904-1905 and 1909, Div. II, Sect. A, Part 5), 1915, 346-354; R.DoncEEL, L’exploration de Qanaouat, in: Annales Archeologiques Arabes Syriennes 33/2, 1983, 129-139; H. I. McADAM, Studies in the History of the Roman Province of Arabia. The Northern Sector, 1986, 75-78; M.SARTRE,

Le territoire de Canatha, in: Syria 58, 1981, 343-357; Id., Les cités de la Décapole septentrionale. Canatha, Raphana, Dion et Adraha, in: Aram 4, 1992, 139-156; SCHURER 2, 140-142; A.SPIJKERMAN, The Coins of the Decapolis and Provincia Arabia, 1978. jG.

Canathus (Kéva0oc; Kanathos). The spring in which, according to Argive legend, Hera bathed once a year to restore her virginity (Paus. 2,38,2); probably the large spring in the monastery of Hagia Moni, 2 km east of Nauplia. J.G. Frazer, Pausanias’s Description of Greece 3, *1913, 304f. Yale

Cape C.,

the modern Cape Paliuri, formed the south-eastern tip of the > Pallene peninsula, and is frequently mentioned as a notable coastal landmark by authors and poets, beginning with Herodotus (Hdt. 7,123). E. OBERHUMMER, S.v. K., RE ro, 1955f.

Canatha (Kéva6a; Kanatha). City in the South Syrian region of Hauran (today’s Qanawa), c. 90 km southsoutheast of Damascus, on the western edge of the Hauran mountains themselves (Gabal Duriz). Located on the slope above the important ancient road Damascus-Bostra; possibly already mentioned in the OT (Num. 32,42; 1 Chr. 2,23). In the mid rst cent. BC, C. was the first city in Hauran to be established as a Greek polis by the Romans Pompeius or Gabinius (for the first time?) and belonged at times to the group of cities re-

Cancellarius Cancellarius (from cancelli, ‘barriers, bars’) generally referred to the subaltern official in administration and the courts, who dealt with the public, for instance when controlling admission; however, in the course of the Imperial Age, it came to refer specifically to a ‘chief official of an administrative staff (Lydus, Mag. 3,37). In late antiquity, a cancellarius could be ranked equal with a chamberlain for audiences (Not. Dign. Occ. 9,15), and even be of senatorial rank (Cassiod. Var. 11,6; 10). As the leading subordinate official just below the consiliarti, a cancellarius of the praef. praet. Africae received an annual salary of seven pounds of gold, i.e. a third of the income of a consiliarius, four times that of an office manager, or seven to ten times that of grammatici, sophisti, or an orator in public service (Cod. Just. 1,27,21). This indicates special duties (Cod. Just. 1,51,3), an elevated rank, and

1045

1046

influence. Many other military and civil officials in the provinces used cancellarii, especially for working in the courts. In contrast with the consiliarii of a index, cancellarii generally remained — even after the completion of the iudex’ term of office — in the same > militia, from which they had been selected; in retirement, cancellarii were not rewarded with tax exempt status. (Cod. Just. 1,51,8 and rr).

Candelabrum see > Lighting

Jones, LRE, 582, 598, 602f.

CG:

Cancho Roano The almost quadratic complex near Zalamea de la Serena (Badajoz Province) consists of a building containing an enfilade of small chambers above an embanked terrace and a ditch; in the east, a reinforced gateway provided access to the inner courtyard. The monument, destroyed by fire in c. 400 BC, had two predecessors (beginning from the 6th cent. BC), to which two altars — now under the pillar of the

central room — correspond. Finds indicate that the building functioned as a — palace (residence, sanctuary, craft workshops, depot). Its construction and purpose point to an Oriental model. J. MALUQUER DE Motes et al., El santuario protohist6rico de Zalamea de la Serena, Badajoz, vols.1-7, 19811996; M. ALMAGRO-GoRBEA et al., C.R.: Un palacio orientalizante, in: MDAI (Madr.) 31, 1990, 251-308; S. CELESTINO, El periodo orientalizante en Extremadura, in: Extremadura Arqueologica 4, 1995, 67-89. M.BL.

Candalus (Kavéahoc; Kandalos). One of the seven sons of Helius and the nymph Rhodus; in the prehistory of the island of Rhodes, they are culture-bringers after the + Flood. After the most handsome of the brothers, — Tenages, is killed by the rest, they flee; C. settles on the neighbouring island of Cos (Diod. Sic. 5.5 6f.; schol. Pind. Ol. 7.72f.). The myth most likely reflects the island of Rhodes’ political claims to Cos. F.G. Candaules (KavdavAnc; Kandaulés). According to Hdt. 1.7-12, the last ruler of the Heraclid dynasty in Lydian Sardis. The Greeks also called him Myrsilus after his father Myrsus. C. allowed his faithful retainer > Gyges [1] to see his wife naked so that he would be convinced of her beauty. He was then murdered by Gyges after C.’s wife confronted him with the choice of suicide as an alternative. A dramatic version of this material can be glimpsed from the remnants of the text (TrGF Il Adespota F 664). Otherwise, C.’s name is Sadyattes or Adyattes (Nicolaus of Damascus FGrH 90 F 46-47) in which case C. could have been a sacral epithet [1]. On the reception ofthe C. motif in HEBBEL, GipE and ZEMLINSKY cf. [2].

CANDIDATUS

Candidatus Generally a person clothed in white; the colour white can express flawlessness, festive rejoicing, and a pleasant mood (Quint. 2,5,19; Hor. Sat. 1,5,41; Plin. Ep. 6,11,3). In Rome it was customary as early as the sth cent. BC for candidates for public office to wear white robes (Liv. 4,25,133 39539,2; Pers. 5,177; Isid. Orig. 19,24). Thereafter, candidatus became the specific term for a candidate for public office. In the republican period, an applicant for an office that was appointed by public election was obliged to declare himself (professio) as a candidatus to the relevant election official (consul, praetor, or people’s tribune). If there were no legal objections (e.g., interval between magistracies, missing discharge from an earlier office, substantial offences against the criminal code or social customs), he was approved as a candidatus, and permitted to promote himself. However, the > ambitus laws, especially those of the late Republic, forbade unfair and excessive advertising (such as extravagant election baits). A public discussion of the candidate’s personality was on principle not part of the election process. However, a public lawsuit against a candidatus indirectly made it possible to discuss issues of personality, as for example in Cicero’s speeches against Verres.

In the case of several competing candidates, the voters decided by naming one or more of them, or by voting yes or no, if there was only a single candidate. In the Imperial Age, the emperor used his > auctoritas for politically sensitive appointments in order to select suitable candidates and to recommend them to the Senate for ‘designation’ (~ commendatio). From Tiberius, this designation replaced advertising and public elections (sine repulsa et ambitu designandos, Tac. Ann. 1,15). The lex de imperio Vespasiani (FIRA 1, 154-156) confirmed this constitutional practice in law, even though the principle of voting in the > comitia endured. In the 2nd cent. AD, it became rare for the people to elect higher ranking imperial officials. In late antiquity, all aspirants to an office were referred to as candidatus (Cod. Theod. 6,4,21). The term candidati principis described in the 2nd/3rd cents. the quaestores who were charged with reading out the emperor’s speeches in the Senate; by then, candidatus referred to a function of office (Symmachus, Ep. 2,8of.; Dig. 1,13,4). Candidatus was also the title of the priests and priestesses in the cults of Jupiter Dolichenus and Venus Victrix in Rome and elsewhere (CIL VI 406; 409; 413). Furthermore, candidati was also used in late antiquity

for the emperor’s bodyguard of 40 men in white uniforms (Amm. Marc. 15,5,16).

1 J.G. PEDLEY, Carians in Sardis, in: JHS 94, 1974, 96-99 2 H.ScuHwaBi, H.Krones, K.: Von Herodot bis Zem-

F.F. Apport, A History and Description of Roman Political Institutions, 31963, 416; JONES, LRE 613, 622;

linsky, in: Wiener humanist.

Mommssn, Staatsrecht 2, 917ff.

Blatter 39, 1997, 1-106.

RB.

Candela see > Lighting

Le

CANDIDIANA

Candidiana

1047

Late-antique Roman

fort on the road

along the banks of the Danube in Moesia inferior, west of Durostorum, near the modern Malak Preslavec in north-eastern Bulgaria (It. Ant. 223,23; Not. Dign. or. 40,24; Procop. Aed. 4,7,9). It had probably been built under Diocletian, in order to replace the Nigrinianis fortress (Tab. Peut. 8,2; Geogr. Rav. 4,7), an important

link in the Danube limes, which had been destroyed by the Carpi (?) towards the middle of the 3rd cent.It was the garrison of the cobors I Lusitanorum Maximiana. Remains of buildings, archaeological finds, treasure trove containing 2638 coins (AD 238-275); late-au-

tique bricks verify the presence of the legio XI Claudia Candidiana. The late-antique fortress continued to exist until its capture by the Slavs in the 6th cent. AD. V.VELKov,

Zur Geschichte eines Donaukastells

in Bul-

garien, in: Klio 39, 1961, 215-221; TIR L 35 Bukarest, 1969, 53 (s.v. Nigrinianis). j.BU.

Candidus A popular cognomen in the Imperial Age,

1048

Cane (Kavi; Kane). Ancient seaport on the southern

coast of Arabia in the bay of what is now Bir ‘Ali (14° 02’ N, 48° 20’ E). According to the Peripl. M. Rubr. 27, C., together with the offshore island “Ogvéwv/Ornéon, the ancient ‘Urr Mawiyat and what is now Husn alGhurab, was an important trading centre that was part of the Hadramitic kingdom of Eleazos and the starting point of the > incense road; Ptol. 6,7,10 too lists C. as + emporion, and Plin. HN 6,104 places Cane in the incense region. The port of C. (Qana’) is mentioned in six Sabaic inscriptions (> Saba), three of which are reports regarding the campaign against > Hadramaut

in the rst half of the 3rd cent. AD. Excavations carried out by Russian archaeologists since 1985 have uncovered parts of the town populated from the beginning of the rst cent. AD to the beginning of the 7th cent. Finds of imported ceramics and amphora from the Mediterranean, foreign coins and a fiveline Greek inscription from the 4th cent. verify the importance of C. as a trading centre.

attested with certainty from the rst cent. AD (ThIL,

B.Doe, Husn al-Ghurab and the Site of Qana’, in: Le Museon 74, 1961, 191-198; A.V.SEDov, New Archaeo-

Onom. 2,133ff.).

logical and Epigraphical Material from Qana (South Ara-

[1] Christian in c. AD 200, author of various lost treat-

bia), in: Arabian Archaeology and Epigraphy 3, 1992, 110-137; P.A. GrjAZNEvic, Morskaja torgovlja na aravijskom more: Aden i Kana, in: Id., A.V. SEDOv (ed.), Chadramaut I, 1995, 273-301. W.W.M.

ise about the Hexaemeron (Eus. HE 5,27; Jer. vir. ill. 48).

M.MEI.

[2] A follower of the Gnostic Valentinianus; in c. AD 230, he had a public dispute with > Origen, who accused him of retrospectively falsifying the records (Rufin. Apol. Orig. epil. = PG 17,625; Hier. Adv. Rufin. 2,19 = PL 23,462f.). [1. 701] presumes him to be identical with the author, mentioned in Eus. HE 5,27, of a book on Genesis at the time of Septimius Severus. 1 A.v.

Harnack,

Gesch.

der altchristl.

Lit. I, 1958. RB.

Canethus (Kdvn80¢; Kdnéthos). Hill on the mainland,

which at the time of Alexander the Great was integrated into the fortifications of the town of Chalcis, modern

Kara

Baba;

the site had

previously

served

as

a

necropolis. Documentary evidence: Str. 9,2,8; 10,1,8;

Theophr. Hist. pl. 8,8,5; schol. Apoll. Rhod. 1,77. PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN, vol. 1, 409, 602.

H.KAL.

[3] An Arian of c. AD 350, a friend of > Marius Vic-

torinus, to whom he dedicated a Liber de generatione divina with distinctly Arian characteristics (PL 10,I013—1020). BARDENHEWER, GAL 1, 395-3973 2, 166.

M.MEI.

Canicula see > Constellations

Canidia Frequently mentioned by Horace because of her magic art and mixing of poisons (Epod. 358; 5,153 17,6; Sat. 1,8,24; 2,1,48; 8,95). It is assumed

[4] From Isauria, late 5th cent. AD. In three books of ‘Totogiat (Historiai), he dealt with the times of the Byzantine emperors Leo I (457-471) and Zeno (471-491).

that in real life she was Gratidia, a perfume seller from Naples (Porphyrio). W.E.

He is only known from a résumé in the library of Pho-

Canidius C. Crassus, P., of unknown descent. In 43 BC, he served as legate of > Lepidus in Gaul (Cic. Fam. 10,21,4). Probably holder of a command position

tius (Cod. 79) (PLRE 2, 258 No. 1). HouncGeR, Literatur 1, 285.

F.T.

under M. > Antonius [I 9] in the Perusine War (App. B Civ. 5,50; MRR 2,373). Cos. suff. at the end of 40 BC;

Candyba

(Kavdupa; Kandyba). Settlement in Lycia

(Lycian Xakba, Hittite Hinduwa?) near the modern Gendive; it was (under the name of Xakba) of political

importance settlement continuous istic times, Gordianus

in the 5th/4th cents. BC. Remains of the around the acropolis (c. 1.5 ha.) confirm habitation into Byzantine times. In HellenC. was a polis, and last minted coins under III (AD 238-244); late antique bishop’s seat.

M. ZIMMERMANN, Unt. zur histor. Landeskunde Zentrallykiens, 1992, 56-61. U.HA.

from 36 BC, he fought successfully in Armenia and in the Caucasus, and took part in Antony’s Parthian campaigns. In the winter 33/32 BC, he returned to Antony from a command in Armenia, was in charge of the land forces at Actium; after the defeat, he fled to join Antony in Egypt, where Octavian (— Augustus) had him executed in 30 BC (Vell. Pat. 2,85,2; 87,3). SYME, RR, Index s.v. C.

M.MEI.

1049

1050

Caninius Plebeian family name, attested from the 2nd

Canitas One of the Scythian kings of Scythia Minor (Dobrudza) in the late 3rd/2znd cents. who became known for the coins they apparently issued in Tomis,

cent. BC. (ScHULZzE, 144; ThIL, Onom. 137f.). [1] C. Gallus, L. People’s tribune 56 BC; he sought,

without success, the reinstatement of Ptolemy Auletes in Egypt (MRR 2,209). In 56 BC, he was defended by Cicero (Fam. 7,1,4), in 51 BC in Athens frequently in his company, and visited him in Rome in 46 BC. He died in 44 BC. [2] C. Gallus, L. Son of C. [1], consul of 37 BC with M. Vipsanius > Agrippa (MRR 2,395; PIR 2* C 389). [3] C. Rebilus, C. In 171 BC praetor in Sicilia (MRR 1, 416). K-L.E. [4] C. Rebilus, M. Probably a brother of C. [3], sent as an envoy to Macedonia in 170 BC (MRR 1, 421) and to Thrace in 167 BC, to reunite king Cotys with his sons (Mivaas542 00): K-LE. [5] C. Rebilus, C. As Caesar’s legate in the Gallic war,

he fought against Vercingetorix in 51 BC and in 50 BC at Uxellodunum (Caes. B Gall. 7,83,3; 90,6; 8 passim). In March 49, shortly after the beginning of the Civil War, Caesar used him in his attempt to reach a compromise with Pompey (Caes. B Civ. 1,26,3-5). In the following, C. served in Africa under Scribonius Curio; and after the latter’s defeat in August, he was able to save himself. In 46 BC, he was procos. in Africa (his praetorship of 48 BC is uncertain), and conquered Thapsus (Bell. Afr. 86,3; 93,3). In 45 BC, he served asa legate in Caesar’s Spanish campaign (Bell. Hisp. 35,1). C. became known as the consul with the shortest period of office in the entire history of Rome. When the incumbent consul Q. Fabius Maximus died on the last day of 45 BC, Caesar appointed C. as his successor just for the remaining hours of the year. Cicero (Fam. 7,30,1) commented that no-one breakfasted under the consulate of C. Perhaps C. is identical with the senator Rebilus, who was taken prisoner by > Menodorus in AD 37 (App. B W.W. Civ. 5,422; MRR 3, 49). [6] C. Celer. Greek rhetor and teacher of the future emperors M. Aurelius and L. Verus (SHA Marc. 2,4; WVere2,(5)): K-LE. Canis see ~ Constellations

Canistrum (Greek xavotv; kanoiin). Flat wicker basket; it served as a fruit basket (Ov. Met. 8,675) and was used in agriculture (Verg. G. 4,280). Canistra of sturdy

materials (clay, silver, gold) were used as receptacles for liquid substances, e.g. honey and oil. The canistrum was also a device for sacrifices (Tib. 1,10,27; Ov. Met. 2,713 and more); often represented in Roman art in this

CANNENEFATES

Callatis, Dionysopolis and Odessus. C. minted several types and nominals of bronze coins while being referred to as the king of the Scythians in a decree from Odessus (CIG 2, 2056; IGBulg I’, 44; MORETTI, 124). K. ReEGLING, Charaspes, in: Corolla Numismatica,

1906,

259-265; J.YoUROUKOVA, Nouvelles données sur la chronologie des rois scythes en Dobrudza, in: Thracia 4, 1977, 105-121.

UEP:

Canius Rufus Known only through — Martial. He came from Gades (1,61), was married to the philosophically educated Theophila (7,69) and was friends with the Domitii Lucanus and Tullus, the citharode Pollio (3,20) and Martial (7,87; 10,48). According to 3,20, he may have written historical studies on Claudius and Nero, also prose fables as well as elegies, epics, tragedies, and, according to 7,69, a Pantaenis about + Sappho and her Lesbian girls. Martial praises C.’s narrative talent and humour (1,69; 3,20. 64). Following on from 1,61, Ps. Jer. Ep. 36 (PL 30) refers to him as poeta facundiae lenis et iucundae. A.ELTER, C. a Gadibus, in: RhM 63, 1908, 472-475, 640; G. THIELE, Martial III.20, in: Philologus 70, 1911, 539548.

O.A.

Cannae Settlement between Barletta and Canosa on the Monte di Canne (Cic. Tusc. 1,89; Liv. 22,43; 49; Plin. HN 3,105; Sil. Pun. 8,624; Flor. Epit. 2,6), Kavvat

(Pol. 3,107; App. Hann. 17). According to Liv. 22,43,103 22,49,13, an unprotected vicus and ignobilis; Flor. Epit. 2,6,15; x@un (komé ‘village’, App. Hann. 3,17), or, according to Polybius, a mdhtc (polis, ‘town’), protected by an &xea (dkra ‘castle’). It is well known as the location of the defeat which Hannibal inflicted upon the Romans in 216 BC (Pol. 3,113-117; Nep. Hann. 4,9; Liv. 22,45-50; Val. Max. 3,2,103; 5,6,4; Plut. Fab. r5f.; App. Hann. 19-25; Flor. Epit. 22,1518). Archaeological finds: Neolithic pottery, remains of the Apulian settlement of the 4th/3rd cents. BC. E.M. DE Juuts, s.v. C., BICGI, 4, 1985, 359-3633 F.GrELLE, La Daunia fra le guerre sannitiche e la guerra annibalica, in: G. UGGERI (ed.), L’ eta annibalica e la Pug-

lia, Atti del II Convegno sulla Puglia Romana (Mesagne 24.-26. March 1986), 1992, 29-42, 40ff. B.G.

Cannelure see > Column

role, the canistrum contained incense, fruits and offer-

ing-cakes. The silver saucers for drinking vessels were called canistra siccaria (Serv. Aen. 1,706). — Kanoun G.Hicers, Lat. GefafSnamen, BJ 1969, 31. Beih., 13 5136; F. Fiess, Opferdiener und Kultmusiker auf stadtrom. historischen Reliefs, 1995, 20-22. R.H.

Cannenefates Germanic tribe, also known as Can(n)anefates, in their ‘extraction, dialect and bravery equal to the Batavi’ (Tac. Hist. 4,15,1; cf. Plin. HN 4,101), in the western part of the insula Batavorum, between Oude Rijn and Mosa (Helinium); cf. ‘Kenne-

merland’. Possibly subjugated by Tiberius (Vell. Pat. 2,105,1), they provided at the least one ala and one cohors (Tac. Ann. 4,73,2; Hist. 4,19,1). Their capital of

CANNENEFATES Voorburg-Arentsburg

1052

1051 became

Forum

Hadriani

and

stianae

50,

1996,

117-124

7 W.BURKERT,

necans, 1972, 189-200.

municipium. TIR M 31, 59; B.H. STo.re, s.v. Cananefaten, RGA 4,

329f.; W. WILL, Roms ‘Klientel-Randstaaten’ am Rhein? Survey in: BJ 187, 1987, 1-61, especially 20-24.

K.DI.

Homo E.G.

Cannita, Pizzo Phoenician-Punic settlement, c. 10 km east of Palermo, known from the chance finds of two

anthropoid sarcophagi (in 1695 and 1725), and from surface finds. Cannibalism (dévOownodayia/anthropophagia, ‘the eating of humans’) appears in ancient myths and ethnographical reports. It was something that took place, in contrast to the here and now, either in the past or on the borders of the known world among ethnic groups who did not share the same basic values of Greek culture. It is also identified, in Dionysian myths, as the crossing of the limits in > ecstasy [1; 2]. In this structure, ancient reports coincide astoundingly with those of the modern age [3]. The Cyclops > Polyphemus, who is generally portrayed in the ‘Odyssey’ as the antithesis of civilized existence in the Greek world [4], is also a cannibal. The Scythian Androphdgoi have no laws and no culture (Hdt. 4.106; generalized by Ephorus FGrH 70 F 43; Plin. HN 7.11ff.). Otherwise, cannibalism is mostly described in the context of killing the old and consuming the dead (Hdt. 1.216.2 Massagetes; 3.38.4 and 99 Indians, 4.26.1 Scythians; Theophr. De pietate fr. 3.19 POTSCHER Bassareans; Str. 4.5.4 Irish; Plin. HN 6.195 Ethiopia). Cannibalism also belongs to the lawless primeval time of humanity and there is linked to human sacrifice (Orph. fr. 292; Aristoph. Ran. 1032). It is also ascribed to > Busiris [3] killed by Heracles. Busiris, like Polyphemus and the inhabitants of Tauris, violated the right to hospitality by performing > human sacrifice (Isocr. Busiris 7; 31). In emergency situations under siege, cannibalism was reported to be practised among the Celts and Iberians, which Caesar exploited for propaganda purposes (Str. 4.5.4; Caes. B Gall. 7.7.12). Stories about the sacrifice of children and cannibalism among Jews and Christians as well as Christian heretics were equally used as propaganda, but they also expressed fear of marginal groups [5; 6]. An even more drastic crossing of the limits is the devouring of one’s own children. In the myths concerning the daughters of ~ Proetus and > Minyas who devour their own children in excessive ecstasy after first resisting Dionysus (Apollod. 3.37; Ael. VH 3,42), this cult aetiology is also an expression of the dangers of ecstasy |7]; in the myths of > Lycaon and > Tantalus, killing the son and serving him up violates the boundary between god and man, and the boundary is thus first established. + Cyclopes 1 M. DeTIENNE, Dionysos mis 4 mort, 1977, 135-160 u.6. 2D.D. HucuHes, Human Sacrifice in Ancient Greece,

t99t 3 W.ARENS, The Man-Eating Myth. Anthropophagy and Anthropology, 1979 4 G.S. Kirk, Myth. Its Meaning and Function in Ancient and Other Cultures, 1972, 162-171 5 M.J.Epwarps, Some Early Christian Immoralities, in: AncSoc 23, 1992, 71-82

6 J.B. Rives,

The Blood Libel against the Montanists, in: Vigiliae Chri-

DCPPS sive G58.

H.G.N.

Cannophori (cannofori, xavvypdoeot; kannéphorot). The younger of the two colleges connected with the cult of Magna Mater; founded as part of Antoninus Pius’ reorganization of the cult (znd cent. AD). It was their ritual function in Rome, on 15 March to carry a bundle of reeds to the temple on the Palatine as part of the joyful procession commemorating the discovery of the young Attis by the Magna Mater on the banks of the > Gallus (Iul. or. 5,165) [1] (canna intrat, calendar of Philocalus, CIL I? p. 260). On the same day, the Archigallus and the C. sacrificed a bull to ensure the fertility of the fields in the hills (Lydus, Mens. 4,49; CIL XIV 40).

-» Dendrophori; > Gallus;

> Magna Mater

1 M.J. VERMASEREN, The Legend of Attis in Greek and Roman Art, 1966, 3-12. D. FisHwick, The C. and the March Festival of the Magna Mater, in: TAPHA 97, 1966, 193-202. RG.

Cannutia Crescentina Vestal. Sentenced by Caracalla for incest, she took her own life (Cass. Dio 77,16,1; 3; PIR* C 400). W.E.

Cannutius [1] P. C. is mentioned in Cic. Brut. 205 as copyist (ed.?) of the speeches of P. Sulpicius and as an extremely eloquent orator (positive, in Cic. Clu. 29, 50, 73f.), whereas Aper in Tac. Dial. 21,1 regards him as too old. He was not a senator, but appeared in the trial of Oppianicus (Clu. 58). The passive use of admirari in the only quote in Prisc. Gramm. 2,381,12f. leads to the conclusion that C. was an analogist. ~ Histrio EDITION: ORF’, 371f. LITERATURE: MUNZER,s.v.C. 2, RE3, 1485; A.E. DoucLAS, Comm.

in Cicero’s Brutus, 1966, 148; P. FLOBERT,

Les verbes déponents latins des origines 4 Charlemagne, 1975-

G.C.

[2] C., Ti. Tribunus plebis in 44 BC, an opponent of M. ~ Antonius [I 9], and, after the second triumvirate of

43 BC, also of Octavian (> Augustus), as whose enemy C. was executed in the Perusine War. SyMg, RR, Index s.v. C.

M.MEI.

10§3

1054

Canon

ians and critics, which in turn contributed to their inclusion in the tradition (> Classicism). Alexandrian

[1] I. GENERAL POINTS II. ANCIENT ORIENT II]. GREEK LITERATURE IV. LATIN LITERATURE V.BisLeE VI. ART

I. GENERAL POINTS The Greek word canon (xaviv, kanon) was probably derived from xdvva (kdnna: ‘bulrush reed or rod’), a Semitic loan word in the Greek language. The original

meaning of ‘straight reed, stick, rod (in different uses)’ developed into several more specific and technical meanings. As a result, the Greek word canon designates a carpenter’s or bricklayer’s measuring stick or square,

a chronological or astrological table, a monochord in music terminology (from Euclides [3]) etc. In legal and religious vocabulary more special meanings emerged, and several technical terminologies recognize further derivations. In general, canon means ‘measure’, which

yielded the metaphorical and abstract meanings of ‘rule, paradigm, model, canon’ in various applications (such as a metric scheme, a prescriptive norm or paradigm of inflection in Greek philology and grammar, an exemplary artistic or literary model). ‘Canon’ was the title of a treatise on art history, in which the sculptor > Polyclitus explains the theoretical principles of his art and the theory of proportions. It is likely that the term also designated a model statue (the Doryphoros?) which was regarded as an exemplary representation for these norms. In philosophy, the term appears in the title of works by > Democritus [1] (ITeai hoyixOv xavov/‘Guideline for logic’: 68 A 33[47], Brob-11 DK) and by Epicurus (Iegi xeitygiov 7 xavov/‘On criteria or canon’: Diog. Laert. 10,27), in

the realm of logic and epistemology. II. ANCIENT ORIENT

— Literature (Babylonian). III]. GREEK LITERATURE In rhetoric and literary criticism, the term canon is well documented to designate an exemplary model that should be followed (what today would be called a ‘classic’). Dionysius [18] of Halicarnassus wanted to name valid models (xavovec, Ranones) to those who strove to speak and write well (Dion. Hal. Thuc. 1) and defines the orator > Lysias as kanon of the pure Attic style (Dion. Hal. Lys. 2). In Hellenistic times, lists were created of selected Greek authors deemed to be the best representatives of their genre. This was not an entirely new idea considering the dispute about the rank ofthe best tragedians in the ‘Frogs’ by Aristophanes and the writing of Heraclides Ponticus (4th BC) ‘On the three tragedy writers’: they assume that Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides were recognized as eminent poets. The selected authors were called éyxowévtec (enkrithéntes, from enkrino, ‘to select, to admit’); their works were the object of philological and exegetical efforts by Hellenistic grammar-

CANON

+> philology certainly played an important role (at least in > Aristophanes [4] of Byzantium and > Aristarchus [4] of Samothrace) in creating lists of selected authors, but this result is not exclusively owing to krisis, or critical judgement. The origin and consolidation of individual lists in different Hellenistic and imperial contexts is still contested. In addition to the nine lyric poets, the three Iambographers, the three tragedians, and the ro Attic orators, who all are well known and documented examples, there must have been lists for epic and comic writers as well as for historians (an important source is Quint. Inst. 10,1,53ff.). However, the use of the term canon in the sense of an

exemplary ‘list/selection of authors/works’ according to genre does not appear to be ancient. In this sense, the term is modern: only since its introduction by D. RUHNKEN in 1768 (cf. [5. 255; 7. 1873]), is reference made to the ‘canon’ of nine lyric poets, ro orators etc., and to the

nine ‘canonical’ poets or three ‘canonical’ tragedians (Aeschylus, Sophocles, Euripides). It is possible that the term canon is based on the use of kanonas a designation of those books in the Bible which are officially regarded as divinely inspired (first documents: Euseb. Hist. eccl. 6,25,33; Athan. de decretis Nycaenae synodi 18). — Literature, Greek; > Classicism; > Philology; CAn-

ON 1 J.Cousin, Etudes sur Quintilien, 1, 1936, 565-572 2 A.E. Douctas, Cicero, Quintilian and the Canon of Ten Attic Orators, in: Mnemosyne 9, 1956, 30-40 3 O. KROEHNERT, Canonesne poetarum, scriptorum, artificum per antiquitatem fuerunt?, Diss. Konigsberg 1897 4G.W. Most, Canon Fathers: Literary, Mortality, Power, in: Arion 3, £990,35-60

5 PFEIFFER, KP I, 251-256

6 H.OpreL, KANQN, in: Philologus Suppl. 30.4, 1937 7 L.RADERMACHER, s.v. K., RE 10, 1873-1878 8 B. REICKE,

s.v. K., LAW

1482-1484

9 D.ScHULZ,

Zum Kanon Polyklets, in: Hermes 83, 1955, 200-220 10 U.v. WiLamMowitTz, Textgesch. der griech. Lyriker, 1900, 63ff. F.M.

IV. LATIN LITERATURE The Latin translation of Greek canon norma; of canonize: inserere (Hor. Carm.

numerum eximere

is regula, 1,1,35), in

(ordinem) redigere; the opposite is numero (Quint. Inst. 1,4,3; 10,1,54); classici is first

used for canonical authors in Gell. NA 19,8,15 [1. 366]. In Rome, the term canon had a twofold ori-

entation: On the one hand, it comprised the use of the Greek canon as a model for their own literary production, and on the other hand, it refers to the emergence of a separate canon of Latin authors, although the Roman canon never evolved into lists comparable to the Greek model, except for the early canon of comedians by + Volcacius Sedigitus (end of 2nd cent. BC). Owing to

the constitutive quality of the Greek influence on Latin literature, Roman canons in the narrower sense did not

develop until a literature existed that was regarded as

CANON

equal to the Greek, which came about in the context of the classic Augustan period and also following self-canonization in the rst cent. BC [2. 248]. An early witness is Vell. Pat. 2,36 [3. 89ff.]. The list of evaluated readings by Quint. Inst. 10,1 wielded the strongest influence and indicated the emergence of a Latin canon of classics; a catalogue organized by genre and using the > synkrisis scheme divided authors into the two large groups of Greek and Roman authors (46-84; 85-131) presents late republican and early Augustan representatives in a privileged position wherever possible [2. 248f.]. The reason for inclusion into the canon was the practical goal of imitatio (emulation), which was taught in grammar and rhetoric classes. The core of imperial education consisted of the quadriga > Terentius, > Virgil, > Sallustius, and > Cicero, to a lesser degree > Horatius [7], ~ Plautus, and > Livius. Silver Latin was hardly included at all, a fact that corresponds to its own understanding of not belonging to the canon [3]. Nor did an attempt at including archaic writings succeed in the 2nd cent. [4]. Within the canon, a further selection process determined the highest ranking representatives for poetry and prose; for Latin, the selection of the pair Cicero and Virgil was influential up into modern times. Since the 4th cent., post-classical authors were included as well; these considerable extensions formed the basis for the rich and no longer strictly classicist lists of readings in the Middle Ages and early modern times [1]. -» Literature, Latin;

> Classicism; CANON

1 P.L. ScHmipt, De honestis et nove veterum dictis, in:

W. VossKAmp (ed.), Klassik im Vergleich, 1993, 366-388

2 E.A. ScHmipT,

Histor. Typologie der Orientierungs-

funktionen von Kanon in der griech. und rom. Lit., in: A.

and J. ASSMANN (ed.), K. und Zensur, 1987, 246-258 3 S. Dépp, Nec omnia apud priores meliora, in: RhM 132, 1989,73-101 4U.ScCHINDEL, Archaismus als Epochen-

begriff, in: Hermes 122, 1994, 327-341.

V. BIBLE In Christian usage, the different contexts: in the development of confession cent. AD, it concerned the

G.V-S.

term canon appears in three 2nd cent., it concerned the (regula fidei), and in the 4th collection and establishment

of church laws (canones) as well as the size and the validity of the Christian Bible from the OT and NT [7.3], although both had already been regarded as fixed. A. OLD TESTAMENT

B. New TESTAMENT

In the three parts of the Jewish Bible (Tenach: Tora = law, Nebiim = prophets, Ketubim = writings), the ‘Tora’ (= > Pentateuch) was the first to be completed around 300 BC (Samaritan schism: > Samaria, there is

‘nothing to add and nothing to leave out’, Dt 4,2; 13,1),

followed around 200 BC by the number of ‘prophets’, to which Daniel (mid 2nd cent. BC) no longer belonged. AD

too, > Iosephus

books including the ‘writings’ ‘rightfully accepted’ (Jos. Ap. 1,38; 4 Ezra 14,45 has 24). The Hebrew and the Greek (-> Septuaginta) Bible differ in volume. In addition to several transpositions and supplements, the Greek Bible also contains the books Tobit, Judith, the Wisdom of Salomon, Jesus Sirach, Baruch, and Maccabees 1-4. The Septuaginta corresponds to some extent to the Latin Bible (~ Vulgate), which has been

canonical for the Roman Catholic Church since 1546 (Council of Trient) — as opposed to the Protestants, who refer to the Hebrew Bible. In recent times, particularly in the English speaking realm, there has emerged a demand for an interpretation of the OT texts in the framework of the canon, under the banner ‘canon criticism’ [3; 4; 9].

B. New TESTAMENT Christians regarded the Jewish Bible, especially the > Septuaginta, as the ‘Holy Scriptures’ from the beginning. Then, the ‘Words of the Lord’ and later the ‘Recollections of the Apostles’ were added as the new standard. It is unknown how the canon of the NT was formed, but we do know when and why it was created. It did not yet exist even in the middle of the 2nd cent. AD. Besides the Jewish Bible, > Iustinus [6] only refers to the ‘Words of the Lord’ and the ‘Recollections of the Apostles’. A few decades later, the canon of the NT exists in > Eirenaeus [2] (Irenaeus) of Lyon and in -» Tertullianus. As a barrier against — Gnosis and + Montanism — perhaps also in an effort to correct -» Marcion’s Bible (St. Luke’s Gospel and the ro letters by St. Paul) [2] —all writings by the apostles and their disciples [8] were collected according to the historical principle of ‘apostolicism’ [1. 118]. Besides the apocalypse of St. John, which was contested due to its importance for Montanism, the NT canon inclusion of all writings that were not clearly apostolic (Hebr, Jac, Jud, 2 and 3 Jo, 2 Petr.) was uncertain for the duration of two cents. Along the same lines, > Origenes in the 3rd cent. and + Eusebius [7] of Caesarea in the early 4th cent. AD designated these writings as Antilegomena (contested writings) — as opposed to the Homologumena (generally accepted writings). Only in the late 4th cent. AD, all 27 writings of the NT are listed as ‘canonical’ without further commentary (> Athanasius’ 39th Easter letter of 367; synod of Laodicea, between 351 and 380 [7. 402-406]). > Apocryphal literature; +> Bible; > Christianity; > New Testament Apocrypha 1 J.AssMaANN, Das kulturelle Gedachtnis. Schrift, Erinne-

A. OLD TESTAMENT

Around

1056

1055

[4] Flavius deems

22

rung und polit. Identitat in friihen Hochkulturen, 1992 2 H.v. CAMPENHAUSEN, Die Entstehung der christ. Bibel, 1968 3B.S. Cuixps, Bibl. Theologie und christl. Kanon, in: Jb. fur Bibl. Theologie 3, 1988, 13-27 4 Id., Biblical Theology of the Old and New Testament, 1993 (Ger. 1994/96) 5 E.KASEMANN (ed.), Das Neue Testament als Kanon. Dokumentation und kritische Analyse zur gegenwartigen

Diskussion,

1970

6B.M.

Metzcer,

Der

Kanon des Neuen Testaments. Entstehung, Entwicklung, Bedeutung,

1993

(Engl.

1987)

7 H.OuMeE,

Kanon

1058

I0§7

ekklesiastikos. Die Bed. des altkirchl. 1998 8F.OveERBECK, Zur Gesch. des repr. 1965, now in: E.W. STEGEMANN, R. Franz Overbeck, Werke und Nachlaf, vol. 1880,

Hebrew

1994,

379-538

Bible, Anchor

Kanonbegriffs, Kanons, 1880, BRANDLE (ed.), 2. Schriften bis

9J.A. SANDERS,

Bible Dictionary

s.v. Canon.

1, 837-852

10 W. SCHNEEMELCHER, Zur Gesch. des nt. Kanon., in: Id.

(ed.), Nt. Apokryphen in dt. Ubers., vol. 1: Evangelien, 51987,7-27 11 TH. ZAHN, Grundrif$ der Gesch. des Nt. Kanons., *1904, +1985, with introduction by U. Swarat 12 E. ZENGER (ed.), Die Tora als K. fiir Juden und Christen, 1996 (with recent literature). M.RE.

CANTHARIDES

the helmsman of Menelaus, according to legend buried here, who was worshipped as Osiris C. [1; 2]. His cult

image had the shape of a bulbous vessel with the head of Osiris (+ Canope). Ancient authors also speak of C. as

a resort of the Alexandrians. In 238 BC a synod of Egyptian priests took place in C. (‘Canopus decree’). From an archaeological point of view C. has not yet been adequately explored. In 1989 a statue of the goddess Isis was found [3]; recently there have been new excavations. 1 A. BERNAND, Le Delta égyptien d’aprés les textes grecs I,

1970, 153-327

2H.-J.THISSEN, s.v. Kanopus, LA 3,

VI. ArT > Polyclitus [2] (xavov). In addition to the > Kontakium, the canon forms the second and final climax of Byzantine church poetry. The basic form of the canon is the > ode consisting of three > troparia used in the Orthros (morning service). Initially only sung at church celebrations, the canon completely replaced the Kontakium in the 7th cent. AD. It reached a peak in the creations by > Iohannes [33] of Damascus, > Cosmas of Maiuma, and -» Andreas [2] of Crete.

Canosa Vases Type of Apulian vases, between c. 350 and 300 BC, probably made exclusively for use in graves. Their distinguishing feature is their decoration in a variety of water-soluble pigments (blue, red/pink, yellow, pale purple, brown) on a white background.

E. Wevxesz, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography, *1961, 198-239. K.SA.

Preferred > vessel forms are the volute-krater, cantharus, oinochoe, and askos, whose main bodies were fre-

Canonical collections see > Collectiones canonum

320-321 35S.Dorreya, A Statue of Isis, Bulletin de la Societé d’Archéologie d’Alexandrie 45, 1993, 291-294.

HE.FE.

[2] see > Canobus

quently decorated with figures of women on small pedestals and with three-dimensional decor (winged heads, gorgoneia et al.). The great majority depict Nikes, horse-drawn chariots, naiskos and battle scenes,

Canope Name of the (mostly stone) jugs in which the Egyptians interred entrails, often stored in their own boxes. They came under the protection of four gods (‘Sons of Horus’) and four goddesses (— Isis, > Nephthys, > Neith, > Selcis) and often are inscribed with

sayings that correlate the parts of the corpse with the corresponding divinities. From the 1st interim period (2190-1990 BC) the lid of the Canope was mostly shaped like the head of a human, from the 19th dynasty also as heads of the sons of Horus (human, baboon, jackal, hawk). The name of Canope arose because it was believed earlier that in these jugs the cult image of ~ Canopus described by Rufinus, Historia ecclesiastica 11,26 could be discerned. ~ Burial K. Martin, s.v. Kanope II, LA 3, 316-319.

KJ.-W.

and also protomes of winged female figures. The main finding places are Canosa, Arpi and Ordona. E.VAN WIELEN-VAN OMMEREN, La céramique hellénistique de Canosa, in: Proc. of the 3rd Symposium on Ancient Greek and Related Pottery, Copenhagen 1987, 665-673.

RH.

Cantabri Alongside the > Astures, the C. were the most important tribe of the Spanish Atlantic coastal region. The main income of this tribe, which was split up into various groups, was derived from breeding cattle in the mountainous regions of the modern districts of Asturia and Santander; arable farming was very much of secondary importance only. Food shortages in the mountains may have been the motivation for the C.’s raids on the > Vaccaei, who settled in the fertile Duero

valley. The C. were spared by the widespread armed conflict, which shook almost the entire Iberian penin-

Canopus [1] Town at the mouth of the then westernmost branch of the Nile, Egyptian P(r)-gwtj, near what is now Abu Qir west of Alexandria; as a seaport C. was the gate of Egypt (road to - Naucratis) from the 8th cent. BC

sula from the end of the 3rd cent. BC. It was only under Augustus that they were subjugated in 19 BC, following years of arduous campaigns.

onwards, until Alexandria, to which C. was linked via a

Paleoetnologia de la Peninsula Ibérica, 1992, 431-447. P.B.

canal, took on this role. C. was an important religious centre with — Sarapis as its principal god (famous temple as the place of healing sleep and of oracles [1; 2]). Isis and Harpocrates were worshipped here. An ~ Ibis cemetery from the Graeco-Roman period indicates a > Thot cult. The name C. is said to go back to

TOVAR 3, 64-71; ros, in:

N. SANTOS YANGUAS, Astures y Cantab-

M.ALMAGRO-GorBEA,

G.RuIz ZAPATERO

(ed.),

Cantharides (xavOaoidec; Rantharides) are slim, metal-

lic-green oil beetles, such as the so-called Spanish fly (Lytta vesicatoria), that were used for medicines; when taken orally, their active ingredient — cantharidin —

CANTHARIDES

1059

leads to poisoning, as Plin. HN 29,93-96 (cf. [1. 7of.]) shows with reference to one case. Externally applied to wounds together with e.g. mutton suet, the cantharidae were said to be useful because of their blistening, caustic effect which the Middle Ages learnt about through Isid. Orig. 12,5,5. The beetles — that lived on plants like the dog rose or the ash— were collected in a clay vessel tied up with linen, and were killed with vinegar vapours heated with salt (similarly Dioscorides 2,61 WELLMANN = 2,65 BERENDES). Pliny (HN 29,76) recommends cantharides in a drink as an antidote to the salamander, which is regarded as very poisonous. There is no proof either for antiquity or the Middle Ages that they were used as an aphrodisiac as they would be later. 1 LEITNER.

C.HU.

Cantiaci Tribe in the area of Kent and East Sussex. Its name is derived from the region of Cantium. Caes. B Gall. 5,22,1 tells of four indigenous kings; this account allows the conclusion that there were a number of subtribes.

The

tribal

centre

was

> Durovernum,

also

important was Durobrivae (modern Rochester). Numerous villae were built in C. in the early Imperial Age, especially in eastern and southern Kent. In the 3rd cent., — Rutupiae, > Dubrae, Regulbium (modern Reculver) and > Portus Lemanae (modern Lympne) were garrisons of the classis Britannica. A. Detsicas, The C., 1984; S. JOHNSON, The Roman Forts of the Saxon Shore, 1975. M.TO.

1060

for lyricization of such kind are to be found r) in Hellenistic monodic lyric poetry of the same period (fr. Grenfellianum, [4. 304f.]), 2) in the monodies of the early Roman tragedy (finally going back to the late Euripides) [1. 377f.]) and 3) in indigenous Italian preliterary dance and song forms (e.g. the impletae modis saturae mentioned by Liv. 7,2,7, cf. [1. 379]). In Plautus the lyrical cantica appear to increase particularly in the later pieces whilst they are not present or hardly present in the older ones [1. 3 89f.]; in the mark he made on this lyric poetry he therefore appears not necessarily to go back to earlier lyric poetry but to have played an important role himself. Even in the performance practice of Hellenistic theatre groups, original spoken verse parts were occasionally ‘set to music’ [5. 128-139] so that the Greek (southern Italian) theatre practice of the same period could also have provided significant ideas for the development and reorganization of former spoken verse parts into cantica in Roman drama. ~ Drama; > Diverbium; > Lyric poetry 1G.E. DuckwortnH, The Nature of Roman Comedy, 1952 (71994), 362-364, 375-380 2 W.Bzare, The delivery of C. on the Roman stage, in: CR 54, 1940, 70-72 3 Id., The Roman Stage, +1964, 219-232

4M.GIGANTE,

Il papiro di Grenfell e i ‘Cantica’ plautini, in: PP 2, 1947, 300-308 5 .B.GENTILI, Il teatro ellenistico e il teatro Romano arcaico, in: Grazer Beitrage 8, 1979,

119-139.

H.-G.NE. Canuleia According to Plutarch (Numa 10,1), one of the first Roman Vestals installed by king Numa. k-Le.

Canticum In the Plautus manuscripts, all scenes in a metre other than the iambic senarius were headed can-

Canuleius Name of a plebeian gens, attested from the sth cent. BC (variant Canoleius; Greek Kavovdiiog;

ticum (re exceptions see [3. 220, note]), i.e. all parts

Kanouléios); from the rst cent. AD, the name becomes rare (ThIL, Onom. 2,148f.). [1] C., C. tribunus plebis of 445 BC, who is said to have introduced a plebiscitum Canuletum de conubio, re-

accompanied by music (cf. Plaut. Stich. 75 8-768: while the flute player had a break for a drink, the metre changed to the senarius). Canticum therefore also includes parts that consisted of trochaic and iambic septenarii and octonarii arranged side by side and was generally understood as recitatives (cf. however [3]); canticum in the narrower sense (described by Donat. comm. Adelph. praef. 1,7 as MMC = Mutatis Modis Cantica; cf. Donat. de comoedia. 8,9) was understood as polymetric, lyrically monodic verse parts that are to be found particularly in Plautus; Terence used only recitative verse measures. Liv. 7,2,9f. (cf. Val. Max. 2,4,4) reports that from Livius Andronicus onwards the cantica were performed by professional singers: they stood with the flute player accompanying them whilst the actors played their part silently at the same time. However, production of such kind is barely imaginable and is perhaps based on confusion with the performance practice of the pantomime that had been flourishing since early Imperial times [1. 363f.; 2]. Even today the origin of the canticum in the more narrow sense in Roman drama is a matter of contention, as parts were often converted here into monodic lyric poetry, the patterns of which were in the spoken verse. Possible ideas

pealing the bar to marriage between patricians and plebeians (Cic. Rep. 2,63; Liv. 4,1,1-6). As it is hard to imagine that a people’s tribune of the 5th cent. BC could so decisively intervene in the legislative process, the reliability of Livy’s report is problematic [1]; the interpretation of the law and its significance for the ‘struggle of the orders’ in Rome is disputed [2; 3]. 1 D. Fracn, Die Gesetze der frithen Republik, 1994, 230f. 2 J.LinpeRski, The Auspices and the Struggle of the Orders, in: W.EDER, Staat, 34-48 3R.M. Ociivir, A Commentary on Livy, Books 1-5, 1978, 527ff. M.MEI.

[2] C., C. From

Capua, one of Caesar’s legionaries.

Known only from an extant grave inscription (CIL X 3886).

WW. [3] C., L. In 72 BC, he wrote letters from Syracuse, used by > Cicero in evidence against > Verres (Cic. Verr. De 7iks) 17Osun Oise [4] C., M. tribunus plebis of 420 BC; according to Liv. 4,44,6f. co-accuser of C. Sempronius Atratinus (MRR 170)

IO61

1062

[5] C. Dives, L. Send to Aetolia in 174 BC to arbitrate between contending parties (Liv. 41,25,5f.). In 171 BC, as praetor of the Spanish provinces, he led the investigation of his predecessor for misuse of office, but terminated this abruptly and set off for his own provinces, thus bringing suspicion upon himself (Liv. 43,2,1-12). Founder of the colony of Carteia (Liv. 43,3,1-4). M.MEI.

are still extant); modern Kanlidivane (formerly Kanideli).

Canus Roman aulete, was celebrated as the most out-

standing virtuoso of his time; he served, amongst others, at Galba’s court (Mart. 10, 3; 4,5 and Plut. Galba 16, 1; Mor. 10, 786c). Philostr. (Ap. 5, 21) has him

appear in a conversation with Apollonius of Tyana about the technique of playing. G. WILLE, Musica Romana, 1967.

IZ.

Canusium Daunian town in Apulia on the right bank of the Aufidus, on the border to the Peucetii (Cic. Att. passim; Caes. B Civ. 1,24,1; Hor. Sat. 1,5,91f.; 2,3,168; Liv. 22 passim; 23,5,1; 27,12,7; 42,16; Mela 2,66; Plin. HN 3,104; 8,190f.; Kaviouov: App. B Civ. 1,52; 84;

App. Hann. 24; 26; Cass. Dio 57; Plut. Marc. 25,3; Steph. Byz. s.v.; Kavovovov: Plut. Marc. 9,2; Ptol. 3,1; Procop. Goth. 3,18,18; Canusio: Hil. 2,15; It. Ant. 116,3), modern Canosa (province of Bari). It linked its origin with the myth of the hero > Diomedes, who was said to have hunted there with his dogs (Str. 6,3,9; Hor. Sat. 1,5,91f.; Plin. HN 3,102; 104; Serv. Aen. 11,246).

Of Greek origin, C. preserved its bilingualism (Hor. Sat. 1,10,30). Wool processing (Plin. HN 8,190), cloth production (Ath. 3,97e). Town walls (Str. ibid.; Val. Max.

4,8,2) and an aqueduct were built by > Herodes Atticus (Philostr. V S 2,1,551). Few Greek, many Latin inscriptions [1. 368f.]. Minting of coins: silver oboles from end of the 4th cent. BC. (318), bronze sextants in the 3rd. cent.. Iron Age huts, graves 6th—4th cents. BC, temple, domus with frescoes from the Augustan period. 1 M.Pao.ettTI,

s.v. Canosa, BTCGI

4, 1985, 367-386

2 M. Cue Lorri et al. (ed.), Le epigrafi romane di Canosa 1, 1985;2,1990 3E.M. De Juxis, M. Fata CasTELFRANCHI, s.v. Canosa di Puglia, EAA Suppl. 2.1, 1994, 845-848. B.G.

CAPELLIANUS

1 G. Dacron, D.FEIssEL, Inscriptions de Cilicie, 1987. HILD/HELLENKEMPER, 28 5f.

F.H.

Capaneus (Kanavetc; Kapanezis). Son of Hipponous [3], married to > Evadne [2] and father of > Sthenelus.

C. is one of the > Seven against Thebes (and is therefore to be included in the Theban epics even if he does not appear in the surviving fragments). His boastful statement that not even the strike of a thunderbolt from Zeus could prevent him from taking part in the conquest of Thebes provokes Zeus to strike him down just so (Aesch. Sept. 423ff.). According to Stesichorus (fr. 194 PMG), > Asclepius brings him back to life. For the Greek tragedy writers, C. is a powerful warrior who, in his unbridled charge, steps across the border set for human behaviour and evokes punishment by the gods (Soph. Ant. 127ff.; Eur. Phoen. 1172ff., differently Eur. Supp. 86off.). The spectacular C. episode is depicted in numerous paintings (esp. in Etruria [1]). 1]. KRAuskopF,

s.v.

Kapaneus,

LIMC

5.1, 952-963.

REN.

Cape Bon The peninsula, which bounds the gulf of Tunis to the east, extensively covered with fertile horticultural land (Diod. Sic. 10,8,3-4; Pol. 1,29,7), was

probably as early as the 5th cent. BC part of the Carthaginian chora and protected by coastal fortifications (Aspis/> Clupea, modern Kélibia, Ras ed-Drek [Hermaia? Str. 17,3,16], Ras el-Fortass). The almost com-

pletely excavated small Punic town of Kerkouane on the eastern coast is exemplary for the prosperity of Cape Bon under Carthaginian rule. Also of significance in this were the quarries near El Haouaria in the north. The peninsula was the theatre of campaigns by > Agathocles (310-307 BC) and C. — Atilius Regulus (265/64 BC), and even in the early Imperial Age once again supported various colonies: Curubis, Clupea, Neapolis (Nabeul), and Carpis. M.Fantar, L’archéologie punique au C.B.: découvertes récentes, in: RivStFen

13, 1985, 211-221; F. RAKOB, in:

MDAI(R) 91, 1984, r5ff.; DCPP, s.v. C.B., 88f.

H.GN.

Canytelis (Kanytella?). Large village (xan) within the

chora of > Elaiussa (epigraphically only evident as Kavutmréov or Kavutmdéov duoc; Kanyteléon!/ Kanytélidéon démos [1. 49]), which, centred around a c. 60 m deep karst dolina ona hillside above the Cilician coast, was already in existence at the time of the Hellenistic priest-rulers of > Olba; a three-storey dynastic dwelling-tower dates from that period. From the late Hellenistic to early Byzantine periods, there are numerous residential buildings; at the same time, five churches were built around the edge of the chasm (significant structures of four of these three-naved pillared basilicas

Capellianus As praetorian governor of Numidia in AD 238 (perhaps identical with the epigraphically attested legatus Augusti pro praetore L. Ovinius Pudens Capella, PIR* O 189), with the legio III Augusta, he quelled the revolt in Gordiane (Herodian. 7,9,11; SHA Maximin. 19,20, Gord. 15-16; ILS 8499). PIR* C 404. K.-H.Dierz,

Senatus

contra

principem,

1980,

1ooff.

AB.

CAPENA

Capena Town on the hill of Civitucola, 3 km north of the modern Capena, overlaid by the medieval Leprignano; according to Cato (fr. 48 P 2; Prisc. 4,21; 7,60),

it had been founded by an envoy of-the Veiian king Propertius. The good relations which C. enjoyed with the Veii and Falerii, allies in the war against Rome, may be taken as supporting the story of its foundation (Liv. 5,8,10-14; 16-19; 24). In 295 BC, the settlement was forced to capitulate and allocated to the tribus Stellatina (Liv. 6,5,8); it became a municipium foederatum

under the administration of praetors (Plin. HN 3,52). Finds from necropoleis (graves as old as the 8th cent.) confirm contact with Etruria, Latium, Umbria, Pice-

num and Sabinum. Cult of Feronia (Varro, Ling. 5,745 Strays .2508 Dione HalarAntw

Nom.

1353

23eluivameg.O.5))

Inscriptions in Capenian dialect: CIE II 2,1, 8449-8 5 47. Latin inscriptions: CIL XI 1, 3858-4080 and Add. XI 2h)

1064

1063

Ol Tells

D.B. Jones, Capenas and the Ager Capenas, in: PBSR 30, 1962, I16-207; 31, 1963, 100-158; G. COLONNA, Studi Etrusci 44, 1976, 251; G.GIACOMELLI, II falisco, in:

AA.VV. Popoli e civilta dell’Italia antica 6, 1978, 507542; S.STroproni, BT'CGI 1985, 393-399.

S.B.

Capercaillie (téteat, tétrax). Plin. HN 10,56 distinguishes between a smaller black variety (i.e. the black grouse) and one living in the north and in the Alps, similar in colour to but much bigger than a vulture, which because of its weight could be caught on the ground [1. 234f.]. When kept in a cage, their meat supposedly lost its taste, and the birds stopped breathing and died. Whether the bird from Mysia in Ath. 9,398e-f refers to the capercaillie remains uncertain. Other mentions of its name (e.g. in Aristoph. Av. 883 and Suet. Cal. 22,3) provide no certainty either. However, the anonymous poem Anth. Lat. 883 is dedicated to a capercaillie breeding at the foot of the Apennine ([2. 283]: hazel grouse). Originally, the name (of Illyrian origin [3. 2,677]) probably referred to several species of wild fowl [4. 2,165]. It remains impossible to classify the téteé that is described in Aristot. Hist. an. 6,1,559a II-14 as ground-nesting on plants, and referred to by the Athenians as oboa& . THOMPSON [2. 284] presumes it to be a meadow pipit. 1 LEITNER

2 D’Arcy

W.TuHompson,

Greek birds, 1936, repr.1966 4 KELLER.

A glossary of

3 WaLDE/HOFMANN CHU.

Even though C. was inhabited from the 3rd millennium BC, a stable settlement can only be documented from the sth cent. onward. Due to its location on the border between the Tetrarchy of > Herodes [4] Antipas and the Transjordanian Tetrarchy of > Philippus, a customs office (Mk 2,14) and a Roman garrison were established there (Mt 8,15 mentions a centurio). C. was

the centre for Jesus’ activities during his time in Galilee. He settled there after leaving Nazareth (Mt 4,13, but cf. Jo 2,12). In C., Jesus supposedly performed miracles and taught in the synagogue (Mk 1,2 1-27) and thus the city is simply referred to as ‘his own city’ (Mt 9,1). The apostles » Petrus and Andrew came from C. Since its new settlement in Hellenistic times, C. grew steadily up to the Arab conquest. In addition to the income from the customs office and from fishing, the city profited from its location on the trade route to » Damascus. During the period of its largest size in Byzantine times, the population of C. probably amounted to about 1,500 people. The centre of the Byzantine city was characterized by the synagogue and a neighbouring octagonal church, both built from limestone brought from afar, a contrast to the rest of the buildings, that were made from basalt. The three-naved synagogue was restored and still exists today. With its rich decor depicting floral and human motifs it presents the best example of early Galilean synagogues. Its dating however

is contested.

While Corpo

[2] and

LOFFREDA [3] argue for the second half of the 4th cent. based on coin finds, AviGAD [r] dates the building of the synagogue to the 3rd cent. on stylistic grounds. The octagonal memorial church was erected in the 5th cent. on the traditional site of the apostle Peter’s house. A house church had already been standing there since the Ist cent.; it was probably rebuilt in the 4th cent. with ~» Constantinus [1] the Great’s permission and then developed into the destination for Christian pilgrimages. ~» Jesus; > Synagogue 1 N. AVIGAD, s.v. Capernaum, Encyclopedia of Archaeological Excavations in the Holy Land 1, 286-290 2 V.CorBo, Cafarnao 1, 1975 3 S. LOFFREDA, S8.v. Capernaum, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East r, 416-419 4J.L. REED, The Population of Capernaum, 1992 Capernaum 1, 1989.

5 V.TZAFERIS,

Excavations

at JP.

Capetis see > Volume 3, Addenda Capernaum City in > Galilaea on the north-west shore of the Sea of Galilee (> Tiberias). The Greek designation Kadaevaobu (Kapharnaoum), in the NT in some variants also Kanegvaovu (Kapernaoum

Mk

1,21), is

derived from the Hebrew K ‘far Nahum (village of Nahum) which appears in a Byzantine inscription found in the synagogue of Hammat-Gader. In later Jewish tradition, the name was changed to K*far Tanhtm or simply Tanham, which in turn gave rise to the current Arab name Talhtm (but not Tall Him as a derivation of Tall Nahum).

Caphene (Kadévn; Kaphéné). Carian maiden, who, out

of love for the Melian Nymphius betrays her people by divulging their plan to invite the Melians to a feast so as to kill them underhandedly. Instead, the Carians were slain. In return, C. becomes the wife of Nymphius (Plut. Mor. 246d—247 Theoria, Theoroi) of Ptolemy II or III sent to the

sanctuary of Asclepius of Cos. S.SHERWIN-WHITE, Ancient Cos, 1978, 103.

W.A.

Caphyae (Kadvat; Kaphyai). Town in north-eastern Arcadia, north of the northern plain of Orchomenus, t km south-east of the modern Chotusa, with only sparse ancient remains. Votive from the war booty in Delphi of the 5th cent. BC (Syll.3 48). In the Chremonidean War (267-261 BC), C. fought against > Antigonus [2] (Syll.> 434f.,25); afterwards, it belonged to the Achaean League, apart from a short interlude following its capture by Cleomenes III (Plut. Agis and Cleomenes 25,4; Pol. 2,52,25 Syll.3 504). In 221/0 BC, the Aetolians defeated the Achaeans under their leader Aratus in a battle near C. (Pol. 4,11f.). At the time of

D]), now Bagram. City in the Ghorband Valley, 45 km north of Kabul, known since 1833. Capital city of IndoGrecian kings (2nd-rst cents. BC), summer residence of

the > Kushanians). Two rooms in the ‘palace’ contained inlaid works of art: Chinese lacquer work, Indian ivory and Hellenistic work. Plaster moulds for pouring metal reliefs are regarded as Alexandrian imports but prove the production of Hellenistic art works in Bactria. 1 R. Kent, Old Persian, 1953.

B.B.

Capital see > Column Capitale The Romans used the word capitale whenever the > death penalty (also poena capitis) was concerned: for the crime itself, the legal process, as well as in passing and executing a sentence, but also for the loss of personal freedom or citizenship (— deminutio capitis) and particularly with reference to exile (> exilium), when — from the late Republican period — this indeed replaced the death penalty for Roman citizens. E. CANTARELLA, I supplizi capitali in Grecia

e a Roma,

19g.

GS.

Capitalis quadrata see > Capital scripts Capitalis rustica see > Capital scripts

Capital punishment see > Death penalty

Strabo (8,8,2), C. was ‘barely’ in existence. Paus. 8,23,3

mentions sanctuaries of Poseidon and of Artemis Knakalesia. Presumably, there were two different Artemis

Capital scripts

sanctuaries: one within the town itself, the other on

uity

A. DEFINITION

C.Mippie

B. ANTIQUITY AND LATE ANTIQ-

Aces

D. THE

15TH CENTURY

Mount Cnacalus. Aeneas was the supposed founder of C., and is said to have died there (Str. 13,1,53; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,49); Agamemnon supposedly planted a plane tree near C. (Theophr. Hist. pl. 4,13,2; Plin. HN 16,238). Documentary evidence: Paus. 8,13,4; 6; 23,2-8; 36,4. Coins: HN 418; 446. F.Carincl, s.v. Arcadia, EAA’, PRITCHETT 2, 120-132.

333f.; Jost, 109-113; Tal,

Capidava Roman fort on the road along the banks of the Danube from Axiopolis to Carsium, Moesia inferior, modern Topalu/Constanta in Romania (Tab. Peut. 7,3; It. Ant. 244; Geogr. Rav. 179,3; Not. Dign. or. 39,4,13). Built under Trajan, destroyed by Goths in the mid—3rd cent. AD. Rebuilt in the 4th cent., and newly fortified at the end of the 6th cent. Late-antique posting

A. DEFINITION The first canonized Latin majuscule script [1. 7]; its name originated in the Middle Ages when in its role as a

+ display script it was used exclusively for the beginning of the capita [2. 60]. The sparse ancient sources, on the other hand, describe it more generally as littera lapidaria (Petron. Sat. 29), perhaps also littera quadrata (Petron. Sat. 58) [3. 73], litterae unciales [4], litterae virgiliae or virgilianae [5. 464-465]. In the course of the canonization process, however, the majuscule —

de-

pending on the surface inscribed, the writing instrument, and on the respective function of the writing— was of two types: the capitalis quadrata mainly used on stone or other hard materials (bronze, terracotta etc.), and a capitalis rustica primarily utilized for manuscripts and done with a writing-reed on papyrus and parchment.

CAPITAL SCRIPTS

1067

B. ANTIQUITY AND LATE ANTIQUITY The capitalis quadrata was increasingly standardized from the 3rd cent. BC onwards and received its canonical form in the rst cent. BC. It was distinguished by the harmonious geometry of its forms, the basic form of the letters approaching a square with parallel or perpendicular lines, and a contrast of light and dark between full and fine lines, and the decorative widening of the extreme end of the strokes with a foot. This script was first drawn on stone by the ordinator |6. 17-22, 44-57], and then carved into it. In late antiquity the calligrapher Furius Dionysius - Filocalus developed special forms of capitalis quadrata for inscriptions that Pope Damasus had commissioned in honour of the tombs of the martyrs; this script is therefore called Damascan or Filocalianic capitals [7]. The capitalis rustica was canonized at almost the same time as the capitalis quadrata, probably under its influence, and by the 3rd cent. AD was the normal alphabetic script. It is distinguished, in comparison with capitalis quadrata, by a more fluid ductus that is not so strictly geometrical, that it owes to the writing

reed; it also shows a sharper light-dark contrast between

full strokes

and

hair strokes,

a basic

form

resembling the rectangle (with the short side representing the base of the letter), and characteristic, slightly wavy apices at the end of the hastes. The origin of the adjective rustica lies in the view that this script was used in books of poor quality, whereas square-like capitals were used for valuable manuscripts, the capitalis elegans, the most expressive example being the so-called Vergilius Augusteus (Cod. Vaticanus Latin 3256 and Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, 2°.416). Actually the capitalis

1068

D. THE 15TH CENTURY Around the middle of the 15th cent., the classical capital was simultaneously taken up again in various Italian centres. Leon Battista Alberti (first in Rimini, then in Florence) Felice Feliciano (in Padova and Rome), and others studied the forms of the letters carved in stone from Roman times and made it their aim to copy them. From about the middle of the 15th cent. onwards the capital was introduced particularly as majuscule script and put on a level with the humanistic minuscule [13. 550-551]. >» PALAEOGRAPHY 1 A.Pratesi, Nuove di vagazione per uno studio della scrittura capitale, I Codices Vergiliani Antiquiores, in: Scrittura e civilta 9, 1985, 5-33. 2 G.GeNceTTI, Lineamenti di storia della scrittura latina. Dalle Lezioni di paleografia, 1953-54 (repr.1997) 3J.S.-A.E.GorDon, Contributions to the Paleography of Latin Inscriptions, 1997 (repr.) 4 P.Mayvaert, Uncial Letters; Jerome’s Meaning of the Term, in: The Journ. of Theological Studies, n.s., 1983, 185-188 5 B.BiscHoFF, Die alten Namen der lat. Schriftarten, in: Philologus 89, 1934, 461-465 6G.Susin1, Il lapicida romano, 1966 7 A.FERRUA, Epigrammata Damasiana, 1942 8 A.PETRUCCI, Per la datazione del »Virgilio Augusteo«: ..., pails i Miscellanea in memoria G, Gencetti, 1973, 29-45 with pl. LVI 9 A.PeTrucci, Virgilio nella cultura scritta romana, in: Virgilioenoi,1982 10 A.HUBNeER, Exempla scripturae epigraphicae latinae a Caesaris dictatore morte ad aetatem Iustiniani, 1885 11E.K. Ranp, A Survey of the Manuscripts of Tours, 1919 12 M.MeEtss, Toward a More Comprehensive Renaissance Palaeography, in: The Art Bulletin 42, 1960, 97-112

13 E. CASAMASSIMA, Per

una storia delle dottrine paleographiche dall’?Umanesimo a Jean Mabillon, in: StM ser. 3°, 5, 1964, 5§27--578.

elegans arose in imitation of epigraphic models from the alphabetic script between the end of the 5th and third decade of the 6th cent. AD [8]. The oldest Virgil

J.S.-A.E. Gorpon, Album of Dated Latin Inscriptions, LV, 1958-1965; J.MALLON, Paléographie romaine, 1952; R.SemDER, Palaographie der lat. Papyri, I-II/2,

Codices have been preserved in the capitalis rustica [1;

1972-1981.

9]. In addition, the capitalis rustica was used from the rst cent. AD onwards mainly for acta in inscriptions; that is why it is also called actuaria [10. xxii-xxiv and XXXIV]. C. MIDDLE AGES Capitalis quadrata like capitalis rustica were used on the threshold of the Middle Ages increasingly rarely for copying whole texts: both survived only as display scripts, often in hybrid forms that only remotely corresponded with the ancient standard. In the wake of the Carolingian Renaissance of the 9th cent., capitals imitating ancient models were again used and reproduced precisely both the epigraphic ancient norm and the characteristics of the ancient norm as shown in texts; for book production, however, they were only used as a display script [11. 40-43]. This only occurred in specific copying centres linked to the Carolingian court. With the decline of Carolingian rule, the capitals of a classical character therefore also suddenly disappeared.

E.CA.

Capitatio The poll-tax of the late Roman Imperial Age from Diocletian (AD 297). As capitatio plebeia, it was probably levied on the urban population. With regard to the taxation of the rural population, it is disputed whether the capitatio was raised independently or was -—as an indicator of income— only an important unit in the calculation of the land-tax (iugatio). Widows and orphans, soldiers and veterans were entirely or partly exempted from the capitatio. + Annona; > Iugum W.GoOrrart, Caput and Colonate: Towards a History of Late Roman Taxation, 1974

A.C&rat?, Caractére anno-

naire et assiette de l’impot foncier au Bas-Empire, diss. 1968

Martino, WG, 466-478.

GS.

Capitatio-iugatio Modern term to describe the procedure, which in Diocletian’s system of taxation served to calculate the tax burden on agriculturally productive land and the rural population, as well as on livestock. It allowed a comparatively uniform levying process to

1069

1070

replace earlier, widely varied land and poll taxes. The

assets fall below the census minimum. The alternative term to describe them is proletarii (Cic. Rep. 2,22,40). This group is to be distinguished from the lowest assessment class, the infra classem (in the earlier republican period below two iugera of land or 11,000 asses; from the end of the 2nd cent. BC probably 4,000 asses), which included the capite censi. The infra classem were not expected to provide arms for military service, and were last to cast their votes in the > comitia centuriata (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4,17ff.).

term capitatio-iugatio is derived from capitatio or iuga-

tio, which in turn are based on the standard measuring units, i.e. caput or iugum. These units, however, do not correspond to a defined size of land or number of people, but denote fictitious parameters for the calculation of the varying tax potential of land, people, and animals. It was probably in accordance with this abstract method of calculation that in some tax districts at certain times a standardized tax liability — based on a combination of land and capitation elements — can be found. In some regions of the empire, the use of older land survey terms continued; thus, in Egypt the aroura (aruratio) remained the standard unit, as did the millena in Italy, and the centuria in Africa; in some regions, only one of the two taxation terms is evident, thus in Gaul a capitatio based on the ownership of land, and in Syria a iugatio. On the basis of the Syrian-Roman legal code (FIRA II 795f., §121), itcan be assumed with some certainty that the fiscal value of an estate was assessed by censitores; in this way the soil quality (three levels in Syria) and the type of usage was taken into consideration. It seems equally certain that the fiscal unit caput originally referred to one person (man or woman) of taxable age (14/12-65 years), whereas later two or three men or respectively four women were rated as one caput (Cod. Theod. 13,11,2 = Cod. Just. 11,48,10 of AD 386). In the East in 311 or 313, separate statutes (Cod. Theod. 13,10,2; cf. 33,12) set out that the agriculturally non- productive plebs urbana was not subject to capitatio.

Under the supervision of the local curia, taxes fell due and were collected quarterly by exactores or susceptores, although occasionally officiales of the central

+ Centuria;

CAPITOLEA

> Census

F.F. Apsorrt, A History and Description of Roman Political Institutions, 31963, 2o0f., 54f., 74f.; MOMMSEN, Staats-

recht 3, 237.

CG.

Capitis deminutio see -» Deminutio capitis Capitium Settlement in the Monti Nebrodi on Sicily, 1139 m above sea level, modern Capizzi (Cic. Verr. 354,103; Ptol. 3,4,7: Capitina civitas). Possibly to be added to the list of theorodokoi from Delphi (4,112); CIXe 274625 R.C. WILson, Sicily under the Roman Empire, 1990, 149; s.v. Capizzi, BTCGI 4, 1985, 400-402; G. MANGANARO, Alla ricerca di poleis mikrai della Sicilia centro-orientale, in: Orbis Terrarum 2, 1996, 136 n. 47. GLMA.

Capito Roman cognomen; see also Ateius, Fonteius. [1] Orator of the Augustan period, praised by > Seneca the Elder because of his ability — in contrast with + Cassius [III 2] Severus — to distinguish clearly between the demands of declamations as opposed to those of legal speeches, with regards to their tone and presentation. According to Seneca’s assessment, C.’s best

12,6,5),

orations were in no way inferior to those of the tetrad of

until finally a direct payment of taxes was permitted for individual villages or farms in the possession of members of the elite.

the great declamators > Latro, > Fuscus, > Albucius, and > Gallio (Controv. 10, pr.12, cf. 7,2,53 9,259). Per-

administration were also used (Cod. Theod.

1 Armées et fiscalité dans le monde antique (Colloques nationaux du CNRS 936), 1977. in Late Antiquity, 1993

2 R.S. BAGNALL, Egypt

3 A.CERaTI, Caractére anno-

naire et assiette de l’imp6t foncier au Bas-Empire, 1975 4

Duncan-Jones,

Structure

5 R. DUNCAN-JONES,

haps identical with Q. Hostius Capito (CIL XIV 4201). CW. [2] As a praetorian prefect, he was allegedly the addressee of the first letter of the new emperor Probus in AD 276, which, however, was probably fabricated by the scriptores of the > Historia Augusta (SHA Prob.

Money and Government in the Roman Empire, 1994 6 J.Duruiat, Les finances publiques de Dioclétien aux

10,6-7). PLRE 1, 180.

Carolingiens (284-889), 1990 7 Id., Les rentiers de l’impot, 1993 8 W.Gorrart, Caput and Colonate, 1974 9 Jones, LRE 63-65, 453-455, 820 10 Jones, Econo-

Capitol see + Capitolium; > Roma III.

my, 280-292,

228-256

Finanzwesen 12 J.MartIn, 13 L.NeEsEN,

des frihbyz. Staates, 1958, 28-43 Spatant. und Volkerwanderung, *1995 Unt. zu den direkten Staatsabgaben der

rom. Kaiserzeit, 1980

1513-1521

11 J.KARAYANNOPULOS,

Das

14 O.SEECKs.v., Capitatio, RE 3,

15 F. TINNEFELD, Die friihbyz. Ges., 1977. EP.

Capite censi Literally ‘those who are counted by the head’, but meaning ‘those who are counted only by the head’, i.e. who are not liable for taxation because their

AB.

Capitolea (Agon Capitolinus). In contrast to the Neroneia, the Capitolea festival, introduced by the emperor Domitian in Rome in AD 86 (Suet. Dom. 4,4), consider-

ably outlasted their founder because of their name connection with Jupiter Capitolinus. The highly regarded contest based on the Greek model and consisting of an athletic (held in the stadium Domitiani, now the Piazza Navona [r]), musical and hippic programme, certainly won by 64 victors [2. 123-155], still existed in the middle of the 4th cent. During Domitian’s rule, it also comprised a cursus virginum (‘race of young girls’; Suet.

Io71I

1072

Dom. 4,4). Prizes [2. 105-107] were the wreath of oak leaves awarded by the emperor as the president of the

extant, partially in the substructure of the Museo Nuovo Capitolino (Piazzale Caffarelli; Via del Tempio di Giove). Measuring 63 x 53 m, it was the largest temple of Tuscan style known to date; the roof ridge was adorned with a terracotta quadriga, replaced by a bronze one in 296 BC. From 193 BC, gold-plated clipei (> clipeus Liv. 35,10,12) hung at the gable. From the 3rd Punic War, the cella was adorned with a marble floor (Plin. HN 36,185), and the coffered ceiling with gold-plating from 142 BC (Plin. HN 33,57). The temple was destroyed in each of the fires of 83 BC, AD 69 and AD 80-(Gic.«Gatils 454593) Salli Gatili'47,23) lacaiist: 3,72), and rebuilt after. Sulla used in the rebuilding columns from the Olympieum in Athens (Plin. HN

CAPITOLEA

festival, the eiselasis (right of entering the home town in

a triumphal procession) and the Roman

citizenship.

Among the participants (as the poeta Latinus) was also

P. Papinius Statius who did not win a prize (Stat. Silv. 3,553 1ff.). Later there were also Capitolea in Egyptian cities [3]. 1 NasH 387-390 2M.L. Cavpettit, L’Agon Capitolinus, 1993 3 P.Friscu, Zehn agonistische Papyri, 1986, 117,223 8,6 (Oxyrhynchos); 9,8 (Antinoupolis). W.D.

Capitolinus Roman cognomen, probably originally an indication of the bearer’s or his family’s place of residence. For the early Republican Age, it is transmitted for the families of the Maelii, Quinctii, and Tarpei, and

prominent with the Manlii; in the Imperial Age, it was widespread. ThIL, Onom. 166f.; KAJANTO, Cognomina, 183; H. GunDEL, s.V. Quinctii Capitolini, RE 24, roro.

K.-L.E.

36,6); the Greek sculptor Apollonius created the new

cult statue. The many temples, sanctuaries, victory signs and statues, which according to tradition stood next to the

Capitol temple (including the temples to Fides, Mars Ultor, and Jupiter Tonans, and also probably the house of Romulus, cf. Liv. 1,21,4; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2,75,3), are attested in literature or by images on coins,

Capitolium I. CapiIrou

I]. GENERAL

I. CAPITOL

Hill in Rome, consisting of a summit called C. in the south (46 m) and the Arx in the north (49 m), linked by the depression of the asylum. Until Trajan’s forum was

built, the C. was the south-western spur of the Quirinal and linked with it by a bridge. From archaic times, buildings on the C. had to have very deep foundations because of unfavourable geological conditions; in addition, since ancient times, there have been landslides,

terracing (in the 15th and 16th cents.), as well as other substantial interventions, including the construction of roads in modern times. For that reason, damaged ancient strata have to be expected for the entire area; a stratigraphy can only be traced back to the 8th cent. AD. The oldest temple on the C. is generally seen to be the temple to Jupiter Feretrius, which > Romulus had founded when he offered the spolia opima (Liv. 1,10,7). On the southern summit stood the most significant temple of Roman state religion, that of the trias capitolina > Jupiter, Juno and -» Minerva, a model for many Capitol temples across the Roman empire. It was dedicated 509 BC, in the alleged first year of the Republic (Liv. 1,38,7; 2,8,6; Tac. Hist. 3,72,2), and replaced the sanctuary of the Latin League on mons Albanus, thus making Rome the sacral centre of the league. The temple was the centre of political-religious ceremonies: here new consuls took up their office and held their first Senate session, and military commanders made sacrifices before their departure and swore their oaths; all triumphal processions culminated here, with triumphators allegedly wearing the same costume as that of Jupiter’s statue. Wall remains of the substruction are

but have not survived because of the landslides in this area. At the entrance to the Area Capitolina on the> Clivus Capitolinus, Scipio Africanus had built one of the earliest arches (> Triumphal arches; cf. Liv. 33,27) in 190 BC.

The best preserved buildings are in the depression between Capitolium and Arx. The tabularium, which housed the state archives, with its facade still dominates the forum today (rebuilt in 83 BC by Q. Lutatius Catulus). In a new style, the fagades of the substructions are arranged as a series of arcades (Dorian half-columns with metope triglyph friezes above). To the south-west of the tabularium stood the temple of Veiovis (dedicated in 192 BC, first restoration c. 150 BC); after the fire of 83 BC, it was rebuilt together with the tabularium (78

BC). Repairs probably date from the time of Domitian after the fire of AD 8o. At the centre of the Arx stood the temple of Juno Moneta, today built over by S. Maria in Aracoeli. The Roman mint was later built nearby. In addition to the auguraculum (Liv. 1,18,6), it was supposedly also the location of the house of Titus Taius (Plut. Romulus

20,5) in Rome’s mythical early times. There is factual background to this myth, inasmuch as time and again remains of private dwellings have been uncovered in this area, alongside those of public buildings. Below the steps to the Piazza di Campidoglio, the existence of an insula of at least four storeys has been confirmed since the redevelopment of the Capitol 1931-1942. G. TAGLIAMONTE, C. REUSSER, in: LTUR 1, 226-233; RtCHARDSON,

68-70.

R.F.

Il. GENERAL

Name of the temple complex for the divine triad of > Jupiter, > Juno and > Minerva in the cities of Italy and the (mainly western) provinces of the Roman Empire, in imitation of the Capitolium in the city of Rome,

1073

1074

which thus became the Capitolium vetus (Varro, Ling. 5,158). It is probable that capitolia were originally erected only in those Roman colonies laid out on the

gia, later also to Galatia, is at the Halys (and Lake Tatta); in the south-west, it borders on Lycaonia, in the east on Colchis, Lesser Armenia, and the upper reaches of the Euphrates, in the south on Cilicia and Commagene. The entire region is seen as an ethnic-linguistic entity, part of the Luwian-speaking population of Anatolia (in Hittite times comprising the highlands, the eastern lowlands, the region in the great bend of the Halys, as well as the northern Anatolian Kaska tribes). The Greek referred to them as Syri (or Cappadocian Syrians) or ‘light-coloured Syrians’ (> Leucosyri), thus distinguishing the Luwian population to the north of Syria from the Syrian-Palestinian one. C. is divided into C. by the Taurus, i.e. C. proper or Greater C. and C. Pontus or simply Pontus (its division borders the mountain ridges north of the Cappadox and both north and south of the upper Halys; cf. Str. 12,2,10). Greater C., expanded in the 3rd cent. BC by Cataonia and Melitene, was divided into ten strategiai (each from east to west: Melitene, Cataonia, Cilicia, Tyanitis, and Garsau-

pattern of Rome

(> coloniae B.; cf. Suet. Tib. 40,1:

Capua; Vitr. De arch. 3,2: Pompeii), then in cities that wished or were obliged in particular to emphasize their adherence to the empire (e.g. foundation of the Colonia Aelia Capitolina by > Hadrianus in > Jerusalem, with a temple to Capitoline Jupiter on the Jewish Temple Mount).

The capitolium was as a rule situated on the > forum, if possible on a raised site, like the Capitol in Rome (Vitr. De arch. 1,7,1: in excelsissimo loco; e.g. in Brixia); or, if such a site were topographically not available, the capitolium might be brought into prominence by further raising the podium usual for a Roman temple (> Temple C.1.; e.g. in Ostia), and/or by locating the capitolium on the narrow side of the forum (Pompeii, Vienna, Nemausus, Sufetula and passim), so that it overlooked a major part of the city (‘temple forum’; + Forum C.). In late antiquity, every main temple of a city was called capitolium, regardless of the god(s) to whom it might be dedicated (Prudent. Contra Symmachum 1,632). The term capitolium survives in the names of Christian churches built on the site of Roman capitolia (Maria im Kapitol, Cologne; Sta. Maria in Campidoglio, Florence). DS 2, 905 f., s. v. Capitolium; R. CaGnat, V.CHAPOT, Manuel d’Archéologie Romaine, 1917, 157-160. W.ED.

Capiton (Kazitwv; Kapiton). Otherwise unknown epigrammatist, of whom a witty distichon has survived: beauty without grace is compared with a ‘bait without rod’ (Anth. Pal. 5,67,2). C. (Capito) is quite a widespread Roman cognomen: the assumption that he might be identical with the epic poet from Alexandria, mentioned in Ath. 10,425, is thus without foundation; equally, it hardly is likely that he is identical with Pompeius C., who demonstrates his mastery in every metre and rhythm (TrGF 186). FGE 34.

M.G.A.

CAPPADOCIA

ritis in the south, and Laviansene, Sargarausene, Saravene, Chamanene, and Morimene in the north); its centre was Mazaka (— Caesarea). C. was rich in agri-

culture (arable farming, horse breeding, livestock), and in important mineral resources. Roads went via Tyana

or Mazaka to the Cilician passes and to the Euphrates. B. History 1. FROM THE 8TH CENT. BC TO BECOMING

A

ROMAN PROVINCE 2. ROMAN PROVINCE ANTIQUITY AND BYZANTINE PERIOD

3. LATE

1. FROM THE 8TH CENT. BC TO BECOMING A ROMAN PROVINCE

In the 8th/7th cents. BC, Greater C. was part of the eastern sphere of control of the Phrygian kings; from 591/585 BC, it was under Median supremacy (border along the south-north course of the Halys), and in 546/5 was incorporated by Cyrus into the Achaemenid empire (> Achaemenids [2], with map). The name of C.

originates from the satrapy of Katpatuka which was then established (wrongly [1. 250-252]) (Hdt. 3,90 [x. 255ff.; 2]; it is of non-Iranian Old Oriental origin). Under Artaxerxes [3] III, the region was divided into a

Capitulation see > Deditio; > Law of war

Capitulum see > Columns Cappadocia I. REGION

AND

II. ROMAN

KINGDOM

IN ASIA MINOR

PROVINCE

I. (Kannadoxia; Kappadokia). REGION AND KINGDOM

IN ASIA MINOR

A. GEOGRAPHY

AND POPULATION

B. HIsToRy

A. GEOGRAPHY AND POPULATION C. (Str. 12,1f.) extends from the Taurus to the Black

Sea coast; its western border to Paphlagonia and Phry-

northern and a southern satrapy. Unbeaten by Alexander the Great. (> Alexander [4], with map), Ariarathes (I), satrap of northern C., stood his ground until 322 BC. All of C. came under the rule of > Eumenes [1] Tin 323 BC, and Ariarathes was defeated and executed by Perdiccas in 322 BC. Antigonus [1] I ruled over all of C. until 3146 BC; after 301 BC, southern C. was part of the Seleucid sphere of control [3]. Ariarathes II, nephew of Ariarathes I (the early history of the dynasty in Diod. Sic. 31,19 is a construct), gained a foothold as a dynast in Greater C. before 301 BC and freedom from Seleucid rule by about 260 BC. Ariarathes III (c. 25 5-220) married Stratonice, a daughter of Antiochus [3] II, and was recognized as king of C. AriarathesIV Eusebes (c. 220-163), married to Antiochis, a daughter of Anti-

CAPPADOCIA

1076

1075

ochus’ [5] II, was allied with the latter against Pergamum and Rome, but sided with Eumenes [3] II in 188 BC. Ariarathes V Eusebes Philopator (163-130), a disciple of Carneades, was reinstated as-ruler by Attalus [5] Il in 156 BC, and fought as his ally in 15 5/4 BC against Prusias II; Ariarathes V died in 13 1/o BC in the fight against Aristonicus [4]. Mithridates V established the young Ariarathes VI as ruler, against the wishes of Ariarathes’ mother Nysa, and married him to his daughter Laodice; she was the true ruler and was behind the murder of Ariarathes VI in 117/16 by Gordius [4]. As queen regent, during her dispute with her son, she entered an alliance with Nicomedes III inc. 103 BC: both Laodice and Nicomedes were driven out by — Mithridates VI, who restored Ariarathes VII as ruler,

but then had him murdered in ror BC; he subsequently installed one of his own sons as Ariarathes (IX), under

the regency of Gordius. In 96 BC, the Ronian Senate declared the freedom of C., but at the same time granted to the Cappadocian aristocrats the right to elect a king; at this election, Ariobarzanes [3] succeeded, and was recognized by Rome. In 95/4, he was driven out by Tigranes, and in 90 and 89 by Mithridates VI. From 89 to 85 BC, C. was under the rule of Ariarathes IX. Ariobarzanes [3] was displaced yet again in the Third Mithridatic War, but was finally restored to the throne by Pompey in 66 BC. In 65/4, he was given the territories of Castabala, Cyzistra up to Derbe, and also of Sophene and Gordyene. In 63/2 BC, he abdicated in favour of his son Ariobarzanes [4] II, who was murdered in 52/1 BC. Ariobarzanes [5] III supported Pompey, but still received from Caesar the western part of > Armenia Minor; he was murdered by Cassius in 42 BC. In 36 BC, Antony imposed — Archelaus [7] as king of C. After the battle of Actium (31 BC), Archelaus went over to the future Augustus and was given parts of Cilicia Tracheia and Armenia in 20 BC. In around AD 8, he married Pythodoris, widow ofthe king

docia, in: Rivista storica dell’ Antichita 17/18, 1987/88, 73-95; W.RuGgz, s.v. K., RE to, 1910-1917; H.H. ScuMITT, s.v. K., in: Kleines WB des Hell., 1988, 3 28-331; R.D. Sutiivan, Near Eastern Royalty and Rome, 1990; M.WEISKOPF, s.v. C., Enclr 4, 1990, 780-786. K.ST.

2. ROMAN PROVINCE For the history of the Roman province see + Cappadocia [II].

3. LATE ANTIQUITY AND BYZANTINE PERIOD In the early Byzantine period, C. gained fame as the homeland ofthe three Church Fathers > Basilius [1] the Great., > Gregorius [2] of Nyssa, and > Gregorius [3] of Nazianzus. In AD 371, C. was divided into two provinces with the respective capitals of > Caesarea and > Tyana. Its period of economic bloom ended in the s5th/6th cents. AD with raids by Isaurians and Huns. Under > Iustinianus [1] I, a number of places were newly fortified, amongst them Caesarea. From AD 611 to 628, C. was at times under Persian occupation, and soon after, because of the advance of Islamic Arabs, found itself in an exposed marginal position. In 646, Caesarea was under temporary Arab occupation; the Arabs permanently conquered the eastern part of C. including > Melitene in AD 656, and destroyed Tyana in AD 708. In defence against annual plundering raids, underground hideouts, up to ten storeys deep, were dug into the tufaceous soil. Numerous cave churches, imitating the design of stone built ones and some of them figuratively painted, were hewn into of tuff cones—the product of erosion — or rock walls. The permanent threat to C. only ended with the recapture of Melitene in AD 934 and the subsequent eastward advance of the Byzantines. After AD 1071, C. was conquered by the Turks, but a Christian minority survived until 1923. HILp/RESTLE 2.

ALB.

of Pontus; in 17 BC, he was called to Rome by Tiberius,

where he died as an indictee. C. became the procuratorial province of > Cappadocia. Within C., the various factions of the aristocracy,

whose power base were large estates and fortresses, maintained an important role. Almost independent were the large priest-ruled temple districts of Ma of — Comana and of Zeus of Venasa (Morimene), whose high priests were next in rank after the king. > Asia Minor

Il. ROMAN PROVINCE Roman province in central and eastern Asia Minor, with Caesarea [3] as its capital. After the death of + Archealus [7] lin AD 17, the kingdom of + Cappadocia was annexed in 18/r9 under the command of Q. Veranius, a legate of Germanicus (Tac. Ann. 2,42,4). The province with an auxiliary garrison was under the administration of a procurator (Tac. Ann. 12,49; Cass.

Dio 57,17,7); under Cn. Domitius Corbulo (5 5—61 and

die Acha-

63-65/66) and L. Junius Caesennius Paetus (61-63), it

meniden (TAVO-Beih. B 98), 1992 2B. Jacoss, Die Satrapienverwaltung im Perserreich z.Z. Darius’ III. (TAVO-Beih. B 87), 1994 3 W.OrtTH, Die Diadochenzeit im Spiegel der histor. Geogr. (TAVO-Beih. B 80), 1993, 41f. 4K.SrROBEL, Mithradates VI. Eupator von

was united with > Galatia. In 70/71, the Legio XII Fulminata was transferred to Melitene (Joseph BJ 7,18). In 71/72, Armenia Minor [4. 144ff.] was annexed. For 76, Cn. Pompeius Collega, previously praetorian governor of Syria in 69-70, is evident in documents as the first consular legate (differently [1]) of the new unified province of C.-Galatia. It is feasible to surmise an earlier union of C.-Galatia already by 70/71, triggered by the incorporation of Armenia Minor, especially as large scale troop movements are to be assumed for the years

1 P.HOGEMANN,

Das

alte Vorderasien

und

Pontos, in: Ktema 21, 1996, 55-94. HILD/RESTLE 39-70; E.KirsTEN, s.v. K., RAC 2, 862891; B. Le GUEN-POLLET, O. PELLON (ed.), La Cappadocie

méridionale jusqu’a la fin de l’@poque romaine, Macite, 200ff.; P.PANITscHEK,

1991;

Zu den genealogischen

Konstruktionen der Dynastien von Pontos und Kappa-

1077

1078

70-75. In 75/76, M. Hirrius Fronto Neratius Pansa received a special command against the > Alani in > Armenia and Iberia ([1], to be rejected [2]), and the Legio XVI Flavia Firma was stationed in Satala. In 113, a division of the united provinces took place under M. Iunius Homullus (111/12-113/14); Pontus Galaticus and Polemoniacus were set up separately [8]. From 114 to 117, L. Catilius Severus served as legate of C., Armenia and Armenia Minor. In the reorganization of 117/18, the province C. was joined with Armenia Minor and both Pontic districts. In 161, the legate M. Sedatius Severianus was defeated at Elegea. Eastern Galatia with Tavium was annexed to C. from before 226/229 to 250. Pontus Galaticus, extended to include Sinope, Amisus and Neoclaudiopolis (> Bithynia et Pontus), was separated from C. in c. 230?/235 as the province of Pontus (also Pontus et Paphlagonia, after 305/06 Diospontus, 328 Helenopontus) under equestrian praesides. In c. 256, the Persians raided Satala, and in 260 invaded and seized Caesarea, Tyana, Comana, Cybistra, and Sebastea [4; 7. 229]. In 275/76, the Goths invaded. Presumably in the late 3rd cent, Pontus Polemoniacus and Armenia Minor with Sebastea were split off (298?) as separate provinces. In 386, the eastern sector of C. was set up as Armenia II (Meli-

Cappadox (Kanxédo0&; Kappddox). Tributary of the ~ Halys, modern Delice Irmagi (upper course: Karanhk/Bogazlyan Cayi, north-eastern tributary: Kanak Cay1); rising in northern Cappadocia, the C. is the main river of eastern Galatia.

tene, > Arabissus, > Ariarathea, > Arca, Comana). In

371/72, the province was subdivided into C. I (Caesarea) and C. II (Tyana). The Isaurians attacked in

404/06. In 325, the metropolitan of Caesarea, the bishops of Tyana, Colonea/Archelais, Cybistra, Comana, and Parnassus, as well as four chorepiskopoi took part in the Council of Nicaea. In the 4th cent., C. was a centre of Christianity (Basil., Greg. Naz., Greg. Nyss.). From 288-374, Caesarea was the mother church of Armenia.

— Cappadocia 1 H.HatrMann,

Die Alanen und die rém. Ostpolitik

unter Vespasian, in: AE 8, 1986, 39-5 1 (now in: Stud. zum

ant. Kleinasien, Asia Minor Stud. 3, 1991, 41-43) 2M.Hen, M. Hirrius Fronto Neratius Pansa legatus exercitus Africae, in: Chiron 19, 1989, 165-184 3 HILD/RESTLE 4 E.KETTENHOFEN, Die rom.-pers. Kriege des 3.Jh., 1982 5 W.LescHHoRN, Ant. Aren, 1993 6K.STROBEL, Die Donaukriege Domitians, 1989, 128-130 71d., Das Imperium Romanum im ‘3.Jh.’,

1993

8Id., Die Galater. Unt. zur Gesch. und Geogr.

Kleinasiens II, 1997.

CAPREAE

W.RuGE, s.v. K., RE 10,

r9r9f.; K. SrROBEL, Die Galater,

I, 1996.

K.ST.

Capra see > Constellations

Caprasia

Etruscan

island

between

Populonia

and

+ Corsica (Capraria, Aiyidwov; Aigilion, Plin. HN 3,81), modern Capraia, province of Livorno. Magnifi-

cent Roman villa near Assunta, inhabited by monks in the 5th cent. (Rut. Namat. 1,439; Oros. 7,36,5; Aug. Epist. 48). A. RipARBELLI, Aegilon, 1973; BT'CGI 4, 443-445.

G.U.

Capratinae (Nonae) Festival of the city of Rome, celebrated on July 7 (Nonae), a festival of ritual reversal resembling the Saturnalia; its main characteristics were sacrifices by women (Varro, Ling. 6,18), a festive meal

under a wild fig-tree, and by the major role of female slaves in begging processions and mock battles (Plut. Camillus 33; Romulus 29,9; Macrob. Sat. 1,11,36-40) [x]. The aitia in Plutarch and Macrobius link the festival to an attack by the Latin towns immediately after the departure of the Gauls, in which they demanded the Roman wives and daughters, or alternatively to Romulus’ disappearance in the ‘ goat swamp’; the > Poplifugia of 5 July are also interlaced into the aetiology (Plut. Camillus 33,7) [2. r04f.]. The name C. is evident in inscriptions (Caprotinae probably Varro’s etymologizing, cf. [1.77]), and in literary sources connected with the caprificus (‘wild fig-tree’) whose sap and branches are used in the ritual (or with capra, ‘goat’). Only Varro saw it linked with Iuno Caprotina, who otherwise has nothing to do with this festival. ~ Saturnalia 1 J.N. BREMMER, Myth and ritual in ancient Rome. The Nonae C., in: Id., N. HorsFALL (ed.), Roman Myth and

Mythography 1987, 76-88 2 J. VON UNGERN-STERNBERG, Romulus-Bilder: Die Begriindung der Republik im Mythos, in: F.Grar (ed.), Mythos in mythenloser Gesellschaft. Das Paradigma Roms, 1993, 88-108. FG.

B. Gain, L’église de C. au IV* siécle, 1981; B. LE GUENPottet, O.PELON, La C. méridionale jusqu’a la fin de lépoque romaine, 1991; G.DE JERPHANION, Les églises

sénatoriales dans les provinces romaines d’Anatolie au

Capreae Island off the coast of Campania in the southern part of the Gulf of Naples (today Capri). Verg. Aen. 7,735 provides a legendary link of an early Greek settlement with > Telon and the > Teleboae: Serv. Aen. 7,735; Tac. Ann. 4,67. The Greeks linked both settlement centres (modern Capri, Anacapri) by a flight of steps which, in parts, are still usable today (Scala Fenicia). In 29 BC, Augustus acquired C. from Neapolis in

Haut-Empire, 1989, 177-276 (cf. review W. AMELING, in: Gnomon 67, 1995, 697); R. Teja, Die rom. Prov. Kappa-

exchange for Aenaria (> Pithecussae; Suet. Aug. 925 Cass. Dio 52,43). From AD 26 to 37, it was the seat of

dokia in der Prinzipatszeit, ANRW

government and refuge of emperor Tiberius (Suet. Tib.

rupestres de Cappadoce, 1925-42; JONES, Cities, 174190; E. KIRSTEN, s.v. C., RAC

2, 866-891; MITCHELL |

r18ff.; 11 38, 63ff., 151-163; A.J. WHARTIN, s.v. C., ODB I, 378-380; B.Rémy, L’évolution administrative de ’Anatolie aux trois premiers siécles, 1986 (cf. review S. MITCHELL, in: CR 38, 1988, 437f.); Id., Les carriéres

1124.

II 7.2, 1980, 1083K.ST.

CAPREAE

1079

40; Tac. Ann. 4,67). One of the 12 villas (Tac. ibid.) which Tiberius had built can possibly be identified as the building complex, described by Suet. Tib. 65 as Villa Iovis, on the eastern tip of C. Remains of further buildings dating from the early imperial period have been found on the north-western tip (Villa Damecuta), and also west of the Marina Grande (Bagni di Tiberio)

harbour; numerous grottoes, used as nymphaea by the Romans (Grotta di Matromania, Grotta Azzurra). Lit-

tle is known about the post-Tiberian period (C. as a place of exile: Cass. Dio 73,4,6). A. Matourt, Capri in prehistoric times and in classical antiquity, 1959. H.SO.

Capricorn see > Constellations Caprotina see > Capratinae (Nonae) Caprus (Kdsgoc; Kapros). [1] River in the upper catchment area of the > Mae-

ander in eastern Caria, modern Basli gayi; it passes -» Laodicea [4] closely to the east (Plin. HN 5,105) and discharges perennially into the Lycus, which runs about 1.5 km below the town in a north-westerly direction towards the Maeander (Str. 12,8,16; Plin. HN 2,225). Coins of the town depict a river god with the C. legend.

1080

as one of the pillars upon which the entire edifice of oratory art is based (De or. 2,115). It is concerned with

a moderate incitement of feelings, with particular emphasis on the ethical qualities of the orator and his cliens (ibid. 182ff.; or. 128); it makes use of a lenitas orationis (Cic. De or. 2,128f.), which is evident not only in the elocutio, but also the actio, and thereby has an

impact on the orator’s actions as a whole (ibid. 184). In an oration, the introduction in particular is of special importance: it has to provide the listener with information, and attract his attention, but also put him into a benevolent frame of mind (Rhet. Her. 1,6; 11; Cic. Inv. 1,20; De or. 2,322; Quint. Inst. 4,1,5). This benevo-

lence essentially counterbalances the orator’s efforts to stir up negative feelings in respect of the opponent. (Aristot. Rh. 1415a 34f.; Cic. Inv. 1,22). Depending on the various types of geriera causarum, the captatio benevolentiae in an introduction occurs either expressively or indirectly by insinuatio (Cic. Inv. 1,21); in an epilogue, it mainly takes the form of a miseratio (éeoc; éleos), i.e. the forceful invocation of emotions, which

the orator seeks to arouse by using special loci communes (Cic. Inv. 1,100ff.). L.CaLsotr Monterusco, Exordium, Narratio, Epilogus, 1988; Id., Aristotle and Cicero on the officia oratoris, D. Miruapy

(ed.), Peripatetic

Rhetoric after Aristotle, 1994, 65-94;

in: W.W.

FORTENBAUGH,

E. FANTHAM, Ci-

G.E. BEAN, Kleinasien 3, 1974, 259, 263; MAGIE 2, 785; 986; MILLER, 726; RAMSAY T, 35. H.KA.

ceronian conciliare and Aristotelian Ethos, in: Phoenix 27, 1973, 262-275; W.W. FORTENBAUGH, Benevolentiam conciliare and animos permovere, in: Rhetorica 6,

[2] Eastern tributary of the Tigris (Pol. 5,51,4; Str. 16,1,4; Ptol. 6,1,7), very likely identical with the lower course of the Zab (Zandtac; Zapdtas).

Character, ibid., 10, 1992, 207-244; J. Wisse, Ethos and Pathos from Aristotle to Cicero, 1989. L.C.M.

F.H. WeIssBACH, s.v. K., RE ro, 1921.

K.KE.

Capsa Oasis town in southern Tunisia, modern Gafsa. C. was probably never Phoenician (despite Oros. 5,15,8; cf. Sall. Tug. 89,4). It is questionable whether it was ever Carthaginian. It was an important road junction from at the latest the Numidian period —i.a. it lay on the road from Theveste to Takape (Sall. lug. 89,4f.). In the course of the Jugurthine War, Marius conquered and destroyed C. in 106 BC (Sall. Tug. 91,3; Str. 17,3512). In the Imperial Age, C. was rebuilt and givena constitution with sufetes: CIL VIII Suppl. 4, 22796. Probably already under Trajan (AD 98-117) C. became a > municipium (CIL VIII 1, 98), then finally a colonia (Tab. Peut. 5,1). Inscriptions: CIL VIII 1, 97-150; Suppl. 1, 11228-11246; Suppl. 4, 23169-23172; Inscr. latines de la Tunisie 290-298. > Sufetes C.LEPELLEY, Les cités de |’Afrique romaine 281f.; P. TRoussET, s.v. C., EB, 1757-1760.

2, 1981, W.HU.

Captatio benevolentiae Of the rhetorical methods essential to convince and persuade listeners, the captatio benevolentiae is one of the most effective. Cicero saw it

1988, 259-273;

Ip., Aristotle on Persuasion

through

Captivitas see > Prisoners of war Capua A. FOUNDATION

PERIOD

B. SAMNITE PERIOD AND

ROMAN REPUBLIC C. ROMAN IMPERIAL PERIOD D. REMAINS OF THE BUILDINGS E. DIANA TIFATINA F. ECONOMY

A. FOUNDATION PERIOD Inland town in Campania, modern Santa Maria Capua Vetere; the modern city of Capua corresponds with > Casilinum. According to literary tradition, it was founded in 800 BC, together with Nola (Vell. Pat. 1,7,3f. as against Cato and his foundation date of 471 BC); according to Liv. 4,37,1, C. was founded by Etruscans in 424 BC. Archaeological findings: in the 2nd half of the 6th cent., the originally Oscan settlement was turned by the Etruscans into a town of regular layout, divided into two quarters (Albana and Seplasia for Oscans and Etruscans respectively). Etruscan hegemony ended with the unification of the Campanian population in 438 BC (Diod. Sic. 12,31).

IO81r

1082

B. SAMNITE PERIOD AND ROMAN REPUBLIC The Samnites captured C. in 424 BC (Liv. 4,37,1). C.

joined the Roman sphere of influence, when it was made a civitas sine suffragio in 338 BC (Liv. 8,14,10; Vell. Pat. 1,14,3). In 314 BC, an anti-Roman uprising was quashed. Building of the via Appia (Rome — Capua) in 312 BC. In the Second Punic War, C. was allied with Hannibal after the battle of Cannae (216 BC) (Liv. 23,7), whose troops became demoralized in their winter camp in C. (Liv. 23,18; Str. 5,4,12; Diod. Sic. 26,14).

After its recapture by the Romans in 211 BC (Liv. 26,11; App. Hann. 43), C. received the following punishments: its community was dissolved, its senators executed, its population dispersed to various pagi (CIL X p. 367), the town put under the administration of a praefectus Capuam Cumas (Liv. 26,16; Cic. Leg. agr. 1,19;

2,88; Vell. Pat. 2,44), and the ager Campanus expropriated and turned into an ager publicus. C. became a Roman colonia, temporarily in 83 and 59/58 BC, finally under Caesar (Vell. Pat. 2,44; Suet. Caes. 20; App. B Civ. 2,10), again in 43 under Antonius

(Cic.

Phil. 2,39f.), and in 36 under the future Augustus (Vell. Pat. 2,81; Cass. Dio 49,14).

C. ROMAN IMPERIAL PERIOD The building of the via Domitia in AD 91 cut C. off from the important trade routes, as this road branched off the via Appia near Sinuessa, providing a direct route to Cumae and Puteoli. On Paul’s initiative, Christianity quickly spread in C. As late as the 4th cent. AD, Ausonius (Urb. 8) placed C. as the eighth-ranked city within the empire. Constantine the Great raised C. to become the official seat of the consularis Campaniae, and ordered the building of a basilica apostolorum (evident in the church of San Pietro). Destroyed by Vandals under Gaiseric in AD 456 (Paulus Diaconus, Hist. romana 14,17),

C. experienced another flourish in the 6th cent. (cf. Procop. Goth. 1,14). After its destruction by Saracens in AD 841, C. was rebuilt in 856 by bishop Landulf on the site of Casilinum, on the banks of the Volturnus near the modern Triflisco (Costantinus Porphyrogennetus, De administrando imperii 27).

D. REMAINS OF THE BUILDINGS According to archaeological finds, C. was inhabited from the 9th cent. BC into the 9th cent. AD. Only a few traces of the Samnite settlement are evident, such as painted burial tombs dating from the 2nd half of the 4th and the early 3rd cent. BC, or the sanctuary of Patturrelli east of the town; Oscan inscriptions, ceramics such as the matres Matutae. Capitolium with Jupiter temple, built under Tiberius (Suet. Tib. 40; Tac. Ann. 4,57, location established between the theatre and the Chiesa di Sant’Erasmo), amphitheatre (2nd cent. AD), second in size within the empire, surpassed only by the Colosseum in Rome; an amphitheatre from the 2nd/tst cents. BC has been located near the gladiatorial school (cf. Str. 554,12), theatre (2nd cent. BC), Mithraeum (with wall paintings, 2nd cent. AD), cryptoporticus, necropoleis

CAPUA

from all periods, Roman

mausolea

(along the via

Appia), catabulum for the circus animals (from the early Christian period); town walls (enclosing an area

of around 2 km’) visible in places. The orthogonal road layout is only partially identical with the modern road network; the via Appia ran along the same route as one of the decumani (remains of a triumphal arch, ‘Porta di Adriano’).

E. DIANA TIFATINA Three and a half miles north-east of C., at the foot of Mount Tifata, is the sanctuary of Diana Tifatina (underneath the church of Sant’Angelo in Formis); the

cult was linked with the Trojan hero Capys, the legendary eponymous founder of C. (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 63; Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1,73; Serv. Aen. 10,145; Sil. Pun. 13,115-137). Amongst the exhibits there was a cup belonging to Nestor (Ath. 11,466e; 489b) and the skull of an elephant from Hannibal’s campaign (Paus. 5,12,3). Following his victory over Norbanus at Mount Tifata in 83 BC, Sulla donated a large tract of land with several mineral springs to the sanctuary (Vell. 2,25,4). The extent of the newly acquired land was registered on a bronze tablet, stored in the cella; cf. the boundary stones, inscribed with fines agrorum dicatorum Dianae Tifat(inae) a Cornelio Sulla ex forma Divi Augusti. The sanctuary was administered by magistri fani Dianae (CIL X 3918; 3924); also evident are pr(aefecti) or pr(aetores) iure dicundo montis Dianae Tifatinae (CIL X 4564). In the imperial age, the cult spread across the provinces (cf. CIL XII 1705; from La Pégne in the region of the Gallic Vocontii, and [1. 443 no.140] from Intercisa in Pannonia).

F. ECONOMY C.’s economic prosperity (cf. Flor. 1,11: caput mund1) provided the basis for a rich industry producing commercial art: pottery, architectural terracotta, terracotta vases from the 7th cent. BC (bucchero campano) into the Roman period (black glaze, decorated with stencils). Capuan bronze production was already famous in ancient times (cf. Cato agr. 135,2), stolen goods in the graves of the Caesarean coloni (Suet. Caes. 81). Of great importance was the perfume industry, which made Seplasia, the name of C.’s forum and street of perfume vendors (Plin. HN 18,111), famous. 1 A. Apriant, Cataloghi illustrati del Museo Campano 1, 1939.

C.ALpore

LivapiE, s.v. C., EAA

Suppl. 2, 875-879;

F. Atvino, L’ Anfiteatro campano ristaurato e illustrato, 1833; M.BEDELLO,

C. preromana,

1975; K.J. BELocH,

Campanien, *1890, 295-360; M. BONGHI JOVINO, Capua preromana. Catalogo del Museo Provinciale Campano 1,

1965; Id., La coroplastica capuana dalla guerra latina alla guerra annibalica, in: Artigiani e botteghe nell’Italia preromana, 1990, 65-96; Id., Capua preromana 2, 1971; Id.,

s.v. C., BTCGI 4, 45 5-476; F. CasTaGNout, Ippodamo di Mileto e Purbanistica a pianta ortogonale, 1956, 44ff.; L.Cercuial,

I Campani,

1995;

O. DELLA Torre, S. CI-

AGHI, Terrecotte figurate ed architettoniche nel Museo

CAPUA

1084

1083

Nazionale di Napoli 1, 1980; G. Devoro, Antichi Italici, 31967; A.DE Franciscis, Nuove chiavi d’arco dell’ Anfiteatro Campano, in: BA 35, 1950, 153-1553 Id., Osser-

and C. [3] is debated (Liv. 1.3.8: son of Atys, father of Capetus; Ov. Met. 14.613ff.; Ov. Fast. 4.34ff.: son of Assaracus, father of Anchises; Apollod. 3.12.3) — cw.

vazioni sul disegno d’arco dell’Anfiteatro Campano in S. Maria Capua Vetere, in: RAL 14, 1959, 399-402; Id., s.v.

C., EAA 2, 335-336; Id., Abbozzi per la decorazione dell’Anfiteatro Campano di S. Maria Capua Vetere, in: Numismatica e Antichita Classiche 12, 1983, 171-176; Id., C. nova e C. antiqua per i viaggiatori del’ 600, in: Capys 10, 1976/77, 53-553; 1d., R. PANE, Mausolei romani in Campania, 1957; Id., Templum Dianae Tifatinae, 1989;J.HEURGON, Recherches sur l’histoire, la religion et

la civilisation de Capoue préromaine, 1942; W.JOHANNOWSKY, s.v. C., EAA Suppl. 1, 180-182; Id., C. antica, 1989; Id., Materiali arcaici dalla Campania, 1983, 7-208; H.Kocu, Hell. Architekturstiicke in C., in: MDAI(R) 22, 1907, 381ff.; Id., Studien zu den kampanischen Dachterrakotten, in: MDAI(R) 30, rors, rff.; E. LEPorE, Origini e

strutture

della

Campania

antica,

1989;

F.PARISE

BADONI, C. preromana, 1968; J.VERMASEREN, The Mithraeum at S. Maria Capua Vetere, 1971; F. WEEGE, Osk. Grabmalerei, in: JDAI 24, 1909, 99ff. U.PA.

Car (Kao; Kar).

[1] Eponym of the fortress of Megara (originally Caria) founder of the Demeter Temple. [2] Eponym of > Carians in Asia Minor; brother of Lydus and Mysus (Hdt. 1,171; Str. 14,659). Son of Zeus and Crete (Ael. NA 12,30); founder of the city of +» Alabanda, buried in Euangela (Steph. Byz. s.v. K.). (Paus. 1,39,5), son of + Phoroneus;

RE.ZI,

Caracalla (Nickname based on his Celtic robe; originally, he was called Bassianus, Cass. Dio 78,9,3) = M. Aurelius Antoninus Caesar (from AD 195, ILS 8805; RIU 3,840) = M. Aurelius Severus Antoninus Augustus (from AD 198, cf. [r]). Born on 4 April AD 188 in

Lyons as the eldest son of Septimius Severus and Julia Domna (Cass. Dio 78,6,5; cf. 77,10,2; [Aur. Vict.] Epit.

Caput Oli According to Roman tradition, the head (caput) of the Etruscan hero Aulus Vibenna (olus), discovered when the foundation stone was laid for the

Roman temple of Jupiter in the 6th cent. BC, prophesying the future greatness of Rome (Liv. 1,55,53 5554573 Arnob. 6,7; Serv. Aen. 8,345). The historicity of an Aulus Vibenna from Vulci is evident in Etruscan and Latin inscriptions and grave paintings. A. ALFOLDI, Das frithe Rom und die Latiner, 1977, 200-

Caes. 21,1; SHA Sept. Sev. 3,9; differing information elsewhere). He accompanied his father to the east from the middle of 193 until 196; in 195, he was made Caesar under the name of M. Aurelius Antoninus. In 196, he returned to Rome via Pannonia (ILS 1143); in Rome, he

received the insignia imperatoria from the Senate (SHA Sev. 14,3). In the summer of 197, he accompanied his

father on his second Parthian campaign, and after the capture of Ctesiphon was made Augustus (28 January

204 with fn. 162; M. PALLOTTINO, in: F. BURANELLI (ed.),

198 [1]) and soon after Parthicus maximus [2. 119]. He

La Tomba Francois di Vulci, 1987, 225-233.

allegedly defeated the rebellious Jews (SHA Sept. Sev. 16,7, probably fabricated). After the emperor’s visit to Egypt in 199-200 [3. 13 5ff.], he served as cos. I ord. of 202 alongside his father in Antioch (SHA Sev. 16,8), where he negotiated the restoration to this city of its

F.PR.

Capys (Kasuc; Kapys; Lat. Capys). [1] Trojan, descendant of Dardanus

(— Dardanidae), father of > Anchises (Hom. Il. 20.239). According to some myths, his grandson Aeneas [1] founded the Arca-

ancient rights (SHA Carac.

1,7). After his return to

Rome, he was forced to marry Plautian’s daughter

dian Kap(h)yae (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.49.1; Steph.

Fulvia Plautilla (Cass. Dio 76,1f.; Hdn. 3,10,8). C. had

Byz. s.v. Kaptat), his great-grandson Rhomus founded Capua (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.73.3) and named it after him. [2] In Virgil and others (Verg. Aen. 10.145 with Servius ad loc.), a Trojan of the same name from the generation of Aeneas [1] is the founder of Capua, who, after the downfall of Troy escapes to Italy. Accord. to Verg. Aen. 2.35 he supposedly recommended that the wooden horse be destroyed. Suet. Iul. 81 reports, shortly before the murder of Caesar, the colonists destroyed C.’s grave in Capua.

Plautian murdered in early 205 (Cass. Dio 76,2-5,2), and banished Plautilla to Lipara (76,6,3). He became cos. II in 205 alongside his brother Geta (cos. I), whom C. hated with ever increasing intensity (Cass. Dio 76,7,1f.; Hdn. 3,10,3f.). As cos. III in 208, again alongside Geta (cos. II), he accompanied his father to Britannia (Cass. Dio 76,11, 1ff.; Hdn. 3,14,1ff.), where he was thwarted in his attempts to kill Severus (Cass. Dio 76,14,1-7). In early 210, he assumed the title of Britannicus Maximus, together with Severus and Geta; the

J. HEuRGON, Recherches sur l’histoire, la rel. et la civili-

sation de Capoue préromaine, 1942, 136ff.; P. WATHELET, Dictionnaire des Troyens de |’Iliade, 1988, no. 186.

MAST. [3] Samnite general, legendary eponym of Capua (Verg. Aen. 10.145 and Serv. Aen.).

[4] King of > Alba Longa with various conflicting genealogies which is why the distinction between C. [r]

latter had been made Augustus at the end of 209 (RMD

3, 191). After Severus’ death in Eburacum on 4 February 211, C. assumed rulership together with Geta. They made peace with the Caledonii and Maeatae and retreated from Scotland (Cass. Dio 77,1,1). C. killed Plautilla and others on 26 December 211 (Cass. Dio 76,6,3; Hdn. 4,6,3; cf. [4]), his brother Geta at the end of 212. (Cass. Dio 77,2, 2-6). At the same time as Geta, 20,000 of his followers were allegedly also killed (77,4,1), amongst them C.’s cousin, also the son of Pertinax, and

1085

1086

a sister of Commodus (Hdn. 4,6,3), as well as the praetorian prefect and jurist — Papinianus (Cass. Dio 774,1f.). The ~ Constitutio Antoniniana of 212 granted Roman > citizenship to nearly all inhabitants of the empire, thus increasing substantially C.’s revenue from inheritance tax (Cass. Dio 77,9,5) see [5]. At the end of 212 or early 213, C. departed for the war against the Alemanni (Cass. Dio 77,13,4ff.; Hdn. 4,7,1-2; [6]). The campaign began in the middle of August 213 (ILS 451: per limitem Raetiae ad hostes extirpandos), the victoria Germanica was celebrated at the end of September, and C. called himself Germanicus Maximus [2. r21ff.]. The palisade of the Raetian limes was replaced with a stone wall. C. became more and more convinced that he was a second > Alexander [4] (Cass.

Carales (Caralis, Karalis). Harbour town (shipyards: Liv. 27,6,14) in southern Sardinia, situated in a bay (Kagaditavog xodnoc; Karalitanos kolpos: Ptol. 3,3,4) on a low hill (tenuis collis: Claud. De bello Gildonis 15,521f.) close to foothills (Caralitanum promunturium: Plin. HN 3,85), modern Cagliari. The ancient Phoenician/Punic harbour of Karaly (Krly) lay to the north-west in the lagoon of Santa Gilla, near an indigenous settlement of the 7th cent. BC (near Sant’ Avendrace, also the location of the necropolis of Tuvixeddu). After the Romans had seized the island in 273 BC, the

Dio

77,7,1-9,1;

Hdn.

4,8,1-3),

whose

empire

he

wanted to restore in its entirety. This required the subjugation of Osrhoene and Armenia, whose kings were invited to Rome and taken captive there (Cass. Dio 77512,1f.). In Rome, C. ordered the minting of silver coins of a lesser metal than face value, in order to finance his planned war against the Parthians [7]. Early in 214, C. travelled along the Danube (Cass. Dio 78,27,5; SHA Carac. 5,4), visited Dacia, and went via Thrace to Asia Minor (Cass Dio 77,16,7; Hdn. 7,8,1;

SHA Carac. 5,8). He spent the winter in Nicomedia (Cass. Dio 77,18,r).

In 215, he went via Antioch to Alexandria, where insurgencies were suppressed with much bloodshed. (Hdn. 4,8,6ff.). After returning to Antioch, C. negotiated with Artabanus, one of the two rival Parthian kings, in order to obtain his permission to marry his daughter, and thus to realize the ‘Great Macedonian Empire’ (Hdn. 4,10,1ff.). His proposal was rejected (Cass. Dio 78,1,1; fanciful version in Hdn. 4,10-11); in reaction, C. began his Parthian campaign (Cass. Dio 78,1-3). In 216, he passed through Adiabene and wintered in Edessa (SHA Carac. 6,6). Whilst advancing towards Carrhae on 8 April 217, he was killed at the instigation of his praetorian prefect Opellius Macrinus (Cass. Dio 78,4-5; SHA Carac. 6,6-7,1). C. gave preferential treatment to soldiers, by increasing their pay (Cass. Dio 77,3,1f.; 9,1ft.; 10,1,4; 78,28,2; cf. 76,1 5,25 Hdn. 4,4,7). He took drastic action against senators and sought to win the support of the lower classes; it was for them that he built his baths in Rome (SHA C@aracnorawel Reno 3'2m) 1 P.Herz, Unt. zum Festkalender der rom. Kaiserzeit, 1975,37,135 2A.Mastino, Le titolature di C. e Geta attraverso le iscrizioni, 1981 3 A.R. Brrvey, The African Emperor Septimius Severus, *1988 4 7.D. BARNEs, Pre-Decian Acta Martyrum, in: JThS 1968, 509-531 5 H. Wo tr, Die Constitutio Antoniniana, 197 6H. HALFMANN, Itinera Principum, 1986, 223ff. 7 Tu.

PEKARY, Studien zur rom. Wahrungs- und Finanzgesch. von

161-235

n.Chr., in: Historia

8, 1959,

443-489,

479. RIC 4,1, 84-88, 162-165.

212-308;

4,2, 128; KIENAST,

*1996, AB.

CARALES

munitus vicus Caralis (Varro, Carm. fr. 18), provincial

capital from 227 BC, was given a new quay within the harbour basin. During the Second Punic War, C. supported the campaign of T. Manlius Torquatus against Ampsicora in 215 BC. The territory of C. (extending nearly as far as the Aquae Neapolitanae, modern Sardara) was laid waste by Hamilcar in 210 BC. The civitas stipendaria (still under the administration of sufetes) became a municipium (administered by IV viri), when Caesar visited C. on the eve of the battle of Thapsus (April 46 BC). As cives Romani, the Caralitani were enrolled into the tribus Ouirina. In 40 BC, C. was besieged on the order of Sex. Pompeius by Menas, and in 38 BC, it fell to C. Octavius, the subsequent Augustus. At the end of the rst cent. BC, the campus was set up for military exercises at the behest of proconsul Q. Caecilius Metellus. Ambulationes were paved in 83 BC at the instigation of the prefect S. Laecanius Labeo. In the Augustan period, L. Alfitenus, a local inhabitant, had market buildings erected on the forum at the foot of a hill, including a theatre and an Aphrodite temple. A temple of Aesculapius Augustus was located in the vicus Martis et Aesculapi. In Severan times, the thermal baths and the horrea were restored by the prefects M. Domitius Tertius and L. Caeionius Alienus. Monuments: villa of Tigellinus, forum, capitolium, praetorium, tabularium, templum Urbis Romae et Augusti (on the Piazza del Carmine?). Acropolis on the Colle del Castello, into which in Augustan times the amphitheatre with 10,000 seats was carved. Necropoleis near Tuvixeddu on the road to Turris Libisonis near the harbour of the classis Misenensis. Numerous graves of noblemen, also the temple-shaped monument to Atilia Pomptilla from the time of Nero with several metric inscriptions; the cemetery of Bonaria dates from the late imperial age. Aqueduct (2nd cent. AD), starting off in Villamassargia. C. is documented as a bishop’s seat for AD 314 (Council of Arelate), ecclesia cathedralis, basilica martyris Saturnini in the suburbs. C. was occupied by the Vandals in the middle of the 5th cent. AD and, in AD 507, it took in the African bishops under the leadership of Fulgentius of Ruspe, who had been exiled by Trasamund. In AD 533, C. was recaptured by the Byzantines. For a while at the end of the 7th cent. AD, it sheltered the mortal remains of Aurelius > Augustinus of Hippo, which were kept secure in C. for fear of the Arabs. ~» Sardinia

1087

1088

M.A. Monatu, Note per una integrazione-revisione della

A. CALDERINI, S.v. Karanis, Dizionario dei nomi geogra-

Forma Karalis, in: S. Igia capitale giudicale, 1986, 127154; Id., Cagliari e la sua conurbazione tra tardo antico e

Society in Roman Egypt, 1995, 117-42.

CARALES

altomedioevo, in: Atti del III Convegno di studio sull’ archeologia tardoromana e altomedievale in Sardegna 1986, 1989, 89-124; C. TRONCHETTI, Cagliari fenicia e punica, 1990; P.MeELont, La Sardegna romana, 1991,

237-253; R.Zucca, Il decoro urbano delle civitates Sardiniae et Corsicae, in: L’Africa Romana

10, 1994, 858-

871.

A.MA.

Carallia (Kaedd(A)ia; Kardl(l)ia). Town in > Cilicia (Hierocles, Synekdemos 682,10; coins and inscriptions Kagahdua), modern Giney Kalesi, 20 km north-east of Coracesium. Verified as a polis from the early imperial age by inscriptions and coins, later diocese [2. 244ff.]. Archaeological finds: walled town structure with a building dedicated to the ruler cult, temples and churches; a necropolis to the west [1. 59; 2. 237ff., 268 plan].

Tracheia

1G.E. Bean, T.B. Mitrorp, Journeys in Rough Cilicia 1964-1968, 1970 2) J.NoLL£é, Pamphylische Stud. 6-10, in: Chiron 17, 1987, 235-276.

K.T,

Carambis (Kdégaupic; Kdrambis, Lat. Carambis). Foothills on the Black Sea coast of Paphlagonia, modern Kerempe Burnu west of Inebolu (Apoll. Rhod. 2,361; Ps.-Scymn. 953; Lucian Toxaris 57; Str. 2,5,22; 754533 112,14; 12,3,10; Plin. HN 4,86) with a village of the same name (Eust. Comm. in Hom. Il. 1,570). The

cape is directly opposite the > Criu Metopon, the southern tip of the Taurian peninsula (modern Crimea). Between

these two

promontories,

ancient

seafarers

crossed the Black Sea. Cu. Mark, Stadt, Ara und Territorium in Pontus-Bithynia und Nord-Galatia, 1993, 90; W. RUGE, s.v. K., RE 10,

19271.

C.MA.

Carambolo, El On the C., a hilltop west of Seville above the plains of the Guadalquivir, there had once been a late Bronze Age to early Iron Age settlement, known as the finding-place of an orientalizing gold treasure. ~ Tartessus J.p.M. Carriazo, Tartesos y el Carambolo, 1973; G. NiCOLINI, Techniques des ors antigues, 1990; M.E. AUBETSEMMLER, Maluquer y el Carambolo, in: Tabona 8,

1993/94, 329-349.

MBL.

Caranis (Kagavic; Karanis). Important Greek settlement (x@un) on the northern edge of the > Fayum, now

fici e topografici 3, 1978, 70-79; R. ALsTON, Soldier and K.J.-W.

Caranus (Kdaoavoc; Kdranos).

[1] Founded the Macedonian royal house according to Diod. Sic. 7. 15-17 as a descendant of the Heraclid Temenus (Theopompus FGrH 115 F 393) after immigrating from Argus. He replaces > Perdiccas, named as progenitor of the Macedons in Hdt. 8. 137-139. RA.ML [2] Alleged son of > Philippus I, killed by + Alexander [4] the Great after Philippus’ death (Just. Epit. rr. 2. 3). Since + Satyrus in Athenaeus (12.557) does not name him, his existence is doubtful. EB. Caratacus Britannic king and military commander, son of > Cunobellinus; between AD 43 and 51, he organized, initially together with his brother Togodumnus, the resistance against the Claudian invasion force. After the occupation of the south-east, C. transferred his operational basis to the > Silures and > Ordovices in Wales. Following his defeat in 51, he fled to> Cartimandua, who handed him over to Rome. In 52, he was part of Claudius’ triumphal procession, together with his wife, children and brothers; Claudius later pardoned C. (Tac. Ann. 12,33ff.). G. WEBSTER, Rome against C., 1981.

C.KU.

Carausius M. Aurelius Maus(aeus?), AD 286-293.A

Menapian by birth, and by profession a former helmsman, C. excelled himself in the Bagaudian War under + Maximianus. Subsequently, as commander of a fleet

based in Bononia (Boulogne-sur-Mer), he was given the task of fighting the piratical Franks and Saxons. Based on suspicions that he had withheld war booty, the order was given to kill C.; in consequence, C. had himself proclaimed emperor in 286, and assumed the rule of Britannia. He was also able to bring under his control Bononia and parts of Gaul as far as Rouen (Paneg. Lat. 10,12,1—2; 8,12,1—2; Aur. Vict. Caes. 39,19—-21; Eutr.

9,21; 44,1). In 289, a punitive expedition was thwarted by a storm, and led to the conclusion of a treaty (Aur. Vict. Caes. 39,39). C. had coins minted with the legend Carausius et fratres sui (sc. Diocletianus and Maximianus). On the milestone RIB 1, 2291, the only inscription which names him, he is called M. Aurelius Maus. In 293, C. was deposed by his own minister of finance + Allectus (Aur. Vict. Caes. 39,40-2; Paneg. 8,12,2). PLRE 1, 180-181.

Eutr.

9,22,2;

KIENAST, 71996, 272-276;

BIRLEY,

> British Usurpation RIC 5,2, 420-425;

Kom Ausim; founded in the early Ptolemaic period and abandoned again in the sth cent. AD. Large parts of the town are still well preserved and have been carefully excavated; among these are two temples. From C. come c. 5,000 Greek Papyri and Ostraka, mostly from

Caravan trade In the Hellenistic period there already was a long history of trade relations between the eastern

Roman times (2nd—3rd cents. AD).

Mediterranean and the Near East on the one hand, and

309ff.; P.J. Casey, C. and Allectus, 1994.

AB.

1089

1090

India and the Far East on the other. Goods were mainly transported by land; each section of the land routes from the Mediterranean to India and China was controlled by the peoples whose land it crossed, and who profited from the caravan trade (CT) as intermediaries. Several routes are mentioned in the literature: while the trade route via Bactria, the Oxus and the Caspian Sea to

was available that was supremely suited to the dry, hot climate and needed only a small amount of water (Plin.

the Black Sea (Str. 2,1,153 11,7,3; Plin. HN 6,52) prob-

ably was of little significance, an important caravan route ran from Seleuceia on the Tigris via Edessa, Antioch, Tarsus and Apamea to Ephesus. The Seleucids created the route via Palmyra and Damascus to the old Phoenician trading ports, where luxury goods from Arabia, India and China were trans-shipped; the Pto-

lemies also exerted influence on the CT in their efforts to assure > Alexandria [1] a leading role in the trade in goods from the Orient. Trade with Arabia was to a large extent controlled by the Nabataeans, whose capital

HN

CARAWAY

8,67f.); from the time of the Ptolemies, stations

with wells were established along the trade routes to sustain the caravan trade (Str. 17,1,45). -» Commerce;

rém. Osthandel,

283-296.

Caraway I. ANCIENT

in various capacities. The carrying capacity of a camel

zum

1969, 119-152 6 RostTovrzEFF, Roman Empire, 94f.; 157; 171; 338 7M.I. RosrovrzerrF, Caravan Cities, 1932 8 W.TarN, Die Kultur der hell. Welt, 31966,

~ Petra occupied a central position on the caravan

will have varied greatly, depending on the difficulty and length of the route; we may perhaps assume an average of 250 kg. Thus a caravan consisting of 1,000 camels would have been capable of transporting 250t of goods, then equivalent to the capacity of a mediumsized merchant ship. Where true luxury goods were concerned, caravans transported a_ considerable amount of wealth, on which Rome levelled duties of 25%. The transportation of — incense from Southern Arabia also depended on caravans (Plin. HN 12,63-65). Trade with eastern Asia used the Red Sea ports, which were reached by caravan from the Nile; a caravan took 12 days to negotiate the 385—km journey from Coptus to Berenice [9] (Str. 17,1,45; Plin. HN 6,1o2f.). There is only vague mention of the trans-Sahara trade (Plin. HN 55343 5538), which could scarcely have been as extensive as the eastern caravan trade. Desert stages could be crossed only because, in the > camel, a pack animal

Untersuchungen

1988 2 W.HABERMANN, Statistische Datenanalyse an den Zolldokumenten des Arsinoites aus rom. Zeit II, in: MBAH 9,1, 1990, 50-85 3 P.HEeINE, Transsaharahandelswege in ant. und frithislamischer Zeit, in: MBAH 2,1, 1983, 92-99 45S.J. DE LAgET, Portorium, 1949, 335f. 5 J.I. MiLter, The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire,

routes (Str. 16,4,21; 16,4,24).

The prominent role played in the CT by the desert city of > Palmyra from the rst cent. BC until the 3rd cent. AD must be seen against the background of tensions between Rome and the Parthian Empire. Graeco-Palmyrian inscriptions (for the most part edited in CIS II 3; cf. OGIS 632; 633; 638; 646) provide information on the organization and structure of the CT, which reached its peak in the 2nd cent. AD. The Palmyrian dexéumogo. (archémporoi) and ovvodideyxat (synhodidrchai), who at great expense organized the caravans and provided them with military protection, also were the leading political figures of the city; inscriptions and statues on the Agora and the Great Colonnade were dedicated to them for a caravan’s safe passage home. Probably one caravan per year was equipped for the journey from Palmyra to the Persian Gulf and back; subsequent evidence suggests that it consisted probably of hundreds, perhaps of a thousand or more camels accompanied by hundreds of attendants

> Incense Road

1 R.DRExHAGE,

H.-J.D.

ORIENT

II. GREECE AND

ROME

I. ANCIENT ORIENT

Caraway was widespread as an aromatic plant in Mesopotamia, Egypt, Ethiopia and Asia Minor and is mentioned in Mycenaean Linear B texts as ku-mi-no [6. 131, 136, 227]. The word is a cultural term that can be traced back to the 3rd millennium (Sumerian *kamun; Akkad. kamunum, Hittite kappani- [with m > p change], Ugarite kmn, Hebrew kammon, Turkish ¢emen, English/French cumin). Egyptian caraway (Cuminum cyminum; Egyptian tpn, Coptic tapen) seems to have possibly been another species of caraway [5]. Caraway was also used medically in Egypt (for gastrointestinal complaints and to evacuate worms etc.), likewise in Mesopotamia [1. 132]. 1 Chicago Assyrian Dictionary K, 1971, s.v. kamunu, 131f. 2 V.HEHN, O.SCHRADER, Kulturpflanzen und Haustiere, *t911 3 H.A. Horner, Alimenta Hethaeorum, 1974, 103f. 4E.Masson, Recherches sur les plus anciens emprunts sémitiques en grec, 1967, 51f. 5 W.J. Darsy et al., Food: The Gift of Osiris, 1977, 799f. 6 M.VENTRIS, J.CHADWICK, Documents in Mycenean Greek, *1973. J.RE.

Il. GREECE AND ROME The Greeks first imported cumin (xbuuvov/ kyminon, Latin cuminum), Cuminum cyminum L. (family of the Umbelliferae-Apiaceae), from Egypt, Ethiopia and Asia Minor. Aristophanes (Vesp. 1357) and Theophrastus (Hist. pl. 7,3,3; 9,8,8) apparently had precise knowledge of it, although Dioscorides knew it even better (3,59-61 WELLMANN = 3,61-62 BERENDES). Plin. HN 20,1§9-162 mentions the medical application of various species of caraway similar to those in the Orient. Dioscorides (3,57 WELLMANN = 3,59 BERENDES) also knows the genuine caraway xagté/karo, Carum carvi L., that grows only in northern Italy. ~» Spices

CARAWAY

G.E. THUry, J. WALTER, Condimenta. Gewiirzpflanzen in Koch- und Backrezepten aus der rém. Ant., 1997, 89-91.

C.HU.

Carbasus (xdenacoc, xagmho.ov; kdrpasos, karpeésion). Phoenician or previously Indian term for > cotton, such as that from Tarraco (modern Tarragona) in Spain (Plin. HN 19,10). Plants used as antidotes (+ Alexipharmaka) such as species of Helleborus and Valeriana were also thus described (cf. Colum. 10,17). C.HU. Carbo

Roman

cognomen

(‘the ulcer’) of the most

important plebeian branches of the > Papirii in the 2nd and rst cents. BC (Cic. Fam. 9,21,3). ThIL, Onom. SCHULZE, 314.

1092

1091

183f.;

Kayanro,

Cognomina,

341; K.-L.E.

Carcabus (KagxdBoc, Kagvapas [Karkdbos, Karndbas] in Eust. at Hom. Il. 4,88). Founder of Zelia at Cyzicus, son of > Triopas and father of > Pandarus. He kills his cruel father and flees to Tros, the king of the Dardani, who expiates him and gives him the land of Zelia (schol. Hom. Il. 4,88).

FG.

more likely that this referred only either to slaves and/or humiliores (— honestiores), or to a different punishment altogether (such as — relegatio); this view is supported after all by the inexact use of custodia (i.a. with reference to the damnatio in metallum). B.SANTALUCIA,

Studi di diritto penale romano,

132-143.

1994, GS.

Carceres see — Circus

Carcinus (Kaoxivoc; Karkinos). [1] Cancer, the crab that was turned into a sign of the

zodiac for biting Heracles in the foot at the behest of Hera while fighting the Hydra (Eratosth. Katasterismoi 11). The Alexandrian month of Karkinon (Kaextwov)

was named after it. Cw. [2] C. of Naupactus, epic poet of the archaic period. In Paus. 10,38,11 C. is named, with reference to Charon of Lampsacus, as the author of the Navadxtia ery (Naupaktia épé), evidently a history of this town, lying at the entrance to the Corinthian Gulf; the preserved fragments however, primarily relate to the legend of the Argonauts. In spite of about a dozen witnesses to this epic, further documentation is lacking for the authorship of C.

Carcer According to Varro, Ling. 5,151, the term car-

Ep.: PEG] 123-126; EpGF 145-149.

cer, i.e. a place for individual detention, is derived from

LITERATURE: V.J. MaTTHEWS, Naupaktia and Argonau-

coercere; it is thus linked to the magistracy’s powers of — coercitio for the direct enforcement of its authority, and not the punishment of criminal misconduct. ‘The carcer has to be maintained for the detention, not the punishment of people’: carcer enim ad continendos homines, non ad puniendos haberi debet (Ulp. Dig. 48,19,8,7). Civil law offences and other obligations, for which the obligator was liable in person, were regulated by the XII tables (3,3-5) which with casuistic exactitude set out the procedures for private enforcement, in particular the fettering in iron chains (— nervus) or the shackling of feet (compedes), but definitely not any confinement in personal detention. In the Republican period, the authority to commit a person to the public carcer lay with the > tresviri capitales as part of their police functions (Plaut. Amph. 155). In general, it was part of the magistrate’s — imperium to order someone’s detention in the carcer (Ulp.

tika, in: Phoenix 31, 1977, 189-207.

Dig. 2,4,2). This incarceration could be similar in function to the modern remand custody; however, it was

late antiquity, before this became a separate institution (custodia reorum). The carcer was not only used for the enforcement of the other coercive measure, i.e. flogging, but also for > death penalty, carried out by the ~ carnifex (cf. Liv. 29,19). A statement about the grading of various punishments, transmitted under the name of Callistratus, is somewhat obscure (Dig. 48,19,28,14). According to this document, it was Hadrian who had already set out provisions for fixed-term and lifelong imprisonment (damnatio in tempus — in perpetuum). However, it is

EV.

[3] Tragic poet from Thoricus (PA 8254, DAVIES 283285), son of a Xenotimus, won a victory at the Dionysia of 446 BC, Strategy 431 (Thuc. 2,23,2. 23. 2), two dedications on the Acropolis are documented (IrGF I 21T 7). Nothing remains of his work except the tragic plaintive cry iw pol wou (Aristoph. Nub. 1259-61); the title ‘The Mice’ was invented by scholiasts. C., along with his sons > Xenocles, Xenotimus and Xenarchus, is mocked in the Exodus by Aristoph. Vesp. 1498ff. as one of the modern tragic dancers (cf. also Aristoph. Pax 782ff.) who are inferior to the old style of dance of a Philokleon schooled at > Phrynichus. From this it can be surmised that like the other representatives of the New Music he preferred expressive, mimetic interludes in his compositions. ~ Music; > Dance B.GauLy et al. (ed.), Musa tragica, r991, 146f.; D.M. MacDoweE tt, Aristophanes, Wasps, 1971, 326f.; A.H.

SOMMERSTEIN, The Comedies of Aristophanes 4, 1983, 246; B. ZIMMERMANN, Der Tanz in der Aristophanischen Koméddie, in: Primeras Jornadas Internacionales de Teatro Griego, 1996, 126f.

[4] Tragic poet from Thoricus, grandson of C. [3], son of tragic poet > Xenocles, c. 420/410— before 341/40 BC. He stayed in Sicily on numerous occasions and presumably received the citizenship of Acragas. He is said to have written 160 plays (IrGFI 70 T r) and achieved II victories at the Dionysia (T 2). Extant are 32 verses,

1093

1094

the following titles being documented: ‘Ajax’, ‘Alope’, ‘Amphiaraus’ (or ‘Eriphyle’), ‘Medea’, ‘Oedipus’, ‘Orestes’, ‘Semele’, ‘Tyro’. Aristot. Poet. 17. 145 5a 26ff. criticizes C. for a technical mistake, because he has the protagonist in ‘Amphiaraus’ exit through a side exit of the orchestra (eisodo?) and re-enter through the door of the stage (skéné). It cannot be determined whether the proverbial laugh of Ajax (F ra, cf. Men. Perinthia fr. ro SANDBACH) is due to a stage direction from C. or an idea of the actor Pleisthenes. In contrast to the ‘Medea’ version of > Euripides [1] and > Neophron, Medea allegedly did not kill her children but rather brought them to safety. The puzzle style (F 1g) ascribed to C. is not in evidence in the fragments.

(560 BC, Hat. 6,34ff.; > Colonization). From C., Miltiades went on to found further towns (i.a. Pactye). As protection against the permanent danger of Thracian attacks, he had a long wall built from C. to Pactye (Hdt. 6,36,2; Ephor. FGrH 70 F 40). C. was for a time under Persian rule (Xerxes marched his armies right through the town, Hdt. 7,58,2; in the course of the Persian retreat, the Persian Oeobazus fled from C. to Sestus, Hdt. 9,115). During the > Peloponnesian War, C. served asa base for the Attic fleet (Xen. Hell. r,1,r1). In the conflict between Philip II and Athens, C. was allied with Macedonia and refused to admit Athenian > klérouchoi (352/1 BC; Dem. Or. 5,25; 7,41). At the time of Alexander the Great, C. was under the administration of Hecataeus. Confidants of the king such as Eumenes and Leonnatus, who hailed from C., championed the cause of their home town. In 309 BC. C. was destroyed by Lysimachus, and its inhabitants resettled in his nearby new foundation of > Lysimachea. In Roman times, C. was an important town (Plin. HN 4,48f.). The Greek historian > Hieronymus [6] hailed from C.

B. Gauy et al. (ed.), Musa tragica, r991, 146-155, 288f.

[5] from Acragas (IrGF I 235), presumably to be equated with C. [4], who often stayed in Sicily (TrGF I 70 T 4) and presumably had received the citizenship of Acragas. B.GAuLy

et al. (ed.), Musa

tragica, 1991, 288 note 2. B.Z.

CARDO, KARDO

MULLER 2, 852ff.; B.Isaax, The Greek Settlements in Thrace until the Macedonian Conquest, 1989, 166f., 187.

Carco (Kagxw; Karko). Equated by Hesychius (s.v. C.,

834) to the > Lamia, C. is one of the frightening female monsters who can be taken as personifications of death, especially the death of small children which they eat. This aspect is emphasized by C.’s name (related to karcharos = ‘caustic’, ‘shrill’).

B.SCH.

Cardamyle (Kagdautrn; Kardamylé). Spartan perioecic settlement on the western side of the > Taygetus peninsula. The ancient acropolis, on a hillside surrounded by precipitous cliff faces (Str. 8,4,4), lies about 2 km inland from the sea, t km north of the modern Kardamili. Pottery from the Mycenaean to the Roman periods; remains of the ring wall from the classical or Hellenistic period. In Hom. Il. 9,150 and 292, C. is named as one of the towns that Agamemnon offered to Nestor. From 146 BC, C. was a member of the League of the > Eleutherolakones, and then once again Spartan in the imperial age. The port of C. provided the Spartans with access to the Messenian Gulf. Source references: Str. 8,4,4; Paus. 3,26,7; Ptol. 3,14,43. Inscriptions: IG V 1, 1331-1334a; SEG 11, 948; 966 II. E. Meyer, s.v. Messenien, RE Suppl. 15, 176f.; B.SER-

I.v.B.

Cardo, kardo The point around which something rotates; technical term in Roman land-surveying (> limitatio); within the rectangular grid of the survey, it refers to the horizontal lines (Jimites). Originally, it was a cosmological term, referring to the pivotal point of the universe; later, it was used to describe the north-south axis

— in contrast with the east-west axis of the > decumanus, which divided the world into two halves, one of

sunrise and one of sunset, or one of day and one of night [1. 147]. In gromatic theory (+ Surveyor), land surveys thus were to be seen as a reflection of the cosmic order onto the earth, wherein cardo symbolized the earth’s axis in the open farmland, which had been purified from opposing spiritual forces [2. 227]. In practice, the axes of orientation were aligned to topographical circumstances, independent of cardinal points, with particular attention to a workable water supply and also to already existing road patterns. On the land which was to be divided, a coordinate system was established with the help of a > groma, a surveyor’s instrument. The

Mele

main horizontal axis (x-axis) was described as cardo maximus (KM), the central vertical axis (y-axis) as decumanus maximus (DM); they intersected at right

Cardia (Kagdia; Kardia). Town on the northern face of

ther lines (limites) were drawn in order to subdivide the

the Thracian

area into equal sized plots; these were numbered sequentially outwards from the main axes. Viewed from the central point of the survey, this resulted in the land being divided'into quadrants to the right and left of

GENT, La situation politique de la Messénie du Sud-Est aI’ époque mycénienne, in: RA 1978, 3-26.

angles in the centre of the survey. Parallel to these, fur-

Chersonesus

on the > Melas Kolpos

(Ps.-Scyl. 67; Ps.-Scymn. 698f.; Str. 7a,1,52354), not localized (the modern Bakla Liman?), described in Dem. Or. 23,182 as the gateway to Thrace. It was

founded towards the end of the 7th cent. BC by Miletus,

the decumanus (dextra/sinistra decumanum, DD, SD),

possibly with colonists from Clazomenae (Str. loc. cit),

or respectively to the near and the far side of the cardo (kitra/ultra kardinem, KK, VK). With these notations

and re-established by + Miltiades with Attic colonists

CARDO, KARDO

1095

1096

and the progressive numbering, the location of each parcel of land could be indicated exactly. From the Augustan period, the cardo maximus was on average developed to a width of about 20 feet (c. 6 m).

drained to the north by the left tributaries of the Maeander, Harpasus and Marsyas, and to the south by the

1 W.Hisner,

Himmel-

kunst, 1992

2 O.BEHRENDs, Bodenhoheit und privates

Bodeneigentum 1992.

und Erdvermessung,

im Grenzwesen

Roms,

Feldmefs-

Feldmefskunst,

O. BEHRENDS, L. CAPOGROSSI COLOGNESI (ed.), Die rom. Feldmefskunst, 1992; O.Ditke,Archaeological and Epi-

graphic Evidence of Roman Land Survey, ANRW

II 1,

564-592; E. Fasricius, s.v. Limitatio, RE 13, 672-701; U. HEIMBERG, R6Om. Landvermessung, 1977; A.SCHUL-

TEN, s.v. Cardo, RE 3, 1587f.

H-].S.

Carduchi (Kagdotyou; Kardotichoi). First mentioned by Xenophon (Xen. An. 3,5,15 and passim), a mountain people living in the northernmost foothills of the + Zagrus, the Kagdovxeia bey (Diod. Sic. 14,27,4). Xenophon describes the C. as living in villages and cultivating the fields, growing wine and raising cattle, as well as doing craftwork. He particularly emphasizes their military significance as archers and catapult shooters. Whilst in the Greek reports it is mainly the (‘natural’) aggression of the C. and their hostility towards the Great King that is emphasized (Xen. An. 355,16; Diod. ibidem), it is more likely that — given everything we know about the relationships between Achaemenids and mountain people — the regimented reciprocity relationship (gifts/gifts in return; recognition of autonomy/loyalty and vassals’ obligation to perform military service) to which Xenophon alludes was the rule. The ‘ancestors’ of the Kurds were probably not the C., but the > Cyrtii mentioned in Polybius, Livy and Strabo. BRIANT, especially 747-753; D.N. MAcKENzIE, The Origins of Kurdish, in: TPhS 1961 (1962), 68-86, especially 68f.

jw.

Indus

(modern

Dalaman

Cay)

which

flows

in the

border region with Lycia. The important ancient sea route from the Levantine coast to the Aegean passed along C.’s southern coast. The distinction between ‘C. on the sea’ (Thuc. 2,9,4) and ‘upper (= inland) C.’ (Paus. 1,29,7) seems to have been geographical only. II. ORIGIN The origin of the C. was a matter of dispute even in antiquity: according to Cretan tradition originally called > Leleges (Hdt. 1,171,2f), they inhabited the Aegean islands, served in Minos’ fleet, and were driven away by the > Iones and > Dorieis — or rather even earlier by Minos because of their piracy (Thuc. 1,4; 1,8,r) —to

Asia Minor (Hdt. 1,171,5); according to

their own tradition, they were the autochthonous inhabitants of Asia Minor, but this would be more applicable to the population of > Caunus (Hdt. 1,172,1). The C. saw themselves as related to the Lydi —- who spoke a Hittite-Luwian language (> Asia Minor, Languages) — and the Mysi— Thracian, thus unrelated— (Hdt. 1,172,6). It is a matter of dispute whether the men from Krks, ‘KarkiSa’ [2; 3. 349f.], who appear amongst the auxiliary troops of the Hittites at the battle of ~> Qade§ [1] in the 13th cent BC and later amongst the enemies of Tudhalijas IV, were C.; equally disputed is a connection of the WeSeS amongst the Sea Peoples (> Sea Peoples, migration of) with > Iasus (epigraphically also Ouassos, [3. 377]). Late and also sub-Mycenaean finds from the Carian west coast cou!d just as well originate from Mycenaean Achaeans as from C. The Mycenaean finds near Miiskebi on the Halicarnassus peninsula belong to the settlement area of the nonGreek Leleges (+ Myndus): up to now, it has hardly been possible within C. to isolate the C. archaeologically. Ill. History

Cares, Caria (KGoec, Kagia; Kdres, Karia). I. GEoGRAPHY II. OrrGin IV. ARCHEOLOGY

III. History

A. ARCHAIC PERIOD B. CLASSICAL PERIOD C. EARLY HELLENISTIC PERIOD D.HELLENISTIC PERIOD E. ROMAN PROVINCE 1. REPUBLIC

2. IMPERIAL AGE

I. GEOGRAPHY Tribe and region in south-western Asia Minor, its borders detined in the north by the Maeander and the mountain ranges of Mycale and Mesogis, and in the east by the Salbacus range; the Carian south coast stretches from the Triopic promontory to the bay of Telmessus (Str. 14,2,1; Liv. 37,16). Along its western coast — characterized by gulfs and long stretched-out peninsulas — lay the following towns which initially still belonged to Ionia: + Miletus, > Myus, > Heraclea [5] and > Priene, further inland > Magnesia on the Maeander, again on the coast towards the south — Iasus [5], ~> Bargylia, > Myndus, - Halicarnassus, > Ceramus, + Cnidus, > Caunus, and > Calynda. C. is a region of mountains and hills with only small plains. The land is

3.DOMINATUS

A. ARCHAIC PERIOD To the Greeks, the C. were particularly well known as mercenaries, together with the + lones, and also as inventors of certain pieces of military equipment (helmet plume, shield grip, Hdt. 1,171,4; Str. 14,2,27: Anac. fr. 81 D.; Alc. fr. 58 D.); the traditional Ionian

women’s dress (> Clothing) was supposedly originally Carian

(Hdt.

5,87,3-88,1).

Miletus

(Hittite

Milla-

wanda?), with its phases of destruction in the Late Bronze Age, belonged to the ‘coarse-speaking C.’ (BagBagopwvor, Hom. Il. 2,867); the Greek conquest

and settlement led to the development of a mixed Ionian and Carian population (Hdt. 1,146,2; cf. 1,92); the inhabitants of Miletus, Myus and Priene spoke an > Ionic

1097

1098

sub-dialect (Hdt. 1,142). In the > ‘Dark Ages’ [1], the resident C. appear as the natural enemies of the Greek intruders (Paus. 7,2,8f.). It is likely that Melia on the Mycale had been a Carian town, destroyed by Ionians in connection with the formation of the Ionian League (> Panionium) in the 8thcent. BC (Vitr. De arch. 4,1,3-53 [4]). At the beginning of the rst millennium

BC, the south-western part of the Carian coast was occupied

by > Dorieis

(Hdt.

1,144); Halicarnassus

provides a good example for the absorption of a large Carian population by Greek settlers. A Carian ‘thalassocracy’ (around 721 BC, Diod. Sic. 7,11; Eus. (Hier.) Chron. 1,225 schol.) is considered apocryphal, as is a Carian colonization in the Black Sea region [5]. In around

660 (?) BC, C. and Ionians appear in

Egypt as adventurers and mercenaries of + Psammetich I(Hdt. 2,152). In 591, they took part in Psammetich II’s Ethiopian campaign (Hdt. 2,161; ML 7; [6; 7;

CARES, CARIA

league towns seceded from Athens; Athens dispensed with military sanctions [12]. An Athenian detachment under the leadership of Lysicles, that had advanced into the Maeander valley in 428/7 in order to collect money, was wiped out by the C. (Thuc. 3,19). In 412 BC, Carian towns that had remained loyal to Athens, amongst them Halicarnassus, went over to the Persians. The insurgent Carian dynast Amorges, a son of the former satrap Pissuthnes, whose support by Athens caused Persia to enter the war as an ally of Sparta, was handed over by Iasus and executed by Tissaphernes, the satrap of Sardis and karanos (viceroy) of Asia Minor; C. was his dynastic power, which he defended against the Spartan expeditionary force under > Agesilaus [2] (Xen. Hell. 3,4,12). Soon after Tissaphernes’ deposition in 395 BC, C. was separated from Sardis as an administrative district in its own right; its satrap was the dynast Hecatomnus of Mylasa.

8]). In 570 BC, 30,000 of them allegedly fought under ~ Apries against Amasis (Hdt. 2,163; 169). They were

then transferred from their encampments on either side of the Pelusian arm of the Nile (Hdt. 2,154,1f.; [9]) and settled in Memphis (Hdt. 2,154,3); their quarter of the town was called Karikon, its inhabitants — referred to

as Karomemphitai — displayed a cultural mix of Carian and Egyptian elements (Carian grave steles from Saqqara, 2nd half of the 6th cent. BC, [ro]). Under ~ Croesus, C. was part of the Lydian kingdom (Hdt. 1,6); in 546 BC, it was conquered for the Persians by — Harpagus [1], and from the time of — Darius [r] I. (521-485 BC), it was as Karka [11] part of the first satrapy (Hdt. 3,90) of Sardeis/Sparda. In Egypt, Carian and Jonian mercenaries were involved in defensive action against > Cambyses in 525 BC (Hdt. 3,11). Following its participation in the > Ionian Revolt, C. was once again conquered and under Persian rule until 494 BC (Hdt. 5,103; 117-1223 6,20,25); amongst the participants of the Carian war council, which first convened at the ‘White Columns’ (Leukai Stélai, probably on the Marsyas, modern Cine Cay), later at the Carian federal sanctuary of Zeus-Stratios in > Labraunda (Hdt. 5,118f.), was a certain Pixodarus of Kindye, son of Mausolus, presumably an ancestor of the Hecatomnid of the same name (> Hecatomnus).

B. CLASSICAL PERIOD In 480 BC, Carian ships fought in Xerxes’ fleet at Salamis, alongside those of queen > Artemisia [1] (Hdt. 7,9; 97ff.; 195; 8,19). In 479 BC, the oracles, which the Carian Mys of Euromus in his role as representative of Mardonius received in the sanctuary of Apollo Ptoios in Boeotia, were allegedly given in the Carian language (Hdt. 8,135f.; cf. the Carian liturgical formula in Didyma, Callim. Fr. 224 PFEIFFER). In the course of Cimon’s expedition to C., Lycia, and Pamphylia in 469/466 BC, most Carian towns, also Carian dynasts, were joined to the > Delian League; a separate Carian tax district existed from 446 to 438 BC. After the suppression of the Samian Revolt in 439/8, fourteen Carian

C. EarLY HELLENISTIC PERIOD Under the rule of the Hecatomnids (391-334 BC), C. experienced a period of cultural bloom and development of urban structures through both > synoikismés

of Carian village communities and > Hellenization beyond the coastal zones that were previously influenced by the Delian League. > Mausolus (377-3 53 BC) moved his capital from + Mylasa to Halicarnassus. In his conflict with the ancient koinon of the C., Mausolus succeeded in 367 BC with the help of the Persian king; several assassination attempts (in 367, 361, and 355

BC) were thwarted. After the Satraps’ Revolt of 362 BC in Asia Minor, Mausolus, a clever tactician, was grant-

ed a pardon by the Persian king. His territory extended from southern Lydia to western Lycia, the latter awarded to him after the end of the Lycian dynasts; same as later under his successors, Lycia was administered by strategoi and epimeletai |13; 14]. With the help of the confederation of Chios, Cos, Rhodes and Byzantium (formed at his initiative and whose secession from

Athens he supported; Attic > Social War [1] 357-355), he extended his power to the islands off the Carian coast. The regency of his sister and widow > Artemisia [2] (353-351 BC) was followed by that of his brother Idrieus (3 51-344 BC), who has also married one of his sisters (> Ada). She succeeded him from 3 44 to 340 BC, but was then driven out by Pixodarus, the youngest of her brothers, and retreated to Alinda (modern Karpuzlu), which she handed over to Alexander the Great in 334 BC.

A dynastic link with the Macedonian royal family— the proposed marriage of Pixodarus’ daughter to + Arrhidaeus [4],son of Philip I, in 337/6 BC — came to nothing. In 334 BC, Alexander conquered C.; adopted by Ada, he became with her death in 3 26(?) the legal

successor to the Hecatomnids in C. The last satrap of C., Pixodarus’ son-in-law Orontopates, managed in 3 34/3 to hold on to the fort of Halicarnassus and to the towns of Myndus, Caunus, Thera, and Callipolis, but

was soon defeated by Asander and Ptolemy (Arr. Anab.

CARES, CARIA

1099

2,557): C. fell to Asander in 323 and 320 BC, and in 313 BC came into > Antigonus’ [1] sphere of control (StV 425). After Antigonus’ death in 301, his son > Demetrius [2] held on to power in some of the coastal towns, whereas the interior had a succession of rulers: first Cassander’s brother Pleistarchus, then in 295 BC Lysimachus; in 2.81, it became part of the Seleucid kingdom, which continued to rule eastern C. including the Salbacus range and the plains of Tabae until 188 BC. Several towns on the Carian coast [15; 16] and in the interior [x7. rr8ff.; x8] came under Ptolemaic rule or at least influence as early as 309 BC — in the course of the Carian expedition of Ptolemy I — alternatively only during the ‘Syrian War of Succession’ (280-275 BC), and at the very latest during the Third Syrian War (246-241 BC), presumably changing hands several times along the way [19]. D. HELLENISTIC PERIOD > Rhodes also had territory on the opposing southern coast of C. from the 5th cent. BC onwards (cf. Liv. 32,3356); by receiving the new foundation of — Stratonicea as a gift from the Seleucids in 240/237 BC, Rhodes was able to restore its Peraea and extend it inland. The interior of C. was under Seleucid rule, with some northern parts under Pergamene rule from 228 to 223 BC, following > Attalus’ [4] I victory over Antiochus Hierax. In 228/7 BC, > Antigonus [3] took possession of parts of C. (Pomp. Trog. 28; Pol. 20,5,117; [20]), probably in agreement with the Carian dynast Olympichus, whose territory centred around Mylasa and Alinda; in the same way that he had been answerable to the Seleucids as strategos (Seleucus II, around 240?), he now served the Antigonids, presumably in a similar function [21. 367ff.]; whether a Macedonian strategia (province) of C. was established, will remain uncertain; it is also uncertain, to what extent > Achaeus [5] strengthened the Seleucid position in C. against Macedonia in 223/2 BC (Pol. 4,48).

In 204/3 > Antiochus [5] III first seized Ptolemaic settlements in C. [22. 38; 17. 146ff.] and thus intruded upon the Macedonian sphere of influence. Following his treaty with Antiochus III (StV 547) and the latter’s engagement in Syria, Philip V recaptured the by then Antigonid positions within C. — with varying success (Pol. 16,24,6-8; [23. 243ff.]). Thus he had control over western C. including the Rhodian Peraea (Pol. 16,11,2; Liv. 32,33,6). Rhodian forces managed to free the Peraea by 197 [24. 69ff.]; this signalled the dissolution of the Macedonian sphere of influence (or strategia?) in C. (Liv. 33,18,6; [21. 370ff.]). At the same time, erstwhile Ptolemaic possessions were targeted by Seleucid attacks, that once again penetrated deeply into C. into the areas vacated by the Macedonians. Rhodes put up armed protection of Caunus, Cnidus, Myndus, and Halicarnassus (Liv. 33,20,11), and had them granted freedom by Antiochus III; Rhodes was also returned Stratonicea (Liv. 33,17,5-18,1; 18,22; [24. 76ff.]). Iasus effusively thanked the king for his help in the aftermath of the 198 BC earthquake.

IIOO

In 189 BC, parts of C. were conquered by Roman forces under the command of Cn. Manlius Vulso. The peace treaty of Apamea in 188 BC assigned the northern part of C. once again to Pergamum, and the southern one to Rhodes (Pol. 21,24,7f.; Liv. 37,555,535 56,6; 38,39,13) — together with Lycia which had also been given to Rhodes, this constituted a considerable enlargement of the Rhodian Peraea. The cities which had remained largely autonomous under Ptolemaic and Seleucid supremacy put up fierce resistance against subordination to Rhodes. Rhodes exploited the tensions between the Carian inland communities and the Greek cities for its own ends: Apollonia on the Salbacus, for example, demanded autonomy, but its rural population wished to be ruled by Rhodes [25. 92ff., 303ff.; 24. 87f.]. The Greek coastal towns from Miletus to Cnidus, as well as the inland towns of Euromus, Pedasa,

Mylasa retained their autonomy, as they were either already free in 197/6 BC or declared free by Rome in 188 BC. In 167 BC, Rome granted freedom to those parts of C. and Lycia that had been assigned to Rhodes in 188 BC (Pol. 30,5,12; Liv. 45,25,6). Rhodes only just managed to hold on to its ancient Carian Peraea: it defeated Mylasa and Alabanda, after they had occupied the area around Euromus, and forced the surrender of Caunus which had led the rebellion (Liv. 45,25,11); however, in 166 BC, the Roman Senate freed Caunus

and Stratonicea, despite their status as ancient Rhodian possessions, and ordered the evacuation of the Rhodian garrisons (Pol. 30,21,3; Str. 14,2,33 [263 27]).

E. ROMAN PROVINCE 1. REPUBLIC In 129 BC, C. presumably became part of the Roman province of > Asia [2], though some cities probably remained independent. As in the rest of Asia Minor, > Mithridates VI was also welcomed by most of C. as ‘Asia’s saviour’ from Roman rule. Towns such as Tabae with previous links to other towns loyal to Rome, or Stratonicea, leading member of the 3rd cent. league of Carian towns — the ‘League of the Chrysaoreis’ (also ovOTHUA THV Xovoaogéwv, [28]) — resisted and were cruelly subdued. In the ‘Ephesian Vespers’ (+ Cornelius [I 90] Sulla), Caunus acted with particular brutality against the hated Italians; for that reason, it was returned to Rhodian administration by the Senate in 81 BC; On the other hand, towns that remained loyal to Rome were granted their freedom. In 40/39 BC, the Parthian forces under the command of Q. Labienus overran parts of C.; Mylasa, Alabanda and others offered resistance. In around 40 BC, the Rhodians received Myndus as a gift from M. > Antonius [I 9], but, together with Caunus, lost it again in around 30 BC under the future Augustus. 2. IMPERIAL AGE In the imperial age, C. participated in the general reawakening of Asia Minor’s economy and culture. By then Greek was long established as the only language of communication. The — Hellenization of the smaller

IIOL

I1o02

Carian inland communities, begun by Mausolus, peaked in the 2nd cent. AD with their urban expansion (including sizeable public buildings). The Gothic and Herulian sea raids between AD 253 and 262 affected C. only peripherally (Maeander valley). 3. DOMINATUS

After the Diocletian reforms, C. was in the 4th cent. AD one of the seven provinces made up from the former Asia (Hierocles, Synekdemos 687,7), under the administration of a consular governor (30th eparchia with 28 towns). Untouched by the missionary travels of Paul the Apostle, C., with the exception of Laodicea and Colossae in the east, was seemingly late in opening up to Christianity (4th cent.). In Byzantine times, when C. belonged to the themes of Thrakesion and Kibyraioton, ~ Aphrodisias [1] was the metropolis of C., renamed to Stauropolis in the 7th cent; in the 9thcent. it was known as Karia (Not. episc. 1,360 P.). For language, religion, and culture, see > Carian, Asia Minor. 1R.D. Barnett, in: CAH ID 2, 1975, 360f. 2G.L. Huxtey, Achaeans and Hittites, 1960, 34-37. 3F.H. STUBBINGS, in: CAH ID} 2, 1975 4G.KLEINER et al., Panionion und Melie (JDAI Supplement 23), 1967, 78f. 5I.v.

BrRepow,

Karia

im

Pontos?,

in: U.FELLMETH,

H.SONNABEND (ed.), Alte Gesch., FS E. Olshausen, 1998, 1-6 withn.2 6 J.BOARDMAN, Kolonien und Handel der Griechen, 1981, 136f. 70.Masson, J. YOYOTTE, Objects pharaoniques 4a inscription carienne, 1956 8 O. Masson, Les Cariens en Egypte, in: Bull. Soc. francaise Egyptienne 56,1969, 25f. 9T.F.R.G. Braun, in:

CAH III? 3, 1982, 35ff., 43ff. 10 O.Masson et al.,Carian Inscriptions from North Saqqara and Buhen, 1978 11 W.EtLers, Das Volk der Karka in den Achamenideninschr., in: OLZ 38, 1935, 201-213 12 W.SCHULLER,

Die Herrschaft der Athener im Ersten Att. Seebund, 1974, 173 withn. 106 =13 H.Metzcer et al., La stele trilingue du Létéon (Fouilles des Xanthos 6),1979 14 T.BrRycE, The Lycians 1, 1986, 48f., 91ff. 15 R.S. BAGNALL, The

Administration of Ptolemaic Possessions outside Egypt, 1976, 89ff. 16 H.HAuBEN, On the Ptolemaic Inscription IGSK 28.1,2-3, in: EA 10, 1987, 3-6 17 J. and L.RoBERT, Fouilles d’Amyzon en Carie 1, 1983 18 ROBERT, OMS 5, 1989, 4409ff. 19 BENGTSON 3, 174ff. 20 H. BeNGTSON, Die Inschr. von Labranda und die Politik des Antigonos Doson, in: SBAW 1971, 3, 25f. 21 BENGTSON, vol. 2 22 Wettes 23 H.H. Scumirt,

Unt. zur Gesch. Antiochos’ d.Gr., 1964 24 Id., Rom und Rhodos, 1957 25 J. and L. RoBert, La Carie 2, 1954 26 E. Meyer, Die Grenzen der hell. Staaten in Kleinasien, 1925, 49ff., 58ff., r45ff. 27P.M. Fraser, G.E. BEAN, The Rhodian Peraea and Islands, 1954, 79ff., rorff.

28 MaGIE 2, 1031f. W.BLUMEL, Die Inschr. der rhodischen Peraia (IK 38), 1991; BMC, Gr, Caria; G. Bocxiscu, Die Karier und ihre Dynasten, in: Klio 51, 1969, 117-175; L. BURCHNER, S.v. Karer, Karia, RE 10, 1940-1947; S. HORNBLOWER, Mausolus, 1982; F. IMHOOF-BLUMER, Kleinasiat. Mz., 1901/2, 112ff.; Id., Karische Mz., in: NZ 5, 1912, 193ff.; A. LauMONIER, Les cultes indigénes en Carie, 1958; O. Masson,

Le nom des cariens dans quelques langues de l’antiquite, in: Mél. E. Beneviste, 1975, 407-414; A. MASTROCINQUE, La Caria e la Ionia meridionale in epoca ellenistica (323-

188 a.C.), 1979;

CARIAN

R.T. MarcHeEsE,

The Historical Ar-

chaeology of Northern Caria, 1989; J. and L. RoBert, La Carie 2, 1954; H.H. Scumirrt, s.v. Karien, KWdH, 33 18350 H.KA.

IV. ARCHAEOLOGY Archaeologically speaking, the C. in the Bronze Age are still scarcely visible, and in the Iron Age they are present primarily in the archaic settlements and structures of the Halicarnassus peninsula [5], at Iasos [5] (cf. [2]), at Mylasa [6] and in south-eastern Milesia at Akbik [7]; a distinctive Carian architectural style is attested at all these locations. Regarding Carian ring ramparts at Bafa Golii and in the Latmos region [1] cf. [4]; for Carian ceramics [1; 3]. 1 R. M. Cook, A List of Carian Orientalizing Pottery, in: Oxford Journ. of Archaeology 18, 1999, 79-93 2E.La Rocca, Sinus Iasius, r. Il teritorio di Iasos, in: ASNP 23, 1994,847-998 3D. LENz, Karische Keramik im Martin von Wagner-Mus., Wiirzburg, in: JOAI 66, 1997, 29-61

4 A. PEscHLOW-BINDOKaT,

Lelegische

Siedlungsspuren

am Bafasee, in: Anadolu 22 (1981/83), 1989, 79-83 5 W. Rant, Siedlungen und Bauten auf der Halbinsel von Halikarnassos, 1970 6 F. RUMSCHEID, Mylasas Vertei-

digung, in: E.-L.SCHWANDNER (ed.), Stadt und Umland (Bauforsch.-Kolloquium Berlin 1997), 1999, 206-222 7 W. VOIGTLANDER, 567-625.

Akbik-Teichioussa,

in: AA

1988, H. LO.

Carfulenus Very rare family name. C. commanded several cohorts under — Caesar in the Alexandrinian War (Bell. Alex. 31,1-3). After the Ides of March 44 BC, he joined Octavian (+ Augustus), and was expelled from the Senate on 28 November 44 (C(Cic. Phil. 3,23), per-

haps because he was a people’s tribune (MRR 2,324). In April 43, he was sent to Mutina, where M. > Antonius attacked both him and the consul Pansa; C.’s wing fought victoriously, but he himself probably died in the aftermath (Cic. Fam. 10,33,4; App. B Civ. 3,272¢f.). DK. Carian Language of the inhabitants of Caria (> Cares, Caria), documented in c. 200 inscriptions — from the 7th—4th cents. BC that are mostly very short or fragmentary and written in a characteristic alphabetic script — which apart from Greek-Carian bilingual inscriptions from Athens that came from Carian mercenaries and almost solely contain personal names, for the most part come from Egypt (e.g. Saqqara, Abydus, Abu Simbel), and to a lesser extent from Caria itself (e.g. Caunus, Hyllarima, Sinuri) and Lydia (Sardes, Smyrna); also documented through personal names and place names and a few glosses in Greek passed down in a secondary manner (epigraphic and literary). The decipherment of the Carian alphabet (in summary [1)]), achieved only as recently as 1990, confirmed — as had long been considered probable— that Carian belonged to the > Anatolian languages although —as a result of the partly still provisional establishment (and notation)

CARIAN

I104

1103

of individual phoneme qualities as well as on the basis of the circumstance that unstressed vowels (especially e < *a; rst millennium) are not expressed graphically, in addition to the knowledge of the vocabulary and grammar based previously primarily on personal names and place names — its position with regard to its antecedents within the western Anatolian branch cannot yet be definitively determined. Thus, particularly too with Carian-Luwian similarities, especially with the Luwian dialects Lycian and Milyian (> Luwian) that were passed down at about the same time, for the time being it is hardly possible to decide with certainty what is based on ancient (western) Anatolian or ancient Luwian relationships or what is on the other hand — especially in the case of personal names— based on borrowing; e.g.: wht [ub t*| = Lycian ubete ‘he founded’; sb = Lycian se, Milyian sebe ‘and’

[2. 78f.]; personal name nominative Msnori [M°snori/M‘°snor%?| = cuneiform script Luwian (Cluwian), hieroglyphic Luwian (Hluwian) Mass(a)na-ura(/i)-

[3.170'°]

(or

with

uraia(/i)-,

singular

non-syncopated

hieroglyphic

On the other hand, specific Luwian innovations in Carian like the decline in the ancient Anatolian *g, the reorganization of the ancient (western) Anatolian plural endings (as in Cluwian, Hluwian, Milyian) or the extension of the motion suffix -/- (that is generally provided for in Greek stem variants, e.g. KutBedntuc/KotBeknuos, °AAtc/°*hAOG, °oots/°a00¢) are not (yet) able to be found in consonantal substantives, so that at present it seems possible but not compelling to determine Carian to be a Luwian dialect; rather, there may in principle also be a closer genetic relationship —comparable ‘with

that between

— Palaic

and

Luwian.

Evidence

against a closer link with > Lydian is found for instance in the maintenance of the laryngeal, the verb ending preterite singular 3rd [-t“] (see above wht): Lydian -/ and formation of the patronomic based on -S [-ss“”’-]: Lydian -li-, as incidentally also Carian and Lydian 0 or have respectively different points of departure. + Asia Minor: alphabetic scripts 1 D.ScHUrRR, Zur Bestimmung der Lautwerte des kar.

‘great through the gods’ (but s—as opposed to s (Fortis

Alphabets 1971-1991, in: Kadmos 31, 1992, 127-156 2 H.C. MELCHERT, Some Remarks on New Readings in Carian, in: Kadmos 32, 1993, 77-86 3 D.ScHURR,

[ss]?) —also = z, e.g. in singular nominative/accusative c. san/sn-n = Cluwian, Hluwian za-s/za-n ‘this — nomi-

Imbr- in lyk. und kar. Schrift, in: Sprache 35, 1991-1993, 163-175 4N.OetTINGER, Etymologisch unerwarteter

native masculine/this— accusative masculine’ or Cluwian singular nominative/accusative n. zdni ‘this, that’ [2. 79f.]). Deviating from all Luwian dialects, Carian is related in any case in the contraction *du > *eu > 0 (e.g. adjectival genitive singular nominative case Mudons

Nasal im Hethit., in: J.E. RASMUSSEN (ed.), GS H. Peder-

nominative

c(ommune)

uwraiis)

[Mudon‘ss‘: singular nominative case Mdaun [M"“daéu‘n'| (accent!) to Cluwian, Hluwian -uann(i)-, Milyian -wrin(i)-, Lycian °a/enn(i) — the correspond-

ing ethnicon suffix -u(n- [2. 82f.]); in the special development */ > i (Greek transliteration }6, Ad, literary also A) [4. 328f.], namely, for instance, in the adjectival suffixes °oA- (*-wA(i)—), as for example personal name nominative

Usod [Ussoa'|/ Yoowhd/\ikoc, MavoowAnoc,

‘IBavmdrs (cf. the Cluwian personal name

Tablazu-

naual(i)-/Tablazunaul(i)— from Arzawa, in addition [5.271°"°]), and -eA- (e.g. personal name nominative Ionea [Ioned'| ‘Ionian’, *Iurea [Ibred'|/IuBaonhdoc ‘coming from Imbros’ [3. 172f.]) = Luwian -al(i)(more recent -el(i)—), which, however, actually constitutes no ethnica (Milyian Wesvitel(i)— ‘coming from

Phellus’ as opposed to Lycian Wehvteze(/i)charisma?); suggested in the (conditioned?) coincidence of Fortis and Lenis of Laryngeal *h, (Cluwian bh: h, Lycian. x: g) in Carian k, as for example the (varying in this regard) Lycian version of the place name Piyes-ere-/ Piges-ere- (= Greek MEwédaeoc) ‘having a time of bril-

liance’ < Carian Piks-° [Pik‘s-°] (cf. Cluwian pihas‘shine, flash’, ara(/i)‘time’) [5. 105, 11653"; 6. 28-31]; furthermore, for instance, in the formation of the participle (or verb stem) e.g. -é- : Luwian -di- (-éi-) in Otblem [O'tb‘le-m*-|; Milyian qetbelei-me(/i)— and *pi-: Luwian piia- (pije-) ‘to give’ in (Neteg-)Bt-woc: Lycian (Natr-)bbijéme(li)— = “AnoddhOodotog [2.78, 80; Ga Bagatelle

sen, 1995, 307-330

5 F.STARKE, Unt. zur Stammbil-

dung des kluw. Nomens, 1990

6 I.-J. ADIEGO, in: Con-

tribuciones al descifriamiento del Cario, in: Kadmos 34, 1995, 18-34.

ES.

Caricature The terms caricature, grotesque, — grylloi are sometimes defined differently, sometimes not strictly separated, sometimes used synonymously [r1. 89]; but although the word grotesque is differentiated from caricature

because, unlike it, caricature refers precisely to a model, in order to cover as many aspects as possible a broader definition of the term caricature is to be preferred [4. 4]. Therefore, regarding term and delimitation. cf. the essential [9]. Caricature as deviation from the normal evoked mockery very early on (Thersites: Hom. Il. 2,212ff.); ill-proportioned figures appeared on Cabiri goblets and terracottas [11. 9o0ff.| and in Attic ceramics of the sthcent. BC ([4. 10-20]; Aesopus with the fox: [3. 3.43; r1. 78]. On the phlyakes vases of the 4th cent., ugly and fat-bellied figures with huge phalluses parody Greek myths, often certain tragic scenes. Above all, caricature was very popular in Hellenism; many terracotta and bronze statues depicted dwarfs, beggars and cripples, often with overly dimensioned genitals; also, gruesome, often drunk and obscene hags are represented (sometimes large-sized: [17; 12]); such statues primarily accompanied young women from respectable families to the grave (fat old hag masturbating with a leather phallus [15]). This demonstrates the attitude of antiquity toward the comical: Aristot. (Poet. 1449a) defined the ridiculous as part of the ugly; bodily abnormalities evoked merriment (cf. Cic. De or. 2,239

I105

1106

[8. 710ff.; 2. 19]); crippled and feeble-minded slaves who were only able to work by entertaining others were sold, according to Mart. (8,13), at top prices. Beggars, cripples and jesters (fluent transitions: dancing dwarves [16. 495ff.]) were meant to demonstrate the dominance of abundance at the location [11. 15; 12. 85ff., primarily 92-97]. Caricatures of cripples, sometimes to ward off the ‘evil eye’ [2. roff.], have been proven to be an Alexandrian invention in use since 300 BC [10. 61-64], but their apotropaic aspect also indicates Egyptian influence [1; 13]. Also first found in Hellenistic art are animal parodies of certain professional groups, for example, clay figures of money changers with the head of a dog; other Egyptian-Alexandrian terracottas show donkeys as schoolmasters in the middle of a cynocephalous class, or ithyphallic monkeys as magistrates or scholars with papyrus rolls or writing tablets in hand [4. sof.; 14]. On various media, animals were drawn imitating human occupations: rats and cats play music in a triumphal procession, rats and cats boxing, two grasshoppers duel using a shield, sword and lance, a fox catching a bird with a lime twig, a rat in a chariot whips the eagle pulling it (references in [6]). For all this there are ancient Near Eastern and ancient Egyptian precursors (cylinder

seal from Ur; papyri with animal parodies [6. 225]). Bestial mythological satires were also widespread: Roman lamps from the rst—znd cents. AD depict Ganymede asa hen or as a youth with an animal head who is thrashing around wildly to defend himself against his abductor [6. 201-206]; for the ‘monkey Aeneas’ see [5]; further Roman murals [4. 31-35]; Roman literature [7] and now in particular [9]. After the 3rd cent. AD, ancient caricature can no longer be proven [4. 53]. ~ Parody; CARICATURE 1 A.M. Bapawy, Le grotesque: invention égyptienne, in: Gazette des Beaux Arts 1965, 2, 189-198 2B.BABLER, Der Zwerg am Pranger, in: Hefte des Arch. Seminars der Univ. Bern 13, 1990, 17-20 =. G. BecaTT1, Caricatura, in: EAA II 1959, 342-345 4H.BINSFELD, Grylloi, 1956 5 O.J. BRENDEL, Der Affen-Aeneas, in: MDAI(R), 60/61,

1953/4, 153-159

6 PH. BRUNEAU, Ganymede et l’aigle,

in: BCH 86, 1962, 193-228

7J.-P. CeBrE, La caricature

et la parodie dans le monde romain, 1966 8 L. GIULIANI, Die seligen Kriippel. Zur Deutung von Mifsgestalten in der hell. Kleinkunst, in: AA 1987, 701-721 9 J.HAMMERSTAEDT, Die K. in ant. Komédie und satir. Lit. (soon to be published) 10 N. HIMMELMANN, Alexandria und der Realismus in der griech. Kunst, 1983 11 Id., Realist.

Themen in der griech. Kunst der archa. und klass. Zeit, JDAI suppl. 28, 1994 12 H.P. Lausscner, Fischer und Landleute, 1982 13 D. Levi, The Evil Eye and the Lucky Hunchback, in: R. SITwELt (ed.), Antioch-on-the Orontes Ill, The Excavations of 1937-1939 (1941), 224-232

14 G. NACHTERGAEL, La caricature d’un banquier a son comptoir, in:

M. GEERARD et al. (ed.), Opes Atticae. Mis-

cellanea philol. et histor. R. Bogaert et H.v. Looy oblata, 1990, 315-322 15 A.A. PeREDOLSKaJA, Att. Tonfiguren

aus

einem

siidruss.

Grab

(AK,

Beih.

2),

1964

16 S, PristeERER-Haas, Die bronzenen Zwergentanzer, in: G. HELLENKEMPER-SALIES et al. (ed.), Das Wrack, cat. Bonn 1994, 483-504 17 P.ZANKER, Die trunkene Alte,

CARINUS

1989

18 V.DasEN, Dwarfs in Ancient Egypt and Greece,

1993.

B.BA.

Carinae Two Roman municipal districts, separated by the murus terreus Carinarum, a part of the pre-Servian wall which still existed in Varro’s times (Varro Ling. 5,48), between Esquiline and Palatine. As part of the

Augustan reorganization, both districts were jointly assigned to regio IV (Templum Pacis); the origin of the name is disputed (Serv. Aen. 8,351; Hor. Epist. 1,7,48). The district was the most desirable residential area for the Roman nobility; it was said that, even in Archaic

times, > Tullius Hostilius resided there (Cic. Rep. 2,31,53)3 also the Valerians as well as — Spurius Cas-

sius, whose house allegedly fell victim to the building of the temple of Tellus in around 485 BC (Liv. 2,41,12; Cic. Dom. 38). The porticus Catuli may have been in the vicinity of this temple (Cic. Ad Q. fr. 3,1,4); also the house of Cicero’s brother Quintus (Cic. Ad Q. fr. 2,357). The C. were also the location for the famous house of Pompey (Vell. Pat. 2,77; Suet. Tib. 15), which was later passed on to Mark Antony and finally to the emperors; the house of his mortal enemy Clodius (Cic. Har. resp. 49) was also in the same area. A luxurious

dwelling of the imperial age was discovered underneath the via Cavour during the building of an underground railway. A.RODRIGUEZ-ALMEIDA,

in: LTUR

1, 239-240;

CHARDSON, 71-72.

RI-

RE.

Carinus Imperator Caesar M.A. Carinus Augustus, the eldest son of — Carus, a brother of — Numerianus;

around November AD 282, he was made Caesar and princeps iuventutis by his father, and in spring 283, when his father marched against the Persians, C. was elevated to Augustus. After his campaign against the Quadi (F. GNeccut, I Medaglioni Romani 2, 1912, pl. 123, no. 8), he called himself Germanicus

maximus,

adding to that Persicus maximus after Carus’ victory in the east, and also, for unknown reasons, Britannicus maximus (CIL XIV 126 = ILS 608). After the death of Carus, M.A. Iulianus assumed

the imperial title, but

was defeated near Verona by Carinus, and killed (Zos. 1,73). However, when Numerianus had died in November 284, the soldiers in Nicomedia proclaimed ~» Diocletianus as Augustus. C. faced Diocletian at the mouth of the Margus in Moesia (Eutr. 9,20,2); although he was victorious on the field, he was betrayed by his own army and killed by a tribune (Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes. 38,8). He was cos.I 283, cos. I] 284, cos. III 285. His wife was Magnia Urbica, his son Nigrinianus, died 284/85, and consecrated; his ‘nine wives’ (SHA Carin. 16,7) are a fiction of the Historia Augusta (PIR* A TWA 23 AUG 8)series 11) RiCis=2. 156-181; KIENAST, *1996, 261-62.

AB.

CARISIUS

1107

I108

[1] C., P. Legatus Augusti pro praetore in Spain, defeat-

port. The modern town of Kerman has its precursor in Veh-Ardaxér, which was founded by Ardaxsir I.

ed the Asturians in 25 BC, conquered the fortress of Lancia and settled veterans in the colonia Emerita (Flor. Ep. 2,33,54-58; Cass. Dio 53,25,8-26,1). In 22, he crushed an Asturian revolt (Cass. Dio 5 4,5,1f.).

1 R.GyseELEN, La géographie administrative de l’empire sassanide, 1989, especially 85f. 2 R.Kenr, Old Persian, 1953 3R.T. HALLock, Selected Fortification Texts, in: Cahiers de la Délégation Archéologique Frangaise en Iran

Carisius Uncommon family name.

RIC 1', Augustus, no. 277-303; P. LE Roux, L’armée Romaine et l’organisation des provinces Ibériques, 1982, 64ff. D.K.

[2] C., T. Mint master c. 46 BC (RRC 475f. no. 464). Probably identical with the C., who in 36 BC commanded the first wing of Octavian’s (+ Augustus) fleet in the Sicilian straits (App. B. Civ. 5,463). T.P. Wis—EMAN, New Men in the Roman

Senate, 1971,

221 no. 103.

D.K.

Caristanius [1] C.C. Fronto. Senator from Caesarea in Pisidia. Vespasian made him inter tribunicios adlectus. He was the praetorian governor of Lycia-Pamphylia from AD 81-c. 83/84; cos. suff. 90 (AE 1949, 23); married to a Sergia Paulla (PIR* C 423) [1. og]. [2] C.C. Julianus. Related to C. [1]; after an equestrian military service, he was admitted into the Senate; proconsul Achaiae probably AD troo/tor (PIR* C 426)

[1. 129; 2. 334]. 1 HALFMANN'-

2 W.Eck, in: Chiron 12, 1982.

W.E.

Carmania (Kaguavia, Karmania, Latin Carmania; ety-

mology unclear). Name of an Iranian area east of the Persis and west of the > Gedrosia. In western documents the inhabitants of C. are called Kagudévou Karmanioi, Latin Carmanii. This tradition distinguishes at the same time the barren north (fj €onuos K., e.g. Ptol. 6,5,1) from C. proper, which is described as particularly fertile (Str. 15,2,14; Arr. Ind. 32,4f.; Amm. Marc. 23,6,48).

In the Achaemenid royal inscriptions, C. is mentioned as the supplier of yaka wood for the palace of Darius I in Susa [2. 143 DSf 35]; in the Elamite tablets from Persepolis it is named as the point of departure for journeys to Susa [3. no. 14]. As early as the Achaemenid period, C. was a satrapy — the appointment of the satrap Astaspes was first confirmed by Alexander; C. and its inhabitants are mentioned rather frequently by the Alexander historians, sometimes however with a dis-

tortion of the topos (cf. Str. 15,2,14). As later governors we find Sibyrtius (after 324) and Tlepolemus. Even under the Seleucids, Parthians and Sassanids, C. (Kerman) remained an autonomous province; later, in the early Islamic period, it was a strategic and logistical base for Arabian eastern undertakings. There is no evidence of a Christian bishop in C. until the middle of the 7th cent. In Ptol. (6,8,13; 8,22,20) C, appears as untedmodts ‘AguovCa/meétropolis Harmouza (= Old Hurmuz; Ptol. 6,8,5) and as the most important

8,1978, 109-136 4D.T. Ports, Seleucid Karmania, in: L. pe Meyer, E. HAgRINCK (ed.), Archaeologia Iranica et Orientalis 2, 1989, 581-603 5 R.SCHMITT, s.v. Car-

mania, Enclr 4, 1990, 822f.

JW.

Carmanor (Kagydavmo; Karmanor). [1] A Cretan seer and priest of purification, as such closely connected with > Apollo, the god of ritual purification, and with Delphi, his centre of cult worship. He purifies Apollo and Artemis after the killing of the snake + Python (in Tarrha, Phaestus or Dion on Crete, Paus. 2,30,3; Euseb. Praep. evang. 5,31); in his house Apollo loves the nymph Acacallis who becomes mother of the founding heroes of the Cretan city Elyrus (on the myth of abandonment Paus. 10,16,5); C. is also father of Chrysothemis, the first human to be victorious against Pythia in song at the Delphi agon (Paus. 10,7,2). Reflected in these myths are the high standing of Crete as the home of ritual atonement (~ Epimenides) and the documented connection of Delphi and Crete since H. Hom Apollo. E.G. [2] Older name of the river > Inachus [2] in the Argolis (Ps.-Plut. De fluviis 18). Yi. Carme (Kdoun; Karmeé). By Zeus the mother of the Cretan local goddess Britomartis, who according to Paus. 2,30,3 and Diod. Sic. 5,76 is to be equated with ~ Dictynna. C. is the daughter of Eubulus and granddaughter of Carmanor [1], one of the close companions of Apollo, who atones him of the killing of the python; her mother is > Demeter. According to another genealogy, C. descends from the Agenor-son Phoenix and the Arabius-daughter Cassiopeia (Antoninus Liberalis 40). In view of these connections, it appears that C. is a local deity from the Middle Eastern area adopted in Crete in the Minoan period. J.B. Harrop, The Tempering Goddess. The BritomartisDictynna-Artemis Mythologem, 1980.

EV,

Carmel (Hebrew Bible: ‘orchard, tree grove’; Arabic

Gabal Carmel or Gabal Mar Ilyas; Greek Kéoundog; Vulgate: Carmelus; crusader: Mons Carmel). Limestone and chalk mountains in northern Palestine, 5-8 km wide, 23 km long and up to 552 metres high. According to Biblical tradition the Carmel was situated south of the Asher tribe (Jos. 19,26). The Hebrew Bible praises the beauty of the mountain range (HL 7,6; Is. 33,93 35,25 Jer. 46,285 50,193; Am 1,2; 9,3; Nah z,4).

In Egyptian sources of the 3rd and 2nd millennium BC, Carmel is called ‘nose of the gazelle’, later as ‘sacred head’, probably alluding to a shrine. On the Carmel the Canaanite-Phoenician god ~ Baal was worshipped

I109

III0

who in Ps.-Scyl. 104 (4th cent. BC) is equated to Zeus, and in Tac. Hist. 2,78,3 and Suet. Vesp. 5,6 is called Deus Carmelus. In the 2nd/3rd cents. AD there were links to the cult of Zeus at > Baalbek (dedicatory inscription to Zeus Heliopoleites Karmelus). From the late rth cent. BC down into Roman times (Jos. Bl 3,35), archaeological and historical evidence depicts the Carmel as the southern border of the territory of Tyrus. At the northern headland of the Carmel the prophet — Elijah [1] fought against the strong Phoeni-

Carmen adversus Marcionitas (previously: Marcio-

cian influence on Israel around

860 BC (1 Kgs 18;

19,43; 2 Kgs 2,25; 4,25-29). The Carmel was already inhabited in the Old Paleolithic Period. The ancient trade routes went round the Carmel. In the Bronze and Iron Ages the Carmel was only sparsely populated; in the Roman-Byzantine period there were increasing numbers of village settlements with numerous agricultural installations and ditches. In the Byzantine period there was a significant Samaritan

CARMEN CONTRA PAGANOS

nem). Hexametrical Christian didactic poem (— didactic poetry) in 5 bks. (summary 5,1-18), which is aimed at the heretical positions of the Marcionites (> Marcion) (1,141-144). It is not written by > Tertullian, but rather by an anonymous author, whose origins are difficult to ascertain [2. 15-22, 29f.]. The poem was written sometime between AD 420-450 [2. 28-33]. Bk. 3 takes up the concept of the ecclesia ab Abel from Aug. Civ. 15. In order to prove the unity of OT and NT, the author employs numerous, and at times complex, > typologies, especially in respect of the Letter to the Hebrews and the Apocalyse. 1M. MU ter, Unt. zum C., 1936 2 K.POLLMANN, Das C., introd, text, trans., comm., 1991. K.P.

Carmen Arvale Hymn used by the > Arvales fratres to accompany their dance (tripudium) for > Dea Dia and

colony north-west of the Carmel (— Samaria); in the central Carmel, on the other hand, there was a mixed

+ Mars (CLE 1). Whilst its earliest transmission is an inaccurate inscription from AD 218 [1. 644-64], the

Jewish and Christian population with churches and synagogues. Wine, olives and fruit were the main crops.

text does preserve some characteristics of the early language (Lases without changing the intervocalic -s-> -r-). In its substance, it must precede quite substantially the early Augustan reform of the cult, even if it was developed under Greek influence [2]; in any case, it is unlikely to be an archaistic creation of the middle Imperial Age [3]. In spite of uncertainties, the hymn’s main themes are understandable [1. 616-623]: in verses repeated three times each, it invokes the help of the ~» Lares, beseeches Mars (Marmar) for protection from destruction and epidemics and for guard over the borders, and invokes the presence of the > Semones (goddesses ofthe seeds); it ends with a fivefold victory call— Mars’ protection has created the conditions for successful sowing and harvesting. The Carmen Arvale is an impressive testimony of early Roman cultic poetry; it also demonstrates the adherence of the state cult to these traditions even in the middle Imperial Age.

Sources:

Y.TSAFERIS

et al., Tabula Imperii Romani,

Iudaea-Palaestina, 1994, 100 (detailed bibliography). LITERATURE: D.Garrop, D.BaTe, The Stone Age of Mount Carmel 1, 1937; T.D. McCown, A. KEITH, The Stone Age of Mount Carmel 2, 1939; H. P. KUHNEN, Stud. zur Chronologie und Siedlungsarch. des K. (Israel) zwi-

schen Hell. und Spatant., TAVO B 72, 1989.

GLE.

Carmen see > Song

Carmen ad Flavium Felicem In c. AD 500, a Christian anonymous author, probably in Africa, wrote the C., a poem of 406 hexameters with epyllic qualities; its topic was the proof of the resurrection of the dead (102-136) and the divine last judgement of good (186-268) and evil (269-355) people. Its style frequently imitates that of > Virgil,

but also that of Christian poets [1; 2. 118ff.]; furthermore, verses frequently end in pseudo-rhymes. 1 J.H. Waszink, Florilegium Patristicum Suppl. 1, 1937, 47-116 2S.Isetra, C., in: Vetera Christianorum 20, 1983, I1I-140.

des

C.A.Ein

Zeugnis

fingierter

Miuindlichkeit?,

in:

G. VoctT-Spira (ed.), Beitrage zur muindlichen Kultur der Romer, 1993, 59-86. E.G.

K.P.

Carmen ad quendam senatorem In the C. (end of 4th cent. AD [3. 124~-130]), a Christian anonymous author speaks out — in 85 hexameters —against the absurdity of the pagan cults of > Mater Magna (6-20) and - Isis (21-34), triggered by the apostasy (1-5; 35-50) of a formerly Christian legate (27). The pamphlet copies some satirical elements from -» Horace and especially + Juvenal [2. 156f.]. EDITION:

1 ScHEID, Collége 2 E. Norpen, Aus altrom. Priesterbichern, 1939 3R.Prva, Neue Wege zur Interpretation

1R.PeErrEeR, CSEL 23, 1891, 227-230.

SECONDARY LITERATURE: 2R.B. BEGLEY, The C., diss. Ann Arbor 1984 3 L.Cracco RucainI, Il paganesimo romano tra religione e politica, 1979. K.P.

Carmen contra paganos The Parisian Cod. Lat. 8084 of Prudentius transmits in fol. 156-158" 122 v. an anonymous defamatory poem (CPL 1431), directed against a praefectus (urbis or praetorio orientis), presumably V. Nicomachus > Flavianus the Elder., but alternatively perhaps — Vettius Agorius Praetextatus. The text is not only a Christian reaction to the pagan Roman renaissance under > Symmachus, but also a testimony of the Christian reception of Virgil. The Carmen contra paganos belongs to the genre of apologetic poetry, and makes interesting references to the pagan Roman religiosity of late antiquity. Anth.

Lat.

1,17-23;

SHACKLETON-BAILEY;

CH.

MARK-

scuiEs, Leben wir nicht alle unter dem selben Sternen-

CARMEN

CONTRA

PAGANOS

zelt?, in: R.FELDMeEIER,

U.HeckeL

(ed.), Die Heiden,

1994, 325-377 (trans., comm. and lit.).

C.M.

Carmen de aegritudine Perdicae see » Aegritudo Perdicae Carmen de bello Actiaco Aegyptiaco

see

~ Carmen

de bello

Carmen de bello Aeyyptiaco (or Actiaco) is the modern title for 52 hexameters in eight columns and some fragments on P Hercul. 817. It is improbable that ~» Rabirius was their author; they were more likely part of the Res Romanae by ~ Cornelius Severus. The poem deals with Octavian’s Egyptian campaign after Actium, and Cleopatra’s preparations for suicide. G. FERRARA, Poematis latini reliquiae, 1908; G.GARUTI, Bellum Actiacum, 1958; COURTNEY, 334; R.SEIDER, Palaographie der lat. Papyri, vol. 2.1, 1978, 4 (for the papyrus); M.G1Gante, Catalogo dei Papiri ercolanesi, 1979,

186; E.O. Winco,

Latin Punctuation,

1972,

Carmen de martyrio Maccabaeorum The C. (394 hexameters), which in MSS is attributed to > Hilarius of Poitiers or Marius Victorinus, originates from an unknown author and an unknown period, most likely from the 5th cent. AD. It recounts the death of a mother and her seven sons at the hands of Antiochus, king of Syria (2 Macc. 7; 4 Macc. 8-18). The poem celebrates the unconquerable will of the mother in a series of speeches, which constitute the bulk of the text. > Bible poetry EDITION: R.PErrEr, CSEL 23,240-254. SECONDARY LITERATURE: D.KARTSCHOKE,

tung, 1975, 38f., los—1it.

Bibeldich-

M.RO.

Carmen de ponderibus et mensuris Anonymous Latin poem, dated between the end of the 4th and beginning of the 6th cent. AD, and dedicated to a Symmachus,

perhaps the father-in-law of Boethius; it is a skilfully formed and clearly structured didactic poem ( Didac-

54.

tic poetry) in 208 hexameters about weights and mea-

ED.C.

sures, the procedure for ascertaining the specific weight of fluids as well as the relative proportions of metals, especially of goid-silver alloys.

Carmen de figuris Factual poem in 185 Latin hexameters, dealing in alphabetical order with rhetorical > figures; it was designed as an aide-mémoire in the teaching of rhetorics. It was evidently based on > Rutilius Lupus and > Alexander [25], son of Numenius. As arule, three lines are offered per figure (the Greek designation, one line for the Latin definition, two lines of

examples from Greek and Latin classics). The writer is anonymous (the addressee Messius is perhaps identical with Arusianus Messius); the late Latin (but nonethe-

less exquisite) vocabulary points to its origin in the 4th or 5th cent. AD. Its metrical mastery is unusually accurate for this era. M.SQUuILLANTE,

EEE2

ITIt

Un inventario di figure retoriche della

tarda latinita, in: Vichiana 3,1, 1990, 255-261; V. ViPARELLA, Tra prosodia e metrica, 1991. CW.

Epitrons:

1F.Hutrscn, Metrologicorum scriptorum

reliquiae 2, 1866, 88-98

2PLM

5, 71-82.

SECONDARY LITERATURE:

3 HLL § 619.2

4S.GRIMAUDO,

e poesia

Metrologia

nel tardoantico:

struttura e cronologia del C., in: Pan ro, 1990, 87-110 5 D.K. Raios, Recherches sur le C., 1983. J.GR.

Carmen de spe The anonymous poem (Anth. Lat. 415) is extant only in the Codex Vossianus Leidensis Q 86 (c. 850), for that reason virtually unknown in the Middle Ages. However, after the first edition by J.J. SCALIGER (1573), much attention has been paid to these 33 distichs. J.G. HERDER translated verses 1-16. [2]. The probably medieval title of De spe queritur per exempla provides an exact definition of its contents: a complaint is made about hope as an illusion and a seductress in accordance with — chreia, and its treacherous deeds de-

Carmen de ligno crucis (de pascha) A poem of 69 hexameters, also transmitted

under the titles of De

pascha or De cruce Domini nostri, and ascribed to + Cyprian, less commonly to > Victorinus of Pettau. It is unlikely that it was written earlier than AD 400, perhaps in northern Italy. As a tightly constructed allegory, which combines Christ and his cross, the root of Jesse, the Tree of Life in paradise, and Jacob’s ladder into the image of a tree, the poem provides a detailed and vivid description of the developmental history of Christianity as well as an individual’s way to salvation. - Allegorical poetry EpiTion: W.v. HarTEL, CSEL 3,3,305-308. SECONDARY

LITERATURE:

A.RONCORONI,

Ps.-

Cipriano, Del. c., in: Rivista Storia e Letteratura relig. 12, 1976, 380-390; J.SCHWIND, Das pseudocyprianische C. de P. seu de |. C., in: H.-W. Stork

(ed.): Ars et Ecclesia. FS

F. J. Ronig, 1989, 379-402 (edn.: 390-394).

J.SCH.

scribed in the topical examples of real-life situations. Its origin in the first cent. AD (product of a rhetorical academy?) is not disputed, but its attribution to > Seneca [3] or to Pentadius [4] to be doubted. 1 Tu. Birt, Elpides, 1881, 72-77 Werke 29, 1889, 652

2 J.G. Herders Samtl.

3 C.PRaTO, Gli epigrammi attri-

buti a L. Anneo Seneca, *1964, 59-64 Advers. Comment. libri LX, 1624.

4K. BartTH, WSL.

Carmen famosum The carmen famosum (CF) (according to Paulus, Sent. 5,4,6) or malum carmen (defama-

tory poem) is a criminal offence like the > occentatio placed beside each other in the Tabulae duodecim (8,1). It is possible that this crime was only barely comprehensible even for ancient writers (e.g. Cic. Rep. 4,12), particularly because of the extremely severe penalty for mere defamation: probably > death penalty. It was a matter of private punishment, though, so it was barely

ii}

IIl4

more than a legally permissible form of private revenge. When compared with the practice of duelling in the roth cent. it is not quite so surprising that in the 5th cent. BC. people had a right to kill if they had been insulted. Most modern interpreters, however, probably view the CF as a magic formula, with death itself possibly the content of the curse. D.FLacn, Die Gesetze der frithen rom. Republik, 1994, 165 with n. 235; V.Grureré, La ‘repressione criminale’

CARMINIUS

1 LTUR 1, 240f. 2 Watpe/HormMann I, 170 3G. Wissowa, Rel. und Kultus der Rémer, *1912, 219f.

E.G.

Carmina Einsidlensia see — Einsiedel Eclogues

Carmina figurata see > Technopaignia Carmina Priapea see > Priapea

nell’ esperienza romana, 31993, 35; B. Biscotti, ‘Malum carmen incantare’ e ‘occentare’ nelle XII tavole, in: Testimonium amicitiae, 1992, 21-51. GS.

Carmen Saliare — Hymn of the > Salii. This cultic song in 35 fragments of unknown sequence, partly in saturnians, is only preserved by antiquarians (> Antiquarian; > C. Arvale, > C. Saeculare); a commentary

on it was written by > Aelius Stilo in the rst cent. BC. It was regarded as belonging to the oldest Roman poetry (Varro, Ling. 7,3). Its age is uncertain, addenda probably date from as late as the 2nd cent. AD (SHA Aur. 21). It begins with a general invocatio, the > axamenta (Paul. Fest. 3,12-15 L). Of the extant invocations of the gods, only Jupiter can be identified with certainty (FPL, fr. 2). Cerus duonus and Mamuri Veturi (3; 15) probably refer to Janus and Mars. Cultic regulations (11) and cult places are mentioned (Rome; 9). The song involved dancing (Liv. 1,20,4). EDITIONS:

B. MAURENBRECHER, C. reliquiae, in: Jb. Phi-

lol. Suppl. 21, 1894, 313-352; FPL no. 1-21.

HE.K.

Carmentis (In Greek always, in Latin very rarely Carmenta). Roman goddess of birth and ‘everything future’ (Fast. Praenestini on rr January). Even if in historical times, she was overshadowed by related female deities (especially Iuno Lucina), her old importance is evident in the existence of a Flamen Carmentalis. Her sanctuary lay between the Capitol and the Tiber at the Porta Carmentalis [1] and was regarded as being founded by the matrons at the resumption of births after a birth-strike (Ov. Fast. 1,617—628; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 56,278b); Leather items (Ov. Fast. 1,629) as well

as anything else linked with death, were forbidden, as these were considered contrary to her nature (omen

Carmina triumphalia Song of the soldiers, whose parade concluded a triumphal procession. There is evidence to show that in the carmina triumphalia, the triumphant general received both praise (Liv. 4,20,2) and mockery. The reported antiphony may particularly refer to the latter (Liv. 4,53,11). Obscene ridicule and satire in this context were generally compared with the satirical poetry at weddings (Fescennine verses); they were seen as apotropaic, or rather seen as a further admonishment along with the hominem te esse memento of the bearer of the corona triumphalis. The evidence is predominantly

in Livy; texts (in trochaic

septameters = versus quadrati) are mainly quoted in connection with Caesar’s victory celebrations — by then a politicization of what used to be no more than a ritual tradition [7] cannot be ruled out. EDITIONS:

1J.G. Kempr, Romanorum sermonis cas-

trensis reliquiae, in: NJPh Suppl. 26, 1901, 2 CourTNEY, 483ff. 3 FPL BLANspDorRE, 192ff.

357ff.

SECONDARY LITERATURE : 4 E.StTampini, Studi di lette filol. lat., 1917, 173-230 5 SCHANZ/Hostust, 21f. 6 W.EH ERS, RE 7A, 1, 5oof. 7 G. CuPAIUOLO, Tra

poesia e politica, 1993, 3 8ff.

PLS.

Carminius [1] (M. Ulpius) C. Athenagoras. Proconsul of LyciaPamphylia, cos. suff. possibly under Commodus [z. 151]. The family came from Attuda (for his relatives: EOS 2, 633). [1a] C. C. Gallus. Suffect consul AD 120 [1]. Probably to be identified with the proconsular legate of the same name. PIR* A 1065. 1 W. Eck, P. Weiss, Hadrianische Suffektconsuln: Neue

Zeugnisse aus Militardiplomen, in: Chiron 32, 2002 (in print).

W.E.

morticinum: Fast. Praenestini on rt January). She was

revered in her double aspect as Prorsa or also Porrima (normal birth) and Postverta (breech birth) (Varr. Antiquitates rerum divinarum 103; Ov. Fast. 1,633). Her main festival, the Carmentalia, is celebrated on 11 and

[2] L.C. Lusitanicus. Cos. suff. in AD 81 [2. 24]. [3] Sex. C. Vetus. Probably the brother of C. [2]; Cos. suff. in AD 81 [2. 24]; procos. Asiae in 96/7 or 97/8 (I.

15 January. The myth presents her as a nymph (a god-

Eph. 2, 264). [4] Sex. C. Vetus. Son of C. [3]; Cos. ord. in AD 116

dess according to Liv. 1,7,8; Ov. Fast.

(PIR* C 437) [3. 48].

1,618) and,

impregnated by > Mercurius, as the mother of the Arcadian > Evander, but also as an ecstatic prophetess, which presupposes the popular etymological derivation of the name from carmen (Ov. Fast. 1,467), but also from carens mente, i.e., ecstatic, (Plut. Quaest. Rom. 56,278c) [2]; either she or Evander taught the Aborigines how to write (Hyg. Fab. 277,2; Tac. Ann. Tereestovt))

[5] Sex. C. Vetus. Son of C. [4]; Cos. ord. in AD 150 (PIR* C 438). 1 LEUNISSEN

2 Decrassi, FC

3 FOst.

WE.

[6] Latin grammarian from about the mid 4th cent. AD. His phraseology (De elocutionibus, cf. Serv. Aen. 5,233) deals with the correct use of language, regarding

CARMINIUS

iets

both syntax and style. He selected his expressions for discussion according to types of word, and documented them with examples mainly from the classics (Virgil, Terence, Cicero, Sallust); Varro and Probus were used as grammatical sources, both perhaps conveyed by Donatus’ commentary on Virgil. His method of preparing quotes from classic works — along with Donatus and Diomedes — were of influence even to Nonius and Priscian. Only one fragment — probably about Donatus on Aen. 4,513 -—has survived from a geographicalantiquarian work (De Italia, Macrob. Sat. 5,19,13) of at least two bks. P.L. ScHmipT, HLL § 523.3.

PLS.

Carmo

Settlement of the — Turdetani, modern Carmona (province of Sevilla in Spain). C. rose to importance during the conflicts between Rome and Carthage (3rd/2nd cents. BC; App. Ib. 25; Liv. 33,21, 6ff.). Caes. B Civ. 2,19,4 and Str. 3,2,2 refer to C. as one of the most important towns of Baetica. The names of some of the officials of this > municipium civium Romanorum or Latinorum are known from coins [1. 199] and from inscriptions (CIL II 1378ff.; 5120). 1 E.HUBNER, Monumenta Linguae Ibericae tr. TOVAR I, 1§ 5-157.

PB.

Carna Roman goddess whose temple was vowed and founded on the Caelius mons by the first > Brutus immediately after the expulsion of the > Tarquinii; (Macrob. Sat. 1,12,31). Its foundation day is 1 June, the festival of the Carnaria (CIL III 3893). C. received offerings of bacon and bean gruel (Macrob. Sat. 1,12,32; cf. Ov. Fast. 6,169-182: Kalendae fabariae), which sug-

gest a simple, old-fashioned way of life (Ovid) or which are meant to depict C. as a protector of physical strength (Macr.). The authors state that her role is the protection of the internal organs (Macr.) or the door hinge (cardo, Ov. Fast. 6,101) [1]. More important is the fact that she protects newborn infants from the child-killing > Striges (Ov. ibid., in the myth of the love of Janus for this nymph-like goddess which was probably created in an ad hoc manner) [2]. So C. protected transits and transitions in space and time and therefore was connected with protecting the interior of the home from demonic attacks, the beginning of the Republic and the cult of the dei adventicti (Varro, Rer. div. ant. fr. 34 CARDAUNS). 1W.F. Orro, in: RhM 64, 1909, 463ff. 2 J.LOEHR, Ovids Mehrfacherklarungen in der Tradition aitiologischen Dichtens, 1996, 34 5f. HG,

Carnation As we do not know of any ancient name, we cannot clarify whether the carnation was found in ancient times. Possibly it is meant by the name Atoc &vO0c/ Dios anthos, ‘flower of Zeus’ Latin Iovis flos, from

which the modern name of the genus, Dianthus, is also

II1I6

derived. At any rate, of the 65 representatives that grow in Greece from among the 120 wild European species of carnation, 20 are regarded as endemic [r. 81]. In the shrub-like Cretan carnation, Dianthus arboreus, archaeologists see the model for wall paintings in the palace of Knossos. As Zeus is said to have been born on Crete, the ancient name would fit in well here. Theophr. Hist. pl. 6,6,2 mentions an odourless flower of Zeus amongst the wreath plants, a description that would, for instance, fit the Dianthus crinitus, a carnation restricted to Rhodes [1. 81]. The related (cf. Plin. HN 21,67) rose campion, Lychnis coronaria, that like the Dianthus crinitus (cf. Plin. HN 21,59) is made into wreaths, is called uyvic otehavopatian/lychnis stephanomatikeé in Dioscorides 3,100 WELLMANN = 3,10 BERENDES. Only its seed, if drunk with wine, was said to help against the bite of the scorpion. 1 H. BAUMANN, Die griech. Pflanzenwelt, F. OLCK, s.v. Atos &vO0c, RE 5, 1082f.

1982 C.HU.

Carnea, Carneus, Carnus (Kdoveia, Kaovetoc, Kcégvoc; Karneia, Karneios, Karnos). The C. was a standard

Dorian midsummer festival dedicated to Apollo Carneus (to the ‘ram’-Apollo, cf. Hsch. s.v. xdevos ... 1Q0Batov) with musical agons (Hellanicus of Lesbos, FGrH

4 F 85). It was allegedly institutionalized in 676/3 BC (Sosibius, FGrH 595 F 3). Part of the festival was the sacrifice of a ram: in Theocritus (5,82f.) a shepherd raises a choice ram just for the C. The epithet Carneus did not belong solely to > Apollo, but also to > Zeus (in Argos: schol. Theoc. 5,83bd); it is likely to have originally represented an independent ram-shaped shepherd deity [1. 120; 2]. The Near Eastern Carneus Oiketas as presented by Pausanias (3,13,3) is epigraphically documented (IG V 1, 497; 589) alongside a Carneus Dromaios. Details are known only about the C. of Sparta and of Cyrene. It can be postulated solely on the basis of the common Dorian month of Carneus (around August/ September) [3], which surely has this festival to thank for its name, that other Dorians also celebrated the fes-

tival. In Sparta, C. ended a summer cycle of three Apolline initiation celebrations [4. 42-56]. Hyacinthia (> Hyacinthus [1]) led off in the early dog-days. The Gymnopaedia followed in the next month, with C. apparently following immediately afterwards [5]. The festival lasted nine days (Ath. 4,141ef), during which a strict ceasefire ruled (Hdt. 7,206; Thuc. 5,54,2); it ended with the full moon (Eur. Alc. 448ff.). According to Demetrius of Scepsis (at Ath. 4,14 ref) the C. imitated the military way of life: nine tent-like shelters accommodated eating communities of nine men each who had to carry out everything upon command; they were recruited from the three Phratria (the three-part Dorian tribal structure is meant here). More than likely, youths entered the military community of the adults by means of their first participation in the ritual meals. Organization of the festival for four years at a time was the

TSTCANG

TRIE)

responsibility of unmarried young men, the Karnedtai, who were selected by the drawing of lots (Hsch. s.v. xagvedta). It was also their responsibility to carry out a ritual run: one of them, draped with sacrificial bindings, ran ahead pronouncing blessings for the city; the others pursued him. When they caught him it was seen as a good omen for the well-being of the land; the bad omen seen in the possibility of not catching him is presumably to be viewed as ritual fiction (Anecd. Bekk. 1, p. 305, 25ff.). The pursuers were called staphylodrémoi, ‘grape runners’ (ibid. and Hsch. s.v. otapvA0dQou0t), a name that suggests a relationship to the grape harvest that was beginning. During the dog-days, the first grapes ripened. Did the staphylodrédmoi crown themselves with grapevines that had grapes hanging on them, or did they hold such wreaths in their hands? Did the ritual mark the release of grapes for consumption? In the past, C. was interpreted as a harvest festival and the pursued runner was seen as a representative of the harvest blessing, which had originally been sacrificed in the form of an animal [6. 73ff.; 7. 254ff.]. In contrast to this, a new interpretation paradigm denies all economic references and understands C. as purely a military initiation festival, the pursued runner representing the institution of prophecy necessary for the securing of fortune in war [4. 62ff.]. Both views are one-sided and therefore in need of correction; the aspects mentioned can be put together in a more complex theory: the blessing bearer, draped with bindings, apparently evoked a sacrificial animal, namely the ram that was slaughtered at C. and collectively eaten in the shelters [8; 9]. This corresponded presumably to a symbolic killing of the overtaken runner. The ram died in his place. The meaning that the festival custom had in the consciousness of the Dorians is revealed by the aetiological myth. According to this, the runner equipped with bindings represented a foreign seer by the name of Carnus, who had pointed the way by means of his oracles to the Dorians (the ‘Heraclidae’), who were immigrating into the Peloponnese, but who had been killed by them out of mistrust. Therefore, Apollo sent an epidemic (according to Apollod. 2,8,3 a famine). As atonement for this crime, the C. was then institutionalized (Theopom-

26 F 1, 26 an ‘apparition of Apollo’). His figure can be interpreted as a mythic projection of the pursued runner, who in passage through a symbolic sacrificial death was consecrated as a seer, while at the same time the other ephebes were admitted into the age group of adults. Because the initiation rites turned youths not only into warriors, but primarily into land-owning citizens who farmed land and were dependent on the thriving of arable crops, a harvest festival formed an appropriate framework for their change in social status. The prophecies allocating land made by the seer Carnus manifested themselves annually anew in the blessings pronounced by his successor overtaken in the ritual and then distributed themselves sacramentally among those celebrating in the form of the ram, sacrificed and eaten in his place. In order for the Doric festival of initiation to be connected aetiologically to the Panhellenic myth, the origin of the C. was dated back to the time of the Trojan War: it would have been celebrated in memory of the horse made of cornelian cherry wood, that enabled the Greeks to conquer Troy (Paus. 3,13,5 with popular etymological derivation of Carneus from krd-

pus, FGrH 115 F 357; Conon, FGrH 26 F 1, 26; Paus.

3,13,3f.; schol. Callim. H. 2,71). According to the Spartan version of the myth, a seer living in Sparta by the name of Crius (‘ram’), in whose house Carneus Oiketas was venerated, betrayed the pre-Dorian city to the Heraclidae (Paus. 3,13,3). The C. is a reminder in the consciousness of the Dorians of the imaginary time of land occupation and settlement, when their nomadic ancestors settled down by appropriating the land of culture. The ram leading the herd acted as the symbolic animal of this transition; its sacrificial death repeated the murder of the seer. Insofar as the seer pointed the way for the landless tribes to their historical settlement areas, he was seen as the heroic counterpart of the colonist leader Apollo (Carnus according to Conon, FGrH

CARNEADES

neia).

The C. also activated a pseudo-historical memory of the founding of the city in Cyrene. Mixed gender round dances by youths — prenuptial initiation rites — are documented, which repeated the mythical original C. of the Dorian colony, which according to myth immediately preceded the founding of Cyrene (Callim. H. 2,8 5ff.). ~ Dorieis; > Doric migration; + Cyrene; > Sparta 1 Niztsson, FEsTE, 118-129

Widdergott, 1910

25S.ErrreM, Der vordor.

~=3 A.E. SAMUEL, Greek and Roman

Chronology, 1972 (Index)

4M.PETTERSSON, Cults of

Apollo at Sparta. The Hyakinthia, the Gymnopaidiai and the C., 1992

~=5 B.SERGENT, La date de la bataille de

Leuctres et celle de la féte des Gymnopaidiai, in: Rivista Storica dell’ Antichita 21, 1991, 137-143, here 130ff. 6 WIDE,

73-87

7 W.MANNHARDT,

Wald- und Feld-

kulte, 1905 8 BURKERT, 354-358; especially 3 56ff. 9 N.Rosertson, The Dorian Migration and Corinthian Ritual, in: CPh 75, 1980, 1-22.

GE

Carneades (Kaoveddyc; Karneddés). [1] Academic philosopher, born 21 4/3 (or 2149/8 BC) in Cyrene, died 129/8 in Athens. He probably came to Athens as a young man, later receiving rights of citizenship. After studying i. a. under the Stoic + Diogenes [15] of Babylon he joined the > Academy, taking over leadership from another of his masters, > Hegesinus [x], in around 164/60. He gave up the leadership in 137/6, thus long before his death, perhaps for health reasons (cf. Diog. Laert. 4,66). Many of his students are known by name (list in [1. 122f.]). In 155 he accompanied Diogenes of Babylon and the Peripatetic > Critolaus on an Athenian delegation to Rome. C.’ speeches for and against justice, made on two consecutive days (Lactant. Div. inst. 5,14f.) are regarded as marking a key date in the process of Rome’s ‘naturalization’ of

CARNEADES

T119

philosophy (cf. e.g. Plut. Cato Maior 22); (on this [2. 84of., 853]. C., like Arcesilaus [5] before him, has not left us any of his own writings (Diog. Laert. 4,65).

His teachings were recorded by > Hagnon [3] of Tarsus, > Zeno of Alexandria and especially — Cleitomachus, cited by Sextus Empiricus. Cicero gives > Antiochus [20] of Ascalon as a further source. Central for C. seems to have been a dispute with positions held by the Stoa, and particularly with +» Chrysippus [2]. Consequently, a verse was coined in his regard in favour of Chrysippus (Diog. Laert. 4,62): ei UN YaO NV Xevoutmoc, obx av Tv eyo (‘if Chrysippus had not existed, neither would I’). Although C. is regarded as initiating a New Academy (Sext. Emp. P.H. 1,220), no essentially new orientation of the Academy

is linked with his name: he stands within the Sceptical tradition of > Arcesilaus [5], for whom the question of cognition had become paramount. C. turns against Chrysippus’ solution, namely the acceptance of imagination as a mediating agent to bridge the gulf between awareness

and cognition (Cic. Acad.

1,64-90). One

consequence of this radical position is the entire suspension of judgement (-> epoché; Cic. Acad. 1,91-98). On the other hand, in order to avoid inaction (apraxia), in the area of everyday life he seeks to obtain relative certainty by means of a relatively precise, threefold gradation of the probable (pithanon, Lat. probabile). In the area of ethics, C. directs his attention to life-goals, seeking a systematic overall perspective embracing all possible goals (divisio Carneadea: Cic. Fin. 5,16-21): a decisive criterion for C. is the question whether actual achievement of his three life-goals (pleasure, the absence of pain and ‘that which is most in accord with nature’) is indispensable, or whether striving after them may be held to be sufficient. This very distinction serves to accentuate differences with the Stoa, while in his identification of ‘that which is most in accord with nature’ as a life-goal C. was in agreement with the Stoics. Some of C.’s theological positions may also be identified, i. a. his disputing of commonly held ideas of God (Sext. Emp. Adv. Math. 9,182-190) and the Stoic concept of God (ibid. 148-151; 18of.), as well as teaching on divination (cf. Porph. De abstinentia 3,20,1-6) and

religious practices of his day. + Arcesilaus [5] 1 H.J. Metre, Weitere Akademiker heute: Von Lakydes bis zu Kleitomachos, in: Lustrum 27, 1985, 53-148 (testimonia and fragments with commentary) 2 W.GORLER, Karneades, GGPh* 4.2., 1994, 849-897 3 F.RICKEN,

Ant. Skeptiker, 1994, 53-67.

[2] C. the Younger. Son of Polemarchos. Academic philosopher of the 2nd cent. BC; in 137/6 C. the Elder passed leadership of the Academy to him (and not to + Cleitomachus) (Philod. Academicorum Index 24,28; 30,1); he held the post until his death in 13 1/30. There is no information as to his teaching. K-HS.

II20

Carneiscus (Kagvetoxoc; Karneiskos). Pupil of > Epicurus, originating in Asia Minor, perhaps from Cos or Rhodes. In his work ®wAtotac (Philistas), comprising at least two volumes, he wrote on the Epicurean concept of friendship. The end of the 2nd volume (extant in PHercul. 1027) is dedicated to one Zopyrus, otherwise unknown. C. expresses his disagreement with the Peripatetic philosopher > Praxiphanes, criticizing his writing on friendship for suggesting improper forms of relationship between friends. + Epicurean School T.DORANDI, in: GOULET 2, 1993, 227-228.

T.D.

Carni Celtic tribe (cf. triumph of M. Aemilius Scaurus de Galleis Karneis: CIL1 12,49), who may have arrived at the Adriatic coast towards the end of the 3rd cent. BC. C. are first mentioned in 181 BC as inhabiting the region later known as ~ Aquileia: Liv. 39,22,6f.; 40,34,23 45,6; 54,2ff. According to Str. 4,6,9, they occupied the hinterland of Aquileia, together with some Norici (+ Noricum) and the > Veneti (5,1,9); their relationship with these is not quite clear as, according to Str. 7,5,3, the C. also bordered on the Istri. The pass across Mount Ocra (probably the modern Nanos in Slovenia, the link between the Apennine and the Balkan peninsulas) was disputed between C., > Iapodes and Taurisci. In 171 BC, they were attacked by consul C. Cassius Longinus (Liv. 43,1,4-7; 43,5,1ff.). According to Plin. HN 3,131, this then led to the decline of Segesta and Ocra, whereas in Pliny’s days, > Iulium Carnicum and Forum lulii were the probable centres. Str. 7,5,2 refers to > Tergeste, a former Istrian castellum, as a Carnian settlement. Augustus (ILS 6680) incorporated the C. and the neighbouring Catali into the colony of Tergeste. V. VEDALD! JASBEZ, La Venetia orientale e |’Histria (Studi e ricerche sulla Gallia cisalpina 5), 1994, 229-239. M.S.K.

Carnifex The hangman, who in Roman society as in virtually every place and time fulfilled a despised function, to be performed beyond the pale of civic life. Execution of > capital punishment by the carnifices was supervised under the Roman Republic by the > tresviri capitales. Whether they were state slaves, as was generally supposed in the past, is entirely uncertain. In Cumae and Puteoli it was the independent undertakers, during the imperial age soldiers too, who fulfilled the duties of the carnifex. W.KUNKEL, Staatsordnung und Staatspraxis der rém. Republik, 1995, 133 with note 130; Mommsen, Strafrecht, 915. GS.

Carnion (Kagviwv; Karnion). Tributary of the Gatheatas, modern Xerilas; the Gatheatas rises on the north-

western slopes of the Taygetus and discharges into the

II2r

m2)

Alpheius [1] south of Megale Polis (Paus. 8,34,5; Callim. H. 1,24). Plin. HN 4,20 mentions, possibly erroneously, an otherwise unknown Arcadian town of the same name.

was raised to the status of colonia by Septimius Severus who was proclaimed emperor there in AD 193. In around AD 260, C. was placed at the centre of the revolt by Regalianus, and in AD 308, it was the location of an important meeting of emperors (CIL III 4413) [5], but fell into noticeable decline from the 2nd half of the 4th cent. (Amm. Marc. 30,5,2; 11) — an earthquake is mooted amongst the possible causes. Following the Germanic invasion of AD 395, C. fell into oblivion — despite traces of primitive habitation in the sth/é6th cents. (last mentioned by Einhard).

PHILIPPSON/KiRSTEN, vol. 3, 288f.

E.MEY. andE.O.

Carnuntum Important Roman base and settlement on the Danube at the intersection of the amber trade route (running from Aquileia through the March valley to the Baltic Sea) and the road along the Danube valley, modern Petronell and Bad Deutsch-Altenburg. Its Celtic name which can be linked with the neighbouring tribe of the Carni (e.g. Old Iranian carn‘stone mount’) indicates a (as yet unverified) pre-Roman settlement.

The locus Norici regni C., from where Tiberius set

CARP

1 K.SrrosBeEL, Unt. zu den Dakerkriegen Trajans, 1984, 96f. 21.Piso, Die Inschr. vom Pfaffenberg und der Bereich der Canabae legionis, in: Tyche 6, 1991, 131-169 3 W.Keiss, Bemerkungen zum sog. Heidentor in C., in: Germania 60, 1982, 222-228

A.STUPPNER

(ed.),

4H.FRIESINGER, J. TEJ-

out against Maroboduus (Vell. Pat. 2,109,5), may have

RAL,

Markomannenkriege,

to be placed near Bratislava-Devin, where Augustan-

5 H. CHANTRAINE, Die Erhebung des Licinius zum Augus-

Tiberian finds have been discovered, whereas C.’s first

tus, in: Hermes 110, 1982, 477-487.

wood and earth encampment, possibly soon after ex-

TIR M 33,32f.; H.Strcuirzet al., C., ANRW II 1.6, 583-

tended in stone (CIL III 4591; 53/54 AD), only dates

730; G.NeuMmannet

back to AD 40. The irregular polygonal and frequently altered legionary camp (490 X 334-391 m) between Petronell and Bad Deutsch-Altenburg belonged to Pannonia. In the rst cent. AD, with only a short interruption (62-71), it was occupied by the legio XV Apolli-

W.Josst, Provinzhauptstadt C., 1983; M. KANDLERet al., in: Id., H. Verrers (ed.), Der rom. Limes in Osterreich, 1986, 202-230; K.GENSER, Der Osterreichische Donau-

naris (having advanced from Emona in AD 14), who gave way in 118/19 [1] to the legio XIV Gemina Martia victrix who then stayed there to the end of Roman rule. C. also served as the base for the Danube fleet (classis Flavia Pannonica) and several auxiliary units, who, from the middle of the rst cent., were housed in an auxiliary fort on the eastern edge of Petronell, built in two phases and extended in stone under Trajan; in a reduced form, it continued to exist into the 4th cent. (bricks of the ala I Thracum). Around the legionary camp, covering an area of more than 130 ha., tightly built up canabae developed, with amphitheatre, forum and, to the east on the Pfaffenberg, a temple district with temples of the trias capitolina and the divine emperors (originating from there disputed dedications to Iupiter optimus maximus K., some dated rr June); possibly intra leagam a zone of special legal status [2]. To the west, a civilian town with a walled centre (3rd cent.) near Petronell boasted an (2.) amphitheatre with a seating capacity of 13,000; of note are also a large complex of thermal baths, altered into a building for representative purposes in around AD 300 (last alterations to the ‘palace ruins’ at the end of the 4th/sth cents.), a late-antique two-storey four-columned building (‘Heidentor’) of uncertain function [3], sanctuaries (i.a. a Christian baptisterium); burial grounds were distributed around the town (the largest, ‘Johannesbreite’, south of the western amphitheatre). When the provinces were divided in AD 106, C. became the capital of Pannonia superior, municipium Aelium Carnuntum (CIL III 4554) of the tribus Sergia (CIL Ill 4495). Due to the importance of its role as imperial headquarters in the Marcomannic Wars [4], it

al., s.v. C., in: RGA

1995

4, 343-3453

limes in der Romerzeit, 1986, 574-684; Regularly up-

dated reports in C.-Jb. and JOAI Grabungen.

K.DI.

Carnus (Kdevoc; Karnos). {1] see

> Carnea

[2] Island on the Acarnanian west coast of Alyzeia, identified as the modern Calamus. Documentation: Scyl. 34; Plin. HN 4,53; Artem. in Steph. Byz. s.v. C. W.M. Murray, The Coastal Sites of Western Akarnania, 1982; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 2, 390-392.

DS.

Carnutes Tribe living in Gallia Lugdunensis between the Seine and the Loire, neighbours of the Senones (Str. Aas 331423-Aubide 7a 2s Ptolwe, Sano). Attetatiencemte: sistance, they were conquered by Caesar (Caes. B Gall. 2-8 passim; Plin. HN 4,107; Carnuti foederati). Their most important towns were Cenabum and Autricum. It was a Carnutan tradition for their > druids to annually hold court in a sacred location. M.Provost,

Le Val de Loire

dans

l’Antiquité,

1993. Yale

Carp (Family of the Cyprinidae). (1.) The carp that lives in rivers and ponds (Ath. 7,309a) (Cyprinus carpio L.; xumetvoc/kyprinos, Latin cyprinus or carpa) was a

popular edible fish (Cassiod. Var. 12,4,15 cf. Nep. Themistocles 10,3). Aristotle describes its fleshy palate, oveavoc/ uranoés, that simulates

4,8,533a

a tongue

(Hist. an.

28-30), and mentions that thunderstorms

drive it into a daze (Hist. an. 7(8),20,602b 23f.; Plin.

HN 9,58). Supposedly it spawns five to six times a year (Aristot. Hist. an. 6,14,568a 16f.; Plin. HN 9,162), but

the development

of the eggs

that are

sometimes

CARP

I124

T2

watched over by males (6,14,569a 4f.) is slow (568b

17f.). The carps without milk and roe tasted best (Aris-

R. HERRMANN, s.v. Karpates, RE 10, 1999f.; C. DAIKOviciu, La Transylvanie dans |’antiquite, 1938. Ly.B.

tot. Hist. an. 4,11,538a 15-17). (2.) The Egyptian carp

(Cyprinus bynni L.) called A¢emdwrd¢/lepidotos (Ath. 7,309b) was often revered in Egypt as sacred (Hdt.

Carpathos (Kdoxa0oc¢; Karpathos, Lat. Carpathus). With an area of c. 332 km*the second largest island of

DAT DOtiMel Zale O(Sil 2) wheelie De sacl suas) sae)

the Dodecanes between Crete and Rhodes, with a coast-

The tench (Tinca vulgaris) only mentioned by Auson. Mos. 125 and (4.) the barbe (Barbus barbus) which was called barbus (Auson. Mos. 94), were of no significance. (5.) The gudgeon (Gobius niger L.) too is mentioned as xwtd¢c/kObids, Latin gobius or gobio (cobio in Plin. HN 32,146 as saltwater fish!) (Aristot. Hist. an.

al length of about 160 km (in the south the peak of Kalli Limni with a height of 1220 m). The statement in Diod.

7(8),19,601b 21f.; Lucil. 938 M.).

thos on the south-eastern

1 D’A. W. THompson, A Glossary of Greek Fishes, 1947 2 H.Gossen, s.v. Karpfen, RE 10, 2004f. C.HU.

Carpasia

(Kaenaoia,

Kaencéoe;

Karpasia,

Karpa-

seia). Town on the north coast of the northern tip of Cyprus — also named C. — north of the modern Rizokarpaso (Hellanicus FGrH 4 F 57). Remains of port installations, town walls and necropolis with chamber tombs; so far, houses from classical to Roman

times have been excavated, also an early Christian basilica complex. In 306 BC, C. was captured by > Demetrius [2] Poliorcetes. As an independent polis, C. is epigraphically verified only for the Ptolemaic period. Bishop’s seat from the 4th cent. AD. Masson, 329f.; T.B. MiTForRD, Further Contributions to

Sic. (5,54,4,) that C. (the name is pre-Greek, Hom. Il. 2,676 refers to the island as Kedana0oc, Krapathos)

once belonged to the kingdom of the > Minos is confirmed by archaeological finds. In the modern Karpacoast, Minoan-influenced

pottery was found ina Mycenaean chamber tomb of the r4th to 13th cents. BC; similar finds were made elsewhere on the island. The Minoan influence on C. apparently continued even after the catastrophe of > Thera. The oldest finds near the modern Karpathos date back to the 16th cent. BC (prehistoric finds: [1. 32ff.]). The Eteocarpathians were probably the last surviving elements of the earlier population (Syll.3 I 129). According to Diodorus (loc. cit.), C. was first settled by Argos. Scyl. 99 mentions three towns, Str. 10,5,17 four; known are Arcasea (modern Arkassa), Brycus (modern Vroukounda), Eteocarpathi, Carpathos (the modern Karpathos), Nisyrus (on the island of Saria

immediately to the north of C.?), Porthmus with a sanctuary of Poseidon Porthmios and Potidaeum. Ptol. 552,33 Obviously refers to the southern cape as Ephial-

the Epigraphy of Cyprus, in: AJA 65, 1961, 122-125;

tium (modern

E.OBERHUMMER,

Thoanteum, whereas Cape Posidium in the Stadiasmus maris magni 272 is probably the eastern cape near the modern Karpathos. C. gave its name to the south-eastern part of the Aegean (10 Kagmé&Otov méhkayos, Str. e552 DsOs5, kis Simply: Gaul cta seas 33))s Towards the middle of the 5th cent. BC, C. was a member of the > Delian League; in that and in general, the fate of the island was always closely linked with that of Rhodes. In the 4th cent. BC, C. finally formalized its

s.v.

K., RE

10,

1996-1999;

J.D.P.

TAYLOR et al., Excavations at Ayios Philon, the Ancient Carpasia 1, in: RDAC 1980, 152-216; Id., A.H. S. Mecaw, Excavations at Ayios Philon, the Ancient Carpasia 2, in: RDAC 1981, 209-250. R.SE.

Carpathians (Kagndtns d6e0¢/Kaona0ov deo¢; Karpdatés 6ros/Kdrpathon 6ros, Lat. Carpates montes, Car-

patae, Alpes Bastarnicae). Arch-shaped mountain range, rich in forests and water, between the Balkans (— Haemus) and the Alps, the natural border between the Balkan peninsula and the steppes of north-eastern Europe. Marinus (Ptol. 3,5,6; 15; 18; 20; 7,1; 8,1) was

the first to recognize the C. as a separate mountain range, whereas they were previously mainly seen as being part of the Alps or the Haemus. Gold, silver and salt deposits were found in the western C. Ptol. (loc. cit) applies the name C. only to that part of the massif which extends eastward from the southern tip of the Sarmatian Mountains (Slovenske Rudohorie). The > Peuce mountain chain was also seen as a separate entity (Ptol. 355,15). The C. were inhabited by Dacian-Thracian and Scythian tribes (e.g. Agathyrsi). In the mid rst cent. BC, the Dacian kingdom was founded in this region (> Dacii); from AD 106 to 248, the C. were part of theRoman province of Dacia. The C. served both as refuge and attack bases for many warrior tribes (Carpi, lazyges, Bastarnae, Getae, Rhoxolani, Gepidae, Hunni, Goti ing)

Akra Kastellu), the northern cape as

union with Rhodes, which continued into Hellenistic

and Roman times. The independent towns of C., Arcasea and Brycus became Rhodian demes. In the 5th/6th cents. AD, early Christian basilicas were built near Vroukounda in the north-west as well as near Arkassa. In the Middle Ages, C, was the seat for the diocese of the Cyclades. From the 9th cent., it belonged to the thema of Aigaion Pelagos. Coins: HN 36rff. Inscriptions: SEG 14, 5103 16, 462; 19, 5433 (2. 5771t.5 3. 122ff.; 4. r88ff. no. 50]. 1 D.Fimmen, Die kret.-myk. Kultur, *1924 2 M.SEGRE, Iscrizioni di Scarpanto, in: Historia 7, 1933, 577-579 3 M.JAMESON, Inscriptions of Karpathos, in: Hesperia

27,1958

4F.G. Mater, Griech. Mauerbauinschr. r.

H. KAerscu, s.v. K., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 30r1ff.;

E.M. Metas, Hi epochi tou chalkou stin Karpathos, 1979; Id., The Islands of Karpathos, Saros and Kasos in the Neolithic and Bronze Age, 1985; PHILIppsON/KirSTEN)

4,

304th.)

MGS

Picozzinw

sty)

IK

PES

dae:

H.KAL.andE.MEY.

E25

1126

Carpet see > Rug

CIL VII

CARPUS

1, 993-998;

Suppl.

1, 12454f.; Suppl. 4,

24106f. Carpetani The C. are mentioned by Pol. 3,14,2 in the context of + Hannibal’s expansion into central Spain as the most powerful tribal group of that region. Hannibal clashed with them when he went to war against the Olcades in 221 BC, and against the Vaccaei a year later. When he wanted to cross the Tagus, he faced opposition from the C. (Pol. 3,14,5-9). Hannibal attacked them again in 219 BC during the siege of — Saguntum, alongside the > Oretani (Liv. 21,11,13). In

line with most Spanish tribes, the C. served in Hannibal’s army. Three thousand C. deserted Hannibal, when he crossed the Pyrenees, but he pretended that this had happened with his approval. He even allowed a further 7,000 to depart, of whose loyalty he could not be certain (Liv. 21,23, 4ff.; Frontin. Str. 2,7,7). While the Second Punic War raged in Spain, Carpetania was the scene of sanguinary battles. In 210 BC, the Car-

thaginians garrisoned an army on the territory of the C. and laid siege to their towns (Pol. 10,7,4f.). TOVAR 3, 96-98.

P.B.

Carphyllides (Kag-/Kagnvuadidy¢; Karph-/Karpyllidés). Epigrammatist, probably of the ‘Garland’ of Meleager. Under the lemma Kaegvi- an epigrammatic epitaph is extant (Anth. Pal. 7,260), in which the de-

ceased looks back with content onto his long life, crowned by the love of his children and grandchildren. Of lesser stylistic value is an epideictic poem, transmitted under the lemma Kaexvaa- (9,52): The rareness of his name, which in neither of its two forms is evident

anywhere else, is an argument against the assumption of two separate authors (KNAACK). GA1I1, 75; GAI2, 218-220.

Carpi (Kdexou; Karpoi). Important Dacian tribe; its original settlement area was located between Olbia and the mouth of the Danube. In the 3rd cent. AD, the C. settled in the lower Danube region. From then on, they were frequently in bloody disputes with Rome, initially in Dacia, later also in Moesia and Thrace; these opened the way into the Roman empire for other tribes, especially the Goths. From the time of the emperor Aurelian, the Romans settled individual groups of the C. in Roman territory and placed them under Roman control. Under the emperor Galerius, a group of C. settled in the area around Sopianae (Pannonia inferior). TIR L 34 Budapest, 1968, 44; A.ALFOLDI, Studien zur Gesch. der Weltkrise des 3.Jh. n.Chr., 1967, 312ff. — J.BU.

C.LEPELLEY,

Les cités de l’Afrique romaine

281f.; P. TROUSSET, s.v. C., EB, 1779f.

2, 1981,

W.HU.

Carpo (Kaoxw; Karpo). Like Thallo, Auxo and Hegemon, an Attic cult name of goddesses who are concerned with fertility and the well-being of the state. Pausanias (9,35,1f.) attempts to classify them into > Charites and — Horae; evidently on account of its name (karpos = ‘Fruit’, ‘Crop’) C. is regarded as one of the Horae.

Carpocrates, Carpocratians

B.SCH.

Clemens Alexandrinus

(strom. 3. 2) documents a C. of Alexandria, whose son

Epiphanes died early and who in a writing ‘About Justice’ taught that everything is common to everyone. In AD 160 > Marcellina is supposed to have spread the teaching of C. in Rome (Iren. 1,25,6; Orig. 5,62). The world was created by angels; the soul has to escape from them in order to return to the eternal father; it would escape the coercion of reincarnation if it despised the earthly and the (Jewish) laws and proclaimed its freedom and superiority in libertine actions, in which magic also presumably played a role. Jesus is Joseph’s son; his pure soul has already experienced the conquest of the cosmic rulers and has achieved the return to the Father through divine power (Iren. 1,25; Hippolytus, Refutatio omnium haeresium 7,32). + Clemens [3] of Alexandria; > Eirenaeus [2] of Lyon 1 R.M. Grant, Carpocratians and Curriculum, in: Christians among Jews and Gentiles, FS K. Stendahl, 1986, 127-136 2H.Krart, Gab es einen Gnostiker K.?, in:

Theolog. Zschr. 8, 1952, 434-443

3 P. Lampe, Die

stadtrom. Christen, 1987, 269f. 4 H.Lrporon, Die karpokratian. Gnosis, 1938 5 W.A. Loenr, Karpokatianisches, in: Vigiliae Christianae 49, 1995, 23-48 6 M.Smiru, Clement of Alexandria and a Secret Gospel of Mark, 1973, 266-278; 295-350. J.HO.

Carpophorus see ~ Demeter Carpus (Kéexoc; Karpos).

[1] Handsome youth, son of Zephyrus and of a certain Hore (— Horae). He organizes a swimming race with + Calamus, his best friend, but drowns in the event. In mourning, his friend kills himself and is turned into reeds. C. is turned into a crop of the field (Nonnus, AL.FR. Dion. 11,385-481). [2] C. of Antioch. A mathematician, who lived presum-

ably in the rst or 2nd cent. AD. Information on him is given in four fragments by Pappus (8,3), Proclus (in Euc. 1,125,25-126. 4 and 241, 19-243,11 FRIEDLEIN)

Carpis (Kéomtc; Karpis). Punic settlement on the west-

ern base of the Bon peninsula (probably near Mraissa). Sources: Plin. HN 5,24; Ptol. 4,3,7; Geogr. Rav. 37,49; 88,39; Guido 132,60). C. rose to become a colonia in around AD x (CIL VIII Suppl. 4, 25417). Inscriptions:

and Simplicius (in Aristot. Ph. 60,15 Dies). According to them, C. was occupied with squaring the circle and he used a special curve formed ‘from a double motion’ (ex dutht¢ xuvoews). He was interested in the definition

of the angle and taught in his writing “Aotookoyimh

CARPUS

1027

moayuateia (Astrologiké pragmateia), that mathematical constructions had precedence over propositions. C., who is described as wnyavixdc/méchanikos, used geometry for practical purposes. T.L. Heatn, History of Greek Mathematics, 1921, vol. 1,

225232) 10,2008f.

VOlu25) 359)

Jon HIEIBERG. S.Verboan( 3) MF.

Carrhae (Karrhai) see > Harran Carricini Central Italian tribe between the Frentani and the > Samnites, in whose territory lay the municipia Cluviae and Iuvanum of the regio IV (Caraceni is transmitted, cf. Ptol. 3,1,66ff., but incorrect). Men-

I128

Il. IMPERIAL AGE [II 1] C. Celer. Roman senator; in AD 54 the subject ofa futile legal action brought about by a slave (Tac. Ann. 13,10,2), otherwise unknown (PIR* C 448). {I 2] C. Secundus. Rhetor; in AD 9 banished by - Caligula, because he had declaimed against tyrants (Cass. Dio 59,20,6). He went to Athens, where — impoverished — he ended by taking his own life (Juv. 7,203 ff. with schol.) (PIR* C 449). [II 3] C. Secundus. Probably son of C. [2]; in AD 64 sent by Nero to Asia Minor and Achaea in order to plunder temples (Tac. Ann. 15,45,2; cf. Dion Chrys. 31,148f.). He is probably identical with an Athenian archon and priests of Drusus, attested in IG IV* 1,83 and 84; IG II/ III’ 3.1, 4188 (PIR* C 450). M.MEI.

tioned in connection with the Second Samnite War in 311 BC (Diod. Sic. 20,26,3f.; Liv. 9,31,2-5) and with

the revolt of the Samnite Lollius against Rome, who in 269 BC found refuge with the C. (Zon. 8,7,1). A.La Reocina, Cluvienses Carricini, in: ArchCl 25/26, 1973/74, 331-340; G.Firpo, in: G.Frrpo, M. BuONocore (ed.), Fonti latine e greche per la storia dell’ Abruzzo antico, 1991, 429-439. M.BU.

Carrinas Roman family name, presumably of Etruscan origin (in Greek also Kageivas, Kagesivac; Kareinas,

Karreinas), reliably attested (ThIL, Onom. 2,200f.). I. REPUBLICAN

AGE

from the rst cent.

BC

II. IMPERIAL AGE

I. REPUBLICAN AGE {I 1] C., C. Follower of Marius, in the Civil War sent to Picenum against > Pompeius in 83 BC (Plut. Pompeius 7); he was praetor in 82 BC, and suffered a number of defeats in northern and central Italy. After the flight of the consul Cn. > Papirius Carbo to Africa, the remaining Marian military leaders united their troops with the Samnites, and marched against Rome, but were defeated at the Porta Collina. C. escaped initially, but was later captured, and executed on > Sulla’s orders (App. B Civ. 1,87-93). M.MEL. [I 2] C., C. Son of the above, possibly praet. in 46 BC. [1. 267]. Caesar sent him to Spain in 45 BC, where he was to fight Sex. Pompeius (App. B Civ. 4,3 51f.). After the formation of the (second) triumvirate, he became consul at the end of 43 BC. In 41 BC, he returned to Spain as Octavian’s governor (App. B Civ. 5,103), and in 36 BC, he commanded three legions in the battle against Sex. Pompeius (App. B Civ. 5,469). In 30 BC, as procos. of Gaul, he successfully fought against the Morini and also the Suebi; for this, he was awarded a triumph in 28 BC (Cass. Dio 51,21, 6). 1G. V. SumNnER, The Lex Annalis under Caesar, in: Phoenix 25, 1971, 246-271 und 357-371. W.W.

Carrot This biennial vegetable, Daucus carota L., that grew wild in Europe and belonged to the family of the umbelliferous plants otagudivog (staphylinos), was called xagwtov (karotén), datxov (daikon: Theophr. Hist. pl. 9,15,5), Latin pastinaca, daucus. Through cultivation the originally dry and woody root became pleasant-tasting, nutritious and sweet. Dioscorides (3,52,1 WELLMANN and BERENDES) describes the one purple-coloured ornamental flower of the staphylinos dgrios in the middle of the otherwise white umbel and recommends (cf. Plin. HN 20,30f.) the seed, prepared

as a drink, to encourage menstruation and conception, and to counteract stranguria and poisonous animal bites. The leaves served with honey are said to cleanse malignant ulcers. The root was regarded as both an aphrodisiac (also in Plin. HN 20,32) and a diuretic and

abortive. Mixed with honey, the seed of the wild pastinaca, according to Columella 6,17,8 and Pall. Agric.

14,19,4, also relieves pain in the eye. As food, the carrot played hardly any part in antiquity (cf. Plin. HN 19,88f.), but it was sown in Italy in spring and autumn for medicinal purposes (Columella 11,3,14). Columella 9,4,5 also knew it as a honey plant. A.STEIER, s.v. Mohre, RE 15, 2339-2343.

C.HU.

Carsidius Sacerdos Acquitted in AD 23 of the charge that he provided grain to > Tacfarinas in Africa (Tac. Ann. 4,13,3). Praetor urbanus in 27 (InscrIt 13,1 p. 299). In 37, he was exiled to an island because of his contact with — Albucilla (Tac. Ann. 6,48,4). PIR? C

AGN

DK.

Carsioli, Carseoli A town of the > Aequi on the upper course of the Turano between Arsoli and Carsoli. Colonia latina (302-298 BC) on the via Valeria, 42 miles from Rome. In 168 BC, Bithys, the son of the Thracian king, was exiled there. From 89 BC a municipium of the tribus Aniensis. Ovid staid there (Ov. Fast. 4,681ff.). Few pre-Roman remains, regular town structure with tufa walls in opus quadratum and polygonal limestone terracing. Temple complex; 3 km to the east a votive repository of the 6th—-znd cents. BC with bronze figures

I129

1130

of Hercules, coins, local terracotta and ceramics; aqueduct.

fish-processing plants and its murex shell fishery (Str. 352,73 Plin. HN 9,92).

B.J. PFEIFFER, TH. ASHBY, C., in: Supplementary Papers

CARTHAGE

TOVAR 1, 70-72.

P.B.

of the American School of Classical Studies, Rome 1, 1905, 108-40; A. CEDERNA, C., in: NSA Ser. 8° V, r951,

169-224; Id., Teste votive di C., in: ArchCl 186-209; D.vAN

MOERBEKE,

C., 1971;

5, 1953,

A. MARINUCCI,

Stipe votiva di C., 1976; M.Buonocore, L’epigrafia latina del territorio di Carsoli ..., in: Bull. Dep. Abr. 73, 1983, 267-286; Id., Il ‘Magister Iunius’ ed il culto di ‘Mens’ a Carsioli, in: PdP 40, 1985, 384-386; Id., in: Miscellanea greca e romana 11, 1987, 211-227; S$.GaTTI, M.T. OnoratrI, Per una definizione dell’assetto urbano di

C., in: Xenia 20, 1990, 41-64.

GU.

Carsium Roman fort on the embankment road of the Danube, built under Trajan, modern Hirsova/Constanta in Romania (Tab. Peut. 7,3 Carsio; It. Ant. 224; Not. Dign. or. 39,22 Carso; Geogr. Rav. 4,7,2 Carsion; Ptol. 3,10,5 Ka&eooucg; Procop. Aed. 4,11,20 Kagow).

Cartennae

(Kaotévva[t], Kaotw[vja; Karténna|i], Kartin[n]a). Probably a Punic town in the later Mauretania Caesariensis, modern Ténés (sources: Mela 1,31; Plin. HN 5,20; Ptol. 4,2,4; It. Ant. 14,2; Aug. Epist. 93,20-22; Iulius Honorius, Cosmographia 47; Geogr. Rav. 40,46; 88,9). In around 30 BC, C. admitted a colonia of veterans. C. was important as a harbour town, not least as a landing place for the vexillationes, deployed in the battles against the Mauri. Inscriptions: CIL VII 2, 9649-9695; Suppl. 3, 21502-21573. W.HU.

Carthage (Phoenician Ort-hdst, ‘new town’; Greek Kagyndav/Karchéedon, Lat. Carthago).

Road junction, ford across the Danube. Destroyed by the Huns, rebuilt, into the 6th cent. garrison for military units, amongst them the /egio I Italica, ala II Hispano-

I. History

rum et Aravacorum, milites Scythici.

A. FROM

R. VuLPE, Histoire ancienne de la Dobroudja, 1938; TIR L 35 Bukarest, 1969, 30.

Il. ARCHAEOLOGY

I. History PHOENICIAN

COLONY

FOUNDATION

B. BYZANTINE

TO ROMAN

PERIOD

J.BU.

A. FROM PHOENICIAN FOUNDATION TO ROMAN

COLONY Carsulae Town of the imperial age (Tac. Hist. 3,60; Plin. Ep. 1,4), on the via Flaminia between Narnia and Mevania in Umbria, on an elevated plain, a little to the

north of San Gemini. Municipium of the tribus Clustumina. Excavations: via Flaminia within the town area,

forum (lining the via Flaminia in the east with two small tetragonal arches, trapeziform, its southern end delimited by a temple with two cellae), theatre, amphitheatre (86 x 62 m), cisterns. To the east of the road, the church of §. Damiano has been built on the ground plan of a Roman building. On the northern edge, there is a gate with a monumental arch (S. Damiano); outside the gate a circular mausoleum; furthermore, fragments of a

colossal statue of Claudius. G.Becatti, Tuder-C., 1938; U.Crotti1, A.Crotti, Gemini e C., 1976; P. FONTAINE, Cités et enceintes V?Ombrie antique, 1990, 353-356; P.BRUSCHETTI, 1995.

San de C.,

Gu:

Carteia Located close to the mouth of the Guadarranque near Algeciras in Spain (near Cieza, province of Murcia), C. played an important role because of its

Phoenician acculturation. During the Second Punic War, the Romans defeated the fleet of the Carthaginian ~» Adherbal [3] near C. in 206 BC. From the base of C., the Roman general > Laelius began the negotiations which were to lead to the surrender of > Gades (Liv.

28,30,3). In 171 BC, C. became a colonia Latina libertorum, the first outside Italy. The town remained loyal to Rome throughout, e.g. in the war against Viriatus (147 BC). C.’s economic prosperity was based on its

According to Timaeus’ report (FGrH 566 F 60), C. was founded in 814/13 or 813/2 BC — on the site of Tunis’ modern suburb of the same name. The colonist were citizens of the ancient and mighty Phoenician city of > Tyrus. Legend has it that they were led by princess Elissa, or > Dido. Presumably, trade policy considerations played a decisive part in the foundation of the city, partly in connection

with the Far West

(Tarshish),

partly with Africa — but it was perhaps also possible that the agriculturally rich hinterland was of some importance. Furthermore, the location offered advantageous conditions for the building of fortifications and port installations. C. was probably originally under the control of a ‘governor’ (skz), who ruled on behalf of the Tyrian

king. It is possible that after the political emancipation of the city in the 8th/7th cents. the governor was replaced by a ‘king? (lk). In the course of the 6th cent., power seems to have been taken over by one ‘judge’ (Spt) or two ‘judges’ (Sptm). Following a period of political and economical stabilization and based on its extended and intensive trade relations, the city experienced a comparatively speedy boom, evident not least in the foundation of trading posts and colonies. C. was increasingly successful in co-ordinating the different movements of Phoenician expansion and in uniting the various western Phoenician bases and colonies (— Colonization III.) within one great ‘empire’ stretching from — Arae [2] Philaenorum to Mogador and > Gades, comprising i. a. the Baleares, Sardinia, and western Sicily. In several of

CARTHAGE

I132

1131

these regions, C. protected its partly defensive, partly offensive interests with military means. Of particular importance were the numerous wars which the Carthaginians waged against the Sicilian Greeks and their allies: around the mid 6th cent. against Selinus, towards the end of the 6th cent. against > Dorieus [1], in the second decade of the 5th cent. against > Gelon [1], in

the periods of 410-405, 397-392, 382-374 or 373, and 3 68-362 (2?) (predominantly) against > Dionysius [r] I or respectively > Dionysius [2] II, from 345 to 339 (?) against > Timoleon, from 311 to 306 against > Aga-

thocles [2], and from 278 to 275 against > Pyrrhus. Until 264 BC, relations between C. and Rome had developed generally peacefully, greatly assisted by their five treaties, the first of which was concluded in the first half of the 5th cent., followed by others in 348, 343, 306, and the final one in 279/8. However, the Carthaginian intervention on behalf of the > Mamertini of Messana led to a conflict with the expanding Roman power which was to have serious consequences. In three wars, all initiated by the Romans, (264-241, 218-201, and 149-146), the tensions between the two rivals was vented, resulting finally — in 146 BC — in the obliteration of the Carthaginian state and the utter destruction of the city (~ Punic Wars; > Hannibal). A first attempt at rebuilding the city was made in 122 (?) BC by the people’s tribune C. Sempronius Gracchus, who put the proposition to the citizens’ assembly that C. should be newly founded under the name of Colonia Iunonia C. In 121, however, his project failed through the intervention of his opponents in the optimates. Nonetheless, in the following years (too), Italian colonists were settled on ‘Carthaginian’ land — if only on an individual basis (viritim). It was particularly significant that in 44 BC Caesar resurrected the old Gracchan plan of refounding C. However, the Colonia Iulia C. was only established after his death (44). In 40 or 39 BC, it seems to have risen to capital of the province of Africa Nova (— Africa [3]). In 29 BC a further 3,000 colonists were settled in C. by the future Augustus. The city began to boom once again. The emperors Hadrian, Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, and Commodus paid particular attention to C., which by the mid znd cent. AD had become one of the most important centres of the empire, experiencing its zenith under the rule of the ‘African’ Severans. For more information on the Carthaginian civilization and the image of C. in antiquity, see > Punians, ~ Sufetes; also — Punic, > Punic Religion, > Punic Archaeology, ~— Barcids, — Hamilcar, — Hannibal, ~+ Hanno, > Hasdrubal, - Mago, > Malchus, > Massinissa, > Numidia. M.H. Fantar, Carthage, 2 vols., 1993; S. GSELL, Histoire ancienne de l’Afrique du Nord, 8 vols., 1924-1930; Huss; W.Huss (ed.), K. (Wege der Forschung 654), 1992; CH.-

A. JULIEN, CH. Courrots, Histoire de |’Afrique du Nord I, *1951; S.LaNceL, Carthage, 1995; O.MELTZER, U. KanrsTEDT, Gesch. der Karthager, 3 vols., 1879-1913. W.HU.

B. BYZANTINE PERIOD

Christianity was established early in C. and was, at the latest from the 2nd cent. AD, an important influence: From C. hailed the church writer > Tertullianus and bishop > Cyprianus; furthermore, C. was a Donatist stronghold (+ Donatus [1]). Subsequent to the Edict of Milan (AD 312), numerous churches were built in C. as the main seat of the African diocese, all of which followed the basic basilica model (> Basilica). C.’s capture by Arian

> Vandali (> Geisericus; -» Arianism)

(439) resulted in hardly any changes; however, archaeological finds point to an increasing dependence on imports and a growing neglect of public buildings. After the Byzantine recapture by emperor ~ lustinianus’ I general — Belisarius (534), C., now renamed to Carthago Iustiniana, became the seat of the civilian and military administration ofthe prefecture of > Africa [4] and later the seat of the exarch (— Exarchate). At the

same time, the rebuilding of municipal installations (town wall, both Punic harbours) was begun at great

expense, extended also to that of existing churches and monasteries, but these projects were soon abandoned in their early stages, after some tribes and sections of the army in the provinces had risen up in rebellion, and because of a general lack of funds. From the beginning of the 7th cent. AD, C. became the rallying point of resistance against Constantinople, resulting in rebellions by the exarchs Heraclius (608) and Gregorius (647) with the support of both the urban population and north-African tribes. The increasing collapse of trading in the Mediterranean worsened C.’s situation; the Arab

military settlement of Qairawan constituted a further threat. In 695, C. fell to the Muslims (captured by Hassan ibn an-Numan al-Gassani, a general of the caliph Abd al-Malik) and was destroyed after the rebellion of 698. Tunis, nearby and ascending, replaced C., whose ruins until the 13th cent. served as quarries for building projects in Africa, Pisa, and Genoa. J.H. Humpurey, The Archaeology of Vandal and Byzantine Carthage, in: J.G. PEpLEY (ed.), New Light on Ancient Carthage, 1980, 85-120; W.H.

C. FrREenp, The

Early Christian Church in Carthage, in: J. H.HUMPHREY (ed.), Excavation

at Carthage

1976 Conducted

by the

Univ. of Michigan 2, 1977, 21-40; L. ENNABLI, Results of the International Save Carthage Campaign: The Christian Monuments, in: World Archaeology 18, 1987, 291-311.

THI

IT. ARCHAEOLOGY After a short foundation phase, C. was as early as the 8th cent. BC an extended settlement (50 to 60 ha.) of urban character, with a fixed street grid and insula-type buildings (+ insula), as evident in the archaeological findings beneath the Roman decumanus maximus. To the north and west, the city area was bounded by the large necropolis on Mount Byrsa as well as those of Junon, Douimés, and Dermech — the three latter all situated on the seaward slopes of the hills (see map: Punic C., no. 1 and 4). Mt. > Byrsa also housed (prob-

1133

1134

CARTHAGE

Mapalia (suburb)

Mediterranean

Punic Carthage

Sea

(2nd cent. BC) Necropolis . Pottery kilns Keep . Archaic graves

. . . .

Megara (suburb)

Gulf of Tunis

Road leading to the Sea Gate Sea Gate and villas of the 5th cent. BC Sea Gate wall Byrsa (with temple of Esmun)

Remains of archaic settlement . Agora (?) . Naval port . Mole . Merchant harbour . Tophet . Section of wall . Standard houses (3rd/2nd cents. BC) ee Ee AO WN SF NOW . Purple -dyeing workshop . Glossa . Triple fortification wall . Thapsos Gate . Theveste Gate NNT) = @ 0 N= . Utica Gate

Confirmed by archaeological evidence Mediterranean Sea

Lake of Tunis

sms

Literary evidence, or reconstruction;

location investigated Recent coastline

f

ay

Gulf of Tunis

Mediterranean

Sea

Roman Carthago (late

2nd cent. AD)

. . . . . . . . .

Odeum Theatre Mausoleum Residential district Cisterns Temple Cistern of Malga Baths of Antoninus Byrsa plateau with imperial forum FWHN DYN WAN SCO Amphitheatre . Circus . Naval port . Trade port . Cardo maximus Se Ba ees, . Decumanus = OPpwn

maximus

. Aqueduct sas NOld city wall (south), wall ofTheodosius (north)

Early Christian churches: . Bir Ftouha basilica . Basilica Maiorum

. Basilica of St. Cyprian (?)

Gulf of Tunis

Sainte Monique . Damous el-Karita basilica

Monastery of St. Stephanus (?) . Dermech| basilica nw~?Pm a0 FoUnderground chapel op

. Cathedral of St. Louis (19th cent.) Bir Knissia basilica T

Christian cemeteries

Confirmed by archaeological evidence Literary evidence, or reconstruction;

location investigated Recent coastline

CARTHAGE

Ta 5

1136

ably from the original foundation of the city) the acropolis as well as the main sanctuary of > Esmun (no. 8); remains of another important temple were found further down the hill [1] (between nos. 9 and 10), as well as smaller ‘chapels’ directly within the residential areas. Evidence of smithies and potteries has been found on the lower coastal plains. During the 5th cent. BC, under the rule of the Magonids, this area was overbuilt with fashionable suburban residences and integrated into the growing urban

Maps: W.ELticer, K. Stadt der Punier, Romer, Christen, 1990; M.H. Fantar, Carthage. La cité punique, 1995; romaine, in: ANRW II 10.2, 321-396; J. Hotsr et al., Die dt. Ausgrabungen in K. (K. 1), 2 parts, 1991; W. Huss, Die Karthager, *1994, 20; F. RaKoB, Die internationalen Ausgrabungen in K., in: Gymnasium 92, 1985, 489-515 and pl. 13-243 Id., Die internationalen Ausgrabungen in K., in:

settlement (no. 6). At about the same time, the monu-

Welt 1992, 158-174; W.SCHUMACHER, P. WULFING, K. und die Rémer. Eine Nachbarschaft im Mittelmeerraum,

mental sea wall was built. During the 3rd/2nd cents. BC, the south-eastern slopes of Mt. Byrsa, previously a commercial district, were urbanized through the building of several insulae with ‘standard houses’ (no. 16). The older port installations were simple (wharfs/ landing places). The > ports of the Punic city, extant in the form of lagoons (rectangular commercial port, circular naval port with a central ‘admiralty island’: App. Lib. 96, boat sheds for dry-docking shallow-draft vessels) only date back to the 3rd cent. BC (no. 11-13). To the west of the ports is the location of the tophet, discovered in 1922 (no. 14; its name is contentious, cf. e.g. Jes 30,33), a large sacred district, used since the 8th cent. BC and in the 4th cent. BC extending to more than 6,000 m’, containing cremation graves of stillborn or very young children, presumably also young child

P.-A.FévRieR, Urbanisation et urbanisme de I’Afrique

W. Huss (ed.), K. (WdF 654), 1992, 46-75, esp. 543 Id., Neue Ausgrabungen in K. Ein pun. Heiligtum und das Stadtzentrum der pun. und rém. Metropole, in: Antike

1998, esp. 47.

H.G.N,

Carthago Nova Carthago Nova (CN) was founded by ~+ Hasdrubal in c. 225 BC as his new centre of power in the location of Mastia (with the best harbour of the entire Spanish Mediterranean coast; modern Cartagena). The Carthaginian town was adorned with many representative buildings: a temple to the Punic deities > Baal and > Eshmun, palaces, docks, as well as a massive wall

(Pol.

t0o,10,1-12).

It was

from

CN

that

-» Hannibal set out for Italy in 218 BC. CN formed the base of the Carthaginian war in Spain. In 209 BC, P.C. + Scipio Africanus succeeded in taking the fortress by surprise. From then on, the Second Punic War in Spain began to turn in Rome’s favour. Just as in > Gades, the

sacrifices (up to 3 years of age.; [2]); it was the finding-

Punic population in CN, too, continued to survive for a

place of more than 20,000 urns and several thousand grave steles providing iconographical insights. The Carthaginians were highly developed in their imagery, their cultured way of life, and the furnishings of their homes; from the sth cent. BC, they modelled themselves increasingly after examples from the Hellenistic Mediterranean koine, enriched with Punic elements. In the rst cent., Roman C. was elevated to a provincial capital ( Africa [3] with map), lavishly furnished with the usual representative buildings (forum, theatre, circus etc.). After its destruction by a large fire, the monumental ‘imperial forum’ on the wide and levelled Byrsa plateau (see map: Roman C., no. 9) was rebuilt— together with other representative buildings in C. — in the late Antonine period on the same location as its Augustan predecessor; it boasted northern Africa’s largest —> basilica [3]. The imperial style > baths on the coastal fringe date from the same period (no. 8). + CARTHAGE

long time. Their traces can be found on inscriptions up to the Roman Imperial Age. CN became a Roman colony at the time of C. Iulius Caesar [II 12]. As far as urban development is concerned, the town developed particularly in the rst cent. AD. The systematic exploi-

1 F.Rakos, Ein pun. Heiligtum in K., in: MDAI(R) 98, 1991, 3380 2C.GOMEz BELLARD, s.v. Tophet, DCPP, 461-463

tation of the resources in its surroundings (mines, cul-

tivation of esparto grass, fisheries), combined with extensive commercial activities, made CN one of the most

important urban centres of Roman Spain. In late antiquity, CN experienced in dense succession various waves of conquest: sacked by the > Vandali in 425, subsequently by the > Goti, and in between held by the Byzantines (c. 555). Sisebut (c. 620) restored the rule of the Visigoths, which continued until the Arab conquest (711). S.RAMALLO

ASsENSIO,

La ciudad

romana

de C. Nova,

1989; A.GONZALEZ BLANCO, La historia del Sud-Este peninsular entre lo siglos III-VIII d. C., in: Antigiiedad y Cristianismo 3, 1985, 53-80; M.Kocn, Die rém. Gesell-

schaft von C. Nova nach den epigiaphischen Quellen, in: F, HEIDERMANNS, H. Rix, E. SEEBOLD (ed.), Sprachen und

Schriften des ant. Mittelmeerraumes, TOVAR 3, 190-197.

1993,

191-2423 P.B.

3 F.Rakos, in: Gnomon 59, 1987, 257-271.

P.Crntas, Manuel d’Archéologie Punique, 2 vols., 1970/1976; S.LANCEL, Carthage. A History, 1995; S.LANCEL, E. LiprNsk1, s.v. K., DCPP, 92-94; H. G. NigE-

MEYER et al., Die Grabung unter dem Decumanus Maximus. 2. Vorber., in: MDAI(R)

102, 1995, 475-502; Id. et

al., Karthago — Die alte Handelsmetropole am Mittelmeer, 1996; J. Housr et al., Die dt. Ausgrabungen in K., 3 vols., 1991-1997.

Carthalo (Punic *Qrthls = ‘(Ml)qrt has saved’; Greek Kaedaarwv; Karthdlon). [1] Son of > Malchus (2nd half of the 6th cent. BC?). As the Carthaginian priest of > Melqart he was entrusted with presenting the tithe of the booty to the god in ~ Tyrus but on his return refused to support his father’s rebellion and was executed by him (Just. Epit. 18,7,71) [fits Beal

1137

1138

[2] In the First Punic War the Carthaginian nauarch

foundered, when, after divorcing > Venutius, she made

(commander of the fleet) in 2 56/5—248/7 BC under the general + Adherbal [2]. C. successfully operated near ~ Acragas and Drepanum in 255/4, near Lilybaeum and Phintias in 249, defeated the Roman consul L. ~ Junius [I 27] Pullus in 249/7 and conquered his last West Sicilian base Aegithallus (Pol. 1,53f.; Diod. Sic.

her husband -> Vellocatus her co-ruler (Tac. Hist. 3,45). Although Rome put down the revolt, Brigantia fell to ~ Venutius until the Flavian offensive.

23,18,2-4; 24,1,7-11) [1. 24-26].

(3] Carthaginian cavalry leader in the Second Punic War in Italy; defeated L. Hostilius Mancinus in 217 BC in the Falernian territory and in 216 overwhelmed 2,000 fleeing Roman soldiers in the village of + Cannae (Liv. 22,15,8). Probably identical to the C. who as a negotiator of > Hannibal [4] was rejected by the dictator M. > Iuntus [I 26] Pera (Liv. 22,58,6—-9) [1. 26, n.

128; 27, n. 132], possibly identical with the C., who in 212 presented the head of Ti. > Sempronius Gracchus to the Romans (Liv. 25,17,7) [1. 28, n. 137; 2. 72] and with the C., who as the garrison commander of > Tarentum was killed in 209 when the Romans took the town (Liv. 27,16,5) [1. 27, n. 130; 2. 108].

[4] Carthaginian politician (rst half of the 2nd cent. BC), exponent of the party that wanted to expand Carthage’s trade area towards Numidia and Rome and together with Hamilcar ‘Samnites’ achieved the banning of those in favour of Massinissa from the city in 15x BC (App. Lib. 70,316) [1. 29, n. 1433 3. 43.4f.]. [5] Carthaginian general (boétharchos) in 153-150 BC, who was executed because of his attacks on Numidian territory to appease the Romans (App. Lib. 68,306f.; 74,341) [1. 28f.]. 2 D.A. Kuxorka, Siditalien im Zweiten Puni1 GEus 3 Huss. L.-M.G. schen Krieg, 1990

CARTOGRAPHY

1 BIRLEY.

W.S. HANSON, G. WEBSTER, The Brigantes, in: Britannia 17, 1986, 73-89. C.KU.

Cartography I. CARTOGRAPHY

II. GLOBE

I. CARTOGRAPHY A. DEFINITION

B. THE CONCEPT OF MAPS C. Lists D. TaBULAE PICTAE E. MAPS DRAWN BY THE AGRIMENSORES F, WORLD MAPS G. USE OF MAPS

A. DEFINITION In the following, ‘maps’ are defined as graphic representations with the purpose of easing the understanding of spatial-geographical concepts. The extent to which Greeks and Roman produced and used maps has been the subject of controversy in recent times, not least, because it touches on the wider question of how far we can safely assume that our own cultural attitudes and expectations were shared by classical antiquity.

B. THE CONCEPT OF MAPS It is obvious that antiquity had no concept of cartography (and equally none of landscape) [1]. There were definitely no atlases, even less cartography as an academic discipline. The modern term (and with it the concept) originates from the 15th cent., but only in recent times developed a comprehensive historical dimension

Cartima Modern Cartama, province of Malaga. Iberian, according to [1. 1126] Celtiberian town; mainly epigraphically verified (CIL II 1949-1962; identical

which Greeks and Romans

with Certima in Liv. 40,47,2?). In AD 53/54, it became a civitas libera (CIL Il 1953: decemviri), under Vespa-

Egyptians, and Etruscans [2. vol. 1 ch. 1 6, 7, 12; vol.

sian a municipium civium Latinorum (CIL II 1956 and

Suppl. 5488). According to inscriptions and extant remains (CIL II p. 248; Suppl. p. 876), C. also seems to have enjoyed prosperity later on.

[2].

Within the sphere of the older of the ancient cultures came into contact with, maps were produced in particular by the Babylonians, 3. 549-554]. However, whether and — if so—to what extent these precursors influenced Graeco-Roman cartography, remains in obscurity. Neither the Greeks nor the Romans developed a general concept of ‘maps’ with a recognized set of conventions regarding orientation,

1 Holder 3. TOVAR I, 132.

P.B.

distance measurements, symbols, colours etc. For that reason, the idea that it is possible on certain coins to recognize a physical representation of the Ionian region

Cartimandua British client queen of the > Brigantes, a confederation of tribes in the north of the province. In AD 51, she demonstrated her loyalty to Rome by handing over > Caratacus

(Tac. Ann.

12,36; Hist. 3,45).

Because of their dependance on a stable northern border, several provincial governors intervened in C.’s favour in internal Brigantian conflicts: in 48 P. Ostorius Scapula (Tac. Ann. 12,32,2), and A. Didius Gallus be-

tween 52-57 [1. 48f., 231] (Ann. 12,40) by dispatching auxiliary cohorts and the IX legion under Caesius Nasica (possibly 54, s. Sen. Apocol. 12,29-30). In 69 C.

in a manner familiar to modern eyes is probably erroneous [4. r4rf.]; furthermore, it is doubtful whether ‘all-purpose maps’ were ever produced. There was a lack of suitable and affordable material (— papyrus was costly and brittle, silk inconceivably expensive), but there were also no suitable methods for the reproduction of a greater number of maps, which even at its most rudimentary would have only been possible by some form of printing. That the ancient concept of ‘maps’ was badly defined, is reflected in the absence of an ancient term equivalent to the modern one: the Greek

1139

I140

terms of gés periodos (yi\s neQiodoc¢) and pinax (miva&),

AD, but contains elements (such as the individual routes within Dacia) which date back to the rst or 2nd

CARTOGRAPHY

and also the Latin ones of charta, forma, mappa and tabula each also have a multitude of other meanings. Thus it remains an open question whether the Sardiniae insulae forma, produced in 174 BC as a memorial to the victories of Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, was some kind of map. Similar questions have been raised regarding the form of the picta Italia (‘painted Italy’) on the walls of the Tellus temple in Rome. It is surely wrong to ascribe to the comes formarus, late antique civil servants, the responsibility for the imperial maps and plans. A particular dispute concerns ‘Agrippa’s map of the world’ in the Porticus Vipsania: whether it was a map at all and not just a text comparable with the tropaeum Alpium or the Res gestae of Augustus [4. 19, 152-155, 157-160, 268-285]. Nonetheless, historians generally agree that, from the early periods onwards, Greeks and Romans produced a large variety of maps. The debate centres rather on the extent of this production, and most of all on the purpose for which such maps were used. O.A. W. DILKE [53 6; 7] was one of the exponents of the view that the way in which Greeks and Romans used maps was largely comparable to modern usage. In contrast, P. JANNr’s thesis that the spatial concept of the Romans was basically linear and one-dimensional met with objections; according to him, any map production, requiring any degree of refinement, would have remained beyond their reach [4; 7; 8. ch. 3; 9; 10; 11; 12].

@Aylersis Undoubtedly, the cartographical data collected by Greeks and Romans predominantly consisted of the names of settlements and the distances between them along recognized routes. For sea journeys, these were

assembled in long lists, called periploi (— periplus) (Ps.Scylax, GGM 1, 15-96; Peripl. M. Rubr. Casson; Arr. Peripl. p. eux. SILBERMAN; Stadiasmus maris magni, GGM 1, 427-514), followed later for terrestrial journeys by the itimeraria [13] (— Itineraries). Four votive cups from Vicarello in Italy (1st to 2nd cent. AD) are typical: they are cylindrically shaped like miniature milestones and depict the names of the road stations from Gades to Rome and the distances between them [4. 178f.; 14. ch. 6]. The same service for routes in the north-west of the Iberian peninsula was provided by at least one small terracotta tablet (if not several) [14. ch. 8]. An inscription from Rome — probably part of a larger document — lists on a day-by-day basis all the stations of Hadrian’s journey through Cilicia in October AD 117 (CIL VI 5076; [15. 190]).

D. TABULAE PICTAE If a map is produced on the basis of such lists, it does indeed only lead to a linear reproduction of the geographical space. It is impossible to say how often this was actually done; that such maps existed, is proven by the > Tabula Peutingeriana, a tabula picta [16], which

may have arrived at its present form only in the 4th cent.

cent. Spread across at least 12 sheets (the western most of which has been lost), with a length of more than 670 cm, but a height of only 30 cm, its main purpose was the reproduction of the land routes of the known world between Britannia and Taprobane (Sri Lanka). Its north-south spread is disproportionally foreshortened, its east-west spread stretched, not least in order to give prominence to the Mediterranean region in general and Italy in particular. Irrespective of this disregard of scale, the map conveys an impressive amount of detailed and topographically correct information: seas, rivers, and forests are named and picked out in green, mountain ranges are coloured brown. Certain regions and tribes are referred to by name, but in general the map concerns itself mainly with cultural features, indicated by a remarkable range of standardized pictographs (amongst them altar, harbour, lighthouse, bath). Settlements are distinguished by size and type, the distances between them (along roads marked in red)

mostly given in Roman miles, but sometimes in local units of measurement. In all, about 4,000 places are named, amongst them more than 5 50 towns. This map also represents a contribution of unique importance to the modern cartography of the Roman world. Admittedly, there is no way of telling how typical it was nor who compiled it, nor is it possible to define its original intent or the sources on which it was based. It is conceivable that information gleaned from the imperial transport system (vehiculatio) and the > cursus publicus was of particular importance, although we lack any knowledge about the records that these institutions kept. Similarly impressive, although enigmatic, is a mosaic ‘map’ of Palestine and Lower Egypt from the mid 6th cent. AD, whose sections are stored in a church in Madaba (Jordania) (an exact replica is owned by the University of Gottingen; [4. r49f., 163]). One purpose of this map may have been to convey a certain familiarity with the holy places to those who could not themselves visit them: thus Jerusalem appears disproportionately large, and the pictographs are not standardized. Texts for pilgrims, such as the Itinerarium Burdigalense from the 3rd decade and the partially extant Itinerarium Egeriae (— Peregrinatio ad loca sancta) from the 8th decade of the 4th cent. AD [17. 1-26; 18], were

written for the same reasons. Christians developed their own view of their environment which in focus and perception differed from the established norm; furthermore, they had a new reason for travel (-> Pilgrimage). Some of the researchers of the important medieval maps (such as the ones from Ebstorf or Hereford) have voiced the opinion that these maps may have copied certain characteristics from a wide range of Roman precursors which have since been lost; on the whole, however, this must be the weakest base for the assumption that the Romans produced a series of such maps [r9. ch. 1].

II4I

tee)

E. MAPS DRAWN BY THE AGRIMENSORES On a local level, maps were certainly produced which depicted limited areas in great detail. This practice was widespread in Ptolemaic Egypt and in Rome.

and astronomical data. Even if his difficulties to obtain these and to determine geographical longitude with exactitude detract from his results, they remain fundamental. Eratosthenes’ advances form the basis for the ‘Geography’ of Claudius > Ptolemaeus of the 2nd cent. AD, the most comprehensive ancient attempt at projecting the physical and cultural landscape onto the spherical surface of the world. Even if Ptolemy indicates coordinates (not always correctly) and provides instructions for the production of a world map and of 26 regional maps, it is by no means certain that he himself brought such maps into circulation (cf. [2. vol. 1, ch. 11] with the reconstructions which were posthumously added in r90r to C. MULLER’s unfinished Ptolemy edition).

Professional

surveyors

(agrimensores,

> Surveyors),

whose task it was to divide the cultivable land of Roman communities by applying limites (— limitatio) resulting in square or rectangular centuriae, mention in

their manuals that they were expected not only to leave a bronze map of their work on location, but also to deposit a copy in Rome (Hyginus Gromaticus p. 165 THULIN; [20. 88-90]). Of such bronze maps, only a

small but representative fragments is extant— the fragment of a forma of the land along the river Ana in Lusitania (which is marked and named) was found in Spain in the 1980s [4. 221f.]— but the much better preserved marble cadasters of the territory of Arausio (modern Orange) in Gallia Narbonensis from the Flavian period are of a similar nature [21]. The equivalent work by mensores aedificiorum in the towns and cities, who produced maps on a standard scale of about 1 : 2.40, is only poorly documented (cf. Plin. Ep. 10,r7b-18). But the unique and huge (235 m*) Severan marble map of Rome (about a tenth of which is known from fragments or from Renaissance drawings; > forma Urbis Romae)

shows the meticulous work by these mensores — particularly remarkable in such a hilly landscape. This ichnographic map with its south-eastern orientation was attached to a high wall of the templum Pacis, where observers would never have been able to appreciate most of the fine detail. Its purpose was propaganda, not practical use [22]. One or several of the emperors supposedly ordered an empire-wide survey, but there is hardly any verification for this; regional maps were not produced [4. 261-267]. F. WORLD MAPS

Beginning in the 6th cent. BC in Ionia with ~ Anax-

CARTOGRAPHY

G. UsE OF Maps In any case, there is good reason to doubt that these advances within academic cartography ever developed much influence outside these learned circles. There is no question that in the late 5th cent. BC Aristophanes [3] could expect his Attic audience to laugh at the reaction of an old uneducated citizen to his first ever confrontation with a map (Aristoph. Nub. 200-217). Similarly, in a speech in Augustodunum at the end of the 3rd cent. AD, a Gallic orator recommended to the Roman governor a large wall map as a teaching aid (Pan. Lat. 9(4),20,2; 21,3). Thus educated people seem to have

had some knowledge of maps. However, at the same time it is obvious that maps were not the means which were usually relied upon for the survey of land. Military commanders, for example, were never expected to show cartographical awareness or training; the only exception is a recommendation in the academic manual of the late antique antiquary Vegetius (Pol. 9,12-21; Veg. Mil. 3,6; [24]) — conclusions drawn from certain passages in Velleius Paterculus (2,109,3) and Pliny (HN 6,40; 12,19), according to which ‘military maps’ were

imander (Str. 1,1,11; Diog. Laert. 2,1,2), it is possible

in use, are not convincing.

that attempts were made to produce large-scale repre-

Maps were also seemingly largely absent in government and administration. Concerning a Greek polis, this can hardly be surprising, as their territories were

sentations of the world both on globes (see below) and

on plane surfaces [23]. It must have been one of these objects which > Aristagoras [3] — in his search for allies against the Persians — showed to the Spartan king Cleomenes I, thus, however, giving him a far too clear impression of the size of the Persian empire (Hdt. 5,49). There are hardly any reliable indicators as to what such large-scale representations actually looked like; learned ‘reconstructions’ cannot free themselves from modern perspectives and perceptions, and should therefore be treated with scepticism. At the latest from the 4th cent. BC, Greek scientists and astronomers saw the world as a sphere and as part of the solar system. Vital progress was made in the 3rd cent. BC by > Eratosthenes [2], whose works also contain calculations for the determination of the earth’s circumference and instructions for graphical representation. His methodology was plausible and convincing, and he also recognized the necessity for precise physical

generally small and well known to the authorities. But even larger states seem not to have relied on maps, not even the Roman Empire, despite its increasing need for written documentation of any kind. The potential of the surveyors’ formae was never exploited further. Indeed, such an impetus for the production of maps was only to come in the late rsth cent.: ‘Mapping is nowhere wellrooted until the rise of the modern nation-state, with

which it co-evolves as an instrument of polity, to assess taxes,

wage

war,

facilitate

communications,

and

exploit strategic resources’ ([3. 552]; cf. [25]). This sudden development did not just happen in Europe, but also in the Ottoman empire and in Asia. The general lack of ‘map awareness’ in Classical Antiquity (with the exception of very large or very small spaces) and the preference for other, no less effective methods of re-

cording spatial relations (these require further research,

1143

1144

at present see e.g. [26; 27]), should be seen as altogether

Traditionally, the representation of the firmament on a globe dates back to > Eudoxus [1] (Cic. Rep. 1,22); examples of this are extant from later periods: on the surface of the globe, the stars and constellations are mounted mirror-inverted to the perspective of a terrestrial observer, i.e. the globe illustrated a fictitious view ‘from the outside’ onto a spherical cosmos, at whose centre the earth was envisaged to be (cf. [z. 134]; ~ Cosmology). The most detailed ancient description of such a simple fixed star globe to survive was written by the great astronomer and geographer Claudius + Ptolemaeus (2nd cent. AD; Ptol. Almagest 8,3). However, dependent on the original intent, there may have been great variations in completeness and accuracy: thus the globe of the ‘Atlas Farnese’ — based on a Hellenistic prototype — and the specimen in the

CARTOGRAPHY

typical for all societies up to the r5th cent. AD. + Forma Urbis Romae; — Itineraries; CARTOGRAPHY 1 P.Brownetal. (ed.), Late Antiquity: classical World, s.v. Landscape, 1999

a‘Guide to the Post2J.B. HARLEY,

D.Woopwarp (ed.), The History of Cartography, 1987ff. 3D.Woop, Maps and Mapmaking, in: H. SELIN (ed.), Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-Western Cultures, 1997 4 K. BRODERSEN, Terra Cognita: Stud. zur rom. Raumerfassung, 1995 5O.A. W. Ditke, Greek and Roman Maps, 1985 6ld., in: J.B. Hartey, D. Woopwarp (ed.), The History of Cartography 1, 1987, 201-275 7 C.NIcotet, L’Inventaire du monde: Géographie et politique aux origines de l’empire romain, 1988 8 P. JANNI, La mappa e il periplo, 1984 9R.TALBERT, Review of: O.A. W. Ditke, Greek and Roman Maps, 1985, in: JRS 77, 1987, 210-212 10Id., Rome’s Empire and Beyond, in: E. HERMON (ed.), Gouvernants et gouvernés dans |’Im-

perium Romanum (Cahiers des Et. Anciennes 26), 1991, 215-223 11N.PuRCELL, Review of: C. NICOLET, L’Inventaire du monde: ..., 1985, in: JRS 80, 1990, 178-182 12A.D. Lee, Information and Frontiers, 1993 13 O. Cuntz, J. SCHNETZ, Itineraria Romana, 1929-1940 (repr.

1990)

14J.M.

RoLpDAN

HervAs,

Itineraria

Hispana, 1975 15 H. HALFMANN, Itinera principum, 1986 16 E.WeBER, Tabula Peutingeriana, 1976 17 P. GEYER, Itinerarium Burdigalense (CCL 175), 1965 18 P. MaRAVAL, Itinerarium Egeriae, 1982

19 E.EDson,

Mapping Time and Space, 1997 20 B.CAMPBELL, Shaping the Rural Environment: Surveyors in Ancient Rome, in: JRS 86, 1996, 74-99 21 A.PIGANIOL, Les documents cadastraux de la colonie romaine d’Orange, 1962 22 D. West REYNOLDs, Forma Urbis Romae, diss. Michiganit996 23 G.AuyjaAc, in: J.B. HarLey, D.WooDWARD

(ed.), The

History

of Cartography

1, 1987,

134f.

24 B. CAMPBELL, Teach Yourself How to Be a General, in: JRS 77, 1987, 13-29 25 D.ButsserRet (ed.), Monarchs, Ministers, and Maps, 1992 =26 G.SUNDWALL, Ammianus geographicus, in: AJPh 117, 1996, 619-643 27 A.BERTRAND, Stumbling through Gaul, in: Ancient History Bull. 11, 1997, 107-122. RLT.

Romisch-Germanische

Zentralmuseum

(Mainz),

the

subject of a recent study by E. KUNZL, are of considerable exactitude, despite their obvious showpiece character; their accuracy would certainly still have been surpassed by those instruments which were solely destined for scientific use. Other images of globes from the imperial age, whose sole purpose it was to serve as a general symbol of Roman world domination, are restricted to a simplified reproduction of only a few prominent constellations, unless they contained only abstract figures. In contrast, further developments such as those by Archimedes (Cic. Rep. 1,22), who tried to explain the orbits of the sun, the moon, and the planets in their entirety with the help of a system of concentric rings, cannot really be accepted as globes in the truest sense. Even after the tenet of the spherical shape of the earth had long been established, the representation of the earth as a globe remained exceptional. The main reason for this may have been the obvious ignorance of a large part of its surface. Only those who accepted an entirely hypothetical representation of the world could use the globe as a visual aid for geography, as did Crates in the 2nd cent. BC, the Homeric exegete from Pergamum (Str. 2,5,10), whose impressive model of two ver-

Il. GLOBE The globe (Greek odotga/sphaira, Lat. sphaera) as an ideal means for the undistorted representation ofthe surface of sphere-shaped objects was well known in antiquity, as evident in copious written documents, but also in representations in art and architecture. However, while in modern times the globe is first of all associated with the familiar earth globe, in ancient times it was mainly used to illustrate celestial phenomena: the reference in Cic. Rep. 1,22 (sphaera ... tornata) that Thales had already produced a globe seems hardly compatible with his concept of an earth floating in water (11 A 14-15 DK). However, > Anaximander (6th cent. BC), probably the first to assume a free-floating earth at the centre of a spherical cosmos (12 A 11 DK), already seems to have demonstrated his theory with the help of a globe; however, nothing is known about its structure and construction (12 A 1 DK).

tically intersecting ocean belts and four land (Str. 1,1,7; 1,2,24) may, through Macrobius, fluenced the well-known iconography of the orb [2. 458]. + Astrolabium; > Surveyors; + Geography; aries; > Cosmology; CARTOGRAPHY

quarters have inimperial > Itiner-

1 E.KUNzL, Sternenhimmel beider Hemispharen, in: Antike Welt 27, 1996, 129-134 2H.BERGER, Gesch. der

wiss. Erdkunde der Griechen, 71903. F. BOLL, s.v. Globen, RE 7, 1427-1430; A. SCHLACHTER, Der Globus (Stoicheia 8), 1927; O. BRENDEL, Symbolik der Kugel, in: MDAI(R) 51, 1936, 1-95; O.Muris, G.SAARMANN, Der Globus im Wandel der Zeiten, 1961; W.Exscumitt, Weltmodelle (Kulturgesch. der ant. Welt 43), *1990; A.STUCKELBERGER, Der Astrolab des Ptolemaios, in: Antike Welt 29/5, 1998, 377-383. KL.ZI.

1145

1146

CARVILIUS

Carura (ti Kagovea; ta Kéroura).

[4] Carus

[1] Town in south-western Asia Minor on the upper course of the > Maeander at the border between Caria

Narbo (Eutr. 9,18,1; Aur. Vict. Caes. 39,12; Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes. 38,1), not from Illyricum, Milan or Rome (as in SHA Car. 5,5); he first appears as a praef. praetorio of > Probus (Aur. Vict. Caes. 38,1). Acclaimed as

and Phrygia (Str. 12,8,17; 14,2,29), near the modern

Saraykoy. Thanks to its hot springs, C. was an ancient health resort; a medical school (in the tradition of > Herophilus [1]) was based near the sanctuary of Men Karu (Str. 12,8,20), halfway between C. and Laodicea [4] (z2nd/rst cents. BC). MILLER, 726; W.M. Ramsay, The Historical Geography of Asia Minor, 1890, 49; RAMSAY W.Rucg, s.v. K. (1), RE 10, 2243f.

1, 164; 168; 374; H.KA.

[2] Tamil Kartr (Karuvar), the capital of the southern Indian Cera kingdom (Ptol. 7,1,86 Baciievov Knoopoeeou; basileion Kérobothrou) in the district of Tiruccirappalli. An important trade route from the port of Muziris (copious Roman coin finds, rst cent. AD) to the east passed through C. K. KarTTUNEN, Early Roman Trade with South India, in: Arctos 20, 1995,

81-91;

R. NaAGAswamy,

1995.

Roman

Kar,

K.K.

Carus [1] (Kdgoc, Kaxveoc; Kdros, Kakyros). Celtiberian from Segeda, general of several Iberian tribes and towns that defeated the army of the consul Q. ~» Fulvius [I 17] Nobilior on 23/ 8/153 BC. The Roman prohibition of building a wall around Segeda caused the confrontation. C. was killed while pursuing the enemy (App. Ib. 45; Diod. Sic. 31,39; Flor. Epit. 1,34 [Megaravicus]). + Hispania HOLDER 1, 669; A.SCHULTEN, Die Keltiberier und ihre Kriege mit Rom, in: Numantia 1, 1914, 332-341. W.SP.

[2] A poet friend of > Ovid (Pont. 4,13 is addressed to him; 3,5 in the Tristiae, where the identity of the respec-

Augustus

Imperator

Caesar

M.A.

From

emperor by the soldiers in Raetia and Noricum (Zos. 1,71), he was officially recognized in September AD 282. Soon after, he elevated his sons — Carinus and + Numerianus to the rank of Caesar. In the following spring, he fought against the Sarmatians (Eutr. 9,18), and subsequently marched with Numerianus against the Persians. After a notable victory (capture of Ctesiphon), he died in July or August 283 at the Tigris (from illness or struck by lightning, Aur. Vict. Caes. 38,4-6; Aur. Vict. Epit. Caes. 38,2). PIR? A 1475; PLRE 1, 183. RIC 5,2, 133-153; KIENAST, *1996, 258f.

A.B.

Carus(s)a (Ka&Qovo0a; Kdroussa). Settlement on the Paphlagonian Black Sea coast east of > Sinope (Peripl. m. eux. 24; Scyl. 89; Plin. HN 6,7). W.RUuGE, s.v. K., RE 10, 2244.

C.MA.

Carventum Town in Latium near Praeneste; member of the Latin League (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 5,61). The arx Carventana is mentioned in connection with the disputes between Rome and the > Aequi until 409 BC (Liv. 4,53,55). No traces from a later period; its identification with Roccamassima is unfounded. BTCGI 5, 20-28.

GU.

Carvilius Name of a plebeian (probably immigrant) family, attested in the 3rd—znd cents. BC, but later disappeared (ThIL, Onom. 219f.; SCHULZE, 139, A.8; 403; 454). The quaestor and witness in the trial of Camillus in 391 BC, Sp. C. (MRR 1,93), may have been a later

tive addressees is concealed, because of the substitution

fabrication; there was also a chieftain of Britain by the

the addressee’s name by the adjective carus in V. 17f., it

name of C. (Caes. B Gall. 5,22,1).

is most definitely not directed at him), who wrote an

[1] C., L. People’s tribune in 212 BC, alongside Sp. C., perhaps his brother. [2] C., Sp. Freedman of Sp. C. Maximus Ruga, around 240 BC (i.e. between 254 and 234) head of a scribal

+ epic about Hercules (Ov. Pont. 4,13,11f.; 4,16,7f.). C. was the teacher of the children of Germanicus (4,13,47f.), and Ovid wanted C. to use his influence for having him recalled from exile. None of his works are extant. ED.C. [3] In AD 94, he was the victor in the agon in honour of the annual festival of Quinquatrus, held at Domitian’s Albanum (Mart. 9,23.24). Which competition C. entered, is unclear. Mart. 9,23 points to a hoped-for future victory in the agon Capitolinus (pia quercus); perhaps C. was a poet of epics [1]. It is questionable whether Mart. 7,74 (spouse of Norbana; coniuge Caro varia lectio Carpo) and 9,54 (addressee: Care, v.l.: cara ... cognatio) refer to him. 1 BARDON

2,229

2) VRE 35 6320

2PIR*C 456

3O.SKuTSCH, s.v. C.

CR.

school (scriptorium) in Rome, in which the use of the

guttural media (G) at least was successfully taught (Plut. Mor. 278e) [1]. [3] C. Maximus, Sp. Cos. I of 293 BC alongside L. Papi-

rius Cursor; he fought successfully against the Samnites (assault of Amiternum, Cominium, and other cities), the Etruscans and the Faliscans, and celebrated his triumph within the same year. The rich war booty was 1.a. used for a temple of Fors Fortuna and a colossal bronze statue of Jupiter on Capitol hill (MRR 1, 180). He was censor in 289 (2?) BC, and consul once again in 272 BC

alongside Papirius. He subjugated Tarentum’s Italian allies, and together with his colleague celebrated his triumph (MRR 1, 197).

CARVILIUS

1148

1147

[4] C. Maximus (Ruga), Sp. Cos. I 234 of BC, fought against Corsicans and Sardinians and celebrated a triumph; cos. IJ of 228 BC alongside Q. Fabius Maximus Verrocosus (the later Cunctator). After the battle of Cannae in 216 BC, his proposal of enlarging the Senate by admitting Latini was conclusively rejected (Liv. 23,22,4-9.). At the time of his death, he was an augur (Liv. 26,23,6-8). His name is linked with the first divorce case in Rome (235 or 231), in which the childlessness of the wife was cited as a reason. (Gell. NA 4,3,25 17,21,44; Plut. Mor. 278e).

likely, on the northern coast of the Halicarnassus peninsula near Turkbikii and G6! koyii (settlement remains with imported Greek pottery, as early as 6th/5th cents., also Byzantine ruins on the shore). Inscriptions, coins. G.E. BEAN, J.M. Cook, The Halicarnassus Peninsuia, in:

ABSA

50, 1955, t21f., 131; G.E. BEAN, Kleinasien 3,

1974, 134; L.BURCHNER, s.v. K. (1) and (2), RE 10, 2246f.; C.Foss, Strobilos and Related Sites, in: AS 38, 1988, 147-174.

H.KA.

Caryatids (Kagvdtidec; Karydtides). Female figures, mostly in long robes, used as supports for various uten-

1 Schanz/Hosius 1, 42.

Carya (Kagva; Karuva). Daughter of the Laconian King Dion, beloved of Dionysus. Her sisters, Orphe and Lyko, who lock up C., are struck with insanity by Dionysus and transformed into the cliffs of Taygetus; however C. is transformed

cated not far from Salih adasi near Giivercinlik or, more

into a walnut tree (Serv. Ecl.

8,29). According to epic poet Pherenicus, C. is, like oth-

er Hamadryads, a daughter of Oxylus and his sister Hamadryas (Ath. 3,78b). Cw. Caryae (Kagvat; Karyai). [1] Arcadian settlement (ymgiov) on the southern shore GIs of the lake of Pheneus (Paus. 8,13,6; 14,1). [2] Settlement in the north-western Parnon range, on

Sparta’s north-eastern border with Arcadia, either near the modern Analipsis on the banks of the Saranda-Potamos in the north-east of the plain of Kambos, or near Arachova north of the village that once again bears the name Karyai. Because of its location between Laconia, Arcadia, and Argolis, C. played an important role in the history of relations between Sparta and its neighbouring states. Originally Arcadian, it belonged to Sparta in the classical period (Thuc. 5,55,3; Xen. Hell. 6,5,25;

sils (i.a. mirror handles) or in an architectural context (> Architectural sculpture), where they replace

columns, semi-columns or pilasters. According to Vitruvius (1,1,5), the term’ was derived from the Peloponnesian town of > Caryae [2]; it cannot be found in Greek before the 4th cent. BC (Lynceus in Ath. 6,241). In inscriptions on buildings of the 5th cent. BC (Erechtheion), caryatids are referred to as x@ean (korai). The earliest architectural caryatids occur in Greece in the 6th cent. BC (Cnidian and Siphnian treasuries in Delphi); also from this time originates the earliest reference to female support figures for beams in a nonarchitectural context in a description by Pausanias of the throne of Apollo of Amyclae (3,18,9f.). To what extent the motif of caryatids, which seldom occurs in the 5th and 4th cents. BC (Korai of the Erechtheion, tomb

chamber

of SveStari/Bulgaria),

has been

bor-

rowed from ancient oriental predecessors, remains under discussion. The largest distribution of caryatids is found in the archaistic and neo-Attic art (rst cent. BC to 2nd cent. AD).

Factually incorrect, but causing considerable consequences in its reception, is the anecdote related by

7,1,28; Polyaenus, Strat. 1,41,5; Phot. s.v. Kaguateia;

Vitruvius (1,1,5), according to which caryatids are a

Karydteia), and to Tegea in the Hellenistic period (Liv. 34,26,95 353 27,135 Paus. 8,45,1). In the imperial age, it was a Spartan sanctuary of Artemis Karyatis with a cult image and an annual festival. The dancers at this festival were called Karyatidai. Sources: Paus. 3,10,7; 4,16,9; Steph. Byz. s.v. Karyai. Inscriptions: IG V 1, 922-925.

motif symbolizing submission (servitutis exemplum) as a consequence of the treasonable + medismos of the inhabitants of the town of Caryae; in post-classical architectural theory, this passage has been debated intensively and, since the 18th cent., it has been placed in the centre of an ‘architecture parlante’. Especially the caryatids of the Erechtheion can be found copied or recreated in Roman art as well as in the classicism of the late 18th and roth cents. as paradigms of classical art.

T.CHRISTIEN,

Promenades

en

Laconie,

1989, 80-86; D.Musti, M.ToreLtt, della Grecia, 3. La Laconia, 1991, 189.

in: DHA

15,1,

Pausania. Guida ee

Caryanda (ti Kagvavda; ta Karyanda). Carian (Hecat. FGrH 1 F 242; Scyl. FGrH 709 T rf.) harbour town between Myndus and Bargylia (Str. 14,2,20), south of the modern Gilliik korfezi, originally on an offshore island (Salih adasi?), later relocated to the mainland. C. was a member of the > Delian League and home of the seafarer (Hdt. 4,44,1) and geographer > Scylax. On Salih adasi, remains of a walled settlement have been found; the mainland settlement of C., incorpor-

ated into > Myndus in the 3rd cent. BC, should be lo-

M.BusuHart, S.HANsEL, M.ScHouz, K. an Berliner Bauten des 19. Jh., in: W. ARENHOVEL, CHR. SCHREIBER (ed.), Berlin und die Ant., exhibition catalogue Berlin

1979,

531-555;

H.Drerup,

tide’, in: MarbWPr

1975/6,

Zur Bezeichnung 11-14; D.M.

‘Karya-

FULLERTON,

The Archaistic Style in Roman Statuary, Mnemosyne Suppl. 110, 1990; H.Heres, Eine archaistische K. aus dem Theater von Milet, in: Eirene 18, 1982, 5—r1; H. LauTER,

16),

1976;

F.SCHALLER, Stiitzfiguren in der griech. Kunst,

Die

Koren

des

Erechtheion

(AntPl

1973;

E.ScumrpT, Gesch. der K., 1982; A. SCHMIDT-COLINET, Ant. Stitzfiguren, 1977; L.SCHNEIDER, Cu. HOcKER, P.Zazorr, Zur thrak. Kunst im Frithhell. Griech. Bild-

elemente in zeremoniellem Verwendungszusammenhang,

1149

1150

in: AA 1985, 633-638; A.SCHOLL, Die Korenhalle des Erechtheion auf der Akropolis, 1998.

C.HO.

Carystius (Kagvotioc; Karystios) of Pergamum. Greek polygraph with a wide range of interests, who probably lived in the 2nd halfofthe 2nd cent. BC. The majority of fragments is found in Athenaeus, who predominantly quotes from ‘Iotoguxa taouvjquata (at least 2 vols, or possibly 3 vols, if the two references év toeit ‘Ynouvnuatov in Ath. 12,542; 13,577¢ are to be assigned to the same opus: discussion in [2]), an assorted collection of reports on various historical personalities, customs, and traditions. In addition, there is evidence of two further works entitled egi Swtddou and THeoi AvdsaoxaAuov; with these treatises, C. seems to take his place in the tradition of Peripatetic and Alexandrian investigations of poets and dramatic productions. He apparently also occupied himself with history of art: one report links him to the invention of the design of the winged ~ Nike (schol. Aristoph. Av. 574). ~ Sotades EDITION: 1FHG 4, 356-359. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 2 F. Jacosy, s.v. Karystios, RE 10, 2254-2255.

F.M.

Carystus (Kdevotoc; Karystos, Lat. Carystus).

[1] Town on the coastal plain on the gulf of the same name in the south-east of > Euboea, also called Karystos today; it lies about 3 km inland between the acropolis and the harbour, and was known as a foundation of the Dryopes, who in the course of the > Doric migration had to leave their homeland in central Greece; according to Hom. Il. 2,539, C. was founded by the Abantes. A prehistoric settlement cannot be ruled out. After its capture by the Persians in 490 BC, C. had to provide ships for Xerxes’ fleet in 480 BC. In 475 BC, C. was forced by the Athenians to join the > Delian League; the size of C.’s tribute (7 '/, or 5 talents after 450/449) indicates its importance (ATL 1, 302f.; 3, 175; 198). For a while, C. was allied with Thebes (Syll.3 I 190). It became a member in the Second > Athenian League (Syll.3 1 147,83). C. was the only Euboean town to take part in 323 BC in the > Lamian War against the Macedonians, the rulers of C. during the period of the Diadochi. After its capture in 198 BC by a Roman-Pergamene fleet, it was declared a free city in 196 BC. In the + Social War [3], C. supported the Romans with ships (CIL F 203). In time, the centre of the ancient town had shifted towards the coast; from there, the green marble, particularly popular in Roman times (CIL XIV 14301), which was quarried north-west of C., was exported from the port of Marmarium which had been specifically built for that purpose. In the imperial age, these quarries were state-owned enterprises (CIL VI 8486;

[1. 167]). In the Middle Ages, C. was a diocese. From the 5th cent. AD, we know of a bishop named Kyriakos; the remains of a Byzantine metropolitan church are extant.

CASCELLIUS

From C. hailed the physician > Diocles [6], the New Comedy poet > Apollodorus [5], and the biographer Antigonus [7]. Inscriptions: IG XII 9, 1-43; Suppl. 527-530; SEG 3, 758f.; 14, 575; CIL Il 563; 12286; 12289. Coins.: HN 3 56f. 1 HIRSCHFELD.

IG XII 9, p.159f.; H.v. GEISAU, s.v. K., RE 10, 225 6ff.; Fr. GEYER, Top. und Gesch. der Insel Euboia 1, 1903, 102ff.; S. LAUFFER, s.v. K., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 305f.; PHILIPPSON/KIRSTEN 1, 630; M.B. WALLACE, The

history of C., 1972.

H.KAL.

[2] Settlement in south-west of the Aegytis region of Arcadia (Str. 10,1,6; Ath. 1,31d; Steph. Byz. s.v. Karystos; Hsch. s.v. Kagvotios), known for its wine (Alcm. fr. 92d CAMPBELL). Ancient remains have been found on the mound of Palaiokastro, 18 km north-east of Sparta. R.BaLapi£E,

Le Péloponnése

de Strabon,

1980,

1709f.

vais

Casae [1] (Ka&oot; Kasai). Town in > Cilicia Tracheia (Ptol. 5,558; Kaood, Hierocles, Synekdemos 682,5), modern

Asar Tepe, 30 km north-northeast. > of Coracesium. Its existence in the Hellenistic period is uncertain, epigraphically evident from the Augustan era, later a diocese [1. 48ff.]. The ruin of a large church bears a long legal inscription on its outer wall, dating from the 2nd half of the sth cent. AD [t. 5rff.]. 1G.E. Bean, T.B. MITFORD, Journeys in Rough Cilicia 1964-1968, 1970.

Kote

[2] Town in the province of > Numidia, north-east of Lambaesis, modern E] Mahder. The small settlement

developed into a town and — probably under the Severan emperors— became a municipium (CIL VIII 1, 4327). A division of the legio III Augusta was garrisoned there: CIL VIII Suppl. 2, 18532. Inscription: CIL VIII 1, 4322-43 53; Suppl. 2, 18527-18539. AAA\g, sheet 27, no. 141; C. LEPELLEY, Les cités de l’Afri-

que romaine 2, 1981, 40o0f.

W.HU.

Casae Calbenti Statio in Mauretania Caesariensis, 15 miles from Tipasa, 32 miles from Icosium (It. Ant. 15,3-5), probably modern Castiglione. AAAlg, sheet 4, no. 50.

W.HU.

Cascellius (C. Aulus Cascellius). Jurist, pupil of Volcatius, who in turn was taught by Q. > Mucius Pontifex (Dig. 1,2,2,45; Plin. HN 8,144); evident in documents of 73 BC as a senator, he held no further office after his quaestorship, but dedicated himself to practical jurisprudence [2]. The iudicium Cascellianum (Gai. Inst. 4,166a), which he had drafted, allowed the winner of a sponsio trial to claim for material restitution within

CASCELLIUS

ISS2)

11st

the framework of prohibitory interdicts on property (a form of interim order for the protection of property) [1]

leluce (22 km). The monastery of S. Benedetto dates back to AD 529.

(> restitutio). C.’s works, with the exception of a book

G. CaRETTONI, C., 1940; G. LENA, Scoperte archeologiche

on bon-mots (Bene dicta), were inaccessible to the late

nel Cassinate, 1980; A. PANTONI, L’acropoli di Montecas-

classical

sino, 1980; M. VALENTI, L’acquedotto romano, in: Jour-

jurisprudence

of the 2nd cent.

AD

(Dig.

Ty 2s2s4 Sie 1 H.Honsett, TH. Mayer-Maty, W.SELB, R6m. Recht,

41987, 552f.

2 WrEACKER, RRG, 6rrf.

TG.

Casia (cassia, xa0¢0>ia; kasia) was the name originally given to species of Cinnamomum, especially C. zeylanicum (-> Cinnamon, xwvénouov in Hdt. 3,107) and C. cassia (from southern China, cf. Theophr. Hist. Pleo, jeu ances) Dirosconidestn, ns [re nanyte|)= 2-0, 0

[2. 35ff.]), but also, already in antiquity, to species of the genus of leguminosae Cassia, especially the black husks of C. fistula (C. solutiva, xaootia wédawa, yuxoxd&AQuo¢s) introduced via Alexandria. Their edible pith that acts as a laxative (called senna pulp) was used fre-

quently also in the Middle Ages. 1M. WeELLMANN

(ed.), Pedanii

Dioscuridis

de materia

medica, Vol. 1, 1908, repr. 1958 2J.BERENDES (ed.), Des Pedanios Dioskurides Arzneimittellehre ibers. und mit Erl. versehen, 1902, repr. 1970. C.HU.

Casilinum Town in the border region between ager Falernus and ager Campanus, three miles north of + Capua (Tab. Peut. 6,3; in Str. 5,3,9 instead of 24 erroneously 19 miles; cf. Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 15,4), at the strategically important bridge of the via Appia across the Volturnus; thus also of importance in 216 BC in the war against Hannibal (Liv. 23,17ff.). After its recapture by the Romans

in 214 BC (Liv. 24,19), it

became a praefectura (Fest. 262,10), but its importance

quickly dwindled (Plin. HN 3,70). In AD 856, bishop Landulf chose C. as the site for the new foundation of Capua (Constantinus Porphyrogennetus, De administrando imperii 27). An inscription of AD 387 mentions C. in conjunction with several religious festivals which involved large parts of Campania (ILS 4978). NISSEN, 2, 711-712;

367-369;

K.J. BELOCH, Campanien,

G.GuaADAGNO,

L’Ager

Falernus

*1890,

in eta pre-

romana, in: Atti delle Giornate di Studio dell’ Archeoclub

d'Italia. Falciano del Massico Febbr.-Marzo

1986, Min-

turno 1987, 1-15, pl. rf.5 Id., Pagi e vici della Campania, in: L’epigrafia del villaggio 1992, 407-444; RUGGIERO, Siva Go zat:

nal of Ancient Topography 2, 1992, 125-154; H.SOLIN, in: A.Catst (ed.), L’epigrafia del villaggio, 1993, 363406; E.PisTILui, Cassino, 1994; G.GHINI, M. VALENTI, Cassino, 1995.

G.U,

Casium (Kdotov sc. de0¢). Hellenized form of Hurrite

Hazzi, name of the 1,770 m high Gebel al-Aqra‘, ie. Saphon, the mount of the gods with the residence of the god - Baal c. 40 km north of > Ugarit in north-western Syria. In the rst millennium BC the Saphon/Casium became the Syrio-Palestine mount of the gods par excellence; the name Casium is also to be found in the Nile delta on Lake Sirbon (Hdt. 2,6,1; 3,5,2) where the

border between Egypt and Syria ran (Hdt. 2,158,4). In Syria the cult of > Zeus Casius was practised on the Casium until the 4th cent. AD. Important visitors to the cult site were King SeleucusI and the emperors Hadrian, Trajan and Julian Apostate. In Philo Byblius (Euseb. Praep. evang. I 10,9) this mountain and the Amanus, the Lebanon and the Tabor are together called Casium. 1 K.Kocu, Hazzi-Saf6n-K., in: B. JANowSKI et al. (ed.),

Religionsgesch. Beziehungen zw. Kleinasien, Nordsyrien und dem AT, 1993, 171-223 2H.NieHR,s.v. Zaphon, Dictionary of Deities and Demons, 1746-1750. H.NI.

Casius see > Baal; > Typhoeus; > Zeus Casmenae

(Kaouévat;

Kasménai).

Town

in Sicily,

founded by Syracuse in 644 BC (Thuc. 6,5,3); its fortified position and the lack of its own mint indicate its status as a dependent ‘military colony’. In 5 54/3 BC, Camarina, supported by several Siculan communities, attempted to free itself from Syracusan dependency. In the ensuing war, in which C. supported Syracuse, the town was destroyed (Dion. Hal. Epist. ad Pompeium 5,5 = FGrH 556 Philistus F 5 with the reading of 1. 236"). The remains of an inscription on a bronze tablet, which apparently came from Monte Erbesso Casale and is now housed in the Metropolitan Museum [2], could indicate a treaty between the emigrated oligarchs of Megara and the Syra-

UPA.

cusan gamoroi (‘landowners’) who were in exiled to C., thus confirming the report in Hdt. 7,15 5,2 (Kaouévn): a

Casinum Oscan, later Volscian and Samnite town in the Liris valley. Because of its location on the via Latina, C. played a strategically important role during the Samnite wars; it probably became a colonia Romana in 312 BC. The acropolis was located in Montecassino, a walled circle (opus polygonale) enclosed C. on the slope

revolt of the + demos and the enslaved kyllyrioi had driven the gamoroi from Syracuse to C. in 491 BC; > Gelon [1] used their restoration in 485 BC to seize power over Syracuse. Against various other placements (at Comiso, Ispica, or Scicli), C. is generally identified with the archaicGreek settlement, excavated at Monte Casale on the 830 m high plateau of Monte Erbesso in the headwater region of the Irminio, Anapo, and Tellaro, 6 km northwest of Acrae (12 km west of Palazzolo Acreide). The

south of the modern Cassino (province of Frosinone).

Archaeological monuments: amphitheatre, forum (ona terrace with a temple), theatre; villa with thermal baths

on the Rapido, attributed to Varro; aqueduct from Val-

£P53

1154

walls, fortified by towers, originally encircled the whole of the 3.4 km long edge of the mountain and enclosed an extensive summit area (1370 X 450m) with a reticulate town plan (2nd half of the 7th to 4th cent. BC). Buildings made from lava rock were divided into narrow blocks by 38 parallel streets which ran from north-west to south-east vertically to the main axis of the plateau. On the western side (acropolis) stood a temple (very narrow cella, building and statues decorated with polychrome terracotta); votive gifts (weapons) were found along the southern side of the témenos. In the south-west, there were fortifications with rectangular towers; at the eastern edge, a double-curtain wall with jutting towers nestles against the main fortifications (rst half of the 4th cent. BC), partly overlying the archaic building structures. Necropoleis on the south-

Casperius

western slopes (mid 6th to 4th cent. BC) 1E.Pars, Storia della Sicilia, 1834 2 A.pi Vita, La penetrazione siracusana nella Sicilia sud-orientale alla luce delle pit recenti scoperte archeologiche, in: Kokalos 251956, L77it.

CASPIAN SEA

[1] C. Centurio. In AD 51, he tried — in the castle of Gorneae in Armenia — to mediate between Pharasmanes and Mithridates (Tac. Ann. 12,45f.). Corbulo

sent him to the Parthian king Vologaeses in 62 (Tac. Ann. 15,5,2ff.; PIR* C 461). [2] C. Aelianus. Military tribune, who accompanied Vespasian to Egypt in AD 69 (Philostr. VA 7,18). Praetorian prefect under Domitian, and once again under Nerva, when he joined an opposition group around Cornelius Nigrinus. C. was summoned to Germania by Trajan and executed (Cass. Dio 68,3,3. 5,4; PIR* C 462) [1. 139ff.]. [3] C. Aemilianus. Senator, who like C. Agrippinus was

executed by Septimius Severus (SHA Sept. Sev. 13,3f.; PIR* C 463). [4] C. Niger. Vir militaris on the side of Flavius Sabinus, killed in December 69 by the followers of Vitellius during an assault on the Capitol (Tac. Hist. 3,73,2; PIR* C

465). 1 SCHWARTE, in: BJ 179, 1979.

W.E.

BTCGI, vol. 10, 289-296 (s.v. Monte Casale); G. Voza,

s.v. K., EAA, 2. Suppl., 174f.

GLF.andH.-P.DRO.

Casos (Kdooc; Kdsos). Southernmost island of the Dodecanese, 27 nautical miles from Crete, neighbour-

ing island to Carpathus; with a total area of 66 km’, it is 17 km long and 6 km wide, mountainous, its highest peak Mount Prionas at 600 m. Its population was of Doric origin. Some remains of the ancient town have

survived near the modern Polio above the modern Fri. C. was a member of the > Delian League with a tribute of 1,000 drachmas (ATL 1,302f.; 2,80; 3,24; 210). Later, C. became Rhodian, as did Carpathus. Sources: Hom. Il. 2,676; Scyl. 99; Str. 10,5,18; Plin. HN 4,70f; 5,133; Ptol. 5,2,19; Steph. Byz. s.v. Kasos; Stadiasmus maris magni 318; IG XII 1, 173f. no. 1041-1064. F. WEISSBACH,

s.v.

K., RE

10, 2268ff.;

G.GEROLA,

I

monumenti medioevali delle tredici Sporadi 2, in: ASAA 2, 1916, 82f.; H.KALETSCH, s.v. K., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 307; L.Ross, Reisen auf den Inseln des agaischen Meeres, 2 vols., 1840-1843, 3, 32ff.; PHILIPPSON/ KIRSTEN 4, 314, 317H.KAL.

Caspian Sea (Kaonia 0dAatta; Kaspia thdlatta; also known as ‘Hyrcanian Sea’ after the pre-Iranian Caspii or Hyrcanii who settled on its south-western shore). The world’s largest drainless salt lake (371,000 km’) with c. 50 smaller islands; in the west, it borders on the Caucasus, in the east on the Iranian highlands, in the south on the Elburz range, and in the north on the Russian lowlands. Rivers flowing into the Caspian Sea (CS) are: Volga (Tanais), Ural, Terek (Atrek), Sulak, and Kura (Cyrus). Whereas the CS was seen by Hdt. 1,203 as lake, Str. 11,6,1 and also Eratosthenes took it to be a bay opening northwards toward the ocean; only with the advent of Roman and Parthian rule was more detailed information available (Str. 11,6,4). In Ptol. 7,5,4, it is once again described as an inland sea. It was abounding in fish, and formed an important part in linking the Far East and the > Pontus Euxinus (Str. 11,7,3f.). The tribes settling around the CS were predominantly of Iranian origin: in the south-west lived the Medi and Cadusii, in the east the Daae, Massagetae and Sacae, in the west Iranian and Caucasian tribes (such as

Albani, Armeni, Iberes), and in the north Scythian and

Caspapyrus (Town in India, Hecat. in Steph. Byz.; Caspatyrus of Hdt. 4,44). Here Scylax had begun his journey with the fleet of Darius I down the Indus and through the sea to Egypt. An identification with Multan (as KaSyapapura) in the Punjab hardly is possible; C. should rather be looked for west of the Indus, perhaps on the Kabul River, as the journey first took an easterly direction. K.Kartrunen, 41-46.

India in Early Greek Literature,

1989, K.K.

Sarmatian ones. Under the rule of the > Achaemenids [2 ], only the southern coastal regions of the C.S. (from the mouth of the Cyrus in the west to about the same degree of latitude in the east) belonged to the rxrth, roth, and 15th satrapies of the Persian empire. The Parthians did not succeed in conquering the Caucasian shore of the CS. At the beginning of the 3rd cent. AD, these regions belonged to the large Sassanid empire. R. FRYE, Persien, 1962.

Lv.B.

BESS

1156

Caspii Indian mountain tribe in the Hindu Kush; the

conquer the Peloponnese but had to return to Macedonia without significant successes where the raging Olympias had had the royal couple and many of his supporters killed. C. besieged Olympias in Pydna, while his officers recaptured Macedonia and Epirus joined him. Olympias surrendered in 316 with assurances for her life. However, C. had her accused before his army and executed. Alexander [5] and — Roxane fell into C.’s hands and were interned, while Arrhidaeus and Eurydice were ceremoniously interred, probably in royal tomb no. 2 at Vergina (cf. [1]). Thus, the dynasty of the + Argeads was eliminated. To create a link to the dynasty, C. married > Thessalonica. In his and her honour C. founded Cassandria (— Potidaea) and + Thessalonica. > Thebes, which Alexander had destroyed, was rebuilt as a polis. C. was then able to extend his rule over a large part of Greece. Since > Antigonus [1] had become too powerful and power-hungry after his victory over + Eumenes [1], in 315 C. allied against him with Ptolemy, > Seleucus and + Lysimachus. Antigonus made Polyperchon, who submitted to him, — stratégds of the Peloponnese, where he held some towns, proclaimed for his part the ‘freedom of the Greeks’ and had C. condemned by his army. However, C. won Polyperchon’s son Alexander [8] to his side, sent his army to Caria and temporarily extended his rule to the Adriatic. The war continued with varying success in Europe and Asia. An attempt by Antigonus to conclude a separate peace with

CASPII

ancestors of the Kafir (i.e. ‘the disbelieving’) in the val-

leys of the Kanar, the river ofTschitral. In the records of the Persian taxation districts in Hdt. 3,93, they are summarized with the Saces. JRE. Caspii montes Kéomtov dQ0¢; Kaspion Gros is, according to Eratosthenes (in Str. 11,2,15), the indigenous

name of the Caucasus; according to Ptol. 5,13,4 it is the mountain range separating Armenia from the Parthian province of Media (modern Taly§ mountains, the border between Azerbaijan and Iran). In Mela 1,109 and Plin. HN 5,99, the Caspii montes are an independent mountain range, alongside the Caucasus, probably the Elburz mountain range with Mt. Demavend (5670 m). According

to Amm.

Marc.

23,6,74,

they

formed the northern border of the Persian empire. R.H. Hewsen (ed.), The Geography of Ananias of Sirak, 1991, 65A, 253. APL.

Cassander (Kdooavdooc; Kdssandros). Son of > Antipater [1], born before 353 BC (Ath. 1,18a), sent by his father in 324 in his place to > Alexander [4] in Babylon but was mistreated by the king, which caused lifelong hatred (Plut. Alexander 74). The slander spread by the

circle around > Olympias that C. and his brother > Iolaus [3] poisoned Alexander is repeated in several sources and also in the > Alexander Romance (however, see Arr. Anab. 7,27; Plut. Alexander 74). After Alexander’s death (323) C. commanded the elite troop of the Hypaspistai (Just. Epit. 13,4,18), was appointed > chiliarch of Antigonus [1] at > Triparadeisos by his father — probably to keep an eye on him (Diod. Sic. 18,39,7). C. accused Antigonus in the autumn of 320 before his father, who decided to take the kings Philip ~ Arrhidaeus [4] and > Alexander [5] to Macedonia (Arr. Succ., FGrH 156 F 11,43-44). C. remained with his father until Antipater’s death and effected, for example, the execution of - Demades (Plut. Demosthenes 31,4-6). Deeply insulted when Antipater made +> Polyperchon his successor before his death, C. allied with Antigonus and > Ptolemaeus against Polyperchon and Olympias, who supported Polyperchon. Polyperchon riposted with the proclamation of the ‘freedom of the Greeks’ so that C. lost almost all of Greece except for Megalopolis and the Athenian port of Munichia, which > Nicanor had garrisoned. C. was able to land with a fleet fitted by Antigonus in Munichia, and Nicanor acquired Piraeus for him. After some setbacks Nicanor, with Antigonus’ help, succeeded in destroying Polyperchon’s fleet. In ‘gratitude’ C. got rid of him because he appeared to be too ambitious. Athens had to surrender to C. and in practice had to accept the Peripatetic - Demetrius [4] as governor under an oligarchic constitution. Several cities voluntarily joined C. and — Eurydice [3] had Arrhidaeus appoint him royal administrator (Just. Epit. 14,5,1-3). After a short sojourn in Macedonia C. attempted to

C. failed (Diod. Sic. 19,75,6) but in 312 C. lost most of

his conquests to Ptolemy. In the following year C., Lysimachus, Ptolemy and Antigonus concluded an uneasy peace: C. became the ‘stratégds of Europe’ but had to recognize the freedom of the Greek poleis; Alexander [5] was to become ruler of the entire empire when he reached the age of majority. Therefore, C. had him and his mother murdered. In 310 war erupted again. Ptolemy attempted to ‘liberate’ C.’s bases in Greece, and Polyperchon proclaimed — Heracles [2], whom Antigonus had sent to him, king. But soon C. persuaded him to kill Heracles and to form an alliance with him. In 307 > Demetrius [2] landed with a fleet in Piraeus, expelled Demetrius [4] and ‘liberated’ Athens and Megara. When Antigonus and Demetrius took on the royal title in 305, C. had to follow in 304. He styled himself ‘king of the Macedonians’ (Syll.3 332). C. helped Rhodes during the siege by Demetrius [2] (Diod. Sic. 20,96,3; 100,2) and had some success in Greece

before 304. But in 303-302 he lost almost all of Greece to Demetrius. C., Lysimachus, Seleucus and Ptolemy

renewed their alliance and C. sent > Prepelaus under Lysimachus to Asia, where he quickly acquired most of Aeolia and Ionia (an invasion under C.’s brother > Pleistarchus was unsuccessful). But when Demetrius [2] crossed to Asia early in 302, all was quickly lost. After the death of Antigonus at > Ipsus (301), C. secured Macedonia and Pleistarchus part of Asia Minor but C. had to surrender almost all of Greece and recognize Athens’ independence. The last years witnessed

1157

1158

a rapid decline. C. was no longer able to help Pleistarchus in Asia and was decisively defeated by > Agatho-

After the Trojan War, C. is carried off by > Agamemnon as war booty; both of them are murdered by + Clytaemnestra (Hom. Od. 11,421-422), according to the epic and tragic tradition in the Argolis, but according to the lyricists in Laconia (Stesich. F 216 Davies; Simonides F 549 PAGE; Pind. Pyth. 11,33), which is also reflected in the cult. Pausanias (3,19,6; Hsch. s.v. C.) saw in Amyclae the sanctuary of a goddess Alexandra, who was identified with C. and also documents her cult in Leuctra (3,26,5); in the oracle of Thalamae, she was identified with Pasiphae (Plut. Agis 9,2). The equation of C. with Alexandra first appears in Lycophron, but it is probably older. On the reception of the figure of C., especially in modern literature [8; 9; ro].

cles [2] at Corcyra. He died in 298/7. According to Pausanias (9,7,2f.) he and his family (see > Antipater [2]) were cursed by the gods for their crimes against the family of Alexander [4]. In the sources the name Asander (> Asander [2]) is often misspelt as C. Diod. Sic. 18-20 is the main source on C, The best treatment is found in [2. 2293-2313]; for the years before 301 [3]. ~ Antipater [1] with stemma; > Diadochi and Epigoni; -» Diadochi, wars of the 1 E.N. Borza, The Royal Macedonian Tombs and the Paraphernalia of Alexander the Great, in: Phoenix 41, 1987, 105-121 2F. Jacosy,s.v. K., RE ro, 2293-2313 3 R. BitLows, Antigonos the One-Eyed, 1990. EB.

CASSI

1 J.L. Garcia RAMON, Homerico kékasmai, in: Die Spra-

che 34, 1988-90, 27-58

20.PAoLETTI, s.v. K., LIMC

Cassandra (Kaocodvd5oa, Kassandra, ‘who stands out

7-1,956-970

among men’ [1. 54-57]; Lat. Cassandra). In the Iliad ‘the most beautiful daughter’? of Priamus (Hom. II. 13,366-67), who ‘compares to the golden Aphrodite’ (ibid. 24,699); Ibycus describes her as ‘she of the narrow ankles’ (fr. S 151 Davigs). Beauty, youth and social status as a princess make her the paradigmatic feminine adolescent. The attempted rape on the part of > Ajax [2] fits this scenario; afterwards C. sought asylum at a stature of Athena in her sanctuary, as is reported already in the Iliupersis and in Alcaeus, (S 262 PaGE) and is also alluded to in the earliest pictorial representations in the 6th cent. BC by C.’s (partial) nudity and her youthful appearance [2. no. 48-55]. This episode is one of the most frequently told stories in the Trojan cycle. Around the middle of the 6th cent., C. is also depicted on black-figured Attic vases in celebration of Athena in connection with the recon-

Attic Vase-Painting: Ajax and Cassandra at the Trojan Pal-

struction of > Panathenaea [3. t0o8—109, 120]; at the

time of the Persian wars, C. also becomes a metaphor for the cruelty of war [3. 120-121]. On a mythological level, the rape of a young girl is typical of the first step of initiation [4. 145]. In addition, the rape takes place in the temple of Athena, a goddess connected with initiation [4. 128-134; 5. 75-77], and Ajax [2] is associated with Lokroi Epizephyrioi and the initiatory prostitution of girls [5. 73-74]. The myth of C. evidently has initiatory background [6. vol. 1, 672].

Perhaps in analogy to the prophetic arts of her twin brother > Helenus [1], the > Cypria and the post-Ho-

meric tradition ascribed to her the same prophetic abilities. According to that tradition, snakes lick the ears of both siblings in the temple of Apollo Thymbraeus (Anticlides FGrH 140 F 17; POxy. 56.3830). Because C. rejects the god’s advances, he takes away her credibility as a prophetess (Aesch. Ag. 1203-1208; Lycoph. 348; Verg. Aen. 2,247; Apollod. 3,12,5). In the tragedy, C. is depicted as an ecstatic seer with sibylline qualities (Aesch. Ag. 1140; Eur. Hec. 121, 676-77; Eur. Tro.

170, 341, 349, 408), but the fact that she prophesies in her own right and not Apollo through her, speaks against true ecstasy and points to a post-Iliadic, poetic construction [7. 347-348].

3]J.B. CONNELLY, Narrative and Image in

ladion, in: P.J. Hotimpay (ed.), Narrative and Event in

Ancient Art, 1993, 88-129

4 C.CaLaMe, Choruses of

Young Women in Ancient Greece, 1997 5 F.Grar, Die lokr. Madchen, in: Studi Storico-Religiosi 2, 1978, 61-79 6 P. WATHELET, Dictionnaire des Troyens de I’Iliade,

1988, vol. 1, 646-675; vol. 2, 1388-1400 7 GRAF 8 TH. EppLe, Der Aufstieg der Untergangsseherin K., 1993 9K.GLau, Christa Wolfs ‘K.’ und Aischylos’ ‘Orestie’, 1996 10S. JENTGENS, K., 1995.

J.Davreux,

La léegende de la prophétesse

1942; K.LEDERGERBER, K., 1950; Gestalt der K. in der ant. Lit., 1997.

Cassandre,

D.NEBLUNG,

Die jB.

Cassandria see > Potidaea

Cassanitae (Ptol. 6,7,6: Kaooavita; Plin. HN 6,150: Casani; Agatharchidas in Diod. Sic. 3,45,6: Taodvéau Gasdndai). People on the south-west coast of Arabia adjoining the Kinaidokolpites in the north and the Elisaroi in the south. In the area of the C. were the residence of the king Badeo (Badews mod Steph. Byz.; probably al-Badi in ‘Asir), the town of Ambé, the village of Mdmala (probably Ma‘mala in ‘Asir) and Adédu (probably al-Hudaida). The C. should be identified with the Ghassan who originally were at home in Yemenite Tihama before they settled in Syria in the 6th cent. AD. The tribe and the land of the Ghassan (gsm) are also mentioned in the Sabaic inscriptions ZI 75 and ‘Abbadan 1,29 from around 200 and 350 respectively. H.v. WissMANN, De Mari Erythraeo, Geogr. Stud. 69, 1957, 289-324.

Cassi One to Caesar ment area, south-east

in: Stuttgarter W.W.M.

of five tribes in Britannia, who surrendered in 54 BC (Caes. B Gall. 5,21). Their settlewhich cannot be localized exactly, was in the of the island.

A.L. F. Rivet, C.Smitu, The Place-names of Roman Britain, 1979, 302.

M.TO.

CASSIA

1159

I160

Cassia [1] C. Wife of Avidius Heliodorus, mother of Avidius

come them. 24 Conlationes Patrum, published in three instalments, between 425-429. In 24 fictitious discussions with 15 Egyptian monastic fathers, the asceticmonastic doctrine is presented. In Conlationes 13 —

Cassius [1. 217].

[2] C. Marciana. Wife of a senator, relative of Cassius Apronianus (I. Eph. 3, 710B; RAEPSAET-CHARLIER no.

197). (3] C. Paterna. Wife of Iulius Asper, cos. IJ AD 212 (PIR* C 529). 1 Syme, SHA-Coll., 1987.

W.E.

[4] C. (also Cassiane and Eicasia). Byzantine poet and the recipient of a letter by > Theodorus Studites from the year AD 816/818 in which she is referred to as a novice, wherefore she must have been born around

800/805. Her supposed participation in the search fora bride of Emperor Theophilus around 821 (?) is legendary yet seriously debated in its historicity even today. C. lived as an abbess in the monastery that she founded in Constantinople, where she died after 843. A number of liturgical works and a group of sometimes highly personal, short, moralizing poems, the so-called ‘Gnomes’

are attributed to her. I. RocHow, Studien zu der Person, den Werken und dem

Nachleben der Dichterin Kassia, 1967; ODB 1, 323f.; C. Ludwig, Sonderformen byzantinischer Hagiographie, diss. Berlin 1995, 130-136. ALB.

Cassiani see > Law schools

about divine Grace and human freedom — C., who is rooted in eastern Christian traditions, attacks > Au-

gustine’s theology of grace, thus becoming the originator of ‘Semipelagianism’ (the name came later). Addressees of both these works are the monks of southern Gaul, to whom the experience and wisdom of the eastern monks was given as their standard and guide. Thanks to these works, C. became an influential teacher

within western European monasticism; but he is also valued in the east through Greek translations of his works. With De incarnatione Domini contra Nestorium, written in 430 at the request of the future Pope Leo, C. intervened in the Christological disputes of that time; in this work, he disproves Nestorius with the help of the Holy Scriptures, the creed, and the great teachers of the church. 1 O.CHapwick, John Cassian, 71968

2H.O. WEBER,

Die Stellung des Johannes Cassian zur aufSerpadomianischen MO6nchstradition, 1960 3 K.ZELZER, C. natione Scytha, ein Siidgallier, in: WS 104, 1991, 161-168. EpiTions : M.PETSCHENIG, 2 vols. (CSEL 13; 17), 1886-88; De institutis: J.C. Guy, (SChr 109), 1965; Conlationes Patrum: E.PICHERY, 3 vols. (SChr 42; 54; 64), 1955-59; De incarnatione: New edition in preparation.

K.-S.F. Cassianus s. > Iohannes Cassianus

Cassianus, Iohannes A. BIOGRAPHY

B. WORKS

A. BIOGRAPHY Early church writer, born in 360, died in Marseilles in 430/35. His origins remain disputed: Scythia minor (Dobrudja) or, more likely, southern Gaul [1; 2; 3]. In his youth, he entered a monastery in Bethlehem (De inst. 4,31; Conl. 17,5); also a lengthy stay with the Egyptian monks. In the early 5th cent., C. was certainly

in Constantinople, where he was consecrated as a deacon by John Chrysostom (De inst. 11,13; De incarnatione 7,31). In 404 he was in Rome, in order to inter-

vene with Innocence I on behalf of the deposed John Chrysostom. It is possible that he was also ordained priest while in Rome, where he possibly had a lengthy stay. After 410 (4152), C. lived in Marseilles, where he founded two monasteries (Gennadius Vir. ill. 62), and

wrote his literary works. His works are those of a writer in the Latin literary tradition, who was also familiar with Greek theology. B. Works

De institutis coenobiorum et de octo principalium vitiorum remediis, written 419-426. Bks. 1-4 describe

the regulations and the way of life of the Egyptian and eastern monks; bks. 5-12 are a didactic treatise on asceticism, about the eight main vices and how to over-

Cassiepea, Cassiopea, Cassiope (Kaootémeva, Kaooudmeta, Kaoovsnn, Kassiépeia, Kassiopeia, Kassiopé).

[1] Daughter of Arabus, wife of the son of Agenor ~+ Phoenix, mother of > Phineus, Cilix and Doryclus, by Zeus of > Atymnius [2] (Hes. Cat. fr. 138; Pherecydes FGrH 3 F 86; Apollod. 3,1,2). According to Antoninus Liberalis (40), also the mother of > Europe [2] and — Carme (cf. Hes. Cat. fr. 140).

[2] Wife of Epaphus, son of Zeus and -> Io, mother of Libya, after whom the country of Libya is named (Hyg. Fab. 149; cf. Lactantius Placidus schol. Stat. Theb.

45737). [3] Wife of Cepheus and mother of — Andromeda (Apollod. 2,4,3; cf. Soph. TrGF 4 F 125-136). J.C. Baty, s.v. K., LIMC 8.1 (Suppl.), 666-670; W. Busse, s.v. C., RE 10, 2315-2328; R. KLIMEK-WINTER, Andromeda-Trag.,

1993.

K.WA.

[4] see > Constellations

Cassignatus Celtic composite name of uncertain origin [r. 167-171; 2. 165]. Galatian prince, in 180 BC ini-

tially rejected by > Eumenes II, but later the leader of two alae of Galatian cavalry on the side of Pergamum and Rome against > Perseus. C. fell 171 BC in the battle by the Callinicus (Pol. 24,8; Liv. 42,57,7—-9). 1EvANS

2 SCHMIDT.

W.SP.

II61

1162

Cassiodorus A. Lire

B. Worxs

C.INFLUENCE

D.MusSICAL

THEORY

A. LIFE Flavius Magnus Aurelius C., a senator, born c. AD 490, came froma family of the senatorial aristocracy— probably of Syrian origin (the name refers to the Syrian Zeus Kasios), but for generations settled in Scylacium (Squillace in Calabria) — which was very influential in Bruttium and Sicily (primatus: Cassiod. Var. 1,4,14) and carried out important political tasks (PLRE 2, 263f., C. r and 2). As a comes sacr. larg. of Odoacer, C.’s father (PLRE 2, 264f.) went over to Theoderic at the right time (AD 490), handed Sicily over to him without a fight, and attained the position of a praef. praetorio and patricius; thus he was able to pave the way for his son, who served him as private secretary (consiliarius). A panegyric, which C. had written about Theoderic, gained him the office of quaestor (507-511) with the task of improving the style of the Gothic king’s letters. In 514 he became cos. ord., and in 523 succeeded > Boethius as mag. officiorum (until 527); under ~ Athalaric (526-536), he was made praef. praetorio in 533, and retained that office beyond the death of his benefactress > Amalasunta (535) and her murderer — Theodahad (died in 536) to at least 537, by then under > Vitigis, who made him patricius. In that period (535/36), the idea of a Christian university— probably prompted by Pope > Agapetus — was mooted, but not implemented. After the capitulation of the Goths in Ravenna in 540, C. (together with Vitigis and > Matasunta) came to Constantinople, probably as Belisarius’ prisoner. In that city in c. 550, on the order of Pope> Vigilius and in the interest of the senatorial aristocracy, C. urged Justinian to attack Italy. After the victory over the Goths in 552, C. returned to Italy, and founded in Scylacium the monastic community of Vivarium, modelled on eastern theological academies (Nisibis, Alexandria). Without being a monk himself, he was the leader of that community until his death in c. 590. PLRE 2, 265-269.

B. Works C.’s works include historical, theological-philosophical, and grammatical writings as well as panegyrics to Theoderic, Eutharic (519), Vitigis and Matasunta on the occasion of their wedding (536), of which, however, only fragments are extant. Of his grammatical works, only De orthographia (c. 580) is extant —a set of instructions to the monks regarding the copying of manuscripts. The chronology of fragments on the genealogy of his family is uncertain: Ordo generis Cassiodorum, with reports on Boethius and Symmachus and dedicated to > Cethegus, the consul of 504. His historical and theological-philosophical writings can be chronologically ordered, with a dividing line defined by the end of Gothic rule between 538 and 540. In the period leading up it, the Chronica was written in 5195 it

CASSIODORUS

summarized Roman history in the context of world history (from Adam), and was primarily based on the chronicles of Jerome, Victorinus Aquitanus, and Prosper, as well as on consular lists, up to AD 519, when Eutharic, (the commissioner of this work?) was consul. The ‘History of the Goths’ in 12 bks. begun on Theoderic’s orders and in its initial form completed in 533, is extant only in an extract by > Iordanes. With this work —much more so than with the Chronica— C. pursues the aim of mediating between Romans and Goths, and above all of proving the justification of the Gothic Amal dynasty’s rule ( Amali). The work contains good news about Goths and Huns, but suffers from its emphatic partiality for the Goths. The 12 bks. of the Variae (epistulae), compiled in c. 538, constitute an important source for public administration in late antiquity: they contain a collection of the most important edicts and correspondence of the Gothic kings, which it had been C.’s task to edit (bks. 1-5 and 8-10), of charter forms (bks. 6-7), as well as his own administrative orders as praef. praet. (bks. 11-12). His work De anima (between 538 and 540, planned as the 13th bk. of the Variae) — a conjunction of pre-Christian (Plato) and Christian knowledge of the soul (above all Tertullian,

Augustine) — marks the turning point in C.’s theological-philosophical writings, even though he continued to be politically active, and presumably also produced a second

edition of the history of the Goths,

which was not yet finished, when Jordanes used it as a basis for his Getica in 5 51. It was probably only in Vivarium, after his return from Constantinople, that his other theological works were written: a commentary on the Psalms (Expositio psalmorum) with the intention of finding in the Bible the roots of secular rhetorics, and of proving that the Psalms were orientated towards Christ; instructions (in 2 bks.) for the correct way to read the Holy Scriptures with the help of commentaries, and also containing an introduction to the seven liberal arts (Institutiones divinarum [et saecularium] litterarum), with the overall aim of furthering the monks’ spiritual and secular education; brief explanations of selected NT passages, especially of Pauline texts (Complexiones); also the Historia tripartita, a history of the Church, initiated and introduced by C., in which excerpts from Theodoretus, Socrates, and Sozomenus

in Latin translations are placed informally alongside each other. He also instigated the translation of some texts, including those of Flavius Josephus (Ant. Iud., C. Ap.). C. INFLUENCE

C.’s importance in religious matters was already obvious in the Middle Ages in his influence on Hinkmar of Reims, Alcuin, Hrabanus Maurus, or Bede. In particular, the union of secular science with theological gnosis and the resulting stimulation of the monks’ intellectual abilities is seen as an achievement, which pro-

vided important stimuli for the care and transmission of ancient texts, as well as for the monastic way of life of

1163

1164

the Benedictine Order. By contrast, assessments of his political significance vary substantially. Because of his seamless political career, he is partly seen as an opportunist of no personal political convictions, partly as a friend of the powerful with substantial political influence. Few doubts are raised in respect of his continuous efforts — extending beyond the death of Theoderic — of merging the cultural heritage of ancient Rome with the new Gothic rulership for the benefit of Italy (and his own social class). Under this aspect, his career is evidence of genuine loyalty to the Amal dynasty.

Nero in AD 66 (Suet. Nero 22,3). Zeus Kasios was ven-

Epitrons : All works in MPL 59-70; Panegyrici: L. TRauBE, MGH AA 12, 457-484; De orthographia: GL

kiras, in: AAA 4, 1971, 202-206 2RPG Ty 274 3 SousTAL, Nikopolis, 172 4D. TRIANTAPHYLLOPULOS, s.v. Kerkyra, RBK 4, 1-63. D.S.

CASSIODORUS

7, 1880, 143-210; Ordo generis: H. UsENER, Anecdoton Holderi, 1877; Chronica: TH. MoMMSEN, MGH AA 11, 2, 109-161; Variae: TH. MOMMSEN, MGH AA 12, 1-385; De anima: J. W.HALPorRN, in: Traditio 16, 1960, 39-109; Expositio psalmorum: M.ADRIAEN, CCL 97/98, 1958; Institutiones: R.A. B.MyNors, 1937, *1961; Complexiones: MPL 68, 415-506; Historia tripartita: W.JACos, R. Hans tik, CSEL 71, 1952; losephus Ant. Iud.: F. BLATT,

The Latin Josephus I. Intr. and Text, The Antiquities (Books I-V), 1958 (more in J. FROBEN, 1524); losephus C. Ap.: K. Boysen, CSEL 37, 1898. SECONDARY

LITERATURE:

J.M.

ALONSO-NUNEZ,

J. GRUBER, s.v. C., LMA 2, 1551-1554; S.J.B. BARNISH, C. Variae, 1992; J.J. VAN DEN BESSELAAR, C. Senator, 1950;

R.HELM,

s.v.

C., RAC

2, 915-926;

S.KRAUT-

SCHICK, C. und die Politik seiner Zeit, 1983; B. MEYERFLUGEL, Das Bild der ostgot.-rém. Ges. bei C., 1992;

A.MomiIctiAno, C. and the Italian Culture of His Time, in: Proc. Brit. Acad. 41, 1955, 207ff (= Secondo Contri-

erated in C. (Plin. HN 4,52), as evident from coins [2] and inscriptions (ILS 4043; SEG 23, 395; 477) [1]. His

temple was later built over with a three-naved basilica in the early Christian period [3; 4]. In late antique itineraries, C. (Cassiape, Cassiope) is used as the name for the entire island of Corcyra. Further sources: Gell. NA 19,1,1; Ptol. 3,13,2; Procop. Goth. 4,22 (Kaomsn); Str. 737553

Oxos.

152,58;

Geogr.

Rav.

5,22;

Itm:. marit.

520,4f.; Cosmogr. 2,25 (GLM 96) [4]. 1 K.Kostrociou-Despini, Anaskaphi is Kassiopin Ker-

Cassiphone (Kacowpovyn, Kassiphoné, ‘Fratricide’). Daughter of - Odysseus and of > Circe, therefore sister of > Telegonus. C. is mentioned in description at Lycoph. 807ff.; the name itself is mentioned only in the Commentary of Tzetzes. This figure is probably a late classical or Hellenistic invention, intended to expand the structure of Telegonia: there Telegonus, whom he does not know, kills his father Odysseus and marries his stepmother Penelope; Telemachus, on the other hand, marries his stepmother Circe; after Odysseus is reawakened from the dead by Circe, C. is united by Odysseus with her half-brother Telemachus. Finally, C. strikes Telemachus dead after he kills Circe (Tzetz. Comm. in Lycoph. Alexandra 798, 805, 808, 811). EV.

buto, 1960); J.J. O’DONNELL, C., 1979; R. SCHARF, Ama-

Cassius Name of a plebeian gens (cf. Tac. Ann. 6,15,1),

lergenealogie des C., in: Klio 73, 1991, 612-632; K. ZEL-

the representatives of whom have been known historically since the middle of the 3rd cent. BC. The most important family, especially in the rst cent. BC, are the

ZER, C., Benedikt und die monastische Tradition, in: WS 19, 1985, 215-237.

W.ED.

Cassii Longini. A patrician C. (around 500 BC, C. I 19) is rare.

D. MUSICAL THEORY

Musica, as a mathematical discipline, is concerned with the relationship between numbers

qui ad aliquid sunt). However, (Inst. 2, 142-150 Mynors), sources, deals with other topics significance and effect of music,

(De numeris,

the chapter De musica in line with its listed (such as the Muses, the division into armonica,

ritmica, metrica, division of instruments into percus-

sion, string and wind instruments, elementary theory, 15 keys). The music chapter was widely read in the Middle Ages. EDITION,

(1963). SECONDARY

INSTITUTIONES:

LITERATURE:

R.A.

B. Mynors,

H.ABERT,

1937

Zu C., in: Sam-

melbde. der Internationalen Musikges. 3, 1902, 439-453; G. WILLE, Musica

Romana,

1967, 700-708;

M.BERN-

HARD, Uberlieferung und Fortleben der ant. lat. Musiktheorie im MA, in: GMth 3, 1990,3 1-33. F.Z.

Cassiope (Kaoownn; Kassiopé, Lat. Cassiope). Port on the north-eastern coast of > Corcyra (Korfu), modern

Kassiopi. From Hellenistic times onwards (founded by Pyrrhus?) important staging point for the crossing to Italy, as used by Cicero in 50 BC (Cic. Fam. 16,9,1) and

I, REPUBLICAN II]. MEN

AGE

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD

OF LETTERS AND PHYSICIANS

I. REPUBLICAN AGE [I 1] C., C. Praetor 90 BC (?), in 89-88 governor of the

province of Asia whence he, with M’. Aquillius [I 4], induced Nicomedes of Bithynia to attack > Mithridates (MRR 2,34). He then had to retreat from the victorious Mithridates to Phrygia and Apamea, and finally to Rhodes (Syll.3 741; App. Mith. 17; 19; 24). It is not clear that he was captured by Mithridates and not freed until after the end of the war (App. Mith. r12). [1 2] C., L. as the tribune of the people drove the faithful in 89 BC to murder the praetor A. Sempronius Asellio when the latter wanted to reduce debts in the allies’ war (Val. Max. 9,7,4; MRR 2, 34). [I 3] C., M. Senator in 73 BC and praetor before 73 (SHERK, 23); was probably not a member of the wellknown lineage. [I 4] C., Q. the oldest known bearer of the name, in 252 BC was military tribune under consul C. Aurelius Cotta. Because he stormed the city of Lipara — con-

I165

1166

trary to orders — and was repulsed, incurring heavy losses, he was demoted

from the position of consul

(Zon. 8,14). [15] C., Q. legatus in Spain in 48 (MRR 2,280), Antony

wanted him to be praetor in 44 to take charge of a Spanish province (Cic. Phil. 3,26). [I 6] C. Longinus, C. the first known bearer of this cognomen and at the same time the most important personality of the family in the 2nd cent. BC. Military tribune in 178 BC, praetor urbanus in 174, Xvir agris

dandis assignandis in 173; as consul with P. Licinius Crassus in 171 he was given responsibility for Italy, but not given the order to lead a war against Perseus; without being authorized to do so, he then tried to pass through Illyria to Macedonia which the Senate forbad him to do (MRR 1,416). As he was the military tribune from 170-168 in Macedonia, he could not be prosecuted for this later. As censor with M. Valerius Messala in 154, he advocated the building of an established theatre which P. Scipio Nasica prevented through a Senate decision (Vell. Pat. 1,15,3; Val. Max 2,4,2 1.a.). {I 7] C. Longinus, C. Consul 124 BC (MRR 1,511). [I 8] C. Longinus, C. Mint master around 126 BC (RRC 266), then unsuccessful candidate for the People’s Tri-

bunate. Was praetor in 99 at the latest, consul in 96 with Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus and was said in 87 to have been given a deputy command (proconsular?) against the Marians. [I 9] C. Longinus, C. Mint master in 84 BC (RRC 355),

praetor in 76 at the latest, as consul he passed a grain law in 73 with Terentius Varro Lucullus (Cic. Verr. 25351633 5,52); in 72 as proconsul in Gallia Cisalpina he suffered a defeat when fighting Spartacus at Mutina. In 70 he was a witness against Verres, in 66 he supported the motion of Manilius (Cic. Leg. Man. 68). [f 10] Cassius Longinus, C. probably the son of C. [I 9]; the murderer of Caesar. He was quaestor before 53 BC and as proquaestor in 53 he took part in the Parthian campaign of consul M. Licinius Crassus. After the catastrophic defeat of Crassus at Carrhae he saved the remainder of the army and led it to Syria where he remained until 51, successfully defending the province against Parthian attacks (in 51 victory over Osaces; Plut. Crass. 18-29; Cass. Dio 40,25-29; Ios. ant. Iud. 14,119-120; Cic. Att. 5,20 etc.). This gained him the reputation of being an outstanding military campaigner and at the same time, through his exploitation of the province, gave him the financial means for his further career. In 49 as people’s tribune, he sided with Pompey when the civil war broke out and in January 49 he left Rome with Pompey’s orders to the consuls and served from 49-48 as praef. in the latter’s fleet (Caes. B Civ. 3,5). He fought successfully in Sicily only narrowly escaping capture outside Messana (Caes. B Civ. 3,101). According to Pharsalus, he aimed to establish contact with Caesar and then in 47 he was finally pardoned by him because of his military talent and appointed legatus (47-46) without being sent to the wars. The years of inactivity and intense discussions with regard to ap-

CASSIUS

propriate behaviour towards the dictator, as mirrored in his correspondence with Cicero (Cic. Fam.), led to estrangement from Caesar. He was intended by Caesar to become praetor (inter peregrinos?) for 44 and was to be given the province of Syria in 43. Caesar initially refused him a later consulship (Vell. Pat. 2,56,3). The sources indicate that was the instigator of the conspiracy (Plut. Brut. 8—1ro; App. B Civ. 2,113; Suet. Caes. 80,3 etc.), but lost the leading role to M. Brutus. The conspirators met at his house on the Ides of March 44. After participating as praetors in an official act of C. and Brutus, they then carried out the assassination of Caesar at the session of the Senate; C. is said to have wounded Caesar in the face (Nicolaos Damasc. 24-25; App. B Civ. 2,117). C. considered the murder of Antony, but this was not done because of Brutus’ opposition to it (consilio puerili in the judgment of Cic. Att. 14,21,3). On the day the assassins were amnestied (18th March), C. announced his opposition to a funeral ceremony for Caesar and the reading of his will (Plut. Brutus 20,1), but was again unable to prevail with his harsh stance. In the middle of April he left Rome for Latium and Campania; the promise of a province was withdrawn. In June he was sent to purchase grain in Sicily, and in late summer was assigned the province of Cyrenaica. In September, rather than going to that province, he went to Syria (of which the Consul Dolabella was supposed to take charge), in order to organize the military resistance to the successors of Caesar. After the victory over Antony at Mutina in the spring of 43, the Senate confirmed his province, and also ordered him to wage war on Dolabella, whom he defeated in the summer. Following the establishment of the triumvirate of Octavian and Antony, C. joined Brutus in Smyrna, around November 43; he proposed to take Rhodes and purge the province of Asia of opponents. At the beginning of 42 he met Brutus in Sardes where both were acclaimed imperators by the army. Together they crossed the Hellespont, marshalled the troops at the Bay of Melas and marched into the area of Philippi where they expected Antony from a favourable position. After extensive preparations, Antony stormed and conquered C.’s camp. C. escaped to a hill near Philippi completely unaware of how the battle had gone on the other flank, where Brutus had taken Octavian’s camp. That evening, C. rashly ordered his freedman Pindar to kill him (Plut. Brutus 38-44; Anton. 22; App. B Civ. 45453-4773; Cass. Dio 47,46. Vell. Pat. 2,76; Val. Max. 6,8,4 with conflicting versions). Brutus is said to have named the departed C. ‘the last Roman’ and ordered his burial on Thasos. DRUMANN/GROEBE

2, 99-121 (sources);

M.H. DETTEN-

HOFER, Perdita Iuventus, 1992; E.RAwson, Roman Culture and Society, 1991, 488-507. K.-LE.

{I 11] C. Longinus, L. Praetor in r11 BC, had Jugurtha brought to Rome as a witness against Roman officers (Sall. ug. 32f.). Consul in 107 with C. Marius; he re-

1167

1168

ceived Gallia Narbonensis as a province, initially achieving certain successes against the Volcae but then suffered a crushing defeat at the hands of the Tigurines (in the area of Lake Geneva?) and fell in battle (Caes. B

|. tabellaria in 137 BC which prescribed written voting in trials (Cic. Brut. 97; 106; Leg. 3,35 —37 etc.), consul in £27, censor in 125 (with Cn. Servilius Caepio), led the aqua Tepula to Rome (MRR 2,510). Known as a

CASSIUS

Gallite7-4sui2, 72 LacaGenminsi7. 4)etc.).

stern judge (constant question: cui bono, Cic. Rosc. 84

{1 12] C. Longinus, L. as people’s tribune he passed a law in 104 BC in connection with the defeat of Q. Servilius Caepio in ro5 by the Cimbri and Teutons that magistrates — from whom the imperium had been withdrawn by the people — were to be expelled from the Senate (Ascon. 78C etc.).

etc.) and exceptional judge in the Vestals case 113 (MRR 1,537). In the later mint impression of the Cassius family, repeated references were made to the lex tabellaria and the Vestals case. [I 18] C. Parmensis, C. one of the murderers of Caesar, and then on the side of Brutus and C. [I ro]. Quaestor in 43 BC (?), proquaestor in 42, after Philippi he collected

{1 13] C. Longinus, L. Mint master in 78 BC (RRC

386), military tribune in 69, according to Ascon. 5960C, he unlawfully prevented, as praetor, in 66 the hearing in the court case of C. Cornelius. In 64 he tried unsuccessfully (with Cicero) for the consulship, then joined the Catilina, negotiated in 63 with the Allobrogians (Cic. Cat. 3,9), but left Rome before them; later he was sentenced to death in abstentia (Sall. Catil. 50,4). {I 14] C. Longinus, L. Brother of C., the Caesar murderer [I ro]. Mint master in 63 BC(RRC 413), in 54 one of the denouncers of Cn. Plancius (Cic. Planc. 5 8ff.). In the civil war he was — unlike his brother — on Caesar’s side, in 48 with proconsular imperium, he was sent at the head of a newly established legion to Thessaly from where he subjugated western central Greece (Caes. B Civ. 3,36,2—-8,5 5,1).In 44 he was people’s tribune and was not part of the conspiracy but at the Apollo Games in 44 as C.’s brother he was greeted with approval and so was suspected by M. Antony who forbad him to attend the sitting of the Senate on 28th November. He did not go to Asia until the end of 43 when the relatives of Caesar’s murderers were being pursued, although he did not take part in any action and so was pardoned by Antony at Ephesus in 41. It is doubtful whether the lex Cassia that enabled Caesar to award patriciates (Tac. Ann. 11,25,2) [1. 136f.] should also be attributed to him. 1M.JeEHNE,

Der

Staat

des

Dictators

Caesar,

1987.

the remaining troops and went over to Sex. Pompey and

in 36 to Antony, fought at Actium too and was then executed. He was also a writer (Hor. Epist. 1,4,3) of satires, elegies and epigrams. SCHANZ/HOSIUS 1, 315.

K.-LE.

[I 19] C. Vecellinus, Sp. after the > Fasti Consul in the years 502, 493 and 486 BC (MRRI 8, 14, 20). Attri-

buted to him are a triumph over the Sabines in 502, the dedication of the Temple of Ceres in 493 and the signing of a treaty with the Latins (> Foedus Cassianum), a

triumph over the Hernicians in 486 (in connection with a treaty), the failed attempt to implementa field law and further measures for the Plebs and finally his striving for kingship (adfectatio regni) that led in 495 to his conviction and execution. Although the patrician C. bears the name of a plebeian gens, the historical nature of the person should not be doubted any more than the treaty with the Latins as a mutual military defence alliance. Even in antiquity people were unclear about the field law; however, the bid for power fits in with the reports on similar attempts in the formative phase of the Republic (+ Maelius, Sp.; Manlius Capitolinus). T.J. CORNELL, The Latin League, in: CAH 264-281;

P.M.

Martin,

7.2, *1989,

Des tentatives de tyrannies a

Rome, in: EDER, Staat, 49-72.

W.ED.

K-LE. {I 15] C. Longinus, Q. in 167 BC as praetor urbanus

brought King Perseus to Alba, consul in 164, died in office (MRR 1,432; 439). [1 16] C. Longinus, Q. Son of a C., so probably the brother of C., the murderer of Caesar. [I ro]. Augur around 57-47 BC, mint master in 55 BC (RRC 428),

quaestor under Pompey in Spain around 52 (MRR 3,52) where he made hated through his cruelty and plundering. In 49 as people’s tribune with his colleague M. Antony he unsuccessfully supported Caesar’s interests and left Rome on 7th January. From 49-47 he was in Spain with propraetorian imperium (AE 1986, 369: Filiation; Bell. Alex. 48-64 etc.) where he prepared the ground for the Pompeians through his boundless exploitation of the province. In 47 he died at the mouth of the Ebro when his ship was wrecked. [I 17] C. Longinus Ravilla, L. (so called after the grey colour of his eyes). As people’s tribune he introduced a

II. IMPERIAL PERIOD [II 1] C. Soldier with great physical strength; during the ~» Pisonic conspiracy, acting on Nero’s orders, he chained up the praetorian prefect Faenius Rufus (Tac. Ann. 15,66; PIR* C 473).

[If 2] C. Proconsul, to whom Antoninus Pius addressed a letter (Dig. 42,1,31; PIR* C 475). [Il 3] Q.C. Agrianus Aelianus. Senator, probably from Africa, in the middle of the 3rd cent. He achieved the rank of suffect consul (PIR? C 480; Corsrer EOS II Win LT

[II 4] [Ca]ssius Agri[ppa] Cos. suff. in 130 (PIR? C 481; on AE 1950, 251 = SAHIN Inscription. Nicaea I no. 57, cf. [1. r90f. note sor].

{Il 5] M.C. Apollinaris. Cos. suff. 150; Governor of Cappadocia c. 153, of Syria c. 156 (PIR* C 484) [2. I 270].

1169

1170

[II 6] (M.?) C. Apronianus. Senator from Nicaea, father of + Cassius [III 1] Dio. Proconsul of Lycia-Pamphylia, praetorian legate of Cilicia, cos. suff. under Commodus, consular legate of Dalmatia (PIR* C 485) [3. 194]. [Il 7] C. Asclepiodotus. Rich citizen from Nicaea, perhaps an ancestor of [II 6]. Friend of Barea Soranus. Exiled by Nero, recalled by Galba (PIR* C 486) [4. 8f.] [II 8] C. Chaerea. Centurion in the army in Lower Germania in 14; under Caligula he was praetorian tribune; frequently insulted by him, he took part in the conspiracy in 41 and killed Caligula; he also had the latter’s wife and daughter killed. As he was opposed to the installation of Claudius, he was executed (PIR* C 488)

4,6,26,73 [3]) he wrote, following the example of his teacher, a single work Ius civile (at least ten books) that

[5. 177]. {il 9] C. Clemens. Senator; as a follower of Pescennius Niger of Septimius Severus he was nonetheless acquitted (Cass. Dio 74,9; PIR? C 489). [II 10] P.C. Dexter .. Polyonymus. Son of [If 20]. CIL III 12116 = IGR III 409 = ILS 1050 probably applies to him. Quaestor in 138, praetorian governor of Cilicia, cos. suff. c. 151 (PIR* C 490) [6. 160]. Married to ~ Annia Rufina, RAEPSAET-CHARLIER no.67.

{11 11] C. Dion. Descendant of the historian C. [III 1]; cos. ord. 291 (PIR C 491) [7. r21f.]. {fl 12] Q.C. Gratus. Proconsul of Crete-Cyrenae under Claudius (AE 1968, 549; IRT 338). [iI 13] L.C. Iuvenalis. Cos. suff. probably in 159 (CIL XVI 112. 113; cf. ROXAN RMD III p. 247). 1 W-Eck, in: Chiron 13, 1983 2 THOMASSON, Lat. 3 HALFMANN, Senatoren 4 F. MILiar, A Study of Cass. Dio, 1964 5 Dosson, Primipilares, 1978 6 ALFOLDY, Konsulat 7M.CurisTOoL, Essai sur |’évolution des carriéres sénatoriales, 1986. W.E.

[fl 14] C.C. Longinus. Son of C. [II 15]. Cos. suff. in 30; procos. Asiae 40/41. Recalled by > Caligula because of

CASSIUS

was used extensively by early classical jurisprudence the rst cent. (Notae of > Aristo and Ex Cassio of > volenus), but was probably pushed out of the market the late 2nd cent. by the commentary Ad Sabinum + Pomponius

(143

indirect

citations

in Ia-

in of

in Justinian’s

Digest [4]). Itis improbable that C. or Sabinus wrote Ad Vitellium in spite of Dig. 33,7,12,27 but rather that he only annotated the work of the same name by his teachen |r ePIRGs @ssou 1 D.Lreps, Rechtsschulen und Rechtsunterricht im Prinzipat, ANRW II 15,1976,210 2/J.W. TELLEGEN, Gaius C. and the Schola Cassiana, in: ZRG 105, 1988, 263-311 3 R.A. Bauman, Lawyers and Politics in the Early Roman Empire, 1989, 77ff. 4 O.LENEL, Palingenesia iuris civi-

lis, vol. 1, 1889 (repr. 1960), 1ooff.

ine

{11 15] L.C. Longinus. Father of C. [II 14] and C. [II 16].

Cos. suff. AD 11 (PIR* C 502). [II 16] L.C. Longinus. Son of [II 15]. Governor for Tiberius in an unknown province, cos. ord. 30, member of the X Wiri sacris faciundis (AE 1930, 70: honoured by the Sextani Arelatenses in Rome). Supposedly appeared as a witness in the Senate against Drusus, the son of Germanicus (Cass. Dio 58,3,8; cf. however [1. 320f.]). In 33 he married Drusilla, the daughter of Germanicus whom took Caligula away from him in 38, Suet. Cal. 24,1. influential in the Senate (PIR* C 503). {Il 17] L.C. Marcellinus. Governor of Pannonia Inferior and designated consul, probably under Septimius Severus (CIL III 10470 = ILS 3925); C. [II 19] presumably was his son [2. 16rf.] [1118] C. Maximus. Procos. 1 Om PIRS Cx5o8)iliz- in|].

Achaiae

116/7 (IG IX

[11 19] L.C. Pius Marcellinus. Tribune of the /egio II

oracular consultation; but escaped execution as Cali-

Adiutrix; quaestor designatus in 204 and X Wir sacris

gula had died in the meantime. Governor of Syria at least from 45-49. In 58 he was ordered to mediate in quarrels in > Puteoli but soon resigned. After the murder of Pedanius Secundus he forced the execution of all the latter’s slaves without exception (Tac. Ann. 14,42-45). Married to Iunia Lepida, a great-greatgranddaughter of Augustus. Asa result he was allegedly embroiled in a conspiracy in 65 and exiled to Sardinia; recalled by Vespasian (Dig. 29,2,99). PIR* C sor; VoGEL-WEIDEMANN 317ff. [1.2957ff. 2. 449ff.3 33 Avast adele

faciundis (PIR* C 516; AE 1990, 815). Probably the son of [II 17].

1 D. Nor,

1984 3J.G.

in: Sodalitas. Scritti in onore di A. Guarino,

2H.BELLEN, in: Gymnasium 89, 1982, 449ff. Wotr, Das Senatus consultum Silanianum...

SB Heidelberg 2, 1988

4 VoGEL-WEIDEMANN.

W.E.

C. was considered the greatest iuris consultus of his time, he was a pupil of > Sabinus (Dig. 4,8,19,2), from whom he took over the leadership of the law school of the Sabinians that is from time to time also called Cassiani [2] (Dig. 1,2,2,51f.). As a practice-oriented jurist

(his

praetorship

also

mentions

> Ulpianus,

Dig.

[II 19a] C. C. Regalianus. Suffect consul in December

AD 202 [1. 266 ff.]. His grandson may have been the usurper P. C(assius) Regalianus [2. 208 f.]. 1 B. PFERDEHIRT, Vier neue Militardiplome im Besitz des

R6m.-Germ. Zentralmuseums, in: Arch. Korrespondenzbl. 31, 2001, 261-280 2 W.Eck, Prospopographische Bemerkungen zum Militardiplom vom 20.12.202 n. Chr., in: ZPE 139, 2002, 208-210.

W.E.

[II 20] P.C. Secundus. Praetorian legate of the legio III Augusta in Numidia, cos. suff. 138 (PIR* C 521) [4. Vol. 1, 397]. For his origin cf. [5. 334ff.]. {M1 21] L.C. Severus. Eques, procurator of Macedonia and Thrace, prefect of classis Ravennas (SEG 35, 829). 1 VOGEL-WEIDEMANN

Chiron 12,1982 Vest. 28, 1977.

2 LEUNISSEN

4 THOMassoN, Lat.

3 W.ECcK,

in:

5 SaSEL, in: Arh. W.E.

CASSIUS II]. MEN

OF LETTERS AND PHYSICIANS

[MI 1] L. Cl(audius) C. Dio Cocceianus, historian. A. Lire

iaigfs

TI7I

B. Works

A. LIFE He apparently had another name as well (Cl., AE 1971, 430); his praenomen L(ucius) was not known before the official document of 229 (RMD 2, 133). The second cognomen Cocceianus has only been proven by means of Byzantine sources (perhaps by being confused with Dion of Prusa). C. provides the most important details about his life. His family came from Nicaea in Bithynia (Cass. Dio 75,15,3); like his father Apronianus before him, he held high state offices. Born around AD 164, he entered the Senate under ~ Commodus (72,16,3 and passim), was designated by > Pertinax as a praetor, 73,12,2 and under — Septimius Severus cos. suff. (76,16,4, cf. 60,2,3). As a companion of > Caracalla he spent the winter with him in 214/15 in Nicomedia (77,12,2; 3; 18,4; 78,8,4; 5), Macrinus appoint-

ed him Curator of Pergamum and Smyrna in 217/18. At the beginning of the reign of Severus Alexander he was the governor (procos.) of Africa, then he governed the provinces of Dalmatia and Upper Pannonia (49,36, 4. 80,1,2-3), but his cruelty to the soldiers aroused the

leadtraced back to Greek historiographical theory ing to chronological confusion. The added speeches are especially typical of C.’s stylistic concerns. They contain his own thoughts so that in particular he has 52,14ff. Maecenas develop a government programme with features of the later monarchy, but that was intended to strengthen the position of the Senate at risk under Caracalla, Macrinus and Elagabalus. The entire work was organized in decades: Books 1-40 deal with the period from Aeneas to Caesar’s crossing of the Rubicon, the civil wars follow in books 41-50. Book 51 begins the monarchy specifically with Octavian’s victory at Actium; Book 60 obviously closed with Clau-

dius’ death, the work ends with C.’s second consulship,

his exit from political life. The question of the sources is especially difficult for the rst part. C. certainly used > Polybius for the 2nd cent. BC. To what extent > Livius was his model for the later Republic and the Triumvirate is unclear. For the early Imperial period C. appears to owe a debt not to Tacitus but to earlier authors — e.g. the image he presents of Tiberius (discussion in [1. 271ff., 688ff.]). The

most valuable part is that of the period after Marcus Aurelius, that he himself experienced — C. once formally apologized for its detailed nature (72,18,3f.). 1 SYME, Tacitus.

hatred of the praetorians so that he was only allowed to serve his second consulship as the colleague of the em-

Ep1ITIONs : U. PH. BoIssEVAIN, 5 vols., 1895-1931 (vols.

peror outside Rome (229); afterwards he returned to his homeland Bithynia (80,4,2-5,3).

E. Cary, 9 vols. (with numbering differing from BoIssE-

1-4, without a word index, in repr. 1955); H.B. FosTer,

VAIN from books 71/72 in vol. 9 onwards), 1914-1927. TRANSLATIONS : O. VEH, 5 vols., with an introduction by

B. Works He commenced his literary work under Septimius Severus with a piece of writing about the dreams and omens that announced his rule. Then he dealt with the wars of Commodus’ death (probably up to 198): both works were favourably received by Severus. After the emperor’s death (211) C. finally expanded the plan for an entire history of Rome to which he added extracts of the earlier writings. He devoted ro years to the collection of materials, the writing of the work took a further 12 years (72,23; 74,3). Opinions vary greatly about the

period in which C. was writing the ‘History of Rome’. The latest event mentioned by C. is his own second consulship in AD 229 (80,5). In addition C. wrote a biography of Arrianus (s. v. Suda; further titles are uncertain or incorrect). Of the work ‘Pwucixi iotogia (Romaike historia), originally 80 books, books 36-60 are extant (beginning and ending garbled) with the description of events between 68 BC and AD 47, there are also relatively large remnants from books 78-79 regarding the years 216-18. The lost sections are supported by extracts from Ioannes Xiphilinus and Zonaras, also particularly the Constantinian excerpts. As a source especially for the imperial period, C.’s history is invaluable although his literary concerns often diminish this value. The structure is indeed annalistic (> Annalists), but at the same time it is affected by

practical organizational principles —

which can be

G. WirTH, 1985-1992. BIBLIOGRAPHY:

E.SCHWARTZ,

Griech.

Geschichts-

schreiber, 1957, 394ff.; F.MrILLar, A Study of C. Dio, 1964 (review G.W. BOWERSOCK, in: Gnomon 37, 1965, 469-474); C.Letra, Ricerche di storiografia grece e romana, 1979, 117ff.; T. D. BARNES, The Composition of C. Dio’s Roman History, in: Phoenix 38, 1984, 240-255;

B. MANUWALD, C. Dio und Augustus, 1979.

AB.

{{il 2] C. Dionysius. from Utica, translated the comprehensive 28 book work of - Mago about the Punic plantation business into Greek. (Varro, Rust. 1,1,10). The 20 books that dealt with the material of about eight books of Mago were dedicated in 88 BC to the praetor Sextilius. Based on this source, Diophanes of Nicaea, a contemporary of Cicero, edited an abridged edition in 6 books dedicated to King Deiotarus. Pliny obviously also made use not just of these two (in book 8,10,1415,17—-18, in 11 only Cassius) but also of the latter’s ‘Book of Herbs’ (PiCotopwxt).

CHU,

[III 3] C. Etruscus. Poet with a rapid and vast output who is only known because he is mentioned in the context of the Horatian Lucilius criticism (Sat. 1,10,61—

64). The Horace commentator Porphyrio identifies him wrongly with Parmensis.

H.KR. {Il 4] C. Felix. Physician from Cirta, translator of Greek language medical writings, wrote or translated in AD 447 for his son a piece of writing titled De medicina, later used by Isidor (Orig. 4,8,4). Possibly C. and a cer-

1173

1174

tain Felix who was Archiatros of Carthage from 426 to 427 are identical (Mirac. S. Stephani 41, 845) but the name itself was very common. As a member of the logica secta (De medicina, subscriptio) he describes 84 ailments and the proper treatments a capite ad calcem. Of all Latin authors of medical writings, he makes the most frequent use of Galen and writings from the Hippocratic tradition. In this way, he refers to at least five different works by Galen, and from the Hippocratic tradition he quotes two passages (29; 76) from the aphoristic commentary that was written in the 4th cent. AD by the Alexandrian professor of medicine Magnus of Nisibis, and three passages from the work of the African Vindician from about the same period. His great dependence on Greek models is also emphasized by the numerous Greek words which are simply transliterated. His work is clearly organized and easily understood: a definition of an illness is followed by a short listing of symptoms and the causes of disease and finally a detailed discussion of options for therapy emphasizes the use of medicines. The structure and linguistic style resemble those of a further African contemporary, Caelius Aurelianus, even if C. offers humoral pathological explanations and directs his attention especially towards his patients’ individually balanced humour metabolism. +> Caelius Aurelianus; + Galen; — Hippocrates; ~ Magnus; > Vindicianus

[II 6] C. Iatrosophistes. Greek author of a collection of medical and biological Problemata, of unclear date (between 4th and 7th cent). The cognomen suggests that he was an instructor of medicine, although the name might also be traced back to a copyist drawing inferences about the author from the text itself. His 84 Problemata partially overlap with those of > Alexander [26] of Aphrodisias and > Adamantius, and were frequently transmitted together with the Aristotelian Problemata. C.’s work belongs to both the interpretative methodizing school (probl. 8,40) and that of the humoral pathologists and pneumatists (probl. 56). The style is simple, resembling that of the Ps.-Galen. Definitiones. The references to the Herophilians (probl. 1) and Andrea (probl. 58) could suggest the use of earlier doxographies.

1 V. Ross (editio princeps), 1879 2M. WELLMANN,§s. v. G44) RE 35 1723 3 O.PRosst, Biographisches zu C. Felix, in: Philologus 1908, 319-320 5 G.SABBAH, Observations préliminaires, in: I. MAzznI, | testi di medi-

cina ‘latini antichi’, 1985, 285-312.

VN.

{f 5] C. Hemina, L. earliest representative of the socalled ‘earlier’ > Annalists. Nothing is known about his life. About the middle of the 2nd cent. BC he wrote a history of Rome from the (broadly treated) early period (foundation of Rome not until book two) to at least 146 BC (fragment 39), probably in five books ([1. 329f.]; seven books assumed [2. 172]), of which the fourth bore the special title Bellum Punicum posterior (fr. 31) but also stretched far into the 2nd cent. Although the writer with antiquarian interests was strictly brief in his political history (fr. 34) he had space for cultural and religious historical information. The influence of Cato’s Origines is clear from Ctisis details of Italian cities (fr. 2; 3) and similarity of language (fr. 29; Cato fr. 57 P.). No definite influence on > Livius (cf. however [3. 344]) or > Dionysius Halicarnassus, but used since > Plinius the Elder and Aulus > Gellius as a treasure house of cultural historical details and distinctive linguistic fea1LeE0 2U.W. ScHoLtz, Zu L.C. Hemina, in: Hermes 117, 1989, 167-181 3 G.ForRSYTHE, Some notes on the

History of C. Hemina, in: Phoenix 44, 1990, 326-344. 1976,

The first Latin annalists, in: Latomus

689-717

(=Roman

Culture

and

Society,

35,

1991,

245-271); C.SANTINI, I frammenti di L. Cassio Emina, 1995-

EpiT10ns: J.L. IDELER, Physici et medici graeci, 1, 1841; A. GaRZYA (work in progress). V.N.

[fi 7] C. Longinus. Homer critic and Platonist, see Lon-

ginus. [III 8] C. Severus. c. 40 BC — AD 32, important orator in Rome. Despite his low birth, dissolute life (Tac. Ann. 4,21,3) and almost proverbial lack of success (Macrob. Sat. 2,4,9) he won fame as a trial orator. He was very well read, had a gift for improvising and a rousing talent

for lecturing but there was a drawback — his uncontrolled aggressiveness and cynicism. Thus C. never appeared as a defence counsel except in his own interest (Sen. Controv. 3, pr. 3). Quintilian (inst. 11,1,57) finds fault with the obvious malicious pleasure he took in prosecution. Although Augustus had previously defended him against a charge de moribus (Cass. Dio 55543), he was exiled to Crete through a decision of the Senate because of his attacks on people of high standing, and his writings were banned; because C. did not put a stop to his invective, he was deported under Tiberius to Seriphus where he died in misery (Tac. Ann. 1,72,33 4,21,3)3 Rehabilitation under Caligula through

the republication of his works (Suet. Calig. 16,1). The court speeches recommended as compulsory reading matter by Quint. Inst. ro,1,116 have not been passed down, Sen. Controv. 3, pr. characterizes C’s art of rhetoric. As an admirer of Cicero, C. was indeed con-

demned by the imaginative world of rhetoric in his court speeches, but he adopted their stylistic elements such as sententiousness and imprecise but showy argumentation (— argumentatio; cf. Tac. Dial. roff. [1; 2. 163-198]). EDITION: - Seneca Maior. BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1M.WINTERBOTTOM, Quintilian and the ‘Vir bonus’, in: JRS 54, 1964, 90-97. 2K. HELDMANN, Ant. Theorien tiber Entwicklung und Verfall der

tures. (Fragments: HRR 1, 98-111).

E.Rawson,

CASSIVELLAUNUS

W.K.

Redekunst, 1982.

CW.

Cassivellaunus Britannic king north of the Thames. In 54 BC commander in chief of the Britannic troops against Caesar upon whom C’s guerilla tactics inflicted heavy losses. After the fall of the > Trinovantes and

CASSIVELLAUNUS

5

1175

1176

four other tribes, Caesar succeeded in advancing to C.’s

Castabos (Kdotapoc; Kdstabos). Site in the north-west

oppidum. With the mediation of the Atrebate > Commius a peace treaty was signed that placed the Trinovantes under the protection of Rome and agreed upon the giving of hostages and a tribute (vectigal) (Caes. B

of the Carian Chersonesus (Bozburun Yarimadas!) in

Gall. 5,11,8; 18,1ff.; Cic. Att. 4,18,5).

C.KU.

Cassope (Kacomnn; Kassopé). City in south-western Epirus near the modern Kamarina, main city of the Thesprotian tribe of the Cassopaei (Kaoowsatot, Str. 757513 75755 and inscriptions; Kaoowsot, Scyl. 3 1); they

the hinterland of the Bay of Bybassus (the modern Hisarénii), to the east above ancient Bybassus (the modern Hisar6nii) in the Rhodian > Peraea. On the Pazarlik, a ridge of the Eren Dai, remains of an Ionic peripteros (c. 300 BC), a small theatre and further structures belonging to the much-visited sanctuary of > Hemithea (Diod. Sic. 5,62 f.), a goddess of healing whose original-

ly Carian cult, traceable back to the end of the 7th cent. BC, was taken over by the Dorian colonists. In the mid 5th cent. C. along with its neighbouring cities in the Peraea was a member of the > Delian League (ATL 1, 562). Both the sanctuary, extended again in the mid 2nd

settled in an area of about 900 km*— very fertile in its southern parts — between the Gulf of Ambracia, the Tonian Sea and the Acheron (map: [6. 116]). Within this tribal territory lay the Elean colonies of Buchetium, Ela-

cent. BC (IK 38, 401), and the city lost their importance

tria, Pandosia, and Batiae (localizations [2]). In about

in the Roman period.

the mid 4th cent. BC, the systematic building of a polis (first mentioned in IGIV 1* 95 |. 25; 73 for around 360 BC) by a synoikismos superseded the previously predominant village settlements (Scyl. 31). From about 330 BC, C. was a member of the symmachia of the Epirotes, and from the early 2nd cent. BC part of their koinon. After 31 BC, the inhabitants of C. were resettled in the newly founded city of Nicopolis; public buildings were also transferred. Large-scale excavations [3; 6] have uncovered an orthogonal street grid with Herdraumbduser on standard sized plots, an agora with market (or katagogion?), also a prytaneion, bouleuterion, heroon, and a theatre. Coins: [4], other datings [5.545f. 6.116, 172-174]; Inscriptions:

W. BLUMEL, Die Inschr. dér rhodischen Peraia (IK 38), 1991, 112-117; G. E. BEAN, Kleinasien, Vol. 3, 1974, 172-174; L. BURCHNER, s. v. Kastabos, RE 10, 2336; P. M. Fraser, G.E. Bean, The Rhodian Peraea and

Islands, 1954, 24-27;J.J. DEJONG, The Temple of Athena Polias at Priene and the Temple of Hemithea at Kastabos, in: BABesch

63, 1988, 129-137; W. Koenics, Westtiir-

kei, 1991, 253; ZGUSTA, § 458.1.

H.KA.

Castalia (Kaotadia; Kastalia, Lat. Castalia). Spring in

437-441; 26, 718; 30, 540; 34, 589f.5 35, 671-35 36,

~» Delphi, dedicated to Apollo and the Muses, located at the exit of the gorge of the Phaedriades, its waters discharging into the river Pappadia; according to a — geologically incorrect — ancient assumption, the spring was fed by the Cephissus [1], which flows on the opposite slope of Mount Parnassus (Paus. 10,8,9f.; schol.

554f.; [1. 564f.].

Pind. Paean 6,5; POxy. 5, 841). In literature, C. is often

ArchE

1914, 238f; SEG

15, 383; 17, 309-3223

1 P.Capanes, L’Epire, 1976

24,

2 S.I. Dakaris, Cassopaia

and the Elean Colonies, 1971 31d.,C., 1989 4P.R. FRANKE, Die ant. Mz. von Epirus, 1961, 55ff. 5N.G.L. HAMMOND,

Epirus,

1967

6 W.HOEPENER,

E.-

used

synonymously

with

> Delphi.

The

Castalian

water, which was renowned for its freshness and abun-

dance, was credited with powers of prophecy (Pind. Pyth. 4,163; Str. 9,3,3; Lucian Jupiter tragoedus 30;

L.SCHWANDNER, Haus und Stadt im klass. Griechenland,

Ov.

*1994, I14-179.

Kastalia; schol. Eur. Phoen. 221; schol. Aristid. Panathenaeic 107,20) and cleansing (Eur. Ion 94ff.; Eur.

R.SCHEER,

s.v.

K., in: LAUFFER,

Griechenland,

307f.

D.S. Castabala (Kaotdpaka; Kastdbala). Situated on the north-eastern edge of the Cilician plain near > Karatepe, C. was a cult centre of Artemis — Perasia (Str. 12,2,7; [2]; the goddess Kubaba (> Cybele) of Kastabalay is already mentioned in an Aramaic text of the 5th/4th cents. [1]). From the time of Antiochus [6] IV, C. was a polis, bearing the name of Hierapolis (coins). From about 63 BC-AD 17, it was probably the seat of a dynasty of client kings (Tarkondimotos). Roman buildings: theatre, stadium, columned street, aqueduct, baths. In late antiquity, it was a bishop’s seat (two churches [3]). 1 A.DurpontT-SOMMER,

L.ROBERT,

polis Castabala, 1964

2H.TAEuBER, Eine Priesterin der

La déesse de Hiéra-

Perasia in Mopsuhestia, in: EA 19,1992, 19-24

293f.

3 HILD,

H.TA.

Am.

1,15,35;

Nonnus,

Dion.

4,309;

Suda

s.v.

Phoen. 222-225 with schol.); it was a source of inspiration for ancient poets (cf. Pind. Paean 6; Verg. G. 3,293; Stat. Theb. 1,565; > Muses). The spring which was uncovered in 1957, corresponds with the archaic and classical C.; it is possibly also identical with the spring mentioned in Hdt. 8,39. H.v. GEIsau, s.v. K., RE ro, 2336-2338;

A. ORLANDOS,

La fontaine découverte 4 Delphes, in: BCH 84, 1960, 148-160; P.AMANDRY, La fontaine Castalia, in: BCH, Suppl. 4, 1977, 179-228; H. W. Parke, Castalia, in: BCH

102, 1978, 199-219; Id., Notes de topographie e d’architecture delphiques, 7. La fontaine Castalie (Complements), 221-241, 1981; J.F. BOMMELAER, Guide de Delphes. Le site (Sites e Monuments 7), 81-85, r991; M.Maass, Das ant. Delphi, Orakel, Schatze und Monumente, 1993. G.D.R.

1177

1178

CASTELLUM

Castel d’Asso Medieval fortress west of Viterbo on the

grafico dell’agro fiorentino a zone limitrofe (II), in: Studi

site of the Roman Castellum Axia (Cic. Caecin. 7,20),

Etruschi 35, 1967, 280-283.

situated on a tuff plateau that falls away steeply to water courses to the west, north and south. The tuff spur is protected from the hinterland by three ditches. In archaic times, the settlement stretched as far as the eastern ditch, but in the Hellenistic period it was situated only on the western part of the spur. On the steep slopes on the north opposite the medieval castle there is a rock tomb necropolis from the 4th-2nd cents. BC. The older type of tomb (4th/3rd cents. BC) consists of a simple cube with a false door with reliefs and a flat upper platform, the more recent one (3rd/2nd cents. BC) has a smaller lower facade with a false door that is separated from the main facade by a projecting roof. Under the cubes, simple burial chambers are to be found — in contrast to the ancient rock tombs in ~ Blera/Bieda and > San Giuliano. E.COLONNA

DI

PAOLO,

G.COLONNA,

Castel

1970.

d’Asso,

M.M.

M.M.

Castellina del Marangone Small settlement close to the coast on a hill above the mouthof the river Marangone between > Tarquinia and > Caere; the walled settlement was continuously settled from the late Bronze Age to rst cent. BC. A few remnants of the buildings have been excavated or are visible in the terrain. Sprawling necropolises to the coast; shrines outside the town on the coast at Punta della Vipera and at the mouth of the Marangone. Since the 6th cent. BC part of the territory of Caere, the place was obviously important for the metal trade from the Tolfa mountains. The Etruscan settlement was abandoned after the Roman colony of Castrum [2] Novum was founded. Since 1996 German-French excavations at the settlement. S.BASTIANELLI,

Contributi

per la carta

archeologica

dell’Etruria. Territorio dei Castronovani, in: Studi Etruschi 15, 1941, 283-294; O.ToTI, S.MARINELLA,

Saggio di scavo eseguito nell’abitato protostorico de ‘La Castellina’, in: Notizie degli Scavi di antichita, 1967, 5 5—

Castel di Decima Medieval fortress 18 km south of Rome on the via Laurentina. On the hill of the castle there is a settlement from the 8th—6th cents. BC with a large necropolis from which since 1971 c. 350 tombs have been systematically examined. The settlement was protected by two watercourses, the third side was fortified in the 8th cent. BC by an embankment to which a wall made of large regular tuff blocks was bonded at the end of the 7th cent. In the 6th cent. BC a large fortification wall made of regular tuff stone blocks in the binder-stretcher system surrounded the settlement that had expanded to the south, possibly the ancient Tellenae or Politorium. The great necropolis mostly consists of fossa graves from the 8th and 7th cent. BC and documents the transition from the early Iron Age (Latial culture) via the phase of Oriental influence to the archaic period; in it an ancient tumulus standing alone with rich burial gifts (chariot, bronze vessels) from the 8th cent.

IC. A.BEDINI, s. v. C. di D., EAA Suppl. 2, 3 5-36.

M.M.

Castellina-in-Chianti At the northern town exit lies a large Etruscan grave tumulus (so-called Monte Calvario; diameter 53m; height 40 m) with chambers facing the four points of the compass. The south and west tombs have rectangular burial chambers, dromos and two dromos cells, the central burial chamber is missing in the east tomb, whilst the dromos cells are missing in the north tomb. All the tombs are built of limestone slabs corbelled to the ceiling; they date to the late 7th cent. BC. The design of a Renaissance mausoleum at the Louvre, attributed to Leonardo da Vinci, may possibly have been influenced by the Monte Calvario. M. MarTELu,

Un disegno attributo a Leonardo e una

scoperta archeologica degli inizi del Cinquecento, in: Prospettiva 10, 1977, 58-61; F.NicosiA, Schedario topo-

86.

M.M.

Castellum I. ROMAN

II. CELTIC

I. ROMAN [I 1] According to Veg. Mil. 3,8 (Nam a castris diminutivo vocabulo sunt nuncupata castella) the castella are relatively small camps that are probably distinguishable from the permanent auxiliary camps and tended to be established in a rather ad hoc manner to secure supplies or as part of a larger fortification (Veg. Mil. ibid.). Castella are probably comparable in size and number of garrisons with the ‘small citadels’ of the limes or the burgi (Veg. Mil. 4,10: castellum parvulum, quem burgum vocant). {[2] Rural part of a wider local community that was not legally autonomous and that had some local self-administration through magistri or seniores. Castella can in particular be shown to be residential towns for the local population in areas in the beginning stage of Romanization, as in Upper Italy (CIL V 7749=FIRA III no. 163) and northern Africa (CIL X 6104). The legal demarcation of the castellum by Vicus and Pagus is ambiguous (cf. lex Rubria 22f.). [I 3] In aqueous construction, the name given to building at the end of an aquaeductus or a main line that served to purify the water of refuse and detritus, to reduce the pressure in the pipe system and to distribute the water to the local pipes (Paul. Fest. 70: ex quibus a rivo communi aquam quisque in suum fundum ducit), as well as to bring together various water lines. + Castra C. [I 1]: 1D.Baatz, Der rom. Limes. Arch. Ausfliige zwischen Rhein und Donau, 1993 2 A. JOHNSON, Roman Forts of the rst and 2nd Centuries AD in Britain and the German Provinces, 1983.

CASTELLUM

C. [12]: 3 F.J. Bruna, Lex Rubria, Caesars Regelung fiir die richterlichen Kompetenzen der Munizipalmagistrate in Gallia Cisalpina, 1972, 261-265 4 C.LEPELLEY, Les cités de l’Afrique romain au Bas-Empire I, 1979, 132-134. C. [13]: 5 Bruun 6H.B. Evans, Water Distribution in Ancient Rome. The Evidence of Frontinus, 1994 7 HODGE, 279-303. PH.

{I 4] Tingitanum. Town in Mauretania Caesariensis in

the valley of the Chélif (It. Ant. 37,7: C.T.; Amm. Marc. 29,5,25: Tigavitanum C.; Anonymus Ravennas 42,3:

Tingit), Remains church of buildings. 21518f.

I180

1179

now El-Asnam (formerly Orléansville). of a bath (with a well-known mosaic), a Bishop Reparatus (AD 324) and other sacred Inscription: CIL VIII 2, 9704-24; Suppl. 3,

Casticus Celtic compound name from -ico- [1. 330331]. Son of Catamantaledes, king of the Sequani, ‘the one who defeats the enemy in battle’ [1. 66-69; 2. 166-167]. C. was persuaded by > Orgetorix in 59 BC to seize royal power in his house as his father had apparently died. The triple alliance between C., Orgetorix and -» Dumnorix failed because of the death of Orgetorix (Caes. B Gall 1,3,4). 1 Evans.

2 SCHMIDT.

H. BANNERT, S.v. C., RE Suppl. 15, 84-87.

W.SP.

Castigatio Expression describing an educational measure, as can be inferred from the meaning of the word (castum agere, ‘to make pure’). The person carrying out

W.HU.

the punishment is often excluded from liability for the consequences of castigatio upon the punished: thus the master punishing his apprentice (e.g. Dig. 9,2,5,3). The same goes for the paterfamilias with regard to his chil-

I GELrrie {II 1] In Caes. B Gall. 2,29 and 3,1 fortified (?) form of

dren and the master to his slaves (Dig. 7,1,23,1; 48,19,16,2). Castigatio as a policing or juridical meas-

settlement named together with oppida of the Belgian + Aduatuci or the Alpine people. An attempt is made, mainly in the area of the Treverians, to equate castellum with the smaller late Celtic hill fortifications there. The example most closely scrutinized, the Altburg at Bundenbach, shows that these are not so much refuge fortresses as organized and densely settled areas fortified with wood, stone and earthen walls (murus duplex

ure is partly linked to such private authority-based relationships: by the request of the patron in relation to freedpersons (e.g. Dig. 1,12,1,10, where fustigatio — corporal punishment — is specified as the method of punishment; cf. > verbera); similarly in relation to children and youths. In the case of soldiers, castigatio serves military discipline. The > tresviri capitales carried out castigatio as a policing function. Castigatio in relation to insolvent debtors and individuals found culpable of negligence has to be styled a criminal sentence, the more so castigatio as a punishment accompanying capital punishment.

AAAIg, sheet 12, no. 174; F. WINDBERG, S.v. 1.C., RE6 A, 1384-87.

Eten):

~ Fortifications; > Treveri W.DEnN, Die gallischen ‘Oppida’ bei Caesar, in: Saalburg Jb. 10, 1951, 36-49; R. SCHINDLER, Die Altburg von Bundenbach, 1977; H. NortMann, Eisenzeitliche Burgwalle des Trierer Landes, in: Studien zur Eisenzeit im Huns-

M.FUHRMANN, B.SANTALUCIA,

ruck-Nahe-Raum, ed. by A. HAFFNER,

130-134.

A. MIRON,

121-140.

1991,

V.P.

Casthanaea (Kao@avaia; Kasthanaia). Near C. (‘village’, Str. 9,5,22) on the Magnesian east coast, the Per-

sian fleet foundered in a storm in 480 BC (Hdt. 7,188; ~ Persian War). In around 290 BC, C. was included in the synorkismos following the foundation of > Demetrias [1]. Coins were minted at the time Constantine (coin finds). C. is equated with the as yet hardly investigated ruins near the modern Keramidion. H. KRAMOLISCH, $.v. K., in: LAUFFER, Griechenland, 3 10;

W.K. PRITCHETT, Xerxes’ Fleet at the ‘Ovens’, in: AJA 47, 1963, rff.; F.STAHLIN, Das hellenische Thessalien, 1924, rf. HE. KR. Castianera

(Kaotidveiga;

Kastidneira).

s.v. Verbera, RE Suppl. 9, 1589-1597; Studi di diritto penale romano, 1994,

Gs

Castillo Donia Blanca Prehistoric Tartessian, fortified proto-urban settlement with a harbour at the ancient junction of the Rio Guadalete and the Bahia de Cadiz, now a hill in the alluvial land east of the port of Puerto de S. Maria, since the 8th cent. BC obviously with a large proportion of Phoenician settlers and a cultural strongly Oriental profile to match. From the necropolis (de las Cumbres) are tomb inventories typically influenced by the Orient. D. Ruiz Mata, in: Madrider Mitteil. 27, 1986, 87ff.; Id.,

C.J. Pérez, El poblado fenicio del Castillo de Dofia Blanca, 1995.

H.G.N.

Legitimate

concubine of > Priamus, mother of Gorgythion who was killed by Teucer (Hom. Il. 8,302ff.). She is from Aesyme in Thrace: Priamus’ marriage policy creates a widespread network of relationships to diverse coalition partners. G. WickertT-MIcknatT, Die Frau (ArchHom R), 1982, 83.

MA.ST.

Castinus Flavius C., in 420/21 worked as a comes domesticus in Gaul; in 422 as mag. militum of the + Honorius he unsuccessfully fought the Vandals at the Baetica, he fell out with > Bonifatius who evaded him and went to Africa. In 423 C. probably supported the usurpation of + Iohannes and remained in office, becoming cos. in 424 but achieving no recognition in the

rr8r

1182

East [1. 383]. Later C. fled — (PLRE 2, 260f.).

supposedly to Africa

1 BAGNALL.

HLL.

Castolus (Kaotwhéc; Kastolds). Town (and river?) in

Lydia. The ‘plain of C.’ (Kaotwhot xediov; Kastélot pedion) was the perpetual rallying-point for the Persian army when on alert (cf. Cyrus the Younger:Xen. Hell. 1,4,3; Xen. An. 1,1,2; 9,7). The plain cannot be local-

ized with certainty, but should be not far from Sardis, near the Persian royal road: according to inscriptions, possibly the plain of Burcak around S6giit cayi; C. would then be the modern Bebekli. Formerly independent (Ethnika IG II? 3059; 3233) with fortifications (tetrapyrgia) around its plain, in imperial times (xst/2nd cents.) was only a komé (OGIS 448) of Philadelphia (modern Alasehir) to the south-west on the other side of the river valley (river Kogamis?). The Lydians supposedly referred to the Dorians as Kaotodot/Kastoloi (Steph. Byz. s.v. K.). K. BURESCH, Aus Lydien, 1898, roof., 197, map; L.RoBERT, Et. Anatoliennes, 1937, 159f.; ROBERT, Villes, 311; MAGIE 2, 982, 1023, 1027, 1502. H.KA.

Castor (Kd&otwo; Kastor). [41] see > Dioscuri

[2] C. of Rhodos. Greek historiographer of the first half of the 1st cent. BC, whose vita in Suda s.v. is confused

with that of the homonymous Galatian dynast, author of Chronicle in six books from Belus (> Baal) and + Ninus (2123/2 BC) on until the restructuring of the Near East by Pompey (61/0 BC), with lists of kings and officials from Assyria, Sicyon, Argus, Athens, Alba and Rome. The structure of his many-stranded chronological system is based on > Eratosthenes [2] and + Apollodorus [7] (census according to Olympiad and archontes, synchronism with consuls is questionable) [2]. The table form is disputed [4; 5]. His formalistic pedantic work was used by Varro, Ps.-Apollodorus, Josephus [4], Cephalium, Plutarch, Iulius Africanus, Eusebius, Byzantine authors and scholiasts, possibly also by T. > Pomponius Atticus and Diodorus [4]. Nothing reliable is recorded from other writings (Ieoi tov Netdov/Peri tot Neilou, Negi émyevonuatwv/Peri epicheirematon, Megi mewWotc/Peri peithous, Téyvy

dyntoomt/Téchné rhétoriké; ’Avayoapi BaBvrAd@vog xat tov Oakacooxoatynodviwv/Anagraphé Babylénos kai ton thalassokratésdnton and Xeowxe &yvorwata/Chronika agnoemata may not be independent). A Byzantine treatise (codex Paris. gr. 2929 = Watz III, 712ff.) wrongly bears his name as the author. 1 F.SusEMIHL, Gesch. der griech. Lit. in der Alexandrinerzeit 2, 1892, 365-372

2E.SCHWARTZ, Die Konigs-

listen des Eratosthenes und K., 1894

3 W.KUBITSCHEK,

s.v. K. (8), RE 10, 2347-2357. 4FGrH250 50O.REGENBOGEN, s.v. Iliva&, RE 20,1463f. 6 J. POUCET, Temps mythique et temps historique, in: Gerion 5, 1987,

69-85.

KL.GE.

CASTOR BEAN

[3] Dioikétés, syngenés, idios logos and oikénomos of the king, his sister and her children (Inscriptions Greques de Philae 1, 32f.; 5. July 89 BC?); not necessarily so, but probably did not settle in Chora, but rather in Alexandria. PP 1/8, 35; 1057; L. Mooren, The Aulic Titulature in Pto-

lemaic Egypt, 1975, 140f., no. 0177.

W.A.

[4] C., freedperson of > Septimius Severus, held at court simultaneously the positions of > cubicularius and of a memoria, the official secretary for the editing of imperial speeches and rescripts (Cass. Dio 76. 14. rff.). He was deeply detested by > Caracalla and was killed at his command in AD 212 (Cass. Dio 78,1,1. 1. i) SPIRS C537: TE. [5] C. IL. Tetrarch of all Galatians (> Celts III. B.), king

in > Paphlagonia, son of C. I > Tarcondarius (tetrarch of the > Tectosages) and of a daughter of > Deiotarus. Born c. 70 BC, in 51 BC C. served under the proconsul — Cicero in > Cilicia, and in 48, representing his father and together with the other reigning tetrarch > Domnilaus, led the Tectosagan contingent in the army of > Pompeius [I 3] at Pharsalus (Caes. B Civ. 3,4,5). In November 45 in Rome he led the prosecution before Caesar of Deiotarus, who was defended by Cicero (speech Pro Deiotaro). After the assassination of Caesar, Deiotarus disposed of C.’s parents and imposed himself as tetrarch of all Galatians (Str. 12,5,1; 12,5,3). After Deiotarus’ death Antony [I 9] in 40 BC made C. ruler over the Galatians and king of the kingdom of (Inner) Paphlagonia, which also stood vacant (Cass. Dio 48,33,5). C. died in 37/6 BC (App. B Civ. 5,75). —> Tetrarch (III.) H. Hosen, Unt. zur Stellung kleinasiatischer Dynasten in den Machtkampfen der ausgehenden Republik, diss. Mainz 1969, 104-108, I16-120.

K. ST.

Castor bean (ovddxbmo.ov/sillikyprion, nin/kiki, x006twv/kroton, Lat. ricinus, the latter however also the

name of a species of louse, e.g. in Columella 6,2,6 and (Euphorbiacea arbor mirabilis or Palma Christi), originating from Africa. It grew wild in Greece, but in Egypt, several species were cultivated along the shores of lakes and rivers (cf. Diod. Sic. 1,34,11). Hdt. 2,94 provides information on the extraction of the oil, suitable for lamps but of unpleasant smell, either by cold pressing the cracked fruits of the kéki or by roasting and boiling them (with reference to the Egyptians also in Dioscorides 1,32 WELLMANN = 1,38 BERENDES). Pl. Ti. 60a cites the kiki oil as an example for an oily-greasy emulsion in water. Theophr. Hist. pl. 1,r0,1 and 3,18,7 describes the originally round leaves of the kréton which lengthen with the increasing age of the plant (also in Theophr. Caus. pl. 2,16,4). According to Dioscorides 4,161 WELLMANN and BERENDES, the name derives from kroton = ‘tick’ (cf. [x. 122f.]), and according to Plin. HN 15,25 from ricinus = ‘louse’ (see above), both because of the seeds’ 7,13,1), i.e. Ricinus communis

1183

1184

similarity with either insect. The seeds are medically

those of the Roman soldiers which for their part were flanked by the tents of the socii. The extraordinarii were housed between the praetorium and the protective embankment. Excavations in Numantia and Alesia have shown that this basic pattern could be modified depending on the number of soldiers and topographical conditions. With the expansion of Rome, the army inevitably became a permanent institution. For the winter the soldiers erected a more comfortable camp (hiberna or stativa) although the camps set up during summer campaigns and used temporarily (aestiva) were not neglected. In the principate the ground plan of the camps was rectangular with the sides ideally being 1:1,5 and the corners rounded; they occupied an area of 20 to 22 hectares per legion. The fortification embankment was surrounded by several ditches was always built of wood or slabs of turf. Gradually these materials were replaced by stone (mainly during the period of the Flavians). The four gates were fortified with great care; they were flanked by towers and bastions for catapults. The interior of the camps was divided into several rectangles by streets. The via principalis and the via quintana ran from east to west, subdividing the camp into three areas, the praetentura, that was for its part divided by the via praetoria, behind it lay the via principalis, then the latera praetorii in the centre and finally the retentura in front of the via quintana. The intervallum was retained. The central part of the camp, its core, was called principia (often wrongly described as praetorium). It consisted of two courtyards, the building for

CASTOR BEAN

described by Dioscorides (loc. cit.) i.a. as an emetic and

purgative and a stomach irritant, but Plin. HN 23,83 recommends without any warning the use of the unpalatable oleum cicinum (ktki-oil) in water as a purgative. Furthermore, traumatic erysipelas is treated with an application of castor leaves with vinegar, left in situ for three days, in order thus to clean the face (Plin. HN 23,84 and Dioscorides loc. cit.). 1 H. BAUMANN, Die griech. Pflanzenwelt, 1982. H. STADLER, s. v. Ricinus, RE 1 A, 80of.

C.HU.

Castorius Roman geographer of the 4th cent. AD.; his work was the primary model of the > Geographus Ravennas. C. is also erroneously considered the author of > Tabula Peutingeriana (see in this regard [1]). 1 MILER, XIII.

K.BRO.

Castra A. MILITARY

CAMP

B. Towns

A. MILITARY CAMP {I 1] General. The Roman soldiers always made sure that they were protected by fortifications. This also applied when they only stopped for a night on campaigns. In the evening of their arrival the field camp had to be set up and destroyed again on the morning of departure. The plural castra was the name given to any kind of military camp, the singular castrum certainly existed but was not used in mil. vocabulary. Castellum is the diminutive form of castra (Veg. Mil. 3,8) and also

had a civilian meaning. The origin of the Roman camps is uncertain; because of a note by Frontinus (Str. 4,1,14) it was assumed that the establishment of a regular military camp goes back to Pyrrhus. But the admiration of Roman military camps on the part of Pyrrhus himself and by Philip V (Plut. Pyrrhus 16; Liv. 31,34,8) invalidates this view; but probably Etruscan and Hellenistic influences did have an affect on the development of Roman castra. The Republican camps are well known because of the exact description by Polybius (6,26ff.) and the excavations at Numantia and Alesia. The Greek historian presents an ideal camp set up on level ground: it had a square ground plan with a layout of perpendicular streets and was surrounded by a fortification embankment; on a mound of earth (agger) stood a palisade (vallum) and in front of it a trench (fossa) was excavated. The free space between the fortification and the tents, the imtervallum, facilitated commumications within the camp and in the case of attack provided an empty space for enemy missiles. The General’s accommodation, the praetorium, was placed centrally between the quaestor’s lodgings, the quaestorium, and the assembly area, the forum. The officers, the prefects of the socii and the tribunes of the legions accommodations near the General. Their tents were erected opposite

the ensigns (aedes signorum), the arsenal (armamentorium), the administration buildings and from the time

of Septimius Severus the scholae. Here there was also a rostrum for addresses. The accommodation for the officers was true domus; the house of the commander was the praetorium. The soldiers lived in rooms on two sides of a long yard; for the junior ranks and the centurions there were separate quarters. To accommodate a legion of about 5,000 men a real town was required. The soldiers built a hospital (valetudinarium), baths and latrines, store-rooms (horrea), mainly for wheat, a wine

cellar, a workshop (fabrica) and also a training area (basilica exercitatoria). Aerial photographs and numerous excavations have made it possible to discover hundreds of camps of all sizes. As the army of late antiquity changed, so too did the camps. The smaller irregular buildings were more numerous and just as effective as those from the principate period. The ground plan generally consisted of an irregular rectangle with corner towers. The fortification embankment was also made of stone and protected by a ditch; as a rule the camps from late antiquity only had a single tower because the units simply consisted of smaller numbers; it was flanked by rectangular, projecting towers. The latest research has shown that such camps were already built towards the beginning and at the latest towards the middle of the 3rd cent. AD. The officers were allowed a certain degree of freedom in the planning. The inter-

1185

1186

vallum was reduced in size owing to the construction of tall buildings. + Fortifications

Excavations below S. Stefano Rotondo have uncovered a > fountain, a tower and two barracks rooms.

1 A. JOHNSON, Roman Forts of the rst and 2nd Centuries

AD in Britain and the German Provinces, 1983.

2M.J.

Jones, Roman Fort Defenses to AD 117, BAR 21, 1975 3 J. LANDER, Roman Stone Fortifications, 1984 4LE BOHEC 5 H.v. Perrixovits, Die Innenbauten rém.

Legionslager wahrend der Prinzipatszeit, 1975 6 M.Reppé, S.V. SCHNURBEIN, Fouilles et recherches nouvelles sur les travaux du siége d’Alésia, in: CRAI, 281-312 7 A.SCHULTEN, Numantia, 4 vols., 19141931. aIEB:

{I 2] Castra Equitum Singularium. Barracks in Rome (> castra [I r]) where the equites singulares, a cavalry regiment probably established by Trajan to protect the emperor, was stationed until its dissolution in AD 250; it is important to distinguish between an old and a new castrum that existed beside it at a later stage (castra priora and castra nova; both mentioned in numerous inscriptions between AD 118 and 250 (CIL VI, 3183,

Z319I, 3196, 3236, 3241, 3279, 3288, 3293, 3300, 327998

or CI

VI, 31955 3198, 3207, 32175 3254,

3266, 3289, 3297; IX 795). Topographical identification is possible by means of dedication inscriptions: the older camp on the Caelio, north of Nero’s extension of the Aqua Claudia or of the modern via Tasso (CIL VI 31138-31187), the more recent once close to the Lateran Basilica (> Caelius Mons). Of the castra priora a

niched wall of the camp shrine is preserved, in front of which stood bases and altars with dedication inscriptions for over 35 deities. In the castra nova, built between AD 193 and 197, remains of the praetorium and other remains were found. C. Buzzetti, in: LTUR1, 246-248; RICHARDSON,77.

CASTRA

36825), among these also that of genius castrorum.

E. Lisst CARONNA, in: LTUR 78.

1, 249-251; RICHARDSON,

{I 5] Castra Praetoria. Praetorian

barracks in Rome,

built under Tiberius on the advice of Seianus (> castra [I 1]; Cass. Dio 57,19,6) in order to gather together the

guard introduced by Augustus that until then had been spread out among several locations (Tac. Ann. 4,2; Suet. Tib. 37,1). Such a complex was inconsistent with

the tradition of a demilitarized capital city, making the concealed accommodation of troops within the city walls — that had been common since the civil wars — an undisguised fact. Representations of the Castra Praetoria (CP) on coins or reliefs are mostly connected with imperial actions but are not very informative about the type of construction (RIC I2 pl. r5 no. 20, pl. 19 no. 130, pl. 21 no. 491). Of the ground plan, the northern and eastern sides and parts of the southern side are preserved. The camp formed a rectangle 440 x 380m in size with rounded corners and a bend in the south; against the inside of the exterior wall rested a row of rooms above which was the ambulatory. The eastern and northern gate are preserved but belong to the later stages. Parts of the Tiberian gates were uncovered in 1960. The Aurelian city wall also incorporated — from AD 271 onwards — the CP with the fortification being raised 5 m and the northern and eastern gate being walled up. Internal buildings for which there is evidence are a temple of Mars (CIL VI 2256), a tribunal (CIL VI 3558), schola et aedicula (CIL VI 215) and the armamentarium (Tac. Hist. 1, 38, 2). As in all Roman military camps, worship was highly diverse (CIL VI 20, 16, ZOS7Ly 308703075,

22

i203

SOSOM aEO7.06,

[I 3] Castra Misenatium. Barracks in Rome (-> castra

29822, 30718, 30889, 30912, 30947, 32635, 30940,

[I x]) that housed a delegation of the fleet stationed in

31013, 728, 738). Information about the inner buildings is also provided by fragment 11 of the Forma Urbis (three long barracks on the modern Viale Castro Pre-

Misenum that supposedly served the velarium in the + Colosseum (SHA Comm. 15,6) and perhaps also cooperated with the > naumachies. The location of the complex of buildings mentioned on fragment 6a of the FUR is uncertain; by combining with another fragment there is perhaps a site on the northern foothills of the Oppius between the Baths of Trajan and the via Labicana. D. PALomBI, in: LTUR 1, 248-249; RICHARDSON, 77-78.

[I 4] Castra Peregrina. Barracks in the Regio II of Rome (> castra [I 1]; Amm. Marc. 16,12,66) that accepted

torio); excavations from 1960-66 revealed further bar-

racks in the SE sector and east of them similar buildings but in a worse state of preservation. There was also a partially sunken storage building. Three further structures have been known since the construction of the underground from 1983 to 1985, among these was a very large room, 14.70 X 7.70 m, that sealed off an apse-shaped area. E.Lisst

CARONNA,

CHARDSON, 78-79.

s.v.

P.,

LTUR

1,

251-254;

RIRF.

soldiers from the provincial armies who were available for special tasks (Frumentarii: CIL VI 36853, 36748, 36776, 3326, 428; speculatores: CIL VI 36775); according to excavations conducted between 1904 and 09 it was located to the east of S. Stefano Rotondo. Inside the camp stood a temple to Jupiter Redux (CIL VI 428) anda balneum (CIL VI 3 54); there is evidence of numerous cults (CIL VI 36788, 36853, 354, 3004, 36821,

B. TOwNsS [1 1] Various towns in Dalmatia, such as 1. on the Salo-

na-Servitium road: Tab. Peut. 5,1; now Banja Luka. 2. station and late-Roman fortress on the Aquileia Emona road; now Ajdovéina (Slovenia); on the western side of the Illyrian-Italian gate at the foot of the Alps (It. Burd.

CASTRA

‘

560,2), in Tab. Peut. 3,5 and It. Ant. 28,7 called Fluvius Frigidus, scene of the battle between Theodosius and Eugenius on sth and 6th September AD 394. M.S.K.

{II 2] C. Minervae. City of the > Sallentini near Castro (southern Otranto): Tab. Peut. 7,2 (hill with a small wall ring from the Hellenistic period [2; 3]). Said to have been founded by Idomeneus (Varro in Prob.; Verg. Ecl. 6,31; [1]), with an old temple of Minerva; first landing place of > Aeneas [1] in Italy (Prob. ibid.; Verg. Aen. 3,530-536; Dion. Hal. 1,51,3; cf.. Str. 6,3,5 and Lycoph. 852-855). 1 L.Braccest, Idomeneo, Dionigi il Giovane e il Salento, in: Hesperia 3, 1993, 155-160 2E.Lipro.is, N.MazZARIO, Castro, in: Taras 1, 1981, 43-52 3F.D’ANDRIA, s.v. Castro, BICGI 5, r4rf. MLL.

{113]

C. Pinnata.

Roman

castellum.

1188

1187

Ptol.

2,3,13

(IItegwtov oteatonedov; Pterdton stratopedon) consid-

ers that the possible location of Castra Pinnata (CP) was in eastern Scotland. It was probably the legion base of Inchtuthil (Perthshire), built by Agricola c. AD 84 after he completed his northern conquests (Tac. Agr. 25-39). CP was designed for a legion, possibly the legio XX but it was never finished; there was no praetorium or accommodation for tribunes. CP was given up in AD 87 and not occupied again [1]. > Britannia 1L.F. Pitts, J.K.S. Sr. JosepH, Inchtuthil, 2 G. MaxweELL, The Romans in Scotland, 1989.

1985 M.TO.

{II 4] C. Ulcisia. Roman camp on the Sova-Aquincum road on the western bank of the Danube in Pannonia Inferior, now Sentendre/Pest in Hungary (It. Ant. 266,10). The stone camp was built at the end of the reign of Trajan. Rebuilt after the Marcomanni wars. The final work was done on the camp under Constantine the Great. Renamed castra Constantia (Not. Dign. Occ. 33,34). Last construction work in the time of Valentinian. Up until the Marcomanni wars the garrison formed the cohors IV civium Romanorum, then the cohors I milliaria Aurelia Antonina Surorum, in the Severian period the cohors milliaria nova Surorum sagittariorum Antiochensium, in the 4th cent. equites Dalmatae. Remains of buildings, inscriptions, milestones, cemetery, villae. West of the camp there was a civilian settlement. TIR L 34, 1968, 114f.; J.Frrz (ed.), Der rom. Limes in Ungarn, 1976, 76f. J.BU.

Castratio Castration is common in many of the high cultures of antiquity. Voluntary castratio occurs inter alia from religious motives (e.g. priests of Cybele, Christian ascetics) or for therapeutic purposes (e.g. in hernia cases). Castrated slaves are attested in Greece from the end of the sth cent. BC, in Rome from the mid 2nd cent. BC; they are mostly employed as personal servants or as catamites. At Hellenistic courts, eunuchs

serve inter alia as tutors or as military commanders. They often fill highly influential positions, even at the Roman imperial court; in late antiquity the office of + praepositus sacri cubiculi is regularly filled by eunuchs. Castratio is frequently, if unsuccessfully, forbidden: Domitian first prohibits castratio when it occurs against the will of the person affected (Dig. 48,8,3,4); from Hadrian onwards in the case of voluntary castration, the castrated person himself and also the participating doctor are punished with death (Dig. 48,8,4,2). (The prohibition also covers circumcision; but Antoninus Pius allows this again for the Jews; Dig. 48,8,11 pr.). Later emperors renew the ban on castratio (Cod. lust. 4,42; Nov. 142). Trading in castrated slaves from outside the Roman empire remains permissible. Church council resolutions forbid castratio for clerics. + Eunuchs; > Spado D. Datta, L’incapacita sessuale in diritto romano, 1978;

P. Guyot, Eunuchen als Sklaven und Freigelassene in der griech.-rom. Antike, 1980. R.GA.

Castration of animals (castratio) was a frequent procedure in ancient agriculture, designed to adapt the characteristics of male animals to the requirements of human beings. In horses and cattle, the castration served the purpose of altering the temperament of the animal without impairing its viability (Xen. Cyr. 7,5,62). Aristotle describes the effects of castration in his zoological writings, drawing attention to how the mutilation of a small part of the body affects an animal’s entire appearance. Carried out on young animals, he says, the procedure results in a larger adult with more female characteristics (Aristot. Hist. an. 545a; 590a; 631b-632a; cf. Aristot. Gen. an. 716b). Roman agronomists mention castration several times (pigs: Varro, Rust. 2,4,21; Columella 7,9,4; 7,11,1f.; cattle: Varro, Rust. 2,5,17; Columella 6,26,rff.; sheep: Columella 7,4,4; horses: Varro, Rust. 2,7,15); castrated pigs

were called maiales, geldings cantherti (Varro, Rust. DeTenecy)s

The period between February and May, but also the autumn, were recommended as suitable times for castration (Columella 11,2,33; cf. 7,11,1; on Mago cf. Columella 6,26,2). For the castration of calves, the testicles were compressed by means of a split piece of wood, and thereby gradually destroyed. In the case of older animals, the testicles were cut out with a knife; prior to this procedure the animal was tethered in a narrow pen (machina; Columella 6,19) in such a way that it could not move and endanger its handlers (Columella 6,26,2). Columella describes a procedure for castrating two-year-old calves in which the epididymides and seminal ducts were not removed. As he says, this method deprived the animal of its ability to reproduce without changing its appearance (Columella 6,26,2f.). Castration made it possible to fatten pigs more easily (Columella 7,9,4), keep flocks of male sheep that would

1189

1190

yield high quality wool (Columella 7,4,4), employ oxen for heavy and monotonous tasks (Columella 6,2,8ff.; 6,20), and use horses in road traffic (Varro, Rust.

[3] C. Novum. Roman colonia on the coast of Picenum (Str. 5,4,2), now Giulianova. According to Liv. per. 11 founded at the same time as Sena and Hadria (between 290 and 286 BC), according to Vell. Pat. 1,14,8, not

Ds Tin5i) 1 R.E. WALKER,

R6m. Veterinarmedizin,

in: TOYNBEE

Tierwelt, 321f.

e)

H.SCHN.

CASUENTUS

founded until the beginning of the rst Punic War. C. belonged to the regio V (Plin. HN. 3,110). NISSEN 2, 430.

Castricius [1] C., Ti. Teacher of Latin rhetoric and orator of highflown speeches at the time of Antonines who was even listened

to

by

— Gellius

(13,22);

befriended

by

[4] C. Truentinum. see > Truentum

Castulo Iberian settlement 7 km south of Linares (pos-

+> Fronto (ep. ad am. 2,2), highly regarded by ~ Hadrianus because of his fine education and moral attitudes. C. favoured the reading of Republican authors (Sallust, Metellus Numidicus, C. Gracchus: Gell. NA 2,273; 1,6; 11,13) is linked with the revival of old Roman virtues: Stylistic and moral judgment go hand in hand in the spirit of Cato’s vir bonus, peritus dicendi; C. reflects on the role of the orator as opposed to the politician and also on clothing befitting of a Senator (Gell. NA). CW.

sibly the modern Cazlona, province of Jaén) above the right bank of the Guadalimar. Lead and silver mines, communication links with the Iberian east coast and the Atlantic (via Augusta and Guadalquivir) and the fertile surrounding countryside governed the history of C. The first settlement (La Muela) is i.a. verified by a metallurgical workshop (8th cent. BC), as well as a sanctuary, which was later built on top. Necropoleis, but also the wide circulation of its coins— initially bearing meridional Iberian legends, later Latin ones (3rd to rst cent. BC)—-verify the importance of C. as the largest town of

[2] C. Firmus. (3rd cent. AD). In Rome together with

Oretania (Str. 3, 3, 2 C 152) which, towards the end of

Porphyry he was a student of Plotinus who had a high regard for him (Porph. Vita Plotini 2,20; 7,24-29). Porphyrius dedicated to him his piece of writing De abstinentia, as C. had turned away from vegetarianism, probably because of the influence of Gnosticism (De

the 3rd cent. BC was one of the pillars of CarthaginianBarcd power in southern Spain. J.M. BLAzQuez et al., Castulo I-V, 1975-1985; J.M. BLAzZQuEZ, M.P. GArcia-GELABERT, Castulo, ciudad ibero-romano, 1994. MBL.

abstinentia 1,1-2; 2,2; 42,1-2 , with the pages XXIIIf.,

35-37 and rot). L. Brisson et al., Porphyre, La vie de Plotin, I, 1982, 89; II, 1992, 233-234. P.HA.

Hannibal was married to a noblewoman from C. (Liv. 24,41,7). In 214 BC, C. went over to Rome, came back

under Carthaginian control in 211 BC, and finally fell to Rome in 206 BC (Liv. 28,19,2; 20,8-12). The town

Castrum [1] C. Inui. Town of the Rutuli (Sil. Pun. 8,359) in the centre of Latium, founded by the kings of Alba Longa (Verg. Aen. 6,775). Abandoned in the archaic period, often confused with C. Novum in Etruria (Rut. Namat. £,227)). A.Nissy,

Analisi

storico-topografica-antiquaria

della

Carta de’ Dintorni di Roma 1, 1848, 440; NISSEN 2, 5793 O.ToTI, 1984. GU.

[2] C. Novum. Founded by Rome on the southern coast of Etruria (Mela 2,72) in the regio VII (Plin. HN 3,51), now Chiaruccia. Station of the via Aurelia (It. Ant. 291;

301). In 191 BC the Roman Senate rejected the application for dispensation from the fleet service (Liv. 36,3,6); probably rededicated by Caesar (Colonia Iulia Castrum Novum or Castro Novo, CIL XI 3576-78); Fallen into semi-disrepair at the beginning of the sth cent. (Rut. Namat. 1,227: semirutum).

NISSEN 2, 334; TH. LORENZ, Rom. Stadte, 1987, 94, 97.

H.SO.

received privileges in Augustan times; the wealth of the municipium Latii veteris (Plin. HN 3,25) was based on the neighbouring mines. Bishop’s seat from the beginning of the 4th cent. into the 7th cent. AD, in Gothic times location of a mint. -» Mining; > Natural resources; +» Coins; > Oretani J.M. BLAzQuez, Die Stadt C. (Hispanien) in der rom. Kaiserzeit, in: G.WirtH (ed.), Romanitas-Christianitas,

1982, 727-746; M.P. GarRciA-BELLIDO, Las monedas de Castulo con escritura ibérica, 1982; TOVAR 3, 173-177. P.B. Casuentus River in Lucania (Plin. 3,97; Kasas in Bacchyl. 10,115; Basintos, Basentius in Guido 29), de-

scends from the Apennines near Potentia and flows into the Gulf of Taranto near Metapontum, modern Basento. NISSEN TI, 336, 343; 2, 908.

G.U.

Ht

www. ISBN

brill.nl 90-04-12265-6

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